History, Books I–IV (Books I–III)

BOOKS IV OF THE HISTORIES OF JOHN CANTACUZENUS.

TO THE CANDID READER

This is the forty-second year since Jacob Pontanus of the Society of Jesus turned John Cantacuzenus, Emperor of the East, from one wearing the pallium into one wearing the toga; that is to say, he elegantly translated him from Greek into Latin. He wove into his toga, as if it were purple, scholarly notes, so that the prince of the land of Greece would not appear in public without his purple. Thus, by far the best historian—and one undoubtedly to be compared with the ancient writers of history—was passed through the hands of the learned and the unlearned alike. The latter praised and approved of the author for the record of events; the former admired the knowledge of divine and human affairs in a prince: his civic spirit, his prudence at home and in war, his fortitude in hostile circumstances, and his greatness of soul in bearing the injuries inflicted upon him by men who knew neither modesty nor shame—men whom he had fashioned from almost slaves into free men, and from the lowest of men into the highest. Finally, they admired his clemency in an emperor toward enemies who were truly worthy to suffer hostile actions and to be utterly destroyed. They admired, lastly, his abdication of the empire and his contempt for supreme power—a thing for the sake of which most men violate divine and human laws—and his withdrawal into a monastery, where, solitary and separated from the throng of men, he might live a purer and holier life.

Those who were ignorant of the Greek tongue, as I said, wished only that he should speak in Latin; but those who were skilled in both languages could no longer bear that a Greek author should speak otherwise than in Greek. When the most illustrious gentleman, Monsieur de Noyers—a member of the King’s Privy Council and Cabinet, to whose care the royal buildings, the arts, and the royal press itself are entrusted—understood this, out of his singular kindness and his innate and extraordinary affection for letters (the advancement of which, as he well knows, pertains to the highest state of the republic), he immediately signified that it seemed to him an excellent thing that so worthy an author should be brought to light, by which he might satisfy both groups. He desired that Cantacuzenus himself might cease to do battle with moths and bookworms, he who had fought so many battles and had witnessed such slaughter of men before he was removed from the number of the living. By this noble deed, no wise man will deny that this most illustrious man has deserved best of letters, and that on this account unique thanks are owed to him.

Nay, if the shades perceive anything at all, it is credible that this will be most acceptable to Cantacuzenus himself: that through a sort of partnership of the Latin and Greek tongues, a harmony seems to exist in some way between old and new Rome—which he had earnestly desired while he lived. Enjoy this, therefore, reader, and acknowledge the kindness of a man than whom no one is more inclined to promote the liberal arts and to assist those who are excellent in them, unless you are ungrateful and a stranger to all humanity. But if you show yourself fair in this regard, we shall, at the earliest opportunity, publish all the writers of Byzantine history, whether already edited or still in manuscript, to be set in type by the royal press under the guidance of this same most illustrious man and under the auspices of the most Christian King; of the utility of which matter almost everyone agrees. You who love letters, give us your favor and assist us with your counsel. Fame, virtue, and right

^A judgment have deserted him who does not love letters, or who leaves them uncultivated and utterly inglorious, or who, by his own decision, leaves behind nothing worthy of memory or documents, but rather that which should be buried in eternal silence rather than committed to the monuments of literature. Farewell.

J. PONTANI S. J. PREFACE TO THE CANDID AND LEARNED READER

The praise of translation, the occasion for the labor undertaken, the author, the economy, time, place, the proclamation of the History proposed: and finally what has been accomplished by us.

Those who set out to translate from Greek into Latin, and who receive good writers—as if they were immortal strangers arriving from foreign lands—with humane and kindly hospitality, and endeavor to teach them the language, customs, and institutions of their own fatherland—so that they might thereafter be recognized no less among the Latins than among the Greeks (contrary to what was once permitted by the civil law of the Romans, whereby it was impossible for anyone to be a citizen of two states)—they, I say, undertake a task that is truly beautiful and full of utility and pleasure; nay, I add, a task that is also difficult and laborious, unless they have already gained practice in it. For, I ask, what is more illustrious, or more elegant, in the whole realm of letters, and specifically in these two languages, Greek and Latin, in which all divine and human arts and sciences are contained? It is most praiseworthy that those who are engaged within both, and who strive to transfer good writings from one to the other, to merit the best they can from the candidates of learning and, through them, from the human race. And since even now many things lie hidden and enclosed in Greek codices, in the more illustrious libraries of those in power, of princes, and of ^B commonwealths, who will deny that the studies of those who bring these forth into the light, so that our learning may grow and propagate in every direction, bear great fruit? But although this labor proves more burdensome to beginners and to those who serve with little reward, because very many faults and errors occur which are difficult to avoid (a no light argument for which is that we can name almost innumerable translators, yet those who are excellent and perfect are quite rare), nevertheless, in this labor and trouble of translating, however great it may be, the mind is suffused with a certain sweetness and is filled when it sees a treasure being born within its own bosom, as it were, from which it may become richer in good letters. That which thousands of men, even learned ones, have hitherto been ignorant of, and might perhaps have remained ignorant of for much longer, and forever, the prince comes to know, and he consoles his own cares, labors, and efforts with the hope and confidence of a grateful posterity.

However, since the desire to work in this task—also so excellent—and to do something of value has not been wanting in me for a long time, nevertheless, as I contemplated its difficulties in my mind, not a rustic shame, but a certain honest fear, I believe, has always held me back. And I do not know how it sticks in the marrow, nor can I forget what I remember reading in a very wise writer: it is better to fear than to dare in letters. Added to this, to delay me, was the fact that even the first among the first, the standard-bearers, and indeed those who are considered to lead the family of translators, have very frequently blundered even in translating a single book, and, as they say, have been found by the sharp-eyed observation of more diligent men to have wandered from the lines. What fame, then, was to be hoped for by me, a semi-learned man?

But in truth, the authority of wise men moved me, hesitant and trembling as I was, and reason itself confirmed [me] to descend at some point into this arena; for, according to the common saying, no one is born an expert, and there is no craft in which one does not learn by making mistakes; and this is what our teachers used to impress upon us boys in school: "Who never [does] badly, never [does] well." It came to pass, therefore, that when the most serene Prince of the Bavarians, Maximilian, had liberally and voluntarily granted to the members of our society the power to draw from the Greek volumes written by hand (of which he has a most choice abundance in his noble library), and to translate for common use and benefit—for which he is consumed with desire—whatever I pleased, I hit upon not Christodoulos, of course, but the very John Cantacuzenus himself: a man than whom for my taste and opinion nothing could be more suitable, and for testing the first perils of this warfare, nothing I could have more opportunely found by reason of a certain facility of his in writing.

It is entirely so, as I said, that I hit upon John Cantacuzenus, who indeed, the more conveniently to bring forward the occasion and causes of this book of his, and to hide his person (which, however, he did not do with sufficient caution, as I shall soon show), feigns that he was solicited to write by letters from a certain intimate, Nile, and takes for himself the name of Christodoulos. It is, indeed, a suitable name, derived from the state and condition of life he led while writing these things: for he was leading a monastic life, and, serving Christ, he deservedly called himself his servant. ^{C D}

^A He desired to hide and cover his identity, and that prudently, because he was about to compose a history of events involving both others and himself; for he was to narrate many things that would pain the ears of some to hear, just as they had previously pained the eyes of those who saw them. Moreover, this name "Christodulus" is so infrequent among the Greeks that it appears on this very account to be fictitious and assumed. And since at that time in the monastery he was also called "Joasaph" in place of John, having changed his name—just as that former name was not ancient or his own, so neither was this new and assumed one, Joasaph, appropriate for indicating the author of the book, lest the monk appear to be seeking empty glory, or seem to be entangling himself again in secular affairs after having come to serve God. And so the Greek codex is ^B *aneupigraphos* (without a title) entirely. Furthermore, it becomes evident from the epistle of Nilus itself that Cantacuzenus is the parent and founder of this history. For those words—"And when you were managing public affairs, you were the salvation of those matters; and now, having become your own, you have made your life a pattern of truth and justice"—these words, I maintain, refer most clearly not to some judge, consul, or prefect, but to the Grand Domestic John Cantacuzenus, whose power was supreme after Andronicus the Younger as long as he lived, and whose authority was next to the imperial in all things and among all people; indeed, they pertain most clearly to the imperial office itself, which he administered for many years without the name, and later with both name and reality. ^C You will learn by reading in what way he was the "salvation of those matters," and you will conclude that nothing more true could have been said. Similarly, to whom else, I ask, could those exhortations of Nilus point, by which he urges him to record the events himself for memory, based on the examples of our own and foreign writers? "It is also possible, as an example, to bring forward our entreaty. For whether you consider those from outside or our own leaders, do not in any way disparage history. For both these and those committed themselves to writing, thinking that they would not a little benefit human life from such things." ^D Nor is there a lack of example for what we ask of you. For whether you look to foreign or to domestic military commanders, you cannot despise this kind of writing. Indeed, both the former and the latter humbled themselves equally, thinking that no small benefit would accrue to the human race therefrom. What of his most intimate and faithful friendship with Andronicus (thinking on which, I am reminded of the most devoted familiarity of David and Jonathan, of whom we read written: "The soul of Jonathan was knit with the soul of David, and he loved him as his own soul" 1 Reg. xviii, 1; and again: "I am distressed for you, my brother Jonathan; very pleasant/beloved were you to me, wonderful was your love to me, more than the love of women" 2 Reg. 1, 26)? ^B Moreover, a man could write with such compassion and clarity? Which indeed he does very often. We are accustomed, I say, to speak and write frequently and with great feeling about those things which are either deeply missed through absence or are intensely cherished by us in their presence. No other man could have narrated so eloquently, even if he had been able, about his having refused the empire so often, about his liberty under Andronicus, and about the magnitude of the power he had obtained, other than he himself. The Holy Scriptures, quoted so often, and monastic discipline, praised not once so excellently, and indeed the many marks of piety scattered throughout the whole history, smell of no one other than a monk, such as he was at that time when he committed these things to the page. The style of speaking, which he employed in his books against the Mohammedans and the Jews in defense of the Christian faith, is different for the reason that there, a kind of perpetual and dialectical disputation is undertaken; here, a diffuse and continuous narrative is assumed; consequently, it is necessary that the appearance be different there than it is here. Finally, those words in book IV, chapters 24 and 25, set forth with much acrimony and more length against Nicephorus Gregoras (lest we waste more words on a matter that is scarcely ambiguous), bear witness to us clearly; where, in his indignation, forgetting his assumed persona, he pleads his own case more carefully than another would have done for him; although, noticing this afterward, he returns to the path and again strives to conceal who he is. ^C It follows that we should briefly advise you regarding his economy. In these four books, affairs are explained which were managed under both Andronicus, the grandfather and the grandson, and under Cantacuzenus as tutor to the grandson's children and as emperor: so that the first part pursues the discord and wars between the Andronici; the second, the reign of the younger; the third, the war of Cantacuzenus with his detractors and enemies; the last, the times of the same man as victor and triumpher: in which are also subjoined the events that happened between John Palaeologus, the legitimate heir and successor of his father Andronicus, and his father-in-law Cantacuzenus, and his son Matthew (with both of whom disagreement arose for him). Although in the two prior books so much is commemorated about Cantacuzenus that what Nilus says in his letter—that he was an *autourgos*, that is, that he was present in person at the very things as an actor—seems to be understood as applying equally to them as to the later ones. ^D All these events happened from the year after the birth of Christ one thousand three hundred and twenty-one, to the year more or less fifty-nine, a period of thirty-nine years, or thereabouts. For thus we calculate the account. Michael Palaeologus, colleague of his father Andronicus, died in one thousand three hundred and twenty-one. In that very same year (if you count the beginning of the year from September, as the Greeks say) the war between the grandfather and the grandson broke out, and lasted for six years and one month, as at the foot of the book

^A is related. With the grandfather defeated, the grandson ruled alone in the empire for twenty years, if Gregoras writes the truth. When he was removed from the living, Cantacuzenus held the guardianship of the orphans for barely a year, as can be gathered: against whom then, as a tyrant, war was waged for five years in the name of the widowed empress and her children. When this was finished, Cantacuzenus, having given his daughter in marriage to John Palaeologus, covenanted for ten years from him, during which the administration of the empire with the title should remain with himself: with the other remaining only the title and the imperial dignity until his age matured (for John was then no more than fifteen years old), after which he would allow himself to be a colleague. He seems to have completed scarcely half of this space, having been renewed in the affairs of this world and by an adverse fate through a certain weariness. The matters which ensued between Palaeologus and Matthew while he himself was already a monk were perhaps of one or two years: for I have nothing in these matters that I could affirm for certain. In this way, about thirty-nine years of this history are collected. From these it is clear that Onuphrius and others did not set out the times of Andronicus the Younger, Cantacuzenus, and John Palaeologus well. They also erred with Gregoras when they reported that Andronicus the Younger died in the forty-fifth year of his age. For if he was born twenty-seven years before he took his second wife, as our author narrates in the first book, and after she was taken he for some years still waged war with his grandfather, and if after his defeat he reigned alone for twenty years, it follows that he died at fifty, or older still ^C.

But it is useful to bring forward the words of Cantacuzenus himself into the middle, from the twenty-fourth chapter of the fourth book, whence one may clearly perceive how Gregoras conducted himself in writing his History: for after he could not degrade and overthrow the Emperor Cantacuzenus by himself, taking the mutual war of the Palaeologan emperors as his subject; and lying partly through ignorance of the events that occurred, and partly through truth corrupted by favor, and with all his strength fabricating as if in a fable, then proceeding in order to the war which in our memory was stirred up against Cantacuzenus, he then charges him with many other things, attributing to him slaveries, slaughters, killings, pillages, and whatever else ^A befell the Romans tragically during that war; and he asserts that he had no regard for those evils because of his love of ruling and his desire for imperial status. But that which provokes Cantacuzenus most of all, and burns his heart, is that he lies, saying that while Andronicus was still alive, he, being far too greedy for the Roman empire, when he could not attain it, went to the monks on Mount Athos (who were judged to be holy men and, inspired by God, to have a foreknowledge of things to come) to inquire about the future and whether the Roman empire would come to him, etc. However, it may be that Gregoras writes certain things about the character of Andronicus that are not entirely false, and our author either does not reckon them of such importance—deeming them to be forgiven on account of his youth—or he passes over them, and perhaps attributes this to a singular friendship, which we shall see in its proper place in the Notes.

We shall show now in what place among Byzantine histories this work of ours ought to be situated ^B. Cantacuzenus succeeds Nicephorus Gregoras most closely, and continues his narrations: although not precisely and simply. For since Gregoras ends at the death of Andronicus the Younger, our author does not start from there; indeed, he brings the second book of his history to the death of the same Andronicus. But because that Gregoras was more friendly to the grandfather, into whose court he betook himself, having abandoned the liberal arts, and was more hostile to the grandson, and praised the former very much and often, while he openly, not moderately, and not rarely accused and maligned the latter; and furthermore, as for what happened between them, he had for the most part heard very little—and what he did hear, he presented confusedly, imperfectly, and some things even somewhat differently—and how differently? Much differently than they occurred, and with lies; in his account of the war of Cantacuzenus himself and the events to be commemorated (which writings have either perished or lie hidden still in some library), he acted with little good faith and malevolently. Cantacuzenus, not tolerating these vices, explained everything far more sincerely, far more copiously, distinctly, completely, and accurately; as one who not only was present at almost all, but even presided over them—and those things he did not see or do himself (for who could do everything?), he received from the most weighty witnesses, just as he testifies at the end of the fourth book.

Now as to the excellence, profit, elegance, and ornaments of this history, what could I record that is worthy enough? Among the more recent writers of Greek or Byzantine affairs, such as Zonaras, Nicetas, Cedrenus, and others, in my judgment and that of certain well-lettered men, this one holds the first place; and he seems to be the only one who has learned how history ought to be put together in a way adapted to its praise ^D. Miraculous, new, unheard-of, unusual things, full of the hidden judgments of God, grand and illustrious, are related here in abundance. And if history ought to be a prudent and adorned explanation of things, neither virtue is lacking in this: which has always seemed to me to have flowed from a man most noble, and of a most excellent and pleasant genius. Military and civil prudence shines forth so remarkably here that I think it will be of great use to the governors of cities and provinces and to leaders of armies. But since a statesman must nevertheless be equipped with other virtues to govern well, you will not seek in vain here for examples and documents of these. Of what sort Cantacuzenus was in these, we shall show later: for the present we shall say something about Andronicus, whom whoever believes to have been struck by excommunication by Pope Clement V in the *Extravagantes Communes* as a supporter of heretics and an ancient schism, he arranges the times badly and clearly labors under historical ignorance. For he who was reigning then, and for more than five years still

^A ten days after the departure of Clement from this life, was Andronicus the Elder, who was struck by that divine thunderbolt. Therefore, in Andronicus the Younger, a living and, in a certain sense, faithful image of a Christian emperor is presented here. For, to speak of him briefly and in summary, he was of a lofty and no less modest mind, beneficent, brave, and generous; grateful toward those who deserved well; humane; tolerant of injuries and labors; mild and merciful in pardoning; desirous of peace; diligent in consulting with his friends (a point upon which Gregoras falsely declares the opposite, maintaining that he admitted no counsel and neglected the empire); averse to harboring hatred against anyone; liberal with his wealth; fond of building; and wondrously pious toward God, the saints, and the clergy. ^B There are contained in these books, moreover, other examples of noble deeds, and—which should not be concealed—examples of notable vices also; as we have those to imitate, so we have these to avoid. For that axiom of the prince of Roman history is well known: "This is the primary benefit and fruit to be derived from the knowledge of history: to see evidence of every example set forth in a clear monument, from which you may take what to imitate for yourself and your republic, and from which you may avoid what is shameful in its inception and shameful in its end." Here the leader, the soldier, the private citizen, the magistrate, the priest, the layman, the great, the lowly, the man, and the woman, all possess examples of what they should either flee or follow. There are very frequent orations contained here, which, because this author greatly favors the direct style (for they are more elegant and grave), we have sometimes, for the sake of brevity and to avoid the satiety that comes from uniformity, reduced to the oblique, in the Caesarean manner. Nor can I say anything better or truer about these orations than that they are prudent, copious, full of nerve and blood, and altogether *rhetorical*. Furthermore, one can find here commonplaces treated excellently, wise sayings, proverbs that are not common, the sentiments of famous writers (to say nothing of the sacred scriptures), and several witty fables adapted to demonstrating the point; which, as you know, those masters of philosophers, Plato and Aristotle, deemed by no means to be rejected. They will also captivate you with the Roman history which he briefly touches upon; they will captivate you with the various rites; they will captivate you with the motions of the soul he mixes in, both the mild and sedate ones, which the Greeks call *ēthē*, and those grave and agitated ones, which they likewise call *pathē*; they will captivate you with certain notable descriptions, and finally, with many other things. And if a variety of subject matter delights—about which no one doubts—it is truly seen here in such a marvelous way, as the summaries or epitomes of each individual book will show. The honor and reverence due to bishops is accorded here. Catholic institutions and ceremonies are so brilliant throughout these books that you could wish for nothing more. But especially, the Mother of God is held in the highest veneration, to whom the entire city of Constantinople is read to have been entrusted and dedicated by Constantine the Great. The monastic life is for him "a beautiful and God-beloved thing, a life free from turmoil and full of tranquility, a supreme life," ^C and "a final way of living, a divine and sacred thing, a philosophy and knowledge of heavenly things, a lofty work, and one surpassing human power—sacred stillness." It is a noble thing, beloved of God, a life free from business and full of tranquility, a supreme and most perfect institution of life, a holy and divine thing, philosophy and the knowledge of heavenly things, a sublime work greater than human strength, a holy rest. Moreover, he calls Mount Athos, to which many built monasteries in which a huge multitude of monks dwell, a "heavenly city." This history does not contain those scholastic trifles, those *lēkythoi*, and Isocratean pigments; but rather a certain matronly and virile adornment, and a robust elegance. Certain oratorical figures and Atticisms are not entirely absent. The language is purer than that of the age, not drawn as if with a nurse’s milk, but clearly acquired from books. For scholars are not unaware that in that century (under the Andronici, of course, and even before) it was not a little obscured and had suffered no light changes. Let us add this as a corollary: Genoese and Venetians will be able to read here much that had been omitted by their own historians or was never known about their ancestors, and about their virtue and deeds, and to detect some things hitherto falsely written about them.

^D It remains for us to indicate what we have either accomplished or strive to accomplish. In interpreting, we have pursued that manner, according to our ability, which we held in our mind, conceived and formed from the reading of those who have instructed us on the best kind of interpreting and from our observation of good interpreters; of what sort this is, those will best understand whose industry has at some time exerted itself in the same field. We received a very corrupt and poorly punctuated codex, so that it was often necessary to surmise and guess. The names of places—which not even the most diligent Ortelius collected in their entirety—and of persons, which either a Greece now declining and *barbarized* or the negligence of scribes had corrupted, we have amended in some places by conjecture (for I believe that there is no one who could achieve the true and genuine reading of all things by conjecture). We have supplied some things that were missing; we have written summaries or epitomes for each book, which we are confident will be useful to the reader both for *preparation* and to him who has already read, for *recapitulation*; with the sections left behind (which, in most codices, whether scribal or readers’, I believe were not devised and applied by the authors themselves) because they are now too frequent, now too rare, and more often would barely comprehend a third of the argument. In the manner of the Latins, we have divided the whole body into chapters, and at the beginning of each chapter we have placed its summary and notes, so that as much as we possibly could, we might spread light for the reader by means of these summaries and those epitomes. We have addressed some passages that were a little unsound by affixing notes directly into the context, which indeed

^A we did more to demonstrate our candor to good men than because we feared that those works, whatever they may be, would have the power in this age and in these lands to infect or corrupt anyone. For who does not know—even one who has not learned his letters—that the Eastern Church ^B separated from the Roman not just then, as the empire was already inclining toward its sunset, but many centuries before, almost immediately after the eight-hundredth year from the birth of Christ? Furthermore, there are not a few historians, some older and some more recent than our own time, whom, although we rightly count them all as either heretics or schismatics, the Roman Church cannot without some, and indeed collectively without very great, detriment do without. Would you like to hear who they are? Sozomen and Socrates followed the treachery of Novatus. The latter, not only when the occasion was offered but sometimes even when it was sought, willingly praises the Novatians, attributes miracles to them as such, and attacks the power of the Roman pontiffs; all of which the learned theologian Jacques Billi, in the first book, twenty-sixth chapter of his *Sacred Observations*, lucidly demonstrates. Regarding Nicephorus Callistus, it is evident from his *Apology for the Council of Florence*—where his writings, or rather his insults against the Latins, are refuted—so I shall say nothing of the things he sinisterly inserted here and there into his history. That Zonaras was a schismatic, his very pointed poems on the procession of the Holy Spirit, along with other works composed against the Latins, can testify; Genebrardus, while translating them, relates that he omitted those accusations. The same can be proven regarding Pachymeres from the appendages to the Latin Gregoras. These are the chapters, or sections of things worthy of record, excerpted from the Augustan codex—a work rotting with decay and mutilated—through individual books: what his sentiment was toward the Roman Church is gathered mostly from the fifth, sixth, and eighth books. The monuments of Nicephorus Gregoras and Nicetas Choniates likewise reveal the same. Add to this Cedrenus, Glycas, Constantine Manasses, John and George, the Curopalates, and others, if we should ask. For in those times it was no less difficult to find in Greece a monk or writer who was not most alienated from the Roman Church than it is difficult today to find a preacher of the Word of God or a Catholic professor in Saxony. And how, pray tell, can it be that those who call schismatic Constantinopolitan patriarchs "most holy," "ecumenical," AND "princes of the Church" were not themselves of the same flour? If I were to bestow the title of "most holy" upon some superintendent, I believe that some—nay, most—would not unjustly conclude that I was a Lutheran or a Calvinist. But ^A to move away from historians and come to other writers, what in the end were Origen and Tertullian? Do their heresies not exist? There circulate the *Evangelical Demonstrations* of Eusebius Pamphili, in which he openly and frequently ^B—as the most learned Billi clearly and explicitly shows in book 1, chapter 27 of his *Observations*—adapted [erroneous views]. What of the *Evangelical Demonstrations*? In the very beginning of his *Ecclesiastical History* (a monument than which we have none more illustrious in the Christian republic), Zonaras—whom some observe as Arianizing in the third volume of his *Annals*—is mentioned. There are in our hands the *Monuments* of Photius, and those of Theodore Balsamon, who, as a most pestilential schismatic, tears at the Latins everywhere with insults. Theophilus, bishop of Bulgaria, noble among theological Fathers, also attacks them over the procession of the Holy Spirit, as does Euthymius, whose name likewise holds great weight among sacred writers. I could still name homilies and other writings of such men, which are read in Latin translation and cited by the learned. If, therefore, neither the histories of the ancients nor the commentaries of these men have harmed the Church thus far—but rather, as the matter itself cries out, have helped it in a wonderful and vehement way—then no greater harm is to be feared from Cantacuzenus than the fruit that is to be expected, which is not mediocre, as has been made clear from the preceding. We pursue and inquire into the useful and necessary knowledge of past deeds and more ancient times: if anything less commendable is sometimes sprinkled among them, we turn away from it with our whole mind and reject it; and we even mark it and strike at it with our pen when the occasion arises. Nor are insults directed at the Roman Church or the Roman pontiff by this author of ours, whom he calls "Father," "most holy Lord," "your Holiness," and "your Beatitude." He labors so that there might be no bad opinion of him (on account of the barbarians—the Turks, that is—who were called in for aid, and the province that was devastated by civil war), and he desires to join his arms with him against the infidels for the glory of the cross of Christ; he considers the praise of the pontiff to be the highest honor for himself; he welcomes the pontiff's legates kindly; and with the same (Clement VI, to be sure) he acts solicitously and reverently regarding the holding of a synod and the restoration of the concord of the Churches. ^D There are, I say, no insults and curses cast here; but that dissension and division, known even to the blind and the barbers among us Latins, sometimes asserts itself, and it seeks a defense—however unjust—from the example of the ancestors. For if ^C they appear to have erred greatly and from afar, as Lucretius says, it does not follow that those who are lesser should place their feet in their tracks, unless they themselves also yearn to cast themselves into the same abyss with them.

OF THE LIFE OF JOHN CANTACUZENUS FROM HIS OWN HISTORY.

Genus and Family.

Wife, children, grandchildren.

Honors.

and glory, he himself has explained in the clearest words, book II, chapters 53 and 78.

Studies, learning, and character.

In matters of military discipline, he tells us ^A that he had as his comrade Syrgiannes and as his mentor Angelus; in this field he subsequently progressed very far through training and reading, and he turned out to be precisely the kind of emperor that M. Tullius depicted in his *Pro Lege Manilia* concerning Pompey; since in him, too, those four qualities which ought to exist in a supreme commander shone forth: knowledge, virtue, good fortune, and authority. Likewise, he was such a man as the most serious military instructor Onasander describes in chapter 1 of his *Strategikos*: chaste, temperate, sober, frugal, industrious, intelligent, not in the least avaricious, neither too young nor too old, a father of children, skilled in speaking, and illustrious in glory. Furthermore, he was such as the Emperor Leo describes in chapter 2 regarding equipment for war. I draw the conjecture that he knew the Latin language from the fact that he brings forward into the light several matters regarding the Roman emperors (as we call the Roman emperors, that is, those who lived in Italy and at Rome), which perhaps he read in the writers of the *Historia Augusta*. And he translates certain things written in Greek for the Savoyard monk Arego, who did not understand them, as stated in book II, chapter 84. If anyone should prefer to believe that he had received information about the Romans merely by hearsay, and that he had translated those Greek things for an Italian monk, I will not contend with him: and thus, by the name of the Latin language—of which he affirms in one place that he is a master, and with which he addresses Italian garrison soldiers in Constantinople, book IV, chapter 54—will have to be understood the Italian language, just as by "Latins" are meant the Italians, and others, but not Greeks. He also affirms in book IV, chapter 10, that he knows Persian, or Turkish. That he had learned the art of oratory is demonstrated by his own eloquence, which is worthy of all praise and which exerts itself in such distinguished orations and in his entire work. Indeed, that which M. Tullius said of Pompey, I shall apply very truly to this man, with a few changes: "how much he may excel in judgment, how much in the gravity and abundance of his speech"—in which very thing there exists a certain imperial dignity—"you will often learn from these books." He subdued many towns ^B that were resisting with arms by the eloquence of his mouth: so that what Cineas, the envoy, was to King Pyrrhus of Epirus, Cantacuzenus was almost that same thing to the Emperor Andronicus. And since it is the orator's duty to write history, if there is anything else, this has been written without controversy in an oratorical style—that is, prudently, orderly, eloquently, and not ungracefully. That he read the poets diligently, especially Homer and Euripides, is shown by the verses frequently quoted from them. That he was not a little imbued with the knowledge of Sacred Scripture, the many passages appropriately brought forward as arguments testify. But this is clearer than the sun from the other books which he edited, namely, against the Mahometans and the Jews. It is reported, moreover, that he wrote a Paraphrase of the first five books of Aristotle’s *Ethics*. These things regarding his studies and letters.

As far as his character and virtues are concerned, he loved the truth, as one who did so most highly, and he testifies and professes this so often. His prudence is always evident and memorable from his sayings and especially from his counsels, and it is truly worthy ^D of a man to whom even a greater empire might be entrusted. It belongs to his fortitude, magnanimity, and patience that he is almost never absent from the army, and he fights virgily with his own hand against the enemy: nor does he indulge in pleasures, and he is not broken by adverse fortunes; to injuries (most of all those inflicted by Apocauchos, whom he had benefited so greatly) he does not succumb; and he bears envy with an equable mind. He is, alone of all, most grateful to those who serve him well—a virtue he loves even in others, and therefore almost no page is empty of thanks. It pertains to his moderation and self-control that he refuses the joint-authority of the empire, although it was even offered to him by Andronicus the Fourth. In cultivating friendship, he was most constant, and he was especially fond of the younger Andronicus, and of Amurius, the Persian satrap or prince of Ionia, and he was in turn as dear and pleasant to both as can possibly be told. A certain most wealthy member of the Triballian nobility, Liberus, also loved him vehemently, as found in book III, chapter 42. He cultivated beneficence and liberality in a marvelous way, and he payed for the army at his own expense, both while the emperor was alive and after he died; he repaired and restored towns and castles with his own money, and he provided the same emperor with a most magnificent funeral at his own expense. Gold, which he could have had for nothing, he despised. Who was more desirous of peace and concord than he? Who was more hostile to barbarians and idolaters? The admirable gentleness of this most excellent prince cannot be praised according to its dignity, nor his readiness to put aside offenses and to grant pardon, his highest memory of benefits, and his diligence to be commended in rendering thanks. All things in these books are filled with expressions of gratitude. Furthermore, he possessed the utmost diligence and vigilance in conducting business, and a religious spirit. With what praises, good God, and indeed how often, he honors monasticism! And finally, he himself, of his own accord and willingly, includes himself in the Manganon monastery near Constantinople, although he could have retained the empire, as you will see in book IV. So far is it from the truth that John Palæologus, the victor, compelled him to it, as some who are utterly ignorant of this our history prattle. Furthermore, his wife Irene took the monastic habit in the monastery built by Martha, sister of Michael the First Palæologus. "You praise him, you say, as a Roman, but not as a Roman emperor." But I, indeed, have often praised Agesilaus, Alexander, Julius, and Pompey, although they were heathens and idolaters; and I confirm that virtue is to be loved even in an enemy, and its examples should be taken by us from whomever and from whatever source. For it is the same forever, nor can its immortal splendor be tarnished by the filth of anyone.

Riches.

It is incredible to relate how great were his supplies, his resources, and what treasures of money he possessed, regarding which he confesses in various places, and I do not think that a serious man, one most hostile to vanity and, in addition to this, a religious man, would lie. He enumerates islands, towns, and castles among his riches. Indeed, he...

^A had them deposited among friends in Byzantium and in other cities throughout Thrace, nor could the enemies themselves, who plundered the same, know for certain how great it was. Of wheat, barley, crops, and fruits he had infinite plenty, and countless heaps. He recounts five thousand grazing cattle, a thousand yokes of plow-oxen, fifteen hundred grazing mares, two hundred camels, three hundred mules, five hundred donkeys, fifty pigs, and seventy thousand sheep. So that there is no longer any reason to marvel at the flocks and herds of that Job. But he possessed these not in one city of Thrace, but in several. See book I, chapter 24, where he says that these immense stores and riches were scattered throughout the entire Roman Empire. And [chapters] 31 and 36. Concerning the gold and silver furnishings, he lends over two hundred vessels to the palace, book twenty-four.

Elogia (Eulogies)

Book I, chapter 38, Andronicus the elder admires his prudence in giving counsel, and asserts that he sees in him the image of his maternal grandfather, who had so quickly grasped, so aptly explained, and so promptly carried out what the circumstances required, that he determined, should he die without a successor born of himself, to persuade the nobles to choose him before others as emperor. You note, therefore, that Cantacuzenus was judged worthy of the empire, if his grandfather judged him so, the likeness of whom he confessed he saw expressed in him.

Gregoras, book nine, on the same: "The others were insolently drunk upon that change of fortune, as if upon much wine, and were corrupted. He, on the contrary, adorned with natural prudence and great talent, conformed himself to the customs of the ancients and of the more excellent men, and to the nobility of character and the generosity of spirit. And since things had then turned out successfully for him, he did not challenge fortune, nor did he puff up his pride ^B excessively; but keeping his gravity of character, he remained unmoved within the limits of modesty," etc.

And book eleven: "Such is the silent force of the great domestic's works. For the words of others are but shadows of deeds, dying as soon as they emerge from the tongue: but the very silence of this man achieves great things. For in magnitude of talent and in cleverness that man excels, truly enjoying the deep furrow of the mind." These things says Gregoras about Cantacuzenus, whether while still a friend or compelled by truth itself: for later he became an enemy, as will appear from book four, and we have taught this above in the preface with the very words of Cantacuzenus.

Book III, chapter 52, he is called "the eye of the Romans" by Cabatze Triballos, a princely man. Bartholomew the legate, in book four, chapter two, extols the same with a magnificent proclamation in his letters to the Roman Pope and the Dauphin of Vienne.

Besides the testimonies concerning John Cantacuzenus which that very learned man Jacobus Pontanus of the Society of Jesus brought forth from Nicephorus Gregoras, it has seemed appropriate for the commendation of Cantacuzenus to add a fragment of the same Nicephorus from book XI, which was published by the most illustrious man and a person of preeminent merit in every branch of literature, the Reverend Father Dionysius Petavius of the same Society. ^C Andronicos the emperor, while besieging the capital of the Acarnanians, perceived that everything was turning out according to his wishes, as far as could be. For with the great domestic Cantacuzenus assisting and guiding the government most excellently with him, none of the difficulties by which he was pressed seemed to be a difficulty at all. For he very prudently mitigated that long delay in the foreign expedition, and the slaughter of the cavalry and infantry; and he eased that disease of the spleen that was burdening him with the same skill, and warded off all fear arising from it. And if any worldly care existed that struck at his heart, he would smooth over all things and settle them easily. And in addition to these things, he most wisely restrained the conspiracies of relatives that were then erupting against the emperor's life, and quietly ended them, stowing everything away in safety before they could reach the ears of the emperor. For the man, adorned with many ornaments ^D of character—those which nature bestows, and those which are augmented by that deep prudence which is the best guide of our life—was beloved by the entire army; and there was no one who would not prioritize that man's life and safety above his own. For when not even on an expedition

nor in the midst of foreign duties and preoccupations did he change his mind; yet he changed for the better the fortunes of those who were then suffering from famine and plague. Wherefore all the survivors, soldiers and commanders alike, ranks as well as the prefects of ranks, with one voice called him their savior, and guardian, and dispenser of wealth, and all such things as render the Roman empire more glorious; and to summarize, as we shall relate, all that in this time the prudence of the man fittingly accomplished, managing alike near and distant matters. For while he was besieging the capital city of the Acarnanians together with the emperor, those who had plotted tyranny and were encroaching upon Byzantium were caught, being many and not obscure, concerning whom we shall say more later. ^A

OF THE DIGNITIES AND FUNCTIONS OF THE PALACE AND OF THE CONSTANTINOPOLITAN CHURCH,

*Despotes*, Lord. This title was generally attributed to the emperor, his sons, his brothers, and his kinsmen. Specifically, the one who was second after the imperial majesty was thus addressed, whom later writers also called *Sebastos*. It is appropriate to note once for all that those emperors of the East devised many honorary titles to bind men to themselves. In the Gauls, the one closest to the king was once called *major dominus*. Following the example of the Greek emperors, neighboring princes also wished to be called despots, especially the Bulgarians and the Serbians. They are sometimes reckoned in Greek histories with a royal title as well, since they are called *Crales* instead of despots, and their wives *Cralænæ* instead of despoenæ; for this is what that barbarian name signifies. Thus, the princes of Acarnania and Aetolia are called despots by Cantacuzenus. Our historian, however, writes that Constantine, son of Andronicus, was called despot, who, born after his brother Michael, held second place in all things. The Spaniards call him *Infante*. Observe, therefore, the other note. We shall admonish in the Annotations.

*Parakoimomenoi*, implied "of the bedchamber," *Accubitor* of the bedchamber literally, that is, of the sacred bedchamber, or prefect of the guards of the sacred bedchamber, to the prince or emperor from the bedchambers, or prefect of the guards and custodians of the sacred bedchamber. He is the head of the boys who are in the *cotone*, and of the bedchamber attendants, having also a sub-prefect of the sacred bedchamber subject to him. Thus Curopalates. Some call him the Great Cubicularius.

Leunclavius, *Pandect of Turkish History* or on the *Turkish Annals*: *Parakoimomenoi* are the intimate bedchamber attendants who, in the imperial bedchambers, and they themselves ^B because the emperors were sleeping. Such is now the office among the Turkish sultan of his bedchamber attendants, who is called *Thiodar* or *Trohadar*. For he keeps watch at night inside the bedchamber, and carries the Sultan's rain garment, which is called a *scaramangium*. And all who have seen the Ottoman Porte know that not only does a bedchamber attendant accompany the sultan, who even in clear weather carries his *scaramangium*; but all the *bassas* and *begos* daily, whenever they ride through the city to the gate, also have one footman who carries a garment of this kind, to be thrown over the other garments if perchance it rains with the weather changed.

*Megas Domestikos*, Great Domestic. See his various duties in Curopalates, in various places. The name domestic related to many dignities, which were distinguished by an adjunct, as you will know, of which the title Great Domestic has become prominent, as the word *great* itself signifies.

*Protostrator*, Protostrator. When the Great Domestic is absent, he carries the emperor's sword. When, therefore, the emperor is about to mount a horse, with the master of the horse of the emperor leading and holding the horse, after the emperor ascends, the *protostrator*, taking the bridle, leads the horse up to the fourth or fifth part of the hall of the palace. Then, receiving him, the Great Chartularius leads him by the bridle up to the gate of the hall. He does the same when the emperor is on foot, leading the horse, of course, from the gate to the place which we mentioned before: from whence the *protostrator* again receives him, leading him to the place where the emperor is accustomed to be on foot. But if by chance ^C

the *stratorem* happens to be absent, the great chartulary performs this from the beginning to the end. A little later: The *protostrator* is also the defender of the *cursores* (these are *cursores* in this context who are not assigned to any regiment or military standard, but follow the camp of their own accord, waiting until they are paid). For since they keep neither order, nor their *flammulum* (this is a military sign, of Latin origin, named from its color), but are in some way dissolute and disordered, the *protostrator* himself, following behind, defends them if they are perchance overwhelmed in war. For this reason he is also called *protostrator*, because he leads the whole *stratos*, that is, the army, and stands first. From the *cursores*, moreover, it is the custom for the *protostrator* to receive various things which are called *futilia*. ^A By the name *futilia* (for this is a Latin word) are signified whatever things are of no account in themselves, or do nothing for military matters, and are, in short, the most certain impediments of war, unless they are averted. For *cursores* transport these more conveniently than soldiers, because they do not cling to the standards, and they gather them more boldly because they think they are not bound by the laws. Wherefore, power has been given to the *protostrator* to take away those *futilia*.

*Megas kontostaulos*, which in French is *connétable*, in Italian *conestabile*, in Latin *comes stabuli* [count of the stable]. Where if you accept *stabulum* as a horse-stable, he will be the *comes stabuli*, or he who presides over all cavalry forces, or he who presides over the emperor's courtly equestrian force. Among the later Greeks, he is the leader of the auxiliary forces which were seeking wages in the Orient from Gaul, Sicily, and Italy.

*Megas logothetes*, Magnus Logotheta, that Nicetas in book VII says is called *cancellarius* by the Latins, *logothetēn*. Curopalata describes the office of the great logothete in these words: He arranges the mandates and golden bulls which are sent by the emperor to kings, sultans, and toparchs. And this indeed is the proper ministry of the great logothete. But as to domestic affairs, it is his to effect what the emperor has commanded. Others add that he is also the master of petitions, prefect of the archives, or something of that sort. *Logothetēs* is explained by some as *magister rationum*, who calculates expenses and revenues, an *oeconomus* or procurator, which was a great office and of public concern. *Logothetēs tou stratiotikou*, logotheta castrensis, *Zahlmeister*, *Pfennigmeister*, in French *Trésorier du camp*.

*Kaballarios*, caballarius. Curopalata names the emperor’s equestrian escort *kaballarion*. It is a word derived from the Italian, which itself flowed from a Latin word. The prefect of this escort, therefore, seems to be called *Caballarius*.

^B who was an assistant to Michael Balbus, so that he might remove Leo the Armenian from the midst and seize the empire.

*Megas stratopedarches*, great prefect of the camps. He is the curator of those things which are necessary for the army, namely of food, tools, and all necessities. *Proviantmeister*. He is also explained as the prince of the army, so that he is the same as *stratiarches*; for *stratopedon* is sometimes used for *stratos*.

*Protalogator*, supreme prefect of the horses. For by the word *alogon* the more recent Greeks signify a horse or beast of burden, made from *alogon*, from the verb *halac*, which for the Orientals was [meaning] 'to go': because the greatest and principal use of beasts of burden was for the convenience of journeys. The Turks even today call a messenger or traveler *hulac*. From *alogou*, therefore, comes *alogon*, that is, a brute beast *kat' exochen*, or horse, as the Italians say, *la bestia mia*, for 'my horse.' From *alogou* becomes *alogion*, the cavalry, or a multitude of horses or horsemen. The prefect is *alogator*: the supreme prefect, *protalogator*.

*Sebastokrator*, August-emperor, the third dignity from the emperor, more excellent than the Caesarian. While the emperor was called *basileus*, *sebastos*, *Kaisar*, with one and the same person obtaining all these titles, the dignities were estimated by offices and not by titles. But later the emperors played with titles and conferred honorary names of dignities without offices at their own pleasure, as Curopalata declares in these words: Despote, sebastokrator, and Caesar are held to no ministry unless they are appointed to some supreme principate, such as to rule the empire or to wage war: of which fact there are very many examples in Nicephorus Gregoras. And first indeed, Caesar was second from the emperor (as today the King of the Romans is in the Western empire), and he retained this until Alexius Comnenus: afterwards, the sebastokrator was held as second, and Caesar began to be third, when Alexius Comnenus called his brother Isaac sebastokrator, says the author Zonaras. Finally, the despote, or lord, was made second from the emperor, namely Alexius Palaeologus, when the same Comnenus, lacking male children, betrothed his firstborn daughter Irene to this Alexius, and adorned him with the title of despote, that is, lord, as the future heir of the empire, if he had not been removed by death, as Gregoras testifies in book III.

*Proto-psaltes*, prince or first of the chanters. It is an ecclesiastical name, from the clergy of the palace. Perhaps master of the choir or something similar.

*Domestikoi*, domestics. In law, all assistants or administrators legitimately instituted by the just heads of functions are called domestics, in the palace, or in the forum, or in the church. In the palace, as great domestic, domestic of the table, domestic of the schools, domestic of the walls, domestic of the regions, etc. In the forum, as domestics of the judges, administrators. In the church, as domestic of the choir, domestic of the doors, etc., of all of whom the function

*Megas pappias*, Magnus Pappias. That is, great fatherly figure, that supreme judge to whom the *commentarienses* ought to refer concerning the persons of the accused and the number, the quality of crimes, and the orders of the closed. In this sense I accept the name *Papia* in Zonaras, where it is treated of,

^A or called *domesticatum*, or *domesticatus*.

*Referendarius*. A name of ecclesiastical dignity; in Latin, *relator*, who is sent to the emperor and the high priest.

*Augustissimus omnium*. A title invented under Alexios Komnenos, in order to show favor to Michael Taronites, as Zonaras writes in tome III, near the end. He was superior to all, even to the protovestiarios himself, the grand duke, the grand domestic, and the rest.

*Protovestiarios*. His office is thus described: When the emperor ascends, as has been declared, to the oratory, the *protovestiarios*, who holds the *pilaticia* which shield the emperor’s view, or the judicial scepters, as these are carried aloft, brings them forth with his right hand from the vestibule and shows them to the people, demonstrating by this sign that the emperor has ascended into the oratory. ^B But in the oratory, if the emperor is to wear his own *stemma* or any other of his vestments, the *protovestiarios*, I say, takes it from the ministers of the *ruchari* and hands it to the emperor; and he does this not only at the time of such festivals, but always. He also has this peculiar and singular duty: if he sees anything alien, whether dirt or anything else on the emperor’s garment, laying aside his umbrella or his head-covering, he removes it with an outstretched hand, or cleans it without being asked. Of all other princes, none has the authority to do this, but he alone. The *pilaticia* is a piece of work made of pearls with a fringe, less than a span in length, and a palm in width, which the King of the Medes wore, and likewise judges, just as in the past the generals of the army wore torques, demonstrating their honor. *To rouchon* is the supreme garment, a species of clothing brought from Germany, whence it retained the German name, *Rock*. Hence *roucharion*, the wardrobe, is called by a special name by the Curopalates, because the name of the *vestiarium* is more broadly applied among the more recent Greeks. ^C

*Protovestiarios*, to speak more clearly, was in charge of the royal attire, which today appears to be the duty of the chamberlains. Often they were employed for matters of the greatest importance, and affairs of no ordinary nature were transacted through them, as can be seen in the time of Lekapenos and Leo, son of Basil, in Cedrenus. In the time of Constantine, son of Romanos, the dignity of *protovestiarios* is shown to be next to that of the domestic of the schools, and the *accubitor*, and superior to the *drungarios* of the *bigla*. I have found some who write that the *protovestiarios* was the treasurer, or the prefect of the treasury, because *vestiarios* is called the treasury, or the repository of the treasure, *tamieion*. This I have not yet read in any author or glossary.

*Dikaiophylax*. Literally, the custodian of laws and justice, concerning which magistrate the Curopalates says nothing.

*Logariastes*. Added by the Curopalates: "of the court," or of the palace. He keeps the accounts of all those on salary who are in the court, and brings about their pay if anything is lacking to anyone on account of his stipend or service, to whom the salary is due. In Niketas, he is called *phrontistes kai logistis*. They consider this to be of the same value as *quaestor*, or receiver-general, or what to the Germans is *Kammermeister*. Hence it is clear who is the *megalogariastes*.

*Apokrisiarios*. Thus the Greek legal experts name him who is appointed to hear embassies, to report them to the emperor, and to give the responses from him.

*Chartophylax*, prefect of charters. He who holds the paper records pertaining to the rights of the church, the guardian of charters, who preserves privileges and the like, prefect of the archives, and also a judge of ecclesiastical causes and matrimonial inquiries, a defender in matters concerning clerics, like the right hand of the high priest. Hence, *megas chartophylax*.

*Dapifer*. The *domestikos tes trapezes*, or one having a similar office, as I suspect.

*Drungarios*, *drungarius*. *Droungas* or *droungos* is an Eastern name, signifying a company of men traveling together, and the prince of that company is called *dargon* or *dorgon*, from which *drungarius* is made by epenthesis of the letter *v* for the doubled *g*. Some call him a tribune of soldiers. *Drungus* signifies a globe, says Turnebius in book twenty-four, chapter twenty-five. Vopiscus in *Probus*: "He triumphed over the Germans and Blemmyes, and led before his triumph the *drungi* of all nations, up to five hundred men." Vegetius in book three, chapter sixteen: "A general ought to know against which *drungi* (badly written *drunos*), that is, globes of the enemy, he ought to place his cavalry." Hence *Drungarius* of the *bigla*, *Drungarius* of the fleet, who are in charge of the bodies of guards and of sailors. ^D

Concerning this word, Leunclavius in the *Pandecta* to the *Annales Turcici*: "I say that to the Turks they are *Agelarii* in their own language, who among the Greeks were either *Drungarii* or rather *Druncarii*. Leo the Wise Augustus, in his book *On War Preparations*, chapter 5, numbers 42, 43, 45, hands down that they were formerly called chiliarchs, because they were over a thousand soldiers, and a *druncus* a chiliarchy." The Latins called chiliarchs *tribunos*, who are now colonels. *Druncum* (for so Zygomalas used to pronounce it, and *druncarium*, not *drungum* or *drungarium*, as is usually done commonly) I judge to be so called from *truncus*, or staff, or scepter, just as today we call a regiment both the very staff of the tribune (which I think the Romans called *vitem*) which he carries as a badge of office, as well as that number of standards and soldiers which is required to constitute a regiment. And therefore a *druncus* is a regiment of soldiers, whose head is the *druncarius*, formerly tribune, now colonel, or prefect of the regiment.

*Megas etaireiarches*, great prince of the sodality. Before the emperor leaves his chamber, the *protovestiarites* is present in the triclinium with the grand *hetaireiarches* and the *primicerius* of the palace. But after he has gone out, and the emperor has taken his place, the *protovestiarites*, going out,

BOOK I. HISTORIES

to the ^A station. Read the rest, and below. Here, however, it also captures refugees arriving from every side, and for this reason he is also named *hetaeriarch*, as one who receives *hetairoi*, or friends.

*Barangi* [Varangians]. On the feast of the Meeting (the Purification) the emperor departs for the Blachernae temple, the Barangi following him as well. Indeed, they accompany the emperor everywhere as he rides, carrying their axes on their shoulders. They were, therefore, the guards, satellites, or blade-bearing attendants of the emperor; their prefect followed the emperor before them, and for that reason was called *akolouthos*.

*Pincerna*, cup-bearer. But if it behooves the emperor to drink, the pincerna serves it: and not on feast days only, but always while the emperor is taking food, he mixes it, if he is present. And by ancient custom, following the emperor outside the city, he used to carry a camp-cup, bound by a chain, so that if there were need to drink, he could draw from a spring or river, and he would drink. This, however, is not done in present times.

*The one over the table*, the prefect of the table. He also served the emperor at the table. The great domestic first offered the dish, next to the emperor after him the domestic of the table; and after him the prefect of the table, and the things that follow in Curopalates.

*Domestic of the western themes* ^B. When the Roman empire was still flourishing, these were called *tagmata*, or legions; later, with the Roman power diminished in the times of Heraclius, and the empire truncated, they accepted the name *themata*, lacking now their ancient greatness. See the little book of Constantine Porphyrogenitus concerning the Themes, or concerning the military bands distributed through the eastern empire. This prefect is to be understood as one for such bands distributed through the cities of the West.

*Great administrator*, or procurator. Nothing on this in Curopalates.

*Great dux* [Great Duke]. Just as the great domestic is the prince and head for the whole *fossatum* (what a *fossatum* is will be explained in its place), so also is this one for the whole sea. And while the other princes are appointed to other matters, as heads, they display the customary flame-colored standard of the emperor, or the flame-colored standard of the army with fiery darts. The great dux displays the spear of the emperor while he sits on his horse. He has, moreover, subject to him the great drungary of the fleet, the amiral, etc. See Curopalates, and the scholiast.

*Primaugustus*. He has no ministry, because it is not a duty serving in the palace: but an honorary dignity, which not the necessity of ministry or rank makes, but the emperor’s *eudokia* [good pleasure].

*Great chartulary*. The horse of the emperor taken by the protostrator, etc. See what was said above on the protostrator. The scholiast thinks it is called *Stallmeister* by the Germans. Zonaras in *Leo the Isaurian*, in the third volume of the Annals, records that in later times he was called the overseer *of the imperial stallions*.

*Primicerius of the hall*, the palace primicerius. He indeed holds a duty in the station, such as we said before, but in order he also arranges all who are in the hall. For just as every prince has his own constituted place for standing about, so also the orders in the hall, each one obtains his own proper place.

*Chief huntsman* [Venatorum princeps], *Jägermeister*. When the emperor mounts his horse, no one else besides him holds the stirrup when he is present. He is, however, in charge of those huntsmen who are called curators of the dogs. But if at any time it happens that some garment of the emperor is spattered with blood while he is on a hunt, this huntsman receives it as a benefit.

*Praetor of the people*. He has no administration in the palace hall, but in the city, and only an urban one. ^C

TO THE READER

Nilus and Christodulus are fictitious names, such as are very frequent among the ancients in dialogues and epistles. Christodulus is to me Cantacuzenus, being one who, having finished with illustrious cares, and having run through the unfaithful honors of palace life, deciding to find leisure for Christ and himself in time to come, has embraced that noble servitude which ought to be considered the mere liberty of a wise man. Nilus, by whom he pretends to be impelled to write, is the name of a monk, as is obvious to anyone.

NILUS TO CHRISTODULUS

^D Since I know well that you desire to learn all our affairs, such as they are, I will comply with your desire: for it is not permitted to remain silent. In our daily walks, which, as it does not escape you, we are accustomed to take with our friends, many things—some seriously, some in jest—are said 1—

^A. It happens by chance that, as some are discussing the war of the emperors, how it first began, and how it grew later to such a magnitude, and what it was that persuaded those noble souls to cast off their nature, and which of them began the fight; and who was more prone to reconciliation, while some blamed the grandfather and others the younger one—I, hearing this, was struck by these words, having judged it to be the slothfulness of men who, having followed the events from the beginning, had not bequeathed to life a narrative of what had happened. But it is possible to reason in both directions about these things as well, just as they say about the followers of Euclid ^B. But it would be just for you to relieve us of these matters, having taught us both what happened under the emperors and what happened in our own time. And this would be done by employing the most concise method of writing, through which alone it is possible to find the truth; for both when you were occupied with public affairs, you were the salvation of the state, and now that you have become your own master, you have made your life a pattern of truth and justice. Since, then, being regarded as both one of those who lived through these events and an actor in them, you will surely not be ignorant of your own affairs; and as one who has never before during your life considered anything more important than the truth, you will speak the truth; and as one who has utterly banished sloth from your soul, you will not consider the labor involved in the matter. And it is possible to refer our request to you as a pattern ^C.

Jacobi Pontani Notes

(1) A darker place, which I think should be explained in this way. Those who had the war waged between grandfather and grandson, although they had everything perceived and ascertained, yet did not commit it to writing, one may either praise or reproach their intention: just as it is often said of the followers of Euclid—namely, that they were accustomed to reason in two ways. For that Euclid of Megara, the Socratic, was the chief and parent of certain philosophers who, because they were contentious disputants and free in contradicting, were called *eristici*, as Laertius teaches. And it is the nature of contentious men to approve what others disapprove, and to disapprove what others approve. For it is pleasing to take the article *tôn* in the masculine gender, concerning the disciples, not the Euclidean dogmas; so that persons may be seen to be compared with persons rather than persons with things. Moreover, I think that *ekeinôn* can aptly be referred to the Andronici emperors (so that the meaning is that it was asked by them which of these two brought the cause and origin to the war, and that it could be disputed on both sides, just as is usual with the tenets of Euclid).

(2) Regarding the "office of the great domestic," it must be understood in what status he had so much power and authority (even if not by reason of the office) that it appears that the empire was in name only under Andronicus the Younger, but in reality under him, book I most of all. Nor does he himself once boast that the commonwealth was administered by him even while Andronicus was still alive. And to those who have touched upon Greek, even with their fingertips, it does not escape them that the word *pragmata* is frequently used in that context in which the republic and the empire are placed. Furthermore, the word *sôtêria* should also be attributed to that time in which he presided over the common good, partly as tutor to the sons of Andronicus, and partly later as emperor. But as these things, so what follows pertains to no one else than Cantacuzenus. For he calls him *autourgon*, one who has done the deeds himself; and he adds: *ouk agnôseis dêpou ta sa*, you will surely not be ignorant of your own affairs.

(3) Regarding the monastic life of Cantacuzenus, which he testifies so often that he seeks from the depths of his being, and at the end of book IV, chapter 42, he embraces it with his wife. In that course of life, it is most possible for a man to be his own, and to dwell with himself, and not to seek himself outside. In book III, where he deals with the same matter, *aphaneia syzêsô*—I will live in obscurity, and remaining in this life, I will live for myself. However, Nilus, a friend of Christodulus (that is, of John Cantacuzenus, the servant of Christ), is depicted with five arguments persuading and urging him to this historical writing. I and II, because he is a most illustrious and excellent man, as are the writers themselves who are authorities and an ornament to history. For Euripides says well: …that a speech starting from the lowly, and from the approved, does not carry the same weight. ^D III, because he was not only a spectator of those things, which would have been enough, but also an actor. IV, because he is most loving of the truth: for many historians have told many lies and are telling them (I remember that passage of Seneca from the fourth book of *Natural Questions*, chapter 30: "When historians have told many lies according to their own will, they do not wish to vouch for any one thing; but they add, 'The credit will rest with the authors'"), and therefore they are least worthy to write history, whose first law is, "Do not dare to write what is false, nor do not dare to write what is true." - V, because he does not hate labor; as some, whom sloth primarily deters from noble deeds, whereas with the noble-minded, the spirit grows with the very difficulty of things. Or let us say that Nilus uses three reasons: because he is an actor of the events themselves, because he is truthful, and because he is industrious, the first two of which are gathered from those words: "For you, for as long as, etc."

(4) "Truth and justice" sound here as they do most frequently in the divine Scriptures, of which it is certain that he is a most studious author, and that he loves those sacred forms of speaking: "To walk in truth," "To do truth and justice," "Thus it behooves us to fulfill all justice," are nothing other than to cultivate holiness, and to excel in every virtue. Aristotle also...

^A For whether you consider those who are external or our own leaders, you will by no means despise history; for they themselves also committed themselves to writing, thinking that human life would receive no small benefit from such things. And to speak simply, the moral discourses, insofar as they praise virtue or condemn vice, are noble and worthy of admiration; but if it is also possible to live according to these men—a point on which much is said, some arguing that it is not possible for actions to follow through to the end in accordance with words—for those whose concern it was to record the deeds of men, from which one may choose virtue and flee from vice, it is not at all easy to argue against such, as they persuade not by arguments, but by deeds themselves; to contend with which is clear madness. As, therefore, you will be most beneficial to human life if you do not fasten those things which are present beyond expectations, from which it is possible both to benefit others and to preserve your own character, choose ^B to direct your actions by that rule.

When, therefore, it is clear that you have not been a spectator but an actor in the events that have happened to you, you certainly cannot be ignorant of them. Then, because in all of life you have considered nothing more ancient than truth, you will mention nothing alien to it. Finally, because you have banished sluggishness from your entire mind, you will not consider it a labor to embrace these things in writing. Nor, indeed, are you the first or the only one who will do what we urge you to do; for whether you turn your mind and thought to foreign or to our own ^C military leaders, you will by no means despise this kind of writing. For both these and those, thinking that no small benefit would thereby accrue to human society, have likewise stooped to this task. And that I may speak simply and ingenuously what I feel, moral commentaries, as many as ^D either extol virtue or assail vice, deserve to be held in honor and admiration; but whether men can direct their actions by their rule is a great question; some holding the opinion that things which fall under action cannot be equaled by speech even to the very last. But for those whose concern it was to pursue deeds and acts in writing, whence you may choose for imitation those joined with virtue and avoid those entangled with wickedness, it is difficult to speak against them; because they produce persuasion not by syllogisms of reason, but by the things themselves; which to impugn is manifest insanity. Wherefore, in order to be most useful to human life, if present circumstances have failed your expectations, you should take for yourself those things by which you may both benefit others and preserve the character of your mind.

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

Regarding that Nicomachean saying of Theognis, he says it has passed into a proverb: "Justice contains all virtues in itself." In which place Paulus Manutius names L. Sulla from Plutarch, who composed twenty-two books of Commentaries on his own affairs. Also M. Scaurus, that prince of the senate, who wrote three books about his own life, which Cicero mentions in the *Brutus*, and Tacitus in the *Life of Agricola*, his father-in-law. Also P. Rutilius, perhaps moved by emulation, committed his life to writing.

(5) Which, to be sure, pertains to the third and fourth books, both what he understood above, and the things that have happened in our own age. For the things that are narrated in the second book, although they are almost all his own affairs, yet they were not performed under his own name, as the rest were. I omit that many things are also exposed in the first book, performed magnificently, wisely, bravely, and happily by Cantacuzenus, so that almost a greater part of the history can be considered his alone than that of Andronicus the Younger.

(6) They can be brought forward—those who have woven their own history, whether they commanded armies or did not—who are alien to the true God: Xenophon, Julius Caesar. Hadrian, as reported by Spartianus, was so desirous of celebrated fame that he gave the books of his own life written by himself to his learned freedmen, ordering them to publish them under their own names. Arrian in his *Periplus of the Erythraean Sea*. Two Jews wrote many things about themselves: Josephus in his books *On the Jewish War* and his *Life*; Philo, *On the Embassy to Gaius*; and indeed even those most ancient leaders of the Israelites, Moses and Joshua. Among Christians, the divine Augustine mentions not a few things about himself in his books of *Confessions*. Also, the Emperor Charles IV described his own life; many leaders their voyages and wars in India, some their pilgrimages. But it is much the same when children write the deeds and acts of their parents: which Anna, daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Alexius Comnenus, performed learnedly and elegantly. Which history, as far as I know, has not yet been edited in Latin. The passage of M. Tullius from his fifth book of letters to Lucceius squares with this: "I may perhaps be forced to do what some often blame. I will write about myself, yet by the example of many and illustrious men." But, which does not escape you, these are the vices in this genre, and it is necessary that they write more modestly about themselves if there is anything to be praised, and pass over anything that might be worthy of reproach.

[alt-version omitted]

(7) Perhaps he refers to what, in addition to those apologies for Christianity against the Mahometans and Jews which we have, is said to be the paraphrases on several of Aristotle’s books of Ethics which he is rumored to have written, and that this work is said to exist in the Venetian library. So that his past writings may be compared with the future, the lesser with the greater, if you look to the fruit.

(8) Inform the wise [as to] what a man never existed, which indeed can be seen most clearly in the books of Seneca, whose own life, however, was softer, so much easier is it to speak great and marvelous things than to do them. Plutarch, although himself a Stoic, is not equally rigid. Beautifully, as [he says] all things, M. Tullius [says] in the *Laelius*: "But I first hold this: that friendship cannot exist except among the good: nor do I dissect this to the quick, as those do who discuss these things more subtly, perhaps truly, but with little [benefit] to the common utility." For they deny that anyone is a good man unless he is a wise man. Let it be so, indeed. But they interpret that wisdom which as yet no mortal has attained. But we ought to look to the things which are in use, in common life, not to those which are feigned or desired. And *De Officiis* 1: "For we do not live with perfect and fully wise men, but with those in whom, if they be semblances of virtue, it is going famously." He says these things. The Peripatetics ought to be praised, who demand a certain moderation and place virtue in the middle, which Horace desires in that verse: "Virtue is the middle of vices, and equidistant from either extreme." (*Epist.* 18, lib. 1.)

(9) To which this points will be clear to posterity. There are, indeed, more incorrupt...

^A judgments of those who, many centuries later, will pass judgment upon you, and indeed I know not if more incorruptly than we; for they will judge without love and without desire, and, conversely, without hatred and without envy. (10) In this letter, the history of the previous emperors follows. (11) Although it is in Greek only in our age, yet because Nilus made a twofold proposition, I think the other head can also be repeated, and he embraces himself also under the name of the emperors, while he adds, "acciderint Romanorum imperatoribus." (12) Accept this statement about Cantacuzenus himself, who remained in his faith, and bore all adverse circumstances most constantly with his Andronicus. But the Euripus-like, and turncoats, and betrayers of Andronicus, were Syrgiannes and the protostrator, Cantacuzenus’s empress, John the patriarch, and others. (13) Euripus is a port of Boeotia, and an island of Euboea, which flows and ebbs seven times a day and night. On account of which vicissitude and inconstancy, man, being changeable and inconstant, is called a Euripus. We read also what Ovid declared in this couplet: *Passibus ambiguis fortuna volubilis errat,* *Et manet in nullo certa tenaxque loco.* Item: "nothing is more mobile and variable than human thoughts." (14) Not only about the affairs of princes [is it to be consulted] (as Caesar says in Sallust), but also those who produce a memory of historical events ought to be empty of hatred, friendship, anger, and pity. The mind does not easily foresee the truth where these interfere. T. Livy is noted because he favored some Romans too much. Sallust is noted, who in the Catilinarian conspiracy, which the senate had decreed for Cicero honorably and benevolently, remained silent with malevolence. They sin by favor, who pour themselves out too much in the praises of princes. I heard Charles V, when reading Sleidan's History, say that he lied much about himself. They sin by hatred, who blame immoderately and often. Timaeus the historian, because he was more acerbic, was called Epitimaeus [the Blamer]: see the author Diodorus, lib. v, cap. 1. It is permitted, however, for a writer of affairs both to blame those things which he judges worthy of reproach, and to approve with explanatory reasoning those things which please him, in the way Cicero wrote to Lucceius, *Epist.* 12, lib. v; but both moderately. (15) In the end, however, he confesses in his history that he accepted some things from others, which, without a doubt, in adv...

^Aersity, I have having most perspectable things as I shall be able, I will recount them; and keeping truth as the goal, whichever other cause I might deem preferable. Wherefore, if you, Nile, are desirous of knowing the truth, and there will be nothing that might divert me from it, however long the narrative may be, what you have desired will certainly happen. ^B It is worthwhile, however, to retake a little from above the series or genealogy of the imperial house; so that we may perceive who was born from whom, and whom he in turn, having been advanced to the empire, by preferring over the remaining brothers, may have set to rule.

The Emperor, therefore, Alexios, surnamed Angelos, having betrothed his daughter to Theodore Laskaris, transmitted also the supreme lordship to the same. But he, in turn, lacking male offspring, joined in marriage his daughter Eirene to John Batatzes, who was from the order of nobles, having declared his son-in-law Emperor; ^C and to him was born a son, Theodore, who also himself reigned over the Romans; and from him was born John, under whom, the imperial line of the race having been severed, the empire passed to Michael Palaiologos, who indeed fathered three male children: Andronikos, who also seized the imperial scepters, and Constantine, born in the purple, and a third, Theodore; but...»

Notes of Jacobi Pontani

...of his associates were agitated; and other matters, too, at which he could not be present. Nor was Julius Caesar present at all the things he narrates; but he was present at many: and many things which were performed for him were accomplished by his virtue and under his auspices. It is of value for engaging the faith of history to write what you have seen, not what you have heard: for there is more certain faith in the eyes than in the ears. Wherefore some, that they might be able to write the more explored and indubitable things, traveled through lands and regions themselves, as Diodorus Siculus, Sallust.

(16) Michael Palaiologos nefariously blinded, or, as others have reported, killed, the boy John, son of Theodore, grandson of John Batatzes, great-grandson of Theodore Laskaris, the legitimate heir, whose tutor he had been appointed; and he restored to the Greeks and usurped for himself the Constantinopolitan empire, which had been occupied by the Latins for about fifty-five years, from the year of our Lord 1203 to 1259, or as others say, for about sixty-three years, by the Belgians, I mean, having cast out Baldwin II. See Nikephoros Gregoras, book [iii] and iv; Petrus Bizarrus, *On the Venetian War*, book one. The same Gregoras teaches in book six, in what manner Andronikos the son, fearing the vengeance for his father's crime (lest he also, forsooth, lose his eyes along with the empire, for whose sake his father Michael had so cruelly treated the legitimate heir), came to him, having been held in a certain small town of Bithynia, and consoled him, and provided everything for his food and maintenance as long as he lived. Many hold that the family of the Palaiologi drew their origin from Italy, and from Viterbo, a city of Etruria not ignoble: and that in a certain continuous series from this house the Caesars were given to the Constantinopolitan empire for about one hundred and ninety-four years: until at length, with the pristine virtue and Christian piety growing cold, all things began to slide for the worse through a certain sloth and diverse pursuits: ^D so that the most flourishing empire of the Greeks came into the hands and power of the Turks, in the year one thousand four hundred and fifty-three, after it had stood intact for one thousand one hundred and more than ninety years. But as this empire had its beginning in Constantine the Great, born to his mother Helena, who had completely remade this city from the ruins and fragments of most noble antiquity and had built it up with wondrous adornment: so indeed it ended in Constantine VIII, to whom also the mother was Helena. Nay rather, when the Latins had held it for the years we have said above, and their auspices of the reign had begun with Baldwin, Count of Flanders, in this way afterward they collapsed in Baldwin, the second indeed of this name. We have deemed these things to be inserted from Bizarrus' *Book 1 on the Venetian War*, as they are clear and worthy of being known.

(17) That you might not easily see the posterity of Michael Palaiologos explained by others as distinctly, fully, and truly as here. Which some might have thought should be ascribed to the ignorance of this history, which as yet has lain in darkness. On account of which ignorance many things have been narrated otherwise and erroneously by others.

(18) *Verbum e verbo*, and born in the purple. This is, from a father already crowned with purple, or wearing the purple, which the emperors were accustomed to do: for this was their insignia. Or one who is born an emperor, to whom the purple, or the empire of which it was a symbol and token, or the succession in the empire, belonged by the very right of birth. Although infants themselves were also accustomed to be swaddled in purple bands, which Anna Komnene, daughter of Alexios, testifies of herself in the Preface of her History. In a single word it is said in Greek Πορφυρογέννητος, which I prefer (nor is this without example) to render Porphyrogenitus, that I may latinize it more, than to retain the Greek and say Porphyrogenneta. Nevertheless, this Constantine was not the next heir of the empire, but the later one. For the father Michael wished to grant the prior place to Andronikos, who was born to him before the purple, as is apparent. That same dispute could arise between the brothers Constantine and Andronikos, as arose between Artamenes and Xerxes, the sons of Darius the King of the Persians. For Artamenes, as he was the firstborn, claimed the empire for himself by the prerogative of age, a right which the order of birth and nature itself have granted to nations. Xerxes referred the controversy not to order, but to the felicity of birth. For Artamenes indeed was born first to Darius, but born while he was a private citizen, [whereas] he [Xerxes] was the firstborn to the king, etc., Justin, book x, concerning their memorable concord in the petition for the kingdom; Plutarch, in the book *On Brotherly Love*, where he calls him Ariamenes, whom Justin calls Artamenes.

^A ...and as many daughters, Irene, and Eudokia, and Anna. This Emperor Andronikos, the son of the Emperor Michael, having entered into two marriages, from Anna, the daughter of the King of Hungary, begot two male children: Michael, who reigned with him, and his brother Constantine, named Despot, as he was born after the Emperor, and held the second place in all things. From Irene, the daughter of the Marquis Montferrat, a lord of Lombardy, with whom he entered into a second marriage, he begot three sons: John, Theodore, and Demetrios, and one daughter by the name of Simonis. But the Emperor Michael, the son of the aforementioned Emperor Andronikos, having matched himself in marriage to the daughter of the King of Armenia, had children by her: the Emperor Andronikos, and Manuel the Despot, and daughters. ^B

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(19) In the margin it was written "father". It is a corruption. (20) Observe that it is translated as *Hungaria*, although the Greek spirit does not agree, since it is soft in the Greek word; and the people are named *Ungri* near the *Ister*. But since the Byzantine emperors also took to themselves wives from Germany, Savoy, and Italy, why not from neighboring Hungary? Moreover, the later Greeks used many terms of dignity, magisterial, and power either entirely Latin, or Latin-Greek—that is, twisted into Greek inflections and somewhat altered—or Hellenized-barbarian, perhaps from commerce and habit with the Latins. Since, therefore, it always calls the Constantinopolitan [ruler] *Basileus*, but [*calls*] kings *rēgas* (except for the King of the Mysians, whom, if I remember, it almost never deigns to call by the name of *basileus*; the reason for which I do not discern), it seems it wished the word *basileus* to signify something fuller and greater than what we are accustomed to signify by the word *rex*. And although the Greeks call a king *basileus*, nevertheless they express the Roman Emperor and Augustus by the same word. Only two writers are named who sometimes call him *autokratōr*, Plutarch and Herodian. Wherefore, as often as the word *basileus* occurs in this history concerning the Constantinopolitan prince (and it occurs a thousand times), it must be rendered not *rex*, but *imperator*. It does not escape me that these three names were sometimes borne by the same man: *basileus, kaisar, sebastos*. But they are nothing other than *imperator, Caesar, Augustus*. Thus, in these books there is not only *Hungarias, Armenias, Raounas* (it should be read *Ravennēs*), *Kyprou, Katelanōn*, and once and again *Mysōn*, but also *Karolos* and others, which I think were spoken only according to the rules. Why, you will even see the Emperor of the West called not *basileus Rhōmaiōn* by some modern Greeks, but *rēgas Rhōmaiōn*: for by that former term they honor their own oriental one. (21) *Despota* has value, as an infant of the Spanish and Lusitanians. For the first-born, the emperor, who is called *Dauphin* by the French, prince by the Spaniards. Cantacuzenus himself provides the reason why this Constantine was called *Despot*, and provides the one we have adduced. Roman emperors used to elect as successors their sons, or grandsons, or kinsmen, whose character they had seen to be outstanding and whom they had judged would be fit for ruling; at first they called them "princes of the youth," afterwards they were named *Caesars* (which they retained even when they had ascended to the height of imperial majesty, so that the *Caesars* were called emperors), at length they were called "most noble Caesars." Among the Turks, *Zelebis* signifies "noble." Which word they ^C used for the sake of honor in naming their successors among the [monarchs], in imitation of the Romans (as can be conjectured). However, the sons of Mahomet II and of his successors began to be designated not *zelebis*, but *sultans*. (22) The Senate of Genoa decreed that four triremes be fitted out, which conveyed her to Byzantium to be wed to Andronikos. Gregoras, in the sixth book, left a writing that when she was being taken to him, she was in her eleventh year, but Andronikos was in his twenty-third year: whom both the elegance of her face and of her manners commended. In the seventh book, he describes her as a woman by far the most ambitious, for she desired most ardently that all three of her sons be designated emperors, and that she might see them reigning. She poured out Roman wealth upon the enemies of the Romans. In the same place, [he describes] how gentle Andronikos was in placating her. She died of a fever in the small town of Drama, to which she was accustomed to betake herself for the sake of her mind's health, from Thessalonica. Moreover, it is written in Greek *archontos Loumpardias*. But indeed, the whole of Lombardy, which the ancients called Insubria, did not obey this marquis (therefore I preferred "of the prince of the Lombards," rather than "of the prince of Lombardy," that I might avoid the ambiguity), but only that small region which is situated between the Po and the Tanaro, and has for a long time been called by the name of *Montferrat*. Its first marquis was Almaranus, created by his father-in-law Otho the Great, in the year of Christ 967. Thence afterward the marquises were propagated. ^D (23) Georgius Pachymeres hands down this account, that when several girls born to Andronikos were dying, instructed by a certain woman, he lit twelve wax statues of the twelve apostles in the order of each man; and when he had hit upon the time at which the statue of Simon began to burn, he named the girl Simonis from it. This girl, according to Gregoras, her father gave to the *Cral* of Serbia, a man of forty, as his fourth wife, to be raised at his house until she should be of age for a man. Afterward, against her will, she returned to Byzantium from her husband, from whom she had departed, and she professed as a nun. See the beginning of the sixth book. The same Andronikos also had an illegitimate daughter, by the name of Irene, whom John Dukas, prince of the Pelasgians and Thessalians, took as his wife, as it is in the sixth book in the same Gregoras. (24) The first was Michael, parent of Andronikos. Second, Michael Palaeologus, son of Andronikos the elder, and co-partner in the empire. The "second" refers to the name and order in the empire; for he did not rule after his father Andronikos, but with his father. Thus he is not counted third from the first, but second.

^A Many have labored most diligently to commit to writing the events that have taken place since the times of Laskaris down to Michael, the second Emperor of the Palaiologoi; from whose records you, and whoever else might wish, could learn accurately about what occurred, if only they had not allowed the truth to go by the board, caught up in the aforementioned causes—disposed as they were toward those of whom they wrote, and thus rendering their account, deeming it sufficient reward for their labors either to praise those they loved or to heap abuse upon those they hated, while caring nothing for the truth.

From the time that the Emperor Michael—the second of the Palaiologoi, that is—departed this present life, no one has recorded the deeds wrought by the two emperors, both in times of peace and in the struggles they waged against each other for the rule; ^B or if any did record them, I do not believe he touched upon the truth clearly, as he did not have accurate knowledge of the events, many and varied as they were, occurring in a short time. Therefore, you have done well to wish to learn from one who knows clearly; and I, without any delay, shall set forth the account of the events, preferring nothing above the truth.

ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK

Michael, son of Andronikos the Elder and father of the Younger, having married off his daughters and entrusted his sons to his parent to be raised, returning from the East to Byzantium, is sent by him to Adrianople and then to Thessalonica, where, being informed of the death of his son Manuel, he falls into illness from the most bitter grief, and thereby departs this life. The aged father decides to disinherit his grandson, the youth Andronikos, in favor of his son the Despot Constantine—who was brother to Michael—in the empire; and this he chooses to do not so much for the sake of Constantine himself, but for the sake of Michael, a boy whom he had sired by a concubine. After the death of the Emperor Michael, governors of provinces and magistrates are required to take a new oath, and the name of the younger Andronikos is omitted from the wording of the oath; only John Cantacuzenus, prefect of the sacred bedchamber, refuses to swear, lest he contaminate himself with wickedness, and he is allowed to swear by the old formula. The grandson bears the injury in silence, but Syrgiannes, a most noble man, earnestly advises him to look to his own interests, and pledges his faithful services in this matter. He considers it best to communicate the matter first to Cantacuzenus, who was then serving as governor in Thrace, as to the most sincere friend of all. He is grieved by that necessity, which he explains clearly through Syrgiannes acting as courier, and he foresees the future calamity, advising that the young man be placed in safety and that nothing else be attempted unless they are compelled. Flight to Christopolis is chosen, with the grandson’s approval. Cantacuzenus, coming from Thrace to Constantinople, reports what has been agreed upon between himself and Syrgiannes. He commends Apokaukos—a man of humble origin but in the first rank of prudence, by whom he was later long and vehemently harassed, as will appear in the third book—to Andronikos, doing a favor to Syrgiannes. Other, more ancient causes of the discord between grandfather and grandson are brought forward, and, by citing examples, the grandfather is accused of excessive austerity and churlishness, which the grandson reproaches him for through Patriarch Joseph. The grandfather excuses himself. The grandson is placated. But these things were while Michael was still alive. Upon his death, when he was preparing to write a certain statement for him in…

memory, in order to punish him more honorably with a hereditary succession, the grandson shows with what intention he had acted; he seeks pardon for his transgressions. Cantacuzenus, as one who has a just cause, offers himself and all his possessions to him. ^A Again, Christopolis is chosen as a place of refuge. Callinicus is sent as an envoy to the Kral, the prince of the Triballi, concerning an alliance. He gives his pledge. Again, there is deliberation concerning the place to which they should flee to safeguard their safety, and Adrianopolis is preferred. The insults of the grandfather against the grandson are called to mind. Syrgiannes is recalled from Thrace. Still they discuss the place of flight. Adrianopolis is again chosen. They seek how they might depart from Constantinople with impunity. The Protostrator decides that the old man should be handed over into custody; Syrgiannes decides he should be slaughtered outright. Cantacuzenus, opposing both, declares that he should remain in his initial resolve for a simple departure; he wisely counters Syrgiannes, who was striving against this, and at the same time refutes the Protostrator. The grandson, abhorring all cruelty toward his grandfather, subscribes to Cantacuzenus. Syrgiannes and the Protostrator do the same. Cantacuzenus, who was also Great Domestic, is of the opinion that the Empress, the wife of the younger Emperor, should be left at Constantinople. The Great Conostaulus and the Great Logothete Metochites plead the grandson's cause before the grandfather. He is summoned to judgment; the Protostrator accompanies him; the Domestic arrives afterward. They converse in the palace about saving the youth. Three triremes are equipped by his Genoese friends. The grandson, offending the Great Domestic, complains that he has been deserted; he hears what he most desires. He is cited once again by the grandfather to the judgment; he urges his friends to maintain fidelity to him in the danger. Cantacuzenus and the Protostrator promise everything; they lead him to the palace. ^B There, before the bishops, he is accused by the old man as arrogant and rebellious. He denies that he is such: if he were found guilty of those crimes, he would gladly accept even capital punishment, and he reproaches his grandfather as insulting. The two friends, hearing the clamor outside, prepare to assist. The old man remains quiet, and brings four conditions to his grandson; he responds to each one, and bows down to kiss his foot. He feigns that he is reconciled; he is filled with vain joy. The Great Domestic is ordered to depart as prefect to the Peloponnese; since this order smelled of deceit, he consults with his associates regarding what he should do. The mind of the old man is conjectured to be this: that once they were distracted by the pretext of prefectures, he might harm them more freely and easily; that their safety should not be neglected. An embassy from the younger to the older for the impunity of his associates is decreed, which Metochites refuses to undertake for certain reasons. A frivolous excuse of the Domestic follows, why he shrinks from the Peloponnese. Being rebuked by the Emperor, he is ordered to set out for Thessaly; seeking similarly to evade this condition, he dissembles, and awaits soldiers and money outside the city. The prefecture of Prillapus is entrusted to the Protostrator. A document having been found near the bed, the grandson departs from Byzantium on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of May, accompanied by the Protostrator and a few servants, with hunting dogs and birds (to cover his flight, clearly); he is received kindly at Adrianopolis. Having understood this, the Emperor wishes to send Tagaris, the Master of Soldiers, to bring back the fugitive; by him he is taught that the labor would be in vain. It is forbidden to all to speak of the grandson hereafter in the Emperor’s name, and he is declared an enemy, and he and his faction are excluded from the communion of the faithful. ^C Thereafter, the old man seeks peace from him. The envoys come into danger, and there the presence and unshaken spirit of the other are seen. They are dismissed with a benign response. The next day in the council, peace is refused unless the elder should cede the empire; nevertheless, care is taken so that he might avoid the imminent danger. The army strangely desires to go to Byzantium, nor can it be persuaded to turn willingly to the west. Ambush by Sphentisthlabus, the King of the Moesians. The younger man proceeds slowly to Constantinople, pleading illness as a pretext; he warns the old man to be on his guard. The Great Domestic dissuades him from the siege of the city. The nun Palæologina approaches to ask for an armistice. The grandson, answering, shows himself to be very dutiful toward his grandfather. The grandfather gives an oath and rescinds the anathema; he becomes angry when a man of the lowest plebeian rank is sent to him to demand the oath; the deed is excused. The grandson retreats to Adrianopolis and summons his wife there. Syrgiannes defects to the old man; he denies the crime of perfidy that had been cast at him. They advance toward Byzantium with hostile standards; the optimates and the commanders of the army write to the grandfather concerning peace. Xena, the mother of Andronicus the Younger, is dragged from the temple at Thessalonica and brought to Constantinople as a captive. Peace is sought. The illness of the younger man, by which the Stratopedarch defects. The beneficence of the Great Domestic, and the magnanimity of his mother, Theodora. The towns of Apri, Garella, Rhadestum, and Sergentzium are occupied, while Sacci is burned. The treachery of the Stratopedarch, the fidelity of the shepherd Syrmpanus to his lord, and his admirable charity toward his enemy. The leniency of the grandson toward his enemy. ^D The Despot Constantine is captured and thrown into chains. Those who had laid violent hands on the Empress Xena are punished. The defection of the Lemnians to the grandson; fearing him, the Persians, having deserted the old man—to whom they were coming for aid—shamefully flee to the east. Peace is requested, which he thinks to grant, provided that he himself, the army, the cities, and the entire administration of the empire remain in the hands of the elder henceforth. The speeches of the Emperor and Cantacuzenus to the princes and commanders of the army. Giving thanks, Xena is sent to her son to confirm the peace. The old man accepts the conditions, and the grandson goes to Byzantium to greet him; he comes out to meet him. There a certain imperial custom is declared. They enter the city together. The following day, the grandson gives thanks to the Theotokos for the peace that was accomplished. He spends some time in the palace with his grandfather; frequent crowded gatherings come from everywhere to look at him. He returns to Didymoticum. Sphentisthlabus dies of illness, with his son Terteres as successor, by whom Philippopolis is captured. The grandson, invading Moesia, carries off immense spoils, and finds Syrgiannes in prison at Byzantium, who was guilty of conspiracy against the old man; he refuses to pass sentence upon him, although he was granted the power to do so. Terteres dies. Many towns of Moesia surrender themselves to Andronicus the Younger; the rest Boesilas, the uncle of the deceased king, claims for himself. By the commission of his grandfather, the grandson [goes to] Philippopolis,

but in vain, he attacks. A machine, the work of a certain German, is described. A false rumor of the death of the associates and friends of Boesilas. Philippopolis is recovered by chance. War against the Barbarians is decreed, in vain, while the elder's counselors dissent, by whom the Great Domestic is commended. Peace and a treaty between the emperors and Moesus, to whom the younger’s sister was married. The custom of the Roman emperors, by which they bound the Scythian satraps to themselves through marriages. Concerning two incursions of the Scythians into Thrace, a part of whom the Romans slaughter. ^A A conversation of the grandson with a certain leader of the Scythians from the opposite bank. Irene the wife dies; Anna, the daughter of the Count of Savoy, is sought for the younger [emperor] for marriage; he himself is crowned by the Patriarch Isaiah with a solemn ceremony (which the author accurately explains). The illustrious arrival of Anna from Savoy, who, after the wedding was celebrated splendidly in Byzantium, is also adorned with the crown herself. Many noble Savoyards remain in Constantinople as if by succession, and instruct the young emperor in games and arts. The Persian raiders are slaughtered. The Emperor is wounded in the foot by an arrow. The courage of the Great Domestic in the battle. Michael, king of the Moesi, spends some days happily with his grandson at Zerna. Having returned to Didymotichum, he receives news of his grandfather being alienated from him without cause. The Panhypersebastus aspires to the kingdom, to whom the sons of the Great Logothete are devoted: whose letters are intercepted, and their father is admonished of his duty. The Protovestiarius, threatening the Logothete with extremes, is restrained by the grandson, and is excused before the grandfather. Both are found most ungrateful, and at their instigation war breaks out again. The old man strives to remove the memory of the younger from sacred [diptychs]; whose patronage the Patriarch undertakes. ^B Andronicus strives to appease his grandfather, and, dissuading him from war, offers to plead his cause. The Great Domestic also prays for this through letters, and terrifies him with ultimate consequences if he should despise his warnings. The young man, saddened by the grandfather's reply, appeals to the faith of the Patriarch and the bishops, who strive to restore him to the grandfather's favor. Those chosen from the three orders are sent to Rhegium, that they may set forth the accusations, hear his defense, and judge. He [the Emperor] drives his grandfather into hatred, attracts the goodwill of the judges toward himself, and responds point by point to the objects raised. A short oration follows, in which he defends his own innocence against the charge of perjury in violating the treaty. He brings forth the letters of the grandfather and Cocalas against himself, by which he strives to prove the treaty was violated by them themselves. Cocalas' impudence. The bishops fear to condemn the accused. Responding to his grandfather concerning himself, he declares that he is dutiful toward him, lashes out at him for being gullible to sycophants, prays for peace for the sake of the republic, submits himself, and threatens if he does not yield to one counseling him well. Cocalas reports everything done at Rhegium to the old man: the others are not listened to. The Patriarch, chastising him, confesses that he will stand by the younger: for which reason he is kept under guard with the bishops. ^C The Great Domestic and the Protostrator incite the grandson to march on Constantinople: the Great Domestic takes away from him any remaining hope of peace. Letters of friends from Byzantium. The grandfather orders him to remove himself from the city. The insults of Marcus Caballarius. He recounts in what duty he had been toward his grandfather, whose stubbornness he accuses. He organizes the commonwealth at Selybria. The grandson returns again to Didymotichum. 10. Andronicus Tornices and Manuel Lascaris are suspected of a pact with the Scythian satraps and are driven out of Thrace, which is entrusted to the Protostrator with a part of the forces. The younger departs into Macedonia against the enemy; he provokes the Pheraeans. When they make excuses for why they cannot fulfill his demands, the army is moved from there. He is summoned to Thessalonica: with the city surrendered, the citadel is attacked, to which the Pheraeans send aid with unhappy results. A miracle of Saint Demetrius the martyr in the emperor. The citadel is surrendered. ^D There is deliberation as to where to go. The advice of the Great Domestic is approved. Edessa and Berrhoea surrender themselves. A huge desertion from the West. The leaders of the elder, fleeing to the Triballi, are captured by the soldiers of the Pheraeans and brought to the grandson. They are treated kindly with their wives. The surrender of Castoria and Archris. The Protovestiarius with his associates incites the Triballi to arms against the younger emperor. The lie of the wife of the same Protovestiarius. The lofty spirit of the Great Domestic, when gold and silver were found in the Protovestiarius' possession. The emperor's benevolence. The voluntary surrender of the rustic Albanians, the fairness of the Triballian nobles in dissuading the war. Many paths for helping the fugitives. Their mishaps. Strombitza and Melenicus refuse to surrender. The Protostrator defeats the elder at the Black River: nor is the younger gladdened by the news of victory. The old man makes a treaty with Moesus; the younger approaches the city, seeking peace again and again. Two commoners betray Constantinople. A beautiful example of the Christian mildness of Andronicus the Younger. A fitting reward is promised to the traitors. Moesus leads his forces to the borders. The grandson resolves to leave the Logos. It is asked why three thousand cavalry were sent to Byzantium by Moesus. The grandfather treats the warning of danger with contempt. Moesus is asked what he means to do with his army. Afterward, terrified by threats, he swears not to break the treaty and not to march against the emperor; he sends the holy cross as a pledge of faith. He recalls Ibanes, or John, the commander with the cavalry from the city. Ladders and other things are prepared to take it. On the day of Pentecost they advance with the Logos; the line of battle is arranged by the domestic and the emperor for the assault. In the final chapter, how the city was taken, and the kindness of the grandson toward his grandfather, and the liberation of the Patriarch from the monastery are described. In this book, these [points] are to be observed as worthy of principal observation and as the most important chapters: the various movements of nature in the grandfather and grandson, and the memorable example of the hatred of the former toward the latter, and of the respect of the latter toward the former. Many deliberations and embassies, in which many things were said prudently. The mention of peace, and the frequent and incredible desire for it. The zeal of flatterers and sycophants. The rite of the coronation of emperors. The singular event in the capture of Constantinople. A marvelous change of the elder emperor into a private citizen, and on the contrary, of the younger private citizen and almost an exile, into a monarch.

BOOK ONE

CHAPTER I

^A On the twelfth of the month of October, on the first day of the week—which we call the Lord's Day—these events having thus come to pass, the death of the king and son was announced to the emperor Andronikos, the father of the deceased. For a considerable time he mourned the king and his child; for the death of the good child did not merely touch the surface of his heart. Then, some demon from among those who are experienced in destruction, breathing a stern and savage hatred against the prosperity of the Romans, or—more truthfully speaking—because God, who directs all things, permitted such things for the requital of our sins, which exceeded all measure in both multitude and magnitude, it came into the mind of the emperor Andronikos to deprive his own grandson, the new Andronikos, of the empire and to reduce him to the status of a private citizen, and to adorn with the imperial diadem his own son, Konstantinos, who was a despot. He conceived this plan for Konstantinos not so much for his own sake as so that the dignity of the empire might pass to the child Michael, whom Konstantinos had sired from a concubine named Cathara (from whom he also derived the nickname "Catharus"), as if it were a debt from his father and a natural inheritance. For this Michael drew the source of his lineage from a base and ignoble mother, and he was also, in all other respects, of no value. For he possessed neither a mind fortified by prudence, nor any skill in the liberal arts, ^B nor even a moderate training in military science. ^{C D}

Yet, though he was thus entirely deprived of every good quality, a fierce passion seized the Emperor to place him upon this brilliant and high-minded throne of the Romans. ^A Having conceived this, he immediately set to work, and removing Michael from his mother’s care, he made him an inmate of his own house and his constant companion; he allowed him never to depart from his side, and he wished him to hold first place in all those honors which are legitimately conferred upon those born of royal lineage. Moreover, he took the greatest pains to ensure that Michael was present and listening, whether in response to embassies sent from anywhere whatsoever, or in meetings with bishops or other wise men, or in other conversations and discussions which seemed likely to make the listener more prudent than before. And if it ever happened that Michael was not present at the Emperor’s strenuous discussions, he would send many messengers to summon him, as if doing something of great importance. His goal, ostensibly, was to win him honor and prestige by these means, and to persuade the Romans to show him the respect and deference due to the grandson of the Emperor; in truth, however, it was to prepare and train him for that pinnacle of imperial power which he intended for him, and to bring him to experience in the administration of imperial affairs. ^B Although they say that the Emperor Andronikos himself, after the peace settlement with the younger Emperor Andronikos, while removing the blame from himself, was accustomed to affirm that what had been done for Michael was not the result of any craftiness or evil intent, but was done carelessly, without any guile, and by chance. And on account of the high rank that he held, and the love of truth to which he had devoted himself in his entire previous life, his statement would have found firm belief, had not the outcome of events later declared that their origins did not arise by chance and without counsel, but rather from a cunning scheme and insidious designs; a fact which the unfolding narrative will soon demonstrate.

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

^C He speaks of that cycle of doctrines which is defined by the seven liberal arts. Which otherwise is also wont to be called in a compound word. But it was not necessary for me to express the name of the cycle itself, since the matter is clear.

^D His notes here do not contradict ours: "He was summoned," he says, "at fifteen years of age, and taken into court service: first, lest, neglected by all, he should perish from hunger; then perhaps, since he was sprung from imperial blood, he might be joined by affinity with some of the neighboring enemies, and reconcile peace, and assist the Romans and the Roman cause." He proceeds then to indicate in a few words what place he held with the old man, in which our author is more copious: "When he was living in the palace, he reconciled the Emperor's mind to himself in a short time, to such a degree that even the Emperor's sons envied him, and Andronikos the Younger, the Emperor, was angered and took it ill, that his own love was growing cold, and toward this new and adopted one, it was vehemently increasing." He shows, moreover, how he placed him, at twenty-three years of age, over a certain Macedonian province, and composed his encomium. Read book VII, shortly after the beginning.

He says in his Natural History that an emperor is placed at the highest pinnacle of the human race. It is not likely that nobles, and especially princes, kings, and emperors, would wish to lie, because their supreme nobility does not permit it; and because for no class of men is lying more foul. For since mortals generally lie for two reasons, either to jest like buffoons, or to procure for themselves some utility or profit, neither suits such men, whom a supreme gravity becomes, and who have more to give to others than they have need of receiving from others. Nor does God hate a rich liar less than a poor proud man.

CHAPTER II. Origin of the dispute between the emperors Andronicus

^A For it had become the prevailing custom among the Romans that, whenever the emperor departed this life, all the provincial governors should vacate their offices; and then, gathering together, they would confirm their allegiance by oaths to the surviving emperor, whether one or two remained. Subsequently, those whom it pleased him to appoint to positions of authority were once again confirmed by the emperor. After the death of his son and emperor, Michael, it was decreed that all those holding high office and dignity who were to be established in positions of power should confirm their fidelity by oaths to the emperors. Therefore, the oaths were carried out, yet not according to the former customary form. For while the emperor Michael was still among the living, if it were necessary for anyone to pledge allegiance to the emperors by oath, he would first enumerate the holy things by which he was swearing, and then declare that he acknowledged and embraced as emperor, first of all, Andronikos, who was older in years and the father of the emperors, as well as his consort; then, after him, his son Michael with his wife; and thirdly, the young Andronikos, who was the son of Michael and grandson of Andronikos. This custom had begun from the time of the first ^B emperor of the Palaiologos line, Michael; for previously it was not permitted for the son of the emperor to be accorded oaths, nor indeed for him to be adorned with imperial insignia, unless the father had already passed from the light of life and the imperial power had devolved upon him without controversy.

Just as we have said that such oaths were performed while Michael was yet alive, after his death, it was decreed that those taking the oath should pledge their fidelity solely to the elder Andronikos and to whomsoever he might establish as emperor of the Romans, having completely cast out the name of the young Andronikos. This caused all the more sensible Romans to tremble, for they already foresaw the ruin and destruction that would soon befall the Roman state from the dissension and discord rising up between the emperors. Nevertheless, subdued by the fear of the ruler, all bound themselves by the obligation of the oath ^C according to the commandment, except for one man alone, Andronikos Cantacuzene, who was honored with the rank of *parakoimomenos*. For he, using his freedom of speech at the appropriate moment, said that he would be manifestly sinning against God unless he also included the young emperor Andronikos in the oaths; for in this manner, he had also sworn previously. Wherefore, those who were administering the oath, seeing that the man’s objection was just, though against their will, nonetheless yielded to him and allowed the former form of the oath to be pronounced.

When the emperor learned this from them, he endured the man’s boldness with difficulty, yet in order to avoid causing any disturbance by the ^D opposition of the man, he allowed it. The young Andronikos, however, having learned of these things...

was struck to the heart, perceiving that the origin of such matters pointed toward his own destruction. Yet he bore the grief in silence, "devouring his own heart" according to Homer, and wishing not even by a word to appear rebellious toward his grandfather and emperor. He sat ^A in silence, when a certain man, distinguished by noble lineage and pulling the strands of his ancestry from royal blood on the maternal side, and on the paternal side being the son of the most noble among the Comans—who had surrendered to John who was attempting to seize the Roman Empire, and who was called Sytzigan in the barbarian tongue, but was named Syrgiannes from the one who took him up from the holy baptism—this Syrgiannes, I say, the son of the man of the same name, came by night to the young emperor and addressed him with such words as these: "I believe, O Emperor, that these new machinations have clearly reached your ears; and it is fitting, given your intelligence, to surmise the end of the matter from its beginning. For it cannot be said that your grandfather and emperor has been driven to do such things out of folly or inexperience; for the time passed by bears witness to him of much experience and greatness of prudence, but if he had not first established on a firm footing the one whom he intends to adorn with the flower of the purple, he would not have deprived you of it ^B. . . .

Notes of Jacques Pontanus

(41) This refers to Bellerophon (Iliad, VI), who, having been falsely accused by Anteia, wife of Proetus, king of the Argives, that he had seduced her, was sent by Proetus with letters to Jobates, king of the Lycians, his father-in-law, and was exposed by him to great dangers, which he nevertheless overcame. Afterward, having become hateful to the gods, he wandered in lonely places, shunning the company of men and ^C wasting away with sadness and grief. I shall set down the verses of Homer with the Latin interpretation of M. Tullius:

*He wandered alone in the Aleian plain, wasting his heart, shunning the path of men.*

The Germans express this, "to devour one's heart," as *er frisst sich selbst*, that is, he eats and consumes himself. For a vehement and long-lasting sorrow, or an immense and long agony of soul, wastes the body and reduces it to skin and bones: which happened to Queen Artemisia of Caria, who mourned her husband Mausolus, of whom Cicero says in the Tusculans: "Just as that Artemisia, wife of Mausolus, king of Caria, who built that noble tomb at Halicarnassus, lived in grief as long as she lived, and wasted away having been consumed by the same."

(42) This woman was the imperial family, who married the barbarian and Coman leader, a kinsman of Cantacuzenus. For the emperors of Constantinople used to betroth their daughters to Scythian princes, as we shall hear, and Cantacuzenus gave his daughter Theodora in marriage to the Persian, or rather the Turk, Orchan.

(43) This is an incidental remark, which the Greeks are not accustomed to note: hence the interpreter must be the more attentive. It is likely that this barbarian Sytzigan migrated to Constantinople with his wife, and having there embraced the Christian mysteries, took up residence, and in the same city begot his son Syrgiannes.

(44) Some call these "sponsors," others "godfathers" (*compatres*): for they ought to take up for instruction in Christian institutes those for whom they vouch in baptism, and exercise a paternal care for them. Unless one prefers the term "suscipientes" (those who take up) on the ground that they receive the infant in their own arms, whether to be washed in the salutary font or having already been washed. In Greek, it is "he who takes him up from the sacred illumination." What the Latins call *baptizari*—a word falling from the Greek fountain—the Greeks further express by three other terms: *illuminari* (to be illuminated), *obsignari* (to be sealed), *purgari* (to be purged). These, however, if we wish to express the force and sense of the words themselves, should not be rendered thus, but: to be washed by baptism, to be tinged in the sacred font, to be sprinkled with salutary water, to be tinged with sacred dew, to be purified in the celestial fountain, and in many other ways, which those learned in Latinity do not ignore. The day, moreover, on which the memory of Christ's baptism is celebrated, and which falls on the day of the Epiphany in the Latin Church, is named by the Greek Fathers the "Day of Lights": for they frequently accept it so. Thus Gregory Nazianzen entitled the oration delivered on that day, *In Holy Lights*. Those, therefore, who wish the Feast of Lights among the Greeks to be the Feast of the Purification of Mary are mistaken. But the font in basilicas, as Brissonius noted in his commentary on Christian holy days, was enclosed in a place specifically and exclusively dedicated to the office of baptism, the name of which the Latins, lacking words, borrowed from the Greeks, calling it a baptisterium. The Greeks, not wanting to repeat untimelily that word of theirs lent to the Latins, call it, as Ambrose did, the *sacrarium* of regeneration. And the recently baptized were then called *neophytes*, or *newly enlightened*.

(45) "The flower of the purple," (*Anthos*), since it also has that meaning by which *kosmos* (the world)—but as a Latin term, *flos* (flower)—signifies expectation, honor, elegance, beauty, and a certain ornament. But here it certainly declares rather the luster of the dye itself, or the brightness and a certain beauty of the purple color.

^A For you to cast aside your oaths, and on the other hand to introduce whomsoever you yourself might install—this seems to me to be nothing else. You must therefore deliberate on the matter prudently; for you are not deliberating about small and unimportant things, but about whether to live well or to die without dishonor. I for my part will show myself most eager for you, ready for everything that is commanded, prepared to sacrifice not only possessions and property, but even my very life for the sake of your honor. Having heard these words, the emperor said: "I owe you many thanks, indeed, for the sake of your friendship and zeal toward me. But since the great domestic, John Cantacuzenus, is disposed toward you very familiarly and friendly, and is bound to me with indissoluble bonds of friendship, which have grown up with us from infancy even to this day, and have deepened to such an extent that my soul seems to move his body, and his soul to be moved within me, and ^B to speak and do those things which I desire, and in a way to have fused together both our souls into one, and to move both bodies—since therefore we are thus naturally joined to one another, I do not consider it tolerable to deliberate alone about myself, even though I should happen to fall into final dangers. But since you are going to Thrace to be the successor to his authority, take a letter written by my hand to him, so that he may trust it and come to consult with you (for otherwise he might not be confident), and give this to him. And when you have joined together, and have consulted about the matters at hand, whatever shall seem to you profitable and useful, these things shall be agreed upon by me as well. For I am firmly convinced that, unless God—in a way known only to Himself—has cast a shadow upon your minds, you would not miss what is good, profitable, and useful, due to your sharp discernment, your experience in public affairs, and the utmost friendship and bond you have with me." These things having been said, Syrgiannes took the letter from the emperor and ^C set out for Thrace; there, having met with the great domestic and having made known to him the things that had occurred, and having handed over the emperor’s letter, they deliberated about the present situation for two or three days following. And the consultation having been varied and multiform (since the struggle was about the greatest of things), and many things having been said by both (since they were competing in prudence and military experience with the very best of the Romans), at last the great domestic spoke as follows:

CHAPTER III.

"I would have exchanged many things, best of friends, or rather even a small part of my remaining life,

as it was brought to us, that such a consultation has been held, where whichever of the two outcomes occurs, it cannot happen without great danger. Those ^A who come to deliberate on other matters can conclude through reasoning that, if things turn out one way, it will go well, but if not, everything will turn out the opposite. But in this matter which we are currently considering, if the worse side prevails, it will mean death; but if what seems better manages to be the stronger, it is necessary to expect a hive of disasters. For since our Emperor is deliberating such things concerning his grandson and Emperor, if what is being plotted is carried to completion, it will omit no excess of evil. For here is a man equal in worth to many others, competing for the prize with the most prudent in wisdom, far surpassing others by a great margin in strength of soul, and in freedom of spirit, and in natural aptitude suitable for the ^B great weight of the empire, and in knowing and observing the laws of friendship, and, to speak universally, being a common ornament of the human race—it is a grave matter that such a person is condemned, without a hearing, for the most serious crimes, and that it falls to his lot either to endure a life more bitter than any death (for he who yesterday and the day before was adored and honored by all as Emperor, today is despised and treated injuriously, and considered as one of the riff-raff and the common mob), or to be put to death, outside of all justice and reason. But if he could by any means escape such a mortal danger, we would then have need of some tragic poet to sing with gravity and compassion of the disasters that are destined to be brought upon the Romans by one another. For who, unless he were more insensible than wood and stones, does not understand ^C that, with the emperors divided, it is necessary that the empire also be divided, and that battles must break out on both sides; and just as those who clash in a night battle, [the text is interrupted].

Jacobi Pontani notes

(47) *Andronicum*... He accommodates here what Homer said about the doctor in *Iliad* A: "For a doctor is a man of greater worth than many." The wisest poets rightly boast of this verse; the sense is that a doctor is worth as much as many, or can be compared to many. He means that Andronicus combined the virtues of many in one, so that he yielded to no one in any individual virtue. Note the excellent little eulogy in the words that follow it.

(48) *of human nature*... I take this as said of men themselves, for whom he testifies that Andronicus was a common beauty and ornament (because of his excellence of soul, clearly). In any kind of thing, that is the beauty, glory, and ornament of others which excels above the others. Because *agalma* (statue/ornament) is also exposed as delight, it was not far from me to translate this whole phrase as "the love and delight of the human race," recalling that Titus, the son of Vespasian the Emperor, was so named, according to Suetonius in his *Life*, chapter 1.

(49) *in the Greek*... understands the word *dikē*, since *erēme* is "cause" or "judgment," so that *erēmē dikē* is a "deserted judgment," or a deserted legal recognizance. It is a compound word when someone does not appear in court on the day appointed. Or, as it is in our text, it is to be condemned for deserting one's recognizance. It can also be translated as "to be condemned without a hearing," which is what we have done; for neither the one who deserted his recognizance nor the one who did not plead his case appears in court; thus both seem to have abandoned it, although one is the defendant who bound himself by the recognizance, and to the other an injury is done. Seneca, *Medea*: "He who decides anything while the other side is unheard, though he have decided what is just, was not just himself." It is also possible to render *herodes* as "lately," "very lately," "a little while ago," "yesterday."

(51) *to adore*... is commonly applied in sacred and profane literature to men who are not gods, and it is said that they are "adored," that is, they are treated with a certain singular veneration, with the body bent to the ground. "We kiss the ground with bowed heads," says Aeneas in the *Aeneid*. Themistocles ^D depicted this manner and gesture of adoring very beautifully, when he adored the King of the Persians through a simulation. For he let a ring fall, and when he bent down to pick it up, he was seen to have discharged his duty. Our author is also quite clear in Book [x], chapter 5, where Tamerchanes, satrap of Phrygia, comes to the Emperor. For of his Persian companions, "All the others indeed adored the Emperor before they approached, with their heads bowed to the ground." This adoration is still the custom among Barbarians today. Therefore, I shall not fear to set forth [the meaning of] "to adore," since the matter is so clear.

to be stained with the blood of kinsmen and friends? I pass over the plunderings and the destruction of property, in which we would be ravaging our own country as if it were enemy territory. ^A What remedy, then, can one devise for such a burgeoning growth of evils? To me, indeed, to ignore the young emperor, who without any fault of his own has been treated so ignominiously and who might perhaps lose not only his empire but his very life, is tantamount to death. On the other hand, to appear prepared for war before the proper time, so that we might even be thought by outsiders to be deliberately inciting the grandson to revolt against his grandfather and emperor, I consider the height of folly. For I am so far from inciting his grandson and emperor to revolt against the emperor, that, even though I love him dearly and am, as you see, ready to lay down my very life for his sake, know clearly that I would never have joined him in anything, had I seen him eager to strip the emperor of his rule by using greed and plunder. For he would indeed be playing Absalom, and I, Achitophel. Since, therefore, we have been driven into such a necessity of circumstances, I judge it ^B to be a duty, faced with extreme dangers, to hold to the middle course: neither to live life so dissolutely and idly as if there were nothing serious to be feared, nor again to pursue what seem to be beneficial ends so thoughtlessly and recklessly. This can be achieved if, with wisdom and good counsel, we confront the imminent flame of temptations as best we can, and establish the young emperor in a calm and safe harbor, so that even if the angry sea rolls vast waves toward the shore, he himself may be free from the fear of any danger. If, then, God, overlooking our trespasses and those of all the Romans, ^C quenches from above this feared conflagration of evils, having made the heart of the old man upright toward the young emperor, he will owe Him many thanks for having delivered him from such calamities. But if, on the other hand—which God forbid—the heart of the emperor should harden against the grandson to the end that the Romans might experience many evils, and he should take more savage counsel against him, then, having placed the young emperor in that previously prepared security, we shall proceed to action, setting God before us as a witness of the injustice, and as the examiner and judge of what is being done. ^D

^A After the Great Domestic had argued in this manner, Syrgiannes said that everything he had spoken was in accordance with his own opinion, and that he agreed with all of it as being well stated, except that a little something was still wanting to bring the words to a conclusion. For it must be discovered how, and what, the emperor's safety would be. Having consulted together about this, it seemed best to both of them to propose an option to the young Emperor between these two: either to move to the city of Hadrian, since it was great and populous and had a not-to-be-despised army established within it; furthermore, because his father, the Emperor Michael, had spent a very long time there, many had become his intimates and friends and would be most willing to risk danger for his son. Or, if that place did not please him (fearing that, if his grandfather were piqued and preferred war to peace, and, disregarding piety, were to send a strong force from Constantinople to attack him, which, as it was nearby, he could easily do), he should betake himself to the fortress of Christopolis; ^B both because it was strong by nature and construction, as well as its walls, and also because it lay like a kind of barrier in the middle of both regions, separating the Western forces, however numerous and accustomed to battle they were, from the Eastern and Thracian ones; and thirdly, because it was coastal, and might provide assistance conveniently from the sea from any direction.

Having finished the deliberation with this decision, and having bidden farewell to one another, Syrgiannes remained in Thrace for the purpose of administering it. Cantacuzenus set out for Constantinople, having left his wife at Calliopolis, in which city she most frequently resided, partly because it was suited for warding off the incursions of the Barbarians, and partly because, since the whole fleet was stationed there, and there were many triremes and sailors, the natives of the region were being despoiled and oppressed, with no one to strike fear into them, and their attacks. ^C

CHAPTER V

impulses. For naval lawlessness, as someone has said, is more unmanageable than fire. ^A He left his wife there, pretending that it was not easy for him to take the women's quarters along with him, but in truth, in order to leave for himself a plausible pretext should there be need to encounter Syrgiannes again and to enter into negotiations. Having arrived at Constantinople and approached the young emperor, he reported what had been decided. He also commended to him Apocauchus, a man of humble birth who was occupied with public matters (for at that time he happened to be in charge of the salt provisions), but who was otherwise a man of deep understanding and capable of dealing with the times and affairs. By doing so, he laid Syrgiannes under further obligation, for he himself had frequently entreated the Grand Domestic regarding him; and he found the emperor nodding and agreeing in all regards. ^B To what had been deliberated, the emperor added this: that for us to prepare our own safety, so as to have an escape from the evils that are coming upon us, is seen by me to be among the most beneficial and necessary of things; therefore, one must strive to see this task completed before all else. One must not depart a hair's breadth from greatness of soul and endurance, but must persist in the undertaking until the very crisis of the danger, remaining upon our previous positions. And if we might reap some fruit from this endurance—perhaps with the elder changing his plans and desisting from the crimes plotted against us—nothing could be more desirable. But if the matter should turn out otherwise, this much at least will remain to us: that we do not appear to have risen up against our grandfather the emperor out of arrogance and rashness, nor out of a desire for possession and love of rule; ^C but rather that, harassed by injuries and afflicted by extreme hardships, we have been judged to have wished to flee a foreseen destruction. And thus far spoke the young emperor.

CHAPTER V

Now the elder, having conceived a more cruel hatred in his heart against his grandson, announces these things to him through a certain senator: "You know how, some time ago, you requested of me to be allowed to lay aside the imperial habit, and...

at that time I gave you the answer that was fitting; now, however, having examined the matter and deemed what you ask to be good, I am willing to do so and I make this clear to you. He, however, who is to succeed to the empire will keep you in the first rank of honor and affection, and will not rise from his throne when you approach—for it is not the custom for emperors to stand up for private citizens—but you will find him, ^A when you arrive, standing upright, so that the dignity of honor may be preserved for you, and for him the right of the empire. Be assured that these things are fixed and immovable in my mind." The young Andronikos replied with what we shall recount a little later; but now it is worth recording whence and for what reason the emperor was prompted to these words. The young Andronikos, having reached about twenty years of age, was constantly residing in the vicinity of Byzantium, by no means permitted to go any further; and, as he was boiling with the vigor of youth and possessed an unrestrained nature due to the sharpness of his temperament, he took it ill that he was prevented from making longer journeys, and he felt no better than those who are held confined under guard. Nevertheless, submitting to necessity, he obeyed the commands of the emperor and grandfather, and meanwhile, as circumstances allowed, seeking some small consolation for himself, he occupied his time with hunting wild beasts in the Byzantine countryside and with equestrian games, so that he seemed not even to take time for sleep in his preoccupation with these things. The grandfather and emperor, being greatly bothered by these activities, rebuked the young man more harshly, ^B assailing him with insulting taunts not only in private, but often in the presence of many others.

Jacobi Pontani Notes

(60) Chap. 6. (61) This city had two most noble names, the ancient Byzantium, the more recent Constantinople; concerning both, something must be said. The old was a town in Thrace on the Propontis, which a leader of the Byzantes, a colony of the Megarians, founded; and it is said that Pausanias the Spartan restored and enlarged it once founded. Zonaras relates that Constantine the Great, preparing to build a city of his own name, first chose the territory of Sardica, then the promontory of Sigeum, and finally Chalcedon and Byzantium. Cedrenus is the authority that he made a beginning at Thessalonica; but having been interrupted by a plague, he abandoned the place and proceeded to Chalcedon. When he began to restore it after it had been ruined by the Persians, he was warned by eagles—because they repeatedly carried off the architects' rules and measuring lines—to build Constantinople ^C and take Byzantium away. Sozomen and Zosimus narrate that, while he was thinking to build a city of his own name which would equal Rome in honor, he found a convenient space between Ilium and the Hellespont, laid the foundations there, and raised a part of the wall to a height, but later Byzantium seemed a more convenient seat. When the emperor Severus, in earlier years, after having slain Pescennius Niger, who had invaded the empire of the East, had destroyed it and reduced it to the form of a village, Constantine himself, having defeated Licinius, enlarged its circuit, raised its walls, and determined to complete it with public and private buildings for utility and adornment. Later, when the empire was divided into many portions, he wished Rome to be the domicile of the West, and Byzantium of the East; and having summoned the bishops of the East, he consecrated the new city to God and the Virgin Mother with great ceremony, and he dubbed it New Rome and Constantinople, and to add to the dignity of the city, he raised its church to the honor of a patriarchate, and its bishop ^D Metrophanes after the Alexandrian, he instituted to preside. So far he. If you like, see also about the founders and the name of this city which Petrus Bizarus brings forward, *History of Genoa*, book XII, in the year 1453. It is often called by the Greeks "queen of cities," or the empress city. Our author, below, chap. 21, [speaks] how honorably [he writes] of it: "a city so vast and populous, and most powerful in wealth, and arms, and soldiers." I shall transcribe a not inelegant passage from the epistle of Matthew Camariota, in which he laments Constantinople taken by the Turks: "All our defenses and ornaments were snatched away at once in a single assault. The fatherland is captured; a city in the world like to which there is none, but of a kind which no human hand could have built. Pre-eminent in the same magnitude and beauty, resplendent in site and grace, which I would dare to affirm is the greatest and most beautiful of all cities anywhere; which everyone hoped and believed would remain forever unconquerable to all; whose safety everyone, next to God, believed to be their own; which if it were called the eye of the world, or the heart, one would not stray from the truth; of which it was permitted to no one not to boast; in which to be enrolled as a citizen had no small argument for commendation and glory." So far he. See also Nicetas at the end of his *Annals*. I find this city called "God-city," just as Antioch... [alt-version omitted] (62) To hunt, or to take pleasure in hunting (and in hunting, as you will see), to have leisure for equestrian games—these are not unrefined occupations, nor do they ill become a prince, especially an adolescent. Wherefore there was a cause for me why the morose old man should be so angry at one having leisure for these things, and should so harshly rebuke an innocent one. There seem to have been other occupations of his, namely in brothels, [index: entries preserved]

and those of the senate and those related to him by birth. Everything, then, grieved the young man’s soul, appearing as he did to be so deeply insulted before the eyes of all. But what goaded him more than the rest ^A was this: that the emperor, protesting before those present about the alleged depravity of his grandson, would say, "If he should be proven useful for any necessary task, then I am worthy to be stoned while alive; and when dead, to be exhumed and delivered to the fire."

Amidst these taunts (and what sort of thing happened to cause this?) the young emperor came one day. As he was entering the door of the small chamber ^B where the emperor customarily sat—which had doorposts inlaid with marble—it happened that the jeweled cap or tiara which he wore on his head struck against the marble. Greatly disturbed by this incident, and unable to restrain himself in silence, he cried out in a loud voice, "Do you see, even as I say, and with God bearing witness from above, that He has judged you unworthy of the empire, and for this reason has permitted its symbol to be struck against the stone?" This word, sharper than any arrow, wounded and pierced the young man's inner heart. And departing to his own house, he lay there groaning heavily, pouring out his soul, to speak poetically.

CAPUT VI

The grandson sends an envoy to his grandfather: the virtue of that man is lauded. The substance of the embassy: that they deal with him more cruelly than his offenses deserve; and that the grandfather forgets he is a father. If he persists in his hatred, let him designate another emperor. The grandfather, remembering with what love he loved him before he was even born, excuses his severity and rigor. It returns to the previous narrative, and the interrupted matters are joined.

However, when he had recovered from his great despondency... [index: entries preserved]

he decided that he must employ an embassy ^A to the grandfather and emperor, both to appease his anger and render him more gentle, and at the same time to learn the cause for which the emperor was so hostile toward him. He therefore sends Joseph, one who was renowned for his virtue and philosophy, and who was on everyone’s lips. Although he exerted himself manfully to hide the lamp under a bushel, he achieved nothing, since the saying of the Lord ^B cannot by any means fail. For he arrived at such a degree of prominence that by the common vote of the emperor, the holy synod, and the entire senate, he was judged worthy of the ecclesiastical throne of this new Rome, even though he himself, because of the modesty of his mind and his singular moderation, resisted and religiously declined the height and greatness of such a dignity. Using this man as his envoy, he reports through him to the emperor and grandfather as follows: ^C "Since nature has implanted in all parents a certain special love toward their children, it is, of course, consistent with reason that they should wish even to conceal and hide their failings. And if any father should praise his son copiously and honorably, he will not escape having the listeners strongly suspect those praises to be false, and that the praiser is deceived by his natural affection and inclination. On the contrary, if he should touch upon his son with even a slight reprimand, they interpret it conversely as being far too severely reprimanded, and they argue the same way. Since, therefore, you, my father, are so greatly angry with me, your son, and are daily heaping upon me many and various reproaches and insults, and—the most painful thing of all for me, and that which my tongue not only abhors to speak but my ears to hear—you have often invoked the most terrible [curses] of death upon your own head if I ever happened to appear capable and fit for performing any useful task; and—what is more bitter even than death itself—when you consider certain minor and accidental occurrences to be heavenly signs and manifestations of divine counsel, by which I am shown to be unfit for ruling over the peoples of the empire, who, I ask, of the Romans, hearing these things, will not judge that you, my father, are aware of an entire sea of wicked crimes ^D committed in my name?"

^A And yet, it was right for those who heard your praise—as you spoke at great length and magnified your grandson more than was proper—to suspect such praise, calculating that it arose from a father's affection. These are the things that torment me and make life more bitter than death. I acknowledge that I have sinned, and that I have committed acts deserving of blows and scourges; and it would be the greatest of favors to me if, in secret, you, my father, were to exact penalties from me for my lapses. But to give such rein to your anger, so that in the presence of many you lash me with abuse, is a thing more grievous than all else. If, therefore, God looks upon my sins with merciful eyes and guides you to be gentler with me and to sympathize with me as a son, this would be the best. But if you are to remain effectively so, even in the future, then let another king be appointed by you, whom you deem useful and good.

Having presented these arguments, Joseph, as an envoy from the emperor Andronikos, appeared before the grandfather and emperor. And then, having himself delivered some frequent words of praise for the young emperor, and having somewhat gently rebuked the emperor for behaving toward the young man more harshly ^B than was appropriate, he received from him the following response: "While other fathers all for the first time begin to love their children when they have begun to enjoy the light of day, and increase this love as they grow, I, on the contrary, loved you in such miraculous ways even before you entered into the breezes of the light, that I have not a few witnesses of this, men of evident holiness of life. For there is not, I say, there is not a single one among them whom I did not often urge most impetuously to offer ardent and frequent prayers to God, not only that nothing unfavorable might befall your birth, but also that you might be born every bit the best, and worthy of such numerous prayers. And as for myself, although—I confess—rashly, since because of the corruption of my life I had no standard of holiness from which to seek confidence in obtaining what I asked, I nevertheless acted, crying many times as I prayed to God, so that you might be born, and once born, might prove worthy of my prayers. ^C Since, therefore, I loved you in such a way, and even beyond measure, while you were still lingering within the maternal chambers, how could I now, when you have reached such an age, have it in me to hate and cast you aside? It is not with reason that one speaks thus." ^D

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

^A That I should use harsher corrections and address him with biting words, must not be taken as a sign of hatred, but rather of the highest love and of an affection befitting a father, who desires his son to be the best in all things, especially as he is already ascending to the height of such power. For when one is set before all men as a pattern of every virtue, even the slightest defect in him would be judged by those of sound mind as a very great matter, and for this reason it is just that he be refined through all things into beauty. By these responses, which were so mild and gentle, the young man was mollified, and through a certain man he returned thanks to the emperor in a festive manner. And for two years following, the trouble subsided, with the emperor looking upon his grandson more benevolently; and if ever it was necessary to reproach him, he did so with moderation, in such a way that the young man, as if he were being admonished, expressed his gratitude. But these things were while the emperor Michael was still alive; but when he was dead, the emperor was at war in other respects with his grandson, and indeed, as has been mentioned a little before, since the young Andronikos, pained by the excessive reproaches, had sent word to him saying, "If you would change from your bitterness toward me; but if not, let another be set forth as emperor for you, whomsoever you may wish," he sent back word to him, saying: "That which you previously sought will now come to pass, and another shall be set forth as emperor in your stead, while you shall reap the first honors from him." To this the young Andronikos replied in this manner: ^B Those who are agitated by anger or grief or any other such emotion, do not usually retain the memory of what they say or do in times of distress. For since they do not even perceive for a short time what they are doing, they are much less able to recall words from a past time. But those who are treated well by someone through words or deeds, they, even for many years, store up the memory of the favors received.

CHAPTER VII

^C Those who are stirred by anger, grief, or any other more severe passion are not accustomed to remember either what they said or what they did during that state of turmoil. And it is no wonder that they forget their own words. For since they do not perceive even for a brief moment what they are doing, they are far less able to remember past words. But those upon whom some duty or favor has been bestowed, either in word or deed, they, even for many years, [retain the memory of the benefits received].

For when the soul is gentle and composed, and takes pleasure in benefits, it happens that the memory of both words and deeds is engraved as if upon bronze. And so I myself, O Emperor, have completely forgotten those things which I uttered while I was indignant; but as for the benefits which I heard being bestowed upon me by you, I keep the memory of them so flourishing and fresh that I seem to have heard them, not yesterday or the day before, but, what is more, to have taken them into these ears for the first time today. And I believed that you were disposed toward me in the same way, and that you had most quickly cast away the memory of those things which you uttered in anger, but that you securely held onto those things with which you had favored me. But now I see that the complete opposite is happening. For you are bringing into our midst those words of peace which you consigned to be carried off into the depths of Lethe, having been brought forth out of excess of grief. I, hearing that I had said such things, have now remembered them; not, however, as if I were rejecting the empire as something full of shame and disgrace. For I would have been completely bereft of my senses, and would have left myself no limit of ingratitude, if I had senselessly and rashly cast away, as ^B if they were useless, those things which God, the King of kings, and you yourself, my lord and father, had granted me beyond any measure of benevolence. Why, then, did I say such things? It was the speech of a soul suffering from bitter pain and greatly troubled, and of one trusting that paternal depth of feeling would be softened toward sympathy by the bitter and tear-filled cry of his son; and precisely this happened according to my design, and I have until now enjoyed much of your paternal favor. Now, therefore, if there is anyone who can prove that I have committed acts worthy of death, I will not beg off from dying justly. But if the charges are such that they require only paternal discipline and a scourging, you will grant me pardon for them, just as you yourself, every day, pray to the great Emperor—and by adoption, our Father—asking for the remission of your own transgressions. But as for those things which I have committed against you, you will punish them with a fitting penalty, if you will only banish far from me those troublesome words, which are more intolerable than every burden. Having set forth this defense, the grandfather did not refute it with a word, but by his silence ^C and his gestures, he appeared to be seething with anger against his grandson. The Great Domestic, however, having arrived from Thrace, when he learned what had happened from the young Emperor, asked for pardon for his sins, ^D and himself forgave those who had transgressed against him, because to us, as fellow servants, the friendship and intimacy with God is returned by [our] reconciliation, as forgiveness is given in exchange for forgiveness.

^A Having much marveled at the evils that lord it over human nature, and having lamented the injustice that arms itself against nature itself—even against those who have been completely ensnared by it—he said: "O most powerful Emperor, it is clear from this that evil is among the most incurable things. But as for my faith toward you and my friendship, free from all deceit, the time that has passed is enough to confirm it, having shown it to be, in a way, born with us and growing with our bodies. Wherefore I do not think there is any need of words between us, as we each belong to the other. And the time to come will show it no less, as I see it will be in need of most faithful friends. If, therefore, I saw you practicing malice and arrogance against the Emperor, your grandfather, wishing to deprive him of the throne and appropriate it for yourself alone, know well that, even though I am very fond of you, I would not have chosen to share in such an absurd undertaking. But since I see such evils arising against you for no cause, so that if God does not disperse them from above, there is not even much room for expectation that they will not rise to a great height, I willingly and gladly offer myself to the dangers on your behalf—not only my money, possessions, servants, and friends, but now even my very self, so that you may have me to use in whatever way you wish." ^B To this the Great Domestic of the Emperor gave many thanks, and added that "time, which dulls all things and causes them by degrees to slip away, has been defeated by our friendship for one another, which appears more vigorous and more fresh as it proceeds." He compared it to a tree ever heavy with fruit, and, declaring that the time that has passed is surpassed by the present, they turned to deliberate about present matters. And first of all it seemed right to choose a stronghold to receive them as they fled, one advantageously situated, and not inconvenient for protecting those received, nor for pushing back the attackers. The city in the Odrysian land, taking its name from Hadrian Augustus—Adrianopolis—was named for many most necessary reasons. But since that caused them fear, lest the Elder (who had soldiers at the ready, and whom the shortness of the way, being no more than a two or three days' journey, aided) ^C pursuing them in their wake, might catch the fugitives—since they could not repel those pressing from behind—the plan fell through, and they decided to make for Christoupolis, a city of Thrace. While they were deliberating in this way about their own affairs, an embassy arrived to the Emperor, the grandfather (whose daughter Simonis he had in marriage), from the ruler of the Triballi, the Kral Stephen. The pretext of the embassy was that [the Emperor] having borrowed nearly two thousand of his army, the Comans, had not returned the soldiers, but having persuaded them to remain, was holding them back. For which reason the Kral, being provoked, was sending an embassy to his father-in-law. The ambassador was a monk, called Kallinikos, himself also a Triballian by race ^D and... [index: entries preserved]

^A experienced in handling political affairs and opportunities. Since he was not unaware of the sedition rising between the emperors, and perceived that such a discord would provide his own master with an opportunity to take vengeance on the emperor for the wrongs he had suffered regarding the soldiers, he wished to meet the young emperor in secret.

CHAPTER VIII.

^B The young emperor and the grand domestic, judging it to be to their advantage if they should send an embassy to the Kral for the purpose of forming an alliance of war, summoned Kallinikos. Having discussed with him the alliance and friendship with the Kral, and having easily persuaded him—since he himself considered this embassy to be advantageous to the Kral, and furthermore because he already had bonds of friendship with Syrgiannes—they sent him out. Having traveled the road with great haste and eagerness, and having met with the Kral and announced the young emperor’s embassy, he found that the Kral also considered the occasion as a godsend and promised with all his might to assist the young emperor, and was thankful, provided only that he [the young emperor] would desert his grandfather, the emperor, and take up his position in the regions of Macedonia; for he thought that an alliance with him would be to the detriment of the affairs of his father-in-law and emperor. Kallinikos, therefore, having received his promises, returned to Byzantium with speed; and, being seen with joy by the emperor, who was himself joyful, he reported the results of his embassy and asserted firmly that the Kral’s alliance was secured, provided only that he [the emperor] would come to the regions of Macedonia. ^C Thus, then, did the young Andronikos bring about the alliance with the Kral.

Observing, however, that the emperor and his grandfather was not abating his former malevolence in either his habits or his words, he also set about ensuring his own safety, reasoning that if, in some way, the difficult circumstances could be resolved, he would remain subject to the emperor and grandfather as long as he lived; but if it should proceed further and the meditated fury should incline toward fulfillment, he would desert the Queen of Cities and go, saving himself and his company. ^D While time was being spent in such matters, Theodorus Synadenus, the protostrator, having received a leave of absence from the West, came to Byzantium; for he had been in charge of Prillapon and the neighboring places, and the lower towns of Macedonia, a man noble by birth and of great...

distinction; for on his mother's side his ancestral line traced back to the emperors, his mother having been born of the brother of Michael, the first of the Palaiologoi to rule as emperor. His father, however, was the local governor of the region toward the West known as Dalmatia, which government he brought under the control of the first of the emperors, Michael Palaiologos, ^A rendering it subject to him; for this he was deemed worthy of great honors among the Romans and of a distinguished marriage alliance, having been joined to the niece of the emperor. Now this protostrator, having arrived in Byzantium from the West, as we have said, and having heard all that the emperor had stated and done regarding the overthrow of his grandson and emperor, was filled with intolerable indignation and condemned the great ingratitude of the matter. Therefore, the young emperor and the Grand Domestic, taking heart (all the more so because the protostrator had already been kindly disposed toward them, especially toward the Grand Domestic due to their long period of intimate friendship while residing in Adrianople with the Emperor Michael), believed it necessary to take him into their confidence as a fellow participant in their actions, both by reason of the friendship he bore them and on account of his valor, his military experience, and his prudence—virtues which such enterprises most require. Consequently, they revealed to him all that the emperor had communicated to the grandson, the nature of the responses he had received, and even what they themselves had deliberated regarding their own situation. Having judged that all these things were well-ordered, he himself chose to be a partner with them in their counsels and their dangers to the very end. It was resolved by these men, together with the emperor, that their deliberations should be revealed to no other Roman whatsoever, but only to these three: ^B the Grand Domestic, the protostrator Synadenos, and Syrgiannes, as well as to three other Latin Genoese who were confirmed friends of the emperor and capable of providing great assistance toward their flight from Byzantium to Christopolis. They had indeed promised to arm three triremes at their own expense and seven at the emperor’s expense, so that the total number would be ten; and these would serve him for his flight, should flight be necessary, and would simultaneously wage war at Christopolis until he had set his affairs in order. Their names were, from the Auriar clan, Raphon Auria, from the Spinulae, Fredericus Spinula, and from the Temarenses, Raphon Temar. ^C Once more with these [notes] of Jacobus Pontanus:

(80) The house of theauriari had its origin from Ansaldo. Ansaldo was born of a certain noble matron named Oria, of a venerable family called Volta, which is now, as we have said, of the Catanei. After Arduinus, a prince born in the province of Narbonne, had sought her hand in marriage on account of the beauty of her form and the nobility of her family, he eventually received her. For when he had undertaken a journey to Palestine for the sake of religion, having been brought by chance to Genoa, he fell into the familiarity and companionship of this most distinguished woman, ^D as happens, so that, enticed by her grace and beauty, he was subsequently received into the Voltana family, and for the sake of distinguishing his name and ancestral lineage, he retained the name of his wife, Oria. Bizarus in *History of the Genoese*, book 1.

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^A to join them in their flight from Byzantium to Christopolis. For they promised that they would man three triremes at their own expense, and having received money for seven others from the Emperor, they would bring the total to ten, and would join the Emperor in his flight if necessary, and would stand their ground as allies at Christopolis until the Emperor had arranged his affairs to his satisfaction. Their names were, from the Oria family, Raphon Oria; from the Spinula family, Frerigo Spinula; and from the Demir family, Raphon Demar. ^B Afterwards, the Emperor deliberated with the two of them concerning which of the cities they ought to choose for their flight, so that the Protostrator might also cast his vote for what he considered the winning option. The Protostrator preferred Adrianople, bringing together the alliance from the Kral with Christopolis, but noting the large population of Adrianople, the military force stationed there, and that most of its inhabitants favored the young Emperor. Before the deliberation had reached any conclusion, they rose. Later, when the Great Domestic and the Emperor were deliberating alone about these same matters, they observed that while it would be easy for Syrgiannes and the Great Domestic to take their wives away from Thrace—where they were staying—to wherever they pleased, it would be extremely difficult for the Protostrator to move his seat, as his wife was established in Adrianople with their two young daughters. Furthermore, they pondered that it would be a great injustice to impose such a necessity upon the Protostrator, and that to reject him from their alliance because he resisted would appear not only unjust but foolish: foolish, because they would be excluding an altogether excellent man for a trivial reason; and unjust, because they were now casting him out having previously invited and recruited him—he who had shown great zeal and readiness to face dangers with them. Putting their trust in God, and despite some suspicion of danger, they decided that for the sake of a greater good they would rather settle on Adrianople. Having finished their deliberation, they informed the Protostrator of their decision, which excited him remarkably to undertake the task and rendered him more eager ^C than before.

Such was the state of their affairs. The elder Emperor, however, being thoroughly provoked with anger toward his grandson, did not greet him when he came to him daily, nor did he deign to offer him any salutation when he left. Indeed, for four whole months he did not share a single word—whether kind or harsh—with him, except for when the young Emperor, acting deliberately and beyond what was seemly, haunted the palace daily. The Emperor, seeing this importunate assiduity and pressed as if by necessity, at times erupted with this statement, without adding another word: "From now on, remain at your own home." Yet, even when the young Emperor stood by his grandfather with the senators and officials, the Emperor never permitted him ^D to sit, but while others sat by his order, he himself also necessarily sat, with all looking toward him, and shaking his head.

Notes by Jacobus Pontanus

^A And those nearby, perceiving the commission, were under necessity to sit as well, all of them looking toward him, and indicating by their nods that not even they themselves would sit while he was standing. This stung the young emperor all the more, so that he would say, even to those in whom he felt he could confide, that as the lord and emperor wished (for this is the way he always referred to the emperor and grandfather), he gave leave to the others to be seated, but not to him, to stand for so long. And when they permitted him, he said, "But for you, the seat has been granted by the lord and emperor, but not for me. Wherefore it is fitting for you to be seated, fulfilling the command; but for me, to stand until the order reaches even me." Such things he said to those he trusted, uncovering the pain of his soul; in response to which the Grand Domestic, while comforting him, chanted other things to soothe his grief, and said that it was necessary to fulfill the words of Solomon, showing patience and endurance at the proper time. ^B Next, the young emperor and his associates, through one of their intimates, signified to Syrgiannes that he should fly back quickly to that of Constantine, having feigned some honorable pretext for his return. For, as for their affairs, in one aspect they were moving toward the better, in another toward the worse. But he, with great zeal and speed, having returned and conferred with the emperor and his companions, learned that the case that affairs were moving toward the better had been spoken for the sake of the protostrator Synadenus; but that they were moving toward the worse was because the emperor had become more extremely hostile to his grandson. And having been taught all else that had occurred after his departure into Thrace, they deliberated among themselves as to what needed to be done, and how they might safely depart from the Queen of Cities. Accordingly, the protostrator Synadenus was the first to speak: ^C

CAPUT IX. The protostrator advises that the elder emperor be placed under guard, Syrgiannes (advises) that he be put to death, the Grand Domestic advises that they abide by the former opinion. Being rebuked by Syrgiannes for pertinacity, he defends himself wisely, and refutes both.

we shall be masters of the whole situation. ^A Then Syrgiannes, taking him up, said: "And as for this which you have said, if one were to examine it with thought, he will find it exposed to many dangers. For firstly, it is no small task to apprehend him, since many of the nobility, and of the magistrates, and of those mercenary soldiers who are always seen in the palace in great numbers, are well-disposed toward him. Then, that even if this were to be carried out successfully—though not without many dangers—we would fall into more severe perils, since we would be forced to suspect the greater part of the guards and to fear the vicissitudes of events. Since, therefore, there is great reason for fear on both sides, it is better, in my opinion, to cut off the remaining moment of the old man’s life, and thus secure a firm and constant reign, since indeed he himself will not take vengeance, and there exists no one who would wish to risk anything for his sake."

^B Such was the counsel which Syrgiannes gave against the emperor, of his own accord; but he was urged on to it most of all by Apocauchus, who, for certain illegitimate reasons, was alienated from the senior emperor, and because he could not express his own opinion with his own mouth—for he had not yet penetrated so far into the intimacy of the junior emperor as to be invited into council—he loved Syrgiannes and suggested to that same man that he should consult as freely as possible.

Against these things, the Grand Domestic began as follows: "My first judgment regarding these inhuman designs is that the second—the murder—appears to lack no excess of cruelty and inhumanity. Wherefore, having considered the utility, I conclude that we must retreat from these councils and adhere to our former ones; and we must provide, not in what manner we may most atrociously punish the emperor, but by what means we may keep destruction from our own necks. ^C For we met together for this purpose: that, with God graciously assisting us, we might protect both the life and the honor of him [the junior emperor] who has been harmed by the injury of the other; but as for the other [the senior emperor], that we should not, when no necessity compels us, cause trouble even to his honor—to say nothing of his life."

While they were debating in this way, mutually opposed in their judgments, the junior emperor sat in silence, listening to what was being said. Then Syrgiannes, resuming the speech, and speaking against the Grand Domestic from the opposite side, said: "Since the weakness of human intelligence is unable to attain ^D perfect knowledge of things all at once, I think no one should be required to remain steadfast in what appeared best to him from the beginning, if, afterward, the contrary should appear better; for if this principle were to prevail, all things would quickly be turned upside down. For if neither a merchant, nor a farmer, nor a pilot adapts himself to what seems profitable, but of necessity remains steadfast in what he decided from the beginning, the pilot would quickly sink his own ship when contrary winds arose; the merchant would return empty of money; and the farmer, in addition to the loss of his labors, would incur deep ridicule. And we shall add something from our own examples as well. Not even a general, if he [were to] stick to his initial...

^A resolutions, will raise a trophy over the enemy; rather, being defeated in a shameful and ignoble manner, he will involve his soldiers in danger. For if it should happen by chance that someone leads an army of his own many times larger than the enemy’s and better trained for war, and for this reason decides that he must join battle, but then upon coming to the actual situation, he sees that the enemy’s [army] is superior by a great measure in numbers, training, and equipment, and yet because he does not wish to undo what was decided, he engages thoughtlessly and rashly, would we not say that such a general is little different from one who is insane? It is clear to everyone, I think. Wherefore it occurs to me even now to wonder at you, who have thus settled the matter that one ought to abide by what was decided from the beginning, having spent time from earliest youth until this age in military expeditions and the labors ^B of war, and [yet] being ignorant of the fact that a single turn of the moment will cause changes in many things. To these points, the Great Domestic replied as follows: "I do not think that any man, provided he has even the slightest share of good sense, has so convinced himself to remain firmly fixed in his initial determinations as to be unwilling to change them if better ones appear later. Nor do I think that you yourself could have criticized me so immoderately, or spoken so conveniently and truly about these matters, unless you felt the same way I do. However, I am so far from being the man you describe that, in both public and private deliberations, when I have frequently put forward an opinion that seemed probable and that reached as far as possible toward the benefit of the matter proposed, then when it came to the actual implementation, I have departed to a different conclusion altogether, either being persuaded by another whom I considered less prudent, or by myself. But regarding this current business about which we are ^C debating, I believe that what seems right to me, rather than what seems right to you, should be approved, and this for many reasons. First, because to lay hands upon an Emperor, the Anointed of the Lord [(88)], and destroy his soul, not only lacks forgiveness among all men, but we also believe that such most bitter deeds are repaid by God with a most severe penalty. And then, we did not propose this to ourselves from the beginning: that we should kill one emperor and install another upon the throne of the emperors; but, keeping a long and just rationale in view, we were eager to defend the young Emperor, who was being treated unjustly regarding his rule and who feared for his life. It is therefore absurd that one [of us] should win the rule with justice, while the other [is forced] to be unjustly deprived of both the rule and his life; and that we should appear to have ourselves wrought upon the other [Emperor] things far more cruel than those which, if they were being ^D planned by others against someone else, we would judge to be most cruel; and as if in a balance, with matters inclining toward one side, to press down ourselves toward the opposite side to an equal imbalance, when it is necessary to bring things back to an equality. Moreover, certainly neither to bind and guard him...

to depress one side of the scale, when we ought rather to compose both to equality, or equilibrium. Nor indeed shall we treat him more mildly if we cast him bound into custody than if we had once for all cut his throat. For to those who have been accustomed to be served so officiously and to be constantly surrounded by a bodyguard, to be stripped of their amplitude and dignity ^B and to undergo adverse fortune, is more horrible than death itself. Hence, many Roman emperors, whose memory is celebrated among those who came after, having met with adverse battles, chose rather to die than to endure a servitude unworthy of enemies. Moreover, to suffer reproaches and insults from guards intent upon their prisoner—such spirits are tormented by this more bitterly than by any water of the Styx. 32 Added to this is the fact that we shall be no more secure if we have committed him to prison with chains cast upon him. For if he should, by any art, have escaped from there—which is abundantly possible for us today, so that while it seems that we have been dealt with unjustly, we might enjoy the favor and goodwill of all—then it will be given to him, with the neighboring Barbarians and Romans actively helping him, to fight more fiercely against us. Since, therefore, to remove the emperor from our midst will brand upon us and our children the stigma of the impious and the murderous, but to cast him into prison, beyond the infamy of the deed, is also full of the suspicion and terror of the greatest evils; I judge it to be according to equity and goodness, and right, to remain in our former design, and to keep our young emperor safe if any force should arise. Here you will object: "What? If the senior [emperor] should bear arms against us, shall we not fight against him? Shall we not, if fate so brings it, ^C slaughter him?" By all means, we shall fight, and indeed with all our might; but it is one thing to be the first to act, and another to resist. The former is counted both a disgrace to one's reputation and unjust; the latter is counted both glorious and just. But if he who is the first to act receives harm, it will be fitting to attribute the outcome of events not to the defender, but to the invader. Therefore, enough has been said by each of us on both sides by way of exercise. It remains for the emperor, having heard everything from the beginning, in the manner of fishermen—as if with a net enclosing many fish—to select the useful and reject the useless. When the other two had confirmed this same thing with their assent, and had committed the judgment of the controversy to him, he spoke thus:

Jacobi Pontani notes.

(89) This is placed before our eyes especially by the tragic poets, when they introduce heroes and heroines deploring their misfortunes, and their most sad condition, so far disparate from their former happy and blessed state. Euripides alone will supply many examples. Nor is it as pleasant to become happy from a wretched and ruined state, as it is bitter and mournful to become miserable and calamitous from a blessed one. Seneca, *De tranquillitate animi*, chap. 8: "It is more tolerable and easier not to acquire than to lose. And therefore those seem gladdened whom fortune never looked upon, rather than those whom it has deserted."

(90) He enumerates Valerius, *Lib.* III, cap. 2, *De fortitudine*, P. Crassus, who waged war in Asia with Aristonicus, and Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey, and Cato Uticensis. To these add Otho from Suetonius. Though he was the first to be challenged by the enemy, he was killed by him; the rest inflicted death upon themselves with their own hand, so as not to be slaves. But Cato's deed found praise not only from others, but also from Cicero. For he thinks that, since nature had bestowed upon him an incredible gravity, and he himself had strengthened it with perpetual constancy, and had always remained in his purpose and the plan he had undertaken, he ought rather to have inflicted death upon himself than to behold the face of the tyrant Caesar. *Off.* 1.

(91) That fabulous marsh has its name. The noble soul is impatient of injury and insult, and this is generally true even of the noble and illustrious men.

CHAPTER X

^A I believe that those who deliberate on serious matters ought also to be numerous. Hence the Romans and Greeks of old, whether living under a democracy or the rule of the nobility, used to assemble councils from a multitude in order to determine what was noble and expedient, rightly believing that in this way they would not easily stray from the path of honor and advantage. Indeed, one of the wise men of old from our own fold (92) says that salvation is found where there is much counsel, and he declares that a man who takes no counsel is his own enemy. Since, therefore, you are many and excel in giving counsel, and have already discussed the present business at length, it will be permitted to me, *as you said* regarding the fishermen, to choose the better things from the full net and cast the rest aside. I will therefore set forth what I myself deem best; it will remain open to each of you to choose what seems advantageous. Not to all men do the same things appear desirable or to be avoided, pleasant or the opposite; but as they are disposed towards them, so they form their judgments about them.

Therefore, let it be permitted to me also to speak in this consultation according to how I am affected. I am so far from wishing that any dire or monstrous thing should be perpetrated upon my lord and emperor for the sake of my life or my dignity, that if it should happen that he were to rush upon me with a naked sword to kill me, I would attempt to secure my safety by flight. But if any obstacle should hinder my flight, I am so far from wanting to turn and defend myself that I would rather receive the blow in silence with my face covered, fearing that if I looked at him, I might be struck more violently by the passion and, as it were, deranged in my mind, so that I might be moved to take it from him and cast the sword far away; for I judge this to be an unholy act, in whatever way one lifts a hand against a parent. ^B I call God, who sees all things, to witness that I have such a mind regarding the honor due to my grandfather. For this reason, I also wish you to be clearly persuaded of this, so that no one may stir up talk about this matter, nor attempt to change my mind; for you will have achieved nothing more. If indeed you wish to follow your initial plans and escape the feared danger by flight, securing your safety, it will be well, and I myself embrace your fellowship and choose to share the danger with you. But if, condemning your former counsel as born of cowardice and ignobility, you have decided to stand ^C firmly by your second plan, and—with me departing for other options—you judge that what pleases me will not be profitable for you, I would never wish to share in such deeds. You may embrace what you believe conduces to your own security, since the power is yours. ^D [For] God...

*Jacobi Pontani notes*: You see how he touches upon the Holy Scriptures? For "[he] is from our fold" is at John ch. 10. Solomon is from our fold because he also acknowledged and worshipped the true God whom we acknowledge and worship.

^C I give great thanks to God, that up to this day no inconvenience has come to any of you from your inclination of good will toward me, nor have the secrets of our deliberations been revealed to any mortal outside of yourselves. As for me, as far as I am able, and as God shall grant, I will manage the danger concerning myself. Indeed, I am not unaware that if I were to fall in battle, you would weep copiously for my death and accompany your friend with frequent and long lamentations, if indeed I have shown toward you any merit of friendship worthy of memory. But if, should I survive, you should wish to join yourselves to me again, this separation which is now taking place between us will not be any impediment; for you will find me always the same, and just as I am now, disposed with friendship toward you. Do not, however, imagine that this separation happens without being painful to me, or that you are cast aside by me at the present time as men of no account. For from the moment I began to speak of such things, my soul has been heaped with many sorrows from the thought of our parting; and I know that in the time to come I shall feel even more and more violent pains. But since it is necessary to endure, let us bear what must be borne, as things are in such an incompatible state. If, therefore, as I said, you should desire—holding to your former thoughts—to be concerned for our safety and to devise nothing improper against the emperor, you shall have me as a companion in your actions; but if it seems otherwise to you, there is nothing else left but that, having prayed to God for many good things for you on account of the benevolence shown to me, I shall myself be the steward of my own interests as I think fit. ^D Having heard these things, they looked at one another for a long time, admiring the character of the youth, moving toward integrity to such a degree that he would diminish nothing regarding his modesty and reverence toward his grandfather, however many sad things he might return to him. Then the protostrator begins thus: "We, O emperor, being solicitous for your interests and our own, have explained the things which we thought to do for that reason. But what we advised regarding the emperor [the grandfather], in this we did not look only to this, that he be punished with evil, but that it should not come to open war, and that some more serious calamity should not hang over your head; for this is what we desire least of all. But since you prefer the security and honor of your grandfather to your own safety and well-being, which we have understood, admiration for this magnanimity and justice comes over us, and we will perform what you wish, and we will measure what is just and useful by your judgment. That we previously disagreed in our discourse was not done from a desire to dissent, but so that nothing of what the time required might pass us by undiscussed. Accordingly, since all ambiguity is removed and we are in agreement in our opinions, only this remains, that, having omitted discussions, we proceed to the realization of what has been determined." After Syrgiannes then announced that the protostrator had spoken according to his own mind, and added this to the commendation of the grandson: that for this reverence and care for his grandfather, many rewards would await him before the great and heavenly Emperor, who would either change the plots of the malevolent, or act as a defender against those rushing to do harm; where the grandson also concerning the benevolence…

and obedience shown to them had offered many thanks, they considered whether or not they ought to flee. But seeing that each day that followed brought forth some greater evil, and that the anger of the Emperor, the grandfather, against the Emperor was growing more and more, they conjectured from this that he would never even deign to address his grandson with a word; and because they were in fear that if anything unexpected should suddenly happen, they would be unable to escape it while time still permitted and freedom was at hand, they decided that they must depart from Byzantium. The Emperor, although he agreed that they had stated the situation as it was and had hit the mark, nevertheless advised them to wait with a lofty and patient spirit until the very moment of crisis, trusting that the old man would alter his mind and desist from his conceived malice. Now, however, he said, it must be decided concerning my wife, whether she ought to follow us in our flight. She was from the Germans, the daughter of the Prince of Brunswick (93), a man most eminent among his own people and, in the splendor of his lineage, easily the foremost among all of his own rank. To the Protostrator and Syrgiannes, therefore, it seemed fitting that they should take the Emperor’s spouse along, since they themselves had their own wives with them; for they were of the opinion that every stone should be turned so that the Empress might be with the Emperor.

CAPUT XI.

But the Great Domestic Cantacuzenus, thinking otherwise, explained the grounds for his opinion in these words: "In the first place, our departure will be clandestine and done with great anxiety on our part; this will entail the greatest danger for women, who are weak for such labors and by nature in no way suited for them; and we ourselves have no small danger to fear, should we be caught in the very act. Furthermore, even if by good fortune this endeavor were to proceed well, yet the aftermath will not turn out likewise. For if a force is sent by the grandfather to pursue us, we shall be forced to choose one of two things: either to abandon our wives and flee further—which will stain us with the crimes of cowardice, unmanliness, and even folly and imprudence (to say nothing of the fact that we would be the authors of disgrace to the Empress, who would be carried off as a captive)—or, for her sake—for the Empress, I mean—to engage with many multiples of our own number and perish; neither of which it is proper for men of sound mind to choose. Moreover, those to whom we are going do not hold a constant loyalty toward us. Since this is so, it is not..."

^A a matter for delay, nor should we spend our time walking with an equable and slow pace; rather, we must move with vigor and an accelerated step, lest, before we reach them, they learn of our arrival and hold counsel among themselves, and refuse to receive us into the city, becoming an example to other cities to act in the same way, rather than announcing our arrival themselves and holding the city for us. Moreover, the fact that the Empress is pregnant is no slight impediment to following men who are in flight. For all these reasons, I think it is proper that she remain here in peace, while we face the danger; and if matters proceed according to our wish, with God’s help, then she shall be summoned to the place where the Emperor is; but if the outcome is otherwise than we hope, she at least will remain in safety." ^B Having approved these words as being well-spoken, the Emperor, together with the others, began to consider where and in what manner they should depart. Seeing that the rest of the Senate and the magistrates were deeply offended by the discord between the Emperors, and were fearing therefrom a dense downpour of calamities for the Roman commonwealth, and were discoursing frequently with one another about these matters, and expecting that they would confer with the Emperor to urge him not to introduce innovations, but to leave the grandson in the insignia of his rank—since such an enterprise would be a source of great evils and turmoil—they decided that it was necessary to bide their time and observe how the future would unfold. Therefore, they sent Syrgiannes off to Thrace to attend to his office, while they themselves persisted in staying at Constantinople.

In this state of affairs, the Great Conostaulus Michael Tornices (who was related by his mother’s kin to the elder Emperor, and held a position of no small favor and honor with him, not only because of their kinship, but because he was a man of profound intellect, good in his ways, and had appeared most law-abiding and diligent in the provinces which he had governed by the Emperor’s grant), ^C relying on that favor in which he stood with the Emperor, approached him and conferred with him in private regarding the young Emperor. He pointed out the absurdity, as one might expect, of the things being contemplated, and demonstrated how this would be the cause of many disasters for the Roman Empire, should the enterprise succeed or should it fail. The same was done also by Metochites, the Great Logothete, who was at that time facilitating the administration of imperial affairs; he was a man otherwise sharp-witted, and one who had advanced to the pinnacle of not only our own learning but also that of the outsiders; for having received from a certain Bryennius some elementary and not very accurate principles of astronomy, ^D he had perfected them through his own labors.

Jacobi Pontani Notes

(94) He was then powerful before the Emperor as the moderator of all things, Metochites Theodorus, general logothete. He was so loved by the Emperor, and held in such high value, that he was ignorant of none of his secrets, etc. Gregoras, Book VII. (95) For there was that mediator of the Empress, as the word implies—they seem to have been none other than masters of the house, household-stewards, curators, prefects, and administrators of the affairs of the imperial house, whom jurists call counts of the private treasury, who were indeed assiduous before the princes, receiving and executing their commands. Therefore, you now grasp, I think, what the imperial affairs were in this place.

^A for he had thereafter, with precision, made many into those who had been taught the science by him; and the emperor, marveling, and asking one of those who had attended him, who was this Gregoras, how Metochites, having started from lowly beginnings, was able to arrive at a perfect discovery of the science—the one questioned replied, "It is no wonder, O Emperor, that a small lamp should be lit into a great torch," and he praised the emperor for his shrewdness, and he marveled at the appropriateness of the image.

This great logothete, then, because of his intelligence and wisdom, and the aptitude he possessed for the administration of affairs, enjoying much intimacy and favor from the emperor, dared also himself to approach the emperor to discuss his grandson, attempting to persuade him that he ought not to stir up the established order, nor ^B deprive the emperor's grandson of his position, nor bestow it upon another who in no way deserved it—if for no other reason, then surely fearing the disturbances that would result from this. These two, uttering these and similar things to the emperor, seemed to be speaking to stones. For the emperor remained unswervingly attached to what he had decreed from the first, and he demonstrated his ill will toward his grandson in the very course of events. It is said that at this time the emperor had withdrawn into himself, and seeming to be concerned about something, while speaking to no one, he often said to himself as if asking: "Will this hatred truly appear stronger than nature?" Whether his speech was directed toward some other of the contemplated things, or whether it was about the hatred toward his grandson, no one was able to discover with certainty; all, however, interpreted the statement in this direction rather than another, and they made it a sign of future evils. In these things, then, the winter was ending.

Chapter XII.

At the beginning of spring, ^C on the fifth day of the month of April, being the Sunday before the Palms, the emperor sent a message to the emperor and grandson that he should go nowhere else, but arrive to him, and that presently. He, turning over in his mind what the message might mean, and investigating with curiosity, and being unable to conjecture any cause for the summons... ^D

^A from him, asked the messenger, and adding an entreaty, to tell him if he knew anything. He replied that he had nothing certain to say, but he conjectured that his grandfather, in the presence of the patriarch and the bishops, had determined to speak with him about certain matters; but what these matters might be, and to what end they tended, he knew not at all. Then, after a short pause, "As I said," he replied, "I do not know precisely what the words are about; I conjecture, however, that they will not be pleasant or mild, but that you are being summoned as if for a trial." And he asked him to wait a little and to occupy himself with a small rehearsal, so that, as one who was to be held to account, he might come prepared for his defense. The Emperor, thanking him for his goodness, and praying for a good reward for him from God, and adding also that it would be to his liking to clear himself of the accusations by being judged in the presence of many, ordered him to announce to his grandfather and Emperor that he would arrive as soon as possible. He, having prayed for divine assistance for the Emperor in the present circumstances, and having made obeisance, went away. The Emperor immediately summoned his companions. But the Great Domestic, Tarchaneiotes, a nephew of the first Emperor Michael, having lost his mother’s sister, had gone away to mourn over the remains of his kinsman. The Protostrator, however, remaining at home, was present immediately, and asked why he had been called. The nephew explained what had been ordered by his grandfather and that he was being cited as a defendant ^B and reported that he would appear without delay. He added also that he would undergo the judgment willingly, since it was no trouble to show that he was free from every crime, and that his lord and Emperor was seeking to avenge himself out of malice. The Protostrator replied: "It seems to me, Emperor, that you are far from the truth, and it is likely that you have forgotten what you heard about such a trial from the Great Domestic, and what was then accepted, both by you and by us, as rightly said. For when you declared that you wished, if you pleaded your case before your grandfather, either to clear yourself of the charges or, if you could not, to lose not only the empire but your life as well, he wished rather to die than to see that day on which you would contend in court with your grandfather; for it is truly fitting to call it not a day of judgment, but a day of condemnation. For since the same person will be the judge who is the accuser, nothing else can be concluded by reasoning. Furthermore, he is not so foolish as to be carried to trial so inconsiderately, or to grant you time for a response, during which you might show yourself innocent if you answer well, or guilty if you answer poorly; but since he is, as we know, of preeminent ^C prudence and skilled in managing affairs, he will only then bring you to judgment when, all things having been constructed according to his discretion, this one thing will remain: that sentence be pronounced against you as one manifest in the most wicked crimes and, on that account, to be tortured with any manner of punishment (so that in this way he might also remove the opinion of justice among outsiders)." While they were discussing these matters, behold, another messenger from the Emperor, ^D

^A urging the arrival at the palace for his grandson; and he (for it was not possible to act otherwise) arrived at the Emperor and grandfather, his soul wasting away with much grief, because the Great Domestic was absent and had not been able to consult with him about the matters at hand. And soon after, the Great Domestic arrived at the palace, and he found the younger Emperor inside with the Emperor and grandfather; but he found the protostrator sitting outside, his very countenance revealing the turmoil and deep anxiety of his heart. ^B And he addressed him thus: "Your expression, as if in deep meditation, signifies that you have fixed your thoughts on some matter of great weight." Then the protostrator: "Great one," he said, "I am both deep in thought and afflicted by a most grievous occurrence." "For what reason, then?" "Because," he said, "Andronicus, having been called by his grandfather to judgment, although he intensely desired to speak with you first, has been excluded from that opportunity. And since it was not permitted to interpose any delay, he went in to the Emperor, and left me hanging in no small fear on his account, especially when I recall what you said to us regarding this trial." The Great Domestic asking again what, ^C in the meantime, they had accomplished in accordance with the circumstances and what was appropriate for the occasion: "Nothing," said the protostrator; "for because only a very short time intervened between the two summonses, and he had to hasten to the Emperor, we accomplished nothing that was necessary." "Why, then," he asked, "are there none of the Emperor's servants, or even yours, present here?" "They were present," said the protostrator; "but I, fearing that if they were seen standing by, others might think one thing and another, ^D and that some suspicion and harm might arise from this, ordered them to go away." The Domestic, having thoroughly rebuked this lack of foresight, and having said that there was no other time more dangerous or more urgent to seize, that they might demonstrate their sincere goodwill and love toward the Emperor by rescuing him from the dangers surrounding him, said: "Come, do you, having gathered as many of your servants and friends as you can, order them to wait here; I, having departed from here, will nonetheless gather the grandson's men and my own. Then, having been congregated into one multitude, and with the Emperor joined to us, as I think we are able, we will betake ourselves to the most holy temple of the Sophia of God (1)."

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

^A We shall take them—namely our men and those of the king—and having gathered them into one body, and having taken the young emperor (which I believe we shall be able to do), we shall depart to the divine temple of the Wisdom of God, the Word, securing our safety through the immunity of that place. Then, having sent an embassy to the emperor, we shall ask for an amnesty for what has been dared; and he, fearing the uprising as is natural, will, I expect, confirm both to the king and to us, by oath, both security and amnesty for what has been done. But once the young emperor has been delivered from the sudden danger that now surrounds him, it will then be possible for us to act with authority, having deliberated on what seems best. For either we shall steal out at night by way of one of the city gates from the mainland, or, having manned one or two triremes of the emperor’s friends from Genoa, we shall embark and be safely carried to the coastal cities of Thrace (these are ours, as Syrgiannes is in charge of them); and thus, having removed ourselves far from dangers, we shall do what seems advantageous in the end. For the present, however, one must use every degree of courage and zeal, and even, if need be, willingly lay down one’s own life, so as ^B to snatch the emperor from the dangers that encompass him, and not to stand by and watch him perish along with justice. For even when it comes to physicians and generals, we see that the most experienced among them stand by and apply themselves more sharply to the tasks at hand when diseases and wars become more pressing. This plan having been judged most excellent by the protostrator also, it was decided to carry it through to completion. The protostrator immediately, having sent word, summoned as many of his servants and friends as he could; and they arrived with speed. The Grand Domestic, having departed and gathered as many as he could from among the imperial ^C and his own men, and having given orders to those who were scattered to proceed to the palace upon their return, also returned with speed. While these things were being done with such haste, since it was Sunday—and a custom had long prevailed that on this first day of the week the Genoese and the Latins of Venice would arrive at the palace, both for the sake of honor and to acknowledge that they were positioned under the Emperor of the Romans, contributing nothing else but giving their respects before returning home—the men from Genoa arrived at that time also to do what was customary. Among them, the Grand Domestic ^D finding two of those mentioned above, the supporters of the young emperor, reminded them of their promises and, furthermore, having informed them of the dire necessity for aid, sent them off to equip the triremes. They, taking their leave and applying the necessary diligence for the occasion, within twenty hours...

manned [the] triremes. ^A The Protomartyr, seeing this and already becoming filled with good hopes, was overjoyed and filled with eagerness, seeing many of both the imperial [officials] and his own men gathering around them. No one, however, of those gathering knew the reason for the assembly except Apokaukos; for only to him did they communicate the reason for the actions taken. The others, though they suspected that the summons was for some great cause, and made the fact that those who had horses were ordered to the palace a sign of this, yet they had no clear knowledge, except that because the rumor regarding the Katharos was circulating (for it had already spread to everyone), they hoped to see and hear something rather new. They were in this state.

CHAPTER XIII

The young emperor, having feigned an intestinal pain and gone out to the chambers ^B outside the palace, was searching for the Grand Domestic. Having found him, he asked with pain and despondency of soul, "You, my good man, where have you been until now?" He, with much emotion, answered, "Where I did not wish, but the necessity of affairs compelled me." Then, having declared how much they had deliberated and how much they had done up until then, the emperor offered thanks for their counsel and their actions; and when asked what they ought to do, he said that the trial would undoubtedly come to pass, but that up until now, nothing had been said to anyone among those arriving at the grandfather and emperor. He said that it was yet possible to delay the emperor's intended plans, [and that they might be] dissipated by my presence...

Jacobi Pontani note.

^A the Great Canon, as one might perhaps say, on account of the weight and gravity of its sentiments, of which the author of this canon is very fertile, being famously well-practiced in composing such things. And while other canons contain thirty or a few more troparia, this one proceeds to two hundred and fifty, each one of them distilling ineffable sweetness and pleasure. Therefore, it has been most rightfully and fittingly decreed that this great canon, so full of compunction, be sung during Great Lent. This most illustrious and greatest canon, and the oration on Mary (the Egyptian), our own Father Andrew himself brought to Constantinople when he was sent by the patriarch of Jerusalem to the Sixth Synod as assistance. For at that time, still professing the monastic life, after he had fought bravely against the Monothelites, he was enrolled in the clergy of the Church of Constantinople, and subsequently, he was appointed deacon and curator and fosterer of orphans in that same place, and not long after that, was ordained archbishop of Crete. Later, in the place close by which is called Hierissus, when he had reached Mitylene, he departed to the Lord, having received the abundant fruit of his see. By his intercession, have mercy on us, O God.

^B Furthermore, it is not unreasonable to relate what happened then. When the great logothete Metochites was accustomed, in the winter months, because of the shortness of the days, not twice but only once per day to approach the palace, and to spend the whole light of day there, and had even spent the day of the Great Canon there, and, night having already fallen, had departed for home, the emperor suddenly summoned him, contrary to his previous custom. His sons, Demetrius and Nicephorus, seeing this, and suspecting as was natural that this unaccustomed summons of their father was on account of some novel matters (for even they were not ignorant of the things being plotted against the young emperor), went to the young emperor and reported what had occurred, entreating him that he should not neglect the things which he deemed necessary to do for his own sake. ^C He dismissed them, having praised them; and having consulted with his friends, it seemed necessary, since the time for arriving at the palace for the sake of the feast was not far off (for otherwise his arrival would have aroused suspicion), to arrive even before the appointed time. And if indeed the consultation should be about other matters, we shall seem to have arrived for the sake of the feast; but if it be about us, our presence will disturb their counsel; which is what also happened. For when the senior emperor was conversing with the great logothete about the things he required, and had said only this—that he was inquiring about the manner in which the consultation should take place, but whether it should take place at all was not being inquired into (which was later soundly learned from the attendants)—and the young emperor was present, the council was dissolved; whether it was about the matters proposed or some others, it was not made clear at all. The emperor, being reminded of this at that time, said to his companions, "Perhaps, just as it was then with the council, so now also with the ^D matter of the Tyrophagy..."

Information concerning the rule of the fourth Sunday of the fasts, and the week that follows it.

On the Monday of the fifth week, we immediately begin the Great Canon. As for the rest, the fifth week for the Greeks was the one which is the fourth for us. For the Greeks begin the Quadragesima on the day after the Sunday which they call—or which is—the Sunday of Quinquagesima for us. And the first week of the Quadragesima ends on the Sunday of Orthodoxy, or the first Sunday of the Quadragesima, which for us is *Invocavit*. If, therefore, you count the weeks from that Sunday up to the fifth day after the fourth Sunday of the Quadragesima, you will find it to be the fifth, not the fourth, week of the Quadragesima. All of which is evident from the Ritual book of the Greeks, which is inscribed *Typicon Sabae*, in which the title of chapter 35 is as follows: "This week is the fifth." For it is subjoined, so that I may illustrate the matter with an example: In this year, the Greeks who follow the Gregorian calendar keep the feast of the Great Canon on the Thursday after *Laetare*, which is the fifth of April, and it is the fifth week of the Greek Quadragesima, taking its beginning from the Monday after the Sunday of Quinquagesima. And all these things are most certain from the ritual books. For the Quadragesima of the Greeks consists of seven weeks and only six Sundays. My own Gretser has warned me of these things in these very words, which you may use with me.

^A And the emperor was to postpone the trial. But it was not so; rather, the matters of the trial were undoubtedly prepared. For while the emperor was still conversing with the Great Domestic, and seeking to learn the number of the men who had gathered, and the latter replied to him that "As of now there are a hundred, but after a short hour has passed they will gather even up to three hundred, all brave men and trained for fighting; and if it should be necessary to go forth, even more will hasten to join whose numbers we do not know"; as they were discussing these matters and praying to God to prolong the hour of the trial so that those expected to fight for them might assemble, the eunuch Michael Callicrenites, sent by the elder emperor to the young one, arrived. And before he even spoke, by his tears and sighs he signaled that he came as a messenger of evils. Having prefaced his speech by saying that he would have preferred that the earth open up and he descend to the shades and be deprived of this most pleasant light, rather than to announce such evils, he said: "My lord and emperor, your grandfather, O Emperor, calls you to trial." ^B To this the emperor replied: "Your tears are sufficient witness of your good will toward me. But why do you weep so, when the outcome of the trial is still uncertain? For it is possible that I may depart with the white stone." Callicrenites replied: "The situation itself moves me to tears, O Emperor. For when the emperor, your grandfather, was seated on the throne as is the custom, and the patriarch was beside him on a chair, and the judges of the trial were seated on both sides, for you alone, by the emperor's command, a footstool was placed directly opposite the emperor, and it was at some distance. Seeing this, and judging that footstool to be a symbol of condemnation, I prayed, as I said, that the earth might open up before me. But may God, who delivered His prophet Daniel from the lions' den safe and sound, and showed the three youths superior to the Babylonian furnace, and exposed the slander of the wicked judges against Susanna, even now show you superior to the necessity that weighs upon you. May He send His angel to go before you, and grant unto you wisdom and understanding, so that you may dissolve the charges leveled against you as easily as spider webs." ^C When the eunuch had prayed in this way, the emperor said: "Let the will of Christ be done," and having sent word to his grandfather that he was ready to fulfill what was commanded, he turned to his friends and addressed them thus: "If ever there was a time, now is the time to display your courage, diligence, prudence, and endurance in such dreadful circumstances. For although many, often inferior to you both in number and in other things, have by the agreement of their souls successfully accomplished admirable and astonishing deeds, it is surely far more just for you, so numerous and such men as you are, to appear worthy of yourselves by performing illustrious and praiseworthy deeds, and to think that it becomes you to either live an honorable life or to meet a glorious death. I go to the tribunal; if by divine gift we are united again, and look upon one another lovingly again, there will be cause to offer thanks to the Deity. ^D But if it has pleased Him otherwise regarding us, I wish to bid you farewell with these words: do you obey your nobility and your virtue." As both were eager to say something to these things, while the Protostrator hesitated, the great

^A Domesticus spoke: "Since men endowed with reason and judgment excel the brute animals in that they choose what is useful and necessary for themselves through the help and impulse of reason, I consider nothing more useful or necessary than to choose someone to love and by whom one is loved in return. Therefore, I myself, Emperor, entered into your friendship when you were still in your tender years, and I have preserved it, increased with age, up to this day, and I shall guard it unblemished and pure even to the end of my life. ^B Take heart, therefore, Emperor, for nothing contrary to your wishes will happen to you before I have fallen, covered in my own blood. Keep to your proposed path, supported by the help of our Savior Christ and His Genetrix, and protected also by the prayers of the one just sent by your grandfather a short while ago. We, for our part, will remain outside in the house where the trial is to be held, ready to surrender our souls for your benefit, should any violence occur." The Protostrator having said that he was satisfied with these same things, they joined hands with one another, and as if embracing for the last time, having armed themselves with the cross, they proceeded to the trial with unwavering and steady bearing, and with firm resolve.

CHAPTER XIV.

^C When the Emperor’s friends remained outside, he himself entered the place of judgment, and finding his grandfather and Emperor sitting on the throne, ^D and the arbitrators or assessors sitting according to their respective ranks, he sat on the humble stool of which we were speaking. Now those arbitrators were Gerasimus the patriarch, who was endowed with divine gifts, and as he had reached the very pinnacle of perfection in the solitary life, so he was thoroughly ignorant of civil and public affairs. Then there was the notable bishop of Philadelphia, Theoleptus, who had himself ascended to the height of virtue and had not only acquired all the elements of the anchoritic life, but was also able to prove himself a suitable teacher of that same discipline for others. Add to this that he was a prudent man and moderately well-versed in secular studies of learning. From the palatine senate there were present the great Logothete Metochites, of whom we have made mention before, and Nicephorus who presided over the Canicleus, a man wise

^A and admirable in prudence, and enjoying great favor and honor from the emperor; for which reason the emperor also brought his daughter Irene into a marital union with his own son, the Despot John. This man previously managed the domestic affairs of the emperor; but later, afflicted by gout, he ceased from that office, yet continued to enjoy great honor from the emperor. Besides these, there was also Constantine Acropolita, he too being adorned with the dignity of Great Logothete. ^B Silence having been made for a little while, the elder Andronicus began: "Lord Patriarch, and you who are present, this man" (designating his grandson) "is intractable in his customs, and arrogant, and disobedient; he does not yield to me in the least, but does everything according to his own caprice, not considering our will even a little. Therefore—" Up to this point, the young emperor sat in silence; but thinking the word "Therefore" to be the beginning of a judgment, he said, "I beseech you, most divine master and lord emperor, pause a little, and do not deny me a small space of time for speaking; and when I have briefly explained what my will impels, proceed to the remainder of your speech." ^C The old man allowing him to say what he wished, he spoke in this manner: "I call God as witness that I am conscious of no guilt regarding the crimes of which I am accused. This I have indicated to your majesty on other occasions through the excellent man Joseph, my legate, and I now assert it again; and that there may be trust in my words with you, I interpose an oath that my conscience is neither today impeded and convicted, nor was it then, of any of these crimes of which I am presently held guilty. Nevertheless, I would gladly believe that I have committed certain such sins, as if, for example, ^D I had gone hunting when you did not wish it; or if I had indulged in equestrian games longer than you perhaps desired; or if I had performed any other thing of this kind without your order, and later, regarding your command as nothing, had nonetheless proceeded to do it. But I did not know that I was sinning in these things, though to you I perhaps seemed to be doing wrong. Thus, persuading myself that I was committing nothing unworthy, I said to those with whom I was in conversation that I wished greatly to plead my cause before the lord and emperor; for so I would be convicted of none of the things of which I was accused, and the emperor himself, having cast off suspicion of my wickedness, would remit his anger. You cannot deny, that from the passing of my father the emperor until this day, you have nourished such implacable wrath against me, that you have not deigned to grant me even a single word in so long an interval; which, when I consider it, seems more terrible than death itself. Such were the things that occurred to me to say, and I hoped that some time for defense...

^A would be obtained according to the law that governs the courts themselves. ^B And yet they said to those with whom I was conversing that I was altogether erring in my judgment of the matter, if I thought that, with the same person acting as both accuser and judge—in a case where I was not even present—I would not be convicted; but rather that I would require proofs and arguments for my condemnation. I, however, was not persuaded. But now, seeing the state of affairs to be as I said (for even before I had come to speech, I was condemned in all respects before you as judge, as an unfailing proof, by the very seat to which I was relegated), I have at last realized that they judged more wisely than I. It would have been better, as I was convincing myself, for the outcome of events to be observed in this way; for I omit saying what is just. ^C But since adverse fortune has breathed so heavily against me, to the extent that it has turned even a father's heart against me so much that I do not obtain even the freedom due to me to answer the charges, I ask your Majesty, O Emperor, not to deliver a verdict before the accusations which you have brought against me have been tested by torture. And if I am shown to have committed any of these things, I will pay the ultimate penalty, having died; but if I am shown to be free from all these things, which I believe you also wish and pray for, then it will again be permitted to a father—to you, who are also my lord—to act according to his will. ^D Inflamed with greater anger by these words, the elder Emperor, exclaiming in a voice harsher than was fitting, said that he considered him not to be a Christian. To this remark the younger one immediately replied thus: "Since you are reciting many and grave crimes against me, most excellent Emperor, if you had recited more and graver ones, I would have borne it in silence; but because you now exclude me from the number of Christians, I am so far from bearing this silently or considering it to be applicable to me, that I do not fear to call this statement more contemptible than that of a gnat or anything else of that sort. But even if you do not hold me to be a Christian, yet certainly Christ, who graciously poured out His precious blood for me, and for whom, in turn, I confidently say I am ready to pour out my own should the occasion demand, holds me as His own and calls me so. But what need is there for this skirmishing of words? If you are judging, judge according to the laws; but if you condemn before you judge, it remains for you to exact punishment from me as well. Therefore, indulge your own soul. I give you the greatest thanks, meanwhile, for these [accusations]."

CAPUT XV.

^B These things were being said inside by the emperors. The great domestic and the protostrator, waiting outside as we have described, and hearing the elder emperor crying out rather tumultuously, and thinking that this matter would be bad for the grandson, they suddenly moved from their place and, stirred up to bring assistance, they advanced a little ways. But as that noise settled down, they too became quiet. There were present with them three men who were most intimate with the grandfather emperor: John Meliteniotes, Andronicus Exotrochus, and a third, Bardas; and suspecting that their impulse was undertaken on behalf of the younger Andronicus, they approached them and said: "As the emperors are discussing certain hidden matters with one another, it is fitting for you, withdrawing from here, to go to the palace courtyard." When they glared at them more fiercely, revealing their anger in their hearts—not only in their faces but also with their voices—and ordered them to leave and not to trouble them, the two were silent and sat down again. But the Meliteniotes went inside to the elder emperor and whispered into his ear: "You should see what you are doing, Emperor. For at your doors stand some of the senators, ready to do and suffer everything for the sake of the younger emperor." Hearing this, the emperor immediately rose from his throne and retreated to a smaller inner room, leaving the young emperor behind with those who were listening outside. Summoning the great logothete Metochites and discussing with him what he wished, he then signaled through him to his grandson and emperor: "You are indeed entangled in the things I mentioned and in more evils besides. But I, overlooking everything, shall grant pardon if you decide to carry out what I say. And these things are: first, to confirm by oath that you will keep your faith pure toward Christ; then, in accordance with this, that no evil will be seen to have been committed against me. Third, after this, to disclose to me those who have chosen to cooperate with you and to be set alongside you. Fourth, to confirm by oath that you will in no way make use of a stratagem." To these things the young emperor replied: "Great emperor, the requirement to confirm faith with oaths, besides the fact that it seems harsh to me and strikes my mind in no small way, does not even cohere and falls apart in itself. For if you bid me to swear faithfully by the holy Gospels and the venerable images of the saints, by this very fact you show that you consider me faithful to God and to have put on Christ. But if anything else...[/cont]

...to appear and to disturb the soul terribly, ^A furthermore, it falls upon itself. For if you order me to take an oath upon sacred Gospels and venerable icons, you are proving that I am faithful to God and that I hold Christ within me. But if you think I should pay heed to some other object of worship—one of those vain and superfluous things whose faith I have renounced—then you are putting these forward to me for an oath; for I would easily lie about things that are not honored. Therefore, I beg you, O Emperor, do not bring up arguments regarding such things; for by the grace of Christ, I am both a Christian and an Orthodox believer; and as for acting or plotting any evil against you, I swear now by the Maker of heaven and earth that neither previously was I led into such thoughts, nor in the time to come do I desire to appear evil regarding you; but in fulfilling your command, I will swear again. ^B Regarding the matter of identifying for you those who are with me and who hold the same intentions, I say this: you yourself might know better than I what sort of people are accustomed to be attached to me. For since there is no source of wealth available to me by which I might perhaps persuade some people of not-low station to side with me, and since I have no freedom of speech with you by which I could benefit those in need of assistance and thereby acquire friends, anyone who wishes may discern from the facts themselves who those are who have gathered around me. But if, by chance, there are some who are disposed favorably toward me, they are not owing me this goodwill, but rather they are the ones initiating grace; and since they have become so excellent toward me without any reward, it would be an excess of wickedness for me to prove myself the vilest of men and a traitor toward them. ^C And yet they, too, in approaching me, attempt to persuade me of nothing other than to be obedient to you, the Emperor and my father, to serve you, and to avoid the occasions by which your serenity might be troubled and irritated against me. While I steadfastly affirm that I am conscious of nothing of this sort, and pile up many words in my defense, to them it appears that nothing is sufficient for belief—to those who reason convincingly that nature could not have induced such great hostility toward itself unless there were causes, and indeed such ones as would exceed the very bounds of nature: for even the most savage of beasts have never plotted against their own offspring. But if there are some among them—or even if you think me so wicked and ungrateful toward friends—such that I would offer betrayal as a reward for the friendship shown to me? It is not so at all; for it would be easier for me, not for all of them together, but even for one of them, to surrender my own ^D safety, rather than to desire to secure this by associating with them in some small evils. Furthermore, you have also commanded by oaths that I secure myself against taking flight—I swear to you by the Lord of all and by God the King, if I should learn that you are contriving anything hostile against me, I will flee with all my might, and, as they say, with all speed.

CHAPTER XVI.

Jacobi Pontani notae.

^A This they prayed for: that the emperor might turn away from his resentment toward his grandson, and that they, having been freed from dangers, might live in peace. In this way, then, the events that had occurred seemed to them to proceed; but they were otherwise, as appeared to most people from what followed; for it was judged that they had come about in such a frame of mind. A custom prevailed among the Roman emperors that whenever one of their blood relations, or someone else of high rank, after performing the adoration, kissed the emperor’s foot, the emperor would in return kiss him on the face. And so, at that time, when the young emperor kissed his grandfather’s foot, the latter, so as not to appear to have been driven to the extreme of resentment, and wishing not to deem his grandson and emperor unworthy of what is granted even to private citizens, kissed him in turn upon the face. And so the conversation between the emperors at the trial concluded ^B there.

Two days later, the elder of the emperors sent word to the Grand Domestic through a certain man to depart for the Peloponnese to govern it. This was immediately considered an ominous sign. But in order to gain time and for the young emperor to be informed of the message, he replied to him through an intermediary as follows: "Of your benevolence and care toward me, O Emperor, I have many other proofs; but especially that from my earliest youth, as one might say, you chose me for offices and entrusted to me the administration of cities and armies, having prompted it from your own home. And this present matter, too, compels me to acknowledge many favors to your majesty, O Emperor. I pray, therefore, that you grant me this one further favor: to allow me the present day for deliberation, as I am tasked to render my defense by tomorrow." Such was his reply to the elder emperor.

He then went quickly to the young one and reported the emperor’s command, with the Protostrator Synadenos also present. It seemed to them that it was necessary to deliberate again from the beginning regarding the whole situation; for it was not toward one person that the danger was directed, ^C but toward all. The emperor lead the council, speaking as follows: "We are witnesses to ourselves, and we have God as a witness to what we have deliberated in our councils: that neither overcome by grief, nor yielding to unseasonable and reckless audacity, have we done or planned anything that was improper. But we have shown such magnanimity and endurance regarding the cause for which the emperor wishes to act against us, that had God not held out His hand from above, we would not have been very far from the gates of death. Up to this point, therefore, I have both commended and advised you to endure in these dire circumstances (for while the situation regarding us was still uncertain, the emperor thought he had an issue only with me, and he proceeded more sluggishly, confident that whenever he wished, he would easily bring to completion what he had intended). But now that it has become evident that there are some who support me, he will no longer hold the same opinion. For having first separated you from me under the pretext of offices, and having deprived us of mutual support, ^D

^A he will impose whatever punishment he wishes upon those who are most weak because they are isolated. For the present, therefore, he has ordered you to depart for the Peloponnese. On the following day, he will assign to the Protostrator some other supposed office in the frontiers of the Roman lands, and will force him to depart with haste. And having removed you, the most prominent persons, from his path, he will then investigate ^B whether there are any others. Having arranged all things in a way that suits him, he will later proceed to an easily accomplished destruction, and [finally] against me. But perhaps someone will say: "If he desires to deprive you of the support of these men, as you say, by assigning them offices in the frontiers of the Roman Empire, would it not have been easier and far more advantageous to have seized them and shut them in prison, and thus rid himself of this concern? For what is there that would prevent the Emperor from doing this?" And anyone having sense would say that, indeed, nothing prevents him. But the Emperor, being intelligent and experienced in many matters, is not at all unaware that it is disadvantageous, before he has learned accurately how many there are and who they are that have chosen to enter into an alliance with me, to engage in hand-to-hand combat. For there is a fear that, if there are many and very powerful men, he might imprison one or two, but the rest, already banding together out of necessity, would not allow affairs to turn out to his liking. And it is likely that he also suspects that many powerful men have chosen to be on our side; for the fact that I, ^C when intercepted and confined in court the day before yesterday, did not collapse, nor was I shaken by any timidity, but contradicted him with much confidence, a constant spirit, and intelligence; and what is more, that the Meliteniotis came and reported that some powerful men were standing outside, ready for anything for my sake—this did not a little disturb his plans, whence immediately leaping from the throne, he took thought for his own security. Now he has judged it advantageous to lure you away from me under the guise of an act of kindness. Later, when the facts themselves show him what will be profitable for him, he will attack us. For all these reasons, I think we should no longer delay, nor should we neglect our own safety up to the very point of the danger to us that has been anticipated—as if we had lost our senses from the magnitude of our ^D troubles—but should protect it as best we can. I wish, however, if it pleases you, to propose another opinion regarding our current situation. What is that? The Emperor, my grandfather, as you yourselves know, sought to make it known to him who those with me were; at that time, I replied with words befitting the moment, saying that I had no associates, and that even if I did, I would not reveal them. But now I think it profitable to send an embassy to him asking that he acknowledge that they do exist, and [to demand] that he swear an oath that he will not be mindful of injury for my sake, nor bring any evil upon them. If, receiving the petition peacefully and gently, he promises them immunity by oath, it will be a clear indication that he has been reconciled with me without pretense, and that he intended to send you to the provinces without guile, without snares, and sincerely. If, getting angry, he rejects the embassy, there will be no proof firmer than this itself, that all these things were subtly contrived against us. [alt-version omitted]

I shall employ as an envoy the Grand Logothete, Metochites, as he was indeed the mediator for the communications between me and the emperor on that occasion, and has such frankness toward him that he may be confident in proposing such things.

CHAPTER XVII

^A believed, O Emperor, that my being called by you would lead to some benefit; for I supposed you would convey through me to the Emperor certain submissive and conciliatory words, through which you might render his soul milder and gentler. But ^B it turns out otherwise than I expected. Whence, I myself would not wish to be a messenger of such things, nor through these means to kindle the Emperor's anger all the more. For we have not even heard until now of masters swearing to servants, but rather the opposite; or if this were to happen, the master would be disgraced before his subjects, just as they are before their masters; which would not be far from absurdity. And I am held in terrible distress, if the Emperor should ask on what account I have come to you, what plausible apology I could give. Toward him, then, I shall fashion some cause for my coming, but to you I advise, and indeed I implore, that you no longer stir up a word about such matters. For I myself foresee that it will end in an irreparable evil if it comes to the Emperor's hearing."

But the young Emperor replied that entirely the opposite is what occurs to him to think and say: "For I do not consider these words to be the cause of evils, but, if it happens just as I myself claim, I believe they are of ten thousand goods." And that such things have happened even in the times of former emperors, I shall provide the proof near at hand. ^C For my ancestor, the Emperor Michael, while still content with his private life and being under the hand of the Emperor John Vatatzes, having suspected that some danger would come upon him from the Emperor, fled to the ruler of the Persians, the Sultan. Then, having sent an embassy from there to the Emperor, he demanded oaths from the Emperor, that he would forgive his flight and would devise nothing burdensome against him in the future. The Emperor gladly received the embassy and, though he was the master, he bound himself by the oath which the subject requested. And not he alone, but many even before him had sworn to their subjects for the sake of some benefit. And by the truth itself, if even now these very persons for whom I am demanding the oaths, having feared the danger, were to cross over to some of the surrounding barbarians, and then, having sent from there, were to demand oaths from the Empe- ^D ror, so as not to suffer harm upon returning, do you not think he would be willing to grant it? I, for one, do not think so. Therefore, that which necessity would otherwise extract (as you yourself judge), let the expectation of many benefits extract at present.

When the nephew became silent, the Grand Logothete, repeating his own words and accumulating many others, demonstrated through every argument that the demand was useless and could not be brought about; furthermore, that in this matter...

Jacobi Pontani nota.

(20) Gregoras says that his fellow conspirators surrounded Andronicus the younger, indignant and shouting at him, as one who had violated a most holy oath and broken faith: "For what," they said, "could be added to the magnitude of this injury, when you, through us, being formidable and invincible, accomplished everything according to your own desire, if you have abandoned us to be slaughtered in the jaws of hell?" Then, concerning the refused embassy by Metochites, he adds this: Broken and shamed by these and such-like actions and words, he ordered the Grand Logothete to come to him, and asked him to bring it about with his grandfather that he should grant immunity to his faction by an oath. But he, not even enduring to hear it: "You yourself," he said, "do not think that things have been dealt with well for you, nor do you give immortal thanks to God that, contrary to expectation, you have been snatched from the jaws of hell, and are safe and sound? Or are you ignorant that you owe thanks to me and to my children, that the plot formed against you was averted by my intervention, and that by my benefit you behold this sun?" etc.

(21) The nephew refutes the logothete who thinks thus. But the logothete abuses the name of "servants," and through contempt calls the associates of Andronicus the younger by that name: but in truth they were subjects of the elder. And the nephew's examples are not of servants, but of subjects. By Roman law, a master does not swear to a servant, nor servants to masters, because in civil law no person of a servant is understood to exist, nor does he act by swearing, unless what a servant swears, the same a freedman swears after manumission. And this is what jurisconsults say, that a servant has no legal standing. That subjects should swear to princes, and princes to subjects for mutual utility, there is no doubt.

^A And if they returned, would you not think that they would offer to provide, so as not to suffer harm again? I think they would. If, therefore, it happens at another time, you might say, let it happen by necessity; but in the present, let it happen because of the many good things that will result from it. Following this, the Great Logothete, taking up his previous arguments, and stringing together many others, and demonstrating from every side that the request was unprofitable and impossible, and altogether refusing to be the messenger for such things, departed. (The elder emperor used to say in later times, when peace had been made, that if anything regarding the oaths had been reported to him, he would indeed have sworn, and none of these impudent acts would have been dared; and for this reason, he attributed the entire cause of the war to the Great Logothete.) ^B But the young emperor, having immediately recounted to his friends who arrived that which he had said and the answers he had received, and finally uttering this remark: "But who has known the mind of the Lord, or who has been his counselor?" he commanded them to endure for a little while still with magnanimity; for the day itself would teach something of the things that were unknown. For since there was a deadline for the apology to the emperor from the Great Domestic, he would be guided by that very apology as to what he ought to plan and see. These men, having planned such things, then dispersed.

The messenger from yesterday, sent by the emperor, arrived at the Great Domestic’s, demanding his apology. He made it in these terms: "To you, most powerful Emperor, already having many proofs of your kindness, as I said, ^C even now this present request persuades me to acknowledge even more and greater favors; and in addition to all these, I ask to obtain from you this benefit—which I consider in no way inferior to the rest—that I not be sent to the Peloponnese. Not that I am yielding to laziness, or because I think that governance is inferior to my rank, but because I cannot bear to spend time in those places where I lost my father. For you know yourself better than I do, O Emperor, that my father was twenty-one years of age when he was sent out by you to the rule of the Peloponnese, and after spending the eight years following that there, he ended his life there. For which reason, I am unpleasantly disposed to the mere memory of the Peloponnese; and my mother has also often and at length spoken to me of how it would not be to her pleasure if I were to govern that region which deprived her of such a father. For these reasons, I ask to receive pardon for not wishing to go there." ^D This, however, was a pretext, and not the true cause for rejecting the rule of Pelops. Having heard these things, the emperor, mildly teasing him that he had not used the words of a sensible man, nor was he possessed by a fear fitting for a man, in shuddering at the place because of his father’s death, by that same

^A reply he sent back, saying: "It would have been better had you not made any rebuttal, but immediately fulfilled what was commanded. Since, however, you have some excuse concerning the Peloponnese—not a necessary one, but an excuse nonetheless—you are released from that duty; but I command you to depart for Thessaly and take charge of it, since the neighboring Catalans are pressing upon it and crushing it severely, and for this reason it requires reinforcements and a formidable and prudent general." To these things the Great Domestic, having no rebuttal, ostensibly accepted the command entrusted to him. Yet, taking the emperor’s argument—that Thessaly was being crushed by the Catalans and for that reason needed frequent reinforcements—as a kind of windfall, he replied in turn that he would indeed go to Thessaly as commanded, but that it was necessary for him to consider what he deemed profitable for both the defense against the enemy and the security of his command, and to request these things from the emperor. He had in mind that the emperor, either dizzy at the difficulty of the requests, would refrain from sending him there, or, as a second possibility, as much time would be wasted on the preparations, it would be possible to meet with the junior emperor and deliberate with him on what needed to be done, as matters were being compressed into a tight strait. When the senior emperor ordered him to ask for whatever he wished, and the Great Domestic indicated by letter what he needed (these things were: a capable army and money sufficient for the soldiers’ provisions), the emperor did not refuse any of his requests, but immediately commanded that all things be brought to completion. When the emperor hastened his departure and would not let him even catch his breath, he pledged to depart after the fifth day (this was the day called Tuesday of our Great Week), and the emperor, satisfied, held his peace. On that same day, a command also arrived from the emperor for the Protostrator to depart again to take charge of the province of Prillapou, which he had governed before. He promised to fulfill the emperor’s command, and when asked for the day of his departure, he named the sixth day of that same week. Thus did they act with the senior emperor.

CHAPTER XVIII

When they met with the younger emperor and recounted all that had happened, it no longer seemed right to remain, but having prepared necessities, they decided to depart from Byzantium. They wrote to Syrgiannes to have himself ready with his army under his command, and to be found waiting near Byzantium on the feast of Easter—for that was when they too had decided to leave. Therefore, they were preparing for the departure. When the Tuesday of Great Week arrived, on which the Great Domestic had promised the city he would depart, he was compelled by those appointed for this business to carry out his promise. But he, having concocted certain excuses, postponed his departure until the week of the saving passion.

^A On the following day, he was notified by the emperor to depart as quickly as possible. He replied that he could not do so until the money was given to him, which he might use for the mercenary troops of the army and for the garrisons of the towns in Thessaly. For if this were done, there would be no further delay in his appearing outside the walls of Byzantium on the following day. When the emperor ordered it, the treasurers of the imperial funds provided the money that very day, amounting to fifty thousand gold pieces. The treasurers of the Grand Domestic, having received this sum, left it again to be guarded in the imperial treasury (as it had been so ordered to them by the master), adding as the reason for leaving it behind that one of the cohorts that was supposed to campaign with the Grand Domestic had just returned from another expedition and, needing a little time to linger at home, could not be forced out—though the general urged it vehemently—as they were seeking various hiding places and concealing themselves in their homes. Wherefore, even against his will, he had granted them leave to spend the day of the Passover at home and depart immediately at daybreak to set out on the road; for it would be necessary for them to arrive at the general’s post with their pay counted out for them. ^B But this was a sheer fabrication. For he had left the money behind so that he might have an honorable excuse for lingering at Byzantium (he spent five days there after his departure, awaiting the younger emperor), and also because he deemed it ungenerous and thoroughly unbecoming to appear greedy for money, which he was almost taking from the aged emperor by deceit and theft, an act he thought would cast a foul and everlasting stain upon his own glory and reputation. This was considered extraordinary by many who were slaves to money, to despise such a vast amount, so opportune for the present need (which he could have taken most easily if he had wanted), as if it were of no account.

The Grand Domestic departed from Constantinople on the Wednesday of the Great Week and remained near the city, supposedly awaiting the soldiers and the money. ^C On the sixth day of the same week, the Protostrator was also compelled to depart; he did not depart, however, but pleading his lack of preparation and alleging certain other causes, he guaranteed that he too would depart after three days. On that same sixth day of the Great Week, a parchment was found by the bed of the younger emperor, written in these words: "Who I am, or what I may be called, who have written this, you will not learn at present. I say, however, in truth, that today is fulfilled that which is written: 'The hour comes that you shall be scattered each to his own, and shall leave me alone' (John xvi, 32). If you are sensible, you will surely understand what is meant." The meaning of this writing was such as the grandson himself conjectured: that the dispersal of his friends was done for no other reason than that he himself might be more easily attacked and oppressed. He did not find the author of this writing, though he searched long for him even in times of peace; meanwhile, he was believed to have died. And these things were of such a nature. In the same spring, on the twenty-fifth of the Kalends of May, in the fourth indiction of the year six thousand... ^D

eight hundred and twenty-nine ^A, after the middle of the night, as the sun was preparing to rise to introduce the day of the new week, the younger emperor, having opened the gates called those of Gyrolimne, went forth as if to hunt, accompanied by a few servants, and hounds and hawks trained for the chase. As it was his custom to do this whenever he wished, his departure caused no suspicion nor any disturbance. The greater part of his servants and friends, however, he had ordered to go out the day before, scattered through all the gates of the city with their baggage, and to wait for him at a place he had defined. Having arrived there, and joined with his own, they set out on the road leading to Adrianople, with the protostrator also in their company. ^B Approaching the river called Melas, and finding there herds of many horses grazing (these were, in part, horses of the army stationed in Byzantium, and in part those of other senators and officials), he desired to do no injury; but he forbade those who accompanied him from doing anything seditious, and he ordered the horse-herds, once they had taken their horses, to proceed toward the city, lest they be plundered if any disturbance should arise. Afterward, having met with the grand domestic and Syrgiannes, they finished the journey as best they could; and after the middle of the day following that on which they had set out, they arrived at Adrianople and entered, being gladly received by the inhabitants, who thought the emperor's arrival was caused by some better [circumstance]. ^C The elder emperor, however, having learned of his grandson's flight, was disturbed for a short time; but as soon as the day dawned and he recovered his composure, thinking it a matter of little consequence that he should bring him back as a captive (since he held all authority and the army), he sent one of his nobles, Manuel Tagaris, the grand stratopedarch—a man risen from a base and obscure origin, but advanced to the highest glory by his own military prowess and audacity (for at Philadelphia of the Lydians [32] against the Persians, he had shown many excellent virtues)

in both strength and audacity and in strategic experience against the Persians, so that because of these things he was admired and attained a prominent marriage; for he had been wedded to the emperor’s cousin, Theodora Asanina), ^A summoning him, the emperor said: "My grandson fled the city last night. Where he is staying, I cannot know for certain. But this I am accurately convinced of: that within a few days he will be brought to me in chains. Now, having joined to yourself as many soldiers as you think will suffice for the task, pursue the fugitives upon their tracks. Once you have fallen upon them, there will be nothing left for you to do but, having captured them all, to return home: for it will never cross their minds not only to defend themselves, but even so much as to look at you."

But Tagaris, being a man of prudence and a warrior by no means unskilled, said: "To you, O best of emperors, it seems a matter of little toil that your grandson should be caught and brought back in chains; but to me the very opposite appears to be the case. Although I certainly wish that I be wrong and that your hope not be deceived, the outcome of this plan, as they say, will show for itself. Since you have commanded that I take a picked force to pursue them—for you believe that if I overtake them, they will neither dare to resist nor even to look toward us—I shall state what my own judgment is regarding these matters. Your grandson and those with him know clearly the number of the army presently here, but furthermore, they also possess the experience and audacity; they would not have dared to turn toward flight if they had not first, by hanging their lives upon the tips of their spears, ^B so sharpened themselves as to fight against anyone who might come upon them until they fall. For they know clearly that if they are captured, they will suffer things by no means more moderate than death itself. Therefore, they will fight as men who are already dead, and beyond their strength, sparing not their own selves. To engage in equal battle with such men as are already consigned to death would not seem far from madness. For in such cases, one must exceed the adversaries by a large measure in number, and be their equals in readiness; both of which are for us a matter of uncertainty. For we are ignorant of how great a multitude has joined them, and we have no knowledge of the disposition of our own soldiers—whether they are inclined toward you or toward him. Furthermore, since they set out at cock-crow (which report the gate-guards brought back to us), and we are unable to press the pursuit until the silence of the night, we shall be caught in the same danger as those whom we cannot catch: either one of two things will befall us—that we shall either return home in vain, not having overtaken them (which itself will suggest that we were the inferior party), ^C or, if we do overtake them and join battle, we shall fall, defeated in the contest. For these reasons, I am not..."

in favor of pursuing them with a sudden attack, but rather of waging war against them in some other manner."

When those of the leading palace officials who were present agreed with these words, the Emperor abandoned his intention of pursuing the fugitives, but he demanded that all his subjects take an oath ^B (36) that they would not side with Andronikos Palaiologos the Younger (for it had been ordered that he should no longer be called "Emperor," but be considered an enemy, since he had revolted from the Emperor, his grandfather). The oaths were indeed taken, but they achieved nothing more; for not only from Byzantium, from the senate, and from the army did many go over to the new Andronikos daily, but also from the other provinces and cities, the subjects of the Romans flocked to him in groups, so that in a short time he collected a sufficient army around him ^C (38).

However, in the midst of this innovation, there were not frequent incidents of plundering and destruction of property. Those who were collecting the public taxes were indeed despoiled of what they had by those they encountered, unless they themselves had anticipated this and hidden their money in safe places; and furthermore, they retained no small amount for themselves, having defrauded the Emperor, pretending to have been robbed by those they encountered. And if anyone had personal disputes with another, or with one of those attached to the senior Emperor, and, given the opportunity, took revenge, they would seize their crops, cattle, and sheep, ^D as if to inflict a penalty upon their adversary. The senior Emperor, seeing that matters were proceeding otherwise than he had hoped, gathered the bishops who were then in Constantinople (for the Patriarch Gerasimos had passed away on that very night in which the new Emperor had left Byzantium), and after deliberating with them, he persuaded them to hurl anathema at all those who now...

associate with his grandson, or who shall do so in the future. But when not even this could check the impulses of the rebels, the elder Emperor, fearing that matters might come to a bad end—as they were proceeding in a way quite contrary to what he had expected—sent the Bishop of Philadelphia, Theoleptus ^A (41), and Callicrenites, who presided over the imperial bedchamber (42), as envoys to his grandson, offering peace and promising to do whatever he should express in writing.

Thus the envoys arrived at Adrianople; and since the young Emperor happened to be outside the city inspecting the troops, they approached him as if to pay homage and to set forth their embassy. But the multitude, surrounding them with drawn swords, as soon as they learned they had come for the sake of peace, exhorted one another to slaughter them. Callicrenites, indeed, being struck with terror in his soul, leapt from his horse and, embracing the Emperor’s feet with both arms, stood there trembling, thinking that he was about to be killed then and there. But the Bishop of Philadelphia, as if passing among ^B some lifeless objects and merely hearing some empty noises, remained undaunted by anything whatsoever. And seeing Callicrenites as if dead from fear, "It is not fitting, my good man," he said, "that you should be so utterly cowed by death, since, if not now, at some later time you are certainly going to die. If, therefore, this is a matter of complete necessity, is it not better to die, when an occasion for some benefit presents itself, rather than when it does not? Since this is the case, what occasion could be more appropriate than to die while on an embassy for the sake of peace (43)?" Then, turning to the Great Domestic, Syrgiannes, and the Proto-strator (for these were standing ^C near him, so that no harm should come to him): "If it is permitted for you," he said, "to restrain these foolish and reckless men, perform your duty; but if not, let them do what they are eager to do; in any case, nothing will happen that is not willed by God." At these words, the man was admired for his greatness of soul and his endurance in the face of dangers. For a while, a clamorous shouting was raised by the multitude; then it was calmed—the Emperor took the envoys aside, learned the purpose for which they had come, and through them answered his grandfather to this effect: That to yield to adverse fortunes and to say or do anything ungenerous is the mark of petty and narrow-minded ^D men.

but to be puffed up in good fortune and to think more highly than is fitting is the mark of the ignorant and the bold. It is the part of brave and intelligent men to be the same in reverses as in their opposites. Neither when I was pleading before you as judge, O Emperor, was I seized by any cowardice in saying what I said, masking the truth, nor now, when I seem to be in a position of safety, shall I speak differently from before; but I shall call upon God again as my witness, that I am conscious to myself of none of the crimes imputed to me, nor have I committed any such act as to stir your serenity to such an excess of wrath. Therefore, to reach an agreement and to call back your paternal goodwill would be a task for my prayers. But now, since it seems impossible to say anything timely or to effect anything, due to the great disorder of the army—as you will learn from the ambassadors—after reflecting by myself, and since I have also learned your will, I shall accomplish those things which would seem most pleasant to you yourself. Having spoken these things to the ambassadors and lifted them up with good hope, the Emperor ordered them to return to Byzantium. And they, having arrived before the Emperor, and having reported both the zeal and eagerness of the army for the young emperor, and the onrush and madness incited against them, caused no small disturbance. But then again, using the words of the young emperor, they caused them to hope for better [things]. Meanwhile, within Byzantium itself, the cause of the young emperor was increasing ^B wonderfully and gaining no small strength, while that of the older man was gradually waning and showing itself weaker. Such was the state of affairs in Byzantium.

CAPUT XX.

On the following day, the young emperor, having summoned all the ^C chief men and the commanders of the regiments, and having chided the army for their disorder of the day before as something done neither well nor becomingly (for no good thing can spring from an evil source), then added that, for the present, he would forgive those responsible for the disturbance, as they did not know that he was displeased by such things; but if they should dare to do anything similar in the future, he professed that he would punish those who were disorderly according to their deserts. He laid the matter before their deliberation, saying that the words and the request from the Emperor my grandfather—that he himself might embrace peace—are such that he, too, desires them; and he wishes us to embrace peace. And of this...

we request that you let each one of us say what he deems beneficial. To this, all of them, as if by prior agreement, became one tongue, declaring that they would neither accept peace nor even wish to deliberate about it. “Behold, O Emperor, as we hear, you have reached the ultimate danger, and barely and by God's help escaped death, yet you strive to cast yourself into the same or even worse evils. We ask you to refrain from such thoughts. Nevertheless, since, as you say, your grandfather has stated that he is prepared to fulfill whatever you might choose to ask—that he would abdicate the Empire, live where he wishes by himself, and leave you to control the Roman state—but if he does not wish to do so, we should march against him to Byzantium. We suspect the Byzantines will not even wait for our approach at the walls, but will come out to meet you while we are still far off, and will surrender the city. ^B If, therefore, he too is persuaded by what we are deliberating, O Emperor, let us no longer delay, but set to work at once. But if he has decided otherwise, tell us clearly so that each one may provide for his own safety as best he can.”

Seeing the great untimeliness of trying to change their minds—for the soldiers were unbridled in their passions, especially the Latin mercenaries from Germany, among whom were also some of the nobles, and he himself was not yet accustomed to everyone, except a few, and it was not easy to speak with those ignorant of the Greek tongue, as the occasion required—the Emperor, after having expressed great thanks to them for their goodwill toward him, and having said that the matter needed ^C more careful reflection and that one should not proceed inconsiderately in a matter of such great importance (since we are not deliberating about trivial things, but about the whole state of affairs), dismissed the assembly, postponing the final decision until the next day.

When they had dispersed, the Emperor deliberated again with the three [men] about the matters at hand, ordering them to say what each judged to be expedient. Syrgiannes, therefore, was the first to speak: ^D “What we said previously at Byzantium, O Emperor, we did not say out of any private hatred for your grandfather, nor because we placed his calamity in the greatest profit, but because we were concerned for your safety and integrity. We came to this necessarily; for the brightness and glory of the one appears to be the ruin of the other—which is also what is now happening. For the entire army is eager to march against him (and they are of a sound mind, and there is no one possessed of sense who could dispute them). Should any of these hardships befall him, it would not be the fault of us who are compelled, but of those who are compelling. Therefore, because these things have seemed to all to be beneficial, and we can in no way disparage their counsel; whatever is approved by all must be carried into effect.” The Protostrator went over to this opinion as well. And when the Grand Domestic had added that not all possessed the same understanding [(46)]

^A such that he alone held a contrary opinion to what everyone else had agreed upon, they stood up. In the deep of night, the Emperor took the Grand Domestic aside alone and deliberated with him again about the same matters. It seemed to them that the army’s reasoning was correct. For since the insurrection had already flared up brightly, everyone was agitated by the rumors and craved a change in an unruly manner. Yet they saw that their arrival in Byzantium would bring extreme danger to the Emperor, as everyone would immediately go over to the young man. Contemplating, therefore, how this might be avoided, and having gone over many turns of reasoning, it seemed best to go to Thessalonica instead, so that in the intervening time, the Emperor could arrange his affairs at leisure, withstand the war, and not perish by being caught unawares. Having confirmed this decision, they went to sleep.

When the next day came, and all those in authority as well as the members of the Senate had gathered—the aforementioned Latins also being present—the Emperor asked them collectively if anyone had discovered anything new beyond what had been deliberated the previous day. For as the resolution had been left incomplete, and all of them had been occupied with it, it was likely that someone might have hit upon something more. But when ^B the Grand Stratopedarch Palaiologos said that he had neither thought of anything more himself nor heard anything from anyone else, and the cavalier affirmed, as if on behalf of the Latins, that nothing truer or more necessary could be said than what was spoken yesterday, and all the others in turn affirmed the same and pressed for the journey to Byzantium, claiming that as soon as they appeared, it would be surrendered—and finally ended with entreaties that they be allowed to go there—the Emperor waited a little, and said, “But to me, it seems that the saying of Solomon is well put, that there is salvation in much counsel. And having deliberated many times and at great length on these same matters, I have discovered something ^C in addition to what has been said so far, which I thought ought to be put forward, so that you might weigh how much it is worth. After I came to Adrianople, and all the citizens received me kindly, and the rest of the towns of Thrace, all the way to Christopolis, surrendered themselves to our faith and authority—as did the companies of soldiers living in the villages, to whom... [D (Jacobi Pontani notæ)]

to those who grant it, I confess that a great favor is owed by me. But as for the cities that are below Christopolis as far as Acarnania and Dalmatia—many and flourishing cities, subject to the Romans, in which there are cohorts not to be despised, along with many brave leaders—not one of them has until now made a surrender to us. Because this has happened otherwise than I desired, it is a great source of annoyance to me. Nor do I believe it to be profitable to despise them as unwarlike and abject; rather, their alliance and company are to be valued most highly. Wherefore, in my judgment, it is necessary that we direct our journey there above all else. When they have joined themselves to us, then finally, with the enemy now left behind us and our forces doubled, we shall move with confidence to ^B attack Constantinople. Thus far the emperor, trying clearly to persuade them to set out toward the West. But they, persevering in their former opinion, said that they must go to Byzantium and nowhere else, as it would be no work at all to take it, and that it is better to draw the war to a close than to prolong it.

CHAPTER XXI.

While the Grand Domestic was silent during these things, "Why do you yourself," they said, "not also bring forward what you think regarding the proposed matter? Why, as if nothing new were being transacted, do you maintain such silence?" "Because," he replied, "I see that you are not deliberating on plans, but are already rendering firm the decisions that have been made. For if you were deliberating, perhaps I too might have brought forward something useful for consideration. Nevertheless, because you ask, I shall not conceal what I judge will be advantageous. In the first place, I marvel whence you have come to believe that you will take Constantinople with no labor, but by mere sight alone. For if you know something more, or have heard by report that which I myself also know, I would wish to learn what that might be. But if nothing, then you depart very far from my own opinion. For I consider it a most difficult thing ^D to occupy a city so large and populous, and most powerful in wealth, arms, and soldiers, one that holds the emperor within its bosom, one so prudent and having reigned for so many years, surrounded by the benevolence of many, and abounding in money with which he will bind the army to himself. Besides these things, one of the old Greek sages persuades us not to hope for such things rashly, having said that many things fall between the lip and the cup. There is also a law for leaders, to balance advantages with equal disadvantages—and he [is a wise man]...

who either wins his desire, or, if frustrated, does not lose what he already holds. ^A Observe, therefore, if we move against Constantinople and are unable to take it, into what difficulties we shall lead ourselves. For it will immediately be necessary for those who sided with us to take heart from the senior emperor, as they relieve the siege; and, raised by the hope of victory, they will be eager to attack us as we retreat—for which we ourselves would appear to be the most responsible, having taken poor counsel. Having enemies on every side (for both from the cities of the Romans in the East and from Byzantium itself an army not at all inferior to ours can be assembled, and another similar one from the West), we ourselves, hemmed in, will either perish, unable to withstand the war on two fronts, or experience a miserable outcome, with the enemy attacking from both directions and our allies, fearing our destruction, deserting us ^B. Add to this that we shall be in need of arms and funds: the former to attack those who have deserted, and the latter to place garrisons over those who remain loyal, so that they may not also revolt. One must contemplate into what straits this will cast us. Furthermore, I have been turning over in my mind how both the chief of the Triballi and the king of the Mysians, Sphentisthlabus—the former a son-in-law, the latter a grandson-in-law to the emperor—are currently at odds with him over certain private grievances; yet if, because of this war, they settle their dispute and he calls upon them for aid, we shall find them most formidable enemies. These and other more intolerable evils will arise for us ^C, unless, as you yourselves say, we take the city at the very first assault. But if we turn towards the West, first of all, nothing will prevent us from bringing it entirely under our power in a short time. For the Westerners, by their very nature, incline toward defection, and, enjoying new developments, will not find it difficult to surrender themselves to the new emperor. As for the prefects of the cities, each one will be compelled by his own citizens, and fearing uncertain outcomes—not knowing clearly whose the empire will be—they will surrender the cities to whoever appears for the moment more powerful and stands before them. And it will not stop here; but the emperor, by rewarding those who cross over to him with silver, honors, and other gifts, will also attract those who were previously hostile. Then, too, the princes of the neighboring tribes whom we mentioned, ^D either out of cowardice will not dare to resist us—as being powerful in war—or, joining their arms to ours, will assist us. For such is the nature of the Barbarians: the more they see an adversary prevailing, the more they are inclined toward friendship.

Having brought the West under their own power—which for us will be a counterweight—and having doubled their forces, they would then safely march on Byzantium. And if it should surrender, all would be well; but if not, we would surround it and take it by siege over time, since there would be no one to force us to withdraw. For these reasons, ^A thinking the Emperor’s opinion to be the most advantageous, I have given my voice to it; and though I have many other things to say, I willingly omit them. For if you are able to change your mind, these arguments are sufficient; if you are not, it would be in vain to speak further.

In such a manner, both the young Emperor and the Grand Domestic discussed these matters with the army, not because they themselves thought it was truly the most advantageous course. For they knew accurately, both from deserters and from letters secretly conveyed to them from Byzantium, ^B that as soon as they appeared, the Byzantines would receive them and open wide the gates, partly from goodwill toward the young man, and partly because they were stunned that in so short a time he had become master of both Upper Thrace and the coast as far as Byzantium itself, and was bringing with him such a great army, and also because they were kindly disposed toward him.

Fearing, however, that the elder Emperor might be brought into danger if the city of Constantine were taken, they feigned that the march to the West seemed more advantageous. For to explain openly the reason why they did not wish at that time to attack it, did not seem safe, because the army was still fickle in its loyalty to the young Emperor, and would have dissolved if it had heard anything of that nature.

To these things, the nobles and the entire army replied: "That everything has been said well and in a manner worthy of strategic experience, we ourselves would not deny, O Emperor. For the West is vast, containing many illustrious cities, and its army, along with its most excellent commanders, is not to be despised and will easily go over to you, ^C just as you yourselves have said.

However, it occurred to us to marvel at the Grand Domestic, that he should declare the subjugation of the West to be among the easiest of things, yet assert that entering the city of Constantinople after having arrived there is difficult. For if the former is—as he himself said—easy, we judge by a much greater measure that the latter is, by far, simpler.

Since, however, we see that the expedition to the West has prevailed by all votes, O Emperor, as many as wish will serve with you, fulfilling your command; but not with equal zeal, and only by compulsion. But if we go to Byzantium, as we ^D ourselves request, we will all follow at once and with great eagerness. We therefore beseech you to yield to our request, which is both just and most advantageous for the present circumstances."

Such is what the leaders of the army said. The Emperor, seeing that their urge to march on Byzantium was not growing dull, and having no power to use force, yet being commended by their goodwill and obedience—as even those who were averse to the plan had agreed, due to their zeal to obey him—permitted them to go to Constantinople. The soldiers received his word with great joy.

Jacobi Pontani notæ.

and thinking they had all but ^A seized Byzantium, they prepared for the march. But since they could not persuade the army to choose the route to Thessalonica, and seeing that things were already moving toward danger for the elder emperor, the emperor and the grand domestikos consulted and decided to inform the elder emperor secretly of their approach by letter. If the soldiers had discovered this, they would have caused no small disturbance, as though they were being betrayed by their own commanders. The younger emperor wrote, and the grand domestikos inscribed, these words to his grandfather: ^B "Most holy emperor, just as I have often done before, so now I call God as my witness to what I say: that during my time there, I was not conscious of having committed any act toward you that would provoke your hatred, nor did I leave for that reason to bring ruin upon you by any means, but only to escape the danger hanging over my own head—a danger which, once established in a secure place, I did indeed escape; but against my will and despite my deepest wishes, the danger has instead enveloped you. For observe, though I have tried everything to persuade the army to move to the West, I have achieved nothing. It is therefore absolutely necessary for us to come against you. But I, pretending to be ill, will march more slowly and will advance in stages, so that I may depart as quickly as possible. In the meantime, you will be able to secure ^C the palace and place those most loyal to you in charge of the city gates, assigning to each as many well-armed mercenary soldiers as are required to repel the force of those rushing in. If anything at all hinders our entry, I will immediately recall the army from the city, which is impregnable. Therefore, I beg you not to suspect my words as coming from one who has turned against you, nor to be slow to prepare your defenses. For I am myself firmly convinced, from what is happening there, that as soon as I appear they will let us in." The younger emperor sent such a message to his grandfather, using one of the most faithful servants of the grand domestikos as a courier. He himself, departing from the Odrysae with fifty thousand horsemen ^D or slightly fewer—as could be conjectured (for it was not possible to know the exact number, since many who were not enrolled for the army were campaigning together to please the emperor)—advanced toward Byzantium, making his camps frequent and continuous, as if he were ill. In the midst of these events, there arrives to him also from

CAPUT XXII. Plots against Andronicus the Younger by Sphentisthlabus, king of the Mysians. An embassy from the grandfather regarding delaying the arrival at the city for a little while. The grandson's address to the army about laying down arms and embracing peace. The consent of all.

^A (who was related to him by marriage, having wed his sister Theodora) sent as an envoy Martinus, leading three hundred Mysian armored horsemen, under the pretext that they were to fight as allies for him since he needed help for the war against his grandfather; they promised, too, that if he needed a larger army, the king would readily provide it; but in truth, in order that, if they saw the emperor lacking an army, they might seize him and carry him off to the king. This became clear from what followed; for Martinus, seeing the army following the emperor, immediately withdrew homeward. The emperor, traveling the road by short stages, encamped on the day before Pentecost by the Melas River. ^B There, the nun Eugenia Palæologina, daughter of the emperor Michael, the first of the Palæologi, and sister of the emperor, the great domestica, arrived to see the new emperor. Her embassy was as follows: that to speak of the former disputes between them, and from what causes they had arisen, she considered not the time; but for what he had written recently, his grandfather gave him great thanks, and praised such concern and good intention. Furthermore, she desired one favor from him, namely, to keep the army staying there, until he himself might withdraw into one of the ^C monasteries, wherever he might wish, to escape the danger. For if it were reported that he was setting out with the camp to march towards us, there would be no hope that we would not be destroyed. Although he himself had left nothing undone of what he had suggested, so as not to carry it out; yet all these efforts were proven to have been made in vain. But as for myself, she said, once I am in safety, so as not to die, he himself will come to take the city; for what profit would there be in my death? By these words, the young emperor was the more moved, although even before, he had been internally ^D impelled in every way, both in word and deed, so that the emperor and grandfather should not suffer harm; he ordered the embassy to tell no one of the words from the emperor, except to the great domestic alone, and he would manage the words as he thought profitable. Having ordered the assembly to be called, and all those in authority, and the flower of the army, having come into the middle, he began to address them in such words: I suppose no one of you is ignorant of how, in the disagreement that arose between me and my grandfather, many things were committed partly abroad and partly were still being agitated, kept within the mind, which would plunge me into extreme misery. Wherefore, not more from my grandfather than from those present... [index: entries preserved]

^A I have withdrawn myself, and you are here to assist one who is being wronged. But now that you are present here with me, I have proposed from the beginning—and for you, as was fitting, help in the manner required had already been rendered—that if we seek anything beyond this, it would fall to my share to be the one doing the wrong, and to yours to cooperate with one who is wronging. From the beginning, I had proposed neither to strike down my father in the manner of an enemy, if it were possible, nor to be deprived of authority; but rather to save myself from the danger, while in no way molesting him for the sake of authority. God himself aided me and provided for the escape from the danger; but the security and peace for the future that the emperor offered, we ourselves wrongly rejected. For you remember, I suppose, how when the ambassadors sent by the emperor to Adrianople regarding a settlement arrived, you, having stirred up sedition, sent them away empty-handed, having held over them the threat of death. This action I immediately judged to be most foul, and on the following day, while in the assembly, I spoke many words, rebuking your confusion and licentious insolence as the cause of such evils, and gave severe instructions that you should not dare anything of the sort further. ^B Now, however, that he has sent my aunt regarding these same matters, and offers forgiveness for what we have done wrong and requests reconciliation, it is neither holy, nor is it the way of men who possess reason, to reject peace. For, since there are three things that bring all wars to an end: one, to place one's own affairs in safety; two, to bring the authority of those who are warring under one's own control; and third, to kill the combatants themselves—two of these exist for us with glory; may it never come to pass that we either attain, or even desire, the third. For God has provided that we be in safety, and the emperor himself shall confirm it with oaths; and if this had been granted to us earlier, we would not have stirred up arms at all. The Roman empire, my father and emperor provided for me at the moment I came into the light, by appointing me emperor, and even now it is securely mine to hold, as it will come to no other than me by right of succession. I never deemed him an enemy, ^C nor have I ever been so insane as to think or deliberate anything foul or abominable against him. But I do not suppose that you, my friends, would bear with equanimity to see him beset by such a calamity, such that I would be condemned by all mortals whom the sun beholds as a villain and a parricide. When, therefore, the means for ending the war are in our hands (to not take part in which is the greatest happiness), and this very war... ^D

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

^A I say, to lay it down together with illustrious praise, it is fitting for us to withdraw from arms. But if we do not wish this, we act imprudently and foolishly. For if we should now attack and occupy the city, we will have nothing more than what we already possess. But to wish to possess that which we hold gloriously, justly, and by the prayers of our forefathers through rapine, injuries, and—I might almost say—parricide, this is truly to be foolish and delirious. If we are unable to occupy it, beyond the fact that we will fall into the hatreds and calumnies of all—because, having been invited to peace, we refused, entangled by wickedness and greed—we will also cast ourselves into dangers without any profit, and we will create disaster and plague for many cities and regions. Impelled by these reasons, I embrace peace with my grandfather, and I counsel you to accept it as something useful; for thence you will be commended for fortitude, justice, and moderation, if, when you have subdued your adversaries by arms, you now subdue your own spirits, and fight for right, and do not yourselves inflict injury; and measuring yourselves by your own foot ^B, neither swelling with successes nor conducting yourselves modestly and submissively. When the emperor had discoursed thus in favor of peace, the Grand Domestic, taking him up, said: "You have spoken what is equitable, what is advantageous, and what will procure for us no mediocre glory, Emperor. Wherefore, I believe that no one will deny that you have spoken as was fitting. For my own part, if I perceived anything said otherwise, I would refute it. But since everything has been pronounced well, justly, and in accordance with imperial wisdom, this one thing remains: that what has been approved by our minds be administered by our actions." After this, some of the nobles from the army, having been previously suborned and instructed by the Emperor and the Grand Domestic to confirm what was heard with their assent, extolled the counsel with their words and proclaimed that peace should be embraced as the conciliator of many benefits. Soon, Sirgiannes and the Protostrator adding their ^C opinions to the same effect, the whole army followed, and peace was ratified. For even if there were some who had chosen to make war for the destruction of the elder emperor, they were nevertheless swept away with the multitude as if by a certain rush of a river.

[Notes of Jacobus Pontanus: (62) Perhaps 'entirely foolish' or rather 'much more'. (63) Extremely beautiful and grave, a truly imperial sentiment, such as there are many in this history. Better is he who rules his own spirit than the conqueror of cities. (Prov. XVI). A certain poet: 'He is stronger who conquers himself than he who conquers the strongest.' Seneca, *Naturales Quaestiones*, bk. [?]: 'Innumerables are they who have held cities and peoples in their power, very few who have held themselves.' (64) I translate this as it is in the Greek, *not beyond the measure*. They who are inflated and puffed up by prosperous successes, another adage: *to measure one’s own shadow*. For when Philip of Macedon, after the Athenians had been defeated at Chaeronea, thought of himself too arrogantly, and had sent a letter to Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, written proudly and harshly, he replied: 'If you measure your shadow, you will not find it even a little bit larger than it was before the victory.']

'] CHAPTER XXIII. The grandson's reply to his grandfather, full of dutiful respect. He asks for a share of the empire and for an oath. The old man swears, rescinds the anathema, restores his title of emperor to him, and magnificently commends his virtue. As to why he sent Apocaucus to him to demand the oath, he takes this ill and inveighs against that man. He excuses the action of the Palaeologina; the grandson also excuses himself, affirming that he sent that obscure man not as an envoy, but as a courier.

When these things were thus accomplished, the emperor sent away his aunt, who had performed the embassy to Constantinople. The things he gave her to report to his grandfather were these: "It was proper, O best of emperors, that nothing of these events should have been set in motion at all. For I, as I have often said, call to witness the Eye that sees all things, that I am conscious of no wickedness on my part, but only of some slight and childish transgressions ^A for which I have erred. Since, however, God has permitted it thus, because of my countless sins, I again return to Him many thanks that I did not end my life before I could find a suitable time in which I could manifest to you the candor of my spirit, my zeal for obedience, and my subjection. You, therefore, O emperor, have asked for what you know from your niece—and my aunt—who performed this embassy. But I, in the manner of a supplication, ask of the great Emperor and of God that you may remain among the living for many years and govern the Roman Empire; and that I, as your servant and son, may fulfill what you yourself command, as time goes on and as it is pleasing to God that such things be ordered concerning us. If, therefore, I should be the first to depart from life, let the whole empire rest with you, so that you may do what you think ^B is useful to be done. But if you should be called away to those eternal mansions, let the Roman principate be left to me in turn. Let these things, therefore, be done however is pleasing to God. But now, with necessity and reverence pulling me in different directions, necessity has won out, and compelled me to speak and act unsuitably and unskillfully. For although it was right for us to deliver ourselves, and the cities, and our wealth, and all things together into your hands, we have been forced to act otherwise for two reasons. The first is that God, to whom hidden things are open, knows my desire to please you, my respect, and my modesty toward you, and I myself, as often as the occasion has offered, have shown this with evident arguments. I have therefore trusted that you would be of an equal mind toward me, ^C and would keep for me that paternal affection and natural love, sincere and incorrupt. But since the condition of events has not yet offered me the opportunity to demonstrate this consistently, I would not wish on that account to be blamed by anyone for any lack of confidence. The second reason, which is of greater weight and importance, is concerning the army..."

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(65) Necessarily, because of the distinction, these two words must be translated here, both of which we have noted above as having a wider meaning. In truth, however, Eugenia was the aunt of Andronicus the Elder, if cousins are the children of brothers and sisters. For Michael Palaeologus, the father of Andronicus, was the brother of the mother of Eugenia. Whom, regarding Andronicus the Younger, the grandson of the elder, we may call a cousin, for a more proper term is not provided. ^D (66) They are words to be used frequently by every good Christian. As this also, and similar things.

(67) Since he was compelled, he says the first cause is that his grandfather had cast off his paternal affection toward him. But he proposes the matter very courteously and elegantly, lest he offend his grandfather with a harsher word; and that which could be objected against himself, he counters from the beginning, affirming that he had not neglected the role of a good son, and had not omitted his duties.

^A Secondly, a point which is even stronger than the first, since I saw that all those with me—some out of cowardice, others out of malice, and some even because they delighted in evils—were choosing war and could not endure to hear even the slightest mention of peace, I was compelled to depart a little from what is truly good and just, so that I might make peace tolerable for everyone. And this is that I should have the administration of the regions and cities and military forces, and also the public revenues, from Selybria up to Christopolis; and that you, Emperor, should possess [the city] of Constantine itself as far as Selybria, and the cities in the East which are subject to the Romans, and also all the islands, and the Macedonian and Western provinces from Christopolis as far as Epidamnus and Dalmatia, which are the furthest boundaries of the Roman empire. I am in the hope that, with the passage of time, I shall myself bring and surrender to your authority both myself and what I now seem to claim for my own, since I am doing this even now not by choice, but forced by necessity.

Having declared such things to the Emperor, the young Emperor sent forth oaths inscribed in two books, containing the partition of the cities over which each was to rule, and affirming that each would adhere to the sworn terms, so that if these things should seem pleasing to him as well, he might make the oaths binding by means of the holy Gospels and return them, signed in red by his own hand, pledging that he would do the same. ^B But since it was necessary that someone from the young Emperor's side be present to convey the written oaths, Apocauchus, the *parakoimomenos*, was sent, after the Great Domestic Syrgiannes had persuaded him to this task.

When, however, the Emperor’s cousin had arrived at Byzantium to the Emperor and had reported the words of the grandson and Emperor, and furthermore the peace on the terms upon which it was established, at first astonishment seized the Emperor, and he almost disbelieved what was being said. But when he was persuaded that it was true, he accepted the peace gladly, and offered many thanks to his grandson. Having immediately gathered in the palace the bishops who were then found in Constantinople, he performed the oaths and dissolved the excommunication which had previously been proclaimed against the young Emperor and those with him, ^C ordering that his grandson once again be called Emperor. Furthermore, being pained that he was sending this same cousin back to him to adjure him, and that not some person of higher birth, but rather Apocauchus had come to deliver the oath, he addressed her in this way: "Because my grandson so reveres and honors me, and is so concerned for my sake, [is it fitting that he sends] the lowest person to me?" ^D

^A for being so called and named.

As he was about to send the same cousin of his once more to the young emperor, that she might receive the oaths from him, feeling aggrieved that not one of those of noble birth, but Apocauchus, had been sent to receive the oaths, he spoke to her thus: "For the reverence and thoughtfulness and honor shown to me, I pray that my grandson the emperor receives from God abundant rewards, not only in this life, but in the one that is unending. Yet it also occurs to me to marvel at the moderation of his character, the straightforwardness of his nature, and his commitment to what is noble; for, being young, an emperor, and having far surpassed his rivals, from whom it would be natural for him to have become ambitious, puffed up, and insolent toward us—or, at the very least, to have made public what we ourselves had done, and then to have bestowed what he himself wished, so as to be admired by all—he did nothing of the sort. Instead, he kept my words in the dark, with no one else knowing them save for the Grand Domestic alone; and he himself, handling the matter very wisely and properly, ^B conferred a double grace upon us: not only, while the entire Roman Empire now leans toward him, has he retained a part for himself and ceded all the rest to us, but also, he has not wished, even when our affairs were so straitened, to bring them to a complete crisis. From this it is clear to me, and I am firmly convinced, that not even a trace of contempt has entered his mind to show toward me, but he preserves his former reverence and piety. Yet that which torments my soul not a little is why, when he has with him many noble men, related to him by blood, through whom he could have received the oath from us, he sent none of these, but sent Apocauchus, a man unknown and born of unknown parentage, who only until recently was acting as a scribe for the tax collectors. Although I have left out something worse, as if I were saying something remarkable. For the same man, after deceiving me with many promises, was appointed overseer of the state salt-works. Then, disregarding his promises, having devoured the entire revenue from the salt, and because I asked for a little back from the much, he used the occasion to flee in haste to my grandson. Who, then, seeing him so honored by him that he employs his services even in the most noble affairs, would not think that this was intentionally contrived by the emperor, my grandson, to cause me grief? And even if he did not ^C do this with that intention, many will nonetheless think it was done with that intent."

When the Palaiologina replied that it did not seem to her that Apocauchus had been sent by the grandson out of contempt, since there existed so many proofs of his reverence and innate fear toward him beforehand, the emperor sent the protosecretary Bardales and Callicrenites with her to the grandson. When he heard the old man's words regarding Apocauchus, he said, "Far be it from me, that madness, for me to plan any small or great thing to the annoyance or contempt of my lord and emperor: for he who knowingly sins against him is held in a very great transgression, in my judgment, even if the sin might not be great." Apocauchus, not as an envoy, nor as one confirming the peace (these are the notes of Jakob Pontanus. ^D For we are to understand just how much he honors his grandfather. For those whom we greatly revere, or love, or at least ought to greatly revere and love, we feel aggrieved when they are even slightly offended, as if they had been violated in unworthy ways, and we become angry. And not without cause.)

^A The emperor sends the protasecretis Bardales and the Kallikrenites together with her to his grandson. When they arrived to him, as soon as he heard of the words concerning Apokaukos from the emperor, the young emperor said: "May I not be so mad as to do anything little or great to the grief or despite of my lord and emperor. For knowingly and willfully to sin against him is worthy of similar blame before me as a judge, whether the sin be greater or smaller." Apokaukos was sent not as an ambassador, nor as a guarantor of peace (for these things belonged to my aunt), but as a mere courier of letters. We know indeed that when we send letters to anyone for great and most necessary matters, we also use the most abject of servants for their transport. Nevertheless, if there is any reproach in this, it befits the emperor to exact an accounting from the grand domestic, not from me—for he was sent by him—and having confirmed the oaths and handed them to the ambassadors, he sent them away rejoicing.

He himself, after Pentecost, at the beginning of June, set out for Adrianople, having sent to Constantinople, and he brought his wife Irene to himself; who, after her arrival to the emperor, bore a male child, and after eight months the child had died. The emperor, passing through the cities under him, spent the summer honoring those who were with him, the more illustrious ones with honors, gifts, and prefectures of provinces and cities, while others he obliged to himself with money and annual stipends. Since the summer was already ending, at the very beginning of the month of August, his friends who were in Constantinople informed him by letter that Syrgiannes had made agreements with your grandfather and would arrive to him at any moment. The letters being read, the emperor and the grand domestic thought it beneficial to keep the matters revealed secret for the present, but to send those friends to inquire whether what had been reported concerning Syrgiannes were true at all. For he thought it cruel and heavy to do or say anything unbecoming before having learned the truth accurately. Having sent ^B immediately, he inquired; and they replied that they had investigated everything and learned with precision what great things the emperor and Syrgiannes had mutually promised each other in the agreements they had made. Wherefore they were deeply aggrieved to have reported it. And it will be your care ^C

CHAPTER XXIV

The junior emperor returns to Adrianople, and calls his wife there. He spends the summer in inspecting and ordering the cities. Syrgiannes treacherously defects to the old man. His grandson reproaches him for this defection and urges him to keep his faith. Syrgiannes denies the charges, but is convicted by Byzantine letters. He is warned again about his duty. He denies everything, and departs for Byzantium. War breaks out again; the grandson rouses his army to arms against the adversaries. Strange is the desire of all to fight.

After Pentecost, at the beginning of June, he returned with the army to Adrianople, and took care to bring his wife, Irene, from Constantinople to himself. She, after her arrival, bore a male child, who died after eight months. The emperor, visiting his cities and winning over the more noble of his men with honors, gifts, and the prefectures of provinces and towns, and others with money and annual stipends, spent the summer in these things. When this was drawing to a close, at the beginning of the month of August, those friends who were at Constantinople informed him by letter that Syrgiannes had become a federate ^D of the grandfather and would soon depart to him. The letter having been read, it seemed good to the emperor and the grand domestic that they should keep the contents silent for the present, but should send those friends to inquire whether what they had signified concerning Syrgiannes were true. For, the truth not yet having been explored, they judged it grave and inhuman to act or speak what was less suitable. They replied that they had inquired diligently and had learned clearly that the emperor, his grandfather, and Syrgiannes had mutually pledged a great alliance. That they had done so grieving from their heart, they wished to signify; and he should see how he might assist himself with counsel and deed. Having understood these things concerning Syrgiannes, his grandson took him alone into private and said: "It has been reported to me that you have struck a pact of society with my grandfather and are about to go to him yourself. If you are the first to insinuate yourself into that same [pact]..."

hoping to find something greater, or if you have been deceived by his many promises and thus persuaded, I do not know clearly. If, therefore, these things that were said are untrue, then those who reported them deserve to be accused, and I, for having lent credit to sycophants, am not worthy of praise. But if, as I said, you were moved to do this either by hoping to gain some advantage or by being persuaded from that side, if you are willing to abandon such thoughts and, persuaded by my counsel, to keep your faith and friendship toward me as they were before, sincere and pure, you shall find me just as well-disposed and friendly toward you as you enjoyed before, taking no account of such things, just as if they had never happened at all. For they reached no other ears save mine and the Great Domestic’s. But if you flee me as a base and wicked man, and consider it intolerable to live and pass your time with me, but, believing that you will obtain some divine blessings from my grandfather, have firmly decided to join yourself to him, I grieve at this departure of yours, seeing myself deprived of a friend and intimate companion; ^B yet I shall not apply force, nor will I seek to detain you against your will. For not even from the beginning did I compel you to serve me by law of war or by any other violence; but of your own free will you followed me, attached yourself to me, exposed your own life to dangers for my sake, and promised both to do and to suffer anything for me—a thing you did indeed demonstrate quite transparently through your actions. Nevertheless, I have not been ungrateful or unmindful of your services. For when God had granted my ardent will the means to benefit my friends, I rewarded you, as was fitting, just as I did others, with gifts and honors for your labor and zeal toward me. ^C And since you joined yourself to me willingly and gladly, it is shameful to withdraw secretly, rather than to depart having openly bid farewell. Nor do I think that my grandfather and emperor, preparing for war, wishes to take you on for the ruin of my affairs, but rather that he wishes to preserve the peace and the treaties with me in a healthy state, and simply desires that you too should be under him. And yet, this, too, I find quite astonishing, how, having rendered such clear significations of a benevolent mind and obedience by my actions themselves, that man—which I would never have feared—shows himself by no sign to be a friend to me. But if by chance he has proposed in his mind to contend with me by arms, we shall be dear to God. Remember your words when we were consulting about the state of affairs at Byzantium. For when you and the protostrator ^D had spoken about my grandfather what you recall, while I was of a very different opinion, you, regarding this mind of mine, said that you trusted in God...

that as you were disposed in this way toward the grandfather and emperor, God himself would fight for us and would render us free from care. Consider, then, what you are about to do. For this is what has been said to you. ^A Such was the emperor's speech. Syrgiannes, however, insisted that he was being slandered, claiming that nothing of what he was accused of was true. Yet, because he could provide no solid or clear proof for the things he was accused of, a good judge of character could not easily help suspecting that he carried the stain of a guilty conscience in his heart. Still, when the emperor repeated the same words and offered him great hope that he would be no less dear to him than before, he departed.

Meanwhile, friends were sending daily reports from Byzantium to the young emperor, confirming that the rumors about Syrgiannes were true, and that the elder emperor was preparing everything for war so that he would begin as soon as Syrgiannes arrived. Just as winter was beginning—specifically, on the fifth day of October—the emperor spoke again privately to Syrgiannes: "I assume you have not forgotten what I discussed with you a short time ago. From that day to this, reports reach me every day that you are plotting a defection to my grandfather, and not only that, but that you are preparing the very war by which he, as soon as you join him, will provoke me. All those who wish me well urge me to restrain you, for then they say the war will die down; but you shall hear from me again what you heard before. I say, if you obey my warnings and abstain from these thoughts and actions, that is well indeed; but if you cannot change your mind, then do as you wish. ^B For I am not only not eager to restrain or crush you, even though I could do so with very little effort, as you yourself would admit, but I will not even strip you of your command, so that you may understand that you have acted not without my knowledge, but rather with my negligence, regarding things that had already been deliberated by you."

At this, Syrgiannes once again insisted that such a great crime was falsely attributed to him, stating that he was conscious of no such thing. With the emperor's permission, he departed for the cities of Thrace, of which he was governor. There, having installed garrisons in two of them—specifically Apros and Garellam—and having fortified them with other equipment so that they could withstand a siege, he defected to the elder emperor in the month of November. ^C As soon as he set foot in Byzantium, the war between the emperors was openly fanned into flame once again. For the young emperor, having quickly gathered his entire army into one place, addressed them as follows: "The honor and utility of peace are not only for those who are governed, but for the rulers themselves; just as the calamities of war are known to all of you as well. For my part, I would not shrink from the loss of all my private possessions for the sake of preserving peace. ^D But after my grandfather (which I would never have credited), spurning the treaty, though we provided no cause or pretext for this treachery, has rushed into open war, and we, compelled by necessity, go to arms, and having chosen peace by every vote, nothing remains but that, with God as our witness and calling upon our oath, we attack these perjurers, and take heed how we may cause them no more harm than simply to ensure that we ourselves do not receive any harm.

For to wait for them to enter our territory while defending ourselves would seem to be not merely cowardice, but not very far from folly. I trust that God himself, in whose name we keep our oaths, will not abandon us, but will be with us and fight on our behalf." ^B When the Emperor had spoken these words, the entire army, as if from a single tongue, cried out: "We give thanks to God, the ruler of all, and to the Emperor, that we do not serve a master who is unjust or grasping, but rather one who, for the sake of peace among kinsmen, deems as nothing all that others would claim as their own rights; and since God is just and has loved righteousness, as the Prophet says, he will neither stand by someone who commits injustice nor will he despise us who fight for the sake of justice. Since, therefore, we are all ready, if it were possible, to die for you many times over, let us no longer delay or waste time, but let us get to work, trusting in God."

At this, the Emperor, having expressed his thanks for their goodwill and the zeal they showed toward him, as was fitting, dismissed the public gathering; but privately, having consulted with the Great Domestic and the Protostrator, and seeing that the soldiers’ speech had pleased them as well and that nothing more seemed to be required, they gave their approval. On the following day, the Protostrator set out for Adrianople to unite his daughter, Anna, in marriage with Manuel Asan, the brother of the spouse of the Great Domestic.

CHAPTER XXV

The Emperor, having ordered the soldiers to prepare for the expedition, began to make his own preparations; and having properly arranged other matters, ^C at the town of Didymoteichon, he left his spouse, Theodora Palaiologina,

(76) The word *homophuloi* occurs very frequently in this history; it signifies those subject to the same force, of the same tribe, lineage, and nation. It is meant to indicate that Thracians, since they are of the same kin, ought not to engage in mutual warfare on account of two emperors, of whom one portion serves one and the other portion serves the other. But because to constantly use the term "people of the same nation" in this paraphrase would be inconvenient, vapid, and tedious, and since those born of the same nation are in a sense fellow citizens, we frequently translate it as "citizens" and sometimes retain the Greek term. The author also sometimes calls this war "civil" and "of kinsmen," or "of kindred." Therefore, because it is in a way civil, we have not hesitated to sometimes render it "intestine." It is not permitted to translate this as "gentile war," because in one nation, where many families exist, it would signify that they are waging war.

(77) A mention of this town, among the most celebrated of the cities of Thrace at that time, occurs very frequently in these books. It takes its name from "twin walls" or ramparts. It is situated on the river Hebrus. Today it is called by the Turks, in a mutilated form, Dimotuc; nor is its name obscure in these times, especially on account of the most elegant pitchers which, fashioned by the inhabitants, are carried to other places, and even to Constantinople. For even the Turkish Sultan himself, as well as other magnates, is accustomed to draw water from them. Leunclavius in the *Pandectes Historiae Turcicae*.

^A Having left Theodora, his own kinswoman, and the mother of the Great Domestic, in the place of all garrison and protection (for she was indeed skilled in the governance of public affairs, and possessed of a prudence more robust than is typical of the female nature), and having given orders that all the city magistrates and administrators of affairs should obey her in whatever she might command, and having thus unburdened himself of those cares—and since the army had prepared what it needed in eight days—he set out from there and came as far as Tzurulum. Having encamped there, he remained for a few days, partly because an extraordinary winter had set in (for it was the season of winter, and they were encamped in the month of December), and partly so that the rest of the army might gather in the meantime. What was of greater moment was that because Heraclea in Thrace, having broken faith, had defected to the elder Emperor, and Syrgiannes, having taken forces from Byzantium, was occupying it, there was a danger that the risk of recovering it would have to be confronted first. ^B Having consumed some time there, all the nobles and commanders gathered together and decreed an embassy to the elder Emperor concerning peace. Upon this being known, and since his grandson also inclined toward it, they sent a certain man from the army named Calocheretes with a letter; for the embassy was conducted by letter, and he himself merely held the place of a courier. The tenor of those letters was as follows: "Most powerful Emperor, we, being Romans from our ancestors, consider the prosperity of the Romans to be our own good fortune, and their misfortune likewise to be our own calamity. For which cause we hold it of the greatest importance that you, our emperors, should be kindly disposed toward one another and not enemies—truly considering that if you are disposed toward each other in friendship, it is probable that the state will either increase or, at the very least, not diminish; but if you are enemies to one another, your rule will be destroyed and overturned, not only by neighboring barbarians, but even by yourselves. ^C When, therefore, a dissension had arisen some time ago, and the grandson was bearing arms against you, as soon as you made mention of peace, he at once—just as if he himself were seeking peace, even though he excelled in the power of arms—gladly gave place to the petition and was reconciled, as if the war had never been kindled; a thing which for us, and for all who are content under your rule, and for us who deemed that day most auspicious for Roman felicity, was a cause of singular joy. But now, when we see you—whom it would have behooved, if anything were done rashly and inconsiderately by your grandson due to the fervor of his age, to quiet the war—openly waging war for no manifest cause and having broken the treaty, we are, as is natural, disheartened, and we judge this violation of the treaty to be the beginning of calamities. ^D Since these things are so, we beseech you, Emperor, by that very guardian of oaths who is and is called the God of peace, that you lay down your arms, and do not suffer the subject peoples to be afflicted with most terrible evils because of your discord. If you, yielding to us, repudiating war and accepting peace...

(78) She was the daughter of the sister of Michael I Palaiologos. Though she was not, nevertheless, of the Palaiologos name, they did not have... [alt-version omitted]

^A concord and communion with your grandson, we will, in turn, for the sake of you both, if the occasion arises, readily give ourselves over and offer up our lives to death without hesitation. But if—which God forbid—a wicked demon envying us, you spurn what we request, and, lending an ear to the wicked who urge you on and rejoice in evils, you resort to arms, then swear by God, who beholds all and brings justice upon all human deeds, that we will either all fall fighting in the battle, or by our very deeds we will make it manifest that we were worthy to be heard when we asked for peace. For then you yourself will seek peace from us, when you judge that it would have been better if you had not stirred up this war against us from the beginning. Furthermore, do not be persuaded, either by your own thoughts or by hearing it from others, that you could, by gifts or promises, or by terror and fear, or by crafty fraud, or by any other means, entice any of us away from your grandson to your own side. For we have called down the most severe curses upon our own heads if we do not keep to our oaths until our last breath and stand by the younger emperor, and let him who acts otherwise be held bound by these curses. Since this is our resolve, we beseech you to consider and do what pertains to your duty, and not to be deceived by empty suspicions and commit an act of which you will hereafter repent.” ^B Such were the things the whole senate of nobles and the commanders of the army requested of the elder emperor by letter. To ensure greater credibility, each one confirmed the document with his own signature, and entrusted it to the aforementioned Kalochairetes to be carried to Byzantium. As he entered the palace, a tumult and clamor arose from all the courtiers: that Palaiologos the grandson (for they disdained to call him emperor again) was seeking pardon from his grandfather through an envoy, which he would not obtain unless he presented himself bound and threw himself at the emperor’s feet—and that even then he would barely obtain it. The emperor, having heard the cause of the noise, commanded silence for those creating the tumult and shouting. Then he sent someone to inform Kalochairetes that, since he was impeded by necessary business and did not have leisure for a conversation, he wished to see the grandson’s letters. He replied that he would deliver them into the hands of no mortal except the emperor himself, just as he had in his instructions. ^D

CAPUT XXVI. Xena, the mother of Andronikos the Younger, is brought captive from Thessalonica to Byzantium. Kalochairetes vehemently and even suppliantly urges peace upon the elder emperor.

At that time the emperor was occupied with the care and thought of sending his son, the Despot Constantine, with long ships to the West, to govern Thessalonica and the other Western cities; and [of sending] the empress, the wife of Emperor Michael and mother of Andronikos the Younger,

that she should be brought to Byzantium. This, too, having come to pass ^A in accordance with the emperor's order, grieved the emperor Andronikos, her son, not a little, when he heard that his mother had been forcibly dragged away. For when the empress learned the reason for which the *despotes* had arrived, and since the day was at hand on which she was required to embark for the voyage, she fled to the church, and clinging to the icon of the Mother of God, she declared that she would not let go, come what may. The *despotes*, arriving, first attempted to persuade her with words; but when he could not persuade her, he resorted to force. When even this achieved nothing, he entrusted the dragging away of the empress to the great *pappias* Palaiologos, to the *protallagator* Sennacherim, and to John Zarides. They, having forcibly pulled her away from the icon and brought her down to the sea, consigned her to the trierarchs to be carried to the emperor. Now it seemed to the emperor, the son of the empress, the young man, that this too was a terrible crime: that the *despotes* himself had laid violent hands upon his mother—who was the wife of his uncle, but was also, by imperial law, his own sovereign. But that he should have entrusted the task to others was considered by none to be second even to that in the extremity of its insolence. But of these things, later.

As the elder emperor was relieved of his anxieties concerning the West, he summoned Kalochairetes; he asked for the letters of his grandson, and gave orders for him to report anything he had to say by word of mouth. He said that he brought neither letters nor messages from the young emperor, but rather from the senators and other leaders of the army who were with him. At the same time, he presented the document. When the emperor had perused what was written, and had also seen the signatures, "They," he said, "threaten me with whatever they wish; but I say that for what they dare to do, they shall pay the ultimate penalty." "They do not threaten, O Emperor," replied Kalochairetes, "but they ask first. If they are not heard in what they beseech, they announce what is about to come to pass. And I myself both beseech you and advise you, most mighty Emperor, not to disregard their petition, but to embrace peace—not only for the sake of your subjects, but for your own as well, so that you do not incur the greatest reproach from all men who see you meeting with open arms the peace that will be highly beneficial to your people and will, no less, protect your own name from much disgrace and infamy. For when your grandson came from Adrianople, having abandoned you, some attributed the causes of this defection to him, and some to you ^C.

Jacobi Pontani notes

(79) She is called Xena, a pious woman, but more ambitious, and desiring to reign, as we shall hear. Concerning this matter, Gregoras writes: "Afterwards the *despotes* Constantine is immediately sent by sea to Thessalonica to govern Macedonia and to send Xena, the mother of the young emperor, to Byzantium." And below: "Moreover, having departed for Thessalonica, he arrested Xena with all her ministers and, with no restraint, put her on a trireme and sent her to Byzantium. When she had arrived there against her will, she was kept under guard in the eastern part of the palace."

(80) ^D *Adherescens ei, complexa simulacra Marie Virginis.* The mind recalls that passage from the *Aeneid* about Hecuba and her daughters, on that final and most mournful night: "In the midst of the halls and under the open expanse of the sky, / there was a huge altar, and nearby a very old laurel, / leaning over the altar and embracing the household gods with its shade. / Here Hecuba and her daughters in vain sat crowded around the altars / like doves driven headlong by a black storm, / and were holding onto the images of the gods."

Others, the pagans, did this—so that in their calamity they might embrace the statues of their gods as suppliants; we do the same thing with the images, signs, statues, and relics of the saints when we bend the knee to them, embrace them, and kiss them; just as we practice many other things—if not in the same way, certainly with the same mind and religion that they practiced—in which we are unjustly blamed by foolish and ignorant mortals as idolaters.

(81) Truly he was of the Palaiologan line, as will be clear from chapter 50. But Andronikos Palaiologos the *protovestiarios*, as will be clear from the chapter, had as his mother Anna, the sister of the elder Andronikos Palaiologos, and his father was Michael from the leaders of Thessaly. Therefore, for the sake of honor, because he derived his maternal lineage from there, this name was given to him, just as it was to certain women, like Eugenia Palaiologina and the mother of Cantacuzenus himself, Theodora Palaiologina.

(82) *Ms.* interprets *protallagator*, who was the *praefectus* of the *alogium*, but this one of ours is consistently used everywhere, and is none other than what we today call *général des postes*.

^A Since indeed when your grandson, the junior emperor, first apostatized and reached Adrianople, some attributed the causes of the apostasy to him, while others attributed them to you, and the knowledge of these matters was ambiguous among men. But when he marched out, and you became mindful of peace, and he readily accepted it without any delay, and the truce was made, everyone praised you both for your wisdom and for your change toward better things; and they spent that day as a feast day, believing themselves to have been delivered from the evils of the civil war. But now, when the emperor, your grandson, was going around the portion of the empire assigned to him, and deigned to provide for the army with no ordinary care, and commanded the walls of the cities, which were suffering from old age and crumbling, to be repaired and restored, and concerned himself as much as he could with the strengthening of the state’s discipline and its entire improvement and increase, the war broke out again suddenly, with neither him nor those with him providing any cause. So that for him it will follow that he is acquitted of all blame in the previous events, and for the present ones is praised as defending himself and not initiating the war, and that he will enjoy the goodwill of all as they sympathize with him for being treated unjustly, whereas you, contrary to the opinions of all, as before, so now also will be condemned as doing wrong. Therefore, weigh with yourself how great a punishment from God and reproach from men awaits you on account of the calamities that are about to arise. For this reason, I beg you again, O Emperor, take pity on your subjects, pity your son, and finally pity yourself, whose praise is so great among the Romans, and whom they gaze upon as one descended from heaven ^B and embracing peace, send word to end the war, and do not let your people be called to destruction by the calamities that will flow from it, nor allow your grandson, either to win a victory more shameful for him to win than if he were defeated (for he will defeat his own father), or, being defeated, to be killed unjustly at the same time by his father, and your name, which is sung everywhere with auspicious acclamations, to be turned into obloquy on the contrary. When Calochæretes had said these things, and had answered wisely the questions and objections of the Emperor and those present, he finally fell at the feet of the Emperor and began to request with all his efforts that he not reject peace, nor prefer that murderer and envious one from the beginning—that is to say, the devil—but rather Christ the peacemaker, who made both one. The Emperor raised the man up and gave thanks, because he had sufficiently instructed them in their duty, and ordered them to report to those by whom he had been sent that they had used a foolish embassy, that he was giving no answer, but would do so if they used a prudent one. Thus Calochæretes departed in vain. The junior emperor, having moved camp from Zurulo, proceeded to Heraclea of Thrace, where, shutting in Syrgiannes with the Byzantine garrison, he spent one day in the siege. Departing from there, he encamped near Daonium, and on the following day proceeded to march toward Constantinople. At Rhegium, Calochæretes met him and reported that he had accomplished nothing. ^{C D} [alt-version omitted]

CAPUT XXVII. Embassey of the grandson to his grandfather concerning peace, which he seeks again not far from the walls of Byzantium, but in vain. His fever, and the flow of blood from his nostrils. The defection of the Great Stratopedarch. The deeds of Syrgiannis.

^A Having encamped there, it occurred to the grandson that those of his own party ought to send an embassy to his grandfather regarding peace. He therefore chose the Grand Constabularius John Palaiologos, brother of the Protostrator, and John Aplesphares, entrusting them with a letter containing these words: "Since the nobles and illustrious men and commanders of the army whom I have with me, with my knowledge, had sent to you regarding peace and did not obtain it, I myself now, with their consent, again seek the same. And we all entreat you in common not to reject us as if we were base, but to grant us the favor and pardon of your majesty; for we desire to be, and to be called, your servants, and we seek peace from you as a benefit above many other good things." He sent these men to the emperor, ordering them to return within eight days, thinking that this interval of time was sufficient for the emperor to form a counsel regarding the peace; he himself meanwhile waited at Rhegium.

^B When twelve days had passed and the envoys had not returned, he moved from Rhegium and came near the walls of Byzantium, though at a distance where his soldiers would not be within arrow-shot. He sent some of his followers to command those defending the wall to report to the emperor that, "Your grandson, since the envoys did not return by the appointed day, has come himself to seek pardon." But they, not even receiving the words with the tips of their ears, hurled projectiles from the wall and forced them to flee. The young emperor, having persisted there until the day was drawing to a close, withdrew slightly and encamped near Cosmidium, in the Limpidarium, and stayed there for three days.

^C Furthermore, since excessive rains and intolerable cold arrived—to such an extent that two soldiers perished from the cold in the camp—and since all hope of peace was vanishing, and the winter was intensifying severely, and the army, being prohibited by the young emperor from harming the country, was lacking in provisions (they numbered forty cohorts), he turned back to Didymoteichon and disbanded the army. While he was still encamped near Byzantium, Boesilas, the brother of the King of the Mysians, deserted from him and went to his grandfather. At Didymoteichon, he was afflicted for forty days by a daily fever. When that had been cast off, an incredible amount of blood flowed from his nostrils for twelve consecutive days. By this ailment

and when this evil had also ceased, he was again afflicted by a quartan fever for eleven months. From such an illness, his entrails and spleen were so badly affected that he was unable to be freed from that infirmity until his death. But he managed the illness with labors and daily exercises so that he might be able to breathe. ^B The elder emperor, although endowed with excellent prudence and seeming to know what ought to be done at such a time, when he perceived that his grandson surpassed his own forces by a great deal in number of troops, their alacrity, and their courage, and that he ought by right to have accepted the peace (since it was being offered on fair formal terms), he deemed the envoys who had arrived for the sake of peace unworthy of any answer for a long time, and when much time had passed, he sent them away with their business unfinished. The arrival of Syrgiannes, however, increased his desire for fighting, from whom he expected certain singular and memorable things: most especially those which were being stirred up in the provinces of the Rhodope. For Andronicus Palaeologus, the Grand Stratopedarch, having been sent by the younger emperor as governor and commander of the cities of Stenimachos and Zepaines (88) and of not a few fortresses of the provinces along the Rhodope—and of the many and most warlike soldiers who were in them—had brought them over to the authority and allegiance of the elder emperor, having persuaded some with gifts and promises, and having compelled others by force and threats. This planted in him no small hope of victory. ^C The grandson was in winter quarters at Didymoteichon when Syrgiannes, making an excursion from Heraclea to Byzantium and taking up whatever soldiers he found there, invaded the towns of Thrace which had submitted to the younger emperor. And first indeed, into Apros and Garellas (fearing lest they follow the other's friendship), he sent cavalry and infantry to resist those raiding from Didymoteichon. Afterwards, having attacked Rhaedestos, he occupied it by suborning the garrison (as he was cunning in such arts). From there he devastated the Bizyene territory and hastened to Sergentzion, and received that town by surrender. After this he went to Byzantium; and when a few days had passed there, he led a hostile band into Selybria. When the Selybrians shut their gates, he accepted the surrender of the nearby town called Saccos, which was inhabited by plowmen, and having left behind a detachment there to press upon the Selybrians by raids (which they did to the greatest degree, both secretly and openly), he returned to Byzantium. Meanwhile, winter ended in the fifth indiction. ^D Spring now beginning [A. 1322], at the start of March, letters were sent by the younger emperor through the provinces of his domain, by which soldiers were called to Didymoteichon by the fifteenth day. Everyone arrived on the appointed day.

Chapter 28. The concern of Andronicus the Younger. The altogether remarkable and singular benevolence of the Grand Domestic and his mother toward him. The prudent and festive oration of the same matron.

Being in want of money with which to pay the mercenaries—for the public taxes had not been collected, partly on account of the confusion caused by the war, and partly because the farmers, from whom the taxes are chiefly collected, had been driven from their own villages, their possessions being plundered by the soldiers of the elder emperor, and those sent by the younger emperor for protection meanwhile leading off and carrying away their property through military greed, treating them no better than the enemy—the emperor was distressed and consumed by anxiety, pondering whence he could obtain funds. Seeing him lost in thought and depressed, and being ignorant of the cause, the Great Domestic asked him what was troubling him. When the emperor explained his want of money, due to the public taxes not having been collected and the unavoidable need for expenditures for the army, "But I," the Great Domestic said, "clearly knowing such a shortage of money, as soon as you sent the letters ordering the army to assemble, I provided from my own resources the money sufficient for the need; and there is nothing lacking now except for each of the soldiers to come and receive the appointed amount of his pay. This shall happen in a day or two, and you should not worry about this at all." The emperor said, "For the love you have for me, there is nothing that one could say that would not be less than it deserves. But I am not a little distressed at this also, considering how many myriads of gold coins you have spent on our common needs since we came to Adrianople, and how many you are now about to spend. Therefore, no less than the lack of money itself, the fact that you suffer such a loss of wealth for my sake pierces and vexes my soul." Theodora Palaiologina, the mother of the Great Domestic, was present at their conversation and, taking part, said, "But I, for my part, do not consider the spending of money on such matters to be a loss, but rather the most profitable and most prudent of all gains. For if a man's own wealth is the price of the ransom of his soul ^C

^A or is spent for the sake of his life, he ought not to consider the expenditure a loss, but a gain. Moreover, since the sacred oracles teach that "where your treasure is, there will your heart be also" (Matt. vi. 21), it follows, Emperor, that since you are his treasure, the heart of the Great Domestic will also be with you. Being convinced of this, he will disdain all other wealth as of no account. But let us pass over this. If, by sparing your money, you fall into peril of your lives, is it not clear that when you are dead, your wealth will be shamefully passed on to others, and perhaps to your bitterest enemies? Therefore, spare neither your bodies nor your wealth until you have disposed of this war, which has been stirred up, in a way that is profitable to you.

CHAPTER XXIX

Having thanked the lady for these favors, the Emperor went out and took counsel with his leading men as to whether they should first march against Apros and Garella, or proceed to the cities that had revolted further off. The latter, they reasoned, caused less harm and could be captured more easily, whereas the former did greater damage and were very strong, both because of the construction of their walls and the force stationed within them. It was decided, then, to go to Apros first. When all was prepared, and the gold for the soldiers' pay had been distributed, they moved from Didymoteichon ^C and came to Apros. Having pitched their camp there, the Emperor sent a herald to greet those standing upon the walls and to urge them to surrender the city without a fight, saying that they had committed no offense, nor was the Emperor angry with them, but rather that the blame for the apostasy lay with the man who had forced them into it, not with them, who had been compelled against their will. If, therefore, they laid down their arms and returned to their allegiance and duty, they would earn many benefits. But those who were upon the walls, not even deigning to listen to the Emperor’s words in their entirety, shouted back that he came with evil intent, and that such words filled with deceit should be addressed not to them—who were free from all fear and not easily fooled by trickery—but to others instead. They said that they would keep their faith with their creditor and would guard the town securely. Others were sent repeatedly to persuade them not to choose bad counsel and evil deeds rather than the benefits they might experience if they were able. Because they replied ^D insultingly, attacking the heralds with stones and javelins and forbidding anyone else to be sent to them unless they wished to have him killed, the Emperor, seeing that he could achieve nothing with words, ordered ladders to be prepared the next day for scaling the walls. When those who were stationed on the ramparts saw this, they laughed at the enemy’s attempt as futile, confident that they would be inexpugnable because of the height and strength of the walls and the number of the defenders. For the auxiliary horsemen from Byzantium were two hundred and twenty, and the archers two hundred, and these were very skillful; of the heavy infantry who hurled missiles from the engines, there were thirty, one of whom was celebrated above the others for his dexterity in striking. The native armored cavalry numbered one hundred, and the archers not

a few, together with slingers—not only natives, but also ^A many from the surrounding regions who had gathered for the war—as well as a large number of light-armed troops, through whom they were confident that, if nothing else, they could at least easily escape being captured. At dawn the next day, both those outside and those on the walls arrayed themselves for battle; and as a most vigorous siege ensued, the defenders on the walls held out with great zeal until the seventh hour. Then, the men of the new emperor, prevailing over those arrayed against them in valor and daring, applied ladders to the walls, captured the town, and plundered it. The emperor, fearing that if all wealth were destroyed the city of Aprus might be rendered desolate, ordered the crops not to be destroyed, so that the people of Aprus, having the means of life, might not abandon the city. ^B However, in the siege, save for one heavy-armed soldier of the Byzantines, no one from either side was killed—and even he was killed after the battle by a certain Latin, because he himself, along with several others, had been wounded by him—though many were wounded on both sides. The soldiers then shackled the Byzantine cavalry and infantry. On the third day, the emperor ordered the captive soldiers to be brought before him and addressed them as follows: "You have acted neither prudently nor in your own interest by responding with insults and injuries to our friendly overtures. For while not to be struck with terror when an enemy is pressing on, but to stand firm and defend oneself, is deemed to be a mark of valor, to abuse and boast from the walls is ascribed to arrogance and madness. ^C Wherefore, if you would listen to me, I would advise you, if you are persuaded, to resist those who war against you with valor, with daring, and with the works of the hand, but to be temperate in your words. For it is not the insolence of words, but rather the experience in deeds that strikes terror into the attacking party. Now, since you have become prisoners, I have the right to treat you according to the law of war. But I, who do not seek in any way to harm the Romans with my arms, grant you your liberty. If you wish to serve under me, you shall be an object of my care, as is fitting, and I shall receive you among my greatest intimates. But if you wish to return home, even so I shall send you away kindly." ^D The soldiers, having paid respects to the emperor and having praised his kindness highly, asked for time to deliberate. Having deliberated, a few of the cavalry remained; almost all the infantry decided to serve under him, and these he enrolled in his army with an annual decree of pay, while to those who departed he granted gold for their journey. But when he saw the crowd of the people of Aprus—men, women, and children, almost naked, walking about in need of everything and lamenting that they had been despoiled of their goods—summoning the leaders and nobles, he said: "It is just, since this day we have been graced by God with so many and such great benefits, that we should make [others partakers of the same].

^B ourselves worthy of this benevolence. For that neither the great and well-defended army arrayed against us, nor the security and height of the walls, nor anything else was an obstacle preventing us from punishing those arrogant and insolent men, can rightly be attributed to nothing other than the bounty of the Supreme Being. And further, that in such a fierce wall-assault and capture of the city, none of our men fell—as might have been expected—nor were we stained by the blood of our countrymen in slaughtering the captives, this signifies God's great providence and care for us. It is necessary, therefore, that we also, having conquered, be moved to compassion by the misfortunes of those who have suffered (for while one must wage war to the end against barbarians, against one's own countrymen one must fight only until victory is achieved), and let each man share from the spoils with the captives as much as he chooses. For you will gain three greatest things: first, you will have God as propitious to yourselves, He who regards the mercy shown to the afflicted as if it were shown to Himself, and who promises to reward you with far more in this life and with happiness after death; second, you will gain our friendship, for there is nothing we value more highly than to act well by the captives; third, you will acquire for yourselves the reputation for bravery and magnanimity: bravery because you conquered those who took the field against you, and magnanimity because, with a noble and lofty mind, you treated them not as enemies who had been punished, but as citizens and kinsmen to whom you showed such care as was possible." The soldiers were so moved by this exhortation ^C that there was no one who did not return some portion of the spoils. And those who considered it glorious to do good, having sought out the owners of whatever booty they had acquired, returned everything faithfully, keeping nothing for themselves.

CAPUT XXX. Garella, Rhædestum, Sergentzium oppida deditionem faciunt. A Saccensibus rusticanis maledictis laceratur imperator; ipsum castellum miserabili incendio conflagrat. Insigne exemplum fidelitatis in dominum, et charitatis in hostem cujusdam pastoris, per quod stratopedarcha reus majestatis absolvitur.

Having remained for six days ^D at the captured town of Aprus, on the seventh day he broke camp and pitched it at Garella. The inhabitants there, whether because they loved the emperor or because they had been made wise by the misfortune of the Aprians, surrendered and passed peacefully into his protection as soon as they were invited. After extending them ample thanks, he proceeded to Rhædestum. When the inhabitants of Rhædestum likewise surrendered themselves, and when he had declared to them also his ardent desire to benefit them, he proceeded to Sergentzium. When that place also surrendered, he turned his journey toward Selybria, intending to offer thanks and repay the benefits to the Selybrians, who, on account of their loyalty toward him, had been afflicted with damages the previous winter by the Byzantine soldiers raiding their territory. As they approached the city, it pleased them to dismount from their horses and rest a little while upon the green grass.

^A They camped near the fort of the Saccii, which was hostile because it had gone over to Syrgiannes and had received the Byzantine soldiers in order to harass the Selybrians. It was also held in contempt for another reason: the small number and inexperience of its inhabitants (for they were all rustic farmers) and the poor condition of its walls. Those shut up in the fort, as if they did not know themselves—or out of total contempt for those surrounding them, as if they were of no account—kept hurling abuse from the wall and pouring out many insults against the Emperor and those with him. The Emperor, laughing at the insults, inquired of those present whether there was much wine among them. When they replied that they did not even have enough water, he said, "Then they have filled themselves with herbs that cause madness." After ordering someone to advise them to behave sensibly and keep quiet, he himself went out with the commanders of the army to inspect the lookouts. But those wretched Saccii did not slacken at all in their insults and shouting; rather, they applied their full strength. The soldierly sentiment, however, being aggrieved at the excess of the insults, asked their masters to allow them to handle the matter. ^B Having received permission ^C, they rushed forward and captured it by storm, scaling the wall from all sides—for it was easy to take—using whatever logs they found in place of ladders, and they turned to plundering the interior. A bright fire had been lit inside one house, and as many soldiers climbed onto it, the roof collapsed onto the fire. Since it was roofed with dry grass, a bright flame erupted immediately. ^D Straightway, it spread to the others as well, for they were constructed in the same way. Since there was only one gate to the small fort—which had been blocked up by the inhabitants out of fear—and because the house that first caught fire was nearby, some of those who had broken in, along with some of the settlers, climbed the wall to escape as best they could and threw themselves out, half-burnt. Others, trapped along with the people who lived in the village and the livestock by the fire, not knowing where to turn, broke into groans and lamentable cries. And it was, in truth, a scene worthy of tears, due to the bitterness of the burning for both the humans and the animals.

The whole army and the emperor himself with the chief officers, disregarding all other concerns, surrounded the fortress, eager to bring help; but being unable to do so (for the fire had already taken hold of everything), they too were moved to lamentation out of sympathy. ^A There were consumed by the fire, of those who had entered from outside, six; but of the inhabitants, counting women, children, and the elderly who lived in the village, one hundred and twenty-three, and the animals and all the rest of the property, whatever there was.

This misfortune caused the emperor no small amount of sorrow. Having risen from there, he went to Selymbria; and having transacted there the business for which he had come, he returned to Chariopolis and dismissed the army, keeping only one thousand men with him, commanding them to return to him again of their own accord within appointed days. Now the great stratopedarch Palaeologus, the commander of the provinces of Rhodope, had been able, as we said above, to turn all the cities and the army entrusted to him from the younger emperor to the elder, and to subdue their spirits and incline them to his service. ^B There was, however, a certain man of the Dacian race, a nomad (98) by the name of Syrmpanus, who had been stripped of his property because he favored the nephew; and after he had been beaten with sticks many times, had two of his teeth pulled out by the roots, and had to suffer his jaw being branded with hot iron, he still could not be shaken from his loyalty, so he was put in irons and kept in custody. This man, having later escaped from his confinement and having gathered to himself a great number of other light-armed nomads (99), ^C and having merged with the troops sent there by the younger emperor to fight against Palaeologus, launched an attack on those in Rhodope. Those who were in the cities, seeing that all the country folk had joined the conspiracy against them and that the emperor's army was pressing them hard, and fearing they might perish from an internal uprising if they stirred up dissension, changed sides and joined the younger emperor. They bound the commander and held him under guard until the emperor, learning of the matter, should pass judgment on him. They themselves, together with Syrmpanus, marched toward the emperor—some in order to receive a reward for their goodwill toward him, and those who had formerly stood with the elder emperor, to seek forgiveness. ^D The emperor rebuked those who had been ungrateful toward one who had deserved well of them with mild words; and commanding them not to be so ready to defect or break their oath in the future, and promising them oblivion for their offenses, he granted them pardon.

Jacobi Pontani Notes

(98) *Nomads*. By this term is meant not the peoples who occupied a certain part of Africa called Numidia, who obtained this name because they lived a pastoral life from the beginning, but also other peoples who were cattle-herders. And the term Numidae is derived from the Greek, for the peoples are called *Nomades*. Thus also Vitruvius calls them Arabs, in these words: "Likewise in Joppe in Syria, and in the Arabia of the Numidians, there are lakes of immense size." Nicander: *The Gherraean Nomads with bronze-tipped spears.*

This is what Turnebus writes, lib. i, cap. 27. Now, therefore, you have understood in what sense he calls this Dacian a "Nomad." He will make mention of the Nomads quite often.

(99) *Light-armed* denotes those who had nothing in the way of weapons except a sword or a bow; for this is the force of the Greek term, and they are opposed to the *hoplites*. I think, however, that these men were not even slightly armed, but fought with hard stakes or fire-hardened spears, as in the ninth *Aeneid* the Latin shepherds did against the Trojan newcomers.

^A He also released those who had remained steadfast in their faith, rewarding them according to their dignity with praise and gifts, and placed the Domestic Tarchaneiotes in charge of them, with orders to send the Grand Stratopedarch bound to the Emperor. ^B On the following day, as Syrmpanus stood before the Emperor, he appeared to want to say something to him; when the Emperor realized this, he commanded him to speak if he had anything on his mind. He immediately threw himself to the ground and begged to be pardoned if he, a swineherd and a barbarian and a countryman, dared to speak to the Emperor. When the Emperor bade him speak without fear, he began to plead for the Great Stratopedarch, that he too might be pardoned for having led those in the Rhodope region away from their loyalty to their master. When the Emperor asked if he were asking this out of irony or in truth, he replied, "In truth," and added an oath for the sake of credibility; he added that it was his duty, even if the man had sinned, not to deny forgiveness to a relative. The Emperor again asked: "Have you forgotten how many and what great evils he visited upon you? He stripped you of your property, children, and wife; he knocked out your teeth, tore your body with many stripes, and at last, as if you were one condemned for the most atrocious of crimes, he seared your cheek with iron, leaving you deformed with a perpetual scar. In short, tell me, what moved you to plead his cause?" "What is greater," he replied, "O Emperor, than that a man who until yesterday and the day before was counted among his slaves, should now, by the concession of God and your gift, have arrived at such renown as to be able, through his intercession, to rescue even the Emperor’s kin from a dreaded punishment?" Admiring that he had so erased the memory of his injuries, the Emperor said: "If you, a barbarian man of lowly status, having suffered such unjust and unspeakable things from him, nevertheless return good for evil as far as you are able, it does not befit me, having suffered less—and being Emperor—to harbor inexorable wrath. Therefore, for the sake of your petition, I overlook the offenses committed against me; behold, I grant him pardon." Having offered thanks and praised the Emperor again and again, the barbarian made a second request: that the same Stratopedarch should lose neither his rank nor his revenues nor his imperial grants. ^C The Emperor, admiring his zeal for the man who had wronged him even more, granted this request as well. While he was still lying at the Emperor's feet, the letter of pardon was drafted and, having been authenticated by the imperial hand, was delivered to him; having received it, and having kissed the ground upon which the Emperor stood, he departed with joy. ^D On the same day, a messenger came from Thessalonica and reported to the Emperor that a sedition had

CHAPTER XXXI.

On the same day, messengers arrived from Thessalonica, reporting that as a result of factions which had arisen there, those who stood by him had prevailed, and...

had secured Thessalonica for him, holding the Despot Constantine in custody, as he had fled to the Chortaites monastery near the city. ^A The Emperor immediately sent men to fetch him to Thessalonica, having first bound them by oaths that they would neither willingly kill the Despot themselves, nor permit others to do so. They departed and brought him to Didymoteichon, dressed in the monastic habit—which he had put on even before they arrived at Thessalonica, for fear of being killed. There then came to them before the new Emperor many of the Thessalonians, and of the senate, and of the army, and Jeremiah, the prelate of the church there, and Gerasimus, the superior of the Lavra on the holy Mount Athos. ^B The army that had gathered about the new Emperor, however, using military indiscipline, would almost have cut the Despot to pieces had the Emperor himself not been present to rescue him; he ordered him to be imprisoned. A few days later, the Despot sent a certain man to the Emperor to petition him, while at the same time offering many thanks that he had been saved by him from the jaws of death; he requested that, since he had taken the monastic habit in a certain way and on some occasion, he might also be allowed to observe the legitimate monastic rules, so that he might appear to have put it on not by compulsion, but of his own free will. The Emperor, suspecting that he was asking this not from a desire for a change of life, but in order to be released from prison, sent the Metropolitan of Thessalonica and Gerasimus, the superior of the Lavra, to inform him that his current petition was inappropriate. ^C For while it was permitted that he should not suffer ill treatment from those guarding him, but should enjoy rest, it was impossible at that time for him to be released from confinement. Therefore, he should not make such requests. But he begged even more concerning the same matters, grasping at those sacred—

^A men, who were turning toward him not for the sake of pretense, nor by necessity, but rather choosing a change of life toward such a pattern in truth. And having inquired of them about these things, the Emperor permitted them to do whatever they wished concerning him. At the same time, prisoners were also brought from Thessalonica to the Emperor, as well as the Emperor’s mother, the Empress Xene, whom we have previously mentioned, having been dragged away by force; specifically Constantine Palaiologos, John Zarides, and the protallagator Sennacherim. ^B By order of the Emperor, two of them were publicly exhibited in the marketplace, as if in a theater, for the purpose of disgrace, having had their beards and the hair of their heads shorn. But the protostrator interceded for Palaiologos, as he was his cousin, so that he would not suffer the same thing; he was, however, thrown into prison. A little later, the Emperor granted indulgence to him and the others as well.

At the same time, the people of Lemnos, having revolted from the elder emperor, came to the younger, to announce their defection and to request a governor for Lemnos. Having been treated with kindness by the Emperor, and having received a leader just as they had requested, they returned home. While these things were taking place, it was reported to the Emperor from Selymbria that a Persian army, in alliance with the grandfather and emperor, had crossed over from the East, and together with the army from Byzantium, would soon arrive against him. ^C When he learned of this move against their own kin by the Persians, he was astonished at those who were arrayed against him. With an irresistible impulse, he quickly broke camp from Didymoteichon and went straight for the approaching army, intending to do battle wherever he might encounter them. On the third day, the army from Byzantium, together with the Persians, and the young Emperor met between Tzurullon and Selymbria.

But when the Persians and the Romans from Byzantium realized that they would be unable to so much as look the Emperor’s army in the face, they did not even sustain their ground to form a line of battle, nor did they wait to come to close quarters; instead, while still far off, they turned tail and fled with all their might—the Persians on one side, and the Romans on the other. ^D Seeing them in flight, the Emperor himself divided his army into two parts and ordered them to pursue. For a long time the pursuit continued [Jacob Pontanus’s notes: (4) By the Greek words, I believe a shaving or shearing is signified. In other places, however, he uses the verb twice or three times, and once *perikeirein*, *perielein*. Therefore, it is perhaps permissible to translate it as shorn beard and hair. A type of ignominy, as it appears, customary for the Greeks, but not at all for the Romans, who did not delight in being shorn unless they were sordid and accused, for then they wore a disheveled and filthy beard and let their hair grow. To the Greeks, however, this was a point of honor; wherefore it was held among them as a great disgrace to be exhibited in the marketplace in such a deformed state as a laughingstock. Moreover, the custom of being shorn for the sake of mockery seems very ancient. For in 1 Paralip., when David sent messengers to console Hanun, the son of Naas, the king of the Ammonites, he, by the persuasion of his own men, shorn the boys of David and shaved them. Hence David commanded that they should remain in Jericho until their beards had grown. Indeed, this happened among the Hebrews in mourning, contrary to what was done among the Romans, as is evident from many places in sacred Scripture. (5) Observe, since at that time they held Asia Minor and were often raiding into Roman territories, that which you shall learn in the progress of the history, they are always called Persians, never Turks, as Gregoras does. And this is either because of the hatred of the Turkish name, or because of the communion of their religion: for both peoples, the Turks and the Persians, are of the Mahometan sect. (6) It was not such that they could be overtaken. Why? Because they were fleeing too swiftly. Why so swiftly? Because they were in great fear; but fear, as the great poet says, adds wings to the feet. Therefore, we have expressed the meaning, in my opinion, appropriately, even though we have departed from the wording, which a good and praiseworthy translator must often do. If we have done this more rarely, let something be pardoned to our fear, as we are entering upon this course for the first time.]

^A Since those who were pursuing accomplished nothing (for those who were fleeing were not within reach), they captured three of the Persians and five of the Romans, and returned having rescued the others. Many horses, however, which were unable to keep up with the army, along with military equipment and servants, were seized; and the emperor arrived and encamped near Selymbria. The Romans and Persians who had survived the flight came to Byzantium to the elder emperor and reported the defeat. At the same time, the Persians also requested ships for their crossing; but the emperor attempted to persuade them to remain in Byzantium. When they could not be persuaded, saying both that they would be worn out in vain and that it would be of no advantage to the emperor as they would be besieged along with the other Byzantines—for, they said, not even outside the walls could they, let alone the Persians, nor could their archisatrap himself with all the forces under him, stand against the young emperor—and since the Romans who were present agreed with them, saying that they spoke the truth, they took ships and crossed over to the East.

CHAPTER XXXII.

^A rather, he provided the emperor himself to bear witness that I myself commit no injustice, and that the slanderers have left no excess of injustice unattempted. But if the emperor himself has done things that are not fitting, having been deceived by corrupt men, we, ^B at least, since we know how to honor our parents—and even to forbear if we happen to suffer some injustice—will deliberate and act regarding the matters at hand, as much as God may grant. The envoy, having received this answer from the emperor, went away to the camp to wait there until the emperor, having deliberated, should give an answer regarding the peace. The emperor, together with the Grand Domestic, deliberated upon what it was fitting to do regarding the matters at hand, so that the peace might be such that they would have no pretext to slander the emperors against one another, nor to stir up war to the detriment of the public affairs. It appeared, then, that it would be profitable for them, together both with the army and all the cities, to entrust the administration of public affairs to the senior emperor, so that they might be led under him and remain as subjects, fulfilling what is commanded. For in this way those who slander them would have no room, all the wealth being managed together by the senior emperor. On the following day, the young emperor gathered all those in office, the commanders, and the chiefs of the army into an assembly ^C and spoke as follows: "The evils that arise from war, and especially from civil war, it is possible to perceive from many other sources; but one might perceive them especially well from the war that has now been stirred up between me and the emperor. For in a short time we have destroyed so much of our own power by our own hands that not even all the barbarians surrounding us, if they had campaigned against us, would have been able to destroy and diminish it, had we been in concord. Since this did not escape your notice, from the very beginning of this war you sent an embassy to the emperor, without my knowledge, seeking peace. Because you obtained nothing, I myself repeated the embassy, earnestly beseeching my grandfather not to allow us, men of the same nation, to be destroyed by mutual arms, and asking for peace as the greatest of gifts. At that time, therefore, he would not listen to us when we asked; now, by divine will, those who then rejected the peace are striving to obtain it from us. Wherefore, ^D first, I think it is proper that we render many thanks for this benefit to God, who has hitherto always rendered us superior to our enemies. Then, also, that we should not be unwilling to admit the peace, nor because of this little success appear haughty and bold; but rather, considering that this is the time when peace appeared necessary to us while we were deliberating, we should in this same way deliberate and resolve regarding it now." When the emperor had spoken in this way, the Grand Domestic...

^A followed. "The emperor," he said, "has omitted nothing that ought to have been taught to us, so that there is nothing else for anyone to add to what has been said. For not to be puffed up in times of prosperity is proof of a man, not only temperate but also brave; and to respect and honor one's parents is both right and necessary at the same time. And to care for one's fellow-tribesmen, and to value their safety above all else, and not to stand by and watch them destroyed because of some rivalry, but, if need be, even to relinquish some of one’s own interests for the sake of their salvation, is the sign of men who are not only good, but also possessed of wisdom. For if anyone allows his own kinsmen and fellow-tribesmen to be destroyed, he is unknowingly being destroyed along with them; and one should regard a victory over one's own people as a most shameful defeat, not a victory. The heart of the matter is that God, who oversees all things, would surely deem us worthy of many other such benefits, or even greater and more wonderful ones, if He sees us using the abundant prosperity we have been given rightly, as is fitting, and with humility, and not having become harsh and inhuman, nor having forgotten our own nature. If, therefore, what has been proposed is both just and necessary for me, and advantageous for the sake of reputation and survival, nothing remains ^B but for you also to give your assent. For I myself, thinking that what has been said is correct, and holding the same view regarding these matters, give my opinion that we should accept the peace, and for my part, I ratify it."

When the Grand Domestic had spoken in this way, the Protostrator also gave his vote to accept the peace, saying that the emperor had spoken rightly, and the Grand Domestic had agreed with him. And all the rest, though reluctant, immediately gave their assent likewise; but when all had voted for the peace, the emperor inquired again whether such a peace should be made so as to be firm and lasting forever, and that there might be no suspicion or pretext for war hereafter. The Grand Domestic, as if he had already deliberated with the emperor beforehand as to what kind of peace should be made, spoke in such a way that it seemed not intentional, but arrived at by a certain necessity for the sake of such agreements. "For it is necessary," he said, "O emperor, that the agreements we make for peace not be such that slanderers may find an opportunity, being well-supplied with plausible excuses, to ^C sow discord between you, the emperors, and incite war, which not only brings disgrace and the most severe harm to you, but also contributes a wealth of all kinds of evils to the entire populace. For the same thing happens in our case as would happen with two animals admired for their strength and size. For just as when they rush at each other and fight, it is inevitable that everything under their feet is crushed and destroyed, even though those animals have harmed no one, so too, when you fight one another, innocent subjects must perish. Wherefore, we must see to it not only that peace is made, but that, once made, it does not falter and collapse. For if, as before, we are not about to make a stable peace, but only something like a truce, it is better that no peace be made at all. For what else is to be expected than that those who treacherously broke the previous treaties will entangle themselves in further wickedness?" When the princes and soldiers heard these things, ^D [the following notes by Jacob Pontanus were added:]

(7) The icon and festive parable, how the miseries of subjects from the discords and wars of princes and lords are briefly depicted. Take for example, great and robust animals, for instance two bulls, whose fight Virgil describes in Book XII. And as on great Sila or on high Taburnus, When two bulls with turned fronts rush into hostile battles, The timid keepers retire: All the herd stands mute with fear, and the heifers low, Wondering which shall rule the herd, which the whole drove shall follow. They with great force mingle many wounds between themselves, And struggling, they bury their horns, and with blood Bathe their necks and shoulders: the whole grove bellows with their groaning. No otherwise do Trojan Aeneas and the Daunian hero Rush together with shields: a huge crash fills the sky.

For when they clashed and collided with one another, it was likely that all things within reach would be shattered and destroyed, without anyone doing wrong, and that those subjects of yours, while fighting, would perish. Hence, it is necessary to consider not only that a peace be brought about, but how it might remain firm and indissoluble. ^A For if we intend to make, as before, not a firm peace but rather as it were a truce in the war, it is better not to have initiated the beginning at all. For nothing else will result than that those who have breached the previous treaties will be held liable on charges of perjury. When the members of the Senate and the army heard such words, they did not in the least perceive that the Grand Domestic was speaking with such intent. But thinking that he was hinting at nothing else but that it was entirely possible for the young Emperor—who previously held a portion of the empire and had seized the greater part of what he had acquired in the current war—to become powerful, while the elder, having been weakened by the loss of much of his authority, would be less bold to engage in revolutionary actions, they all stated that the Grand Domestic had said what was just and beneficial, and they clamored that such should the peace be. The Emperor, seeing that all were already preoccupied by his own words, said: "It seems good to me as well. For it is disadvantageous both to us ourselves and to our subjects that we wage war against each other; and the example which the Grand Domestic set regarding our mutual war is most fitting. ^B For it is inevitable that you too, who are serving under both of us, should die at one another’s hands in battle, and that the estates from which both private and public revenues are derived should be destroyed. And that the peace should be such that it is not firm, but expected to be dissolved by anyone, is most disadvantageous to us. Therefore, we must consider how we might first remove every pretext for war; for the pretext for war among all men is either that one wishes to take revenge, thinking oneself wronged, or that one chooses to start a war for the sake of gain. But if someone, having brought himself forward, hands himself over to the one waging war, he has removed every pretext for war. For whether he thought he was wronged, he will remain quiet, having the one he wronged in his power; or whether he was eager for gain, having obtained more than he expected, he will thus cease from warring. Wherefore, we too, desiring a firm peace, and trusting in God and in our own action as a good one, ought to hand over the entire sovereignty of ourselves, our cities, and our revenues to the Emperor; having acted thus, we shall remove every pretext for the calumny of the sycophants. And when they have ceased from their evildoing, ^{C D} there will be no further obstacle to all enjoying profound peace. But if we again attempt to divide the empire, it is enough to cause a tumult, in that he who has ruled over all for two full and sixty years, and now suffers the diminishment of this empire, is able to be driven so that he believes his grandson is plotting ambushes against him, as those who slander us claim. Furthermore, we shall provide these very men with ample opportunity to stitch together their slanders; for if they should happen to gain the means to practice their wickedness, not much time will elapse before we are forced to take up arms again: no

further obstacle will remain for all to enjoy profound peace. But if we proceed again to divisions, in the first place, this very fact—that he who rules over all is now deprived of his authority over everyone—is enough to cause turmoil and enables the slanderers to persuade people that he is being plotted against by us, as they persist in their lies. Then, by providing them with the means to stitch together their slanders, we would be offering them abundant material; and, as they have the power to do mischief, in no long time we shall be forced to fight once more. For they will not rest until, through varied and frequent slanders, they incite the emperor to war. Do not be surprised if I, saying that the emperor would be deceived by these innovators and corruptors, exempt myself from the discourse as not being able to suffer the same things; and yet I am so prepared in mind and judgment that, even if anything were to happen—not just from slander, but even if what was said were true—I would not be the first to set out for war until I was forced by the very deeds to take up arms, not as one attacking, but to drive away the war being brought upon me, serving rather as sufficient security against the one who possesses the slander. For the one who rules, fearing that the rule might be taken away, could be persuaded that he is being plotted against; but the one who performs the service would not easily be persuaded. For these reasons which I have spoken, after reflecting for a long time, it seemed best to me that we should not proceed to divisions of the rule again; but that we, having brought ourselves and all our wealth, should surrender them to the emperor; for thus the peace we desire will be secure. ^B After the emperor had spoken thus concerning peace, a deep silence held the council for a long time, as all were astonished by his words. For it had never occurred to them that peace would be arranged in such a manner. When nothing was being answered, he turned to the Great Domestic and said, "It is no longer time for silence; it must be answered by you yourself, if you are able, and by the others regarding what I have said." Then he began thus: "If, Emperor, we had undertaken a war against barbarians who are by nature our enemies, there would be nothing else to consider than how, having prevailed in the war, we might march out and destroy them, until, having either wiped them out, we made them disappear, or, as a second option, by enslaving them, we made them tributary. If the circumstances were balanced to our advantage, we would adapt ourselves to their use. But since we are not fighting against such enemies, nor against those who, while being partners in religion, are otherwise enemies holding their own principality—whom you might perhaps pardon for being oppressed by those more powerful—but against our own kin and those most closely joined to us, who, I ask, with any sense and even the slightest concern lest he be counted among the condemned in Hades, would prefer this war to peace? And yet, even in this, the empire is not divided among you emperors such that one of you campaigns with an army gathered from the East, and the other from the West (for that would be somewhat more tolerable, even if Romans were thus clashing and destroying one another; for they would at least be consoled by the fact that those who were killed did not touch them by any kinship). ^C But now, in the common calamity of the Romans, the situation is such that even houses—not to mention cities—are divided against themselves, and brothers with brothers, sons with parents, and friends with the closest of friends are doing battle out of hatred not of their own, but of the emperors. It is likely, moreover, that of those killed by them, they consider those who are their own kin to be the ones slaughtered; but now, thus it is with the common R...

^A misfortune of the Romans, that homes themselves are divided against one another, let alone cities; and brothers against brothers, and children against their parents, and friends against their most genuine friends, fight not for their own sake, but for the sake of the enmity of the emperors. And it is likely that even in the midst of the battles themselves, on despoiling the most wretched victory, one might recognize his own father, or brother, or friend—what could be more miserable than this? For these reasons, I myself consider peace to be advantageous, and all the others agree as well. Since, however, it remains to consider now in what manner and upon what terms the peace should be concluded so that it might remain firm, and not provide occasions for war to be renewed again, if I had considered something other than what you, O Emperor, have said to be advantageous, I would not have hesitated to speak. But since, at the same time, you have spoken to us of things that are both just and fruitful for the Roman commonwealth, and in no way inferior in nobility to any, trusting in God, the protector of good things, let us bring our words to deeds. So spoke the Grand Domestic. ^B Being permitted to speak what he thought was advantageous, the Protostrator said: "That peace is a good thing and beneficial both to us and to the entire Roman commonwealth, not even I would deny; and I would not have you think that I needed any convincing on your part. But, O Emperor, I confess that I never even surmised that such a peace as you yourself have described would come to be. For I was calculating that, in addition to what we held before, and having occupied not a few things from those that have now come under our control, we would strike a treaty of peace. For this reason, I was listening most eagerly to others discussing it. But because this way is more approved by you, it is absolutely necessary that it be approved by me as well. For from the time that I submitted myself to your authority, I have so resolved not to refuse to live or die alongside you [(9)]. Wherefore, even if I was reasoning that the peace would be concluded differently, nevertheless, since this is your intent today, it is right that what you judge to be better should be done." The Emperor thanked the Protostrator for having spoken these things and asked the others. They, collecting themselves, answered: "Since he is the Lord, it is in his hand to do what he wills." They gave this answer with a troubled and sad spirit, for the preceding speeches had not moved them. Nevertheless, the Emperor, pretending to be unaware of what he knew, thanked them likewise, and dissolved the assembly. From that day until the seventh day ^C, he himself, the Grand Domestic, and the Protostrator, by persuading those in authority and the commanders of the army, and through them the whole multitude, with difficulty succeeded in establishing the peace on the stated terms as acceptable to all. It was indeed possible for the Emperor, with a few of the illustrious men, to ratify the peace. But it seemed better that it be done by common suffrage, and for this reason things were arranged in this way. ^D

^A Since it had been ratified by all, the Emperor summoned the head of the Holy Mountain, who was then fulfilling the office of ambassador to him, and said: “Tell my lord and emperor, having seen it yourself, how much the army opposed the peace, and with what zeal, in what ways, and by what stratagems we persuaded them all to embrace it. And say this to him from me: I call as witness to my words the all-seeing eye of God and the unerring judgment of my conscience, that neither before nor now have I been conscious of having done anything such as to deserve that you, my lord and father, should be so embittered against me. Wherefore, previously, as soon as you made mention of peace, I, not contradicting nor curiously investigating, but considering it a benefit, carried out your command; and now, even though the army was much averse to the plan—of which you will inform him accurately—that which you ordered, with God’s help, has been brought to a conclusion. ^B Indeed, in the efforts that attended the settlement of the previous war, I had claimed for my own jurisdiction the territory from Christopolis to Selybria, not because I was in need, but for the reasons I then explained as being necessary. But now, seeing that peace concluded on such conditions gave start to a second war (for the calumniators and common enemies, and the secret plagues of Roman fortune, having found an opportunity and having fabricated many accusations and slanders, inflamed him against me and urged him to war without any manifest cause), I fear that if I should again claim for myself as my own the former part of the empire—or even more—I would give opportunity again to those wishing to calumniate, and [they], by fabricating slanders, might stir him up against me to war again (which would be more bitter to me than death). Therefore, I deliver everything under his authority, not only cities, the region, and the taxes, but also myself, along with all whom I lead; and from this time forth, it will be his concern to consider and manage the administration of all things. ^C However, I have increased the pay of the mercenary soldiers and assigned to each ten gold pieces’ worth of land. Regarding the increase of the pay, he himself will know what should be done. But for the land, I ask that the soldiers not be deprived of it; for one thing, because there is no loss to the public revenues from the distribution of this... [alt-version omitted] ^D

^A land, and also because it seems to provide some benefit, as no occupation is offered to the soldiers that would keep them from being ready for expeditions. Furthermore, I ask that the gold set aside for their pay, which was previously restored to me, be distributed by me to the soldiers; for this is what I promised them when I was speaking to them regarding peace, as they were not easily persuaded. As for my own house, I must necessarily bear it that it be administered according to his judgment, and that I must obey. My uncle the Despot, for certain reasons, it seems useful that he be detained in custody for a short while longer; ^B yet he will soon be released, and will live with me in honor and dignity, and I ask for this indulgence on his behalf."

The young Emperor ordered his envoy, Isaac, to report these things first to the Emperor and grandfather, and sent him to Constantinople. When he arrived, he announced that peace had been ratified and the terms upon which it was settled; he recounted the stubbornness of the army regarding such matters, the diligence of the young Emperor, and the plan by which he was able to persuade everyone to vote for peace. Hearing this, the old Emperor was at first astonished and could not believe the account because of its magnitude. For he did not expect that his grandson would ^C cede the whole empire to him, but if he had retained everything from Berrhoea or even further, up to Selybria itself, and left the rest to him, he would have thought it fair and good. Indeed, he did not send the embassy regarding peace because he trusted in the goodness of his own cause, but because he trusted in the integrity of his grandson; he would have been satisfied if he could by any means move him to spare the country the war. Then, when the account was believed, he himself, along with his nobles and other Romans, rejoiced, and they kept the day as a festival, the most pleasant of all.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

^D The senior Emperor, as soon as possible, ordered two triremes to be equipped, and with great eagerness prepared to send the Empress Zena, the mother of the younger Andronicus, to her son. First, that she might render due thanks to him for this integrity, and for the honor and ready obedience shown to him. Then, that she might ensure the now-ratified peace was confirmed by a written oath. When she had progressed to the fortress called Epibatae, which is not far from Selybria and which at that time still lacked walls, her son arrived and bowed his body in reverence to his mother; and for a long time tears flowed from both of them, the one lamenting her widowhood and the other his orphanage (for since the death of the Emperor Michael they had not yet met). After the Empress had conveyed the thanks of the Emperor and grandfather to her son, and had spoken with him of other matters as she wished, she received the oath from the Emperor her son in writing, and returned to the elder. When he, in his turn, had sworn that he would constantly maintain an indissoluble peace, in

accordance with these terms, so that the entire authority and the administration of affairs should belong to him, but that to the younger Emperor the payment of the army's wages should be allocated—only that, just as it had been written in their agreement, it was to be provided to the soldiers by him—and furthermore, that regarding the land distributed to these same mercenaries, no molestation should be offered by those who administered the public affairs, but rather that it should be kept inviolate for them, and that for the sake of his household and his wife, the Empress, thirty-six thousand gold coins should be supplied from the imperial treasury; ^A when these agreements and oaths had been sent to the young Emperor, he broke camp from where he was and arrived at Byzantium to pay homage to the Emperor. And the Emperor also came out to meet the grandson and Emperor. When they were near one another, the young Emperor leaped from his horse, in order to salute the Emperor from the ground like a servant. But the elder turned his reins and drove back; he intended by this that it was right for the Emperor not to be on foot, but mounted, when making his salutation. For an ancient custom among the Roman Emperors prevailed that when they were about to meet one another, those following both parties should dismount from their horses and walk on foot; but they themselves, meeting while mounted, the younger should incline himself to embrace the hand of the elder Emperor, after first removing the hat from his head; and then, rising from there, he would kiss the father himself upon the face. But at that time, the young Emperor, not being ignorant of the custom, dismounted from his horse, ^B as if to render even more than what was just and customary in the grace and obedience he showed to his grandfather. ^C And as he followed on foot and would not give in, the Emperor was compelled to wait. And when the young man was near, he embraced the foot of the Emperor in the sight of all. When this happened, a wailing was raised for a long time evenly through the whole army, as well as joy, which is accustomed to occur upon the greatest and most unexpected happy events.

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(11) Why does he mention a wife? Or is it because royal state, and ornaments, and maids require special expense? Whence we read that cities were assigned to them for this use. Cicero, in *In Verrem*: "They say the barbarian kings of the Persians and Syrians are accustomed to have many wives; they assign cities to these wives in this manner: this city may provide head-gear for the woman, this for the neck, this for the hair, etc."

(12) I read the history in Gregoras using these words: "But within a few days, he himself also meets with his grandfather, the Emperor, before the city walls, the old man sitting on his horse; although he himself had dismounted from his horse more than a stade away, and although his grandfather much resisted and forbade it, he nevertheless approached on foot, and kissed both his hand and his foot, while he was sitting on his horse." Then, having remounted his horse, he embraced him, and [the grandfather] kissed him as he was kissing; and immediately, after speaking a few words in passing, they departed, the old man having returned into the city, the young man however near the church of the most holy Mother of God ^D was also entering Constantinople during the day, and going out again. For then also his mother, partly because of a certain illness, and partly because of the custom of her dearest son, was staying at the same church. There also resided with her Simonis Cralena, the Emperor's daughter, having recently returned from Serbia with her husband deceased, who explained more plainly to her father those things which were being whispered here and there. Let the reader compare our account with these, and he will see that Gregoras has kept silent about those things which favored the honor of the younger Andronicus.

(13) "The elder, because the younger was embracing his right hand, was kissing his face." For so the Greek sounds, even if Gregoras says they were accustomed to kiss one another, and he likewise mentions the kissing of the foot, where, however, he follows the same as with the right hand. But I think a kiss should be understood in both places. And so I have added it, so that the matter might be clearer.

^A to occur in misfortunes. Or perhaps seeing the lack of arrogance and the moderation of the young emperor, they were moved to lamentations. Afterwards, having mounted his horse and the young emperor having gone, they reached the gates. But when the elder emperor permitted the young one to return to the camp, he did not yield; but having signaled with his hand to the others to wait outside the walls, he himself, having gone inside the walls and having accompanied his grandfather and emperor as far as the middle of the way, having taken leave, returned to the camp. Entering on the following day, he first went to the church of the Theotokos of the Hodegetria, and rendered many thanks to God, the giver of peace, and to her all-pure mother. From there he returned to the palace and spent time with his grandfather and emperor. However, from the surrounding districts and cities and Constantinople itself, they flocked to the palace in great numbers, both to celebrate the peace themselves and to see the young emperor, who seemed to be the chief cause of their present good fortune. And wondering at his obedience toward the emperor and the moderation and composure of his mind, they returned home joyfully. The young emperor, having spent fifteen days with the elder in Byzantium and having handed over the provinces under him to his grandfather and emperor, he himself, with the emperor's permission, returned to Didymoteichos, where his wife the empress was, at the beginning of the month of August, in the same fifth indiction.

CHAPTER XXXV.

^C The elder emperor, having made the entire government of the Romans subject to himself, since his grandson and emperor had yielded it, sent out governors to every province as he thought best; and he appointed those who would take charge of the collection of public revenues. Having also sent out tax-assessors, [he ordered them to take] the entire military force that had been assigned revenues from the villages. Moreover, he also examined the senators ^D and through them administered the government. At the same time, Sphentisthlabos, the king of the Mysians, who had married the sister of the young emperor, died of illness; his son, George Terteres, succeeded to the rule of the Mysians. But since war still persisted between the emperors, when Andronicus Palaiologos, the governor of the provinces of the Rhodope subject to the Romans, had defected from the grandson to the grandfather, Terteres, going to those cities, ravaged others with fire and sword, and moved against Philippopolis, which was large and populous, with cavalry and infantry.

^A It was situated in a very convenient place, making it self-sufficient both for war and for peace, and especially for the other cities of the interior. He captured it in the following manner: he was secretly informed by one of his confidants in Byzantium, who had access to the young emperor, that the people of Philippopolis were out campaigning with the young emperor, and that the rest of the local inhabitants were busy with the grain harvest. So he arrived suddenly and, because there were few to defend it, he captured the city without any trouble. Relying on this suggestion, he arrived unexpectedly, and due to the solitude of the place, he took it from the defenders with no difficulty. Indeed, after peace had been made, while the young emperor was at Didymoteichon, Terteres sent out his army, which raided the smaller towns around Adrianople and plundered them; the emperor pursued the pillagers, overtook them in the territories of Mysia, and falling upon them unexpectedly, destroyed some of them and took others alive, save for a few who were saved by the onset of night. The soldiers plundered their camp and brought back the booty. After this battle, the emperor realized that he must not only defend against the raiding Mysians, but also take the war to them himself. Having gathered a force sufficient for battle, on the thirtieth day he fell upon Mysia and ravaged much of it. He did not enslave anyone—for it was not the custom of either the Mysians or the Romans to enslave one another during such raids—but they took much livestock and other plunder as booty. From there he returned to Byzantium to congratulate his grandfather, the emperor, on the victory (for this was the first invasion he had made while marching against barbarians); upon his arrival, he found ^B Syrgiannes arrested and thrown into prison by the elder emperor, and a few days later, a trial having been instituted with the grandson sitting in judgment beside him, he commanded him in the presence of all the Roman nobles to come forward and answer for his crimes. He was accused of having conspired with certain Romans that, upon the murder of the emperor, he himself would be created Roman emperor. The accusers pressed their case vehemently, claiming that they spoke the truth.

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

cap. 45. Today it is called Philibe by the Turks; those who commonly believe it was founded by Philip of Macedon, the father of Alexander, are mistaken. For it is the work of Caesar Philip, just as many other cities of Thrace were founded by emperors, as their very names attest, such as Trajanopolis on Mount Rhodope, Adrianopolis on Mount Haemus, Arcadopolis, and Anastasiopolis. I have found this written explicitly in a certain Greek historical book, although its beginning and the author's name have been lost, even though it contained many things worth knowing: Emperor Philip founded the city in Europe, which he called Philippopolis. Leunclavius.

...[of] Syrgiannes, Gregoras speaks in this manner: Syrgiannes, not at all pleased by the concord ^C of the emperors, walked about sick at heart and with a sad countenance, especially because, in peaceful times, he saw no use for himself in the state. Therefore, in assemblies, clubs, and on the streets, he would willingly converse with those who had been burdened by common affairs, and he would rail against the emperors, as if he had been subjected to the greatest injustices by those whom, in the most difficult times, he had served so well, now one, now another. But when he saw Asan, the son-in-law of Andronikos, walking about full of grief—he to whom during the time of discord the praetorship of the Roman Peloponnese had been entrusted, but who was later dismissed with ignominy by the younger emperor and went to the senior emperor, having obtained nothing of that sort to alleviate his grief, although he was worthy of great honors, such as that of Sebastokrator, and even greater ones, both on account of his military experience, in which he then surpassed others, and because of his illustrious lineage—for these reasons he attached himself to his friendship, which was stirred by similar grief, so that, relying on a friend, he might pour out everything his pain brought forth without any dissimulation. Asan, however, dealing with the man with singular prudence, spoke to him in words not unlike the ones he himself used to curse the emperors, yet he kept in his mind everything that was said by Syrgiannes. For he had previously hated his ambition, but now he bore it with even greater difficulty, since he was the enemy of his son-in-law, Cantacuzenus, the Grand Domestic, who was most powerful under the younger emperor, and he encouraged himself with good hope. But when the whole plot was woven, Asan approached the uncle, the emperor, in secret and said, "Unless you throw Syrgiannes, who is coveting the empire, into chains at the very first opportunity, you will be killed by him at the very first opportunity." Therefore Syrgiannes was immediately cast into chains, ^D and the mob overturned and plundered his house with all his riches; only the bare structure of the buildings with the vineyards was converted into sheep pastures.

^A They asserted that he should be cast into the prison. A few days later, the elder emperor convened a court. With the young emperor sitting in judgment with him, and all the leading Romans present, he ordered Syrgiannes to be brought into the midst so that he might answer the charges of which he was accused. He was accused of having conspired with not a few Romans to kill the elder emperor, so that he might be proclaimed emperor of the Romans. Now, the prosecutors insisted vehemently that the accusations against him were true. They were unable, however, to provide clear proof of the charges; and he, for his part, maintained that what he was accused of was mere calumny. Yet he did not provide strong proofs by which he might escape the penalty. After a long dispute between the parties, because the weight of the cases appeared equal, the elder emperor deferred the decision to the younger one. When he refused, for fear that he might appear to be taking revenge for the man’s defection, the elder emperor inveighed more harshly against Syrgiannes, declared the prosecutors to be telling the truth, and ordered him to be condemned to prison, tied to a column in shackles, and guarded. There was a rumor, however, that the young emperor had requested of his grandfather, for the sake of peace, that he be kept in the strictest custody, and that it was done by arrangement—but it was a manifest calumny, unworthy of refutation. ^B

CHAPTER XXXVI

While the young emperor was still staying in Byzantium, Terteres, the king of the Moesians, ended his life. Upon his death, the cities subject to the Moesians from Mesembria to Stilbnos surrendered of their own accord to the Roman emperors, and the elder emperor appointed governors over the surrendered cities whom he deemed suitable. Boesilas, the paternal uncle of the late king of the Moesians, who had at that time defected to the Romans, having learned of the death of the king of the Moesians, went off and laid claim to the remaining cities of Moesia from Stilbnos to Copsis, which had surrendered without a fight due to their kinship with him. ^C Having sent to the emperor and promised to serve under him, he received the authority to call himself Despot of Moesia, offering himself, the cities, and the army accompanying him to the emperor's discretion. The young emperor, by the commission of his grandfather, gathered forces from Byzantium and Thrace and went to Philippopolis to press it with a siege. Boesilas went there with his own soldiers to render service to the Romans. They were encircled, and with the city already besieged, they not only accomplished nothing, but were also faring poorly, for there were many men inside, and soldiers of equal courage. For Terteres, as soon as he had taken Philippopolis, fearing that the Romans might suddenly attack and occupy it on account of a shortage of defenders, just as he himself had occupied it; and because it was on the border of his realm and the Roman empire, he had placed there a thousand picked cavalrymen from among the Alans and Moesians, and two thousand shielded footmen, who ^D

^A are considered by them to be the most warlike. The leaders of these were Itiles and Temeres, Alans by race, and Inas from the Hungarians; the commander-in-chief over all was Ibanes the Russ, a man valiant of hand and most experienced in the art of war. These, when their king had died, did not abandon the city, but remained and guarded it. At that time, being besieged by the emperor, they did not at all come forth outside the gates to line up for battle. Instead, having walled up the gates, they defended themselves stoutly from the walls and caused much harm to the emperor’s army. The emperor laid siege to them for four continuous months, attacking the walls every single day.

When the hope of seizing the city began to fade, a certain German, skilled in siege machines, seeing that the city appeared suitably positioned for an assault, inspired the emperor with no small hope of its capture; by his order he constructed a machine. It was thus: he built a wooden house on sixteen wheels, capable of holding a hundred men, who were to move the machine from within by pushing it. Above the house he added a wooden tower having five stories, so that on each floor there would be eight men who, by means of Latin bows (which they call *tzangra*) ^B and by shooting arrows, would drive the defenders from the wall. When it was finished, and the heavy infantry and those appointed to move the tower had entered, all the rest of the army, with standards raised and the trumpet sounding, attacked the walls. The tower, moved by those inside pushing it, advanced step by step, appearing to move as if endowed with life; for no one of those hidden inside could be seen from any side, nor could they be struck from above.

When it came within range of the missiles, those who were in the tower began to strike the townsmen with arrows. They, having no power to retaliate, and receiving the arrows shot from the *tzangrai*—which, by reason of their force and momentum, pierced through every kind of armor and buried themselves in the bodies of the victims—endured for a little while, then retreated, leaving the wall deserted.

When the wooden tower was ready to collide with the walls of the city, a thing of this sort occurred. Before the city walls there was an ancient cistern constructed ^C for the reception of water; and, having been covered over with timbers and planks, earth had gradually accumulated upon it so that it had vanished from sight, and for a long time none of the inhabitants had any knowledge of it. Those planks, or beams, supported carts and whatever burdens were transported there. But when the tower was driven over it, the timbers broke and it fell into the cistern and was nearly buried; however, none of those who were inside perished. Philippopolis, though reduced to this state, was nevertheless preserved. For the garrison, with courage returning to their hearts, ascended the walls again and fought back, and the enemy ceased his assault. ^D

At about the same time, the leaders of the Mysians—King Terter having died without an heir—summoned Michael, the son of the lord Streantzimer, who governed Bithynia, and who traced his lineage back to the Mysians and Cumans. Him they declared their king, and handed over to him the royal city of Trinovos (where their palace also is), along with the rest of their sovereignty. He, having gathered his own army, together with no small contingent of the Hungro-Vlachs who were allied to him, and having also taken the Scythians into his service, did not see fit to attack the Roman Emperor, who was besieging Philippopolis. For he knew he was not a match for him. Instead, he marched against those cities which, after the death of Terter, had submitted to the Romans; he besieged these ^B in the mountains (places which afforded safety to the Scythians and his other allied archers), and laid waste their lands. When this was reported to the Emperor, he took counsel with his leading men and decided to abandon the siege of Philippopolis and to march against Michael to engage him in battle. Having so decided, the Emperor commanded Boesilas, the despot of the Mysians, to depart for his home—since he was near—to prepare himself and the troops under him for the coming conflict, and to present himself at Potuca in three days. (Potuca was a small town, apparently leveled by some war, and was situated a day's journey from the camp ^C where Michael was stationed; the Emperor would wait for him there.) Boesilas departed for his home at Copsis to prepare for the battle. The Emperor, having appointed George Bryennius as commander over Stenimachus and Tzeptaina, and having left behind a sufficient force to hold the position so that the country might not suffer ill-treatment from the Philippopolitans making sudden sorties, set out himself with his entire army for Potuca, there to await Boesilas according to the plan. While he was encamped there, someone came and reported that Boesilas had died suddenly. At the time, the man seemed to be lying and speaking total nonsense; but a little later, a second man flew up and reported the same things, though he too was not considered worthy of ^D belief. Then a third arrived, who affirmed that he had truly seen him dead, and that he had seen his lifeless body being carried back to Copsis as reports of the funeral rites arrived. This man, because he was a Roman and offered his own "eyes" (than which there is no more certain proof) as his witnesses, gained credence. It was therefore decided to refrain from an engagement with Michael; for at that time the Roman army could not be matched against the enemy, and because the enemy were encamped in mountainous regions and encompassed by deep valleys, they possessed a great force of archers who could inflict much harm in such difficult and narrow places. Furthermore, a not insignificant portion of the Roman army was missing for the fight; for the three thousand or so men who served under Boesilas were expected to return home because of his death, and many who had been wounded in the siege of Philippopolis (for more than three had not fallen) had each sought to return to their own home for treatment; and those at Stenimachus and other towns to Bryennius.

For these reasons, the Emperor judged it more profitable to return without engaging in battle; he therefore went back to Adrianople, chafing that it had not been permitted to him to take vengeance upon the enemy. Eight days later, letters arrived to the Emperor from Boesilas stating that he was still alive. He had eaten mushrooms, and by the extreme coldness of the interior organs, a lethargy had so overcome his senses during the entire three days that he was taken for dead. At length, when his friends administered theriac and what the physicians call antidotes, he slowly recovered his senses.

CHAPTER XXXVII

These things, as I have said, hindered the younger Emperor from engaging with Michael and his auxiliaries. Michael himself, meanwhile, was forcing the cities he besieged—which were despairing of succor from the Romans—to surrender, and he sent a new garrison to Philippopolis along with a new commander, recalling Ibanes and the other commanders and soldiers to receive rewards for the labors endured during the siege and for the valor they had displayed. The commander of the new garrison, now near the city, sent word to Ibanes of his arrival and the purpose for which he had come. Ibanes, with the commanders serving under him and all the soldiers, went out to meet those arriving and spent the night abroad, intending to hand over the city to them the following day. That very night, Bryennius also arrived at Philippopolis and lay in ambush, intending, when day dawned, to drive off the cattle belonging to the city as plunder. As soon as he heard that Ibanes, with the commanders and the garrison, had gone out of the town to receive the successors, he moved toward the walls. The townspeople, thinking that the time had come to throw off the yoke of the Mysians, threw open the gates and brought him inside with the Romans. Thus, that which the Emperor could not achieve through a long siege and many persistent assaults, Bryennius, with God’s help, accomplished without toil, and restored Philippopolis to the Romans. Ibanes, learning at dawn that the city had been captured, turned back home with the rest of his men. Afterwards, Michael vehemently pressed Boesilas, who held Copsis and four other small towns, and laid siege to him with soldiers sent for that purpose; he resisted manfully for more than a year, with the Emperor providing supplies in the form of money, cavalry, and infantry. At length, when

^A owing to the frequent incursions and the fact that all the means of subsistence were blocked off from every side, he saw those under his command inclining their opinions toward Michael, he abandoned them and came to the Emperor. They, for their part, surrendered themselves and the fortresses to Michael. After having seized this place, he invaded the Roman territory with his entire army, and he plundered all the upper regions of Thrace, advancing as far as Bera, in about twelve days. Yet he obtained little booty because the farmers, acting with foresight, had withdrawn into the fortresses and cities. The young Emperor, while staying in Didymoteichos, did not march out against the Mysians because he did not have an army gathered that was fit for battle. He was consumed with severe grief because he could not repel the ^B enemies. Smarting and burning with rage, he sent word to the returning Michael, saying: "You, indeed, gathered the army under your command by preparation, invaded our territory, and did as much harm as was possible. But for me, at present, being unable to engage in a formal pitched battle, it would be most pleasing to engage in a duel with you alone." He himself replied that a blacksmith would surely have to be devoid of a brain if, when it was possible to take hold of iron heated by the tongs, he were to handle it with his bare hand instead. Similarly, it would be a game and a jest for him to risk his own body rather than use an army, and especially one so strong in kind and number. Therefore, he would not do what was being urged upon him by the Emperor. To the latter, he was being carried away into such anger by his exceedingly high temper; but after a little while, when a strong friendship had developed between them, they would fight together against other enemies. Having answered thus, Michael returned to Mysia. The young Emperor, having come from Didymoteichos to Byzantium, being filled with grief because of the invasion, said, "It is not right, ^C when we have a large and good army against our grandfather, and we ourselves are able to invade the enemies' lands to do the same, for us to sit idly; and while you are surrounded on all sides, you are hemmed in." ^D

^A either to do harm to them, or to sit idle and completely inactive, or to proceed to negotiations by sending ambassadors? By their deeds they agree that they are fit only to suffer harm, but no longer capable of acting in return against the enemies. Therefore, I ask you, O Emperor, to entrust the campaign against them to us; and once we have punished the enemies for the injustice done to us, then, if it should appear to be advantageous, we shall make peace with them, knowing precisely that it is disadvantageous for them to attack us first." Such were the words the young emperor spoke to the elder, urging him toward the war against the barbarians.

Present while they were conversing, the Grand Domestic said: "To be treated unjustly and to suffer harm from anyone is in all cases the same, yet it causes more or less pain depending on the status of those who commit the injustice. ^B Therefore, all men submit to their superiors without resentment, but consider it their right to defend themselves if they are wronged by their equals; and they would rather risk the danger than submit, and they prefer glory to the immediate ease feared because of the possibility of suffering worse things. Now, the Mysians who are currently at war with us are not only not greater, but are in fact lesser than us by a wide margin. For you, our sovereigns, surpass their kings by a wide margin in wisdom, bravery, and military experience; and you have at your disposal generals both more numerous and better than theirs; and you rule over a territory that is in every way superior, both in the abundance of troops and in the size and number of cities, and in annual revenues, and in every other kind of equipment. It is therefore unseemly that they, even though weaker, should dare to harm us, and that you should refuse to use your own power, but allow them to go unpunished. I judge this, therefore, to be your duty as emperors, to restrain them. As for me, I acknowledge that I am in any case rightfully and willingly ready to serve your will; but for this war that is imminent, I am prepared to contribute not only my hands, but also my own funds and servants, and all the zeal and diligence I can, for the sake of the benefit of the citizens and for the glory of your imperial name. And I am persuaded that this same spirit resides in the other nobles. And if it seems good to you, you may command us, and we who are of the council, by holding a meeting, shall deliberate among ourselves about this war."

After the elder emperor had praised the sentiment and entrusted the deliberation [to the council], both those who had come with the young emperor and the nobles who were with the elder in Byzantium, by order of the emperors, sat down in the middle of the imperial courtyards, intending to deliberate about the war.

CAPUT XXXVIII. Consultation on undertaking war against the barbarians. The excellent speech of the Grand Domestic, in which he argues for war as necessary, honorable, and easy. A most generous promise is added as an epilogue. The Protostrator and the young emperor's retinue feel the same way. The elder's counselors dissent, looking to private utility before the common good. The elder praises the other side and the Grand Domestic; he rebukes his own men and proceeds to deliberate with his grandson.

^D When the man's opinion was praised, the elder emperor gave the order to hold a session of the senate. Then both those who had arrived with the young emperor and the nobles who were with the grandfather in Byzantium, by the command of the emperors, sat down in the middle of the palace courtyards, preparing to deliberate about the war. As a silence of some length was made, the companions of the younger man in Byzantium urged...

those who had come with the emperor to speak on the matters for which they had gathered the assembly, saying that they would hear whatever they had to say. When they encouraged the Great Domestic to speak, as they also held the same opinions and wishes, the Great Domestic spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, all men rightly consider it just to blame someone who, through cowardice, falls short of the glory he possesses, and to hate someone who arrogantly seeks glory that does not belong to him. Therefore, I have come forward not to counsel you to lay hold of glory that is not ours, but so that we do not, through cowardice in the face of dangers, diminish that glory which our ancestors secured for us through struggles and labors. ^A Do not be surprised if I, although it is fitting for emperors to deliberate about such things, have proposed the counsel to you. For I consider that both a self-governing city and the whole empire benefit more when the private individuals are thriving, rather than when the whole is suffering ill while individuals here and there are prospering. For an unfortunate person in a flourishing fatherland can be saved most easily, but a fortunate person in a miserable fatherland must perish no less than the others. Since, therefore, both city and empire are able to ward off their own calamities, whereas each individual is powerless against them, how is it not necessary that all should help it in every way? ^B All of you have heard of the outrages committed against us by the King of the Mysians. For whereas others, when they resorted to brigandage or sometimes invaded with an army, would reach the borders, and as soon as they were noticed, would flee back to their own territory, this man, as if he were encamped not in enemy, but in his own lands, settled on our borders for twelve days without fear, devastating the land. He even advanced as far as Bera and Trajanopolis, ravaging it. If it seems to anyone that, because the country folk with their livestock and the people were shut up in the cities and fortresses in good time, the damage was less than it might have been, and is therefore tolerable, let him know that he is deceiving himself. For if we do not punish them worthily now, ^C they will make a second incursion and a third; and they will not only deprive the poor communal citizens—who have based themselves on lesser resources—of their property, but they will also inflict many damages upon us, the powerful, who possess many fine estates throughout the land. Therefore, I advise you to advance against the enemy not only with the spirit of your ancestors, but also using their contempt for them. For they, because they were always victorious over the Mysians, had a bolder courage and attacked them with contempt; if we show ourselves emulators of their virtue and zeal, the same will be possible for us. Moreover, we have many sure pledges of overcoming them in the war. For our army is larger, and better equipped for war; and many of this assembly of ours surpass their kings in prudence, ^D and courage, and experience in the art of war. Add to this that we exceed them in money, both public and private; if we do not use it at this time, I for my part doubt when we shall ever use it to our advantage. Where-

therefore, we excel them in everything, let us teach them that it is not profitable to invade our territory, but that it is desirable to enjoy one's own in safety. And let us zealously join battle in this war on behalf of our emperors, with our wealth, our servants, and our very bodies, so that the honor of the Roman empire may be preserved from being despised by the barbarians, in which we all rejoice; let us help, and not flee from labors. I think that not even our enemies, if they wished to be just judges of affairs, would presume to criticize what I have said concerning the vigorous undertaking of this war. That I myself am prepared for an equal share, both in zeal and in eagerness, the deeds themselves will provide proof. For instance, I would not reluctantly concede that many of you excel me in courage, intelligence, and skill in warfare; but in the readiness of the will for the task, and in contributing wealth, domestic servants, and this very body of mine, for the advantage of our kinsmen, for the honor of our emperors, and for our own glory, I claim to be second to none. Therefore, let us deliberate as those concerned not only with glory, but also with our future safety; let us thus decree and take up the war, and let us not prove ourselves inferior to our ancestors, who, through labors and dangers, handed down to us that we should not be despised by such people; but let us consider it far more fearful to lose our present glory through sloth than to experience adverse outcomes in striving to preserve it. ^A Thus spoke the grand domestic, whom the protostrator followed: Do not think, he said, O you who are present, that the grand domestic alone advises these things and is eager for them, but know that these things seem good to all of us as well. And our affairs would not be set right unless we take up zeal and daring worthy both of our ancestors and of our own glory. All those who were with the younger emperor ^B joined in this vote. But among those who were with the elder emperor in Byzantium, the words spoken were not thought necessary, although they did not dare openly to refute them as useless. But by accumulating many points thereafter, through which they clearly maintained that it was better to choose inactivity, they rose up discordant in their opinions; not because they could not find a sure plan in such a perplexing matter, as it appeared, but in truth, because, having neglected the common good, they were looking after their own private gains. The emperors were listening nearby, in secret, to these ^C speeches from within. While the younger remained silent, the elder judged his own men to be very effeminate and ill-advised, whereas he welcomed and commended those who were with his grandson, as being good in counsel and desirous of the public good. In particular, he declared that the grand domestic had advised with great prudence, fittingly for the time, and with diligence; and that he perceived in him the very image of his maternal grandfather, who had seized upon what the situation demanded so swiftly, explained it so suitably, and completed it so ^D promptly: that he had decided, if he should depart from life without a successor born of himself, to urge the Romans to appoint him as their emperor above all others. In this manner the elder condemned the ones and extolled the others with praise, and with his grandson

to urge upon themselves. Thus the king condemned the one party, while the other he deemed worthy of praise. He himself, meanwhile, was deliberating what he ought to do, along with the young emperor, regarding the impending war. ^A Since they were weighing the words which Michael, king of the Moesians, had sent word to the young emperor about (namely, that for the sake of the future friendship between them, they would fight together against enemies elsewhere), and because they could guess nothing else than that Michael had decided to take to wife the full sister of Andronicus the younger—who had formerly been married to the king of the Moesians, Sphentisthabos, who had died—it was resolved that the young emperor should depart from Byzantium and assemble an army, as if to invade Moesia. If, in the meantime, while they were preparing this, the king who had sent the embassy ^B should come to terms on account of the emperor’s sister, the army would again be disbanded to their cities; but if he did not send messages, they would invade Moesia. On these terms, then, the young emperor departed from Byzantium and began to assemble the army.

Chapter XXXIX.

^C While the army was being assembled, ambassadors from the king of the Moesians arrived to the young emperor, Gridus and Pantzus, saying that their king, wishing to be a friend to the Emperors of the Romans, had taken in marriage the sister of the emperor, who had been married to the king of the Moesians who reigned before him, and that the customary marital rites had been completed. It was appropriate, therefore, that all disputes and pretexts for war be removed from their midst; that the Romans and Moesians, having struck a treaty of peace, should be joined forever, refrain from mutual injury, and that all should be considered as if under one principality. The emperor received them gladly, bestowed royal gifts upon them, and testified that this affinity was ^D desirable to him. Then, to the same king, now his sister’s husband, he sent back the same orators, along with Andronicus Palaiologos, the Grand Stratopedarch, and John Aplesphares, to confirm the peace; and the Romans and Moesians persisted for a long time in the communion of this treaty. The soldiers were ordered to return home, and he wrote in a letter to his grandfather and emperor all that had occurred. And these things happened in this manner. The Scythians, however, dwelling by the Hyperborean mountains, an almost infinite nation, and the most powerful of all peoples everywhere, were accustomed from ancient times to invade the borders of the Romans annually, causing great slaughter and carrying off into servitude whatever they chanced upon. The Roman emperors, seeing that they were unable to contend with them in battle, [alt-version omitted] by soothing their satraps with gifts and acts of kindness, would redeem the devastation from them: what especially softened them and reconciled them to the Romans was that they obtained wives from the imperial family: for they consider this even worthy of contention. Jacobi Pontani not.

(26) In the text of Curopalates it is written thus: And because Alexander was King of the Macedonians, and Macedonia is found under the hand of the King of the Romans, the eastern nations give great honor to the King, as the successor to the paternal estate of Alexander; and the western nations, likewise, as to the successor of the great Con-

^Astantine. Knowing this, the Roman emperors nurtured in the palace young maidens of exceptional beauty—not only those of noble birth, but those of plebeian origin as well—and when they reached the age of marriage, they would betroth them to the Scythian satraps. The latter, won over by such a device and method, remained peaceful for many years.

Thus, handled by such stratagems and means, they did not invade the Roman lands for many years. But in the year when Michael, the second Emperor of the Palaiologoi, passed away from human affairs, a Scythian army, having overrun a part of Moesia and the lands of the Odrysians, advanced as far as Adrianople and inflicted not much damage, as the army was small in number. The following year, with the young Emperor encamped near Constantinople due to the war against his grandfather, a significant Scythian army invaded Roman territory, overran all of Thrace, but did not inflict much harm because the governors of the cities throughout Thrace, having foreseen the incursion, had gathered the people scattered across the countryside into the cities.

In the seventh indiction, twelve myriads—that is, one hundred and twenty thousand—of Scythians invaded the Roman lands. They were led by myriarchs and chiliarchs according to their number, and by two supreme commanders, Taetach and Toglu Torgan. The Scythians lingered quite long during this incursion; for on the fortieth day after their entry, while they were encamped in the middle of Thrace, they ravaged it, seized a multitude of captives and immeasurable other plunder, and committed the greatest harm to the Emperor’s lands.

The young Emperor was unable to gather the entire army under Roman control (for they were scattered throughout the cities, each guarding their own); but having gathered as many as he could, he went about tracking them, hoping that if he encountered any part of the Scythian army, he might, as far as he was able, repel them. For fifteen days he did this continuously; but achieving nothing of what he desired, he went to Adrianople, and as that city abounded in provisions, he left many soldiers there, and taking with him a few men and the Great Domestic, he turned toward Didymoteichon. Between this city and Adrianople, at the fortress of Promusulum, they encountered a body of Scythians, which was coming with captives and immense booty; those of the Romans saw them because of the nature of the terrain, but they were not seen by them at all. Having consulted first with the Great Domestic, it seemed best to launch an attack upon them, even though they appeared more than three times as numerous; for they were more than ten times as many. For others were proceeding nearby, who were lurking near the river Hebrus [(27)], and with the battle begun, they…

Notes by Jacobus Pontanus

[...]

(27) Among the Romans, other kinds of men were listed, who would either honor the military or serve the soldiers, such as workmen and smiths of arms and engines, the *accensi*, horn-blowers, trumpeters, etc.; likewise there followed grooms, muleteers, camp followers, sutlers, and the remaining servants of the soldiers.

^A Since the city was well-supplied, he left a portion of the army there to secure provisions. He himself, having taken a small number of troops along with the Great Domestic, proceeded to Didymoteichon. Between Adrianople and that place, in a certain locality called Promousoulou, they chanced upon a Scythian force that was carrying off human captives and other spoils in great number. Because of the nature of the terrain, the Scythian army was clearly visible to the Romans, but the Romans were not yet visible to them. The Emperor, having consulted with the Great Domestic, decided to attack them, even though they were thought to be three or more times superior in number to his own troops. In reality, they were not just three, but ten times as many, for there were others encamped nearby, whom the Hebrus river, flowing beside them, rendered invisible; these, however, would come to their aid once the clash began. When this was decided, he shared the plan with the soldiers. Since it also seemed to them that they must fight, and they were even more eager than the Emperor, they dismounted from their horses and, having called upon God to punish those who had attacked unjustly and to defend those who were justly resisting, they armed themselves with the sign of the cross. Becoming horsemen again, they advanced against the barbarians with steadfast and bold resolve, and the Scythians, upon seeing them, advanced in turn. Then those encamped nearby also came to their aid. A fierce battle ensued, and, with God fighting alongside the Romans, they routed the barbarians and won a decisive victory. They killed some of them, and threw others into the Hebrus and drowned them; no more than twenty-eight of them survived, who were able to swim across the river. The Romans, having despoiled the corpses of the enemy and plundered their baggage, and having taken the booty and the captives, arrived at Didymoteichon with the Emperor.

^B When the surviving barbarians reached the great camp and the news of what had happened was reported to their commanders, they selected a not insignificant force of their best men and sent them to the place where the battle had occurred, so that, if they should encounter the victorious Romans, they might avenge their defeat; if not, they would at least commit the corpses of their men to the earth and, if they should find any among them still breathing, take up the wounded and treat them with care. Having arrived and provided the dead with burial—for they found no one living—they did not return to the camp, but continued on the road leading home. When the Emperor was informed that a Scythian force was near Morra, he left Didymoteichon and marched toward them with all possible speed. They crossed the Hebrus near the city called Tzeronomianon, and when the Emperor had likewise conducted the army he was leading across the same ford, the army that had been left behind by the Emperor at Adrianople caught up there with the Emperor and their commanders, rejoicing over the victory won against the barbarians, yet lamenting that they had not been present at the time of the battle, when they pursued the fleeing comrades. ^C When they reached the Tuntza river, it was reported that the Scythians had just crossed it. There, due to the nature of the terrain, the same thing happened as before. For though they could view the whole Scythian force, they themselves—except for a small number of the front rank among whom was the Emperor himself—were not seen by them. Having seen the Romans, the Scythians also restrained themselves, but they did not proceed to a battle, partly because the river was already overflowing its banks, and partly because they feared that, since not all the enemy had been sighted, if they were outnumbered, they might not emerge from the battle with much honor. ^D The Romans likewise feared disaster, should they engage enemies ten times their number and more. However, the Emperor with those first Roman units, and Taspugas, one of the Scythian commanders, with an equal number of barbarians, held a brief dialogue from the opposite banks of the river. When the Scythian asked who they were, the Emperor, through a certain Greek...

^A and Scythian-speaking interpreter, replied that they were men who were also seeking to hunt something, just as the barbarians themselves were doing. The Emperor said that they were not acting honorably or in a manly fashion, but like robbers, who by concealing their arrival were attacking in a hostile manner and imposing servitude upon farmers unaccustomed to war. He said they ought to have declared their arrival and fought against soldiers accustomed to battle; if they defeated them, then it would be no wonder if they carried away these unwarlike people as a prize of valor. Then Taspugas replied that this had nothing to do with them, since they were under another’s authority and therefore obeyed orders to raid, or depart, or even remain. He then asked whether the Emperor’s men were those who had recently engaged the Scythian band and defeated and destroyed them. To this the Emperor replied that it was not his men, nor had he heard anything about that matter (29). It could have happened, however, that they fell in with others and perished, defeated in battle; the same which they themselves would now be suffering, were the river not standing between them. The barbarian agreed that this was plausible, but nonetheless that they had been cruel, having showed pity to no one, but having drowned some in the torrent and shot others down with javelins without discrimination. Having said these things, he departed, unaware that it was the Roman Emperor who had been speaking with him. The great part of the Scythians, having lingered in Thrace for many more days, finally returned to their own lands. A general rumor grew strong that the elder Emperor had also previously brought them into the province against the younger one, and that now, through secret diplomacy, he had dared the same thing, so that he might subject Thrace, as being devoted to his grandson, to devastation. But this rumor contained nothing probable, and although tossed about by many, it was a pure and unadulterated lie: for neither before nor after was he the cause of the Scythians breaking in.

CAPUT XL.

The young Emperor was staying at Didymoteichon and the city of Adrianople; and at the time of the harvest, his spouse was seized by a disease; since he himself was planning for Byzantium, ^D and because new soldiers had arrived at Adrianople, it is true in part; for they were not present at the battle. Yet they heard of it. By what stratagem, therefore, shall we excuse the Emperor from the charge of lying? Or must faith not be kept with barbarians, nor truth told? Deceit or virtue, who would question it in an enemy? Note what we have brought to bear on this same passage in the Virgilian symbols, II Aeneid.

^A He himself also, intending to go to Byzantium, sent her ahead, at the same time on account of her illness. But when she arrived at Rhaedestus, as she could not hold out, she died on the sixteenth of the month of August, in the seventh indiction, having no child from the emperor. So they carried her corpse to Byzantium and buried it in the monastery of Libs, magnificently and in royal style. ^B The emperor, her husband, going on his way to Byzantium, also stayed behind during those same days, having arrived at Bizye, and remained there for some days on account of his illness. But when he had recovered, he continued his journey; and when he arrived at Heraclea in Thrace, matters having fallen out this way, he learned of the empress’s death, and mourned there for fifteen days. Afterwards, he came to the city of Constantine and lived there with the elder emperor until November of the eighth indiction. The elder emperor decided that he should take a wife and betroth her to his grandson; this, partly because he was then at the very prime of his age (for he had by then reached twenty-seven years), and otherwise because he was not yet the father of a child—which to emperors seems one of the most necessary things to have, for the sake of continuing the succession of the government. ^C He communicated this idea to the young emperor, and tried to persuade him, at once softening his grief for the deceased and adding the reasons why a second marriage was necessary. The young emperor entrusted the decision in all these things to his grandfather, as he would be entirely persuaded by whatever seemed advantageous to him. As they looked about to see whence they might bring an empress, they learned that the prince of Savoy—whom the Latin tongue calls *Conto* [which is to say, Count]—had departed this life, leaving behind a son and a daughter; that the son had succeeded his father in the principality, and the daughter was still unwed, living at home with her brother. ^D Straightway, therefore, having chosen envoys, the *parakoimomenos* Andronicus Tornikes and the military commander Joannes de Tzeplet—who was of Cypriot origin—they dispatched them to Savoy, so that they might bring back the girl to marry the younger emperor, provided she was not betrothed to someone else and if the brother approved. They found that she was not yet promised to anyone. And although a little before, others...

them for the sake of the same embassy, to betroth her to their own king. However, the brother of the young woman, the Count of Savoy, chose rather to betoken his sister to the Emperor of the Romans; and having received the Roman envoys with much kindness and honor, he agreed to send his sister to the emperor. ^B And as soon as she was named Empress of the Romans, the brother altered her entire way of life toward greater magnificence, and he himself did not behave toward her as he had before. For whereas previously, since he was older and the ruler himself, he thought it right to exercise authority over his sister for these reasons, once she was betrothed to the emperor, he both thought of her and addressed her as his mistress. And he spoke to the Roman envoys in such a flattering manner, explaining that while it befitted him to claim the precedence due to his age and his other authority, since it was the will of God that his sister had attained to greater glory and rule, it was his duty to be content with what God had decreed and to consider the Empress of the Romans his mistress. For indeed, not only barbarians, but Italians and all others who rule over any people think the Roman Empire to be greater and more illustrious than their own and those of others.

Chapter XLI

Around the same time, in the same eighth indiction, on the second day of February, the grandson was crowned emperor by his grandfather in the church of Holy Sophia, with Isaiah holding the patriarchate. This imperial initiation takes place in the following manner: ^C The appointed day having arrived on which it has been determined to anoint the emperor with the sacred oil, all who hold any rank, both nobles and soldiers, and indeed even he who sits at the helm of the sacred Church of this New Rome, and furthermore the entire populace, must assemble at the palace at dawn. Then, around the second hour of the day, the emperor who is to be anointed being raised upon a shield, the imperial parent is proclaimed

if he is still living, and the patriarch, taking hold of the front parts of the shield; while the rest of those who occupy positions of dignity, the despots and sebastocrators—if there be any—or the most illustrious of the senators, taking hold of the remaining parts, lift him up with the shield as high as they can and display him to the crowds standing around on all sides. ^B After they have cheered him with auspicious and joyful acclamations, they set him down and lead him into the temple, where the rite is to take place. Since a small wooden chamber has been prepared within it for this purpose, they bring the new emperor inside and clothe him in the purple and the diadem, the high priests having first blessed them. It is not the custom for anything else to be placed upon his head, except a crown or whatever other thing may be deemed appropriate. While these things are being done, the divine mystic rite is performed. Adjacent to the aforementioned chamber, a staging made of wood is also prepared, and they cover it all around with red silk hangings. Above it, according to the number of the emperors, gold thrones are placed, not such as are their usual ones, but quite elevated in appearance, having four or five steps, to which, upon leaving the chamber, the emperors—if there be more than one—ascend and sit. The empresses also ascend the staging with them and occupy their own thrones; those who have already been crowned wearing their crowns, and the one who is about to be crowned wearing a garland. Before the divine hymnody of the Trisagion, the patriarch, coming out from the inner sanctuary, ascends the ambo.

[Jacobi Pontani note.] (38) I will provide an example of military acclamations in the creation of an emperor. When Capitolinus recorded how the elderly emperor Macrinus had commended his son Diadumenianus to the soldiers and had named him his successor, it is said that the following acclamation was made: "Macrinus, Emperor, may the gods protect you. Antoninus Diadumene, may the gods protect you. Jupiter, best and greatest, grant life to Antoninus. We have Antoninus, we have all things. The gods have given Antoninus to us. Antoninus is worthy of the empire." Brissonius, in his book *De Formulis*, observes that this acclamation, "may the gods protect you," was common among the soldiers, the people, and the senate; [see] lib. XII, Cod. leg., *De veteranis*. When Emperor Constantine had entered the headquarters and had been saluted by the prefects, tribunes, and most eminent men, it was acclaimed: "Augustus Constantine, may God protect you for us; your safety is our safety; we say this truly, we say this on oath." (39) Curopalata: "clothed in the sagion." (40) The Greeks call the Mass *mystagogia*, liturgy, rite, sacred rite, offering, sacrifice, unbloody sacrifice, holy and fearful mystery, love-feast, synaxis, eucharist. Hence, many are still ignorant of how the term "Mass" originated. After the reading of the Gospel, the Levite would command the catechumens with a loud voice to leave the temple. Isidore is the witness, *Etymolog.* lib. VI, cap. 19: "Mass," he says, "is at the time of the sacrifice, when the catechumens are sent out, with the Levite calling out, 'If any catechumen remains, let him go out,' and from there [comes] the Mass, because those who are not yet known to be regenerated cannot be present at the sacraments of the altar." Dionysius also, in the book *De ecclesiastica hierarchia*, after the chanting of psalms and the reading of Holy Scripture, says: "Therefore, from the dismissal of the catechumens, it began to be called the Mass." (41) Curopalata: "and they clothe him in red plates on all sides." I do not understand what he means by the name of "plates." (42) The emperor bears his own imperial crown, but the new empress, not yet crowned, wears a garland, as Curopalata has it. For the context itself compels a distinction to be made between them here. For the crown which was to be marked/adorned, she could not, of course, wear before she was crowned. (43) "...if the Trisagion is recited or sung (as the prophet Isaiah heard it done by the angels in heaven) in honor of the three most holy persons of the Divinity, it is deservedly called the 'thrice-holy' hymn." In the Liturgies of the divine Basil and Chrysostom, it is called the *cherubic hymn*. And there is another [different] hymn, indeed, this one of which Nicephorus speaks, lib. XIV, cap. 46, and perhaps the author's words ought to be understood as referring to this. (44) *Interpres*: "The patriarch exiting from his throne." Cantacuzenus refutes this, calling them the "inner sanctuaries" (*adyta*). The Church of the Greeks is divided into five parts. The first part is called the holy tabernacle, because one ascends into it by steps, where there are two altars: the greater one in the middle, which is called...

^A the holy table, holy of holies, the place of God’s rest, the cathedra, the mercy seat, the workshop of the great sacrifice, the monument of Christ, and the tabernacle of His glory. The lesser altar, on which the priest prepares the sacred elements, is called the *prothesis*, as if a setting forth, because the bread to be consecrated is placed upon it first. The second part of the temple is called the *chorus*, the place assigned to the clergy and singers, where there is a raised platform having two doors, with veils stretched across each door. The third part is the pulpit, where the Gospels and Epistles are recited and addresses are made to the people; which is why the prayer ^C *opisthambonos* (that is, an oration behind the ambo or lectern) is so named. The fourth part is the temple or nave of the church, where the people pray, in which men and women are separated by partitions. The fifth is the baptistery, near the vestibule of the temple, where the penitents remain. This is according to Genebrard in his *Liturgies*. ^A and the more distinguished of the Church’s officials also approach him, they themselves also clothed in their sacred stoles; for whom he sends and calls the emperors. They, rising at once from their thrones, proceed to the ambo; and a deep silence and stillness holds the entire multitude. The patriarch recites the prayers composed for the anointing of emperors, some quietly to himself, but others for all to hear, and he propitiates the Divinity for the one who is to be anointed. After this, the emperor who is to be anointed removes whatever head covering he may be wearing. It is customary for all who are present within the church to stand ^B with their heads uncovered as well. The patriarch anoints the emperor’s head in the form of a cross with the holy myron, adding in a loud voice: "Holy." Those who are standing upon the ambo, taking up the sound, also say it a third time: "Holy." Next, the entire multitude likewise cries out the same thing. After this, they bring holding the crown to the ambo (for it does not lie upon the holy table, as some say), from within the sanctuary, by the deacons wearing their sacred stoles. And if an emperor is already crowned, taking the crown together with the patriarch, they place it upon the head of the new emperor; and the patriarch cries out, "Worthy." Then those upon the ambo, taking it up, say it themselves three times, as with the myron. Next, the patriarch again adds prayers, and the emperor descends from the ambo, not by the part from which he ascended, but by that turned toward the *solea*. If it should happen that at that time the emperor does not have a wife, he immediately goes up the steps and sits upon the throne again. But if he has one, then it is absolutely necessary for her also to be crowned. Therefore, two of his most intimate kinsmen—or if intimate ones are not present, eunuchs—take her as she rises from the throne, one on each side, and bring her down from the *anabathra* [or ascent] and place her before the *solea*. Then the emperor descends from the ambo, and taking the crown prepared for her from the kinsmen or eunuchs who are holding it in the same way, he places it upon his wife’s head; and she, doing obeisance to the emperor her husband, thus...

^A professes herself his subject. The patriarch, standing by the soleas, offers prayers on behalf of the emperor, the empress, and all their subjects. In this way, then, the emperor also crowns his own wife. But if it happens that the emperor has already been crowned, at the time of the wedding ceremony the emperor crowns his own wife in the same manner. Then both ascend the ^B platform again and sit upon their thrones while the rest of the mystic liturgy is performed; yet when the Trisagion is being sung, or the apostolic writings or the divine Oracles are being read, they, too, stand. On either side of the church, upon wooden platforms prepared for this very purpose, the first chanters, who are called domestikoi, and others of the ecclesiastical order who know how to sing—whom it is the custom to call kraktai at such sacred ceremonies—sing certain ^C hymns composed expressly for the solemnity of this feast day. But when the Great Entrance, as it is called, at the sacred liturgy is beginning, the more distinguished of the deacons of the Church come to invite the emperor. He goes with them to the Prothesis, as it is called, where the holy things are placed. Standing outside of the Prothesis, he is invested with a golden mandyas over his diadem and purple. In his right ^D hand he holds the cross, which it is the custom to hold for as long as he wears the crown. To his left they hand him a rod, that he may maintain the ecclesiastical order or station of the one who is called despou-tatos (for it is alternatively called dipotatos or daipotatos); holding this in both hands, he leads the entire sacred entrance. From either side of his path, the Varangians who hold the axes...

^A along with about a hundred young men of the nobility, armed in distinguished fashion, follow as his escort, or they walk unarmed. Straight after him, the deacons follow in order, then the priests, bearing the furnishings and vessels of the holy things, and the most holy things themselves. Having gone around the church according to custom, when they arrive at the solea, the others all stand outside, but he alone enters the solea and finds the patriarch standing at the holy chancel screen. Having greeted one another, the patriarch from within and the emperor from without stand waiting; immediately, the deacon who takes the lead after the emperor among the other deacons, holding a censer in his right hand and the humeral [omophorion] of the patriarch in his left, approaches the emperor and censes him. As he bows his head, the deacon says in a voice audible to all: "May the Lord God be mindful of the power of your reign in His kingdom, always, now and ever, and to the ages of ages," and adds, "Amen." ^B Thereafter, the remaining deacons and priests approaching say the same. When this is finished, the emperor once again greets the patriarch and removes his mandyas [or cloak], which the referendary of the Church takes away, for such is the custom. The emperor, ascending the steps, sits again on the throne, rising at the Symbol of Faith, at the Lord's Prayer, and at the elevation of the Lord's and holy Body. When the elevation has taken place, if the emperor is not prepared for holy communion, he remains seated on the throne until the end of the divine mystagogy. If he is prepared for this, the deacons who come to him summon him again. And with them he enters immediately into the sanctuary; and having been given the censer, he censes the holy table, looking first to the east, then to the north, then to the west, ^C and finally to the south. And while he is again casting the smoke of the incense towards the east, he does the same to the patriarch himself, who greets the emperor and, taking the censer from his hand, honors him in turn with the incense. After these things, the emperor, removing the crown from his head, hands it to the deacons; the patriarch then places into his hand a portion of the Lord's Body; and having become a participant in this, he also partakes of the life-giving Blood.

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

Notes of Jacob Gretser

^A of delivering the Eucharist to one who is to receive it into their hands; the second is concerning the custom of providing it under both species. The former is not from an abuse of the more recent Greece, but from a primitive age, which is clear by a double argument. For at the very incunabula, as it were, of the Church, the Eucharist was given to the faithful to be carried home, so that when they judged it opportune, they might receive it privately. They touched the Eucharist, therefore, and took it in their hands. We have witnesses to this rite: Tertullian, lib. *Ad uxorem*, cap. 5; Saint Cyprian in his book *De spectaculis* and book *De lapsis*; Gregory Nazianzen in his *Oration on the Funeral of his sister Gorgonia*; Saint Basil in his *Epistle to the Patrician Caesaria*; Anastasius of Nicaea; Saint Jerome in his *Apology against the books of Jovinian*; Saint Ambrose in his *Oration on the Funeral of his brother*; Saint Gregory, lib. III *Dialogorum*, cap. 36, and others. Secondly, there are also many existing testimonies of the ancients which demonstrate that the Eucharist, even when to be received in the temple itself, was not placed into the mouth of the communicant by the priest, but was given into the hands, so that he afterwards might move the sacred host to his mouth. Whence Saint Cyril, *Catech. mystagog.* 5: "Approaching for communion, come not with the palms of the hands expanded, nor with the fingers separated, but place your left hand as a sort of throne beneath the right, which is about to receive your King, and with a hollow hand receive the body of Christ, saying, Amen. Sanctifying your eyes then by the touch of such a holy body, partake, taking care, lest anything fall from you." The Sixth Synod, can. 102: "Before the communion occurs, one who is to receive the Eucharist, forming the hands into the shape of a cross, should thus approach and receive the communion of grace." For those who, from gold or some other material, fashion receptacles in the place of hands for the reception of the divine gift, we do not admit at all, as those who prefer inanimate and subject matter to the image of God. But if anyone be detected imparting the immaculate communion to them, let both he and the one who brings it be excommunicated. Which canon Balsamon, explaining in his scholia, confirms as the same custom. Although he indicates that in his age there was a different usage in some churches (that is, from the Greek, for he seems to speak of these). Nor is it sufficiently certain to me whether the same custom still persists in Greece today. Among the Latins, it certainly ceased, having been proscribed around the times of Pope Hormisdas: by this decree of the Council of Saragossa: "If anyone be proven not to have consumed the grace of the Eucharist received in the church, let him be anathema forever." Which, afterward received by the approbation of all, acquired the force and vigor of a general law. Nor did the other custom any less die out because of the reverence due such a great sacrament; for it is right that the most sacred of all things should not be touched unless by consecrated hands, although the Latin Church has raised no dispute with the Greek because of the contrary custom, just as the Greek has not with the Latin. For here that excellent admonition of the divine Augustine, *Epist.* 118, to Januarius, points most especially: "Let each one do what he believes piously according to his own faith should be done." For neither of them dishonors the body and blood of the Lord if they strive to honor the most healthful sacrament in competition; nor have they litigated among themselves, nor has either of them set himself above the other, Zacchaeus and that Centurion, when one of them received the Lord into his house rejoicing, and the other says: "I am not worthy that you should enter under my roof," both honoring the Savior in a different and almost contrary way.

As concerns communion under both species, it is established that neither were the Greeks condemned by the Latins because of the double, nor the Latins by the Greeks because of the single species, but that each Church, having followed its own reasons, having kept peace and charity, performed that which it judged best to be done. Wherefore, this issue ^B among Greeks and Latins, even though they have met very often, especially at the Synod of Florence, never came into dispute as a dubious or controversial matter: which thing supplies a certain argument that the Greeks did not use both species with the intention as if it were necessary to do so simply from the precept and prescription of Christ, and that it is absolute and for the integrity of the sacrament and the salvation of men; for which intent those who have seceded from the Roman and Catholic Church press for the cup today; for the Greeks would never have concealed this, being too intent on criticizing the Latins on every occasion. And who, even having been conversant with the memory of antiquity in passing, is ignorant that the custom of taking one species is most ancient, and that in various places now this, now that, now both have flourished, even if for eight hundred years the Western world has inclined more toward the single species, and after the heretics of the school of Wycliffe and Huss had arisen later, and with great clamor demanding the cup as if necessary for salvation, it decreed that only the species of bread be provided for the laity. This unhealthy contention of the innovators brought about also that for the ministers who serve the pontiff as he performs the divine rite with solemn apparatus, only the species of bread should be given, although the use had hardened through long duration of time that both species were extended to the deacon and subdeacon: nay, as it seems, even to the emperor, if he had come to Rome, for the sake of his inauguration. Wherefore Augustinus Patricius in his little book regarding the arrival of the Emperor Frederick III into the city (which Franciscus Turrianus cites in the eighth book of the *Apostolic Constitutions of Clement*), reporting it as something unusual: "The Supreme Pontiff," he said, "communicated the sacrament of the altar with the emperor, deacon, and subdeacon under the bread only." But concerning the cup, even though the custom is that those communicating with the pontiff participate, because however of the insurgent and condemned heresy of the Hussites and Bohemians, which thinks the drinking of the cup is necessary for salvation, no one except the pontiff drinks. This is Patricius, who says that he was present at the communion of the pontiff. Nor more of these. To whom these are not enough, let him approach the most illustrious Cardinal Bellarmine, who copiously demonstrates by every kind of argument the antiquity of one species, and the right of the Church, and the supreme equity which he uses while he forbids the cup, in volume four, book four of *De Eucharistia*, chapter twenty and those following. I would only add this, that the present-day Greeks, if not all, certainly some—as in age so also in learning—inferior to their ancestors, seem to have made a transition to the camp of the Hussites and confederates. To the extent that I might persuade myself of this, it is done by Jeremiah, Patriarch of Constantinople, in his censure to the Tubingians, whom he addresses thus: *Patè ou monon hoti metalambanein dei kai amphoteron ton eidon, kai kalos legete. Houto gar kai hemeis ekteleoumen ton phrikton metalambanontes mysterion.* "You say, therefore, that both species are first to be received. And you say rightly. For this we also do, when we take the trembling mysteries." Clarius the Protosyngelus, of whom mention was made above: "The people of God," he says, "is not defrauded among us, the inheritance of Christ the Most High, of the half of the sacrament: for both species are offered equally to all for participation, etc. For the Son of God, who ordered this to be done, thus ordered to be done, etc. Both species necessarily pertain to communion." These and other things of this kind that Greek, puffed up with the spirit of the Hussites and the like, whom Bellarmine however proves is puffed up with another spirit, that is, the spirit of God, by clearly demonstrating that nothing is committed against any divine precept by the usage of one species. Which, as was said before, the Greeks of the higher age, and those very ones who lived in the age of Cantacuzenus, least of all

^A perform the censing, and after being addressed by the patriarch, he takes the censer from his hand and he himself censes him in return. After this, the emperor takes the crown from his head and entrusts it to the deacons; the patriarch then delivers into his hands a portion of the Lord’s body. Having partaken of this, he also partakes of the life-giving blood, not with a spoon, as the multitude do, but from the chalice itself, in the manner of priests. Having put on the crown again, he leaves the sanctuary; and when the mystical liturgy is finished, having partaken again of the sanctified elements distributed to the crowds, and having been blessed by the patriarch and the bishops present, and having embraced their hands, he proceeds to what is called the catechumena, in order that he may be seen from a height by all and acclaimed. When this also is completed, he descends from there, he and the Augusta alone, and while all others follow on foot, they proceed on horseback to the palace. A table being prepared there, the crowned ones sit and feast. The Great Domestic serves them the things needed, or if the Great Domestic is not there, the Despot. For the ten days following, more or less (for the number of feast days is not fixed by law, but is at the discretion of the emperor), the diadem, the crown, and the purple are deposited in the royal treasury; but wearing other, brilliant royal garments, they celebrate the holidays splendidly. As the meals are sumptuously prepared, all the nobles feast in the presence of the emperors, while they themselves also recline separately, with the prefect of the royal table serving them. The Great Domestic, taking the place assigned to him, shares in the feast with them. But there is a memorable detail in this ceremony which we have omitted. On the day the anointed emperor leaves the temple, there are thrown into the populace, by one of his nobles whom he has chosen for this purpose, what are called *epicombia*. These are bundles wrapped in pieces of linen, containing three imperial gold coins, as many silver ones, or more, and as many bronze obols. About ten thousand such bundles are scattered, especially in the vestibule of the temple. Moreover, on that very day, with the whole populace gathered in the palace, as many or more such bundles are thrown by the same nobleman. On the following day, nobody from the common people is present; but there are present all the soldiers and servants, or the palace attendants of the emperor. Then, descending into the atrium of the palace, with his quaestor standing by and holding the fold of a garment full of imperial money and gold pieces, the emperor takes it by the handful and scatters it in a circle. When it has all been scattered, the quaestor fills the fold again, and a third time, and a fourth, and often more. The reason for this distribution of gold is that the emperor, making the expense from his own means, desires all to rejoice with him and to celebrate the festival day together. Such, therefore, is the rite accustomed to be observed at the coronation of emperors, and it was observed also in the case of the emperor Andronicus the Younger, in the eighth indiction, at the beginning of the month of February. ^{B C D}

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

Notes of Jacob Gretser

HISTORY BOOK I. CHAPTER XLII.

In the following year, in the month of February, in the ninth indiction, the Empress Anna arrived in Byzantium from Savoy, bringing with her a large and royal retinue of both men and women. For she brought many of those called *caballarii* and *scularii* among the Latins, as well as many other nobles from their lands; she surpassed in magnificence the queens who had come to the Romans from foreign lands in other times. She was received by the emperor and his son-in-law in a manner ^B both royal and magnificent, as was fitting for the wife of the emperor and his son. It happened that the younger emperor was also staying in Byzantium at that time. But the Empress Anna, worn out in body by the hardships of the voyage and the change of climate, fell ill a few days after her arrival. The young Andronikos, partly because of the empress’s illness and partly because some indispensable business required it, set out for the cities of Thrace, where he remained until autumn. At the beginning of October, in the tenth indiction, he returned to Byzantium. The wedding feast was brilliant and illustrious; and just as is the custom for emperors after the prescribed rites for the wedding are completed, the emperor crowned Anna, his wife. After the wedding festivities had passed, many of the men and women who had come with the empress from Savoy returned to their own country. ^C A few remained, including Zampea, one of the women, together with her sons, a woman of great prudence and, due to her liberal education and other graces, well-suited to the company of emperors. Indeed, many of the Savoyard nobility lived with the emperor as long as they wished and were treated by him with great kindness. They were, in fact, not only brave men and fearless in war, but also naturally gifted at pleasant recreation. Thus, they held hunts with the emperor, and they were the first to teach the Romans—who until that time were completely ignorant of them—the *tzustria* and tournaments. As they returned home...

^A others arrived in succession, as it were, at the emperor’s court; and almost always, even from Savoy, some were with the young emperor. So great was the desire to excel in such things that many Romans, and the emperor above all, practiced them, and he surpassed his teachers, so that not only those from Savoy acknowledged their defeat, but even those from France, Germany, and Burgundy—nations where such pursuits are most zealously cultivated—admired the natural skill of the emperor and admitted that he was superior to those among them who were esteemed in such arts.

However, a short time after the wedding, the young emperor, having spent some time in Constantinople, took leave of his grandfather and the empress, and departed from Byzantium, intending to arrive at Didymoteichon. When he had reached a village called Great Carya, near a mountain known as Lipecis, he learned that some Persian foot soldiers were raiding the surrounding territory. The soldiers following the emperor, setting out at first light, continued on their way as best they could, leaving him behind, since he had turned aside with the Grand Domestic and a few others to hunt for wild beasts along the route. ^B But when he learned of the incursion, he recalled them to engage the Barbarians in battle, and he and the Grand Domestic decided that they ought to advance with the group they had, toward the place where they heard the Persians were, reasoning that they would be safe in either case. For if they were found to be easily attacked, the task would be finished with no trouble; but if they appeared to be much more numerous than the Romans, so that it might not be safe to join battle, they could easily escape the Persians while mounted upon their horses.

Therefore, they sent some of their men ahead to reconnoiter, while they followed behind, armed. ^C But the Barbarians, shunning the beaten paths in every way, and traveling through trackless regions so as to fall upon the local inhabitants, escaped the notice of the scouts and suddenly, contrary to all expectation, encountered the emperor. The fighting was fierce; the Barbarians, struggling rashly and in confusion, fell to the last man. The emperor’s men themselves, as well as their horses, were all wounded, with few exceptions, yet none perished, though they lost many horses. The emperor himself was struck in the foot by an arrow ^D; his horse, pierced by seven wounds, died after the battle. The Grand Domestic was very close to dying in that same struggle. For when the Barbarians had surrounded him in great numbers, they had wounded his horse so severely that it could no longer move; they struck the rider with javelins, pikes, and a rain of stones, but because his armor warded off everything, nothing—even though his thighs and arms were bared—did him any harm; only the sword from his belt...

was snatched away by the hook, and the edges of his garments were torn to shreds by their tugging. Yet, by defending himself in a marvelous way, he was saved without even being wounded. After the victory, he remarked that he had undergone many great struggles since childhood, but never once had he been in such a near-death encounter. Thus, all the barbarians were killed in that battle. The emperor went to Didymoteichon and suffered painfully from his wound for a long time. ^B Around the time of the grain harvest that same year, Michael, the King of the Mysians, wished to meet with the young emperor Andronikos. This was not very agreeable to the latter, because his foot still pained him from the wound; however, he entrusted the matter to the emperor, his grandfather, and since he gave his consent, Andronikos went to Tzernomianos along with his wife to meet Michael. The emperor stayed there with them for eight days. After they had enjoyed each other's company and mutual good cheer, they parted and each went home.

When the Emperor Andronikos arrived at Didymoteichon, he found a messenger who had come from his friends in Byzantium, informing him that the elder emperor, judging from certain signs and remarks, was clearly intent on war. Upon hearing this, the emperor was immediately struck with amazement at the strangeness of the report. He ordered his friends to be told that, while he was very grateful for their good will toward him, he was unwilling to believe what they said because he strongly desired that such things not be true. He added that it behooved them, as his truest friends, to investigate the matter most accurately and to advise him regarding what they had undoubtedly verified to be the truth. This is what he wrote to his friends in Byzantium.

Along with the Grand Domestic and the Protostrator, he then met and investigated whether they might have known themselves to be guilty of anything worthy of war that could have persuaded the emperor to break the peace. After long and frequent examination of the time since the treaty was concluded up to that day, they found that they had given no cause for his anger, either openly or secretly. Yet they still believed that a war might arise from such a cause. ^C

CAPUT XLIII. John Palaiologos, panhypersebastus, aspires to tyranny. Letters from the sons of the Grand Logothete to the same panhypersebastus are intercepted and delivered to Andronikos the younger, who warns the logothete regarding his office; his arrogant reply is reported. The threats of the Protovestiarios against the logothete are thwarted by the younger emperor, who excuses him before his angry grandfather and pleads for his punishment to be commuted. An ungrateful spirit on both sides toward their benefactor. War breaks out. Andronicus and his associates conceive hope of victory from their own innocence. To Michael Palaiologos, the first Roman emperor, were born three male children: Andronikos, who ruled after his parent, Constantine Porphyrogenitos, and [Theodore, the third, and daughters...]

likewise. Now to the others other children were born, as the narrative set forth at its beginning; but to Constantine Porphyrogenitos, John Palaiologos was born, an only son, to whom the great logothete Metochites gave his daughter Irene in marriage, he having been honored with the dignity of Panhypersebastos by his uncle, the emperor. This Panhypersebastos, having governed not once, but twice and thrice, Thessalonica and other western cities, ^B directed other matters as seemed best to him, and betrothed his own daughter, Maria, to Stephen, the ruler of the Triballi, the Kral. This having been done, he resolved to join himself to his son-in-law, in order that, assisted by his strength, he might place garrisons in as many cities belonging to his own prefecture as possible, and, having subjected them to his power, might revolt from the emperor and secure a private dominion for himself. Such were the things he was planning and beginning to put into action, and he had even gone over with his whole house to the Triballi; but the outcome disappointed his hope. For all the cities over which he presided, having perceived his defection, held him as an enemy. For this reason, then, the towns of the West were not a little disturbed. At the same time, among the sons of the great logothete, Demetrios, surnamed Angelos, was governor of Stroumbitza, and Michael Lascaris of Meleniko, ^C Macedonian cities. These, being brothers of the wife of the Panhypersebastos, sent letters to him and to their sister, which, while not openly accusing them of defection, nevertheless provided no light cause for suspicion. For they were full of ambiguous words, and refreshed the memory of old friendship and association, and admonished them to show mutual benevolence, for many other reasons, but especially on account of the bond of kinship. Soldiers, placed to guard the roads because of the war with the Panhypersebastos, intercepted the couriers and took the letters; yet they did not dare to carry them to the elder emperor, fearing the great logothete, who had the greatest influence with him. Therefore, they brought them to the younger emperor at Didymoteichon. He, as was right, praised these men as prudent and sensible and dismissed them. But sending the letter to Byzantium to the great logothete, he ^D advised and persuaded him in a friendly manner that, since his sons had entrusted these most suspicious letters to be carried to their kinsman, he himself, as their father and one owing all the highest services to the Roman Republic (since its affairs were being administered through him), should both warn them against evil and maturely confront this threatening detriment. This was effected.

[The beginning of this page continues the narrative:]

did he dismiss them well? The emperor, however, having sent the letters to the Great Logothete in Byzantium, admonished and advised him in a friendly manner, saying that those letters ^A had been sent to his father-in-law by his sons, filled with much suspicion. But since he was their father, and owed significant utility to the Roman empire, as its affairs were administered through him, he ought to keep them free from evils and ward off the harm they expected. This could be done if, by removing them from governing those cities, he set over them others who were not suspect, and entrusted them with other offices as he deemed advantageous. "It did not seem good to me," he said, "that these letters be made known to the emperor, but only to you; so that, being a prudent man, you might manage what is necessary for the common affairs and what is beneficial for the children." The emperor gave such advice to the Great Logothete, but he, though he should have obeyed and expressed gratitude for the guardianship of the sons, did the exact opposite. For, replying harshly and bitterly, he added at the end this also: that, according to the proverb, even asses are allowed to scratch one another. ^B Searching for the reason through this, they suspected that they had caused the war to be renewed, reasoning that the Great Logothete had been provoked by these things and had urged the emperor to make war; however, they knew nothing for certain.

It is worth noting briefly what benefits the young emperor bestowed upon the Great Logothete and the protovestiarius Andronikos Palaiologos, who were the chief instigators of this third war, so that we might recognize what kind of man, and how great a benefactor, the ungrateful were dealing with. For this protovestiarius Andronikos Palaiologos, being the son of the sister of the elder emperor Andronikos, namely Anna, who was married to Michael, a duke and one of the princes of Patras and surrounding Thessaly, having become hostile to the Great Logothete because of some dispute, went to the young emperor, and poured out many disorderly things against him, and finally added that, being weary of his hatred toward him, he wished to strike the man with many blows, even if he had to die for it. ^C Wherefore he asked the emperor that, if anything more serious should hang over him because of such a bold deed, he might offer him help. The emperor tried for a long time to dissuade him from so rash a plan. But since he was speaking to a deaf man, he threatened that he would take it most unkindly unless he desisted from such an attempt; and he added: "If you had concealed it from me, and in the meantime had committed some forbidden act against him, it would indeed have been grave, but it would not have concerned me; but now that you have opened your mind to me, those things you wish to perform by deed cannot be done at all. For that which will be committed in insolence against the Great Logothete, the emperor's vicar, will be interpreted by men as if committed by me; ^D and that is something I cannot tolerate." Frightened by these words, the protovestiarius feared and ceased from plotting a most base example against the Great Logothete.

A few days later, the senior emperor, whether induced by slander or some other reason, flared up against the protovestiarius so that he considered throwing him into prison. He therefore sent the Great Logothete to his grandson, and accused the man of many other crimes, and also that he did not cease to slander him with a foul tongue: for which reasons alone he deserved the ultimate punishment. Furthermore, that he was contemplating defecting from them. Because of these things, he thought he should throw him into custody, and he wished to indicate this judgment of his to him, so that he might know it likewise and help him in restraining him. The grandson replied that he also agreed that the protovestiarius, the son of his great-aunt...

^A was indeed unrestrained in his tongue and given to insults. For this reason, he also consented that he was deserving of fitting punishment. For it behoves those who are more illustrious among men and related to emperors, to be prudent and orderly in other respects, and fit for every form of virtue, and, before (and more than) all others, to be well-spoken, inasmuch as they are set up as common examples and models for those of lower status, so that the masses, looking to them, might regulate their own lives and morals for the better. However, as for defection, I have never accused him of it myself, nor have I clearly heard it from any other who knows the facts. Therefore, it is not just that one who has transgressed only in words should suffer the penalty in deeds, but rather that, having obtained pardon for the faults he has committed, he should be admonished by words to be more moderate in the future and be threatened that, if he does not cease from committing such faults, he shall then suffer the penalties for all of them together, including those for which he is now being excused. For in this way the protovestiarius would become more moderate, and the emperor himself would not be harmed by punishing a man who is illustrious and related by blood. By offering such counsel, he begged him to be persuaded and to relax his anger toward the protovestiarius. But if, however, he remains unyielding and does not wish to grant pardon, he said that, being master of all, he is permitted to do whatever he wishes. He added that he himself would have been a helper in punishing the insolent man, if he had seen him to be ^B lacking in power while possessing the will; but since he can accomplish whatever he wishes, he recommended that course. After the great logothete reported these things to the elder emperor, whether persuaded by this counsel as useful, ^C or... [The Latin footnotes (66–69) are preserved in the text block; their content is as follows:]

(66) *My uncle*. I have already warned previously that the author applies the word *theios* improperly to nephews. *Theios* properly means a mother's or father's brother, that is, an uncle. The protovestiarius, however, was the son of the grandfather's sister. Just as a father's sister is called an *amita*, so is a grandfather's sister a great-aunt (*matertera*). Therefore, the younger Andronicus will rightly call the protovestiarius the son of his great-aunt.

(67) *Did he say that he should be punished a little before?* But there he also spoke of justice, which punishes even evil words: here, however, while he denies that a defection was plotted, although he transgressed with his tongue, he wishes him not to undergo the penalty in his actual deeds, because he did not transgress in his deeds, and he considers that the act itself which he committed in words should be forgiven; he performs the office of clemency.

(68) *Until death, but what he said to Caracalla is not true, "If it pleases, it is lawful."* Do you not know that you are an emperor, and do not receive laws, but give them? And if there is anyone to whom it is permitted to say, "All things are lawful for me," let him always remember what is added to it: "but not all things are expedient." Nicetas, in the life of Emperor John Batatzes, where he recounted his sacrileges and his wicked crimes, subjoins this: And he was gravely indignant at those by whom he was admonished, that such deeds were not fitting for a religious emperor, who had received piety from his ancestors, and that it was nothing other than sacrilege, and he argued that they were manifestly mad and ignorant of honor. For he argued that all things were lawful for emperors; and that between God and the king, as far as the governing of earthly things pertains, there is no conflict, which he contended was between negation and affirmation.

(69) *Libertinism drives the reasoning, I think, since he wrote it thus*, he should have written it so, with the order of the words changed: "For how would the grandson help the grandfather, if he lacked the will to punish the protovestiarius?" And above he asked for the help of his grandson, when he said, "so that he might know it likewise and help him (the protovestiarius, that is) in restraining him," where in Greek it is, *kai syne-prilambanoito pros to ergon*. Our emendation also fits with what follows. "Now, because whatever he wishes he could perform," etc.

^A or through reverence for the young man’s nobility, he desisted from treating the protovestiarios maliciously. Thus, the young emperor was the primary cause for both men [escaping their fates]: for one, avoiding the shame and disgrace of being beaten with rods; for the other, avoiding life imprisonment. And they, shortly after, having passed from extreme enmity into a state of friendship, and having confirmed to one another with oaths that they would surely think the same things regarding the war against the young emperor, both armed themselves and urged the emperor on, using deceits and slanders; and they repaid the kindness [shown them] by making war [on him] until death. But they acted thus. The elder emperor, however, having appointed the protovestiarios as governor of Balagrada, and having treated him kindly and gently, sent him away with many promises to do well, after having commanded him to have whatever might be needed for the war prepared, so that as soon as he received letters from him, he might lead forces from the West against the young emperor. But letters came to the young Andronikos from ^B friends in Byzantium, clearly declaring that the elder emperor was preparing for war. Wherefore, it seemed necessary to him to take counsel about the war with the Great Domestic and the Protostrator. And to those consulting [it was decided] that one should employ magnanimity, just as in the previous wars, and not to rise up beforehand, but to wait for the test from events themselves; at the same time, they were hoping they would emerge victorious from the war, as God would aid them, being wronged by the violation of the treaty. For they themselves had provided no cause in word for the treaties to be broken. For the sake of testing [the situation], however, it seemed best to go toward Byzantium, as it would be clearly revealed, as soon as they arrived, whether the war would proceed, or whether it would be dissolved, having terrified those who were stirring it up. So this was the opinion of the young emperor and his friends.

CHAPTER XLIV.

Few days passed, when at the beginning of October, in the tenth indiction, they came from Didymoteichon to Selybria, not leading an army (lest they should seem to be setting out for war on purpose), but accompanied by a retinue of servants and not a few friends. When the senior [emperor] found this out, he sent the Dicaeophylax, Gregory Clidas, and Niphon, the bishop of the Moglena, to Selybria, to deliver a mandate in his own words to his grandson, that he should not go to Byzantium: for he would not permit him to enter, since he had broken the covenant in the last affairs (70). Therefore, if any evil should befall him, he should not ascribe the blame to him, but to himself, who had violated the covenant. The nephew was deeply grieved by this denunciation, ^D and having hesitated for a little while, "I would have wished," he said, "my lord and emperor to have [continued in] obedience and sub-

service which I myself have demonstrated toward him in deeds. But since the multitude of my sins has persuaded him—and he even says so—to think of me as a perjurer and a violator of the pacts made with him, when in fact it was his duty to consider me a man of good will, loving toward my father, and in all things yielding to himself; I think, in the first place, that your arrival here is timely, since you are men of understanding and well able to discern from what is said what is true and what is necessary. Next, I ask if you have also been instructed by my lord and emperor, as you have accused me of wrongdoing, to hear the defense of these matters as you explain them. For I hope, by a great margin, to cast off these charges." When they replied that nothing else had been instructed beyond telling him not to enter Byzantium and to return immediately, "Report, then," he said, "to my lord and emperor that I call God, the guardian of truth—who himself both is and is named Truth—to witness that neither previously, nor in this war now unjustly waged against me, nor in deeds, nor even in words, do I know myself to have acted against you. Wherefore, I become a suppliant to you before God himself, that you lay aside your wrath, show compassion and gentleness, and do nothing outside of what is just and beneficial. But if the ill will of the demon, on account of which I have often endured many tribulations, has caused me to forget the service and obedience which I have shown in deeds on every occasion given, and has persuaded you to pay heed to the slanderers and calumniators and to set in motion the war against me, I beg you again not to condemn me thus in my absence; but rather declare the accusations and allow a place for a defense. If I escape the judgment, having cleared myself of the accusations, it would be well; but if I am caught having perjured myself and broken the treaty, I do not ask to obtain any pardon, but I deem myself worthy to suffer anything whatever." The young emperor, therefore, ordered such things to be reported to his grandfather by the envoys; but they asked again if he was conscious of having violated the oaths made to his grandfather the emperor, thinking that they could easily persuade the emperor to be reconciled to his grandson if they found he was a perjurer in nothing. Since he asserted that he had not once ^B violated [his oaths] up to that time, they returned to Byzantium rejoicing, hoping to bring the war of the emperors to an end; but the outcome was contrary to what they expected. For after the young emperor had set forth the arguments by which he had cleared himself of the blame for breaking the treaty, the senior [emperor] did not set aside his wrath in the least. And to the envoys he replied nothing, but commanded the patriarch Esaias not to allow the name of his grandson to be mentioned during the sacred rites, neither in the church of the Wisdom of God nor in the other churches; for even in the palace his memory had been ejected from the sacred rites. The patriarch inquired the cause of this matter. For if he had even fallen into some dogma different from the tenets of the Church, not even then should his name have been ejected from the sacred rites without admonition and an attempt to heal him. Indeed, as for himself, instituted by God as a guardian of the sacred dogmas of the Church and a superintendent of souls, not only at Rhegium, where the younger man was, but even to the ends of the earth for the soul... ^{C D}

in danger ^A one ought to and be eager to travel. For this reason, it is necessary to go to him first. And if, with God helping, after much instruction and admonition, he lays aside his false opinion, embraces the truth, and recognizes the soundness of the dogmas, then all will be well from every side, with the emperor saved for the Church as a son in spirit, for you as a son in the flesh, and for the Romans. But if he appears to be willfully wicked, and voluntarily closes his eyes to the rays of truth, and offers not even a small hope that he will ever be healed, I shall not only strike his name from the sacred records in Byzantium, but I shall also proclaim him excommunicated to Christians everywhere on earth. The emperor replied that he did not charge his grandson with distortion of the faith, but with the violation of oaths and treaties made with him, and furthermore with arrogance and disobedience; and that it was for the sake of admonition and education that he had devised such a thing, and that if he showed himself worthy of correction for his transgressions, he would do what was required. Therefore, said the patriarch, I beg of you, most excellent emperor, to bestow this one great favor upon me, to allow me to go to him. For I hope that I shall persuade the younger emperor, if he has sinned in any way before, to correct it and to perform his duties faithfully in the future, and to remove the obstacles and causes of war from the midst. The emperor, annoyed by what was said, replied: "It was necessary to obey my words without meddling, and to do what was commanded without contradicting; but since, I know not by what reasoning, you have chosen to speak and act in opposition, it is necessary that I do not struggle against you; you yourself know what is fitting." In this way, then, the emperor and the patriarch were of different minds. Hence, in the palace, the mention of the younger emperor was forbidden; but in the other holy places ^B throughout Byzantium, and in the holy temple of the Wisdom of God itself, both emperors were named according to the solemn custom during the sacred rites.

CAPUT XLV.

The grandson asks his grandfather not to heap disasters upon the Roman empire with this new war, and once again offers to plead his case. The Grand Domestic contends for the same by letter, protects the grandson, and advises him against listening to sycophants. He adds terror at the end, should he do otherwise. ^D The younger emperor, residing at the fort called Ennacosia, not far from Rhegium, from the beginning of October until December, besought his grandfather not to plunge the Roman state again into tumult and ruin, but moved by compassion for his fellow citizens, to stop the war. Moreover, to persuade him to choose peace, he acted ^C through envoys, saying; "My diligence and eager will, Emperor, for providing for and guarding the interests of the Roman empire, beyond the

^A necessity of bringing forth another witness, you yourself are a sufficient guarantor. For you know how, when the people of Prusa were besieged by the Persians and were expected to be captured at any moment because their grain had completely run out, I myself, having learned of the situation, came unbidden to Byzantium, begging and advising that we bring what aid we could to the besieged. This plan was that I, crossing over with the army by ships to Triglia (since it is not far from Prusa), would fall upon the barbarians wherever I could and convey provisions to the people of Prusa. Had this been done, it was hoped they could withstand the siege for a long time, since the city had otherwise been fortified ^B sturdily in every way. I, therefore, was aflame with the desire to assist the people of Prusa, even at the risk of my own life, yet you restrained me against my will—a fact which seems to have been the primary reason why the barbarians were able to take Prusa. I have related these things not simply to boast, but that I might demonstrate, from that abundance which I have at my disposal, what I desire; for if I was so tormented on behalf of a single city in danger, and thought it necessary either to bring it aid or to experience the same dangers myself, how much more must I be tormented now, seeing the entire Roman empire at risk? For to think that we, who by all rights ought to be fighting for it against foreign enemies, are instead clashing with one another, must surely be considered its ultimate destruction. Wherefore, I beseech you earnestly, Emperor, if it is possible, set aside your enmities and choose peace over war. But if the words of slanderers have prevailed before you to such an extent that the peace I have so often sought I have not yet obtained, at least grant me this, I pray: that, accompanied ^C by two or three men, I may plead my case before you. If I refute the charges, it will be well; but if I am found guilty of perjury and injustice, you will be delivered from a long-standing trouble, having the accused in your hands. I beseech you by God, do not spare him, but punish him as his crimes deserve. If, however, it does not please you that I should be judged by you in person, let it be permitted for the Grand Domestic to stand in my place. And if he too is condemned, let him pay the most severe penalty; I shall truly feel no less pain than if I myself had suffered it in my own person." Such things the young Emperor wrote to his grandfather and Emperor; and the Grand Domestic also wrote such things, requesting the same: "Most excellent Emperor, I believe you are fully convinced of two things regarding me: that I am benevolently and amicably disposed toward you, and prepared for your service, so that there is no one more than I (as I have often clearly demonstrated by my deeds) who would more willingly expend not only my wealth but my very life for the common welfare of the Romans. Now, because I see that you are acting without cause ^D [with regard to the treaty...]

and are hastening toward war, I am deeply pained; and I consider the calamities that will envelop the Romans from this mutual war to be akin to death. I beseech you not to allow your subjects to fall into such evils, but to bring the calamity to a halt by becoming reconciled with your grandson, who, as far as I know, has neither in action nor in word, neither in the past nor now, given offense. You know full well that he says and does nothing without my knowledge; do not, therefore, prefer the slanders of those who rejoice in the common ruin to the common safety; nor let yourself be persuaded by those who urge you to war, having learned exactly from experience itself that they are attempting the impossible and wish to take up a burden their own shoulders cannot bear. If, therefore, you choose to abandon the war, you will be taking counsel for yourself and for us; but if you do the opposite, I do not know which of the two will suffer more ^B harmful advice. Your grandson calls upon you as a judge to settle the accusations in a trial, and all would agree with him that his request is just. Or, as a second option, if you do not desire him to appear before you in person for judgment, he asks that you seek from me an account for him. If you wish for him to be produced in person, I have no doubt that by his very appearance he will show the slanders to be weaker than cobwebs. But if you choose the second option, which is what he desires next to the first, I hope to demonstrate that he has not only done no wrong, but has always been a loving grandson to you as a parent, and has shown the reverence and obedience due to you in everything. If you despise both these offers, having been preoccupied by the slanderers, nevertheless God will not despise us who are treated unjustly. As for where your affairs will end, it is better for me to be silent; experience will clearly teach you. I ask, however, that you keep these present letters of mine in a safe place, so that it may be revealed by future events whether I have been a good counselor."

Such were the things written to the elder emperor by the presbyter. He, having read the letters, replied nothing more than that it was not easy to admit either his grandson or Cantacuzenus to Constantinople for a trial. The younger emperor, having heard the emperor’s response, was deeply pained that he was being excluded from his defense in a manner so contrary to all justice and law; and having despaired of his attempts to persuade him, he wrote to the patriarch in this manner: "Master patriarch, and the holy and sacred synod with you, you know clearly the things that have transpired between the emperor and myself some time ago...

Chapter XLVI.

Both of these letters were written to the elder emperor, and when he had read them, he replied with nothing other than that it was difficult to admit either his grandson ^D or Cantacuzenus to Constantinople to plead their cause. From this response, the younger one received great sorrow, when he perceived that he was being excluded from his defense beyond all right and divine law; and being exhausted by fruitless efforts to persuade him, he wrote to the patriarch using this example: "Patriarch, lord, and you, the most holy bishops who are with him, it is not unknown to you whatsoever has occurred between me and my grandfather, not long ago, owing to my sins.

These things, however, God, who wisely manages all things, easily resolved and granted a deep peace. But when all the obstacles between us were removed, and we were enjoying a profound calm, without so much as thinking of civil strife or war, a sudden and heavy billow burst forth, and a grievous storm threatened to submerge the Roman government like a ship along with those who sail in it. And there has happened to us something similar to what befalls the sick. For they, at the very first onset of the disease—however rapid it may be—resist powerfully; but if it should seize them a second and a third time after they have been restored, finding them already weakened in strength, it quickly destroys them. The same has happened to us now. For, being already in large part worn out by the previous civil wars and those brought upon us from abroad by the barbarians, we are unable to look toward the evils arising, but will be destroyed by our own hands. Seeing all this, and clearly observing that the danger is not my own (for that would be bearable), but common to all the Romans, I have been sitting for sixty days now near Rhegium, as you yourselves know, begging the emperor daily with the respect, modesty, and subjection that is fitting, to obtain pardon, although I find in myself no evil deed worthy of his anger. ^B But after I had labored much in vain, I tried another way, asking that it be permitted for me to come into his presence with a very few men, and there to answer the charges, or, if that were not pleasing, that the Grand Domestic might come in my name to do the same. Both conditions having been rejected, and thus, against the laws of all, as if I had fled my trial, I am suffering condemnation without a hearing. And yet, if my grandfather had ordered me to pay certain penalties according to his own judgment for those things of which I am accused, I would have paid them not only with a calm but even with a most prompt spirit. But now, since I foresee that his fury against me will be pestilential to all the Romans, I am tormented most vehemently. Therefore I write to your holiness, and I ask, if you are of God, that you strive for the restoration of peace and not overlook us being stained with the blood of our own kin; but rather persuade the emperor either to let me proceed thither to you and plead my cause in your presence, or, if you yourselves come hither, let it be granted that I do this very thing here. Thus the junior emperor besought the patriarch and the pontiffs by letter concerning peace. When this letter was delivered by the messenger into the hands of the patriarch and read in the assembly of the bishops, as the petition appeared just, all immediately went to the senior emperor, showed it to him, and supported him as desiring what was just. For this ^{C D}

they said they esteemed most highly: that he, having come there, was willing to provide an accounting for those things of which he was accused, or that the patriarch, having gone there, might do the same—this would be the greatest proof either that he had done nothing wrong, or if he had sinned, that he desired to be corrected. As this was proven by the very nature of the matter, it would be just, and at the same time useful and necessary, that one of the two alternatives requested be granted. Seeing, therefore, both the irrefutable nature of the petition and the zeal of the patriarch and the bishops in this matter, the emperor forbade his grandson to come to him, just as he also forbade the patriarch from going there, stating that neither undertaking was of any utility. However, he consented that some should go from the bishops and the senators, and furthermore from the church officials and the archimandrites—men who were reported to be devout—to go to his grandson, both to present the accusations and to seek an apology for them. ^B There were sent, therefore, six from the bishops, and an equal number of senators; and from the church officials and those called archimandrites, men of piety, the same number from each. Together with these also went those previously sent by the emperor: Niphon, the bishop of Moglena, and Clidas the dicaeophylax, to whom the heads of the accusation against the new emperor were entrusted. After all these came Gregory, the Archbishop of Bulgaria, a man wise in discourse, admirable in prudence, and clearly perfected in divine wisdom; and with him Theodore Xanthopoulos, he too endowed with virtue, intelligence, and learning. All these came to Rhegium to discuss the disagreements of the emperors. Seeing them, the new emperor was at once filled with joy and gladness, inasmuch as he was about to give an account for the charges brought against him. Having greeted them, he ordered them to take their rest, with the meeting to be held the next morning at the first light of dawn. ^C They did so. At first light, he assembled his own more notable men and those who had arrived at his grandfather's command into a gathering. When all were present, they sat down and kept silence for a little while, and all pricked up their ears as if to hear something new. The archbishop began by saying: "Most excellent Emperor, concerning the disagreements that have now arisen between you and your grandfather, you yourself requested that you be allowed to enter Byzantium to provide an accounting for your actions before the emperor; or, if that were not granted, that the patriarch might go there so that the charges might be resolved by his judgment. Neither was easy to grant. However, by the authority of the emperor and the patriarch, we have arrived to hear your defense. It is just for you to bring forward whatever you have to say ^D regarding those things of which you are accused." Then the emperor...

said:

CHAPTER XLVII

^A It is with the greatest willingness that you have come, and it is highly desirable, as I feel, to obtain at last whatever time is needed to defend myself against these accusations. But I consider it unjust and abhorrent to reason that, although I have frequently provided clear and undeniable proofs of my observance and obedience toward my grandfather through my deeds themselves, I have not even been deemed worthy of equal goodwill from him, not even in words. Yet, when comparing my actions with the words of my detractors, he ought either to have punished them with penalties worthy of their wickedness (so that they themselves might not dare to do such a thing hereafter, and others might learn modesty from their fate), or certainly, which is the second course, after severely rebuking and censuring them for their audacity, to have preserved a firm and constant goodwill toward me: as I am able to show by clear examples that I have been most affectionately disposed toward him, and have preserved the reverence, obedience, and service becoming a good son toward his father. But since matters have turned out differently than was right, and what we have done has completely slipped from the emperor’s memory, while those whose earnest business it is to damage the common prosperity of the Romans by slandering us to one another have entirely subdued and ensnared him with their lies, what remained for me but either to surrender myself to anguish, having been undeservedly precipitated into misery, and to seek pardon from my father, although I am attacked by mere slanders? Or at least, because of the things falsely imputed to me, to seek an examination and a trial? This is what I have desired; and already for more than sixty days, I have been exposed under the open sky with all those I lead, enduring the labors and discomforts of the winter months, of which you yourselves are not unaware. It would have been best to conduct my defense in the presence of the emperor, the patriarch, and the entire Roman people, so that I might either, by being acquitted, declare to everyone that I am most unworthily violated by these calumniators, or, being condemned by the votes of all for my crime, seek no further extension, nor appeal, as if I had been condemned by the judges out of favor or rivalry, but rather suffer the punishments I deserved. But since it so pleased the emperor, I give great thanks to God, the Emperor of all, who granted this opportunity for my defense, and no less to my grandfather and the patriarch—to the latter for being the author of the investigation being held, and to the former for allowing himself to be persuaded, and likewise to you who have undertaken the journey here, for your effort. But I ask you not to pay attention to me in this trial as if I were emperor, nor, because of the magnitude of my dignity, to condone anything of those things you deemed worthy of condemnation, but to be inexorable in sparing no one you judge to be guilty. If, however, in the course of my defense, by necessity (for never of my own will would I have come to such arguments), I show my grandfather and ancestor to be acting unjustly and violating his oaths, do not lay it to my...

account, but to the nature of this matter; and do not deliver a verdict yourselves, but sit as judges for me, and as hearers only for him. Since you have commanded me to make my defense, it is necessary that those who accuse me should first bring the indictments into the open, so that I may respond to them in order thereafter. The Emperor said these things; the judges praised his words and ordered those charged with it to bring the accusations into the open. ^B And coming forward into the midst, both the *dikaiophylax* and the Bishop of Moglena went through everything one by one. But as the Emperor was defending himself, they did not seem to have anything certain; nor did they have any clear proof, either from the facts themselves or from anyone’s testimony; everything seemed to have been gathered from suspicion rather than from truth. Finally, they said this: “In the oaths written down for the peace, it is also written: that the Emperor, your grandfather, holds all the administration and command of the government; and that you are subject to him and must fulfill his commands; and that whoever acts contrary to this is forsworn and unjust. Yet you, without the Emperor knowing or having turned his attention to it, took four thousand gold pieces by force from the tax collectors.” “That I took the money,” the Emperor said, “I myself would not deny; but that I acted out of dance [or 'wantonly'], and that I am on that account shameless and a despiser of the Emperor, and therefore deserve to be judged—I deny.” The judges said, “You speak in riddles; you say you have done nothing regarding the oaths contrary to the expressed will of the Emperor, [yet] you yourself took the Emperor's money against his will, and you claim that you have not violated your oaths. For is it not written that the Emperor holds the entire administration of affairs, and that you do nothing contrary to his will? Or, if this is granted, you would not escape the charge of perjury, confessing that you took the money against the Emperor’s will.” Xanthopulos, one of those who had arrived from Byzantium, said: “It is not just to condemn before the Emperor has given a word regarding the matters being brought against him. For then, if one must judge or condemn from what is said, it could be known.” As the others also agreed, the Emperor prepared his defense as follows: ^D “And I think it is just, and according to the intention which, if the Emperor were acting with…

CHAPTER XLVIII

hough he may have received the money. If the Emperor grandfather ^A had examined it with the accuracy that a judge should, for he would not—I say—have accused me now of shamelessness and lack of fear, and, what is most important, of perjury. For when a judge is not prepossessed in his opinion, he is best able to render righteous judgments. And he who does not act in this way, must for the most part go astray. For if he had considered the origins of the former wars, why the treaties and oaths were made, whence and by whom they originated, and my own care, diligence, and zeal for the termination of the war, and furthermore the concern, obedience, and affection toward him which I demonstrated throughout the whole time that followed, I would not now be escaping such charges. But both he and we Romans would have been spared the evils that have come about, the Emperor himself would have been free from all tumult, and he would not be aflame with the infamy of appearing to bring the war upon the Romans intentionally for their destruction ^B. But now, as it seems, having forgotten all those things which you all have heard, he has accused me of many and terrible crimes. Yet although the other matters are all terrible, I would have endured them in silence out of respect for the Emperor, and so that I would not be forced for the sake of my defense to say things that would bring him some reproach. But to brand myself with the mark of perjury, when I can abundantly clear myself, I deem neither holy nor tolerable. And if, while I demonstrate my own innocence, I prove that he has acted otherwise, I beg of you not to attribute this to rashness or incontinence of tongue, but to the necessity of the matter itself. Therefore, I say first of all that not only I, but he also, swore to the treaty, and the same necessity was imposed upon both to keep it inviolably; and that if one should take vengeance on a treaty-breaker, he is bound by no wickedness—a principle which the Emperor himself has already judged rightly. For when I have broken the oaths and the treaties, he says that he himself is bound by no charge if he does something while defending himself; and you, I suppose, would agree to the same, as I myself would rightly and justly ^C say. But it is very pleasing to me that Cocalas, the Great Logariast, is present with us. For he will contribute no small testimony to my defense, as he will be troubled by what I am about to say. And because it is in the interest of the accusation and my response, he will be able to write accurately to his son-in-law concerning the true state of affairs. Would that the Protovestiarius himself were also present. Look, therefore, to see which of us first cast aside the religion of the treaty. I shall use no dissembling speech to defend myself, nor shall I produce corrupt witnesses, to whom it would be right to deny trust and whom one might rightly dismiss by way of exception, but the very letters of the Emperor ^D (80), which will be a shining testimony that he has for a long time now been studiously and diligently meditating arms against me.

Note of Jacobus Pontanus

^A

“I, for my part, greatly welcomed the fact that he was present himself. Consider, then, which of us has broken the oaths. I shall produce, not fair-sounding arguments for my defense, nor witnesses who are corrupt men, whom it is possible for anyone to disbelieve and to dismiss, but the very letters of the Emperor shall give testimony that he has for a long time, and with care and concern, stirred up this war against me. And first, let the Emperor’s mandate be read, which he sent to the Protovestiarios, my uncle, in the month of July of the tenth indiction, which reads word for word as follows:

‘Most beloved nephew of my Majesty, Protovestiarios, Lord Andronikos Palaiologos, the report which you submitted to my Majesty has been received, and from it I have learned as much as you wrote and reported. I have, therefore, greatly welcomed your zeal, care, and struggle in this matter; and do you again apply yourself to it in the future, so that it may be brought to completion. For you know well that you were not sent to the prefecture there for any other reason than to serve this purpose. ^B Since, therefore, even before your report, the King also sent his envoy here and declared to my Majesty that he was already established with you, and that he is found ready to assist us with all his power, not only with his army but also by his own presence, this has confirmed my Majesty’s conviction even more than your report did. Do your work, therefore, with great haste, for my Majesty also acts with care, and take heed lest we anticipate you.’

This is such a matter. I shall also provide a second testimony, the same Emperor’s mandate written in September of the eleventh indiction:

‘Most beloved nephew of my Majesty, Protovestiarios, Lord Andronikos Palaiologos, you know how much ^C my Majesty ordered to you concerning the tasks you were entrusted with, and that it was necessary for you to be diligent, lest my Majesty anticipate you; and behold, as I see, this is likely to come to pass. For I am awaiting nothing else but some signal from those who are there. Where, then, is your diligence? Where are your promises? For since the month of July, I have learned nothing exactly from those who are there, except only from rumor; and may I inform you, with all haste, that as I said above, we are awaiting nothing else but your report.’” ^D

^A And Kocalas, writing to the protovestiary, his son-in-law, reproaches him for his great negligence and sloth, and rebukes him for not fulfilling his promises; the Emperor was grieved by these things, and he [Kocalas] was ashamed, he who had promised with all diligence and speed to fulfill what had been pledged. And so that it might not be thought that, because the instructions were not clearly written regarding me, they were written to some others, I shall provide another, confirming that the earlier ones were indeed written regarding me, and openly declaring the war against me, written in October of the eleventh indiction: “Most beloved nephew of my Majesty, the protovestiary, lord Andronikos Palaiologos, your reports were all brought to my Majesty and were read through, and I have received you all favorably regarding everything you report. My Majesty has defended and commanded in detail to you all, along with Catergus; or rather, with my Majesty’s most beloved nephew Asanes, lord Michael, your cousin; and from him each of you shall learn more fully the command of my Majesty. But lest there be any slackness (86) at the sea regarding the *katergon*, and you be ignorant of the general command of my Majesty, see, it is also defined and declared to you by land by my Majesty, that there are so many and such as you there—that if even one of you were there alone, he would have been sufficient for the battle against my grandson; how much more so, that there are as many and such as you find yourselves to be, for no reason [at all]! And from now on, I release my leopard from his chains; do as your own intelligence prompts you, for I myself am already setting out.” These things the Emperor commanded his nephew, having nothing to charge against me, but being himself the first to break the treaties and the oaths. And so that you may know that he also used many auxiliaries for the war against me, and had been preparing for it for a long time, I shall provide another writing of this Kocalas, sent to the protovestiary, his son-in-law, which runs as follows: “First, our lord the Emperor was burdened against you, or rather against you, [transcribing] into the *koukouros* [quiver/pouch]...” ^{B C D}

^A how you write nothing and report nothing of what you are doing and how you are acting. Yet now he has accepted that you wrote, but he blamed you for sending your reports so imprudently, and that if it happened to fall into the hands of the Emperor’s grandson, it would admittedly be known that this current struggle was initiated before the proper time and with a premeditated goal. This did not happen well; but just as we have placed the mandate and the present letter inside a *koukouros* at the moment—and who could imagine that there is something inside the *koukouros*?—do you likewise; and start from now: for as you are about to learn from the mandate, behold, the Emperor is beginning. However, it seems to me that before you hear the beginning, you are about to see the end. For all the officials and the *archontopoula* found with the Emperor’s grandson were appointed by the Emperor, and they possess his benefits through both administrations and golden bulls; and all are ready and await the order of our sovereign, the holy Emperor, that if he should command them, they may lead his grandson bound into his hands. And from now on, take care yourself, that you may show a work of the knowledge and experience you have in acting.”

From all these things, then, judge for yourselves who has broken the oaths; so that if I, too, after such a manifest transgression of the sworn agreements, have done something outside the treaties, it is not just, nor does it have any basis, to accuse me of perjury. Thus, if I have also taken money, as they themselves say, against the treaties, [it does not follow that I] owe a penalty for broken treaties. But I will prove that I am a man who keeps his oaths, even without these arguments, having taken the money. For it is written in the oaths that I was to be provided with money from the public funds, for the expenses of my house and of the Empress my wife, and furthermore for the mercenary army, as much as is written in the treaties. And this is not just generally, but through written documents, as is clear to see from the golden bull of the Emperor to me. ^B From those times, then, when the oaths were made, until now, four years and as many months have passed, in which, according to the documents, there are owed to me, by my calculation, thirty-five myriads of gold. And this it is possible to demonstrate clearly from the ledgers made for proof by those who bring the money by order of the Emperor. What wrong do I do, then, if, when such a sum is owed to me, I have taken a few small amounts from the many? Or is it just and fair that the grandfather, who deprived me of such a sum, should neither be thought to act unjustly nor to perjure himself, while I, because I have withdrawn some small portion of what is owed to me, am dragged to courts, accused of being a perjurer, driven into exile, and reduced to the extreme of miseries? ^C Yet, if I had been defrauded only of that stipend which was assigned to my house, I would have acted little justly [to complain]; I would have kept silent, however, both out of reverence for the Emperor and because I would have thought that whatever troubles were created by the father were to be borne by the son with an equable mind; neither accusing nor creating disturbances for him, but only asking that he deign to look upon his son with a placid countenance and bear [the burden of] these bad testimonies. Now, with the removal at the same time of those funds which were to be provided for the annual pay of the soldiers, and from which alone they had the means to sustain their lives, I considered it wicked to want to look upon the calamities of others with a lofty spirit. ^D Consider for a moment how great an injury is done to them. First, since they are allowed by us to engage in neither commerce, nor agriculture, nor the study of other things from which they might provide for their livelihood, because they are required to be always ready for expeditions and military service, and cannot use any impediments as a pretext for remaining at home. Then, they are defrauded of the pay designated by the Emperor, which he promised to pay out each year, not simply, but with the interposition of an oath. A third point is added: they have been neglected by me for so long, lest I be burdensome and troublesome to the grandfather.

^A And yet I ought to have appeared high-minded and contemptuous of money in my own private affairs, and in everything to follow the judgment of my father. But in matters pertaining to the care of these men, which is indispensable, I ought to have both devised and done everything so that they would not be deprived of their pay, nor, through my thankfulness toward the grandfather, be reduced to the extremest evils. (For this is not thankfulness, but extreme cruelty and inhumanity, for a man to be high-minded while others are dying of hunger.) Nevertheless, I did not cease to beseech the grandfather that the pay should be provided to the army; for many of them were driven to such a state of need that, when night came, they would urge their wives—so that they might not be recognized by acquaintances—to go around the houses of others and beg for a bit of food for themselves and their husbands, just to scrape a living. Compasted by this, and myself broken in spirit, I deducted the money for which I am now accused and provided a small amount of relief. If, therefore, on account of this I am a perjurer and unjust and a despiser of my father, you judge. First, then, I have shown that I have in no way violated the agreements, but that I have been openly betrayed; and although I have in my possession the proofs that the grandfather was the first to break the oaths, as you have seen, I myself remain embracing peace, and I have been beseeching the grandfather for so long a time not to move toward war. If any man can show me to have been the first to break the oaths, let him come forward and show it. Further, regarding the money, if by taking such a small amount from the three hundred and fifty thousand gold pieces that are owed, I am acting unjustly, you pass sentence. So much said the young emperor in his defense.

CHAPTER XLIX.

So far spoke the young emperor in his own defense; ^D to whom Cocalas, before his letter to the protovestiary was read, insisted importunately, affirming that the beginning of the war had come from the emperor himself, who had believed the sycophants who were accusing the grandfather, the protovestiary, and the other princes in authority to him of having planned to incite a war. But when the letters were read aloud, and it became clear that he was no less than the others undermining the peace, having been so evidently convicted, against

could bring nothing forward, he sat down and was silenced. Turning to him, the ^A emperor said, "O great logariastes, it is nothing wonderful for any man to sin, to wrong his neighbor, and to covet more; for we humans, all of us, are subject to the same passions and are more prone to vice than to virtue. But to do injury, to perjure oneself, to lie, and then to weave snares and fabricate calumnies, and with all one’s might to try to turn the blame onto the innocent, so that, in addition to killing, one may also appear to be acting justly—this is the work of no mere man, but of him who was a murderer from the beginning." Now Theodore Cabasilas, the logothete of the military, was present at the judgment, a man of sound mind and wisdom, who enjoyed much favor and intimacy with the elder emperor (and no less with the younger), and who was, moreover, a very close friend of Cocalas. Seeing the young emperor greatly disturbed by the calumnies and wishing to calm him with a certain witticism, he said, "Do not wonder, Emperor, for these are the traps and pits of this *planos*"—for it was indeed the case that in their childhood games Cocalas was called *planos* [that is, impostor] by his peers. This appeared to be a timely remark; for the emperor, somewhat relaxing his severity, smiled modestly. But enough of these matters. He then encouraged the bishops to render a verdict if he appeared to be unjust and perfidious. They replied that they had no reason to condemn him, but only begged that he should, as before, find ways and means by which the impending evils might be brought to nothing. To this the emperor said, "I wish, indeed, that this war had never begun, ^C or at least that it had been extinguished before it grew strong. That I say this without any pretense or dissimulation, the very circumstances themselves provide clear proof. For I have been sitting here for three months now, praying that the emperor would lay aside the war and not, through contentiousness, overlook the Roman Empire as it falls into irreparable disasters; but there is no one who listens—even though I am clearly convinced that I am being plotted against while doing no wrong. For I am not entirely unaware that not only the letters you have heard were sent against me, but that many others were intercepted, of which only a very few have been recovered. Yet, because I am most desirous of peace, placing my own security and that of my companions in the background, and committing my hopes to God alone, by whom I have sworn, I strive as much as in me lies to avert the looming calamities. I believe, however, that if the grandfather would also be willing to pay half the ^D money owed to the soldiers, they would take it in good part, and henceforth you would be free of any further troubles and of the disasters you fear from the war." As the bishops were approaching the subject: "It will be difficult, at this time, with the treasury exhausted..."

to pay such a large sum; but whatever can be acquired now, the remainder shall be received at a specified time." "Well then," the Emperor said, "if this seems difficult, even with half remitted, we shall be content with a quarter share of the whole, for the sake of peace and harmony." Having heard this, they praised the Emperor as being a man who valued peace more than money, and they promised without a doubt that what was said would be fulfilled. ^B When the Emperor saw that they agreed to this, wishing to make it manifest—as this also seemed most moderate to all—that he was doing so for the sake of ending the war, he voluntarily yielded. "It is necessary," he said, "to show some favor to you as well, who have labored on the road and been distressed by fasting throughout the whole day. And so, I remit a fourth part of the money owed for your sake, and I ask nothing from the Emperor except what those who manage public affairs, having fabricated certain false charges, have defrauded the Emperor of and kept for themselves—money which can be clearly proven—so that I may distribute this sum to the soldiers as some small consolation. And do not wonder if, concerning the fact that one ought not to make a display of magnanimity over the misfortunes of others, I, having said many things before, now so easily forgo the money owed to the soldiers. For if, in the time to follow, the established pay is provided to them according to the oaths and treaties, those who love me dearly will gladly forgo what is owed from the time before. Furthermore, I feared lest peace be delayed because of these things, and that we might seem deliberately to be dragging out the war. And for this reason, I thought it necessary to remove every question and ambiguity out of the way, and I preferred to appear burdensome and grievous to my own people rather than to provide a pretext for war." When the young Emperor had said such things, the bishops and senators sent by the elder [Emperor], having marveled at the magnanimity of the Emperor, and that he so fiercely chose peace, and having expressed much gratitude, asked with joy to return home to report the events to the Emperor, believing that nothing would hinder the peace. He allowed them to return just as they requested, and through them he sent an embassy to his grandfather, the Emperor, as follows: "God, who knows all things, knows well the zeal and eagerness I have for your holding the Roman Empire, and you yourself could bear witness if you wished. For, though it was in my power, had I so chosen, to gain either the whole empire or the greater part of it through previous wars, I did not wish to ^C [do so] willingly; but, thinking it just to yield this to you as a father as long as you remained in life, I ceded it voluntarily, even though I was able to hold it, and this not without toil and danger. For as for all those who fought alongside me, they had undergone the toils of war and were lacking in rewards and honors (because I, following your orders, gladly chose peace and left to you all the things they had acquired by arms), I was troubled on both sides. For it was difficult to persuade them to lay down their arms, since they asserted that they were proclaiming just demands and always requested, according to the law of war, to go against the enemy. But to do anything against their will was not free from fear. For since many were fighting for me out of friendship and the hope that their prince would respond with a benefit, if peace were not made in the way they wished, it was logical that, yielding to misfortune, they would go over to the adversaries as allies; which

^A would not have been done without danger to me. As for me, in order to do what was friendly toward you, I both endured the toils involved in persuading one or two who were also working with me, and I despised the fears that were suspected, thinking that by the deeds themselves I would be proven, in your eyes, to be most well-disposed toward you, and not hostile, but friendly, in these pressing times; and that you, being emboldened, would dissolve the enmity. But the contrary to what I myself expected now appears. For you have chosen to make war on me, having placed all those things—and what is greatest, truth itself—at nothing, and having instead believed perverse and mendacious men who seek not the benefits of the state, but their own private gains. But although I, being most justly entitled to it, as having been previously plotted against and having had the treaty violated, could have more promptly and earlier taken up arms, nevertheless, out of shame for you and an incredible desire for peace, I am now lingering here for the third month, supplicating and entreating your anger. But now, when those whom you sent to examine the charges against me arrived, I was filled with much joy, as having found an opportunity for an apology; and when the assembly took place, I made an apology for the things I was accused of that was true and just. ^B What I said regarding the charges, they themselves who came will report to you; but I again beseech you, Emperor, not to allow us or the other Romans to be destroyed by our war against one another, but within eight days to consider what is necessary and declare to us your decision. If, with God the author of peace approving, you become more mild toward us and choose peace, you will do well in all respects. But if the multitude of our sins and your desire, inflamed by seeing our destruction, rather drive you to plunge into war, even so I will instruct you in a most powerful method of attacking me with arms, so that you may be rid of these troubles most swiftly and without danger. God, the supplier of all good things, the Father of all and Lord of kings, has given you an admirable and inexpugnable power, which I confess I am not only unable to resist, but even unable to look upon. ^C This power is that you are lord and father, and I am entirely son and servant. Having used this power, you will happily accomplish quickly all that you wish. For if you command, as a father, that I come with bonds or [collaria] placed upon my neck, and that I dwell there in prison, I shall most promptly carry out what is commanded. But what do I say of prison and [collaria]? If you command anything else even more ignominious, I shall bear it cheerfully. If, leaving this power aside, you turn to the other [power]—which long ago, believing it was hidden from you, and hoping it would finish me off in war, you prepared—I fear to say it, ^D but I will say it nonetheless: I fear lest, as at other times, so now you may discover by the event itself that you have taken bad counsel for yourself. Then, therefore, both with God in the first place, and with the help of these my most dear friends, with many sweats and labors, not what you thought to be a singular work, and most difficult to accomplish, but what in thought...

you yourself did not even conceive, but which I was very eager for, was accomplished. But now I fear, if things should turn out otherwise than you hope, that this hope too might be taken away. Therefore, I beg and counsel you again, either to choose peace, or—if you are absolutely driven to make war—to use that great power which you possess as a father, through which everything you wish could be easily accomplished (and God knows that I speak the truth), and not to trust in a flimsy aid, [namely] those commanders whom you have sent off to the West to prepare for war against me. For you should know that I, and those with me, surpass those many and distinguished men (as you consider them) by a long interval. Wherefore, if, giving place to my warnings, you should decide for peace, you will gladden God Himself and His good angels, and you will secure us against these warlike inconveniences. If you go in the opposite direction, I call to witness God, whose eye beholds all things, and those heavenly virtues which manage our affairs, that although I am afflicted by injury and perfidiously violated, I nonetheless preserve peace—which you also would preserve, if you knew how to think and do what pertains to your own utility and that of the Romans. Such was the embassy of the younger emperor to his grandfather the elder emperor.

CAPUT L

^C When they had returned to Byzantium, Cocalas, having arrived before the others, recounted all things to the emperor item by item, explaining whatever they had objected to the young emperor, and in what manner he had responded to each point, and finally what he had entrusted them to report to his grandfather. And it seemed that the arrival of the bishops and the others there had not been useful, since it was now necessary either to admit peace or, by rushing to arms, openly reveal a will to do wrong. A little later, the others arrived and, after doing obeisance to the emperor, were forbidden to say anything concerning the embassy they had from the grandson, but were ordered to return each to his own home and keep quiet until, by the command of the emperor, they might set it forth. This was nothing other than a respectable veil. For the emperor decided it was more advantageous to disguise the matter with silence, as he feared that if they should publicly relate what they were supposed to, he would either be forced by everyone to make peace, since they were already persuaded that the young emperor was requesting what was just and useful, or if he refused, he would be judged to be acting openly against that which is equitable and good. Already the days for the old man [were...]

had passed, and there was no word of the embassy. The patriarch, aggrieved at the delay of time, sent word to the emperor that six days had passed, and he had heard nothing from the bishops sent to the emperor’s grandson. It was therefore necessary, since enough time had been taken for deliberation, to hear what they had to say. He promised to do so. When as many more days had passed and there was still no word from them, the patriarch sent again, begging the emperor not to waste time in this way, but to call the archbishop and the other bishops, to hear what the grandson had to say in his defense, and having considered the matter himself, to do what was advantageous for the Romans. The emperor replied that it was not permitted for any of them to inquire into how he managed his household or domestic affairs; for it would be his own concern when and in what manner he administered them; as for the patriarch, he ought to occupy himself with ecclesiastical cares and refrain from the political affairs of emperors. ^B Such were the things the emperor declared, believing that the patriarch, terrified by these words, would more readily embrace silence. But the patriarch, on the following day, sent such a message as this to the emperor: "Best emperor, I will not willingly—nor unwillingly, if I am grasped by fear—abandon the task of advising, counseling, and even compelling you to do what is right. If you think I should live in such inactivity as neither to speak, nor hear, nor see, you ought to have signified this to me before I was chosen as the prelate of this Church. If at that time I also had approved of this as equitable and good, now I would find it necessary to accept it; but if I had judged that something else befitted a patriarch, I would have yielded the throne to another whose life was intended for such a state. Since, however, by the grace of God, I am set not only to defend the genuine doctrine of the Church, but also to stand as a protector of those who are wronged ^C and to act as their champion, I will not cease to oppose and challenge those who, having abandoned equity, vaunt themselves excessively, whether they be of the lowest rank or of the highest and most blessed order. And I will do so more vehemently, in proportion as their injuries are greater and detrimental to more people. For if we only summoned to justice those who are obscure and only moderately injurious, and reproached them for their injustice, but dared not mutter a word against those who are in the highest positions and are most harmful, out of reverence for their splendor and dignity, we would be no different from physicians who are occupied with hair and nails, showing off their skill in these, but should a disease seize the animal that destroys the whole, they do nothing to drive it away; but, if sitting with others, they watch its destruction, they consider that sufficient. Nor am I moderately astonished, while I recall your order that I should care for the things of the Church and devote myself to those alone, while I allow you to rule the empire according to your whim. For it is similar to if the body should say to the soul: I have no need of your communion and union, nor do I endure you as an assistant or helper in performing tasks, but as I can and as I will, my affairs ^D will proceed by me."

But you, attend to your own. For to all who sin, repentance for transgressions has been given as a common remedy, whether the offense be against God or against men. But no one will repent unless he first recognizes himself to be guilty, becomes more moderate than he was, and subjects himself to the one he imagines he has wronged. Now, it is evident that your grandson, the Emperor, has done this before, and even more than was fitting, and he does so not least now. ^B For even then, being able, if he had wished, to seize and hold no small part of the Roman Empire, he did not desire to do so; but, humbling himself, he placed himself under you, and this without having provided you with any cause for that war. And the greatest thing of all is that when peace was established, coming to you, he did not wish to approach you on horseback, as is customary for emperors, but worshipped on foot and kissed your foot, which was a clear proof of complete submission. And now, as this war is being stirred up, he has sat for so long, begging you not to destroy the peace. And when the bishops and senators whom you sent to him arrived, he first showed, with great abundance [of evidence], that he had committed no injustice, but rather had suffered it and had been harassed by slander; then he also said and did many things worthy of note in order that the peace might not be dissolved. And he has signaled much to you, which I myself, hearing, both thanked God for, who had endowed him with such wisdom, and commended him for his moral excellence; and I considered that you, learning these things, would also give thanks to God and, by sending your son, would quickly bring him to you, resolve the expected difficulties, and fill everyone with gladness and joy at the peace that would come about between you. But you not only did not do any such thing, but also repelled me as I advised what was fitting, and ordered me to be silent and not to busy myself with matters that do not concern me. ^C But since it is my duty to stand by those who suffer injustice and help them as much as I can, I shall do the same on behalf of the Emperor; and even more so for him, inasmuch as he is being most grievously wronged; and this injustice extends not only to him, but to all Romans. And what more than anything else prevents me from being silent is that, a short while ago, at your command, I myself anointed and consecrated him Emperor. Therefore, for him, who has thus lawfully and justly, and in accordance with your own will, become Emperor, now to be driven away—and that without any pretext—where is the justice in this? Or how would I not be thought deserving of many thunderbolts if I remained silent in the face of such lawlessness? For this reason, I beseech you again by the truth itself, that you may quickly return to the path from which you have been turned by the works of perverse mortals, and that you may not allow falsehood to prevail over truth. These things the patriarch [said] to the Emperor, through the intermediaries Gregory Cutala, the chartophylax, and Cyberiota, the superior of the monasteries. When he heard these things, he erupted in intolerable wrath and ordered that they be immediately led away to prison, that Macarius, the Metropolitan of Serres, be held under guard in the palace, and that the patriarch be ejected from the patriarchate and remain in the Manganon Monastery ^D (95), and that no one at all be allowed to visit him.

Jacobi Pontani notae. (95) He records this himself, as Gregory, in book IX, sends the oath of the patriarch and bishops to the senior emperor, to which even the nobles have been brought. Furthermore, [he sends] the patriarch [under] interdict of the sacred rites.

^A of the truth itself, even if you were led astray by being persuaded by corrupt men, to act with speed to rectify [this], and not to be able to give strength to the lie against the truth. Such things, then, the patriarch signified to the emperor, using as messengers the chartophylax Gregory Koutales, and the prefect of the monasteries, the Kyberiotis. But the emperor, having heard this, was seized with anger and could no longer bear it, and he immediately ordered those who had brought the words to be thrown into prison; and as for Makarios, the metropolitan of Serres, [he was ordered] to be under guard within the palace itself. The patriarch, however, having been cast out of the patriarchate, was to remain in the monastery of the Mangana ^B without the right to step abroad. As for the hierarchs who had come before the young emperor, neither were they [to go] forth from their houses, nor were others to visit them. These things, then, which he ordered, were done by the emperor.

After the departure of the envoys from the young emperor, fifteen days having passed, since no reply had arrived to him from either the senior emperor or the patriarch, he, not judging the silence to be for [any] good, took counsel with the Great Domestic and the Protostrator as to what ought to be done. The Great Domestic therefore said, "It is no longer right, O Emperor, to sit idle, but to set to work. For there is nothing else lacking that, were we to do it, would give hope of ending the war. For the time we have been sitting here waiting for the emperor has exceeded the proper limit so greatly that this further delay should no longer be attributed to magnanimity and endurance, but to consternation in the face of dangers and to cowardice, as some would justly think; and as for the emperor, you have omitted nothing of what was required. For you have previously sent embassies to him many times, begging him not to bring an end to peace, and now, to the envoys who have arrived from there, you have said all that you desired regarding peace, and you have also sent an embassy to him. And the time that has elapsed since the envoys departed from here was enough ^C to examine the matter with the emperor and to render a reply, if he were intending anything more moderate. But that no reply has come from the emperor in such a length of time is a clear sign that he has not accepted peace, but is already openly proceeding toward war. And one might also safely infer this from the very nature of the matter. For he who has for such a length of time been preparing the things for war, and has sent so many to the West for this very purpose, so that he might have great resources to use, would not easily abandon the hopes derived from those sources. Therefore, we should not sit idle, but, having despaired of peace on every side, we must prepare ourselves to defend against those who are coming." Such things [. . .] the Great Domestic [said], and the Protostrator also urged the same. "If," he said, "we were unaware that the emperor had long been plotting war against us and gathering forces for it from all sides, we should have had to look carefully, lest, while he himself were attempting peace, we should foolishly initiate war. But since many things make it clear to us, nor could he himself deny that he is the cause and prime mover of these arms, it is fitting that we, too, should use whatever utility may shine upon us from any quarter." It also seemed to the young emperor himself that there should be no more delay in other matters, but that they must depart from [that] place and insist upon the waging of war. He advised, however, that hope of peace should not be entirely abandoned, but that they themselves, when they had arrived at Byzantium, should seek it. And if indeed the adversaries, fearing them, should turn back from arms, that which was sought would have been found: if not, having borne witness to God and the Byzantines themselves, they would [have done] their utmost.

^C But when the Great Domestic had spoken, the Protostrator also advised that the matter be taken in hand. "If we were ignorant," he said, "that the Emperor has long been stirred up to make war upon us, and is gathering forces from every side against us, we should have to deliberate at length, lest while he was intent on peace, we should appear to have initiated war through our own rashness. But since this has become manifest to us from many things—and the Emperor himself would not deny that he is the author of the present war—it is necessary that we, too, should act so as to derive some benefit from it." It did not seem right, however, even to the Emperor himself to delay any longer, but rather that, having departed, they should prepare for war. He advised that they should not abandon the last hope of peace, but that they themselves should go to Byzantium and ask for peace in their own person. And if, having been put to shame, they should end the war, their purpose would have been accomplished; but if not, having called God to witness—and the Byzantines themselves, that they had sought peace in every way and been repulsed—they should then withdraw. The Great Domestic, however, said: "We shall go to Byzantium, Emperor, as you have commanded; but I am struck with great wonder that, after we have labored so much and in such ways to ensure that peace not be destroyed, and have achieved nothing more, you should have hoped that shame alone would ever be able to do this. But forgive my boldness; it is the same condition that affects those held by a burning fever. For they, always dreaming in their minds of springs and rivers, imagine that all things are gushing with water, and are vexed when this does not happen. And although they know clearly that they are asking for impossibilities, yet to you, who are so passionately intent upon peace, it is no wonder that you consider even the completely unattainable to be possible, and, as they say, devise resources out of hopelessness. I, for my part, have argued against peace with many others, including the fact that for so many days your patriarch has sent no message. It is indeed possible to suspect that this is because the city gates are being strictly guarded, and it is not even permitted for him to send anyone to us. But to me, it seems not so much that, as that he has embraced silence so as not to be a messenger of evils." These were the words they spoke while deliberating with one another. ^D As it seemed best to arrive first at Byzantium, they struck camp from Rhegium and proceeded toward Byzantium with the one thousand three hundred chosen soldiers they were leading. After crossing the bridge there, letters arrived from friends of the Emperor in Byzantium, detailing everything in order: how the grandfather had not even deigned to question the envoys who had returned, and what the patriarch, being enraged on that account, had said to the Emperor, and what the responses were, and finally, how he himself and those who had shared with him in the apology to the Emperor had been barred. To the one who had sent the letters, the Emperor expressed great thanks for the benevolence he declared through the very person who brought them, and he commanded his men to arm themselves, deeming it neither safe nor in accordance with military practice to traverse hostile territory unarmed. As the walls of Byzantium

CHAPTER LI

As soon as they decided to seek Byzantium, having moved their camp from Rhegium, they headed there with the one thousand three hundred select soldiers whom they were leading. After the bridge was crossed, letters came from friends in Byzantium, recounting everything in detail: how the grandfather had not even deigned to question the returning envoys, and what the patriarch, being angry on account of this, had said to the Emperor, and what the responses had been, and lastly, how he himself and his companions in the defense to the Emperor had been barred. To the one who had sent the letters, the Emperor gave great thanks for the benevolence expressed through the very person who brought them; he ordered his men to put on their armor, thinking it neither safe nor consistent with military use to travel through enemy territory unarmed.

When they were near the walls of Byzantium, the Emperor ^A halted the army further away; he himself, together with the Grand Domestic and the Protostrator, and taking thirty other soldiers, came near the walls by the gate called the Gyrolimne gate. Among those on the walls were many armed men, and their commander was Phocas Marules, domestic of the imperial table, whom the Emperor addressed in person. He, however, made no reply, but merely bowed his head in token of respect. For the fear of his Emperor and lord, which was not small, deterred him from addressing him, as he stood in dread of the harm that might befall him from the elder Emperor; and to approach him as a private individual was not only terribly insolent, but in no way fitting for him, as he was sufficiently well-versed in such matters of decorum. ^B The Emperor then commanded him to go to his grandfather, the Emperor, and report: "Your grandson, O Emperor, asks you either to summon him to you, or, if this is difficult, for you yourself to come out and hear him speak a few words from this tower; and do not deny him this favor, which he will count as a great one. But if even this cannot be done, then at least send out to him his uncle, the Marquis, who has recently come from Lombardy, with whom he wishes to converse after such a long absence, and whom he also wishes to use as an envoy to you." Marules promised to handle the matter and left. This Marquis was the son of the senior Emperor, born of Irene, the daughter of the Marquis Mountes Farantes, ^C prince of a part of Lombardy. Having gone to Lombardy to claim his maternal inheritance, he ruled there over the principality that fell to him from his mother's side. At that time, it happened that he had come to Byzantium, as he was accustomed to do every few years, both to visit his kinsmen and to receive a gift and favor from his father the Emperor. A short while later, Marules returned from the Emperor and announced to the young Emperor that his grandfather the Emperor had commanded him to depart from there, and not to stand his ground, ^D and not to attempt to claim his city for himself, while deceiving everyone he met and leading them astray with false persuasion. For it was impossible for the Emperor to come out to the walls to hear him, nor would he grant him entry, nor would he send out the uncle. Standing near Marules was a certain Marcus, known as Caballarius, son of Bardas Gaballarius, one of the Emperor's household, who foolishly and ignorantly said to the younger Emperor: "Depart, before your..."

^A head is eaten." The Emperor, smiling at the remark, said, "But that would not be possible, Marcus; for living I could not eat my own head, and dead it would be even more impossible, so that you are caught in a lie either way." While the Emperor thus jested with Marcus, he ordered Marules to report to the Emperor on his behalf: "That God himself knows, and I know, and the events themselves bear witness, that I have lacked neither zeal nor diligence in carrying out whatever you commanded and whatever was pleasing to you. And I supposed that you, too, would recognize this better than others, as was fitting. But since some envious demon has so contrived matters that you have forgotten what I have shown in deed, in times past, of my devotion and obedience to you, and, persuaded by sycophants and destructive men, have again stirred up war against me (having first deliberated much and plotted against me—as was made clear to me from the letters that were intercepted, which I sent to you along with the bishops who came to me), and since, though I have begged you many times, you would not accept the peace, and even now, coming here and clasping your knees, and failing in nothing to ensure that peace might be established, you have not relented, but have dismissed a suppliant without success and cast me aside like a useless vessel, and have placed your hope in a leopard which you have let loose against me: therefore, I commit the peace and the oaths sworn for its sake to God—by whom I still religiously keep what I have sworn—and, referring all my affairs to the just judge of all, I am now compelled to enter into war. But I trust that when a little time has passed, you too will realize your present folly; even more, you will learn clearly from the events themselves that you chose the things you ought to have avoided, and left aside those that you should have grasped with all your strength." Having said such things, the young Emperor descended from his horse ^B and paid obeisance to his grandfather and Emperor, who was absent. And Marules likewise, as before, bowed his head in silence from the wall in reverence to the young Emperor. Then, having greeted the others who were standing on the wall, the Emperor departed from there and went to Selybria. Having arranged matters there as seemed to him best, and having appointed a governor for the Selybrians, he went to Didymotichum, having left behind in Selybria the Grand Cubicularius Apocaucus, that if any need arose for the sake of security, he might settle it and come to him; which was done within a few days, the army having been ordered to gather at Didymotichum. Not many days later, all who were in Thrace were present, numbering just under two thousand, excluding the Comani, who had followed the camps of Michael the Second from Dalmatia. By an edict ^C of the senior Emperor, Andronicus Tornices and Manuel Lascaris had been expelled from Thrace and had stationed themselves on the islands of Lemnos, Thasos, and Lesbos. There was no manifest cause for this exile. It was rumored that they had held clandestine talks with the Scythian satraps, that they might send troops into Thrace, and that, along with the rest of the plunder, those handing themselves over to them along with their wives and children might be carried off with them. There was no proof of this crime. Wherefore the junior Emperor was not a little indignant that they had been punished with exile; he bore it in silence, however, lest he should appear to differ in any way from his grandfather's judgment.

CAPUT LII

^AWhen the army had been gathered, the emperor appointed the protostrator as governor of all Thrace, leaving him also a portion of the army so that he might be able to resist those from Byzantium. He himself, together with the great domestic, taking the rest of the troops, set out towards Macedonia, intending to do battle there with the generals of the senior emperor from the West. For he had learned that they had assembled from the western cities a not-to-be-despised army, and were also marching against him with the help of no small number of Triballi. He had left his empress wife in Didymoteichon together with his aunt Theodora Cantacuzena, the mother of the great domestic. Upon arriving at the city of Gratianopolis, located at the borders of Thrace, he found his mother, the Empress Xene, who was awaiting her return to Byzantium. For while the treaties between the emperors were still in effect, she had requested and obtained from her son-in-law, the emperor, permission to return to the monastery in Thessalonica where she had donned the monastic habit. But as the war between the emperors was stirred up during her journey, she remained in Gratianopolis, fearing the disorder of the westerners. For as soon as it was announced that the treaties had been dissolved, all those who were well-disposed toward the younger emperor were seized and held in custody. Having spent a few days there with his mother, when news was brought that the western army had encamped around the Macedonian cities of Drama and Philippi, the emperor prayed to God and His all-pure Mother, and having offered them a sacrifice of praise, he ordered the oaths which the elders had sworn in the cementing of the treaty—which he himself ^B considered himself bound to keep—to be hung upon the standard, and they proceeded directly against the enemies. Their generals were Michael Asanes, son of the senior emperor's sister, and the eparch Monomachus, and the protovestiarites Andronicus Palaiologos, and over them all was the Despot Demetrius, the emperor's son. Chreles, who was the foremost among the nobles of his nation in courage and martial experience, commanded the twelve cohorts of the auxiliary force of Triballi. At the very moment they set out on the road against them, the emperor sent this message to them: "My uncle the Despot, and you my kinsmen, and all the rest of the commanders of the army, what reverence, obedience, and love I have hitherto shown to my grandfather, and how the war was in no way begun by me...

God, who knows all things, knows, and I myself am conscious of it. I could not persuade the emperor, ^A though I often entreated him, to keep to the treaties, as he trusted in the promises which you gave him against me. But hearing that you, too, having arranged matters in the West for your own greatest convenience, had now come as far as Drama and Philippi, I suspected what was the truth—that you had come hither in search of me. Since, however, I am younger than you in age, I did not deem it right to be the cause of greater labors to you by remaining in Thrace; placing the emperor’s oaths, by which he bound himself to me in the covenant, under my own standard, I took the road leading toward you, intending to join battle wherever I might encounter you. Since you know this now, prepare yourselves for battle." Such were the things disclosed in the letter.

When they understood that they were unable to draw up for battle, and hearing that the emperor had reached Xanthia, they decided that it would not be profitable to remain in the same encampment; ^B leaving that place, they came to Pherae, partly because that city was fortified by very strong walls and could abundantly supply provisions to so large an army, and partly in the hope that if the emperor learned that they were using the city of the Pheraeans as a camp and had an abundance of grain, fearing lest they should sally forth from such a fortified camp, he would remain at Christopolis. But when the emperor reached Christopolis and heard that they had arrived at Pherae, he himself followed in their tracks and encamped at a small town called Zichna, near Pherae.

The inhabitants of Zichna, having already previously inclined in their minds toward the young emperor, urged thereto by Alexius Tzamplakon, the Grand Pappias, who had dealt with them secretly from Christopolis, ^C now—no longer in hope, but seeing the help before their very eyes—openly went over to him, having surrendered the city. He sent to them to the following effect: that they had openly defected and joined the new emperor, and had handed over the town. The emperor encamped at Zichna for two days so that the army might recover from the toils of the march and the rains and the winter storms (for the time of winter was indeed in the month of January). On the third day, at dawn, he ordered the signal to be given with the trumpet for the army to arm itself.

When they had put on their armor and were drawn up as if for battle, they marched in good order and in silence. When they were near Pherae, having crossed a river called the Libobistos, they stood in battle array ^D as if to engage the enemy. Having spent the day there, when no one came out against them, they pitched their tents and spent the night there. The commanders of the Western army, having held a council that same night, together with Chreles, the leader of the Triballians, deliberated about joining battle. It was decreed that this would turn out well neither for the Romans nor for the allies. For such a fixed order, silence, and endurance of the adversaries struck no small fear into them, as they reckoned that they would not have been borne with such marvelous impetus to fight against superior numbers, and against those occupying their own city, unless they had first firmly determined with themselves either to conquer or to perish in the battle. It was therefore decided to keep themselves within the walls, to guard the city, and to endure a siege, as if the emperor would not stay there for long. The following day, at daybreak, the emperor...

^A having drawn up his army, armed as if for battle, remained before the walls until midday, hoping to challenge those inside to a fight. But since no one came out against them, the emperor sent to them Lucas Georgius, who was one of his own household servants, a man shrewd in other respects and well-suited for missions. When he reached the gates, some said he should be admitted into the city, while others spoke against it. But since Chrelas ^B, the general of the Triballi, was among those who urged that the emperor’s envoy be received, they allowed him in, so as not to appear to be deliberately offending an ally. When Lucas reached them, he greeted everyone in the name of the emperor and said to them: My master the emperor, having become aware of your great lack of pity—for having stood at your gates for two days already in the season of winter, enduring, as is natural in such weather, much hardship from the cold, he has been deemed worthy of no concern by you—sent me to reproach your pettiness. ^C At the same time, I am to request either that you invite my master the emperor inside the walls out of courtesy, or that you yourselves come out to him for the same reason. But these words, he said, I have spoken as a joke to lighten the mood. The emperor informs you that my grandfather, who is also emperor, having been incited by those who slander me to him, has dissolved the peace treaties we made with one another and has stirred up this war against me, ^D though I have done no wrong nor violated any treaty. Though I have implored him many times and left no stone unturned to ensure the peace would not be broken, he would not suffer it, looking instead to you, and hoping that through your efforts he could easily overcome me in the war. But since, as you see, matters have not turned out as he had expected, and the hope he had once firmly placed in you has now vanished, I ask you, taking pity on the entire common state of the Romans—which is being so terribly torn apart by you because of this war between grandfather and grandson—to send someone to the emperor to explain the truth about the situation here. For I think that if he learns how things have reached this point here, he will be less inclined to anger toward me, and will wish to put an end to the war, no longer having the same hopes for the war he had before. I, for my part, first of all...

am willing to provide you with strong assurances by oath that I will harbor resentment against no one, even if someone appeared most responsible for the present war, but rather, being well-disposed to all, I shall provide safety and amnesty for these evils." Such, then, were the things which—as dictated by the younger emperor—Luke spoke to them. But they, having moved him aside ^A for a short time in order to deliberate among themselves, calling him back again, said that they could not do any of the things which the emperor proposed. For on the one hand, to receive him into the city was completely out of season, and they themselves would not go out to engage him in battle. For if they had intended to, the battle would have joined on the previous day, along with his arrival; but if anyone should come against them, they would defend themselves out of necessity from the walls. As for sending an envoy to Byzantium to the emperor to report on the matters here, that does not befit them. For, being subjects of the emperor, both now and what they have been ordered to do, and in the future, whatever matters and the occasion suggest doing, it is permitted to him to do such things as he might wish and judge to be profitable to himself. Such, then, was what the generals of the elder emperor answered.

When Luke had returned and reported these things to the younger emperor, he called together all the dignitaries and deliberated on what they ought to do. The Grand Domestic advised withdrawing, and not to toil in vain and to no purpose, achieving none of the things that needed doing. For it was not possible to take Pherae by storm, nor would the army besieged within, together with its generals, deny that they would likely never dare to come to blows with them in a pitched battle. "And yet," one might say, "one should not trust the words of enemies who always say the opposite of what they intend to do." But I surmise, from the facts themselves rather than from what they say, that they prefer to be besieged than to fight us. Since, therefore, it is possible neither to take them by force while they remain within the walls, nor to compel them to fight us by any device or stratagem that would draw them off from the walls, it is not necessary to waste time here when it is possible to accomplish something of what is needed, and to wear out the army with useless labors. But rather, to lead them away from here to where they will have an easy supply of provisions, and then, next, to perform what seems profitable from the present situation." The emperor praised this counsel, and the dignitaries all voted in agreement. And having returned thence, they encamped again at Zichna in two days.

With things in this state, Philommates came from Thessalonica to the emperor, sent by those there who supported the cause of the younger emperor, reporting that all things were in a good state, and that if he were to arrive now, he would take the city without any labor. ^B When the emperor learned this, he left behind at Zichna—having separated them—the baggage animals and the equipment, and those soldiers who did not have strong and good war-horses, along with Camplacon the Grand Pappias and a few others. He himself, together with the Grand Domestic and the remaining commanders and a select force, appeared to set out toward Drama for the purpose of besieging it. But that very night, changing his route, he made for Thessalonica by way of the Strymon, and having crossed the river near Marmarium (the name of the town...

CAPUT LII

In this state of affairs, Philommates arrives from Thessalonica, commissioned by those appearing there for the younger emperor. He reported that all other things were in a good state, and that if he were to arrive now, he would occupy the city without any labor. Therefore, he separates the pack animals and the baggage with the soldiers who did not have strong and fighting horses, and leaves them at Zichna with Camplacon the Grand Pappias and a few others besides; he himself with the Grand Domestic and the rest of the commanders, and a select force, appeared to set out for the purpose of besieging Drama. But returning on the road that very night, he made for Thessalonica through the Strymon, and having crossed the river near Marmarium (the name of the town...

as it is called—he ordered the army to take a short rest by dismounting from their horses. Having rested, they kept again to the same road; and having travelled on the following day and the night after it, they were at Chortaites at dawn on the third day. ^A On the day before this, a rumor circulated through Thessalonica that the young emperor had taken Zichna after advancing there, and having come to Pherae, he had shut up the western troops, along with the contingent of Triballi, within their walls, as they were unable even to face him; and that having marched back again to Zichna, he had sent the *parakoimomenos* Apocauchos and Alexios Palaiologos there, ostensibly as envoys to the grand *stratopedarches* Chumnos, who was governing Thessalonica, and to the metropolitan. But in truth, they were sent to speak secretly with those who favored their party, and at the same time to reconnoiter whether it were possible to win over Thessalonica. Such were the things being bruited about by rumor. ^B Chumnos, having inquired much, was unable to find the person who had reported such things. Nevertheless, it seemed advantageous to him and the metropolitan that on the following day, the metropolitan should go to Chortaites and urge Alexios Palaiologos and the *parakoimomenos* Apocauchos—if the rumor that had been spread should be true—to return to the emperor, for he should not be admitted into Thessalonica. And if they should resist and strive to force their arrival, they were to warn them that they would be held as conspirators and as those wishing to alienate Thessalonica from the emperor. These things the ^C men decided to do regarding what they had heard. At dawn on the following day, the metropolitan went to Chortaites according to the agreement, while Chumnos, with his retinue, went out through the gate called that of the *Asomatoi* [the Incorporeals] and stood watching the outcome of events, and the whole city was in suspense regarding the rumors. To those, however, who seemed to be partisan to the young emperor, it had been previously forbidden to use armor or horses, but either to stay indoors or to go out on foot and without arms. At that time, they too, since things concerning the emperor were being bruited about on all sides, went up to the walls of the same gate and awaited the outcome of affairs, unarmed. The metropolitan, however, when he came near Chortaites, unexpectedly encountering the young emperor, was struck with awe and blamed the ill-timed nature of his arrival. ^D As the emperor greeted him, he [the metropolitan], terrified by the sudden danger and saying nothing in reply, rode as fast as he could toward the city, intending to announce the emperor’s approach. The emperor followed him, marching at a brisker pace. Those who were his partisans, standing upon the walls, once they recognized the emperor riding forward from the banners, taking heart, began casting stones at those who were outside the gate. These men, with the enemy attacking from without and those within being openly hostile and aggressive, not knowing what to do, retreated inside and closed the gates; and because they could not resist those throwing stones from the wall, they turned in flight and occupied the citadel in order to defend themselves from there. Lyzicus had charge of the fortress.

^A And those who, as the enemy were attacking from without, and those from within having clearly declared themselves hostile, not knowing what to do, entered within the walls and shut the gates. But being unable to withstand those throwing from the wall, they took to flight, and coming to the citadel, occupied it so as to defend themselves from there. Lyzicus George from Berrhoea was in command of it. Those from the wall, however, came down and opened the gates and received the Emperor; and at the same time the whole city went over to the new Emperor, and they came and greeted him in a body. The Emperor, fearing that an army coming from Pherae to the citadel might render it difficult to capture, selected a force which he deemed sufficient for the work, and ordered them to guard the citadel from without, so that no one might enter into it. Those in Pherae, having learned that the Emperor was coming to Thessalonica, de- ^B

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

Notes of Jacob Gretser

sent, which came to pass, that he might not join with him, they sent three hundred of their chosen men, so that they might [protect] the acropolis ^A

*Notes of Jacobus Pontanus.* (1) This was Demetrius of Thessalonica, and he was proconsul; and because he led very many to the faith of Christ, he was pierced with lances by order of the Emperor Maximian, and completed his martyrdom. Thus says the Roman martyrology. The Emperor Leo wrote a eulogy for him. At his tomb, there was a frequent gathering of Christians at Thessalonica, from which a medical ointment was accustomed to flow, about which Glycas in his *Annals*, Cedrenus in his *Compendium of History*, and many others [write] in the Notes of Baronius. Nicetas also makes mention of this ointment in the case of Andronicus Comnenus. Photius the patriarch briefly describes his martyrdom in his *Bibliotheca*, which was recently published in Greek at Augsburg.

*Notes of Jacobus Gretser.* ^B ...[those] who, having lived an impious life, pass from here outside the state of grace. Let the reader see Cardinal Bellarmine, in his fourth book *De Ecclesia*, chapter 14. But if this opinion pleases someone less, and he contends that God occasionally grants to heretics and schismatics the power of performing things above nature, let him think so, although the authors by whom he might defend himself seem to be St. Chrysostom and Euthymius, on chapter 7 of Matthew, Bede and Theophylact, on chapter 9 of Mark, and St. Augustine, in book 4 *De consensu evangelistarum*, chapter 5, who think that he whom Mark 9 and Luke 9 [mention], who was casting out demons in the name of Christ, and was forbidden by the Apostles, had followed the discipline of Christ neither in faith nor in body. However that may be, let this remain fixed and settled: that such power is not granted in confirmation of falsehood, or in testimony to the sanctity of the heretic or schismatic who performs such works, seeing that he is endowed with no sanctity, but is given by God for some public utility, as is the grace of healing, specifically that of curing scrofula, granted to the kings of France and England, which is said even now to endure among the non-Catholic kings of Britain, as William Toocker writes in the book titled *Charisma, or the Gift of Healing*, although Genebrard says in his *Chronology* that this gift belongs only to some kings, not all. But suppose it belongs to all: the false religion will not therefore be true, nor the true religion false, since this gift is not granted by God with the intention of securing faith in error; which we conclude primarily from the fact that for many centuries before the sect of Calvin, or Luther, or Wyclif was born, this gift was granted to kings whom not even those who have defected from the true Church can deny were very studious and observant of the Catholic and Roman Church. For what purpose, then, did ^C God once grant this gift to Catholic kings? It still endures today. If it endures among heretics, it is precisely so that it might result in the consolation and support of the wretched; what if it is in testimony to the true and Catholic religion, so that our enemies, though unwilling and against their will, might give testimony for us? For if God formerly granted this gift to kings excellent in piety and devotion to the Catholic Church for this end: it surely continues to this day among the non-Catholics, who are nevertheless the successors of Catholics on the throne; for God does not change the purpose of a miracle, so that what formerly existed for the establishment of the faith is later for perfidy, so that they themselves might cut their own vines, and bear witness against themselves, when they perform such works by which they confirm the religion of their ancestors, which they despise.

But what must be said if miracles are performed not only by saints in heaven, through relics, images, and other things of this kind, for the benefit of schismatics, heretics, and pagans, but even by the schismatics or heretics themselves, without the ministry of things properly pertaining to the true Church? Indeed, I am not unaware that there are many men preeminent in piety and doctrine who think that God never uses any heretic or schismatic in the performing of miracles: and that, therefore, whatever they may boast of in this kind, it is all fictitious, vain, and frivolous. The Donatists preached various miracles, but St. Augustine, who was otherwise most observant and a most severe defender of true miracles, rejected them all either as empty fictions or as vain mockeries, as is evident from his book 21 *De civitate Dei*. Experience seems to stand against this opinion; for although there have been almost countless heretics since the first origin of the Gospel, we will scarcely find any among them whom the annals of the ancients testify to have been illustrious for the grace of miracles, or if some have appeared to have performed certain miracles, they were found, after diligent inquiry and inspection, to be not performers of miracles, but seducers and impostors, whereas in the Catholic and Roman Church there have never been wanting, in a perennial series, those who, aided by the right hand of the Omnipotent, performed things beyond all power of nature. Nor does that passage of Matthew 7:22 stand in the way: *Many will say to me in that day: Lord, have we not prophesied in thy name, and in thy name cast out devils, and done many wonderful works?* etc. To whom it will be said: *I never knew you.* For this is not understood of heretics and schismatics, but of those orthodox ^D …

Truly, that we might keep ourselves within the line, it is not unlike the truth that it happens sometimes, albeit rarely, that those alien to the right religion perform certain works above the powers of nature, either by power accepted from an office legitimately acquired through succession or election, to whom God has granted some grace; or by the peculiar will of God, who distributes his gifts as he wills, and to whom he wills, but who nevertheless never so distributes [them] that he might add force and strength to a depraved doctrine, or wishes it to be added; and if any heretic or schismatic were to say that the gift of performing miracles had been divinely obtained by him for heretical...

heresy or schism (which the Calvinist Toocker ridiculously claims regarding that gift of healing), it would create the appearance of error for no one except the rash and inconsiderate; for if anyone turns his mind to it even a little and ponders the matter more accurately, he will always discover that the performance of such miracles is referred to an end other than what such a person claims; or if the lie is more subtle than can be easily uncovered, one must have recourse to prayer and seek light from God, lest we be circumvented by the deceptions of impostors. In that case, it is a gift of divine Providence, as Francisco Suárez rightly teaches, not to permit one who composes himself and his arguments in this way to be deceived. (Read Suárez, volume II, on the second part of the Divine Thomas, disp. 51, sect. 2, near the end.) "No argument, therefore," someone will say, "can be taken from true miracles to prove true doctrine." "It does not follow that there is none at all, but rather that no *absolutely necessary* argument can be taken," says Juan Maldonado, in chapter 8 of Matthew. The argument from faith that is taken from miracles is probable, because they are usually performed through faith, and very rarely without faith; and when they are performed, they are not intended to prove the [holiness of] those who perform them, but for those who possess the true faith. For Balaam, by predicting future events, did not confirm his own faith, but rather the faith of the people of God, against whom he had been brought; and it is certain that almost all the miracles we read of being performed by heretics, which are very few indeed, are of this sort, such as those recounted in ecclesiastical histories and in Anastasius in his Questions on Scripture. There is also an argument drawn from miracles [that is] necessary at least in part; for even though it does not follow necessarily that he who performs miracles possesses true faith, yet it does follow necessarily that the Church in which miracles occur frequently and as a matter of course is the true Church; because although God sometimes permits miracles to be performed through private individuals outside His Church, just as He did through the ass of Balaam, which certainly was not in the Church, yet He has not granted the power of performing miracles in an ordinary way to any society of men, except [to] His own Church. Thus Maldonado.

Justin Martyr, or whoever else it may be, seems to agree with this opinion, among whom the orthodox pose this question—and it is the fifth question: <> If powers or miracles are performed in the churches of heretics, such as healings of diseases, and expulsions of unclean spirits, and the yielding of the earth's fruits, and springs of oil, how is it not necessary for them to be confirmed in their error by these things? Justin answers: <> "Just as the sun rising upon the evil and the good, and the rain falling upon the just and the unjust, does not happen so that their malice and injustice may be confirmed, but so that the way may be prepared for a just punishment, so this—that some among them perform miracles—does not happen so that heretics may be confirmed; for if the performance of miracles were a proof and sign of piety, the Lord would not have rejected them, and declared them unworthy of His familiarity, who said: 'Lord, have we not prophesied in Thy name?'" etc.

However, in the hundredth question, the contrary seems to be asserted. For thus Justin answers the proposed question: "If Divine Grace were to perform miracles through heretics, whether living or dead, the doubt would be just and probable; but if those who perform miracles in the churches are holy apostles, prophets, and martyrs, God is clearly bearing witness to the world through their divine works that the churches through whom the miracles are performed—that is, those of the orthodox—are indeed Theirs [God's]."

^A He rendered thanks for the benefit, and the entire city, having learned of the miracle so wondrously wrought upon him, sang many praises to God and to Demetrius, His minister. Having departed from there, as the day was already declining into night, he went to the palace to sleep. At dawn on the following day, he himself armed, and the army together with the Thessalonicans—who joined the campaign with alacrity—advanced toward the citadel, so that if those holding it would not surrender it voluntarily, they might be compelled to do so by force of arms.

First, therefore, the emperor sent a summons to those inside, inviting them to surrender the citadel without slaughter or bloodshed, promising them amnesty and pledging to treat them well. When, however, they would not listen, but rather hardened their hearts and took up positions to defend the walls, for three or four hours they themselves fought back stoutly from the battlements. Later, the inhabitants of the citadel and as many of the Thessalonians as were not particularly well-disposed toward the elder emperor, finding themselves ^B at odds in sentiment and mind with the others regarding the sedition, requested a truce from the younger emperor and addressed those in the citadel who were besieged with them.

They told Lyzicus, the prefect of the citadel, that they would not permit him to decide their city’s fate, as he was a citizen of another city—namely, Berrhoea—which had already gone over to the emperor. They feared that if he had committed any offense (as he had been of the elder’s party), his kinsmen would pay the price. To the other faction, they said it was neither just nor profitable for them to resist and wage war when the rest of the city had already submitted to the emperor. "For as we are blockaded, we cannot save both ourselves and the citadel alone; those who came from Pherae as allies have been defeated, and others will not dare to come. The emperor's forces are great and battle-tested; furthermore, the entire populace will lay siege and storm us. And even if we could resist for a little while, we would be ruined on both counts: for if we win, we will be killing our friends and closest kin, and if we are ^C defeated, we must necessarily die, none of which is to our advantage. If it pleases you, then, we shall join you; if not, we shall at least surrender ourselves and the citadel into the emperor’s hands."

Thus they spoke. Lyzicus and those who were partisans of the elder emperor, being at a loss what to do, sought immunity together with the others for any offenses they had committed against the emperor; having obtained this, they surrendered the citadel. The emperor entered, and having taken up those who were his and those of the elder emperor, he departed...

CAPUT LIV

The emperor having entered, and having enrolled with his own forces as many as wished to follow the grandfather, he soon left, and in the palace...

^A he deliberated with the notables and those who had arrived with him, as well as those who were in Thessalonica, as to where he ought to turn, since circumstances compelled him not to remain idle. Now, all the others were of the opinion that they should go to Berrhoea, but the Great Domestic said that Berrhoea should be left aside, and that the journey should be directed to Edessa and from there to Castoria. He added the reasons, saying that since the Despot Demetrius, the Eparch Monomachus, and Raoul Isaacius had their wives and children in Edessa, it was likely they would use every effort and device to hold it. ^B Partly because of their wives and children, and partly because the town, although small, was strong both by its walls and by the nature of its position, it was easy to defend. And even if they were to occupy it first, it would not escape being taken by us; yet it would cause great difficulty, delay, and toil in the laying of a siege. If, however, we arrive now, those who are the most powerful there, who lead and sway the others as they wish, have long been among my friends, and will most readily surrender the town to us. Indeed, even before we arrive there, if the emperor’s commands and my letters reach them, they will strive by every means to do what is ordered. And if any of the aforesaid leaders should come to them, they would not let them in. Furthermore, Castoria itself, which is very strongly fortified because it is surrounded on all sides by the lake, is governed ^C by Angelus, the son-in-law of the Protovestiarius; he is very closely related to me by kinship and owes me no ordinary gratitude and obedience, as I nurtured him and instructed him in the art of war. And because of his friendship for me, he would very easily abandon his father-in-law, the Protovestiarius, and surrender the city to us. Once these places are in our possession, the Berrhoeans will come over of their own accord; I suspect that, even before these things are finished, they will come tomorrow or the day after to surrender the city. The emperor agreed with this counsel of the Great Domestic, and the others concurred, praising the plan, and it was decided to go to Edessa. Immediately, the emperor’s commands and the letters ^D of the Great Domestic were sent by fast horsemen to Edessa and to Castoria. And Angelus, the prefect of Castoria, immediately placed the city under guard, intending to surrender it to the new emperor whenever he should arrive. But the men who were powerful in Edessa—the Angels surnamed Rhadipori, three brothers, and Lascaris—once they received the emperor’s commands, without any delay, because the populace of Edessa depended upon their nod and authority, confined the wives of the three men we mentioned above within their houses and placed guards around them. Shortly thereafter, the husbands arrived, and when they found that the Edessenians had risen against them and their women were imprisoned, they fled to the prince of the Triballi. For when they heard that the emperor had set out on the march to Thessalonica, they had become quite fearful that the city would surrender to him; nevertheless, they had sent three hundred men to hold the citadel more securely. Then, when they learned that Thessalonica had submitted to the emperor's power, and that those three hundred men had been partly killed and partly taken prisoner—

^A having been stripped of every hope of safety, and before the things that had happened could become known to all, they took up the entire army they had and set out under the pretext of going to Thessalonica, as if they were going to secure it as not yet captured (so that they might not seem to be fleeing by abandoning Pherae and the other cities of Macedonia). In truth, however, each was intending to go to wherever his wife and children were.

When they had set out from Pherae and were on their way, all those from Thessalonica who were campaigning with them, upon learning that it had been captured, abandoned them and went over to the emperor. The people of Berrhoea, having learned of the events at Vodena, did the same as those from Thessalonica. At that time, the army of Moesians who were campaigning with them and were subject to the Romans began to show their rebellion openly. For, encountering a large number of the Protovestiarios’s livestock, they plundered them in his very presence and appropriated them for themselves. When he attempted to recover the stolen property, not only did they not yield, but they even took a packhorse from one of his servants, teaching him by deed that if he did not accept it well, they would fall upon him as well. The entire remainder of the army, and the influential and illustrious men who were present from the western cities—the emperor's fortune now being evident—all abandoned their commanders and came to him.

The Protovestiarios, fearing to go to Achrida (where he had deposited his wife and children when he marched with the army and the Despot and the others against the emperor), retreated with them, numbering one hundred and fifty, to Cralis, the prince of the Triballi. As for the people of Pherae, ^B whoever had followed the Despot and the other commanders from Byzantium, since they were left behind as the others retreated, they seized all their possessions, plundered them, and led the men themselves in chains to the emperor.

The emperor, since he had decided to go to Edessa, left Thessalonica and arrived there on the second day. The inhabitants of Edessa came out in a body, did obeisance to the emperor, and surrendered the town. The emperor decreed the rest of the affairs there as he deemed fit; but regarding the wealth of the Despot and the other commanders, he ordered that whatever was the private property of their wives should be left to them, and that they should not be harmed in any way, but that whatever belonged to the men should be reported to him, so that he might decide about it himself. ^C Accordingly, others disclosed everything, but the Despot’s wife, the queen, fearing that she would be deprived of her property, declared only a few of her belongings, having deposited the greater part with a certain monk. And they remained hidden for a time. Then, the monk was captured by the governors of those places, and one thing after another was plundered. But when the emperor was informed of their affairs, he ordered that the women themselves should keep both their own property and that of their husbands, so that they might not lack what they needed to support their husbands living in foreign lands; as for the women themselves, he ordered them to be taken from Edessa to Thessalonica, and from there to Didymotichum. ^D

And his commands were fulfilled. ^A As for the others, they had revealed their own property and that of their husbands, but the Empress, the wife of the Despot, fearing that her wealth might be taken away, had made only a little of what she possessed known, while the greater part she had committed to a certain monk to guard. And they had indeed remained hidden for a time; later, after the monk was discovered some time afterwards by those in charge in those districts, one thing after another was plundered. But when the matter of the money was reported to the Emperor, the Emperor ordered that the women have both their own possessions and those of their husbands, so that they might have the means to provide for their husbands living abroad; as for the women themselves, they were to be led from Vodena to Thessalonica, and from there to Didymotichum, so that they might live there with the Empress. And his commands were fulfilled.

CHAPTER LV

^B The next day, having set out from Edessa, he came to Castoria, and the governor of that city, Angelus, welcomed him with joy and surrendered the city. For he had been expecting his arrival even beforehand, ever since orders from him and letters from the Great Domestic had been sent to him from Thessalonica, and he had been guarding the city on his account. While on his way to Castoria, the Emperor selected Bosislas, the Despot of the Mysians, Bryennius, the Great Drungary, and Exotrochus, the Great Heteriarch, with two thousand cavalrymen, and ordered them to go to Achris, to see if they could get there ahead of the Protovestiarius and enter it. They rode swiftly and, having arrived the day before, were received by the people of Achris, who opened the gates for them. For already everyone was defecting to the young Emperor, and without any compulsion. ^C When the Protovestiarius arrived too late and learned that Achris had been taken, abandoning the hopes that had sustained him, he fled with the others to Crales. And they tried to persuade him to wage war against the Emperor, in the hope that, through his aid, he might be able to recover from his defeat. Influenced by their words, Crales brought a great army to the border of his own land and that of the Romans. The Emperor remained for one day in Castoria and, setting out from there, came to Achris. He ordered the wife of the Protovestiarius to take all the wealth she had and go to Thessalonica, so that she might then set out with the others to Didymotichum. But she, suspecting that the words were not true, and fearing for her wealth, entrusted it to her friends to guard, while she herself insisted that she possessed nothing. She was then led to Thessalonica as she was, along with other women. ^D A little while later, her possessions were found hidden at someone's house—women's jewelry and other things worth twenty thousand gold pieces. A few days later, someone came to the Great Domestic and renewed the memory of some old favor he had received from him, saying that it seemed fair that he should return the benefit to one who had served him well, to the best of his ability; and he informed him that he knew where a great quantity of the Protovestiarius’ money was hidden. Having sent one of his most faithful servants, and with the informant as his guide, two chests were brought, in which there was a bronze vessel containing twelve thousand gold coins, as well as belts, gold cups, uncoined silver, women’s ornaments, and other things, the total value of which amounted to forty thousand.

The Great Domestic offered the man who had reported the money thanks in words and rewarded him with deeds. He approached the Emperor, informed him that the money had been found, and disclosed the amount. The Emperor said, “Then it is right that you, who found it, should keep it.” “But,” he replied, “I have never before, even in times of war, taken much or even a little money from anyone, as you yourself know; nor would I be seen to be overcome by this now.” “It is no wonder,” the Emperor replied, “if, after having had much taken from you by them, and especially by this Protos-vestiary, you should now benefit a little from his property in return.” “This would truly be ^B amazing,” he said, “if, having suffered so many losses at their hands, especially during the second war, and having never wished to retaliate when the opportunity was offered, I were now, for the sake of a small amount of money, to corrupt my character from the beginning and appear lesser than an unjust gain or profit. Rather, command that this be distributed to the soldiers and to others as you may wish.” The Emperor complied with his suggestion and ordered the gold to be distributed to the army as far as it would go. As for the furniture and some of the vessels, these were given to certain noblemen, and the remainder was brought into the imperial treasury.

After the Emperor had spent eight days in Achris, the Albanian nomads who occupy ^C the Diaboles, those of Colonias, and those living near Achris came and paid him homage, promising to serve him readily. Those who lived further away at the outer limits of the Roman empire were summoned by imperial letters to come to Thessalonica to pay their respects there. They arrived not long after.

The Kral, with his entire army, remaining in the borderlands of his own territory and that of the Romans, was daily urged by the fugitive Romans to set out against the Emperor and join battle. But he would not listen at all, fearing that things might not turn out according to his wishes. He was waiting for Chreles, who was in Pherae supporting the Romans against the new Emperor ^D (for he was still away), desiring to learn from him about the Emperor and the army under him, and whether he should take action or not. When he arrived, the Kral asked him if they ought to go to war against the Emperor. He advised him to maintain peace instead and not bring a war, which did not yet exist, upon himself and his subjects. For he told the Kral that he had seen the Emperor at Pherae leading an army that was not very large, but yet, in military matters, so well-trained and so excellently equipped with horses and arms that they inspired terror by their mere appearance. Moreover, they followed their leaders so calmly and in such good order that one would think they were not many, but a single body. They were accustomed to listening and obeying orders. Furthermore, they excelled so much in courage and daring that, although they were far inferior in number to their adversaries, they followed them to their very city without the slightest trepidation or fear, and near Pherae, where they were to engage them in battle, they remained under their standards all day long, full of the spirit of Mars and ready to meet the enemy.

^A And since no one came out against them, they withdrew a little and spent the night there. On the following day, at dawn, they again drew up their ranks as if for battle, and by sending messengers, challenged us to fight. When we would not even look them in the face, but openly refused battle, they turned back and, with all the good order one could describe, encamped at Zichna. With an army so well-disciplined in every way, and led by many excellent commanders, I said that I would never consent to engage in battle unless there were necessity. Now that the entire western army, which is itself large and excellent, has also joined the Emperor, the prospect of fighting them has become even more hopeless. By these words of Chrel ^B the Kral was persuaded, as were the other commanders of the army, and they now refrained in their intentions from making war against the Emperor, though they remained in the same encampment.

The Emperor, departing from Achrida after eight days, came to Pelagonia, having abandoned the road to Castoria, both so that he might recover those small towns and the surrounding territory, and also so that, since he had learned that the Kral was encamped within the borders of his domain, he might not appear to have avoided that route out of fear of him. The Roman fugitives, when they learned that the Emperor was marching through Pelagonia, met with the Kral and urged him to conflict with him, as he was now nearby. The Kral replied that he would not fight the Emperor, neither now nor hereafter, unless the Emperor should attack him first; he said that he had already provided them with as much aid as he could, having furnished twelve cohorts along with their tribunes ^C to help them at Pherae, and that he regretted having done even that, because he had taken up war against one who had done him no injury, without any reason at all. As for the Roman emperors in their discord with one another, he said that they themselves would know how they would fight each other and to what extent they would agree, but that he, having been wronged by no one, would wage war against no one so long as he himself was not wronged. When they received this apology, and the only hope that remained to them was extinguished, they were greatly troubled. Nevertheless, they did not cease to urge the Kral with great eagerness to undertake the war against the Emperor, ^D and they tried to persuade him and entreated him not to leave them unavenged. When the Triballian nobles who were present spoke—"Heus," they said, "what need is there for you to wear yourselves out in vain and rashly, attempting things that cannot be done, and to weary us with your entreaties for things that it is not right to perform? Since war has been excited between the emperors, your masters, you ought to have removed every occasion for offense and reconciled peace for yourselves and others by every means, knowing that this would have been for the common good of the emperors, yourselves, and the Romans. Yet you did the exact opposite, both planning it yourselves and urging it on others. For you went around to all the cities, joining forces with the senior emperor against the junior, praising them with certain marvelous promises: but those who preferred peace, and invited others to it, you deemed as enemies, just as if they stood on the side of the junior emperor, and you sought to escalate the war through right and wrong. As you sowed then with such zeal, so now reap the heavy harvest. We declare to our Despot, the Kral, that he should not be the first to offend the Emperor with war, and that he should reflect with himself, having regarding men…

who are attempting to toil in vain at unattainable things, and are wearying us with demands that are not fitting. ^A For it was right, when the war against the Emperors was being set in motion by your masters, that they themselves should have removed every pretext for scandal and secured peace by every means for themselves and others, knowing that this thing itself is profitable to the Emperors, and to you, and to the common good of the Romans. But you seemed to be doing the entirely opposite thing yourselves, and urging others to do the same. For, going around to all the cities, those who were helping the elder Emperor in the war against the young Emperor, you both praised and promised various marvelous things. But those who chose to maintain peace, and who persuaded others to do the same, you treated as enemies in the same way, and you were eager to stir up the war by every means. ^B The things, therefore, that you were eager for then, you should now justly endure as present. But we command our Despot, the Kral, not to stir up war against the Emperor, nor to wish to offend him seeing he is the first to attack, considering that there is retribution also from God for those who are unjustly treated by men. And if he himself should attack, to defend himself with all strength; if, indeed, he might be persuaded by our counsel, it would be well; but if not, let him go away and carry on the war alone, taking you with him; for not one of us will follow. When the Triballians had spoken such things, the Kral was persuaded, and he said to the Roman fugitives: You see what kind of mind those who have power under me have regarding the war. I myself, even if I were eager ^C to wage war, would have abstained because of certain of my own differences with the Emperor, seeing them so disposed as they are now. But now, I myself have no less the same opinion as they do regarding these matters. Therefore, I would not choose, when it is possible to be without dangers and to rule securely over my own, to seem to do injustice and to be placed in uncertain danger, especially when my entire army has not been gathered. To you, indeed, for your salvation, I might contribute help as much as I am able, and if you wish, I will send an embassy to the Emperor and will entreat his anger for you. For being mild, as one hears, and ready toward those who have offended for reconciliation, he might grant pardon and will alleviate the disasters not moderately. But if this is not bearable to you, rather I will send you to Michael, the Emperor of the Mysians, who is my kinsman, so that ^D by his means you might be saved to Byzantium. And if this also is not to your liking, we shall still seek another way. For to those having gone to Venice, it will not be difficult by triremes or merchant ships to return to Byzantium. Moreover, I will suggest to you another hope of salvation. Since you hold Prosacum, Prillapum, and Strumbitzan (5) with garrisons, having distributed yourselves among these towns, which are difficult to capture because of the solidity of their walls, continue in them until some end is imposed upon the war between the Emperors. The fugitives had in uncertainty what counsel to take regarding these things, and the end of their evils did not appear from anywhere. Nevertheless, having considered their present circumstances, they preferred to be included in the aforesaid towns and to endure the siege. Prillapum yielded to the Protovestiarios with some others; Michael Asanes obtained Prosacum; the rest went to Strumbitzan. At the same time, Nicephorus Basilicus, the commander of Melenicus (6), asserted that city as his own, professing that he would act with neither Emperor until the war was finished.

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(5) Regarding this town, Gregoras says: "We entered the small town of Strumitza, which stands nearly above the clouds, being placed upon such a steep and high mountain that men sitting on the battlements appear as small birds to those looking up from the valley." (6) Nicephorus Basilicus was in charge of the surrounding areas; he was a man indeed noble, but one who was believed to be of no judgment, of simple character, and inept at conducting affairs. Yet he turned out the most prudent of all: of whom some died miserably from desperation and lack of counsel, others were captured in vain and suffered infinite evils, and others surrendered themselves of their own accord. But he alone, having placed his hope in God, resisted to the very end, and showed a sincere mind and loyalty to him. For he neither yielded to the magnificent promises of the younger Emperor nor feared his most cruel threats and sieges; but he fortified the castle of Serras entrusted to him, and sat there, regardless of all these things, until he heard of the death of the elder Emperor. For up to him he judged the contention fair, but beyond that, unjust and not to be approved in the least. Therefore, having immediately made a pact with the younger Emperor, and having been magnificently rewarded by him, he surrendered the castle, and thereafter, according to his will, he also governed it, etc. These things are by no means consistent with our account.

CAPUT LVI. The Protovestiarius dies, Prillapus is surrendered, and Asanes is despoiled of Prosacus. The Emperor, having attempted Strumbitza and Melenicus in vain, returns to Thessalonica. A report comes from the Protostrator of a victory; upon which the Emperor declares in public that he takes little joy; he rewards the victors. Another report comes of a treaty entered into by the elder [Emperor] with the King of the Mysians. He moves again toward Byzantium; he requests peace, as he had often done before; he is ordered to depart. He departs, and returning, requests it again. Two individuals suggest an opportunity for the seizure of the city of Byzantium, and promise their own aid in the undertaking.

The Protovestiarius, therefore, struck by a certain unexpected calamity, ^A as it was said, and unable to bear such misfortune, departed this life after a few days. Upon his death, his companions and associates surrendered themselves and Prillapus to the Emperor. As for Prosacus, the Triballi stripped Asanes of it by treachery. The Emperor having gone from there to Thessalonica, and having spent a few days there for the sake of certain necessary matters, as it seemed necessary to go to Strumbitza, he campaigned once more. And having arrived there, he attempted to persuade those who held the city to surrender themselves and the city (for it was impossible to use force in war because of the strength of the walls). But as they would not be persuaded, but rather insisted that they would hold the city until the war between the Emperors should be resolved, and since no progress was being made, he departed from there and came to Melenicus. When Nicephorus Basilicuos gave the same answer, since he was unable to turn to a siege because of other more pressing matters, he retreated to Thessalonica. ^B Having arrived there, it was reported to him by the Protostrator, who was governing Thrace, that the elder Emperor, both with the army he had in Byzantium and with another not insignificant force he had gathered from elsewhere, had sent forces against him under the commander Constantine Asanes, who had encamped near the Melas River. When the engagement took place there, and the battle remained evenly matched for a long time, the forces of the young Emperor, nevertheless...

gained the upper hand and put the opposing side to flight, pursuing them all the way to Byzantium. They killed some of them, and took others alive, except for a few who were saved by fleeing into the city; the general was also captured. Having won a brilliant victory, they returned home. When this was reported, the Emperor offered prayers of thanksgiving to God for the victory; but then, turning to the many who were present, he said that he was not so much pleased that his own men had prevailed as he was grieved at the defeat of those who had stood against them. For it was reason enough for sorrow, not only that the fallen were Romans—who, rather than fighting one another, ought to have been dying for one another while battling the barbarians—but also because of the fear that some among their number were perhaps close friends or kin. And thirdly, because they had not been consumed by barbarians, who are enemies by nature, but by us, their very own friends. And I think we are like those who, overcome by madness, feed upon their own flesh ^B and deserve not to be praised, but to be pitied for such monstrous nourishment. And greater still is the fact that not only are we right to be hated by the Greeks and barbarians who hear of our mutual lawlessness, but it is also unclear whether any of what has happened pleases God, and whether the defenders and the aggressors are not equally worthy of punishment before Him as Judge. For my part, I wished that, rather than Romans, it were barbarians who had erected a trophy over my men, so that I might have had pure and unalloyed joy in the victory. But since our affairs were so ordered by some envious demon that the very victory appeared to me a cause of pain, I offer many thanks to the Almighty, not only because He helped my side achieve victory, but also because I myself was in no way the cause of this war; nay, from the beginning, when it was being stirred up, I both did and said many things worthy of record, begging those who were stirring it up to lay down the war, even if, as the proverb has it, I seemed to be writing upon water. Those who heard this were amazed, not only at the Emperor's sagacity, but also at the fact that he was not puffed up or exalted by his successes, but remained the same in the vicissitudes of fortune. The Emperor replied to the Protostrator with letters of thanksgiving, and rewarded those among the senators who were with him with honors and other favors; and as for the soldiers, he strengthened his position by increasing the pay and annual revenues of some, while making the others more eager to fight on his behalf. He himself, having established clerks at Thessalonica, through them monitored and examined the western regions, and drew up additional rosters beyond those already existing, so that the army might be increased. ^D While he was occupied with these matters, letters arrived again from the Protostrator, revealing that the elder Emperor, who had previously been at variance with Michael, the King of the Mysians, had now entered into a peace treaty and a military alliance with him; however, the terms on which these were made were unknown, and for this reason he judged it necessary to inform him of what was happening.

^A The Emperor, upon learning this, understood that the alliance with his grandfather had been made concerning the war against him before the Bulgarians. He decided not to depart from the West upon a mere rumor, but to remain there still and look after his affairs and his army until he might learn something more certain. A few days later, letters arrived again from the protostrator to the Emperor, indicating that the negotiations and the alliance of the Emperor with the Bulgarians had now come to an end, and that the Romans who had mediated the alliance from among the Bulgarian defectors were still in Byzantium. After the Emperor had consulted with those in authority, it seemed best to him to delay no longer in Thessalonica, but to hasten to Byzantium before any revolution could take place. By evening, having appointed as commander ^B Syrgentianus the Cypriot, who was his cousin on his mother’s side and later became king of Armenia, he set out from Thessalonica along with the army and arrived at Didymoteichon; having spent a few days there, he departed and reached Byzantium.

On arriving at the gates of what is called Gyrolimne, he found a certain Pepanos, an official stationed at the Blachernae palace who had been entrusted with the guard of the walls there (since the elder Emperor was keeping the Byzantine walls under guard due to his grandson’s advance). He ordered him to go and announce to the grandfather that he had arrived near the walls and requested to be granted pardon by him. He should not, on account of what had happened in the West, consider the evils to be incurable. For it is possible, he said—if you should wish it even now—to lay aside the war and to use him as you desire. In any case, certainly, you have not forgotten, as little time has passed, how, when he came before, he begged for peace and advised that it be chosen in preference to war; and that he should not be persuaded by those inciting him to fight, for they would be of no help in reality, and he himself did not wish to ^C be found a prophet of that which, nevertheless, happened just as he had predicted. If he now wishes to lay aside the war again, he will count those things as if they had never happened from the start, and he is so minded and prepared that he will do everything that he himself orders.

Pepanos went to the elder Emperor and reported all that he had been ordered by the young Emperor. Returning a little later, he reported to the young Emperor that the Emperor orders him to depart from these parts wherever he wishes. ^D [index: entries preserved]

And not to waste time uselessly and in vain, since nothing of what he intended could be accomplished, he stopped. ^A When the young Emperor asked if the Emperor would not order anything more for him, “Nothing,” Petanos said. “Therefore,” he said, “fulfilling the Emperor’s order, I shall go wherever God leads.” And breaking camp from there, he spent the night in the meadows beside the bridge of Kamila; and on the following day, having returned to the same gates, he asked the Emperor to accept peace and to put an end to the war. But as no one listened, he turned back and drove toward the Melas River, where the *protostrator* was encamped with the rest of the army. The Emperor was leading the army, but the Great Domestic remained behind for a certain need. Someone approached him in torn clothing, such as that of the poor, and said secretly that he had something to discuss with him. ^B Moving forward a sufficient distance so as not to be seen from the walls, he ordered him to say whatever he wished. He, having also summoned another person who shared in his counsels, with no one else present, said that they had been close friends with each other for a long time and that their houses were neighbors. Seeing how unjustly the young Emperor was being wronged and driven away without any cause, they could no longer endure the pain, and they were eager, if it were possible, to assist the one who was being wronged as much as they could. And especially since the time at Rhegion, when the Emperor was defending himself and cleared himself of all blame—for they were present then—and after arriving there, he had used many entreaties and supplications to the grandfather not to start the war. ^C Thus, they said, was their mind and their preparation. But as their strength was less than their desire, they were looking for an opportunity when it would be possible for them to accomplish in deed what they had chosen, and he had done well to come. For after the young Emperor set out for the west, those who had been entrusted with the guard of the city—God in this way preparing long before what was advantageous—had been stationed on the walls at the gates called those of Saint Romanos, so that they kept watch by night along with eight others in succession; and as soon as this happened, the thought entered their minds that they would one day be able to be useful to the Emperor. And when they learned that he would be arriving at Byzantium soon, having, as they say, cast the die with their associates, they discussed betraying the city to the young Emperor; and having persuaded them, thinking they were saying things that were both just and advantageous for all Romans. And now they were ready to bring the Emperor up the wall, having watched for the night when the watch was their turn. These things they said. The Great Domestic sent someone immediately to wait for the one reporting to the Emperor; he asked those who had spoken what they were called, and if they demanded anything from the Emperor, as they were worthy to be treated well for the sake of the goodwill they held toward the Emperor. ^D They answered that one was called Kamaris and the other Castellanus, and that they demanded nothing, but were undertaking this enterprise gratuitously for the sake of honor and the common utility. And when the domestic again offered them the power to demand what they wished, they asserted that they demanded nothing, so he took them and led them to the Emperor. Meeting with him, he said: “God, to whom you shortly before offered what you had, now repays you what He wishes.” And he reminded him of a certain deed which he had performed shortly before. For while he was still lingering in Thessalonica, of those in

Chapter LVII

^A Byzantium, six of the senior senators, having agreed among themselves in their opinions, sent to Thessalonica and conferred secretly with the emperor, suggesting that if he wished to seize Byzantium, they would hand it over—for they were not unable to do so—provided that first he would pledge to them by oath that he would remove the Grand Logothete, Metochites, from the office he then held, and would hold him in anger for all his life, and never grant him forgiveness. Next, that he would fulfill certain other things which they requested. If he would confirm these things to them by oaths, he was to come without delay, as he would receive the city as soon as he arrived. To which the emperor replied: That he himself had neither been the instigator of this war, nor had he wished it to be stirred up by others in the first place; and once it was stirred up, he had devised every method and way by which he thought it could be quelled. And God knows, who knows all things before they come to pass, and the very events themselves all but speak out in testimony of this, and even you yourselves would bear witness for me if you were willing to tell the truth. "But since our affairs have been so arranged that there is a necessity—as the emperor [the grandfather] does not accept peace at all—that either one of us must be cast out of the empire, or the subjects be destroyed by being divided against each other, I desire, of necessity, to bring Byzantium under my own control, either through your aid or that of others, so that this will not become a source of endless civil wars. ^B However, on such conditions as you yourselves ask, I would not wish to take possession of not only Byzantium, but not even as many cities as there are towers in Byzantium. For as for removing the Grand Logothete from the office he now holds, I would have done that, had the supreme power been in my hands, not only because you ask it, but also for other reasons, in order to be rid of troubles. But to condemn him to implacable wrath for life is simply impossible. For would I be so mad as to shut out from myself, through implacable wrath against him, the merciful bowels of God’s goodness? Since He declared that with the measure we mete to our fellow-servants, He will mete it back to us. And this, when our sins against God exceed by an infinite degree those that are sinned by men against us. Therefore, I greatly desire that Byzantium be made subject to me for the sake of the common good; but with this request excepted, if there are any other things you wish to ask, I will hear you." The Grand Domestic reminded the emperor of these things, and having discussed many things with him, he brought forward the men, who spoke the same things before the emperor, asserting that they could hand over the city to him. Having commended them, he asked whether they sought anything from him. They had resolved to seek nothing; but when the emperor pressed them repeatedly, they asked for twenty jugera [of land]. Then, laughing, he said: "But I, with God’s permission, shall grant you rewards worthy of your candor and honesty." In the middle of the conversation, a messenger arrived at Scopelo from the governor, [reporting] that Michael, king of the Mysians, had pitched camp on his own and the Romans' borders near his city, named Diampolis, with a company of Scythian auxiliaries, who had their tents near Rhosocastrum. The emperor, [considering] what was to be done,

^A sought the council of the Grand Domestic; they decided to advance to the fortress of Logos, situated in the mountains, both because it was near Byzantium and opportune for preparing matters for its capture, and because the place was difficult of access, taking away from the enemy the ability to surround them, so that they could both resist those invading and, in a naturally fortified retreat, be able to rest in safety. Having deliberated this, they commanded Camarin to follow, so that he might know where the emperor was, and they ordered the other to go to Byzantium and report to the allies what had been done.

When they had come to the Melas River, where the rest of the army was encamped with the protostrator, they shared with him both the situation regarding those who promised to betray Byzantium, and all they had learned about the Mysians and the encampment at Logos, adding also the causes [for these actions]. And since he also thought it well, they set out from there and encamped at Logos.

And the next day it was reported to them that an army of Mysians, some three thousand horse, had come to Byzantium as an aid to the elder emperor; Ibanes the Rus commanded them. This event troubled the young emperor in no small measure. Yet as he, along with the Grand Domestic and the protostrator, investigated what had persuaded the king of the Mysians to violate both his treaties and oaths with him—even though he lived with his sister—and instead to bring aid to the elder emperor, they suspected that such agreements and the alliance were not genuine. Rather, [they surmised] that the Mysian, understanding that the elder emperor ^B was moved both by hatred toward his grandson and by fear lest the Roman nobles with him be corrupted by him and plots be laid against him, [concluded that the elder emperor] would more easily admit a guard of Mysians into the palace, thinking that as foreigners and allies they would be better disposed toward him. [So he concluded the Mysian] had sent the army under the pretext of fighting for him against us, but in truth, if they were able, [to plan] to seize the palaces by degrees, being few in number, and then with the whole army following, to subdue the Byzantines and thus invade the rest of the Roman principality as well. There was proof of this in that he brought with him Scythian auxiliaries, because he feared that if something of that sort were to happen, the Mysians might refuse to contribute effort against Byzantium. These things they reasonably suspected regarding that alliance, and it later clearly appeared that their suspicion had been true. And a certain Roman defector persuaded the Mysian to this, promising he would see the thing accomplished; wherefore he was even chosen as the interpreter of this alliance.

Furthermore, wishing to put the danger to the test, the younger emperor sent to Ibanes, commanding him to depart from the borders of the Romans. For he had joined himself to the king of the Mysians—with whom his sister lived—and therefore he ought not to have entered the Roman borders with an army.

^A

He came, he said, to make the Byzantines subject to him, and thus to fall as well upon the rest of the Roman dominion. And they made this a proof, that he had brought the Scythians along as allies, out of fear that they would not help them [to get] to Byzantium, if something of that sort should happen. Such things, then, they surmised from their calculations concerning the alliance, and indeed they were true, as it was afterwards precisely learned. ^B A certain defector from the Romans, who was with the king of the Mysians, was suggesting this scheme to him, and promising that he himself would accomplish the deed. For this reason, he had been chosen as ambassador for the alliance. For the sake of testing him, the Emperor sent to Ibanes and ordered him to withdraw from the Roman territory; for since there was a truce, he had entered with an army. If, therefore, he had come to help him, he should withdraw to his own land. For he did not need him; but if he had come to make war, he should receive him as if for battle. The Emperor, then, said such things, testing Ibanes. For he deemed it not advantageous at that time to stir up a war against the Mysians. But Ibanes confirmed by written oaths to the Emperor that he had neither broken the treaty against his own master, but rather remained steadfast in the agreements made with him, nor had he come here with an army against him. Having read the oaths, the Emperor was the more confirmed in the idea that what he himself had suspected concerning the alliance of the Mysians was true; and he immediately sent George Pepagomenos to the grandfather, the Emperor, begging him not to suspect his words as those of an enemy, but to be persuaded both by the Romans and by himself, who was advising what was advantageous, and to make use of the Mysians who had come for the sake of the alliance against the enemy—whoever he might wish—in the war against him. But as for inside the palace, he should neither receive many Mysians at once, nor when armed; but if they were to enter at some time, they should be few and in shifts, so that they might not appear to be treated with indignity despite being allies; and that they should enter without arms, and that especially at the hour of the midday meal he should exercise greater diligence in the guard. ^C And not only this, but he should also station a Roman cohort within the palace, which could oppose them in a fight and defend both him and the city by every means; for he himself derived the suspicion from the state of affairs that it had been commanded by the King of the Mysians to the Mysians to occupy the palace by guile, if they were able; and for this reason he himself was encamped with the whole army and the Scythian auxiliary force on the borders of his own dominion and the Roman one, so that if what had been commanded to Ibanes should proceed well, he himself might supervene a little later with reinforcements. Having heard these things, the grandfather ordered Pepagomenos to report back to his grandson that he should take care of his own affairs, and not, captured by a certain ambition, strive to be a teacher to others; for he possessed no less experience in affairs than he himself thought that he had acquired. Then straightaway he placed guards at the palace and protected it diligently, and did everything that his grandson had advised.

CHAPTER LVIII

The younger Emperor sent John Rhuntzerios as an ambassador to Michael, the king of the Mysians, saying that he had learned that he had soldiers on the borders of the Roman dominion, ^D yet he did not know [the cause of] his arrival; appearing to suppose, [nonetheless, what might be the cause of his coming to make war.]

arrival to know what it might mean. For if he wishes to break his oaths and the treaties made with him, he wishes to learn so that he himself might likewise prepare. But if the expedition is for any other reason, he desires not to be ignorant of it. Nevertheless, he considers the fact that he has come uninvited to be a proof that he is acting against him, and that he has sent an alliance to the Byzantines in the form of three thousand soldiers for ^A those who are his enemies acts as a clear indication that he is fighting against him. He is also surprised that, having learned of his residing near Byzantium, he should send so many soldiers to fight alongside his enemies; or is he unaware that he will not be using a trained army against them, but, having ordered farmers, they will make the return journey to them more difficult than from the gates of the underworld? The emperor, then, sent such an embassy. But Michael, when he heard that the emperor had arrived at Byzantium and was encamped not far from his army, was strongly disturbed for the sake of his own soldiers; and he saw no hope of safety for them unless he could ^B quickly persuade the emperor that he had not broken the treaties made with him, and that the army was not sent to fight him, but had come to Byzantium for some other reason. Therefore, having immediately brought out the holy objects he had in his bosom before the envoy, and having handed them a cross that was among them, "Take this," he said, "and bring it to the emperor, and tell him to say that I swear by the one who was fixed upon it in the flesh for our sake, that I have neither broken the treaties with him, nor have I sent the army against him. For this reason, I beg that no harm befall them. ^C But that he should not be surprised that I have sent not one of many precious pectorals that I have, as you see, but this cross made of cheap material (for it was forged from bronze), for it is famous among all the Mysians for its miracles, which it performed many times when my father was still alive, and performs many now during my own reign. I have sent it, therefore, as a more trustworthy witness. And if he finds me deceiving or lying, let him take this, and with it, may he invade me, through which helper he will achieve victory. But so that he understands that these are not a pretext or a specious covering, I will immediately ^D send someone who will lead the army out of the Roman lands, and away from them." And he immediately provided the envoy with horses from his own fast couriers, ordering him to complete the journey as quickly as possible before he could do any harm.

^A And he sent along with the envoy one of his own servants bearing letters to John commanding him to lead up the army, and a feather scorched with fire (for this is a sign of speed among the Mysians). When they arrived before the emperor, carrying the cross and reporting everything that Michael would answer, the emperor sent the letters of their own king and the feather to Manes and the Mysians. Having seen these, they withdrew immediately for home. But these matters ended there. During the days when the embassies to the Mysians were taking place, the emperor was preparing ladders and whatever other supplies were necessary for the attempt on Byzantium. And when everything had been provided, Camaris came to Byzantium and reported to his associates. And having watched for a night by a preconcerted signal when they themselves were to be on guard at the walls, on the first day of the week on which the feast of the descent of the Holy Spirit is celebrated, Camaris came again to the emperor and summoned him to the work. ^B When the divine mystagogy had been completed, and also the evening hymns, they set out from the camp at Logoi, and having marched the rest of the day and most of the night, they arrived at a village commonly called Clepta, where they rested for the remainder of the night and until daybreak. After this, they set out from there and, when night had fallen, they came to a village not far from Byzantium called Amblyopus. And having waited there, they organized the army. They assigned to each of the two ladders—which were made of ropes and wooden rungs—twelve soldiers, of whom the emperor was in charge of one, and the Great Domestic of the other. Of these, eight were Romans; the remaining four were Latins from Alamania. But when the emperor heard that Alamans were also assigned to the work, he summoned the Great Domestic and ordered him to remove the Alamans from those who were assigned to the ladders and to put Romans in their place. He also ordered that none of the nobles should be among those who were to climb the walls first, so that they would neither pride themselves over those of lower rank, nor would the honor go to the Alamans, but the work should be solely that of the Romans. These things, then, were carried out as had been commanded, and when twelve Romans had been entrusted with each of the intermediate ladders, it was ordered that when they were close to the wall, they should be pulled up by those working from within on their behalf by means of ropes attached to the ladders, and that they should be the first to ascend, and if anyone opposed them, they should repel him so that the others might follow little by little. ^C But at a short distance behind them was the emperor, proceeding on foot with one hundred picked men, and behind him, so that they would not get mixed up, was the Great Domestic with an equal number. As for those who were leading the two hundred horses—each man leading one—they themselves being mounted as well, they followed with no fewer than two hundred men; although they were not near, lest those on the walls should hear the noise, but so that if anything unexpected occurred, they might rush up and join those two hundred with the horses.

Five hundred others were marching not far from them, for the same reason. At the Amblyopus, the protostrator kept the rest of the army drawn up in arms. Having thus arranged the army, they proceeded in silence, so as not to give notice to those keeping watch from the walls.

CAPUT LIX. It is shown clearly how Constantinople was captured. The emperor enters having opened the gates, and after him the protostrator with the remaining forces. The marvelous kindness of the grandson toward his grandfather. The patriarch is freed from the monastery as if from a prison.

Those, therefore, who had the twenty-four ladders, eluding the guards, easily approached the walls near the quarter of Camaris, at the location of those who were managing the capture. And since it was not possible to escape the notice of those who were expecting them, they hauled up the ladders, having lowered cords and attached them from the battlements. And twelve men were the first to ascend on each ladder. The emperor and the great domestic, together with those they were leading—since it was a full moon and the moon was shining brightly, yet because of the clouds which, following the full moon, were crossing the sky not continuously but scattered—as soon as a cloud was upon them, they would walk in the shadow; but when it passed, they would lie down on the ground and wait for another cloud. Advancing little by little in this way, they came near the walls. When they were as close as the range of a bowshot, those upon the walls, noticing them, used shouts and outcry, and called the Byzantines to the walls as if enemies were present. Those outside ran to the ladders, no longer fearing the din, since they had been heard by the townspeople. And when they reached them, the emperor himself was eager to be the first to ascend, and he kept urging the great domestic to follow him, thinking that if they themselves arrived upon the walls, even if any of the enemy went against them, they would never dare to engage in hand-to-hand combat, but would shrink back as if from familiar figures; and that in this way they would be worth many men for their own. But the great domestic did not permit it, saying that they would be failing in their duty if they did this. For not one of the others left behind would ascend—not from any cowardice in the face of dangerous ordeals, nor from any malice, but since each would be claiming the right to ascend first, all would be hindered by one another due to rivalry. And not only would no one ascend, but, crowding together, they would fall upon one another and injure themselves, neglecting the enemy. Wherefore, he said, it is necessary for us to remain below, directing them to ascend in order and putting an end to the strife. The emperor obeyed the great domestic when he said such things, and entrusted the ascent to those about

to ascend. ^A Many people pressed in at the same time and tried to go up together, so the emperor’s ladder, unable to bear the weight, collapsed when the ropes snapped. Only the ladder of the great domestic was left; and by way of it they climbed up, one by one and slowly, since both men stood over them, checking their excessive zeal not only with threats but also with blows. When they had climbed up almost a hundred of them, Synadenus, the son of Marules, who was entrusted with the care of the guards, having rushed quickly to the clamor with two hundred men to assist, thinking that the enemy were not yet on the wall but were attacking from the outside, stepped onto the wall with a few of the men he was leading, wishing to learn what was happening. He himself and those who had climbed up with him were captured by those standing over them. Since they learned that he was the one leading the army, they called out to those below to submit and not to oppose the young emperor, who was already inside the walls; and especially because their general had been captured, they would not escape the penalty on the following day if they attempted to cause any harm. When those below heard that their general had been captured and the young emperor was inside the walls, they changed their minds at once, acclaimed the young emperor, and were ready to assist as much as they were able. For the rest of the wall, the acclamation of the young emperor was already quietly spreading among everyone. ^B When the emperor and the great domestic heard this, they said it was no longer necessary to toil by clinging to the ladder; but they gave orders to those who had climbed up to open the gates for them. And once they were opened, along with the others, the emperor entered, and after a little while the protostrator also entered with the entire army; and when the young emperor arrived at the palace, he did obeisance to the emperor and grandfather, as was his custom. And having sat for a little while, the elder emperor, as if blaming himself for what had happened, said that he remembered well his words (hinting that he had not obeyed him when he was counseling useful and necessary things). From the beginning, however, it seemed that the devil has an equal and similar zeal for harming men, and is always attempting to do evil. And although he fails in most things, there are some in which he succeeds, as has just now occurred. The young emperor agreed [that things were so]. ^C The great logothete Metochites, who was present at their conversation, said, "How long, at last, shall we suffer these things? For unless you return to concord, nothing will come of the state." ^D [Jacobus Pontanus’s notes: Note 23 regarding the entry of the grandson into the city, Gregoras explains as follows: The emperor left alone, and having no one with whom to share his grief, lay down on his own bed without taking off any of his clothing, but together with his extreme desperation, he lay there, his mind seething with frequent and diverse thoughts, turning his body frequently this way and that. Meanwhile, a great tumult is heard at the doors of the palace, announcing the entry of the junior emperor, and a great applause of arms. For there were more than eight hundred soldiers who had entered with the emperor, and at the same time the junior emperor was being greeted with favorable acclamations from all sides, etc. It is clear from our historian that about nine hundred entered. You see, therefore, Gregoras's hyperbole. Regarding note 24: Having called together his commanders and tribunes, he gravely ordered that they should not violate the emperor, his grandfather, either by hand or by any abusive word, nor anyone else at all: “For God gave us this victory,” he said, “we did not prepare it ourselves,” and what follows to that effect. He also declaims oratorically the tearful words in which the old man prays to his grandson that his life be spared, which, however, conflict with the kindness the youth so often showed toward his grandfather. And he adds at the end: “Softened by these words, the junior Andronicus, having taken the diligent care of his grandfather's safety upon himself, and barely refraining from tears, enters the palace, and having first worshipped in the proper way at the venerable image of the Theotokos, he then saluted the grandfather who was clinging to him, embraced him, and refreshed him with gentle words, etc.”]

to have it so. The Great Logothete Metochites, who was present at their discussion, said, "But for how long, pray, will such things continue? For unless you yourselves come to an agreement, nothing of what is necessary will be accomplished." The young Emperor replied nothing, but wondered what it was they wanted of him, ^A as if he were not personally present at the events taking place, and as if he did not know better than the others what was happening. However, he inquired of the Emperor and grandfather if he might be permitted to go to pray to the Mother of God the Hodegetria. Upon his granting permission, he entered the temple, venerated her with prayers, and gave ample thanks for the benefits conferred upon him. Thence he proceeded to the monastery of the Mangana, and after venerating the symbols of the saving sufferings of Christ ^B that were treasured up therein, and after offering what thanks time allowed to the Patriarch Isaiah, who was imprisoned on his account, and after leading him to the patriarchal residence in a carriage adorned in the imperial fashion, he returned again to the palace, and spent the night in the apartments of the Porphyrogenitus near the palace. As for the army, a part of it encamped within Byzantium, but the greater part, as the Emperor had ordered, marched to the meadows by the Bridge of the Camel and pitched its camp there. There was no plundering of goods, except for the house of the Great Logothete, and that was against the Emperor's will. Thus it was that the war between the Roman Emperors came about in the beginning, and had so many ^C changes, and finally ended in such a state; and they were recorded just as they happened with all precision and truth, as we promised from the beginning. They fought for six years and one month, beginning from the year six thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine, in the fourth indiction, on the thirteenth of the Kalends of May, and extending to the year six thousand eight hundred and thirty-five, in the eleventh indiction, on the fourteenth of the Kalends of June.

ARGUMENT OF THE SECOND BOOK

offended. By what means Marcus Caballarius, accused of slandering him, trembled in his sight and fell down. The Great Domestic sends in his place someone who might sway the Patriarch. In vain. A day is set for a synod. The Domestic, patron of the bishops, overcomes the Patriarch with suppliant words. They go to thank the Emperor for the benefit. The same Emperor’s munificence toward those who have served him well and the whole city. The incursion of the Moesians into upper Thrace, and in return, the Romans' raid into Moesia, and the capture of Diampolis. Another incursion of the Moesians into Thrace, the occupation of Bucelus, and the siege of Probatum. The Romans charge them with violating the treaty and utter threats. The Moesian indicates the reason why he desires a part of the Roman Empire for himself. The magnitude of the Roman army is shown, terrified by which the Moesian promises peace. Wherefore, they now audaciously invade Thrace for plunder. The Roman soldier, barely able to refrain from spoils, grieves that a battle was not joined. Friendship is restored between the Moesian and the Emperor. The Great Domestic pleads for a tolerable imprisonment for Syrgiannes, and subsequently for his liberty. The mutual love between the Emperor and the Domestic, who explains the reason for their divided petition. He praises his military master. Syrgiannes is released from custody. Xena, the Emperor’s mother, is angry with the Great Domestic for having concealed herself from her. The Germans, in need of money, seek assistance on account of their old hospitality with the Constantinopolitan Emperors, but obtain nothing because the treasury is exhausted, and they refuse to accept troops (for which purpose they appeared to be seeking money). The Domestic is relieved of a portion of his burdens by Apocauchus, who puts his own shoulders to the task. For several reasons, the Emperor goes to Cyzicus. Peace with the satrap Zamerchane, who was harassing the cities of the East. Operations against the Barbarians in Bithynia are managed with varied outcome, and not without glory for the Romans. A messenger [is sent] to the Protostrator at Byzantium. He is ordered to have the ships ready. The camps are guarded. Praise of the Romans from the mouths of the enemy. The elder Persian nobles dissuade [the Emperor] from moving the encampment, and explain with what caution he must remain in the same place in order to avoid ignominy. Rumor of the Emperor’s death, the flight of the soldiers. The Emperor is transported to Constantinople in a small boat. At ^A 189 Philocrene, the Romans suffer a defeat. The Emperor’s love for Cantacuzenus is declared; and by what means he labored, both by himself and through others, to have him as his colleague in the Empire. He, however, with singular modesty, always refuses the dignity offered him. Zacharias the Genoese makes Chios, granted by the senior Emperor, his own and his descendants' property. Calothetus the dynast opens a way for the mother of the Great Domestic to recover it, and pledges his own aid in that matter. The Domestic’s counsel on how to act toward Martinus, who then held the island. With how many ships and what kind of marines he sailed there. The rivalry among the naval commanders in the splendor of their preparations. The conditions under which the Emperor wished to leave the prefecture of the island to Martinus. Benedictus surrenders the fortress. Martinus also, surrendering himself, escapes death through the favor of the Domestic: he himself is led into prison, his wife and family go into exile, and his soldiers, having been granted pardon, choose the latter of two conditions. The Emperor thinks that gratitude should be shown even to those who are well-disposed, not only to those who have served well, and he reduces the tax burden upon the people of Chios. Benedictus’s signal obstinacy and intolerable arrogance, as he spurns all conditions, however honorable, unless the island is given to him as a private possession. The Emperor is honored by Persian satraps at Old Phocaea; New Phocaea is surrendered to him. Benedictus again attempts to subjugate Chios with unhappy success. There follows a very elegant and pathetic passage concerning the illness and the impending death of the Emperor at Didymotichum, where the Great Domestic refuses, now for the third time, the Empire offered to him; to whom it, and with it the Empress, is commended by the dying Emperor. He bids farewell to all ranks. A huge lamentation arises. The palace lies open to anyone to bid a final farewell to the dying man. Before death, he asks for the monastic habit. Regarding Xena his mother, although admonished once or twice, he decides nothing. The Great Domestic, according to custom, demands a solemn oath upon the death of emperors. He refuses, although much entreated, to deprive the Despot Constantine of either life or sight, and secretly releases him. The Constantinopolitans take the oath. Andronicus the senior, fearing that if his grandson is dead he himself will be treated very badly, of his own accord joins the monks. The junior [Andronicus] is hindered from the monastic habit by the Great Domestic: who argues with the physicians and terrifies the Emperor. The Emperor’s final command regarding his deceased body. The Great Domestic is pitied for the weight of the Empire and the mass of troubles. Signs of death. He is healed by water from the fountain of the Mother of God with incredible joy to all. He is told what had taken place in the meantime; he approves of everything, except for the sending of Syrgiannes into the West, which, however, he later does not disapprove of. Syrgiannes’s mind is alienated from the Domestic. It is recounted what happened to the Despot Constantine; he is taken out of prison. His nephew Andronicus is gladdened that his uncle has put on the monastic habit, to whom the Domestic offers consolation. He regrets that he did not return the Empire to him, as he had intended; concerning which matter, consulting with the Domestic, he is led away from this state of repentance by arguments that were partly able to move and partly dissolved those that had moved him. He gives thanks to the Mother of God for the recovery of his health. The Persian pillagers are defeated. Achris is defended from the besieging Triballi. The Moesian and the Emperor invade the lands of the Triballi; the Moesian perishes from a wound. The Queen, wife of Michael and sister of the Emperor, is driven out with her children. Moesia is devastated by the Emperor: certain towns make submission. In place of the Patriarch Isaiah, John the presbyter is substituted by the bishops at the persuasion of the Great Domestic. Persian pillagers are severely punished. The conspiracy of Syrgiannes and his associates against the Domestic and the Emperor. Summoned by the Majesty through Zamplacon, he denies the crime. In the greatest peril, he flees to the mercy of the Domestic: who, reproaching him for his ungrateful spirit, promises some assistance, and places his foolishness before his eyes with a most festive apologue. Nicæa, besieged by the Persian Orchan, is relieved: peace is concluded. A trial is held concerning Syrgiannes; he requests a postponement; Galata

^A flees, where after a diligent search he is not found. Thence he departs to Euboea, then to Crales, whom he assists against the Romans. Sphranzes, a senator or courtier, offers himself to the emperor against Syrgiannes; they consult on how he might be brought into their power alive and without a battle. The task is given to Sphranzes. The Persians are defeated in Macedonia. Sphranzes kills Syrgiannes by a ruse; he is rewarded by the emperor. Peace is restored with Crales; the cities captured by him return to their allegiance: aid is sent to him by the emperor. The Queen of Moesia is expelled from the kingdom by two nobles. Alexander, grandson of Michael by his sister, is declared king; he strives to recover with a large gathered army the cities that had surrendered themselves to the emperor. The Persians, intending to besiege Nicomedia, are frightened off. The emperor invades Moesia. Peace is ratified. There is a skirmish over the cities taken away; Anchialus is exchanged for Diampolis. Alexander sends the Scythians—or rather, leads them—who were coming to his aid against his uncle, by guile against the Romans. There is fierce fighting. A marriage with Maria, the emperor's daughter, is sought twice, and twice refused. A treaty is struck. A banquet is held, and the Romans are complimented for their bravery. Amurius, the satrap of Ionia, incursing into Thrace, leaves unharmed. The senior emperor and the mother of the junior emperor pass from this light. Monomachus, the governor of Thessaly, rebels; the Thessalian mountaineers pledge safety to the emperor, offering him their obedience. The emperor spends some days with Crales in merriment and feasting. Lesbos is occupied by the Genoese; the emperor sets out for it with a large fleet. The Delians defect from the Genoese, nor do they dare to fight with the Romans. The cupbearer is left behind to besiege Mitylene; the other towns surrender themselves to the Romans. Against Phocaea and Mitylene, the emperor invokes the aid of the satrap Sarchanis. The steadfastness of the Phocaeans in defending themselves. The three sons of the satrap of Ionia pledge their loyalty to the emperor. The clandestine treachery of the Roman nobles against the emperor: massive aid is given to him by the Persians. The Great Domestic has an interview with Amurius the Persian, a feast, and [it is recounted] how much influence he had with him. The Domestic invites a certain Genoese friend to his tent, to whom he persuades with an excellent speech the surrender of Phocaea. The latter complains about the obstinacy of his own people and asks for advice. The Great Domestic is the author of the counsel that they should pray for pardon from the emperor; that they should give him the Persians as hostages; that they should surrender Phocaea and Mitylene; he also enumerates many good things with which they are to be rewarded by him. The cities are surrendered with the hostages, and thus Lesbos is recovered. The Albanians riot, bringing depredations upon the neighboring cities; they are tamed, and immense booty is gathered. Dissension among the Acarnanian nobles concerning the reception of the emperor; the queen's opinion is approved. The emperor gives consent concerning the nuptials with Prince Nicephorus and the daughter of the Domestic; he denies absolute freedom. The province surrenders itself, and experiences the emperor’s memorable gentleness and beneficence. The boy Nicephorus is moved by malevolent persons to the Lady of Tarentum. With matters completed, the emperor returns to Thessalonica. Alexander, King of the Moesians, sends envoys concerning the marriage, and although a barbarian, the emperor betroths his daughter to him for the sake of public advantage. The Persian raiders are tracked by the Domestic and the emperor, caught, and put to flight. The celebration of the wedding at Adrianople. The defection of the Acarnanians. Nicephorus is sought back by the rebels and dismissed by the Tarentine princess with one of the daughters betrothed to him. It is explained who and what kind of woman she was. Two dukes are sent into Acarnania with troops; the emperor follows, and his acts there are recounted. The Domestic rebukes the Artaei as headstrong; he shows what damage they have done; he makes heavy threats; he defends the Rhogii against their insults. It is demonstrated by what right Acarnania belongs to the Romans. The Artaei surrender themselves. The emperor and the soldiers are afflicted with disease. The siege of Thomocastron, and their pride and obstinacy. The Domestic urges them to surrender, and for this purpose he also deals with the pedagogue of the prince’s boy, a prudent and noble man. The matter is referred to a council (^B). Surrender is decided. They are praised by the Great Domestic and are received honorably by the emperor. Matthew, son of the Great Domestic, marries the daughter of the Despot Demetrius in Thessalonica; Apocauchus asks for permission to profess the monastic life; his will is explored. He asks for a fleet against the Persian pirates. The emperor warns the Domestic that he is a slothful and wicked man. The fleet is given; his fraud and cunning become apparent. The cities and castles which the emperor partly built and partly restored are recounted. Barlaam, a Calabrian monk, stirs up trouble in Thessalonica. The virtue of Gregory Palamas and his brothers. Barlaam is warned not to tear apart the monastic institution with insults. Concerning the light which sometimes surrounds holy men. Likewise, whether the light of Christ transfigured on Mount Tabor, seen with bodily eyes, was ^C uncreated. Barlaam denies it, and rightly so. A synod is gathered against him, to which he answers. Barlaam recants [sings a palinode], to whom, upon his request, pardon is granted, and it is granted with a sign of great charity. His disciple, Gregory Acindynus, stirs up new troubles, who is condemned in another synod. The emperor’s illness. Apocauchus solicits the Great Domestic to assume the imperial insignia, and tries to induce him to do so with his son; he also attempts the mother, but is rejected by both. The discourse of the Domestic with Empress Anna, and the departure of the emperor from this light. Singular and primarily notable things in this book are these: examples of charity and pardon towards enemies, such as we saw in the first book in the case of the treasure of Syrmpanus and the junior emperor against the panhypersebastos—two wonderful things—and again in the third book we shall see other excellent things. The many incursions of the Persians, with whom things always turned out badly. The frequent attestation of the incomparable love between the emperor and the Great Domestic. The emperor’s most grave illness and his divine healing through the Theotokos. The conspiracy, trial, and slaughter of Syrgiannes. Chius, Lesbos, and Acarnania recovered. The excellent encomium of the monastic life, repeated several times, as also often in the third, and most especially in the fourth. ^D The contention of Barlaam with the Greek monks, and two synods. The emperor's departure from life.

JOANNIS CANTACUZENI LIBER SECUNDUS. CHAPTER ONE.

^A What was done between the emperors while they were at war with each other, and during the intervals of peace, is of such a nature. Now, however, it seems to me that the time has come to recount what was done by the younger Andronikos on his own, now that he had taken possession of the entire Roman empire. For on the day after the taking of Byzantium, before he concerned himself with any other matter of administration, he determined how the emperor, his grandfather, should live. While he reserved the authority and the administration of affairs for himself, he stripped the emperor of nothing else; but he ordered the Romans, as many as were under his rule, to pay attention to him as emperor, and to render him equal honor. And whenever they wished to come before him to pay their respects, they were not to be hindered by anyone. Furthermore, he allowed the children and the other relatives of the emperor to go into the palace, to spend the entire day with him, and to remain as long as they wished; and he ordered that the number and the service of his attendants should remain entirely unchanged, and that he should be free to do whatever he commanded. For the expenses of the emperor and his household, he provided from the public taxes, from what is known as the local revenue, which yielded twelve thousand gold pieces annually, and he ordered an equivalent amount to be supplied from the imperial treasury. He left the manner of the disposal of these funds to the emperor, yielding the palace to him as well for the duration of his life, while he himself resided in the house of the despot Demetrios, his uncle. Visiting him quite often, without dissimulation, he conversed with him sincerely regarding affairs, and treated him with no less reverence and honor than before, as was fitting. ^B Yet, although the emperor had ordered, not feignedly but from the heart, that the way should be open for the Romans to come to his grandfather and greet him, they did not dare to approach, fearing that by doing so they would be suspected of desiring a revolution. The emperor ordered the Grand Logothete to be taken to Didymoteichon and to spend his life in a certain monastery. And he did indeed spend time there, until he too obtained pardon and returned to Byzantium ^C, where he passed the remainder of his life.

^A The emperor bestowed the prefecture of the city upon the protostrator. And because, during the war, the followers of both sides had plundered many possessions from one another, and lest disputes and controversies arise while both groups sought to recover their own property, the emperor provided and decreed that, regarding movable goods, it should not be permitted for anyone to cause trouble for anyone else, but that they should be left to those who held them. However, he ordered that immovable property be returned to its original owners, and he commanded the protostrator to be the overseer of this for the Byzantium official. ^B After this, he went to the patriarch, both to offer him thanks and to converse with him in a familiar and friendly manner—for during their first meeting, because neither time nor the state of affairs permitted it, they had spoken only perfunctorily—and also to ask him to grant pardon to those bishops who, when he was being cast out of the patriarchate and led away as if to prison, had not only not stood up for him, but had, as far as pertained to them, even cooperated in his imprisonment. For the patriarch was highly indignant against them and considered it just to exact retribution from them for their betrayal of him. And though the emperor pleaded with him at length concerning them, he was unable to persuade him to grant them pardon, as he said that he had suffered the most extreme injustice at their hands and that it was necessary for them to receive punishment for their treachery. But when the emperor returned to the palace, having summoned the metropolitan of Pherae, the chartophylax Cutales, and the director of the monasteries, Cyberiotes—for because they had stood by him, they had been held for some time in custody—he gave thanks for the service rendered and honored them with distinctions. For the chartophylax, because he would not accept higher honors, he made the office more splendid and named him "Great Chartophylax," an epithet that still remains for the chartophylax to this day. ^C Then he took care to have brought to him Marcus Caballarius, the son of Bardas, who had hurled insults at him from the wall. He, not being unmindful of what he had bluttered before... ^D [alt-version omitted]

and having perceived that the emperor was within Constantinople, concealed himself in certain sewers and secret underground places, so that it was only after much exertion that those chosen to search for him found him and brought him to the palace. ^A When word had spread that this insulter of the emperor was being brought into the palace to be punished, the entire city ran together in a crowd, each wanting to see in what manner he would die. The emperor ordered him to be brought in. And when he was inside the gates of the house, and saw the emperor, he was seized with trembling and, dizzy, fell to the ground. Those who were leading him raised him up and brought him near the emperor; he was full of tears, his eyes cast down to the ground, and he was quite unable to look at the emperor, immediately expecting to suffer the most severe punishments.

A deep silence took hold of the whole multitude, and everyone was in suspense regarding the judgment to be inflicted upon Marcus. ^B Seeing him standing there so trembling and fearful, some of them, moved by the sight alone, were moved to tears and lamentations. Others, however, who were more prudent than the many, took from the events an image of that future judgment which we hear of; they imagined within their own minds that ineffable shame of sinners before that terrible and incorruptible tribunal. For if, before a mortal king, where punishments cannot even be lasting, there was such consternation in the culprit—so much so that because of his greatness he appeared almost dead before the sentence was even pronounced (for indeed he had no answer to offer for the things of which he was accused)—what will happen at that time to those who are conscious of wicked deeds? From a paradigm of this kind, the more intelligent became better than they were and accommodated their lives to the standard of uprightness.

The emperor, seeing that he had not sought Marcus earlier for the sake of punishment, and observing that everyone had been chastened and corrected by this spectacle—as if on a stage (34)—fell silent for a little while, and said: "What is this, Caballarius, that you were so insulting even to me while I was present? For one might forgive insults cast upon someone who is absent." ^C At this voice, Marcus fainted, fell suddenly to the ground, and striking it with his head, was thought to be about to give up the ghost from fear. After a long silence, the emperor ordered him to rise as he lay there. But he, whether because he did not hear what was being said, or because his limbs were paralyzed by terror and he could not rise from the ground, just wallowed there, neither opening his eyes nor uttering a word. The emperor gave a sign with his hand to the attendants to lift him up; for...

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(34) Concerning the uses of tragic writings, the comic poet Timocles sufficiently declares in Stobaeus with these words: "Whoever is poor, while he feels he is in need no less than Telephus, bears his misfortune more quietly. Is someone going mad? He looks to Alcmaeon. Is he going blind? He lightens his own sorrow with Oedipus. Who is bereaved? He reflects on the laments of Niobe. Lame? He remembers the feet of Philoctetes. Whoever is old and miserable has Oeneus. Whoever has reckoned what happens to others will be more cheerful in his own perils." And since true wisdom consists in having deeply perceived and pondered human affairs, so that one wonders at nothing when it happens, and does not think that anything can happen before it has happened, tragedy is of very great value for this: where it is shown by evident examples that in human affairs nothing is stable, lasting, or perpetual: all things are fleeting, frail, and vain. And, in general, tragedy has more power for establishing a life rightly than the bare precepts of philosophers; furthermore, it benefits powerful men, so that while they read of Polymestors, Agamemnons, Hercules, and Polynices, they may remember that they too are men and are subject to the strokes of fortune.

"Caballarius," he said, "have you uttered so many insults and in the presence of one who is present? For there would have been some excuse for insults committed toward one who is absent." And he, struck with terror by the emperor's voice, immediately fell to the ground, and beating his head upon the earth, was expecting to yield up his soul from fear. ^A Then the emperor, after remaining silent for some time, ordered Mark to rise. But he, whether he did not sense what was being said, or whether he was not able to rise, being unstrung by fear, rolled upon the ground, neither seeing nor saying anything. But the emperor signaled with his hand for those who were holding him to help him up. ^B When he had risen, he ordered him to pull himself together and pay attention to what was being said. And the emperor said to him: "To fear and tremble, and to expect the most grievous things to befall you, is both just and fitting for you; for you have uttered things worthy of many punishments. But I, knowing myself to have committed many sins against the Lord and King of all, and begging for forgiveness—just as you now, or rather, even much more, inasmuch as my sins are worse, and I have offended not a fellow servant, as you have, but Him who brought me from nothing into existence—and because I myself am also begging for mercy, I remit your sins to you, and grant you pardon. And I have taken the greatest pains to find you and bring you here for two reasons: one, that from what is happening, the many might be chastened so as not to be intemperate with their tongues, nor easily provoked to insults, and this toward those who are superior and worthy of honor; and that they might learn by this deed—as was rightly said by some wise man—that it is better to fall from a height than from the tongue, seeing into what a gulf you have fallen ^C through intemperance of tongue; the second, that I might free you through your whole life from fear and danger. For if you had not been brought here now and obtained forgiveness, you would have lived a life no more tolerable than Cain’s, groaning and trembling upon the earth, and expecting to be destroyed at any moment by anyone who happened upon you. But now, having obtained forgiveness, you will live pleasantly and without fear, with no one any longer able to demand satisfaction for the sins committed against me." Thus the emperor spoke to Mark. Those who were present, while expecting to see some strange form of death, then suddenly, contrary to their expectation, saw the emperor’s mercy toward Mark and the saving vote cast; and they marveled at the emperor’s compassion, and congratulated Mark on his salvation, and thinking each of them that the benefaction was their own, they said: "It is fitting for you, O Emperor, to call God Father, and with boldness to ask for forgiveness of sins from Him, since you have forgiven your debtor his debts." After these and other such things were said by the crowd, the assembly broke up with amazement and joy.

CAPUT II.

The emperor, deeming it unworthy that forgiveness should not also be granted by the patriarch to the bishops by whom he had been offended, sent the Great Domestic to the patriarch to converse with him, as if in his own name, regarding a reconciliation with the bishops, and to apply himself, as best he could, to the restoration of peace.

He went to the patriarch and ^A many times besought him on behalf of the bishops, but accomplished nothing; for the patriarch remained implacable in his anger and said that he would not grant forgiveness, happen what may, unless they first gave account for what they had dared; nor did he say it was unjust to summon them to trial. Taking this up, the Grand Domestic said: “But the position of the litigants in this trial will be unequal, if you sit as judge and accuser simultaneously, and they are forced to experience the same man as both adversary and arbiter. If, however, you pledge that you will not neglect their justice, and that you will pronounce judgment not out of anger but by the very power of justice, they will appear at the court on the appointed day.” The patriarch replied: “That the investigation of such cases belongs to me and the rest of our brethren the bishops, you yourself could not deny. But that I am now dragging them to trial as if I were the one wronged—I shall not sit as judge, but as a defendant, with the other bishops ^B judging. And even if I myself were to judge, may I never be so mad, or driven to such an absurdity, as to judge by anger and not by sound reasoning regarding the facts—especially now, when I am about to deliver a verdict not on behalf of another (for then there would be some room for pardon), but on my own behalf.” Having thus agreed upon the day when all the bishops would be present, as the trial was to be held, the Grand Domestic took his leave and departed; but the patriarch said to those present that he did not know what to make of the Grand Domestic’s promise concerning the trial, or in what he trusted when he said the bishops would appear for the trial, since they were so self-condemned, unless he had devised something new. Those present said that they themselves could not understand it. Some suspected that the account of the matter had not been given to him accurately, but that, being flooded with various continuous cares and business, he had not been able to examine and weigh what he had heard with care. For it did not seem probable—if he had heard ^C that, with no cause, but solely at the command of the emperor, they came themselves and drove [the others] from the flock against all law and right, and threw them into prison as if they were those marked by the most terrible crimes; and that they arrogated to themselves authority in the Church, and, while being themselves most unjust and avaricious, they instructed the people with shameless faces about virtue; and moreover, that they glorified and boasted of their rapacity—that anyone would promise that such men would appear for trial, and would not rather have condemned them himself long before. The patriarch took this up, having spoken not unreasonably; yet he said he was not yet led to believe that the matter was so, but that the man was of consummate prudence (as everyone knew) and had devised something which they did not currently perceive. Since, however, they had promised that all the bishops would be present on the appointed day, they had to fulfill it in action. When the day named for the holding of the synod dawned, ^D those who were in the patriarchal palace were present. The Grand Domestic, having taken the accused bishops and commanded them not to utter a word, since he was going to plead their cause himself, arrived with them as if he were about to defend them. When all were gathered in the same place, the patriarch

^A accused the bishops, saying they had been undeservedly cast from the throne and, furthermore, thrown into prison. The accused answered nothing. After a deep and long silence, the Great Domestic said: "Our Lord Jesus Christ says in the Gospels: 'Unless your righteousness shall exceed that of the scribes and Pharisees, you shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.' ^B And that 'more than the scribes and Pharisees,' as I hear you teaching, is nothing else than not only not returning the like to one who inflicts injuries, but even doing good to them as much as one is able. For this reason, the same Lord, while establishing saving laws, commanded that if anyone is dragged into court to have his tunic taken away, he should let go his cloak as well; and to one who strikes him on one cheek, he should offer the other without seeking vengeance; and other things which follow in the same sense. Furthermore, sharpening us to keep these saving precepts, He once said: 'Let not your left hand know what your right hand does,' and: 'Entering your inner room, and having closed the door, pray to your Father who is in heaven.' ^C And at another time: 'Let your light shine before men, that they may see your good works.' Although these commands seem to conflict with one another, yet, if my opinion is not wrong, it is said to us, the imperfect, who could lose the rewards of our labors through ostentation, that we must hide them with all our strength; but to you, the teachers, who are set forth as common examples of a correct and blameless life, it is said that your works should shine, so that the many, while looking upon them, may glorify our Father who is in heaven. If, therefore, you who are our light—I mean, the light of us who are disciples and are held bound by the deceits, anxieties, and pleasures of this life—if you, who justly ought to be such, should be found harsh, inexorable, and pursuing those who inflict evils with no mercy, ^D will you not make us more wild and more cruel than savage beasts? And it will happen that, just as if you had become examples of virtue for the benefit of all, you would be deemed worthy of crowns and rewards by the pious and just Arbiter of the struggle, so now, because you give occasion to all to do harm to others, you shall be condemned to no ordinary punishments. But I will propose to you an example of humanity from among us, who are fastened to this life as if by a nail, which happened quite recently. You see the Emperor, although placed in so great an empire, and in the very bloom of his youth, when one who is most concerned with living rightly is most easily accustomed to being ruined by pleasures and impelled to immoderate anger, how he used such unanticipated gentleness and clemency toward the insolence of Marcus, the most wicked of all mortals. If, therefore, he—being young in age, and an Emperor, as we have said, and wrapped up in the affairs of this life—so readily forgave the offense, will you, a teacher of all and set forth as a mirror of a holier life, not forgive your brethren who have ill-deserved of you through a certain sloth? Or are you so hardened in demanding back from those"

^A who have already paid the due penalty for their madness, being dragged to tribunals at such a time, despised by all, and fearing that they are about to suffer the ultimate punishments? Ah! do not, I beseech you. I will bring to your memory a certain promise which you gave to me. As soon as I approached you to intercede for these bishops, because you were vehemently pressing the judgment: See, I said, that you, being judge and accuser at the same time, do not neglect the proofs of the accused. And at that time, you indeed promised me that you would by no means do such a thing. Behold, the time is at hand, that you should fulfill in action what you promised; for I bring the defenses of their case with me. Upon saying this, he rose (and the patriarch and all the rest also rose), received the accused bishops (and urged those others also to join their prayers with his), and thus all together fell at the feet of the patriarch, crying out: Forgive us who have fallen, Father, that your debts also may be forgiven you by the heavenly Father. These things they were doing. But the patriarch said: ^B Being caught in an inextricable net by you, Great Domestic, since it is not permitted to do otherwise than what you are eager for, I shall cease to resist and I shall obey you. Immediately he grants pardon and absolves them from the crime, by whom he had been affronted, and he besought God for them for a remission of things erred; he implored many good things for the Great Domestic for his exhortation, and embracing the individual bishops by whom he had been offended, he even imparted to them a blessing (a proof indeed of a sincere reconciliation). After saying a few things, he dismissed the assembly. The absolved bishops approached the emperor, and gave most ample thanks for the care and diligence declared in their cause; they wished for him an abundance of divine gifts; to whom, while he was munificently rewarding the nobles, soldiers, and other friends and necessary companions, it seemed not to be permitted that some grace should not also be publicly rendered to the people and the whole city. Therefore, he abolished the more burdensome taxes; and ^C to whomsoever possessed vineyards or dwellings in public lands that were tributary, he remitted their payments; and he confirmed this benefit by a golden bull.

CHAPTER III

At the same time, the King of the Mysians, Michael, with

all his forces and his Scythian allies, invaded the territory of the ^A Romans, and ravaged the cities in the upper parts of Thrace for a significant number of days. When the Emperor learned of the invasion, he gathered as great an army as he could, hastened to Bizye, and there prepared himself for battle. But when Michael learned from his own scouts that the Emperor was preparing for battle at Bizye (for he was still sitting within Roman territory and ravaging it), fearing that he would not be able to withstand the Emperor’s approach, he decided he must resort to deception. So, he sent an envoy and instructed him to say that he had heard that the Emperor had arrived at Bizye. He said he conjectured from the probabilities that the Emperor had come with hostile intent, inflamed with the desire for battle; he did not wish to tire his soldiers by marching00 long distance, and therefore he himself would arrive at Bizye at daybreak on the following day to engage in battle. Having said this, the envoy departed. But Michael, moving off from there, marched continuously for the remainder of the day and through the following night, and by the next day he had reached the borders of his own realm. The Emperor, at daybreak, ordered his army to remain in arms, and while awaiting the arrival of the barbarians, he himself prepared for the battle. He also sent some soldiers to scout ^B the enemy camp. Around midday, the scout-soldiers returned, bringing with them six Mysians who had been taken prisoner; when questioned, they said that their King had departed with his army the day before to return home, and that they had been left behind for the sake of plundering and were thus captured. Thus did Michael outmaneuver the Emperor.

Not many days later, the Emperor himself invaded Mysia, ravaged all other parts of that land, and took Diampolis at the first assault; having plundered it, he returned to his own territory. Sixty days after the Emperor's invasion, Michael again invaded the territory of the Romans for the sake of plunder. And having arrived in the region of Odrysus, he captured the small town called Bucelum through treachery, as the guards had betrayed it by night, and he set up his camp there without doing any harm. The Emperor, being at Didymoteichon when he learned of this invasion, hastened to Adrianople, where he gathered his army to fight the Mysians. Michael, too, having encamped at Bucelum, made his own preparations by sending for his army from home. A few days later, ^C he besieged the nearby town of Probatum, having encamped around it. Thus for thirty days they stood encamped against one another, making preparations for battle.

When now everything had been readied and the time for engagement had come, the Emperor sent an embassy to Michael, saying that he thought Michael had forgotten the oaths and the treaties that had been made between them when they met at Tzer- ^D nomianou, and that it was for this reason that he had been the first to invade Roman territory and stir up war. He himself, however, said he remembered the treaties and intended to abide by the truce; that he had been unjustly harmed and attacked first with treachery, and wished only to ward off and repel force, being compelled against his will to this battle; and because both armies were Thracian (for they ought not to attack one another, but rather join together to oppose in arms those who are impious toward God, the Barbarians), and because his sister was married to him, whom he therefore desired to be a friend and not an enemy; if, however, he would restore the town occupied by treachery. If not, then with the cross, which at another time had been sent to him by him...

^A and placed upon the standard, he would march against him. Michael, for his part, also sent an embassy back to the Emperor, stating that he and the Emperor’s sister were children of the same father, and that it was fitting and just, since the Emperor himself held the entire paternal empire, that his sister should also receive some portion of the paternal inheritance. To this the Emperor replied that he desired this very much, and that he was prepared to grant not only the town of Bucelum, but other cities as well, as if to one who was a partner in the paternal estate; however, this must be done according to the law long since established among the Romans. This law is that, among the children of the Emperor, the one who is senior in age is to be proclaimed Emperor and rule over the others, while the other brothers are to yield to the first and serve him faithfully. If, therefore, it were pleasing to him to be—and to be called—the servant of the Emperor, according to this prevailing Roman law, then he was also ready to grant him cities and lands as one serving under his own authority. Michael, since he was encamped nearby and was sending his replies after a short interval, stated that it was not fitting for him, who was also a king, to serve under another king; rather, if the Emperor wished to recover the town of Bucelum, he should give in exchange Sozopolis on the Euxine Sea, which was a populous and great city. The Emperor, for the time being, replied nothing, but ordered the ambassadors to find rest in the camp. On the following day, at dawn, he ordered the entire army to arm itself, and they were in arms ^{B C}

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(36) That Virgil loved and rejoiced in armor that was polished and elegant, and conceded this not only to leaders but to soldiers as well, we have taught in our notes on the Aeneid. We have recounted from Xenophon, as cited by Aelian, book 11, ch. 24, who said that if he had conquered his enemies, he was worthy of the most elegant adornment, and if he were to lose his life in battle, he would meet it with a certain dignity in splendid armor. Further, Curtius, book 5, mentions that Alexander covered his shields with silver plates and adorned his horses with bridles. See the reason there. Onosander also instructs the emperor to ensure that the army shines, equipped with splendid arms. This will be easily achieved if the blades of the swords are rubbed well and the helmets and breastplates are frequently polished. For soldiers appear more terrifying with the glitter of arms that seem to flash, and many sights fallen into the eyes of their opponents are wont to terrify them. Let us add this as a corollary: Emperor Leo, *On Military Apparatus*, chapter […]: The more decent a soldier is in his armor, the greater is his eagerness, and he will prove himself more formidable to the enemy.

(37) Virgil in the Aeneid calls a breastplate "conser- ^D tam hamis." Lipsius explains this type of breastplate in *De militia Rom.*, book 5, dial. 6: The Latins called them "loricae hamatae," he says, because the rings and chains linked together resembled the appearance of half-hooks; or because they joined the small chains with hooks. The breastplate "hamata" is rendered by the ancient interpreter of the Bible (1 Kings 17) as "catena lorica" in the Greek, word for word. And it was nothing other than rings or iron hoops linked together, in the manner that we observe today among the French and Germans, although it is falling into disuse.

(38) The Dardani had phalanxes. See the commentary of Stevechius. Alexander ab Alexandro, book 6, ch. 13: It has been handed down by monuments that what was once the legion among the Romans, the same was the phalanx among the Greeks, Macedonians, Dardanians, and other nations. For it was of great use on open ground, and whenever it was permitted to spread out. But when it was pressed in narrow gorges and by precipitous rocks, or amidst narrow passages, that strength and power was not there: because the Macedonian phalanx was immovable, always from a stable column of infantry, nor was it easy to split or divide, which was far otherwise in the Roman legion, etc. Curtius, book 3, explains the phalanx best when speaking of the Macedonians: "But the Macedonian battle line, indeed harsh and unrefined, covers the immovable wedges of shields and spears and the knit-together strength of men. They call the infantry phalanx..."

^A, not only themselves adorned with splendor and distinction, but also their horses, some equipped with breastplates of leather, others with chainmail. And it was possible to see the Roman army prepared with great expense, not only because of the weapons and horses, but also because so great a multitude had never before gathered together in one place for a very long time. For the entire army from the West was present—Macedonians and Thracians—and as many as there were from the cities subject to the Romans in the East; and from Byzantium itself, not only cavalry, but also a great number of infantry, both heavy-armed soldiers and light archers.

When they had arrayed themselves in phalanxes for battle, the emperor, having summoned the envoys of the Mysians, said: "As you see, my army is prepared for battle. Depart and announce to your king that because I am a lover of peace, I have frequently sent envoys to you previously regarding it; but since you gave no reasonable reply, trusting in the power of the Cross, which you yourself provided to me as a pledge and security for the constancy of my promise, I shall march against you." The emperor spoke these things. The envoys returned with all speed to their own king, reported the words of the emperor, and told how the army, being so vast and so well-armed, was already on the road toward them.

Michael, who formerly did not believe that the Romans would endure to come to blows with them ^B, now seeing them already eager for battle, and having learned how great their number and preparation were, did not think it right to expose himself to manifest danger in hostile territory. Therefore, having sent the envoys back to the emperor with the greatest possible speed, he promised to surrender the fortress of Bucelum and to keep the peace for the future, and he begged the emperor to lead his army back to its own camp.

The emperor, seeing that for them this retreat was taking place in a propitious manner and that victory was being achieved without bloodshed, gladly retreated to his camp. For whereas formerly Michael had not been persuaded by words and by a judgment of what is noble and just to return Bucelum, now, because the Roman army was already arrayed for battle and [Michael] would not endure their onset, but had been defeated in judgment before the engagement and had refused the battle in fear—this was a manifest confession that the Roman army was superior. And for this reason, it seemed best to the emperor to make use of the occasion and not to contend beyond what was proper. For in previous times, while the elder Emperor Andronicus was reigning, when the Mysians had made many incursions into Roman territory, since no one had come out against them, the disputes with them were settled by embassies and persuasive words; but ^C just as they thought that the Roman emperors would not even dare to look upon those who were invincible in war, so then, seeing the emperor marching against him with an army vast and vigorous, Michael changed his mind and decided altogether that he must retreat. Such, indeed, is the nature of the Barbarians as a whole: to press forward with unbridled force against those who yield, but not to dare to attack those who stand fearless and in battle array.

The Roman soldiers were saddened that it was not permitted to join battle and to gather the spoils of the enemy (which they thought had been all but snatched from their hands); so great a desire for combat had seized everyone. Nevertheless, with peace established and a new covenant confirmed, Michael restored Bucelum; and the following day, meeting on horseback, they renewed their friendship. Nor was there war between the Romans and the Mysians thereafter, but perpetual peace. And when they had covenanted that they would meet in the future at a place that was agreeable, he returned into Mysia ^D.

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

^A For the Emperor, seeing the enemy already approaching with a large and well-provisioned army, no longer held the same opinions, but felt it necessary to retreat. For such is the whole barbarian character: they charge with unbridled fury and great force against those who do not stand their ground, but against those who are not terrified, but rather stand fast in battle, they do not themselves advance. However, the Roman army, almost imagining they were being deprived of the spoils of the enemy, were vexed that they had not joined battle with the Mysians; such eagerness had seized everyone for the fight. Nevertheless, as the peace agreements had been concluded, Michael returned the Bucellus to the Emperor, and having joined together on horseback on the following day, they renewed their friendship, and no further war was stirred up between the Romans and the Mysians, but they kept the peace from then on. Having agreed among themselves that in the future they would be together in the same place whenever it seemed best, the one returned to Mysia, the Emperor returned to Byzantium, and the army was dispersed to their various cities.

CAPUT IV

^A Syrgiannes, as we stated above, had been bound in chains by the elder Emperor Andronicos. But after the young Emperor had taken Byzantium and become master of the whole empire, the Great Domestic, remembering this man and having gone to him in the prison, when he saw the other misery from the imprisonment and especially the weight of the irons pressing upon him, he begged the Emperor first that he be released from the irons; and then also that he be removed from the prison in which he was being guarded, and sent to the tower called that of Anemas to live with his wife and children; and he succeeded in these requests. He was still, however, guarded. But upon their return from Thrace to Byzantium, the Great Domestic again begged the Emperor that Syrgiannes be released from custody entirely and completely. ^C The Emperor, composing himself, said that he was now affected by great distress by him, and added the reasons, saying that, as he was, he did not have thoughts worthy of the friendship he bore towards him. For he possessed such love for him, that if for any reason whatsoever it had seemed to him that he would prefer to leave behind his kinsmen and friends and all his wealth, and even his most precious and dearest possessions, in order to live in a foreign land, he would have tried to dissuade him from such an ill-advised act; if he could not, since he could not bear the separation of their bodies, he would have similarly bidden them all farewell and would have chosen to wander in uncertain places rather than be with him. Furthermore, if the choice were given by Him who governs all these things absolutely, that one should die for the other, he would most willingly have chosen for himself to die before him. ^D Nay, if he saw him coming against him with a drawn sword for the purpose of killing him, and then, through some obstacle, he were prevented, however much he might be loathing it, not even in that case could he ever become hateful to him.

And, in all things, that nothing could be done to his liking, without he himself providing it with all zeal, as whatever things might be pleasing to him, and appearing pleasant to himself. Since matters were thus, just as he himself was clearly convinced, he wondered why, when he was wishing ^A Syrgiannes to be released from prison, he had not openly and simply stated this from the beginning, but had ascended step by step—first asking for his collar to be removed, then for the man to be transferred to a more tolerable prison where his children and wife could live with him, and now, that he be entirely released from prison. For it would have been appropriate for you, with the frankness fitting for you, to have made your wish known immediately at the start, and not, by cutting it into many parts, to make the requests piecemeal. But you, as if having judged me to have much pettiness and lack of generosity regarding friends, or being conscious of your own weakness, fashioned your words in such a way; for which reason I said I was annoyed. But now, since you wish for Syrgiannes to be released, there is no obstacle. For whatever things appear best and pleasant to you, there is no way that they should not appear the same to me. ^B The Great Domestic said, "You have spoken truly, O Emperor; for there is nothing, I say, there is nothing, that if I should wish it to be done, you would not concede; and this is clear to me not from this speech of yours, but primarily from the deeds themselves, and then to all others long since. That I have the same spirit toward you, I do not deem it necessary to demonstrate with many words; for you have already given me other illustrious testimony of this matter. ^C But I myself, when I compare our mutual love, consider that I am far surpassed in the magnitude and majesty of the empire, but that in all other things I am not vanquished by you by even a little. For not only the things you have mentioned, but if anything greater than these can be conceived, for the sake of how much I love you, you have me prepared to both do it and endure it. And although I have often considered it by myself, and compared with our conjunction those whom I find in all memory celebrated for friendship by poets and historians (although the poets seem to have exaggerated the matter somewhat ambitiously, beyond the truth, and more than is fitting), nevertheless I find our affection, if not greater, then certainly not less than their affection. But if I should ever come into such a thought, to doubt whether there were some other species or another mode in friendship that we had not ^D employed between us, or whether we had arrived at its highest pinnacle, I would either have to gasp for breath from the anguish and heat of my soul and consider life bitter if I were found to be second to anyone in a matter so honorable and so liberal: or to withdraw from such thoughts, and [restore?] my soul with firmer...

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

^A For if I appear to any as second to another in regard to such a good, or if I should leap away from such thoughts and persuade the soul with stronger, or as they say, geometric, necessities, that there is no form of friendship, nor has there ever been, which we ourselves have not displayed toward one another even to excess—and observing this, I also consider the evangelist John to be commanding men to show the same love toward God as they show toward friends. For if, just as I hang entirely upon your will and consider everything secondary to your honoring and observance, so I were disposed toward God, to what point of virtue would I not have advanced, or what zeal and eagerness would I not have brought to bear to fulfill His commandments with all eagerness? But if you, as you have said, consider all things secondary to your friendship for me, and I for my part prize entirely the things that are friendly to you both to conceive and to do, how could there be any room for me to do those things on purpose which I judged would distress you? But I will say myself how matters stood regarding Syrgiannes. You yourself know the charges for which, having been convicted, he was condemned to dwell in prison by your grandfather, the Emperor. ^B But I, after we had brought Byzantium under our control, judged it to be vehemently harsh and alien to compassion if I did not, at the very least by visiting and speaking with him, somewhat alleviate his misery and soothe the wretched man with some consolation, if nothing else were permitted; for he hoped that in this way he would not be completely despised and abandoned by his friends. When I had come into the prison and saw how greatly he was bound, both by the very horrid place itself and by the chains cast about his neck, I grieved again and again for his plight and strove to impart to him whatever solace I could, and approaching you, I begged only that the chains be removed, for I judged that in these evils this relief would suffice. When, by often going to him, I began to act more familiarly, he did not even then bring up the mention of liberation to me, being not only ignorant of your will, which was urged toward pardoning enemies, but also conscious of his own nefarious crimes, for which he despaired that any petition could be effective. ^C But I, having been the more moved by that familiarity toward the man's calamity, thought it necessary to transfer him from the prison to another, more lenient one, and to allow him the company of his mother, wife, and dearest children, thinking that in this way there would be safety for us against being plotted against by him, and that he himself would live a life as peaceful and pleasant as if he were entirely free from all custody. I therefore obtained this for him by my prayers to you. ^D Here his mother, who was also my cousin, seeing this deed, which she had never hoped for, and that it was done through me, without being prompted by anyone, turned her great hope for the future toward...

the rest, and approached to entreat for her son’s freedom. ^A I, considering that he was my relative and remembering our long-standing friendship and the time we spent together in military service (for we learned the arts of war under one commander, our uncle Angelos, the Great Stratopedarch, who not only far surpassed the leaders of this age, but might well have vied for the crown of victory with the Roman generals of old so celebrated in historical records), and recalling how on that very same day we first engaged the enemy (who were Persians) in battle. But what persuaded me most of all was the thought that if you yourself were to grant him forgiveness for the many offenses he was known to have committed against you, and release him from all charges—expecting that he too, being changed, and taught by the very circumstances of what he had so ungratefully done, would remain loyal and a faithful friend for the future—two of the greatest goods would thus be accomplished: you would have provided an occasion for exercising your own humanity and gentleness, and besides, you would have gained a man useful in many tasks, whom his own wickedness had ruined; and I would have been the primary author of the greatest benefits to him. Therefore, yielding to their entreaties, I approached you and spoke regarding his full liberation. Otherwise, had I suspected that he would persist in the same wickedness, not only would I not have sought his freedom myself, but had anyone else asked, I would have prevented his release. For from the beginning I held it to be a fixed and certain principle, not more to love those who wish you well than to hate those who plot against you. ^B Such were the things discussed between them. But when it was confirmed that Syrgiannes was to be released from prison, the Emperor’s mother, Empress Xene, upon hearing that the Emperor had decided such things concerning him, was most aggrieved. She accused the Grand Domestic, not only because he had advocated for the freedom of one who was an enemy of the Emperor and therefore justifiably bound in perpetual chains for life, but also because he had kept the matter entirely hidden from her and had not consulted her in the affair. The Domestic, clearing himself of blame, replied that he did not know she would be unwilling, and for that reason had communicated nothing to her about it beforehand. However, Syrgiannes was released from prison according to the decree, and experienced the Emperor’s humanity and kindness. ^C

*Jacobi Pontani notes.* (46) The lines *Evander, parent of Aeneas, as he commits and entrusts him to a military master, allow him to endure service under your command and the heavy labor of Mars, and may he become accustomed to witness your deeds, and admire you from his first years.* (47) Regarding Cn. Pompeius: *I wish, Quirites, that you had such a supply of brave and innocent men that this deliberation would be difficult for you—namely, whom you would judge most worthy to be put in charge of such great affairs and such a great war. But now, since there is one Cn. Pompeius, who has surpassed not only the glory of the men of the present age, but even the memory of antiquity by his virtue,* etc. Nothing, therefore, in relation to this Angelos Asanes, can be found among those Greeks whose lives Aemilius Probus wrote: Miltiades, Themistocles, Chabrias, Epaminondas, and others; nor anything from the Roman Fabii Maximi, the Scipios, the Marcelli, and finally all the military leaders whom Cicero in *De Oratore* declares that Rome could produce as the most excellent and almost countless from a single city. But the Greeks are a race of men effusive in their own praise. (48) Gregoras relates that Syrgiannes was led out of prison, having first given a written oath and calling down the most atrocious things upon himself if he were to plot anything against the Emperor. If, in any way, he were convicted of falsehood before impartial judges, beyond those dire oaths, he was to be punished with death as well. Yet he did not remain in the faith, and was killed as a traitor, as will be taught in chapter 20. And the man whom Xene now wishes destroyed, she later adopts, and entrusts herself entirely to him, as is in the same Gregoras.

CAPUT V.

Germans, by right of hospitality, seek to be aided with money by the emperor. The Great Domestic replies that the treasury is exhausted, but that they shall provide soldiers for them. The Germans refuse; they abound in soldiers. They are sent away with honor. The craftiness of the Domestic is exposed. Also how, with the emperor’s approval, he shifted part of his burdens and cares onto the shoulders of Apocauchos. The reasons why the emperor departed for Cyzicus. He makes peace with the satrap Zamerchanes, who was harassing the eastern cities of the Romans. Mosa makes a perpetual treaty with the emperor.

^A Around the same time, an embassy came to the elder emperor from the Germans, seeking money, saying that according to the ancient alliance and friendship which existed between them and the Roman Empire, it seemed fitting that they should aid one another if either side were in need. For the Germans (49) have a bond of hospitality with all Roman emperors, and they are eager to procure whatever might bring benefit and honor to the Romans. But now, being in need of money, they had necessarily come to the emperor, confident that they would receive whatever they required. But when they found Andronikos the elder emperor removed from power, they addressed their embassy to the new one. The emperor, when he learned why they had come, entrusted the Great Domestic to make a defense to them in whatever way might seem most reasonable. He, having called the envoys to him, said that he and the emperor understood the reason for their presence, and that he was not ignorant of their ancient alliance and friendship with the Roman emperors; and that he considered both empires to be, in a sense, one sovereignty; and it seemed to him both just and appropriate that they should provide mutual aid whenever the other was in need. ^B Regarding the money they now asked for, he stated that if they had come before the war between the emperors had been stirred up, they would have received however much their necessity required. But now, the war had exhausted the treasury. Nevertheless, there was another way to meet their financial difficulty; for they would provide a large and strong army to fight alongside them against their enemies. For he thought that they could not have been seeking money for any other reason than for an army. Therefore, if they obtained this, which they were striving with such great diligence to find, they would now possess what they had found to be required. But the envoys said that they had come for the sake of money, not an army. For their own land fed many brave soldiers who could be used by their king, provided that funds for their pay were not lacking. In this manner, the emperor skillfully dismissed the envoys, after having treated them humanely with presents as magnificently as possible. ^C And when he had heard what the Great Domestic had replied, he affirmed that he thought it had been answered pointedly and fittingly to the Latins, as some sort of assistance had been promised to them as if they were friends, for if they had wished to demand the fulfillment of the promises, he did not see what could have been replied. And the Great Domestic himself said that the same doubt had arisen in his own mind while he was replying. But, he said, because he mentioned the lack of money, it would not be a matter of shame, since they themselves were destitute of it and seeking it from elsewhere. He had promised that troops would be given, however much... ^D

he ^A understood—as was indeed the case—that they were not asking for troops, but were in need of money. If, however, they were to proceed to the latter request, it was not easy to say right now that they could be provided, as this required time for preparation, and furthermore they did not know for certain if it would be agreeable to their king. If they were to return home and report about the army, and if the king were to require it, then those who were to receive it should come; for since the expedition was a long one and in foreign territory, it would require a significant amount of time for preparation. So much for these matters.

From the time when the new emperor separated from his grandfather, the emperor, and arrived at Adrianople, up to that day, in all matters being transacted, and especially in the imperial correspondence—which, whenever it was a matter of validation, was overseen by the Great Domestic himself, for fear that, through the idleness or malice of those to whom these things had been entrusted, anything improper might be done—he had borne no small toil. Yet, because he judged that this care and solicitude was necessary in all things, he bore it in silence. But now, with the civil wars buried, and with no plots or suspicions remaining, he decided that his own ^B occupations should also be somewhat diminished. For this reason, he explained to the emperor his laborious administration of the preceding time, and advised him that, now that the evils of civil strife and the suspicious times had passed, provision should be made that matters be conducted well and properly, just as before, and that some rest and relief should be granted to him. He would yield, he said, if the oversight of the imperial letters, the treasury, and the prefectures over the tax collectors were transferred to another, whom the emperor might choose by his own judgment.

The emperor replied that he was not unaware of how great the labors were that he had hitherto undergone, since he had been in charge of everything alone; but that he knew well—and indeed marveled greatly—that he alone had been able to be sufficient for such a mass of affairs. Moreover, he said, he had grieved for his lot whenever he considered the burdens by which he was pressed. But since he also considered what he had said—that because of the civil wars and plots, it had been necessary for him to be present at everything, and for everything to be done through him—he had, even against his own will, spent his time [under these conditions]. Now, however, that God had established and set the commonwealth in order, he should rather choose someone ^C to take up the offices he had named, though not in such a way that affairs should be surrendered to him absolutely and completely; rather, the Great Domestic should remain over the necessary matters, and everything should be administered according to his judgment. For in this way, business would be conducted excellently, and he himself would obtain sufficient rest. The Great Domestic agreed, and chose Apocauchus, the prefect of the sacred bedchamber, for these duties, and the emperor agreed. Apocauchus was created administrator of common affairs (50), and whatever was necessary or of greater importance, the Great Domestic [remained] as judge. ^D

well as that he might also secure no small relief for himself. The Grand Domestic complied with the Emperor’s instructions, and chose Apokaukos ^A to oversee the administration of the aforementioned affairs; the Emperor himself also added his concurrence. Once the Grand Domestic had been appointed as administrator of public affairs, he would bring those things which were necessary, and which required the judgment of the Grand Domestic, before him; they were then done as he permitted, either by him alone or after examining certain matters with the Emperor. Things that were not of this nature, he allowed the Grand Domestic to transact.

At the same time, the Emperor crossed over to Cyzicus, as much to venerate the non-manufactured icon of the Mother of God, which was kept in a temple at Hyrtakion, as to inspect the region, which he had not yet seen. But more important than these, he went so that he might persuade the ruler of Phrygia ^B, Tamerchanes, son of Giaxes, who was encroaching upon the cities of the Romans in the East near the Hellespont, to enter into an agreement; something which was accomplished according to the Emperor’s wish. For having set out from Cyzicus to the city of Pegai on the Hellespont, he summoned Tamerchanes. He arrived quickly, and met with the Emperor with great moderation, and, so to speak, in lowliness. For when he was close enough to see the Emperor and be seen by him, he and his Persians dismounted their horses, and advanced a little way. While all the others worshipped the Emperor from a distance, bowing their heads to the ground, he himself approached the Emperor on foot, worshipped him, and kissed his foot. Then, mounting his horse again, he spoke with the Emperor in private. When the Emperor had negotiated at length ^C with him regarding peace, and had promised to show him favor, Tamerchanes returned to his camp. Returning the next day, he greeted the Emperor and promised to maintain peace in the future and never again to campaign against the Romans in the East. After the Emperor had rewarded him as was appropriate to his dignity, he returned to his own people and, putting his promises into action, never again harmed the Romans.

The Emperor returned to Byzantium. While he was staying there, Michael, the King of the Mysians, sent word to him asking if it might please him to meet with him to renew their treaties and peace. For the meeting that had previously taken place at Adrianople had been short and disrupted, as the times and circumstances—owing to the wars that had occurred then—did not allow for more. Since it was also the wish of the Emperor, they held their meeting at the place called ^D the Precipices, between Sozopolis and Anchialos, and there they entered into a firm and lifelong treaty and alliance; having then parted, they returned home.

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

CAPUT VI.

Since it had been decided to march against the barbarians and not to delay, the Emperor gathered an army from Byzantium, Didymotichum, Adrianople, and Thrace—for the time did not allow for the summoning of forces from Macedonia and the rest of the West. When Contophres returned from Mesothenia, asserting that the time was ripe to attack the barbarians before they withdrew into the difficult, mountainous terrain, the Emperor took the gathered army and crossed over to the East as spring was already drawing to a close, toward the place called Scutarium. When the barbarians received word of the Emperor’s approach, all the nomads who were scattered throughout Bithynia took up their tents, their flocks, and the rest of their equipment and withdrew to the higher mountains, further than was their custom. Orchanes, the satrap of the Persians in those parts, having taken up the infantry and cavalry forces he had, and learning that the Emperor intended to come through Mesothenia—a place abounding in natural difficulties and strongholds—did not rely so much on his own strength as on the ^B nature of the location. He marched into Mesothenia and stationed his army upon high and nearly inaccessible ground. The Emperor, having departed from Scutarium on a two-day journey, and moving forward on the third day in the morning, saw the Persians sitting in the distance on an elevated position.^{C D}

^A Having advanced a little further, the emperor himself also encamped at a place called Pelecanum; and having gathered the commanders, they deliberated on what should be done. It seemed best not to advance further, at once because the nomadic Persians, against whom they were marching with the intent of enslaving them, would perceive the attack and flee; and also because the regions through which they were to pass were difficult and narrow, and with an infantry and cavalry army standing against them, it did not seem necessary to run risks to no purpose. But that they might not appear to be retreating out of fear of the barbarians, they decided that on the following day at dawn, they should arm themselves and form up in the plain facing the barbarians as if for battle. And if they themselves should abandon the difficult terrain and wish to contend with them on the level ground, they would show their own valor; but if they themselves did not withdraw from the difficult terrain, they would march in formation along the road leading to Byzantium, showing by their actions that they were retreating home not out of cowardice, but because they had no one to fight with. ^B This is what had been decided, and they spent that night at Pelecanum. When the darkness had been driven away and the light of day shone, after the customary hymns to God had been sung, the emperor ordered the trumpet to sound to the army to take up arms. Therefore, once they were armed, in accordance with the decision of the previous day, they marched forth to face the barbarians, drawn up as if for battle. Orchanes, seeing the emperor advancing, also began to set his own army in order. A certain portion he concealed in ambushes, so that if the Romans, having gained the upper hand, attacked them, those in the ambushes might emerge suddenly, strike them with terror due to the unexpectedness of the assault, and turn them to flight. He took up the rest of his entire force and stood on high ground. Furthermore, having selected ^C three hundred of his most warlike mounted archers, on very swift horses, he ordered them not to engage the Romans in close-quarters and stationary combat, but to attack them on the run, then to flee and loose arrows backward, and then to wheel around and harass the enemy again. It happened that the space between the two armies was level toward the Romans and suitable for cavalry, but toward the Persians it was not only uphill and difficult of access, but also everywhere broken up by natural trenches; trusting in this advantage, the barbarians carried themselves more boldly against the Romans. He instructed these three hundred to contend with the Romans in this manner, and he positioned another thousand behind them in the trenches and narrow defiles to receive the pursuing Romans, and for the same reason he stationed a thousand on either side. When the emperor saw the Persians descend from the hill, he himself also selected three hundred of his own men to accompany him, and he inflamed them with these words: "What glory, soldiers, what honor the Romans have gained for themselves from the beginning, in that they have been formidable to their enemies, is not unknown to you. For these are they who [held] almost the whole

world, and forced all tribes, both of Europe and of those in Asia, to serve them. But that it has happened that we have for a short time suffered not a few losses from the Barbarians, we ought not on that account to be broken in spirit for the future. For it was not through our own wickedness that the defeat occurred; but rather, God was avenging Himself upon us for certain transgressions of ours by means of the Barbarians. It is not right, therefore, that those who have not been conquered in their resolve, nor by force, but who still possess a better hope for the future, should be discouraged by the outcome of a disaster; and one must consider that, while in actions it is possible for men to fail, in their principles they may always remain exactly and truly noble. Nor because they previously yielded, should they now deservedly be regarded as unwarlike. Nay, you do not yield to the Barbarians in military skill, and you far exceed them in daring. For you see how they are panic-stricken and hiding themselves in the hollows of the mountains, and nowhere wishing to depart from the rough terrain, nor daring to contend with us on equal ground. Become, then, ^B good men, and restore the glory of your ancestors, which has already fallen; and do not imagine that you are struggling against the Barbarians for land that does not concern you, but rather for liberty above all, and for the fatherland of each one of you. For if we, struggling here in a manner worthy of ourselves, overcome them, we shall not only recover those things which were previously taken from us by them, but we shall also enjoy the present in peace. In addition to these things, if I myself were now struggling alongside you as you fight, there might have been a pretext for some coward to think he could remain hidden by imagining he would go unnoticed; but since I myself stand outside the fray as the arbiter and judge of the contest, let each one consider with himself that if he is a coward, he will pay the due penalty, but those who are valiant will be honored with rewards equal to their virtue. But as to the manner in which the battle must be fought against the Barbarians, you yourselves, practiced in the works of war from childhood, do not need to be told; yet ^C I will advise you. If they join battle distributed in ranks, it is necessary that we also encounter them in orderly battle array. But because, as far as I can conjecture, they do not intend to engage in close combat, but rather to hurl javelins from a distance, and, when they have made an incursion upon us, not to hold their ground, but to flee into inaccessible places and lie in wait there, it is necessary that you remain beyond the reach of their missiles and advance while slowly maintaining your ranks. When, however, you have drawn nearer, every...

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

^A And if one should appear as a coward, he shall be punished with the fitting penalty; but the brave shall be rewarded with the due prizes of virtue. Regarding what sort of engagement ought to be made against the Barbarians—they themselves are indeed bred from childhood in the works of war—I shall offer my own advice. For if they were drawn up in phalanxes and fighting us on equal footing, it would be necessary for us also to maintain our ranks and advance upon them. But since, as far as one can conjecture from what is happening, they do not intend to come to close quarters, but rather to hurl missiles from a distance and, when we advance, not to stand their ground but to retreat toward the difficult terrain and those posted within it, it is necessary for you, until you are within range of their arrows, to proceed slowly and in formation; but when you are near, to use all speed and courage. At once both consuming the intervening space so that you may not be shot at leisure by their frequent arrows, and at the same time to forestall the retreat of the Barbarians and do them damage. ^B Do not pursue them too far, nor, being carried away by boldness, push yourselves into dangers; but when you arrive at those designated positions, retreat again to the plain, maintain your order, and defend yourselves against the Barbarians as they advance. Such things did the Emperor exhort the soldiers, at the same time praying for aid from the Most High, and for victory for them. They, having prostrated themselves before the Emperor and having said that they would either win gloriously or die honorably, and having armed themselves with the cross, moved against the Barbarians in order and slowly. Exotrochus the Great Hetaireiarch was leading them; the Barbarians likewise advanced to meet them. When they were near one another, as far as could be reached by arrows, the Romans, as they were commanded by the Emperor, letting loose the reins completely, brought themselves upon the Persians as swiftly as possible; but the Barbarians, having held out for a little while and having shot arrows against the Romans, hoping in this way to turn them back from their charge, when they saw them advancing unmoved and caring little for the shafts, turned to flight immediately. And in the flight they died—around

^A forty of them; the rest saved themselves by fleeing to the rugged ground and to those stationed behind them. None of the Romans died, nor were any wounded, though a few horses were. Having retreated from the pursuit, they took their stand again on the level ground, as if at a starting line, awaiting the onset of the barbarians. The Persians, after spending a little time with their own men and taking up more in place of those who had fallen, went against the Romans. And when, just as before, they drew near, for the courage and readiness of the Romans were put to use once again, the barbarians turned, and about thirty of them died in the pursuit. Not one of the Romans was wounded, except for some of the horses. Orchanes, seeing from the hill that his men were already being defeated, ^B encouraged the barbarians and sent a force to their aid. The Emperor praised his own men for their courage and valor, and exhorted them not to relax their boldness, as they would always be superior to the barbarians; and he sent a capable force against the barbarians. When the troops drew near each other, the Persians again held out for a while, but being pressured by the Romans, they were put to flight toward their own lines, and a few of them fell. Such were the clashes and retreats the Persians made against the Romans, until the evening of the day, at the very beginning of summer, with the month of June commencing. And the Romans were victorious in every engagement; yet they could not overcome them decisively, partly because of the deep ravines that enclosed the Persian army and allowed no encirclement by the Romans, and partly because the plain where the Persians descended to fight was itself broken everywhere by natural trenches; in which many archers stood, ^C robbing the Romans of a total victory by shooting from their fortifications; and even the Emperor could not lead his entire army against them because of the unevenness of the terrain. From that point, Orchanes, thinking it to be a favorable moment for a more vigorous assault, selected another thousand of the Persians and ordered them to descend to the plain and attack the Romans along with the three hundred. When the Emperor saw them descending, he thanked his soldiers who had fought earlier as was fitting for their valor, and praised their commander, Exotrochus, for both his experience and his ^D [This ends the page.]

^A courage. He sent another army, led by the grand stratopedarch Manuel Tagaris, to stand with them against the barbarians. A fierce battle lasting a long time ensued on both sides, in which many Roman horses were wounded, though few soldiers were injured and only one died; among the Persians, fifty fell during the fighting. Orchanes, while the battle was raging, drew up the entire army he had—for a large portion of it had previously been hidden in ambuscades—in a line of battle, so as to be visible to both Romans and barbarians, thinking that this display would both inspire his own men and strike terror into the Romans. But when he saw that he gained nothing by this device (for the Romans fought none the less gallantly and were already prevailing over the enemy), he ordered his brother Pazarles to engage the Romans at full strength. He himself also descended a little way from the hill, then stopped with a few men to see how things would turn out.

When the Emperor saw that the barbarians had rushed to the battle with their entire force, he ordered all the other divisions to remain completely steady, while he himself took three battalions and advanced toward the fight. The grand domestic was stationed on the right wing, while John Angelos, the Emperor’s cousin, held the left, and the Emperor himself occupied the center. Having clashed with the barbarians, they routed them completely, as they were not even able to withstand the first onslaught, and after crossing all the difficult terrain, they pursued them as far as the heights of the hill where Orchanes was standing. There fell in the battle one hundred and fifty Persians, but not a single Roman; indeed, neither soldier nor horse was even wounded. The Emperor turned back from there, not deeming it advantageous to force his way up the hill, and upon coming to the plain, he ordered each man to maintain the formation he had held from the beginning. The barbarians stood at the foothills, not thinking it advantageous to advance any further.

The Emperor, seeing that the barbarians no longer intended to come to grips with them, consulted with his chief men as to what they ought to do. The grand domestic stepped forward and offered the following advice: "Our affairs, as we ourselves planned from the beginning, have reached a happy conclusion. We ourselves advanced first in battle array so as not to appear to be retreating out of fear of the barbarians, and the enemy did not dare to openly stand against us; by this they bore clear witness that they did not consider themselves a match for us, yet they did not refrain from putting all their strength to the test. Even if Orchanes himself had not arrived for the battle, so that we might have had some fear that his presence would make a difference, we have learned from the fact itself that his presence would accomplish nothing more. ^B Since, therefore, he himself openly avoided a clash at close quarters, and we have always carried off the victory in individual skirmishes (for, whereas more than four hundred barbarians fell, only one Roman has died), what greater or more conspicuous proof could one seek that the barbarians have been defeated by us both in spirit and in body? One might also consider this as the surest evidence that the barbarians acknowledge us to be more powerful than themselves: even though our soldiers’ attendants were gathering fodder for the horses all day long right near them—even though they are otherwise incredibly greedy for war and plunder—the barbarians did not attempt to stop them. And since the sun is near setting, I consider it most advisable to return to camp, spend the night there, and at daybreak tomorrow, having taken up our arms and formed our column, to begin our journey to Byzantium. And if indeed the barbarians should ^C

leaving the rough terrain, wish to fight us on the plain, it will be God’s care whichever side He grants the victory. But if they remain on the hill and shrink from the battle (which I am more inclined to believe, as I contemplate our intended march through the plain), our return will remain most honorable, as we will be winners on both counts: first, because when we engaged them in battle yesterday we defeated them, and second, because when we challenged them to battle today, they, judging themselves unequal, chose to cling to those narrow passes). ^A The Emperor immediately concurred with this advice, and the others embraced it as the best course. With the standards raised and the trumpet sounding the signal to move, they returned to camp, chanting pæans as if in victory. Orchanes, however, remained himself on the hill with the greater part of his army, but sent a detachment to follow the Romans as far as the camp. ^B Among the Romans, those who were in the bloom of their youth—not only of the nobility but also from the common ranks—seeing the Persians following them, like young men impetuous and difficult to restrain, broke from their own ranks, fell out of the march, and joined battle with the barbarians. The Grand Domestic, suspecting the ill-timing—for it was already late in the day—and fearing that the soldiers might suffer some harm from the barbarians, and furthermore being angry that, contrary to the authority of the Emperor and his own, as he who directed the entire Roman army, they were fighting in a confused and disorderly manner with the barbarians who were lagging behind, entrusted his banner and his own battalion to one of his subordinate commanders and ordered him to proceed to camp; he himself, taking with him a few picked men, hurried toward those who were fighting with the barbarians, both to draw them away from the battle and bring them back with him to the army, and to impose on the deserters of the ranks the punishment that was their due. ^C The Emperor, having used the same reasoning, likewise entrusted his own battalion and the imperial standard to Manuel Asanes, son of Andronicus, his kinsman, and after ordering him to withdraw to camp, he himself took some picked men and set out to the rear. It so happened that they encountered one another and, learning that the reason for their return was the same, since they deemed that they had acted timely, they approached those who were fighting and took them away, even though they were unwilling to cease fighting with the barbarians. For the barbarians, seeing that the Roman army was now at no small distance from them and judging that only a few had been left behind, and concluding that it was a ripe time to attack and slaughter them—since these too were picked men, and they themselves were somewhat more numerous—brought them into the greatest danger. ^D Indeed, the Grand Domestic, his horse stumbling from so many runs and returns, would have nearly perished, had he not been immediately lifted onto another horse by the Emperor and those close by. The Emperor’s own mount, although pierced with a lethal wound, did not fall until he had rescued himself from the barbarians. Ac-

-^A-cordingly, the Emperor was also wounded in the thigh by an arrow while fighting with great courage against the barbarians, and the arrow passed through both sides. But he suspected no danger from the wound, and after the tenth day it was healed, as if it had not been wounded at all. Nevertheless, having fought bravely and nobly, and having slain a few of the barbarians—though these were of the notable ones—they separated from one another, and while the others remained behind, shunning the Roman army as they would a fire and not daring even to approach it, the Emperor and those with him, with no one troubling them, reached the army and proceeded toward the camp.

However, a certain Sebastopulus, one of those serving under the Emperor—a Moesian by birth and commander of three hundred soldiers who were not well-armed, did not possess good horses, and were held in the lowest regard in the army—having taken all his own men and sought help from some foot soldiers, abandoned the rest of the army and rode at a gallop toward the Persians. The Persians, thinking that this headlong rush would lead to their own ruin and wishing to draw them far away from the army, pretended to be defeated and feigned flight. ^B Sebastopulus followed them rashly and without deliberation. Then the barbarians, suddenly gathering together and raising shouts and loud cries, charged fiercely upon the Romans. They, unable to withstand the barbarian assault, turned to flight. More than twenty of the cavalry were slain, and as many again of the infantry; the rest were saved by a sudden and not insignificant reinforcement sent from the army. The Emperor, having encamped again at Pelekanon, immediately sent word to the protostrator at Byzantium of what had happened, with orders for ships to be ready to transport the army in a day or two. And fearing that—as indeed happened—a report regarding his wound other ^C than the truth might be spread abroad, he also wished to inform the protostrator that while he had been wounded in the thigh, it was not dangerous, and that he was not returning for that reason, but because he had already determined even before the wound that it would be to his advantage to do so. The Grand Domestic, for his part, having suitably established the camp and taken as many soldiers as he wished, kept watch throughout the night at their approach, in a location naturally quite narrow and similar to an isthmus, with a fairly wide space enclosed within. ^D

CHAPTER VIII

^A Orchanes, after he had gathered his satraps, addressed them with these words: "I believe there is none among you today who does not know how skilled in war and how ready of hand the Romans are; and I know for certain, as you yourselves will agree with me, that neither in our own time nor in the time of our ancestors have any other Romans fought with such great glory to their name and with such singular skill. For throughout the entire day, whether by deception, or by terror, or by sudden and daring onset, or by any other means by which we attempted to throw their ranks into confusion, they did not deviate in the slightest from their own loftiness of spirit; but through the discipline they possess, they maintained their positions, and in courage and excellence of mind always appearing better than us, they sent many of ours down to Orcus, while not even a few of their own number were missing.

And what is more marvelous, even as the army was retreating to the camp, when not many had returned, and many more of us attacked them, so far were they from being defeated that they even lost those who were by far the best among them in virtue and alacrity. After them, others—though rashly and, as it appeared, unsuccessfully—charged us (so that I would have thought they would all be slain to a man by our hands), yet, with only a few missing, all the others escaped beyond expectation; and it seems even their commander, because they did not maintain order, is likely to punish them for their own salvation. From all this, it is likely that the Emperor will attack us tomorrow with even greater spirit than before. But we, as being weak and defeated in the face of such resistance, will be forced, whether we wish it or not, to seek safety in an ignoble and shameful flight.

If, however, while avoiding the danger, it is possible for us to be safe and to escape the dishonor that follows the defeated (for no man of sense would blame us if we shun a danger that is foreseen), why should we, out of rivalry, bring upon ourselves extreme perils, and not be considered foolish and indeed the architects of our own destruction? Wherefore it is my opinion that we should depart from here, and since the region contains many other highly fortified and inaccessible retreats, we should occupy one of them and there await the outcome. For it is surely better to depart with safety and impunity than to flee while the Romans pursue us."

These things Orchanes deliberated with the principal Persians, and it seemed to all of them to be the best and most profitable course, and they all voted in favor of it. But Colauses Salingaris, and Catægialus Pachatures, advanced in age and...

^A coevals of Osman, the father of Orchan, and experienced in many wars and dangers, said that this decision did not please them; nor was it permissible, without a struggle, to allow the Romans to gain a bloodless victory through their own poor counsel. For to abandon the camp, they argued, is nothing other than to be openly defeated and overcome. They said that they themselves would not deny that they were unable to stand against the Emperor, and that one must think of everything rather than facing the Romans in direct combat. But to flee when there is no necessity, they maintained, provides not even the slightest advantage; rather, one should put aside what is superfluous and the rest of the soldiers' baggage in a place of safety where it seems best, while he himself, with the army arrayed lightly and with speed, should remain in the same places, yet not make the army visible in any way, but conceal it in ravines and hollows, as the nature of the terrain is suitably adapted for this. And, having selected one hundred soldiers as scouts, he should command them to remain in the same places where he himself was encamped the day before; and if the ^B Emperor remains quiet in his camp, they too should stay hidden there until it becomes clear to us toward what point he turns. If he should advance upon us, first of all, it is not possible for them to come at us head-on, hindered by the difficulty and the natural obstacles of the terrain. For it is the mark of strategic experience not only to arrange the army in an orderly fashion, but also to judge the times and the places from which ^C

Notes of Jacobi Pontani

(66) I write *Osmani* here, because that is how the Greek codex has it. The common people call him Othman or Othoman, and his descendants Othomanidæ rather than Osmanidæ; this is required by the pronunciation of the Arabic and Turkish languages, and the Greek rendering of the name with *th* does not conflict with this; since this letter corresponds not to the Latin *t* or *th*, but, by the custom of the Greeks, to a double *ss* expressed with a certain sibilant sound. (Leunclavius). Regarding the origin of this Osman, or Osmanis, and the propagation of the Turkish empire, hear the dream from the Turkish annals of the Osmanid Sultans, not unlike that which Astyages, King of the Medes, saw concerning the daughter who was to bear Cyrus, and which Herodotus and Justinus have recorded: It happened once that Etrucules, weary during the day, settled himself for rest. Thereupon, a dream presented itself to him; having seen it, he awoke. Soon, pondering the matter hither and thither, he washed his body, completed his prayers, and having changed his attire, he set out for Conia and entered the city. A man of great authority and learning lived there, whose name was Edebales, a worker of marvelous deeds and wonders, upon whom all eyes were cast because he had instructed them in the Mahometan law, and who possessed otherwise most ample means. Even the Sultan himself, whom we mentioned, Aladines, held him in great esteem. When Etrucules had met him to explain his dream: "Venerable man," he said, "during my sleep I seemed to see the splendor of the moon emerging from your bosom, which then penetrated my own bosom. When it had been brought there, a tree seemed to me to spring forth from my navel, which covered with its shade several regions and very high mountains and wide plains. And at the very roots of the tree, perennial waters flowed forth, by which vineyards and gardens were irrigated here and there: and I awoke following these things." After Edebales, who was held by his own people to be a holy man, had tormented himself for a long time and much about the interpretation of the dream, he finally turned his speech toward Etrucules: "There shall be born to you a son," he said, "O excellent man, whose name shall be Osman. He will wage very many wars, and your descendants will thereafter be kings and princes of lands. My daughter, too, is to marry Osman, from whom he will beget children, who will attain to royal dignity and will preside over peoples with authority." According to those words, Osman was born, who, when he had come of age, took the daughter of that Mahometan as his wife, from whom was born to him a son, Urchan (whom our history calls Orchan). When Osman, having occupied several provinces, had established a principality for himself, he distributed part of the territories liberally among the military leaders who had come to those places with his father Etrucules; from whom those regions have inherited their names to this day. Likewise, to his son Urchan, he granted a small dominion, whose name was Chisard Saugagi, and the surname Inunge.

(67) Concerning the choice of a commander, Vegetius, lib. iii, cap. 13. "It is fitting for a good commander to know that the place in which one is to fight is a great part of the victory. Strive, therefore, that when you are about to join battle, you may first capture the aid of the location, which is judged to be the more useful the higher it is occupied. For missiles descend with greater force upon those who are below, and the higher part drives back those striving with greater impact. He who struggles against an uphill slope undergoes a double contest, with both the location and the enemy. But there is this difference, that if you hope for victory over the cavalry of the enemy by relying on your infantry, you must choose rough, unequal, and mountainous places. If, however, you seek victory with your own cavalry against the infantry of an adversary, you must follow places that are indeed slightly elevated, but level and open and not impeded by marshes."

^A They would inflict the greatest damage upon the enemy and be of service to their friends. "But if they should so far deviate from sound reasoning as to push themselves in such a headstrong and rash manner into the crags of the mountains and the ravines, this is what we would most desire, and it would be a prayer fulfilled to witness it. For they will surrender the victory to us without a struggle as they are destroyed." This, at any rate, being what it was, we do not suppose even they failed to realize, having as we see experience of the works of war. It remains for them, having circled around the peak of the mountains, to attack us from the other side, where it is level ground and provides an easy operation for them. It is possible for anyone who wishes to conjecture that, until their path is completed, it is possible for us, having retreated to the most secure places, to establish ourselves outside of every danger and fear, and furthermore, there will be the added benefit that it will not appear that we are fleeing out of fear of them—in which lies the greatest shame—but rather that we are using the experience of generals to procure safety for our own men. Those, however, whom we said were to stand like scouts, a hundred in number, were to wait for the Emperor until he should be near them; then, at that point, they too would safely withdraw, for no one would attack them due to their being lightly equipped and nimble and using good horses. Such having been the deliberations of the barbarians, Orchanes was persuaded, and the others as well; and it was resolved to remain, to execute the plan on the following day. ^B Into the Roman camp, meanwhile, a rumor spread that the Emperor was in a bad way from his wound, having been struck in a vital spot. Those who were still disposed toward the elder Emperor spread the report that the Emperor would be dead before long; whether they believed this to be truly the case, or whether they spread such things out of enmity, remained unclear, for the Emperor later left the matter unexamined, as he did not wish it to appear that he was punishing them when they offered no defense, for the sake of the goodwill they felt toward his grandfather. For a time, therefore, it was bruited about by them; and they advised the soldiers from Byzantium to withdraw from the camp to the nearby cities of Bithynia, for fear that if anything were to happen to the Emperor, all of them would be destroyed by the Persians. Some of them, indeed, even went to the Great Domestic and, as if out of goodwill, advised him to lead the army away to the nearby cities, as it was already in turmoil from the rumor and would soon fall into disorder. He, however, shook his head at the suggestion and said that they were not advising what was advantageous. When they would not be persuaded, although they begged him much, they suggested that he communicate their opinion to the Emperor, so that whatever seemed good to him might be done. This, at any rate, they did persuade [him to do—] ^C thus they thought—

^A but it was necessary to inform the Emperor himself of what was happening. Having therefore gone to the Emperor, he reported all that the men in authority had said concerning what seemed to them advantageous. The Emperor, however, considered it most disadvantageous and was not a little displeased. He commanded that [orders] be sent with all speed to those who had come to the entrance of the camp, to hold the army back and by no means to fall into disorder, lest, as if they were without enemies, they should destroy themselves. He did then as he had been commanded, and that with speed. But having arrived at the entrance, he found the entire army already rushing to flee toward the cities. For those from Byzantium, not even waiting for the return of the Emperor, but thinking that the Emperor was dead, had taken their tents and whatever other things they carried and were departing toward the aforesaid cities. Seeing this, the rest were no longer able to remain in the camp themselves, but the entire army had already moved to flee. The Great Domestic regarded these events as a grave matter and hastened to turn back those who had been the first to begin the flight; but since he had no power to accomplish anything that was proper (for the entire army had already been set in motion), he disregarded the others and with all haste and concern applied himself to the Emperor's safety. Proceeding as quickly as he could to the Emperor's tent, he did not find him there. For the attendants around him, seeing that the entire army was already rushing to flee and the camp had been left deserted, and that because of his wound the Emperor was unable to travel on horseback, had feared for him, and having placed him upon a rug, had put him into a boat that happened to be there; they commanded the sailors to steer for Byzantium. Having turned back, he himself also withdrew to Philocrene. The army was divided into four parts: one part went to Philocrene, another to Nicetiatum, the third to Dacibiza, and the fourth to Ritzium. Orchanes, knowing nothing of these events, nevertheless ordered his brother Parzalus, with a few Persians, to go and scout the Emperor's army. For he thought that they would not even sleep securely that night, but would attempt something to their own detriment. He, covered by the darkness as much as possible, drew near the camp, and when he perceived that the army was in motion, he quickly informed his brother Orchanes. To him it did not immediately seem that this motion of the army was for their own good, and he was shaken in his reasoning; but a little later, having sent Parzalus as a second messenger, he declared that the Roman army, having arisen from the camp in a confused and disorderly manner, was not turning toward Byzantium, but toward the aforesaid cities of Bithynia. When he learned this, ^B and since the night was near the dawn, he himself also set out with his entire force and arrived at Philocrene about the second hour of the day. The Romans, who had betaken themselves there, because the keys of the gate had been lost by chance, were standing in confusion with the baggage-carriers and the camp-followers, who were carrying the equipment and loads. Since the Persians were already certainly marching upon them, they could not be brought into array for resistance, being hindered by the porters and other menials mingled among them. When the keys were found and the gates were opened, many were rushing inside together. As they were aggressively pushing against one another in the very entrance and squeezing and trampling each other, three were crushed, and outside, thirty-two were slain by the sword by the barbarians; among whom two were illustrious: Manuel Tarchaniota and Nicephorus Cantacuzenus, both kinsmen of the Great Domestic; one hundred and fifty were also captured, the greater part being servants of the soldiers. Four hundred horses were taken. The rest, having formed a compact body, fought against the barbarians and slew a little less than two hundred of them. Orchanes, seeing that the Romans were now defending themselves, since he could do nothing else, drew his forces away and encamped in the vicinity. Those, therefore, who were there either slain or captured were of that number. On the following day ^D

^A of the fighting, forty-seven horse and foot soldiers in total fell, and at the end the Grand Hetaireiarch Exotrochus was killed during the final clash. He, too, was said to have been struck not by the barbarians, but by some Roman, whether because he did not recognize him (since night had already fallen) or because he wished to avenge himself for some disagreement, the darkness concealing the mischief. The suspicion that he was wounded by a Roman arose because the Persians had already withdrawn by the time he was found with his head cleft by a sword and his brain exposed, still on his horse, yet without a voice; and not long after, he breathed his last. Furthermore, the Roman army, which had been dispersed among other towns, gathered on that same day, as if by plan, at Philocrene, and passing by not far from the camp of Orchan, they arrived at Scutari and crossed over to Byzantium in safety, from where each returned to his own home. The Emperor condemned those who had spread the tale of his death in the camp, and he accused them greatly, yet he did not punish them as their malice deserved, fearing lest it appear that he were taking vengeance on them out of hatred for his grandfather. ^B

CAPUT IX.

After lingering for not so many days in Byzantium, since his thigh was now healed from the wound, he went out and traveled to Didymoteichon and the regions around Adrianople. There, as he was previously accustomed to converse with the Grand Domestic with such pleasure, often spending days and nights in conversation, now, while they were free for talk, he reminded him of their ancient friendship and most intimate bond, not in passing, but deliberately and with purpose; and furthermore, of what he had responded to him ^C very recently when he requested the release of Syrgiannes from prison, namely, that there was absolutely nothing that, if he wished it done, he did not himself wish also, and in the accomplishment of which he would not labor with all eagerness; nor, if he were in any way to desire—leaving his fatherland, his wife, his children, and, to speak frankly, all his possessions—to spend his life in a foreign land, could he ever be torn from him, but he would rather teach him before doing so unseasonably and insolently.

If he could not dissuade him from this impulse, even after bidding farewell to everyone, he would choose the wandering life in a foreign land. Furthermore, if he were given the choice—and surely, by God, who is able to do such things, one or the other might befall him—he would choose by all votes to spend his time in Hades rather than to enjoy a long life. And besides this, if for any reason whatsoever it should happen that a sword had been drawn against him to kill him, and then, against his will, he had been prevented from completing the attempt, he would indeed lament the deed as something not good, but he would never be able to soil himself.

In the midst of such words, the Great Domestic interrupted his impulse, saying that he remembered all of these things, and more than some others, and that he thought that even if there were any sensation or memory for souls after their departure from here, he would forget all other things rather than these words, which were inscribed upon his mind with indelible marks. But why such things mean what they do to him, he said he was now ignorant. The Emperor rightly said: for he had still kept hidden within himself the power of such things, but now he would make it manifest. For his pure and genuine friendship within, toward him, had long been clear to him from many signs; but he wished now to make it manifest to all others as well, not only to the Romans but even to the barbarians at the ends of the earth. And this would come to pass if he himself, having donned the purple and adorned himself with imperial insignia, would reign together with him over the Romans, and would appear sitting with him and acting in an imperial manner. For although this might seem, he said, something extraordinary and exceptional—as indeed it is—yet if it were compared with his inner affection for him, that would be found to be much inferior. For others before us have chosen a partner in the empire ^B and have shared the majesty; and he reigned with Michael I Palaiologos, and earlier ones also reigned in Constantinople with their own children. Among the Roman emperors, from Diocletian, who was the first to share the empire with his fellow soldier Maximian and who earned the highest praise for moderation in this matter, it has been the custom to have a partner in the empire: not only so that one might be the emperor of the East and another of the West, but also so that many might rule the West; although at times this was done rather through tyranny. The ambition of Alexander the Great is to be noted, who, when Darius offered him the greater part of his kingdom as far as the Euphrates and his other daughter as a wife in exchange for the remaining captives, and thirty thousand talents, refused.

^A And yet, while this might appear extraordinary to outsiders—as indeed it is—anyone who might attempt to disparage it by bringing my internal disposition toward you into the argument will find it falling far short. For as for choosing a partner in power and sharing one’s glory, one might perhaps find others who have done this before us; but as for the friendship and concord which we have acquired between us, I think that we have surpassed even those who are celebrated by poets and writers for their friendships. ^B Whence, if this seems wonderful to all others, to me it appears minor and small, not only because I desire your welfare above all else and consider this merely a small proof of my intrinsic and supreme love for you, but also because it will benefit the Roman state in no small way. The Emperor, therefore, by these arguments endeavored to persuade the Grand Domestic to rule as his colleague and guide the government with him. He replied that he felt exactly the same way, and that, while the Roman Empire was indeed something great and worthy of admiration in itself, and to others appeared as a kind of completion and pinnacle of human happiness, yet if it were compared with their mutual affection, it was neither wonderful nor something to be properly astonished at. For he who has preferred another’s life to his own and has chosen with the greatest joy to die for his sake, what is it to be wondered at if he should share with him the empire, or anything even more excellent than the empire? For this kindness he owed him many thanks, and he confessed it ingenuously, and with the most religious care he would render thanks in words and repay them in deeds, returning to him that same magnitude of goodwill and love from his own heart. But what he was now imposing upon him, he would accept and consider as accomplished (for so far as it concerned him, nothing was lacking for it to be finished), yet he was unable to perform it in deed, nor did it please him, nor bring him any delight. ^C Therefore, he begged him to desist from these beginnings and to forgive him for refusing. Then the Emperor said: "One must not refuse so abruptly and without any pretext, but one must bring forward reasons and demonstrate that what is demanded does not conform to reason; and only then may the blame be removed from oneself; otherwise, it is not the act of a prudent man, nor of one who loves deeply, to assert simply that he would never be persuaded." And if nothing else, at least by this one thing which he always paraded—namely, that there was nothing so small or so great that he would not do if he [the Emperor] willed it—he could justly compel him to concede. If it were otherwise, it was only right that he should demonstrate it, so that he might understand he had been misled by deceptions until now. Then the Grand Domestic replied that it was not otherwise, and that he always affirmed he would do everything the Emperor wished, and was nonetheless prepared for this very thing at present. However, as for what he was currently trying to obtain from him, there was a lack of coherence in it. "I would say," he said, "that I will perform all things for my own sake, but let them be done for your sake. Since, moreover, the matter about which we are now speaking is for my sake, neither does justice permit it, nor does necessity demand that you speak any further words of persuasion. For because you ^D responded that he would perform these things if he were not held to be second to himself, it is not possible for the world to be ruled by two suns, nor for the orb to sustain two supreme kingdoms with the state remaining secure. Justinus, Book I. But these things relate to the mind, whereas what follows relates to dress, insignia, and name, which he says do not please him and bring him no delight. He applies these sophistic arguments to his refusal. Finally, below, from those words, 'on account of his exterior habit and dress, not being such,' etc., it is evident that he did not refuse the imperial offices and duties so much as he fled the envy [that would arise] because of that external majesty, since Andronikos did not lack children, even if they were under age."

so affected toward me, as I am toward you, and the same which I profess, it is not according to reason to suppose that your speech ought to have weight with me, while mine has none with you. ^A If, therefore, it has the same strength in both cases and has the same value, it is fitting that you too should grant what I would prefer, especially since the business concerns me." By these and many more things said back and forth, the emperor exerting himself to induce him to take up the partnership of the empire, but the Grand Domestic utterly refusing, they departed for the present: for neither did the one abandon hope entirely, nor was the other so influential as to turn him from his opinion. The emperor, therefore, seeing him so reluctant, decided to call others into this undertaking, if by chance he might achieve through them what he desired. He took Andronikos Asanes, his own father-in-law, and the protostrator Synadenos, and with the Grand Domestic present—after he had addressed them concerning some other matters—began to set forth the proposed affair. ^B The Domestic, divining on what subject the speech was being woven, called the emperor aside from the council, as if he had something necessary to say; and leading him away, he adjured him by God not to bring forward any of those things he had decided upon to those present, as no utility would follow therefrom. For if he could have been persuaded by any mortal at all, he could have been persuaded by him. And because he had dealt with the matter in many assiduous conferences, he wondered how he could hope that others would be able to effect it for him. The emperor, since he perceived that his attempt would be in vain, was in great pain for several days, and complained of the Grand Domestic’s disobedience and ^C unseemly obstinacy. Nevertheless, yielding to his entreaties, he was silent about the matter he so greatly desired. The others did not know sufficiently well what the emperor had wanted, unless they conjectured as was likely that he had been about to treat with them concerning arduous business, but had been hindered by the Domestic: which thing they turned to his discredit, and contended that they had been treated most unjustly. Furthermore, let no one who hears these things think, from a lack of proven argument, that we are writing lies because these things have not been publicly known until today. For I call to witness God, who beholds all things and is ever present to all that is, and who is ignorant of nothing, whether uncertain or hidden, that I have not in the rest of all that I have recounted, ^D either out of hatred, or favor, or anything else, preferred anything to the truth, and that I have passed on the affair to you now just as it occurred. Nor did Andronikos the younger, the emperor, once, twice, or four times, but very often contend to adorn Cantacuzenus, the Grand Domestic, with all his heart and with all effort with imperial ornaments, and to choose him as his assessor and colleague. Because he so excessively declined this, and confirmed that, happen what may, he would never comply, he lived for a long time in grievous distress, and censured his immoderate obstinacy. In outward habit and attire he did not go about as the emperor required, but in actions he differed nearly nothing from him. For the entire administration of affairs was in his hands, and he subscribed imperial edicts with cinnabar, just as the emperor himself did: which...

^B if he brought them forward, were received as though they had proceeded from the emperor's own mouth, and whatever else the emperor did, the same was permitted to him. For he would even sleep in the emperor’s bed-chamber when, on a campaign, it happened that the servants bringing his own equipment or baggage were not present; and he would rest in the emperor’s own cot (which it was not lawful even for the emperor’s son to do, unless the parent granted it) most freely, and that too whether the emperor was present or absent. And if they happened to spend the night together, he would use his boots more familiarly than his own, and would perform all things imperially, so that the emperor, upon seeing this, would be vehemently happy—more than can be told—and could not keep his joy hidden from others. Nor did these things escape the Empress Anna, in whose presence he often did the same, so that the emperor would sometimes say to the Great Domestic: "What harm could there be, after all, if what you do in private were done in public, and became known to all?" But he, no less than before, would decline it, claiming to be content with what he had. And concerning these things, for the sake of the truth, let this much suffice.

CHAPTER X

Not many years earlier, Benedictus Zacharias ^C of Genoa had invaded Chios and taken possession of it. But for the elder Emperor of the Romans, Andronicus, because of the frequent and hostile incursions of the Persians against the cities of the Romans in the East, it was difficult to recover the island.

^A For this reason, since he was not easily able to wage war, he decided it would be advantageous to establish a peace treaty with Zacharia, on the condition that he hold Chios for ten years, and that he provide no tribute to the Emperor, but that it be merely called the Emperor’s, and that imperial flags be raised upon the walls; and after the decade, he was to return the island to the Romans. Such were the first peace terms the Emperor established with Zacharia. In those same years, [Zacharia] himself was fortifying the island, subduing the Chians, repairing the city of Ochyrum and other places ruined by age, and where necessary, making the walls higher; and he prepared ditches and other things that would be useful should he be attacked by war. After these ten years had passed, ^B the Emperor, seeing that the recovery of Chios was not easy because it had been fortified, and furthermore as Zacharia had sent an embassy requesting that he not be troubled concerning the island, [the Emperor] established another five years on the same terms, and after those, another five. For when Zacharia died, his sons, inheritors of his Cunning as well as of Chios, treated the Emperor like a child, and before the existing years were finished, they were contracting for others; and while they themselves enjoyed the fruits of Chios in reality, they permitted the Emperor to be its master only in name. When the treaty was already expiring, Calothetus, one of the powerful men of Chios—he who was most distinguished and had been intimately connected with the house of the Great Domestic for many years (for his ancestors had been the greatest of friends and kin to the ancestors of the Great Domestic, as he himself was to him)—this [c] Calothetus went to the mother of the Great Domestic, who was staying at Didymoteichon at that time, and reported the wickedness of the Latins, who had despoiled the Romans of Chios, which they had occupied for so long by fraud; and that the matter was not to be despised, nor rashly let slip from their hands, since it paid one hundred and twenty thousand gold pieces in annual tribute. He also brought into consideration his own goodwill and long-standing association with her and her son, and finally he was the author of a plan that, if possible, the Emperor should send a relief fleet to Chios; he himself, being very powerful in wealth and influence, and intending to gather many others, both friends and relatives, into the association, would join his forces to recover the island. He said there was also an excellent opportunity for war against Martinus, both because the time of the treaty was already expiring and because, without the Emperor's knowledge, he was building a fortress to subjugate Chios ^D by force. He begged her, however, to consider the matter diligently first, so that he might not lead himself and his fortunes into danger if the Emperor were to sail there without proper forces. For to him, nothing was more desirable than that Chios, which was no mean source of revenue, should return under Roman rule; nevertheless, he was looking out for himself and his kin. For if things should turn out otherwise, he would be stripped of life and assets with his whole family, as the Latins would discover that it was at his instigation that the Emperor had arrived with a hostile fleet. Therefore, he had opened his mind to her before all others, because the Emperor would do everything according to her judgment and discretion. This was what Calothetus revealed privately to the mother of the Great Domestic regarding Chios; and this stirred greater impulses in her.

She affirmed that the counsel given was good and advantageous both for the Romans and for himself. And because she believed that, by reason of the ancient familiarity and benevolence which had existed between them and her son ever since their ancestors, the matter should have been referred to her first, she promised to bring it to the best possible conclusion. Such were her words. ^A Then she summoned the emperor and her son from Byzantium to Didymoteichon, as if to discuss certain necessary matters with them; and they, immediately setting other things aside, set out on the journey. Having heard the reason for which they had been summoned, they felt a sense of joy and resolved to make prompt preparations for the war over Chios as a matter of prime importance. They also summoned Calothetus, confirmed him in his purpose with effective words, and rewarded him humanely according to his dignity; and having given him promises that they would do him and his kin favors, they sent him off to Chios so that he might prepare what was needed to attack the Latins in due time. ^B They themselves returned to Byzantium, placed orders for the construction of triremes, and took measures for the rest as if they were to set sail for Chios. While they were looking around and seeking some honorable pretext for the war, the Great Domestic advised that the triremes be built, the necessary weapons be prepared, and a naval force, along with heavy-armed soldiers to embark upon them, be gathered. Since the term of the treaty with Martin was already drawing to a close, and because he was building a citadel on the island to subjugate it without consulting the emperor, he advised that a mandate be sent to him, whereby he would both be accused for what he had done and ordered to desist from the construction; and furthermore, if he desired a new treaty now that the former had expired, he should be warned to come to Byzantium. If he ceased building and, having gone to Byzantium, requested new pacts, they would do what upon consideration was deemed better. For either it would be just not to allow Martin to rule over Chios any longer, but to treat him well in another way while the island remained subject to the Romans, or a treaty could be entered into, not on the former conditions, but on such as they themselves might choose, namely, that Martin should again preside for a definite time. And if he neither ceased building nor sought new treaties, as if the possession of the island were now firm and stable, then, with the triremes prepared, they should hasten thither at the earliest opportunity; and letters, moreover, should be sent to the Chians, warning them to refrain from building, so that by this means he might either desist against his will, being forsaken in the work, or if he compelled them even against their will, he might make them more hostile to him. ^C Thus they resolved that it was necessary to send the letters to Chios and to arm the triremes that were available and add other new ones. The letter from the emperor delivered to Martin was in vain; for upon reading it, he persisted all the more in the work, striving with all his might that the citadel might be completed, and that he might forestall the arrival of the emperor—whom he himself now foresaw in his suspicion—to those who were needed. Furthermore, Benedict, while litigating with his brother Martin over six thousand gold pieces, which were owed to him annually by hereditary right from the public taxes and of which he had been defrauded by him, betook himself to the emperor, accusing his brother of iniquity and clamoring for assistance; and he even [brought] letters...

^A showed documents that clearly convicted his brother of great iniquity and ingratitude. The emperor promised both that he would punish the wickedness when he arrived there, and that Benedict would nonetheless recover the money that had been intercepted.

CAPUT XI.

And so a fleet of one hundred and five ships was being prepared, ^B of which a few were of the two main types, namely biremes and triremes, and among these were eight horse-transports, which carried three hundred horses; the rest were uniremes. When these were prepared, they loaded the horses and other provisions, and there was great rivalry among the trierarchs, as each strove to surpass the others in the costliness and splendor of their equipment. They fitted out everything else in a more magnificent way, and adorned the crews with their own individual emblems, both on their weapons and on their shields; for they were not from the lowest populace, but were men of noble birth and great wealth. Sailing with the emperor were not only many heavy and light-armed troops, but also not a few from among the senators, and a ^C company of soldiers that was not to be despised, consisting not only of those who were to handle the horses, but of many others as well. When everything had finally been provided and nothing remained to be done, they raised anchor from Byzantium and sailed for Chios. The emperor’s plan, in case Martinus should hear of the expedition before he had descended into the island, was that he should come to him and plead on its behalf, so that the emperor might finish the building of the acropolis, which he himself had been constructing, and install a garrison there for future security; and that he would entrust the prefecture of the rest of the island to Martinus, on condition that he restore to Benedictus the money he had previously intercepted. But he not only did nothing of what he ought to have done, but when he realized the fleet was ^D approaching, he sank his three triremes into the sea while empty; and he forbade the Romans who inhabited the island from using arms, under threat of death to any who should do so. He himself secured the gates of the city, and having established other things as best seemed to him, he placed the eight hundred armed men he had upon the walls to repel the emperor’s assault; for he was now undoubtedly rebelling, and instead of the imperial banners on the walls, as was the custom, he had set up only those of Martinus.

(76) Of this war and its causes, Gregoras touches upon a few things, lib. IX. For whatever contributes to the glory of the younger Andronicus, he willingly either diminishes or omits: *Towards autumn, with all the Roman triremes which were at Byzantium, Lesbos, and in the other islands and maritime cities, and also with the uniremes, and four auxiliary triremes summoned from the prince of the Cyclades islands, he set sail from the harbor*, etc. He concludes the whole matter, upon which our author dwells at such length and with such distinction, in barely twenty-three lines. Although this much is very true, that Gregoras had very little knowledge of the events, a fact which our Cantacuzenus also asserted at the beginning of his history, though without naming him, and which I have very often experienced by comparing the narratives of both.

^A eight hundred who were with him, they shielded themselves and went up to the walls, as if to defend themselves against the advancing Emperor. For now they were openly resisting. And they did not even deign to hoist the imperial standards on the walls, as was the custom, but only those of Martin, as if the island were already securely held. Calotheus, together with those about him, did not dare to use weapons for fear of the Latins, but they were prepared to set upon them as soon as the Emperor should settle into the siege. Martin, therefore, relying on those eight hundred, had taken his stand for the battle.

When the Emperor reached the island, he made a landing, immediately secured the land, and, leading forth his cavalry, prepared for the siege. Benedict, the brother of Martin, holding a fortress that had been built not far from the rest of the city, but at such a distance that from either side one could almost reach the other with a stone, came and handed it over to the Emperor. He accused his brother of being both foolish and unjust; for if he hoped to withstand such a force without being prepared to an equal degree, he was foolish, and he deemed him guilty of injustice because, after receiving many benefits from the Emperor, he had intended to despoil him of Chios. The Emperor, having entered the fortress, commended Benedict for his loyalty toward himself. And a little later, going out, he organized the army as if for a siege.

Martin, seeing that he was already no match for the Emperor’s army, and expecting no help from the Chians—since he suspected their minds were no less averse to him than they were favorable to the Emperor—and also because Benedict had gone over and surrendered the fortress, which was no less capable of a siege being so close-built—was deeply troubled and lost the hopes that had sustained him. But when the signals were already raised and the Romans began the battle, Martin, having sent an embassy, begged the Emperor to grant him pardon and to agree to such terms as the Emperor might decide. But the Emperor rejected the embassy, and said that when his army was already drawn up for battle, it was not the time to treat for terms. For it had been entirely open to him, before coming here, both to ask for forgiveness and to make peaceful truces, but now he would do whatever ^B pleased him, since Martin, relying on his own strength, had not hesitated to take up arms against him.

Such were the words of the Emperor. Martin, now deprived of all hope of safety, and fearing that he might even lose his life, surrendered himself to the Emperor and departed the city with his army. The Chians, seeing him reduced to the lot of a captive, set upon him, intending to kill him before the eyes of the Emperor. But the Great Domestic, having threatened them with the most terrible things if they should do him any harm, kept him unharmed by evils. The Emperor, after severely rebuking him for his folly, nevertheless did not treat him harshly, but ordered his wife and children, and also as many maids as there were, to take for themselves as much as they could carry of his possessions, ^C and their precious furnishings; as for the servants, to take the tapestries, carpets, and all other things required for the rest of the night, and to leave Chios and go wherever their will led them, but that Martin should be led into chains. And these things were done in this manner, and almost all that Martin possessed, his handmaids and wife lifted onto their shoulders and carried off. ^D As for those eight hundred who were serving with him, he deemed them worthy of pardon and impunity, with the option given that those who wished could freely depart the island with their household belongings, while those who preferred to remain, to them no one would be troublesome, and they might endure the Emperor’s military service for pay. In a few days, the Chium

servants, along with the women, loaded up their possessions—wealthy furniture, vessels, slaves, mattresses, and carpets—and whatever else was necessary for sleeping at night, and left Chios to travel wherever they saw fit. He ordered Martin to be held in custody. And this, in this manner, was done for him, and almost everything that Martin had was loaded—along with his wife—by the handmaids. The eight hundred who were with him, the Emperor deemed worthy of pardon, as they had committed no injustice; and he offered them such a choice, that those who wished could take their goods and depart, while those who wished to remain should not be troubled by anyone but, taking their pay, serve the Emperor. A few of them, therefore, left Chios, but the rest either remained in Chios, serving for pay, or were numbered among the Emperor’s own house-servants. Thus, Chios once again fell under the Romans. ^B The Emperor judged it right to repay Benedict for his goodwill and readiness of spirit toward him, as well as the powerful men of the Chians and the people. For even if they had contributed nothing to the war against Martin, they were nevertheless so prepared in mind that, should need arise, they would have shown every eagerness and zeal on the Emperor’s behalf. For this reason, he rewarded Calothetus, both for his lineage and for what had been promised at Didymoteichon when they had spoken secretly about Chios, and for many other things besides. He also fostered others with honors and gifts. The people, he relieved of the public taxes, as many as were most oppressive.

CAPUT XII. The Emperor, to repay Benedict, wishes to honor him with the prefecture of Chios, with most ample revenues. A greedy and ambitious man, he dares to ask for the whole island as his own property. The Emperor attempts to counsel him. Time is given for deliberation. He remains stubbornly in his opinion. He asks for triremes from Galata, which the Emperor denies him. A second period for deliberation is given, and Benedict is looked upon as a fool. The Grand Domestic’s plan to avoid infamy for the Emperor. Benedict is condemned as insane by the council of the Latins. Most exquisite honors, with twenty thousand gold pieces, are promised to him; he scorns everything. The Emperor’s virtue is praised: Benedict sails to Galata.

Having also summoned Benedict, the brother of Martin, he reminded him of the accusation he had brought against his brother when he came to Byzantium: how he had defrauded him of the six thousand gold pieces which he ought to have received from the public revenues of Chios, and how Martin, claiming the island for himself, had deprived him of his paternal inheritance; and how he had begged for whatever aid could be brought, which he himself had promised, on the grounds that, when he arrived in Chios, he would exact justice from Martin for the injury done to him and to his brother. Since these things had now turned out well and as was proper, and Martin had been driven from the island, he said that it seemed right to him to fulfill his promises and to compensate for the devotion declared toward him by the voluntary surrender of the fortress. ^C For this reason, he was bestowing upon him the prefecture of Chios. And since the revenues of the island amounted fully to one hundred and twenty thousand gold pieces, as for its administration, and for garrisons, and for necessary expenses, he should expend as much as, upon examining the matter, he deemed merited; but of the remainder, half should be brought into the imperial treasury, and he should enjoy the other half himself. And because the day of death is hidden for every man, he judged it both right and useful that the fortress begun by Martin should be completed, and that it should be occupied by him with a garrison; so that, if anything should happen to him, as is the lot of human affairs, and he should cease to be among the living, the Romans might possess Chios—an island which many, both remote and neighboring, especially the Delian Hospitallers ^D

^A have coveted, lest they lose it. When the emperor spoke these words, and in return for his own immense benefit, met the small service offered by him, all the rest were astonished at the emperor’s such fervor for well-doing, since he balanced so small a service with such great rewards. He did not consider how much he had spent on building and outfitting the fleet and the soldiers who followed, nor how great a sum of money Benedict was to report annually, and that too, while he had contributed little or nothing to the war for Chios. But nothing was enough for Benedict: he thought that he was even being injured and despoiled of his own, because he was not deemed worthy of greater things. ^B Therefore, he rejected the emperor's gift and declared that he did not need these things, nor did he wish to care for or retain Chios under the conditions by which either his father or his brother had held it. If the emperor would yield the whole island to him in every way as a private principality, wholly exempt from the power of the Romans, then at last he would return great thanks to him for the benefit. If he should not wish this, let him not mention any benefit at all, for he could not hear of it. Truly, since he was the lord of the island himself, let him act according to his own judgment. The emperor replied that Benedict’s petition was neither just nor attainable; for he ought to have been content with the six thousand gold pieces to be received from Martin, and not involve himself in another's affairs. But when, not only from this, but even many matters more—and in addition, the governance of the island—might be obtained, how could this favor eventually seem justly ^C disproportional to his merits? Furthermore, if he were to deliver the whole island to him in possession, it would be no credit to him at all; nor would he seem glory-loving and magnanimous, but rather insane and mindless. For if it was necessary, after such great labors undertaken by both himself and the Romans, and such great expense in outfitting the fleet—not only from his own imperial treasury, but also having been made from the individual substantial outlays of illustrious men—that Chios be recovered, then to leave it to him to such a degree that the Romans would neither now nor hereafter receive any profit therefrom, nay, not even be called its lords by a bare word, it would have been by far better and more profitable to choose tranquility and rest, to suffer Martin to hold it and not to stir up trouble. For in that way, besides not being fatigued and distressed ^D in military campaigns—and those across the sea—the money expended could have been kept; and furthermore, if not now, yet at some later time the power ... could be regained. Or having mastered their adversaries, it could be judged that they had neither acted wrongly nor violated the treaty. But if, as you now demand, I were to yield the island to you, besides the fact that time and expense have been lost, no hope of its ever being recovered by the Romans would remain.

^A For to do so would be to appear to do wrong and to break faith, whether they should prevail or not. For these reasons, you ask for neither just nor possible things, nor can I grant them. For what I have already decreed is possible, and is to the advantage both of the Romans and of yourself.” Benedict, though he had heard everything the emperor said, was not moved a whit, but remained in his original opinion, feeling that if the whole island were not given, no reward worthy ^B of his merits could be repaid. “It is customary,” replied the emperor, “for those who are deliberating on some matter that these thoughts come to mind, which might appear either better or worse a little later on. Therefore, it does not befit you to despair so inconsiderately from the words you have heard from me first; but it is necessary that, after having consulted with your friends and kinsmen for the space of two or three days, you then come and disclose what is approved. Perhaps by that consultation, the discussion with your friends and relatives will find something of what is needed.” And when Benedict again attempted to object, the emperor stopped him, rising from his chair ^C and saying to him that he would not listen until he had consulted with his friends and returned. Thus Benedict departed for home, full of agitation. On the third day, the emperor summoned him, reminded him of what had been said, and added certain other things, by which he declared his heart toward him and how greatly he desired to deserve well of the man, and exhorted him to comply with the counsel that was giving him what was useful. Benedict did not depart from his obstinacy, but warned the emperor not to waste his oil and trouble while attempting to persuade him of something else; if he would not give him full lordship of the whole island, then he asked that he give him as many triremes ^D as he needed, upon which he might load his goods and cross to Galata (78). The emperor...

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(78) Galata (of which there is mention in this history, and many memorable deeds of it are recounted) is a city situated across the bay from Constantinople, which the ancients also called Ceras or the Horn, and Ceratinum or the Horned; because, like a stag's horn, it embraces both shores with branches, as it were, scattered about. It is also called Pera, and by the historian Nicetas, Persa, because it is located beyond the bay. The ancients called it Sycas from the abundance of fig-bearing trees, a word which is also read in Zosimus. It is a colony of the Genoese, even today inhabited for the most part by Christians, especially merchants. (Leunclavius.)

It is also my pleasure to append its description, however long, from the Constantinopolitan topography of Petrus Gyllius, which, I hope, the readers will judge not to have been done uselessly, once they have examined the greater part of this history. The region of Sycae, now commonly called Galata, or Pera, should more correctly be called Peraea, just as Josephus calls Peraea across the Jordan. But why it is called Galata, all Constantinopolitans now claim is because formerly milk was sold or milked there, deceived by the allusion of the name; nor do I doubt that if they knew Galata was formerly called Sycae, they would even dare say it was so called from the milk of figs, and they could defend their aberration from the truth by the authority of Dionysius of Byzantium, who writes that it was called Sycae from the multitude and beauty of the fig trees growing there. How much more correctly they would have conjectured if they had supposed it was named Galata by the Galatian peoples, led by Joannes Tzetzes, a citizen of Constantinople and a diligent grammarian who wrote his Varied History almost four hundred years ago, in which he relates that Brennus the Gaul, leader of the Gauls, whom the Greeks call Galatae, set out for Byzantium and crossed from there; and thence the place in Byzantium was called Pera from the crossing of the Galatae, from whom I suspect it was later also called Galata. Now, this is situated partly on a hill, partly on the plain lying beneath the hill itself, which two valleys create, one in the east, the other in the west, each about a mile long. The ridge of the hill proceeds from north to south, everywhere at least two hundred paces wide, and as long as the valleys by which it is closed on both sides; then it joins with the rest of the plain of the mainland. The southern side of the hill, and the plain lying beneath it which constitutes Galata, is circumscribed by the bay of Ceratinus, and forms an isthmus and a nearly semicircular peninsula, so that if you were to draw a line from the mouth and gorge of the bay to the middle recess which the bay of Ceratinus insinuates into the valley, which closes the Galatian hill from the west, you would see it enclosed within a semicircle, which a line drawn toward Galata would designate in the figure of a bent bow, if its horn tending to the west were half as wide again as the eastern side, and less long. The circuit of Galata is surrounded by a wall of fourteen hundred paces; the width is various: for the middle is six hundred paces, of which twenty lie between the bay and the walls. Now

^A on the third day, the emperor sent for him again; he reminded him of what had been said before and added other points. He made clear his benevolence toward him and the readiness he felt to treat him well, and advised him to be persuaded, for he was counseling him in a way that would be to his advantage. But he held to his original opinion and advised the emperor not to labor in vain, nor attempt to persuade him of anything else, but either to hand over the rule of the entire island to him, or, if not that, then at least the second best option—to provide as many triremes as he required, so that he might load his possessions and arrive at Galata. The emperor thought it a serious matter if, before his kindness toward him was manifest to all, he were to either hide the truth himself, or if some others, ignorant of what was happening, were to think that the emperor wished to drive Benedict of Chios away but, lacking an ^B honorable excuse, had therefore gladly seized upon his words to provide the triremes and permit his departure. For this reason, he ordered him to take another three days to consider the matter; he argued that it was only right not to look to Benedict’s pettiness, but rather to show him the magnanimity and patience befitting his own station. Perhaps, in that span of time, he might find it in himself to deliberate on what was necessary. Benedict, with nothing further to say and full of rage, withdrew home. The emperor, indignant at what had happened, asked the Romans who were present if he had not returned deserved thanks to Benedict, who had nevertheless been of little or no help in the war against Chios; and whether he was not asking for what was just and in accordance with the dictates of reason—for he did not understand what his words signified. As others railed against the man and condemned him as remarkably foolish, the Grand Domestic said: “Everyone understands how irrational and delirious Benedict’s desire is. Therefore, why look at how rigidly and stubbornly he persists in it

The Notes of Jacobi Pontani

^C True, the flat ground running between the bay and the hill widens to one hundred and eighty paces, but the slope to four hundred. The eastern side of Galata extends to a width of four hundred paces at first, then contracts to two hundred and sixty paces. The side pertaining to the west, situated outside the old Galata, has a gentle slope, and almost all of it tends toward the south, except for a small declivity subsiding toward the southwest, situated near the walls of the old Galata; for the slopes of the Galatin hill incline with a double declivity, one into the valleys, the other into the bay. Whence it is rendered downward by a triple inclination: one from the north to the south, another toward the east, and the third toward the west. The declivity running through the middle breadth of Galata tends from the north to the south, so sloped that in many places the hill is softened by steps, so that houses are ascended by stairs from the lower side, while from the higher side they are approached on level ground up to the first story. But the side sloping toward the east, as well as the west, has a double declivity, one from the north to the meridian hinge, the other toward the east or west: so that not only may the straight roads, but even the transverse ones, have a declivity, while the eastern side is steeper in both inclinations, and the western side has gentle slopes both straight and transverse. In short, Galata is so sloped that if all the buildings were of the same height, the upper stories would enjoy a view of the sea, and from them, as if from theaters, ships passing back and forth could be seen; not only Galata, but almost the whole of Constantinople would enjoy a view of the sea, if the law established by Zeno and sanctioned by Justinian were observed, which forbids anyone within a hundred paces from blocking the view of the sea from Constantinople, neither straight nor obliquely. The level part of the city, running between the lowest slopes of the hill and the bay, is nowhere less than two hundred paces wide; it is broader at the horns, and in some places it opens to a length of four hundred paces; the town is three times as long as it is wide; the width extends from the north to the south, the length from the east to the west. The western side is wider than the eastern, and possesses almost the same width as the middle of the city; for along the length of five hundred paces, the eastern side is nowhere less than five hundred paces wide, then it tapers gently until its extremity is reduced to the shape of a wedge, where it is two hundred and sixty paces wide. The entire shore that surrounds Galata is full of harbors, admitting ships until they touch the maritime coast. Between the walls and the bay is an interval of space, where there are taverns, workshops of merchants, frequent inns, and vacant intervals for unloading ships. It has six maritime gates, of which three have frequent passage to Constantinople. For Galata lies opposite Constantinople from the north in such a way that it is set against the first, second, and third hills, and the first and second valleys of Constantinople, having before it the bay and Constantinople, and behind it suburban buildings. For above Galata are many suburban houses, partly on the ridge of the Galatin hill, and partly on its triple sides. For Galata does not reach the highest summit of the hill; indeed, from the top of the city, where the highest tower is, there remains an ascent of about three hundred paces outside the city, full of buildings, then a flat ridge extending from the south to the North, about two hundred paces wide and two thousand paces long, through the middle of which runs a wide road, ringed on both sides by buildings of gardens and vineyards, and there is no part more pleasant: from which and its sides the Golden Horn, the Bosphorus, the Propontis, the seven hills of Constantinople, and the snowy Bithynian Olympus are seen. Finally, the buildings are situated not only on the Galatin hill, but also on the hills and valleys in the vicinity, on the Galatin shore set opposite Constantinople, having as many hills and valleys as Constantinople, so that they could already make the city more than half as large again as Galata is, and if the prosperity of the Byzantine empire lasts for a hundred years, Galata will be a second Constantinople. Thus Gyllius. Moreover, at the times when these things were happening, Galata was in many parts smaller and less populous.

^A It is not, however, worth investigating with any great curiosity. For we should consider him similar to those who are insane, who know neither what they are saying nor to whom they are speaking, but, insofar as they are agitated by an evil spirit, pour out things that are abhorrent to human reasoning. But in order that neither he nor anyone else in the future may be able to obscure the truth with falsehood and invent empty fables, in order to stain us with some charge of wickedness, I shall set forth what seems to me right, if perhaps it should prove acceptable to you as well. Since at present not only Romans, but also Genoese and Venetians are trading on this island, and Nicolaus Sanutus, the ruler of the Cyclades, who has come for the sake of friendship to greet you, is here; and likewise a Latin bishop, to whom the bishopric of Chios has been entrusted by the Pope; and some "Freres" who desire to travel around this land and learn the customs of men—proclaim an assembly for all these people, and order that Benedict be summoned in their presence. If, having changed his mind, he accepts what you offer, it will be the most desirable outcome; but if, still constrained by his former madness, he rejects the goods he has in his hands and covets things that are nothing and will never be, and if we are unable to make him believe that he is asking for things that cannot be given, at the very least we shall have those present not only as witnesses, but as heralds of your integrity and your zeal in ^B doing good, and of his madness. And from this we shall derive a principal and twofold benefit: namely, that we shall preserve ourselves from unmerited infamy, and we shall protect others from the harm that might come from his lying.

When the Grand Domestic had said these things, the Emperor immediately agreed with his opinion and gave him the task of carrying out the business: and furthermore, he added that if Benedict were unwilling to govern Chios according to the previous decree, he should propose to him another condition, derived from his own generosity, in no way inferior to the first. ^C On the appointed day, when the Grand Domestic had convened an assembly from the Romans and the Latin foreigners, and Benedict himself was present, as well as not a few of those who had previously lived on friendly terms with his brother Martin, they proceeded to speak. And tracing the matter back to the beginning, the Grand Domestic recounted how Benedict had fled to the Emperor at Byzantium to lodge a complaint of injuries against his brother, and what the Emperor had replied to the petitioner, and with what benevolence he had later embraced that same Emperor in Chios; and that this was the reason why the Emperor had shown him such great favor. However, [he recounted how] Benedict had repeatedly acted as though he had rejected something unworthy, and had boasted that he needed no other favor from him unless Chios itself, torn away from the Roman Empire, were completely ceded to him: and he had warned [the Emperor] not to undertake a futile and reckless labor by attempting to persuade him of impossibilities. Those who were present, especially the Latins, attacked such a foolish judgment of Benedict and ^D condemned it most openly; and

^A while they admired the emperor’s generosity, they condemned his bad counsel, and advised him to obey the emperor, lest, if he did not yield now, he might repent of it many times afterwards. But he was no more persuaded by them than before, but remained steadfast in his previous conclusions. The Great Domestic, seeing him so determined in his unrepentant demands, said, “If these terms are not pleasing to you, and since you refuse to accept the terms you have asked for, and have decided to withdraw from Chios entirely, I will offer you a second option for your benefit, which the emperor has himself commanded. He gifts you brilliant and luxurious houses in Byzantium, he commands that you be enrolled as one of the Roman senators, he will honor you with the appropriate rank, he will entrust you with an office traditionally held by the Romans, and all the other things which are appropriate for the more noble Romans will also be appropriate for you. In addition to all these things, you shall receive from the revenues of Chios twenty thousand gold coins as an annual pension.”

Having heard these things, Benedict appeared to have lost all restraint; as though he had been treated most egregiously, he was grieved and resentful, and bound himself by oaths and the most terrible imprecations that he would accept none of these things ^B unless the emperor provided what he had sought from the beginning. He then begged for three triremes from the imperial fleet so that he might sail to Galata with his whole household. The words he poured out were full of such madness that those who were present looked toward the emperor and commended his praiseworthy zeal and noble spirit, while denouncing Benedict as truly wicked and ungrateful. Thus the gathering was dissolved.

When the emperor learned what Benedict had heard and what he had answered, since he saw that nothing fair had been omitted, he granted him the three triremes he requested. Upon them he loaded all his possessions and arrived at Galata. ^C But the emperor, having equipped the island for defense as much as he was able, departed from there with the remaining ships and sailed to Old Phocaea, which was subject to the Romans. Having disembarked, for some days he associated with Sarchanes, who had come there as the ruler of the Persians in Ionia, and who had approached him with the appropriate modesty—and if one might say so—servitude. The emperor honored him magnificently with gifts and sent him away as an ally to the Romans. As for Aetines, who was himself the satrap of Caria, he was hindered by a long illness and did not come to the emperor himself, but sent a not insignificant force of the Persians he commanded with gifts, [his] state of health ^D

CHAPTER XIII

The emperor, having established in the island as many garrisons as he could, sailed to Old Phocaea, which was obedient to the Romans. There he spent several days associating familiarly with Sarchanes, the Persian satrap in Ionia, who had met him with the modesty that was proper—and, if I may say so, with humble subjection. Him, the emperor dismissed, having affectionately gifted him with splendid presents and joined him in alliance with the Romans. Aetines, however, the satrap of Caria, was prevented by a long sickness, and did not come himself to the emperor; but he sent a significant number of the Persians under his command with gifts and an account of his health.

^A The emperor, having given thanks in words and having returned the gift, sent those who had come back. From there he set out and came to New Phocaea. This place indeed had Roman inhabitants, but for a certain reason, just as Zaccaria in Chios, so here too a Genoese named Andreas Catanias had conquered it, and having built an acropolis and established a garrison, was ruling the rest of the city securely. At that time, however, Andreas was not present, but was away in Genoa for some business. Aregus Tartaro, who was the uncle of Andreas, was ruling Phocaea in his place; he, seeing the emperor approaching, hastened to go out to meet the emperor, and having opened the gates, he himself went out at the same time with them and did obeisance to the emperor. ^B When he had come inside the walls, [the emperor] ordered those guarding the acropolis (they were Latins from Genoa) to come out and surrender it to the emperor. They came out and did obeisance, and surrendered the fortress. The emperor stayed in it for two days, and on the third day at dawn, having summoned Aregus, he ordered the Varangians who carry the axes to bring the keys of the city (for it is their custom to hold the keys of the cities where the emperor is staying) and to hand them over to Aregus, saying to him with this meaning: "Now, I have come to Phocaea, which is subject to me, and I have stayed as long as I wished. But now, as I am leaving, I entrust the city to you, and through you to Andreas, to govern it just as before, acting as prefect for as long a time as it may be my will." Then, having treated him and the garrison with kindness with gifts, and leaving them there expressing many thanks for his beneficence, he departed with his entire fleet and came to Byzantium, and disbanded the army. ^C Having spent a short time in Byzantium, he went out from there and came to Didymoteichon. While he was staying there, it was reported that a Persian infantry force from the East had crossed over in seventy ships and was plundering the country around Trajanopolis and Bera. It happened that, because all had been sent home to rest after the return from Chios, there were few soldiers with the emperor and the Grand Domestic. Nevertheless, gathering as many as he could as quickly as possible from the neighboring towns, they fell unexpectedly upon the Persians; and having won a great victory in battle, they killed some of them and took others alive. Those who were able to escape, having boarded their ships (for at that time the Romans were not prepared with a naval force and equipment), crossed over toward the east. And the emperor, after the victory, returned to Adrianople. Now Benedict, the brother of Martinus, having sailed from Chios to Galata, wishing to take revenge on the emperor ^D if he could, having found eight Genoese triremes in the harbor, and having arranged all his affairs, persuaded the trierarchs with pay to sail with him against Chios; hoping that he would conquer it with little effort, because the emperor, having dispersed his naval troops, would be slow to bring aid to the islanders. After the ships reached Chios, and a landing had been made, they proceeded armed toward the town, as if to make an assault on the walls. But the Chians, sallying forth in great numbers, defeated the Latins in the encounter, and having put to death a little more than three hundred...

of them, they drove the rest, fleeing in disgraceful fashion, back to their ships. The survivors weighed anchor and stood offshore. The next day, finding no good hope of capturing Chios, they returned home. Benedict, broken by despair, was seized by epilepsy, and before the seventh day had passed, he died.

CHAPTER XIV.

Not much time passed when the emperor fell into an acute illness at Didymoteichon, which physicians call a cephalic complaint. The physicians, fearing the severity of the disease from its very first onset, had no good hope; and the emperor himself feared that the more frequent accessions of the disease would bring him death. The following day, therefore, after an accession, he summoned the Grand Domestic and spoke to him in these words: "You remember how many times I have endeavored to persuade you to be adorned with the imperial insignia, and how you—as if you were more foresighted than I—have rejected my words, though they looked to the common benefit, while deciding to keep diligently and firmly to those things which you yourself thought better. Yet now, it seems, I see what is in the interest of the state better than you. For if I had succeeded then in what I rightfully demanded, I would not now be in such cares and perturbation, nor would the Roman empire be trembling in fear of extreme dangers. If, indeed, I should die now, overcome by the force of the disease—a thing which is at the door—perhaps my death will create troubles and discord for you. Therefore, since the situation itself now sufficiently teaches us our duty, it is time to bid farewell to your untimely stubbornness and unseemly perseverance in resisting; you must endure that, in the presence of all the Romans who are here, I should adorn you with the imperial sandals and my tiara (which are held to be symbols of the empire). And if I should recover, nothing new will have been done, but that which had been my intention from the beginning, and which I was eager to bring to completion, will now be seen to have been perfected by the deed itself. But if I depart from among men, you will have taken up the entire empire, and the Romans will not, as is usual when there is no prince, be plunged into seditions and wars to their mutual ruin." The emperor exhorted him in this manner. ^D (85) Regarding the cause of this illness, and what our author says ('cephalic symptom'), Gregoras says thus: "A few days having passed, the emperor, holding court at Didymoteichon, fell into a most grave illness. For when he had bathed, and had not shielded himself from the cold in the depth of the winter’s frost after the bath, besides the rest of his body being chilled, his head was so afflicted, with the greater part of the malady inclining thither, that he was not only tortured by most grievous pains, but his mind also became alienated."

And he kept adding that, if he did not wish to distress him, especially now that he was ill, he should not refuse that which was requested. But he was no less firmly held to his original calculations and intention, that he would not, by any means, be brought into the form of an emperor. The emperor, perceiving that he could not persuade him to change his resolve, judged that he ought not to contend beyond what was necessary in such an extremely difficult state of affairs, but rather to leave him as his successor to the empire in fact itself. And he commanded those who were standing by to summon first the leading men of the senate, and others notable for their nobility, and then in order all the Romans who were present. ^B When they had gathered and stood around him, he ordered the Empress Anna to be present as well. And when she too was there, strengthening himself as much as he could, he spoke a few words to them, saying: "My favorable disposition toward you, my friends, and how I would have judged myself most happy if I could have conferred the greatest kindnesses not only upon you all in common, but upon each one of you individually—and not in passing, but with all zeal, while using you as partners in what would be of benefit to the Roman state—God, who sees the hidden and secret things of men, and who searches the hearts and reins, knows, as does the fact that I considered it sweeter and more blessed than any life, if I should die fighting against the barbarians for your sake. But because He—by what judgments He Himself knows—has decreed that this should not be, but, as you see, has encompassed us with death, warning all with a manifest example that one ought not to depend upon money or the rest of those flowing and perishing things, but rather to serve only the one God, and to cling to Him as long as one survives, and for each to reform and adapt his own character for that heavenly life—I offer you this first address as my final farewell to you, since I doubt whether I shall be able to speak to you further. I ask you, if you love me at all, to propitiate with your prayers the Almighty, whom I have so often and so gravely offended, for me at such a time when I am most in need of such assistance. Furthermore, I leave you the Grand Domestic as leader and protector in my place." Having said this, he took his right hand and placed it into the hand ^C of the Empress, who was carrying in her womb their daughter Maria—who later was given in marriage to Michael, son of Alexander, king of the Mysians—and before the image of her who, beyond nature, gave birth to God, the Lord Jesus Christ, for the salvation of the human race, he said: "To you, I hand over and entrust her and all the Romans; may you have care for them henceforth." Immediately all gave themselves over to lamentations and groans; nor was it possible to see anything but them smiting their breasts and tearing their hair. A common cry was raised to the heavens, and the confused voices of all were heard; and no one, unless he were born of stone, could restrain himself from weeping in such great grief. Therefore, they all abandoned themselves to wailing; nor were they able to respond to what they had heard. When late they had collected themselves, they resolved among themselves to observe the emperor's commands, and having said their final farewell each with many tears, they departed.

^A Through the whole of that day, the palace gates having been thrown open by the emperor's command, all who wished entered and bade him hail and farewell; and he, returning their greetings, exhorted them to take in good part what had been ordained by him. Thus, then, the emperor spent the whole day in taking leave of everyone. After this, having summoned the physicians, he adjured them by God, the judge of the living and the dead, not to deprive him of the habit of the monks, but to permit him to be deemed worthy of it. He declared that he did not request this because he was already at the point of death, nor did he wish them to look to that—as if, should there be no hope of his recovery, they should grant it, but should it be otherwise, they should forbid it—but because he thought that nothing should be delayed or put off, and that what was to be done should be enacted, and that this was for him a matter of greater pleasure. He asserted even with oaths that he would rather choose to punish himself for his previous transgressions while living out whatever number of years he might have left in this habit, and to reconcile himself to God through repentance, than to die surrounded by power, having never cooperated with divine grace. The physicians at first sought to console him, saying that no serious outcome would occur; but as he insisted vehemently, and demanded that they promise to do what he asked, he would not be calmed any more than if he bound them also with oaths that they would not deprive him of his holy desire. ^B

CAPUT XV.

^C As the disease increased and progressed for the worse, his kinswoman, the Palaiologina Cantacuzene, who was present, asked him what he ordained concerning the emperor's mother, Xene. When he answered, "Nothing," she, thinking that because of the severity of the disease he had not perceived what was being said, repeated the inquiry and asked a third time. He then replied that he could not attend to two matters, and those being women. The Grand Domestic, having gone out, ordered oaths to be taken according to the custom that had prevailed from the beginning upon the death of emperors; and they were made on these terms: to acknowledge the Empress Anna as mistress and sovereign of affairs, and to promise her faith. ^D

to obey the Great Domestic in all things, and to do what was commanded by him without replying. ^A Thus were the oaths given, with everyone swearing in order. He himself managed affairs as he thought was best, and entrusted the governorships of the cities to those he judged necessary, and removed them from those from whom they seemed to be taken away. As for those Romans who happened to be present in Didymoteichon at that time, not only of the senate but also of the army, they came together and urged the Grand Domestic to assume the imperial insignia, asserting that for other reasons this was just, and because the emperor had so ordained it. He refused, and asked them not to trouble him by requesting things he could by no means do. Constantine the Despot, whom we showed at the beginning of this history to have been brought from Thessalonica in bonds, in the habit of a monk, and called Callistus, was still held in the prison at Didymoteichon. ^B Fearing, therefore, that if the emperor died, the Despot might escape from custody, raise a new sedition among the Romans, destroy their affairs, stir up civil war, and claim the empire for himself, the leading men and commanders of the army who were present came to the Great Domestic and begged him to remove the man from the world, for this would be most beneficial to the state. This matter seemed to him completely inhuman and cruel; and he endeavored to convince the others to believe the same, declaring that he would never have thought that they would dare to contemplate and speak of such things regarding the Despot. For if they were not able to see for themselves what the reason of duty required, yet it was permitted to them to use the emperor as a teacher, who until now had instructed them by his deeds to trust in God, who would also be present in the future and would teach them for a long time not to be cruel or inclined to shed the blood of their fellow citizens. For whom did the emperor ever condemn to death, even when he found not a few plotting against him and practically wishing to cut his throat with their own hands? ^C Wherefore, if he used such humanity on his own behalf, he said, it is not just for us, in a cause that is our own, to be thought to have surpassed the savagery of beasts, but rather to put aside these thoughts and to deliberate more gently and moderately concerning the man. But the Romans said they were unwilling to suffer imminent civil wars, seditions, and the turmoil of all things; for they knew what a dire disaster the war between the emperors had caused to the state; therefore they were most insistent that he should put out of the way the evils that were threatening, and not leave… ^D

rivals for the empire alive; or at least that he should gouge out their eyes, so that in this way they might neither lose their own lives, nor be the cause of many troubles for others. This was their demand. And they had resolved that if the Great Domestic did not agree to this, they would kill the despot in prison even against his will. When he perceived this from their words, and wished to turn them away from this turbulent state of mind, he said that he would in no way permit his being killed, nor would he suffer the soul of the emperor to be defiled by the murder of a kinsman through his own agency. But as for putting out his eyes, he certainly could not be driven to that either. However, so that he might not seem to be providing fuel for sedition and tumult, he promised he would take counsel during the night ^A and do on the morrow what was in the interest of the state. With these words they were pacified, thinking that they were now rid of all trouble if the despot were blinded. That night, he ordered three of his most trusted servants to take the despot out of the prison and hide him in the most secure underground place that could be found. He also ordered them to capsize a small boat in the river that flows past there, which is called the Adra, and to spread a rumor in secret, first that the despot had escaped from custody, and then that he had drowned in the river. The servants did as they were instructed, and the despot was hidden in the hidden places of the earth. As soon as morning broke, the rumor was spread that the despot had escaped from prison; and everyone was in an uproar and confusion, thinking that matters were already heading toward sedition. But when they heard about the capsized boat in the river, thinking that he had perished by divine providence, they ceased to cause disturbances and no longer had any expectation of sedition. The despot thus escaped both death and the loss of his eyes. The Great Domestic sent Lascaris Calamanus to Byzantium to the protostrator, who was acting as governor there, to inform him ^B about the emperor's condition; he commanded him both to take the aforementioned oath himself, and to charge the other senators and the powerful men of Byzantium to do the same; and he, delaying nothing, did what was ordered.

CAPUT XVI.

Andronicus the elder, learning that the emperor, his grandson, was stricken with a grave illness and was expected to die, and seeing also the oaths being taken—which he knew were sworn in the name of the emperor ^C

he feared that if he should die, some new move might be made against him, and he might be deprived of life by those who would think to seize the Roman throne again. He therefore asked to become a monk, believing that in this way he might escape death, should his grandson die. ^B With the permission of the protostrator, he took off his garments and put on rags, and changed his name from Andronikos to Antonios.

Andronikos the emperor, struggling with his severe illness and thinking that he was at the point of departing from life, summoned his doctors and said, "You clearly know what I have discussed with you myself, concerning my desire to obtain the monastic habit. I did not ask this because I had already completely abandoned hope of life, but because I believed that even if I had firm hope of recovery, it would be for the best in either outcome. For if I should depart to the majority, it will be well for me to stand before the impartial judge in that fearful trial, even while wearing the habit of repentance. But if I should survive the disease, it would be even better, inasmuch as I would find time for repentance to wash away my transgressions. Regarding all that you yourselves promised and confirmed with oaths—that you would not deprive me of such a good—I now see the exact opposite happening. For I am now all but breathless, and I see that you are setting your minds on anything rather than doing what is useful and agreeable to me. For this reason, I beg you not to misuse your negligence further, for it does not merely cause minor harm, but is damaging in the most critical matters. Be eager to accomplish this now, before the end arrives."

Thus spoke the emperor. The doctors, having groaned deeply and prayed many times—wishing they had never even entered into the knowledge of medicine if they had to look upon such things—allowed the emperor to do as he wished. ^C He, scarcely able to contain himself for joy, as if he had received blessed gifts, summoned the Great Domestic and ordered his spiritual father to come to him quickly. He, ignorant of everything, [The translation continues on the next page.]

reason was for the summons; and when he learned, he promised the Emperor he would do what was commanded, but he rebuked the physicians not a little, and he himself bore it with great difficulty. As much time was consumed, and the spiritual father did not arrive, the Emperor was eager for his arrival, and asked the physicians the cause of the delay. Understanding from what they said that they were telling him nothing sound, he surmised that the delay was being caused by the Great Domestic, and summoning him, he reminded him of their friendship from early childhood, and how never in all their life had one provided the other any occasion for trouble or scandal. But now, he said, he was at a loss to know from what impulse he should wish, strictly on purpose, to send him, burdened with such weight, down to Hades. "Do not," he said, "my best of friends, put me to death with such an evil, nor betray the hope of my salvation; but just as you have often cast yourself into dangers with every haste and zeal for the sake of this miserable body, so now, when my soul is in much greater danger, defend it, and that not for the sake of our friendship alone, but so that you do not answer for the penalties to the Judge of all—you who, as much as in you lay, took away the soul for which He Himself ^B endured death, being fixed upon the cross. Do not waste this time, I beseech you, so necessary and which ought to be spent—no, consumed—with singular zeal in many prayers; for if it passes by now, it will be sought in vain. For I count every interval of time I spend talking with you to be a most damaging loss." The Great Domestic, absorbed by grief, could answer nothing, his soul already being drowned in sorrow; he went out, groaned bitterly, and invoked his friend's name; he shed tears so abundantly that he almost poured out his soul with them. Nevertheless, he composed himself again, and washing his face, he appeared to the Emperor as though he were someone else, not having been ill, nor even having wept at all. And when the Emperor, redoubling his messengers, ordered the spiritual father to hasten to him, the Great Domestic sent and instructed that spiritual father to depart from outside Didymoteicho, and to remain in the suburbs until he himself granted him entry; let him be wary of entering sooner, even if all mortals should permit it. But he suborned another in his place and brought him to the Emperor, saying that the regular one was away from home, and he added an oath that he was speaking the truth. This man, however, was not at all known to him, and was brought in under compulsion by him, though against his will and desire. The Emperor, having greeted him, said, "It is time, father, for you to apply ^C spiritual medicine to me, and to exercise that most philanthropic of all arts, and to heal both a soul pained and badly suffering from many wounds and transgressions, and to guide it onto salutary paths, and by the garments of penitence and [The translation continues on the next page.]

^A inner disposition and actions, to render the Judge propitious to it. He himself, however, returned the Emperor’s embrace, but told him that it was not permitted, while the father to whom he had piously submitted himself was still alive, to choose another; and this especially at such a time as this, when he desires to depart from this life and to be translated to the angelic life. For it is right that one should use this same person as teacher throughout one’s whole life, and to pay heed to him as to one of the better sort, rather than to be initiated into such mysteries simply and heedlessly by just anyone. For such was the teaching he had received.

The Emperor was being no little troubled by these words, and he blamed the Great Domestic, claiming he was being prevented by him from obtaining salvation. But as the Domestic supported what the spiritual father had said, and affirmed that that person, to whom it was right to entrust such things, was not present, and further promised that as soon as he returned, he would be there without delay, the Emperor was convinced and grew calm.

^B Barys, however, the most experienced of the physicians, was indignant, and seemed as though he would not endure it if the Emperor, whose life was in extreme danger, were deprived of his salvation, having been led astray by the Great Domestic; he was eager to make clear to the Emperor all that had been contrived concerning the spiritual father, and that there would be no obstacle, if that spiritual father were not present, to having another perform the same things, since the same authority has been equally granted by the Creator Spirit to all spiritual fathers. Having perceived what Barys intended, the Great Domestic took him out of the chamber and said, “I suspect you wish to incite the Emperor to don the monastic habit at the hands of just any spiritual father. But you yourself were the one who originally urged the Emperor to this very thing. At that time, indeed, ignorance and lack of experience excused you from suffering harm. But if you attempt the same or even worse things again, know that you will not escape without punishment. For in the first place, if we are bereaved of this Emperor, it is not possible to buy another ^C in the marketplace. Furthermore, even if this were possible, we would not happen upon such a one, who is in all respects the best. For God, who foresees all things, creates and fashions those into whose hands so great an empire is to be entrusted, in proportion to the magnitude of the office. Besides, how many of those struggling with terrible diseases have been given up for dead by physicians, and come to what seemed to be the very threshold of life, yet—by Him who governs and transforms all things as He wills—have revived again, and after recovering, have lived as many years as before? What is surprising, then, if, by the will of God, similar things happen in the case of our Emperor? For this reason I tell you to keep quiet, and not to harass the Emperor, but to allow him to remain in the state of habit he currently possesses. And if God, looking with a propitious light upon the Romans, restores their Emperor to them, we shall give Him all the thanks ^D our minds can grasp, and we shall count his health as the greatest part of our happiness. But if—which God forbid!—by the hidden judgment of God, he should fly up from these fleeting and earthly things to better and more durable palaces, He who is the just Judge and searcher of hearts and thoughts will pass sentence on his intention; and He will deem him worthy of the same reward as the monks, since he was deprived of this good not by his own will, but by the fraud of another.”

When the Domestic had said these things, Barys broke out violently, saying that he would not abandon the Emperor who was in extreme danger, but would bring him whatever aid he could: not only because, as a physician, he had recommended salutary things...

paying the ultimate penalty if he failed to do so, but also because he was bound by oaths to the Emperor to manifest the truth regarding his condition. But now, since the Emperor was by no means to be among the living, why should he neglect the salvation of his soul, suspended as it was on vain hopes? ^B While Barys was saying such things, and was already hastening to reveal the truth to the Emperor, the Grand Domestic threatened to kill him if he did not cease doing such things. Knowing him to be very cowardly and intending to cause a disturbance, he led him outside and said to the Romans who were present: "Men, Romans, this physician absolutely refuses to comply with my wishes; and, thinking highly of himself—as if he were one of those who know both present and future things—he is hastening to hand over to us the Emperor as a monk, instead of as Emperor. Whether this pleases your minds, you yourselves must judge." They immediately surrounded the physician, clamored quite loudly, and threatened to destroy him with an unheard-of kind of death if he did not abandon his attempts. Terrified by these threats, he abandoned his intention.

The Emperor, however, although his disease was growing daily with no small increase, was nevertheless sound in his mind. And even though it had taken hold of his head, his faculty of reason was not harmed; he kept calling incessantly for his spiritual father, and he longed, with an intense and unseemly passion, for the habit of the Nazarenes, entrusting the task to the spiritual father who was present. He said it was not at all strange if, in the absence of his accustomed and regular confessor, the one present should perform those duties. ^C But he resisted strongly by delaying, and denied that he would do it, saying that otherwise he would be removed from the priesthood, as one who illicitly usurped sacred rites forbidden to him: for so it had been established by law by the holy Fathers. The Emperor accepted the excuse; he took the denial of the habit bitterly, and remaining silent for a little while, and coming to a realization of his own transgressions—and how he was about to submit to judgment for all those things before that impartial and fearsome tribunal—he shed tears from his eyes and lamented for a long time. Then he gave his final instructions to the crowd of servants standing by; he adjured them by God that, when they carried out his body—once it was empty of its soul—with funeral rites, they should first carry it to the house of the Grand Domestic, and once it had been deposited there for a time, they should lift it again and hide it under a stone, so that all might understand that not even death itself, which brings oblivion to all such things, could dull his love toward him. Thus, as many as were present were weeping at his words, and an unbelievable charity [was kindled] among them.

^A Indeed, they were amazed that it had remained so vivid even until death.

CHAPTER XVII

^B Afterward, the emperor, having called for the Great Domestic, said: "I know well, best of friends, that this present day will appear to you not only more hateful than any ill-omened day, but also that it will bring you great hardships and difficulties. For it will be necessary, because of the administration of the Roman empire, to divide your mind now here, now there, amidst various anxieties, fearing lest, on account of my passing, anything that has been established might be violated. And because you are bereft of me, you will feel such great sadness that nothing can be added to it, reflecting—and deservedly so—that your most beloved [friend], whom neither time, which causes all things to flow away and fade, nor the changeable and inconstant nature of things, nor any necessity could separate from your friendship even for a moment, is now cruelly snatched away and separated from you by death, which is more powerful than nature itself. And to you, indeed, it leaves behind a lifeless body, but it takes away my soul, void of good works, and suffering all the more at this ^C parting. But what can one do? It is necessary that we accept with equanimity the laws laid down by the Creator of nature. But since a little time of life remains, put aside all other cares, sit upon my couch, and lay my head, most dear to you, upon your knees, and place your hands upon my eyes; perhaps this will provide some solace to the soul as it departs from the body, since, as they declare, it undergoes many pains. Nay rather, so that it may perceive a double pain, both from being separated from you and from the body, and not even in Hades will be able to forget you, if there remains for souls, after they have departed from here, any perception of those things which happen here."

Hearing these things, the Great Domestic wept miserably, a thing which had never before happened to him in the presence of the emperor; for although he sometimes had given way to tears and lamented outwardly, inwardly he had striven ^D most of all to keep control of himself. But then, completely overcome by the intensity of his emotion, he groaned from the depths of his heart and bewailed his companion, so that even those outside, perceiving the outcry, thought the emperor had died.

^A This weeping lasted for a long time, while all the others present likewise lamented. When it had subsided sufficiently, the emperor said to him once more: "Cease this weeping; it is not the time for it. Come up to the bed and do what you have been commanded. When the time for weeping arrives, you shall weep often and much, and I, as one dead to the heart, shall be forgotten by other men. I wish, however, that I had been able to cast off even a small part of my memory from your own." The Great Domestic then ascended to the emperor’s bed, and touching his head, he foresaw what was to come, shedding tears without a sound.

As night began to fall, the pulse vanished entirely from the emperor, and there was no longer any doubt about the end. Around the fourth hour, the emperor asked the physicians how long they thought he would still live, and ordered them to speak the truth. They, weeping even as they spoke, said they believed he would expire by nightfall. Not long after, as the vital spirit failed, the extremities of his body began to be seized by cold. His limbs and his voice began to fail; his shins turned black up to the knees; his arms were like those of a corpse; his eyelids, slackened from their natural tension, drooped more than usual; his nose became much sharper; his temples sank; and all those signs of death which children know to be seen from physicians were present, so that even they expected him to die before the appointed hour. ^B Everything necessary for the burial had already been prepared, and there was nothing else for anyone to expect but the funeral. The emperor, however, in a faint voice and one that seemed already to be failing, asked if it were possible to obtain some of those sacred waters that flowed from the ever-living and life-giving fountain of the Mother of God. Phacrasina, one of the noble women attending the empress...

Jacobi Pontani notae

(94) He alludes to Scripture. But I do not know how he says he will be forgotten by others, when he should rather have said that he ought to be forgotten by others. ^C (95) This signifies the signs of death, as he mentions later. Others bring more, and daily experience teaches them. (96) These things having been done, the emperor lay at Didymoteichon for two whole days, with no other sign of life appearing except for a slight and very faint respiration; with his vital organs motionless and the extremities of his body dead, he lay to all appearances dead. On the third day, however, as if aroused from a deep sleep, he asked for the divine draft of the most chaste Mother of God—the *Pega*. This having been brought at once and poured over his head, he was refreshed, took food, and recovered his former health. The Emperor Leo the Thracian erected this temple at the fountain at her prompting. The occasion, the place or region, the structure of the temple itself, and this fountain in the midst of the temple are described clearly by Nicephorus in Book XV, chapters 25 and 26. He testifies that he wrote a book about the many miracles performed at this fountain.

Notes of Jacob Gretser

(c) Regarding this fountain, of which this Cantacuzenus makes mention, and the temple of the divine Virgin, which was built at this fountain by Leo the Thracian and either restored, enlarged, or rebuilt from the foundations by Justinian—besides the authors mentioned in the notes to this chapter, see also Procopius, *On the Buildings of Justinian*. The fountain exists at this time, though the temple perished in the savagery of the barbarians, concerning which [see] the author of the *Pandecta histor. Turcic.*, chap. [blank]. Thence one arrives at the sixteenth [gate], namely the gate of Selymbria, or Selybria, which was called by the ancients the Golden Gate, and the Gate of the Fountain. For outside this gate is the fountain which exists to this day, which is called the *Chryso-* or Golden Fountain by the Greeks by its ancient name, celebrated in their histories, which often mention the palace or fountain and the temple of the Mother of God at the fountain. The buildings are now pulled down, with the foundations still existing, and the fountain itself, which the common people of the Greeks to this day call [the Golden Fountain], and are accustomed to visit in great crowds at a certain time of the year, just as if the temple of the Mother of God were still standing. The Golden Gate is also still visible, but blocked. So much for him. A temple is also celebrated in the state of things at Galata or Pera, opposite Constantinople, which name perhaps derives from that ancient one at the fountain...

^A of the evening, said that one of the servants arrived from Byzantium, bringing the holy waters; and while bringing them, she offered them with haste. When they were applied to the mouth of the emperor, he seemed to swallow them, and he was marveled at by all, because, even though he was breathing his last, he did not abstain from the faith and honor due to sacred things. Nevertheless, he seemed to be approaching the gates of Hades no less than before. But when his flesh was anointed with those waters, he became completely quiet, and from that hour he remained speechless and motionless until dawn, believed to be alive only by his breathing. About dawn, as if reviving from the dead, he said, "Glory to you, O God." When the Great Domestic asked how he was, he said he did not know; but God, who knows all things, would know. ^B The chief physician then approached, and touching the hand of the emperor, he seemed to feel a pulse, albeit weakly; but thinking himself deceived by the absurdity of the situation (for no hope remained of his living), he examined it again carefully and meticulously tested the pulses, and rubbed his hands. When he was convinced that he was not deceived, he was struck by the paradoxical nature of the matter, and cried out, "Great is God, who alone is able to lead down into the gates of Hades and lead back up again from there." When he summoned the other group of physicians, who were as if in shock and not trusting even themselves, he inquired whether the same things appeared to them concerning the emperor. When they agreed, astonishment possessed all of them, and a joy second to none. The emperor began to recover, and as it were to return ^C from the gates of Hades; and by the third hour of the day, his pulses, although indeed faint and languid, were yet perceived clearly, equally, and steadily. He himself was relieved, and all his troubles having dissipated, from that day forth gaining strength more and more, he recovered perfect and complete health. So great was the excess of astonishment in all, that not only did those who heard the reports disbelieve, but...

Notes of Jacob Gretser

...it has been translated. Be that as it may, in this place likewise two arguments are proposed to us Catholics against the deserters and detractors of the ancestral faith: 1. The cult and invocation of the most holy Virgin, not without fruit in this life as well; for if the Mother of mercy was so beneficent toward a man wandering outside the fold of the Lord, what can he not promise himself from that same Queen of heaven who piously calls upon her in his vows, and follows her with due ^D veneration in the atria of the house of the Lord, in the midst of your Jerusalem, that is, in the Church of Christ? By the favor and benefit of the Virgin, those things ceased to be numbered among the profane, as were those sacred waters drawn from the Virgin's fountain, for which Emperor Andronicus felt no less desire than once King David did for the water of the cistern that was in Bethlehem by the gate, 2 Kings 23. With what veneration was the fountain at Nicopolis of Palestine once worshipped not only by Christians, but even by Jews and Saracens, sanctified by the touch of Christ, so that it was salutary not only for the ailments of men but also for the diseases of cattle, as Sozomen and Cedrenus write: just as also the Persian tree at Hermopolis, which by the passing and under the shade of Him took on a similar medicinal power, to say nothing of that fountain of the infant Jesus in Egypt, of which Borcardus writes in his *Description of the Holy Land*, and other innumerable things, through which the heavenly inhabitants once performed great miracles for men of all kinds and conditions, so that all might be brought to the acknowledgment of the truth, which is one. For by miracles performed by any saint, in any place or time, no other faith is proven and confirmed than that in which he himself shone while he lived this life, that is, the Catholic and Roman faith, as has been said more copiously in the book: To whom, if not to this faith, do these miracles attest? For I will use the words of Saint Augustine, Book 22 *Of the City of God*, chapter 9: for the martyrs themselves (and the other inhabitants of the heavenly seats) were witnesses of this faith, that is, they were witnesses of this faith, bearing testimony to this faith, they endured the most hostile and cruel world, and they conquered it not by fighting back, but by dying. For this faith died those who are able to obtain these things from the Lord, for whose name they were killed. For this faith followed their wondrous patience, so that such great power might follow in these miracles. These are the words of Saint Augustine.

^A Indeed, those of the Romans whose goodwill toward the emperor was pure and guileless did not remain entirely unbenefited by that severe illness and his unexpected recovery; but, considering the miracle wrought for the emperor as if it had been done for their own bodies, they repaid God with good works. Some abandoned the evils by which they were held fast, while others showed their gratitude and thankfulness by giving alms, by paying ransoms for captives, and by abstinence from food for a time. Thus did the emperor reach the very height of danger, and thus did he again unexpectedly escape.

CHAPTER XVIII

But he was not persuaded, but asserted openly that if he obtained the strength, he would render a reward equal to such services. For this reason he was still kept in custody. ^A Then, however, when the Emperor admonished him as much as was fitting, and he himself promised that he would consign the injuries of those by whom he had been offended to oblivion, he was released from prison. But the grandson, mindful of Andronicus the elder, ^B asked the Grand Domestic what disposition he had shown when he himself was sick. He replied that he had assumed the habit of a monk, and was named Anthony instead of Andronicus. The Emperor, astonished, asked the reason for the change, and whether he had changed his mode of life of his own accord or had been compelled by someone. He replied that he had not yet been able to discover the truth of the matter; for no one worthy of much belief had come from there, nor had the protostrator written anything about it. This alone, he said, he had heard from messengers arriving from there: that the Emperor had learned of his illness, clearly that it was of those which lead to death; and fearing that, upon his passing, some act of extreme cruelty might be dared against him, he had assumed the habit of a monk. The Emperor was not a little afflicted and annoyed at this report, and indicated by his very voice that the deed did not please him. ^C The Grand Domestic, seeing him grieving over what had happened and anxious that this distress might contribute to the renewal of his illness, comforted him and said that he himself knew better than anyone, and could testify, with what reverence and honor he had always cherished his grandfather, and at what price he would have redeemed the situation so that it would not have happened, but rather that the old man would have retained his former attire. "But since what is done cannot be undone," he said, "why are you vexed with so many cares about them, which are of no benefit to them, and are for our own souls no small harm? ^D I myself, if it were permitted by you, would punish myself with no common penalty, because so imprudently, or, to speak more correctly, so unwisely and uselessly, I have disturbed and saddened you with this news, which was least of all appropriate for this time. For even if you are free from the fear and suspicion of death, you are not yet secure in complete recovery." The Emperor, reminding the Domestic of what he had thought a little earlier to do concerning his grandfather the Emperor, kept saying that if that had been carried into effect, the things that have now come to pass would not have happened. The Domestic replied: "Those things, indeed, would not have happened; but other things, much worse and perhaps less advantageous, might have occurred."

CAPUT XIX.

Andronicus the younger, about to restore the empire to his grandfather, communicates the matter to the Grand Domestic; who, after he understood that the intention was serious, advises him to think carefully with himself beforehand what he is doing. Three reasons are proposed which moved the Emperor, and they are refuted. The Emperor himself, denying that he was moved by them, brings forward two others by which he is impelled.

And because mention has been made of those things which the Emperor was contemplating regarding his grandfather, the subject requires that we speak a few things about them separately, so that the body of the history may not be marred by the omission of matters that seem necessary. For as the Emperor...

Andronikos the Younger, as we have already said, intended to take the Grand Domestic as a partner in the empire, and to adorn him with the bloom of the purple and with imperial insignia, and had discussed this with him many times, but could achieve nothing more, and saw that he remained in his opinion, ^B so as to never be persuaded to do what he requested—he himself desisted, judging that he was attempting the impossible. But not long after, it came into his mind to hand over to his grandfather and Emperor the whole rule and administration of the Roman principate, just as he had done before; and since he thought thus, it seemed necessary to him to move forward and put it into action. And he imparted his thought to the Domestic, to see if he would consider it profitable to set it in motion. But to him, it immediately seemed that the Emperor was making a trial of him, thinking that upon hearing such a deliberation about his grandfather, the Emperor would easily, and without delay, allow himself to be proclaimed Emperor by him; and he forthwith opened his suspicion. ^C When the Emperor claimed that he had entertained no such thing in his mind, but that he was simply and without any cunning judging that this would be good and was wishing to bring it to fruition, the Grand Domestic replied: "But to me," he said, "it does not seem good; nor, as far as I am concerned, would I wish it to be done as though it were useful. But if you have decided so concerning him, and wish in all ways to carry it out, it is better that [that which] you interpret as good should prevail, even if it does not appear such to me. For if I have advised you [to do] things that were honorable and useful for you and the Romans, God, who delights in all excellent deeds, would embolden your soul to undertake them; and even if all mortals should attempt [to oppose it], they would be unable to persuade you to desist. ^D But if, on the other hand, these things were altogether disadvantageous to the Romans and to yourself, yet it pleased God to urge you, so that an occasion for civil wars, sedition, and turmoil might arise for the Romans, who would be found so completely bereft of reason as to believe that he could ever dissolve and unweave what God Himself has woven? Look around you, therefore, solicitously, and if you see your mind being carried and leaning in that direction with, as it were, the votes of all, do not seek the judgment of others. But if you have decided nothing of the sort, but wishing to bring about a just thing, profitable for yourself and those under your rule, have deliberated to recall your grandfather to the empire, do not [do] this so rashly and inconsiderately, as though some trivial thing were to be done; but when you have first weighed everything much and frequently, and have explored it accurately, only then come to the work; lest, if something unexpected should happen later—and many things can happen—that should become an occasion for others, and before others for ourselves, to condemn our own rashness and sloth." The Emperor approved of these words and entrusted the business to consultation. But the Grand Domestic desired first to know the factors by which he had been moved to descend to this will; which, if they should appear to him neither absurd nor lacking in valid credibility, then...

why should one labor further and deliberate in vain? For there is no obstacle to doing what seems to be done well. But if such reasons should not appear, he would then, reversing the process, set forth the reasons for which he himself judged it not to be advantageous to undertake the action. And if it should appear that he was adhering to what is right and just, he should obey and desist from doing what is not necessary; but if they were so inadequate that they could not persuade, and [if] the battle were evenly balanced, then he should allow the victory to go to him, just as the story says the Athenians used to do when Minerva’s ballot was added. ^B Since there are three things, above all, that could most lead you to repentance for what has happened—the sense that it does not appear to have been done justly, and that it was not advantageous to the state, and thirdly, that some necessary duties were neglected by the fact that the emperor was not in command of affairs—let us examine each one of them. And first, everyone would surely agree with me that it was done as justly as possible. For, in the first place, you did not start the war yourself, but were forced to carry on the one started by him. And then, although unwilling, you nonetheless withdrew, fleeing the danger that threatened you from him, and afterwards you defended yourself only of necessity. And after you emerged victorious by the grace of God, although it was lawful to retain the empire with justice, because the war had been initiated by him (for surely no law prevents those who have defeated their enemies from possessing the spoils of their virtue), he did not seek peace first, and yet you, a just man, were restoring the empire to an unjust one. So that since you were deprived of what was yours before without doing anything wrong, and since afterwards, ^C when you had gained power over your rivals, you did not deprive them of their rights, justice prevails for you on both sides. But that it is also advantageous to the state, I do not believe it requires demonstration. For who among all people, unless he dwells outside the world, does not know that civil war is a calamity and ruin for the citizens, whereas everyone knows that peace and harmony, on the contrary, are a benefit and [lead to] the improvement of the common good? Furthermore, that we are not neglecting any duty of office, even though he himself does not rule the empire, I shall endeavor to show. For since there are two functions of emperors, one to be occupied with martial affairs, ^D by warding off brigands and ensuring a safe habitation for his subjects, and—if there is need of the sword—by encountering the enemy with an army; the other, in time of peace, to apply the mind to justice and the laws and to administer the urban affairs, he could not appear superior to us in either—nay, in the one, he gives way to no one; in the other, he surpasses him by a long interval.

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(97) He means the trial of the Areopagites at Athens, which was most severe, and the case of Orestes, which he spoke of there regarding matricide, and upon the approach of Minerva’s vote he was acquitted. Regarding which matter Marcus Tullius says in the *Miliana*: "Therefore, judges, not without cause have the most learned men handed down to memory in fictitious tales that he who slew his mother for the sake of avenging his father, and [whose case led to] split human opinions, was set free by not only the divine judgment but even that of the most wise goddess." Furthermore, this verse which is found in Ennius, Minerva is seen to have pronounced as she stood there: "I say that Orestes has won; you depart from this matter." See Petrus Victorius, *Variae lectiones*, book XIII, ch. 25, and book XXVII, ch. 6.

(98) This passage is linked to those words of Homer concerning Agamemnon: "A good king, in peace, of course, and a brave fighter in war." But he is not "good" who does not regulate the republic with good customs and laws; nor is he "brave" who has never seen a camp.

^A I shall attempt to demonstrate that he is in the process of regulating matters. For there being two tasks that belong to emperors—one, to occupy himself with matters of war, defending against attacking enemies and providing safety to his subjects, and if need be, taking the offensive against those who have attacked first; the other, to busy himself with justice and laws in times of peace, and to settle internal affairs well—he would not appear to have the advantage over us in either respect. Or rather, in the first he is by no means superior to the emperor; in the second, you have the advantage by a wide margin. For since the rest of the administration of affairs is being conducted no less well than before, as is proper, in wars and military campaigns you are far superior, being present yourself at all times and using generals who are better than those he used, as became evident from the deeds themselves, as he for the most part kept to the house before, just as he does now.

Further, as the Great Domestic wished to continue his speech and prove through many arguments that it was not advantageous for the state to restore the elder Andronikos to power, the young emperor, interrupting, said that he also thought these things were correct; and for these reasons he did not wish to entrust the power to his grandfather. But, first of all, [he wished to ensure] that those who are altogether frivolous, base, and corrupt, as if from a deliberate and insidious design, might not have any pretext to invent rumors and persuade the many—that I have taken the power away [from him]—when the emperor has not provided any cause for war. Second, that I am most desirous and anxious to accomplish whatever might be most for the pleasure and honor of the emperor. And I believe that the emperor, before he was in charge of affairs, would neither have wished nor sought anything else.

CHAPTER XX

^B This discourse the Domestic uses to attempt to refute the two reasons brought forward by the emperor, by which he was moved to restore the power to his grandfather; namely, the calumny of the wicked, and the honor and pleasure of his grandfather. He speaks, however, very oratorically. The emperor betakes himself to Byzantium to give thanks to the divine Mother for the health he received. Crowds of people move to see him. He tours the cities of Thrace.

Receiving the word, the Great Domestic said: "My benevolence and zeal toward the Emperor my grandfather, and how I wished for nothing more ardently than to see him not only suffer no injury, but even to hold the power and be in the mouths and admiration of all, no one knows better than you yourself, along with me. For when the war between you was at its peak, and we were deliberating how the war should be carried on—while others were advising to restrain him, or even to kill him, and in a short time rid ourselves of many troubles—you know how many things full of humanity I discoursed about him, and how I willingly agreed with you, ^C and assisted you in the matter. And when, having engaged in the war, we had overcome him both once and twice, you remember how great our inclination and respect for him was: since, having snatched him from the midst of dangers, we not only rendered him safe, but even preserved his former happiness as much as was permitted, while all the others were shouting against it and demanding that we obey them to the contrary. Since this is so, it must not be thought that I pronounce these words stimulated by any hatred, but as one having regard for the common interests.

^A Moreover, it is not possible for even the most cunning slanderer to weave a lie against me, to the effect that I am hindering the imperial power from being handed over to him because I desire to acquire it for myself. For it was possible before, had I so wished, and it still lies within my power even now, had I wanted it, since you would have readily provided it; so it is not for any private advantage of my own that I offer such counsel. Since, then, it is demonstrated by the very facts that I am speaking neither to gain favor for myself nor out of hostility to him, it is proper to listen to me if I am judged to give useful advice. You were saying that you are driven to this mainly for two reasons: that you might not be spoken ill of by depraved and corrupt men, and that you might be most anxious, as far as you are able, about whatever pertains to the reverence, honor, and joy of the Emperor. To honor and revere him, I myself would affirm, is both just and your duty. ^B But it is permitted to demonstrate such cultivation and reverence in many other ways. For it is necessary to honor him as a father and to provide as diligently as possible that both he and his household are supplied abundantly with the necessities of life. If, therefore, the money decreed for him separately is thought not to suffice for his needs, there is no reason not to grant him as much again, or even double, and to add other things that would be for his pleasure without being of any detriment to others. But to establish him as lord of affairs—this is what I cannot be persuaded is in the interest of the commonwealth, nor would I wish to persuade anyone else. However, I think that the voices of the wicked should be treated with contempt; otherwise it would be a terrible thing if, while we make no account of the good, we should gratify the wicked to such a degree that, even when we consider things to be useful and just, we should willingly cast them aside for their sake. ^C Come now, by the immortal God, if all good men were to assemble in a church and summon us to judgment, saying: "How unjustly and violently you act, inciting a civil war among us! For right from the beginning, as soon as the senior Emperor took up arms against you, seeing how unjustly you were suffering, we sympathized with you very much and strove alongside you readily. And since, with God’s help, we had easily gained victory over our enemies, when it was necessary to drive away and punish those who had first instigated the injustice and to free us from our troubles, you were unwilling. But as if thirsting for evils—while the Emperor was asking only for moderate things and praying only for his life—you, to the detriment of your subjects and yourselves, prompted by a foolish desire for glory, handed over to him almost the entire empire, even as we begged you and testified to your lack of judgment. ^D And he, not long after having rested, attempted the same things again, as if having forgotten into what danger he had cast himself, and waged an undeclared war upon us. Seeing then, as we do, whither the state of affairs is heading, and how the Roman state will be utterly destroyed, we undertook an embassy to the Emperor, not for your sake privately, but for the common good, beseeching him not to allow us to perish by mutual slaughter; but if he had any charge against you, to resolve it in court." He...

however, did not even deign to listen to the mention of peace ^A with the tips of his ears. We, being constrained by difficulties on every side, again entered into dangers; and having waged a second war against him, we conquered again and reduced him to straits equal to or even greater than the former ones. Observing that the war would not end for him without peril, he once again sent embassies to you regarding peace, though previously he had not endured even a trace of it. You, I know not what having come over you, when you ought to have become wise from past experience, did the opposite of what was necessary; you surrendered the entire authority ^B and the administration of affairs to him, and furthermore, you surrendered yourselves (for I omit to mention us, your subjects, who were bearing this very ill and were almost lamenting our injury); you became unjust and almost betrayers of us, believing that at least by this way you would cut off every pretext for war. But he, as if the earth were not enough for him to inhabit with you, came to arms again for a third time, when there was nothing that he could allege as a crime. And he was no longer unprepared, as if just off a march as before, but having prepared himself long in advance in the West, he led an army against us that was not a little superior to ours in number, formed not only of the Greeks inhabiting that region, but also of the neighboring barbarian auxiliaries. ^C When you saw these things, you went to Byzantium and besought the emperor for peace. But he, being no more willing to be persuaded than before, you were compelled by necessity to descend to a third war, and we, detesting the enormity of the injustice, willingly labored with you and endured many dangers and toils. After that long wandering, the many incursions, and the fatigue of the long-standing campaign, and with the superior power now laboring together with us in the war, we have already fully overcome the enemy and recovered the Roman principate together with you. Now, however, with the wars having ceased and the affairs of the Romans enjoying peace, seeing you attempting to cast us into evils greater than the former ones, we warn you not to contrive new things again, nor to provide pretexts for a most unfortunate war, that is, a civil one, against those of the same race. If they were to say these things, ^D and were to add as a conclusion that if you accept these terms, well and good; but if not, ensure that you do not bring destruction upon yourselves rather than upon us. And if they were to add even more—I will not say such a thing as: "If the emperor is of such a character that he is easily changed in either direction, and starts a war for a small, or indeed no reason, what is the need to provide such a man with an opportunity for disturbance and sedition to the plague and destruction of the commonwealth?" If, however, he yields to sycophants and perverse men, and to nothing better than lowly slaves, we do not consider it just or useful, even if we are so affected, that we should be subjected to the Carians—I will not say, if it were that—but if they simply added that one thing to their address, saying...

provide; but if you yield to other calumniators and to men who are corrupt and no better than slaves, it is neither just nor profitable for those who are in this situation to force us into the role of Carus, ^A but if they added only this to their arguments: "That if you have now reached such an opinion regarding the emperor, it does not seem just or profitable to us to deliberate, for if any of the unexpected should occur, we, having placed ourselves outside of dangers and affairs, would sit as idle spectators of what is coming to pass." Could we then argue against this requirement as unjust? Or shall we disregard these words as spoken out of season? For since the cause of every war has been set in motion by the emperor from the beginning, and he is by nature easy to change, and the Roman Empire is exhausted by many civil wars, and all would not easily bear a change, but if all these things were shared equally by both, and one differed in no way from the other, and it were necessary, having considered the state of affairs, to choose the more suitable one to rule—it would not be in accordance with justice for anyone to be preferred over you: not only because of the gentleness and nobility of soul which have shone forth in you throughout the whole time of the war, but also because of your bravery and energy in warfare; and especially because the Roman state now has need not only of a skilled and keen leader, but also of one who is upright and practiced in the things of war. To me, therefore, examining the matter from every side, no cause appears sufficient to persuade me that it is profitable for him to abdicate the rule and hand it over to the grandfather. That is why I have zealously advised this for the sake of the common advantage. If what has been said is not enough to persuade you, it is permitted to use other, wiser, and more experienced counselors, so that you may not depart from the straight path. ^B To this the emperor, delaying a little in his custom, said, "I would not deny that everything has been said prudently; nevertheless, it seems to me that it should be deliberated upon at leisure, in case the delay of time may suggest something better." Since the Great Domestic approved of this, they departed in this manner. Three days later they met and asked one another in turn if anything else had occurred in the meantime. When both denied it, they ratified their plan. Thus, what was almost done—that the elder emperor should receive back the rule—was prevented by the Great Domestic. ^C Recalling these things to mind later, when the emperor heard that his grandfather had chosen the monastic life, he hinted to the Great Domestic that if what we had previously deliberated upon had been carried out, these things would not have happened now. To which he replied: "Those things perhaps would not have; but perhaps other, far worse and more inconvenient things could have happened." The emperor, his health restored, traveled from Didymoteichon to Byzantium, that he might give thanks to the most chaste Mother of God, who pours forth health out of her life-giving fountain even more than water, by which he himself had been relieved of that lethal sickness. ^D As he approached, a great multitude of the Byzantine people, and very many from the neighboring places and cities, went out to meet him as far as Rhegion for the sake of seeing him (for his appearance was indeed...

^A not only lovely, but also admirable, as if he had arisen from the dead), and pressing and pushing one another in their multitude, they worshipped and greeted him. He, moving through the center of the throng, approached the perennial spring of the temple situated before the city, crowded by the mob, and having given thanks to God, he withdrew from there to the palace; and he remained in Byzantium until the sixtieth day, after which he toured the cities of Thrace.

CHAPTER XXI

At that same time, a cavalry force of Persians crossed the Hellespont and was devastating Thrace. When the Emperor heard of this, he conducted a levy to drive them out. Meanwhile, many of the Persians sailed back to the east. Those who remained in Thrace were fifteen hundred in number; meeting them in battle, the Emperor cut them all down with the sword. A few days later, it was reported to the Emperor from the west that the Triballi were preparing to attack the western city of Achris, situated under Mount Pieria; shortly after, having devastated the surrounding fields, they surrounded it with a siege. The Emperor arrived quickly with aid. Perceiving this, the Triballi lifted the siege and withdrew to their homes. The Emperor provided for the city as much as he was able, and from the neighboring forts subject to the rule of the Triballi, he captured ^B some on the first assault; then, taking thought for the other western cities, he returned to Didymoteichon. Michael, the king of the Moesians, having become hostile to Crales, the ruler of the Triballi, over certain disputes, was preparing to march against him. Knowing that the Emperor was also his enemy, he sent an embassy to him, asking that he attack Crales, so that he might easily be ground down by the forces of both. When it seemed to the Emperor that the time was ripe to exact justice from the Triballi for the wrongs they had done to the Romans, Michael promised an expedition, adding that even if he had not invited him to this alliance, he would have led the force himself against the Triballi, from whom he had received intolerable damages. The Emperor, having contracted his army and readied all necessities, ^C as it appeared that Crales would not be quiet in regard to Serbia unless he had avenged himself upon Michael for the injury and insult done to his sister—because Michael had put away his legitimate wife, by whom he had sired children, the heirs of the kingdom, without any cause, and had married the Emperor’s sister—Michael sent legates to the Emperor, requesting that he, passing through the Roman provinces, make an incursion into the land of the Triballi; for he himself would also bring hostile arms against him so that, unequal to two wars, he might become weaker, with many fields on both sides lost. Therefore, they prepared themselves for the expedition until the end of spring. Read the rest. ^D

^A Having set out for Pelagonia, he campaigned, adding that even if he himself did not call [the others], yet he personally intended to march an army against the Triballi, as he had been most gravely wronged by them. But he himself, having gathered his army and provided everything that was needed, marched through Pelagonia into the land of the Triballi and ravaged a part of it. He took by assault a fort called Butzunin; and Deuritza, and Dubrunin, and Caballarium, and Siderocastron—forts themselves—surrendered by mutual agreement. Michael himself also, having marched with his whole army through Paeonia against the Triballi, encamped at a place locally called Belmasin, disregarding the enemy, as if they would not dare to attack him.

^B Stephanus Crales, the ruler of the Triballi, since he saw himself surrounded on both sides by enemy fire, did not think he was able to stand against both kings by dividing his army. He chose rather [to face] the King of the Mysians as his antagonist, and having come with his whole force, he encamped against him. He posted infantry to guard a narrow and difficult place in an advantageous region, so that no one could pass through it to get at him. Since it was not possible to reach an agreement and it seemed that they had to fight, having sent envoys to one another, they agreed to observe a truce for that day, intending to fight on the following one.

^C Since supplies had already failed the camp of the Mysians, King Michael decided that he must send [men] to seek food on the day they were observing the truce; and the greater part of the army was scattered to the neighboring regions for foraging. But when Crales saw the army of the Mysians scattered, and thought it was the time to attack Michael, who had been outmaneuvered by him, he took his armed army as quickly as he could—bringing with him also three hundred heavy-armed men from the Alemanni—and, caring little for the treaties, he marched against the Mysians. Michael, seeing the Triballian army being moved against him, knew he had been outwitted; nevertheless, as quickly as he could, he too armed his army and led them out as if for battle. And before they could be drawn up into ranks, the Triballi attacked, routed the Mysians, and won a complete victory, and they killed some of them during the battle.

^D But as for those who were captured alive, they were stripped of their weapons and released; for it is not permitted for them to enslave one another, being of the same race. King Michael, having received a mortal wound, was captured while still alive and led to the camp of the enemy. He died after living only a short time. The Triballi plundered the camp of the Mysians; and those who had been wandering about intent on plunder, upon hearing that their king had been vanquished, were caught here and there and slaughtered, though the majority of them secured their safety by flight. Crales, after the victory, did not march against the Roman Emperor, who was likewise pressing on and besieging the cities on the borders of his [the Emperor's] and the Triballian dominion, but remained encamped at a distance. Whether he was gathering a larger army, as the one he had did not seem sufficient to match the Romans, or whether he was revolving something else in his mind, could not be known.

Soon after, it was announced to the Emperor that the grandees of the Mysians, upon the death of their king—either because they were attempting to bind Stephanus Crales to them with this favor, or for some other reason—had expelled the Emperor's sister, the wife of Michael, together with her children; but to the sister of Stephanus, who had previously been married to Michael, they had restored the kingdom of the Mysians and the royal power. The Emperor, having convened a council of the nobles, set about discussing what he should do. It was judged that, under the present circumstances, a response would yield little or no result (since Crales...)

was already freed from the war against the Mysians, and would easily be able to defend himself against those harming his lands). Instead, it was decided that they should depart for Mysia as quickly as possible, as great hopes were appearing there. As a pretext for the war, there was no small matter: his sister, the emperor’s sister, had been driven from her authority, though she had a more just claim to rule, having been cast out by Michael while still alive, whereas she was Crales’ sister. Once it had been decided to withdraw, the emperor installed garrisons in the small towns that had recently surrendered to his power, and having taken care of the remaining border cities as much as was necessary, he left a portion of his army—along with Syrgiannes, whom he had left as commander of the rest of the Occident—to protect them against the violence of the Triballi, and ^A returned with the other part to Adrianople. A few days later, having recruited all the forces he could, he broke into Mysia, and while thoroughly ravaging the region, he also took by surrender the cities of Anchialus, Mesembria, Aeton, Ctenia, Rhysocastrum, and Diampolis, and returned to Byzantium. While he was tarrying there, since the Church of Byzantium was widowed of its high priest—Patriarch Isaias having recently departed this life—it seemed that it was absolutely necessary for someone to be installed upon the patriarchal throne. As much searching took place regarding this, and as others were proposing different men, the Grand Domestic advised the emperor to designate the priest John—a man who was a citizen of the city of Apros and of humble origins, but whom the Grand Domestic considered most adept and suitable for the priestly ministry, and whom he had enrolled among his own domestics to be his priest. Not long after, as the situation required, he co-opted him into the emperor’s clergy, keeping his own pension assigned to him and supplementing it furthermore with an imperial pension. There too he was always well-regarded and won the emperor’s favor; the emperor approved the plan and said it should be done if it could possibly be accomplished. When he consulted the bishops about him, they immediately, as if they had conspired, were ^B all of one mind in resisting and would not even listen. Seeing them so reluctant, the emperor entrusted the task to the Grand Domestic, who, without a moment’s hesitation, convened the bishops in the church of the Holy Apostles [(8)]; there, having begun to speak, he labored to prevail upon them to decide that John should be accepted as patriarch. They, on the contrary, asserted that this was neither just nor would it be fruitful for the Church of God. ^C After many things had been said on both sides, they finally rose, with conflicting opinions; for while these deemed it in no way tolerable—that a man entangled in the cares of life, living with a wife and children [(d)], should be elevated to such a high and supreme office—...

the domestic responded, saying that if he were made patriarch, he would bid farewell to his wife. But the heretical superintendents, who here and there even usurp the title of bishops, are held to be least suited for this if they are bound by the yoke of marriage and have a numerous offspring gathered around their table.

Thirdly, if any celibate among the Greeks is initiated into holy orders, he must henceforth live devoid of the marriage bed, indeed as long as the spirit governs his limbs. If, after ordination, a priest or deacon or subdeacon should take a wife, let him be cast out of the clergy and surrendered with his goods to the city curia where he was a cleric, says Justinian, Novell. 123. Who also says in Novella 6: If a priest or deacon or subdeacon afterward takes a wife or a concubine, either openly or secretly, let him immediately fall from his sacred order and henceforth be a layman. Nor do the sectarians agree with the Greeks in this. Perhaps they would more willingly conform to a certain custom of the Greeks, which, if not at this time, certainly did once flourish in Greece; for as Humbertus of Silva Candida, legate of Leo IX to the Constantinopolitans, testifies, those to be ordained were first questioned as to whether they had wives; if they denied it, they were bidden to take them, and then return for the laying on of hands. Which custom has perhaps ceased today in Greece, since the Trullan canon, of which later, does not demand or enjoin this. I marvel, however, that this is not revived in this age by those who have given their names to the discipline of Jovinian and Vigilantius, especially since, if it does not have Nicolaus, one of the seven first deacons, it certainly has Vigilantius as author. Regarding whom, St. Jerome says: "He is said to have bishops as consorts of his wickedness, if indeed they are to be called bishops who do not ordain deacons unless they have first taken wives, trusting no celibate with purity, indeed showing how holily they live, who suspect all men of evil, and unless they see the pregnant wives of clerics and infants wailing in the arms of their mothers, they do not bestow the sacraments of Christ."

Fourthly, the Greeks allow no entry into holy orders to anyone who is a bigamist. That the holy canons forbid those who have taken a second wife from being clerics, says Justinian, Novell. 123; St. Basil teaches this in these words: "Those who have repeated their marriages, the canon excludes from ministry." Heretics from their own ordination of ministers hardly exclude the polygamist, let alone the bigamist.

Fifthly, the Greeks, then and now, require a profession of perpetual chastity from him who, being celibate, would receive orders. If he who is to be ordained deacon, says Justinian in the place cited, does not have a wife joined to him, he shall not be ordained otherwise than by first professing to him who ordains him that he is able to live chastely after ordination even without a legitimate wife; and he who ordains him cannot, at the time of ordination, permit the deacon to take a wife after ordination. If, however, this should happen, the bishop who permitted it shall be deprived of his bishopric.

Sixthly, among the Greeks, if the wife taken before orders passes away after the husband's ordination, it is in no way permitted to enter upon a second marriage. In which point the Lutheran marry-ers also depart from the Greeks; for their preachers know no limit to taking consorts into the marriage bed.

Furthermore, that which the Greeks have observed for some centuries was unused in the saner and holier Greece; for immediately with the delivered and spread doctrine of Christ, celibacy prevailed among the ministers of the Church. I do not wish to repeat what matters are most learnedly disputed on this by Turrianus, lib. 1, *De dogmaticis characteribus verbi Dei*; and lib. 1, *Adversus Magdeburgenses pro canonibus apostolorum* cap. 1 and 2; and lib. v of the same work, cap. 12, and some following; and in the commentaries on cap. 15 lib. vi of the *Apostolic Constitutions* of Clement of Rome; Cardinal Baronius, tom. I *Annal.*, A.D. 58, and tom. VIII, A.D. 692; and Cardinal Bellarmine, lib. I *De clericis*, cap. 19 et seq. We shall be content with one or two testimonies, by which it may be made plain what was received in the Church by law and custom. Let us hear, therefore, St. Jerome, who, after he had recounted what mind those bishops had, infected by the leaven of Vigilantius, accustomed to bestowing the clergy upon none but the married, adds forthwith: "What will the Churches of the East do, what of Egypt and of the Apostolic See, which accept either virgin clerics, or the continent, or if they have had wives, have ceased to be husbands?" And to Pammachius: "Bishops, priests, deacons; either virgins are chosen, or widowers, or at least those who after the priesthood are chaste forever." St. Epiphanius, *Heresy 59*: "The Church does not receive as deacon, and priest, and bishop, and subdeacon—where the ecclesiastical canons are most sincere—a man still living and begetting children from one wife, but him who has abstained from one, or lived in widowhood. But you will say to me, in some places, even now, priests and deacons and subdeacons beget children; but this is not according to the canon, but according to the minds of men, which has flagged through time." The Nicene synod: ^A *The great synod forbade in every way to any bishop, or priest, or deacon, or at all to any of the clergy, that it be permitted to have a subintroducta, except perhaps a mother, or sister, or aunt, or those persons who escape all suspicion.* This canon is cited by Justinian, Novell. 123. Which is rendered in Latin thus by Turrianus: The great synod has forbidden in the universal

^A synod, that it be permitted to any bishop, or presbyter, or deacon, or any cleric at all, to have a *syneisakton* woman, unless perhaps a mother, or sister, or maternal aunt, or paternal aunt, or only those persons who are alien to all suspicion. Some translate the word *syneisakton* as "a stranger"; some as "introduced"; others as "brought in"; others as "assumed." Turrianus sometimes translates it literally as "co-introduced." Likewise, absolutely, a woman, and indeed any woman whatsoever, except those whom the canon excepts. For the Antiochenes (whose voice the Nicene canon usurps) call any women at all—whether wives or not wives—who live freely and familiarly, and not without suspicion of illicit companionship with men, *syneisaktous*, as is evident from Eusebius, *Hist. eccl.* book VII, chapter 24, whence they seem to have acquired this name, because they dwell in the same chamber or cell with men, whom the Council of Ancyra calls *synerchomenas*, that is, "those who meet together"; such as these are those who are permitted, for the sake of ministration, to enter into whatever place the master of the house leads them, and to go with him through every room of the house. Vain therefore is Balsamon with his explanation, who in his scholia on the third Nicene canon restricts *syneisaktous* only to women who are not wives, when the canon speaks of ^B all. Turrianus has written more on the same subject regarding the celibacy of the ministers of the Church. There is also a decree in other synods, such as the Eliberitan, the Arelatensian, the Agathensian, the First and Second of Tours, etc., which all synods did not introduce a new custom, but reaffirmed an old one, derived from apostolic tradition; for it has always been the concern of synods, as Vincent of Lérins says, not to hand down to posterity something that they themselves had not received from the fathers, and not only to manage the matter well in the present, but also to provide examples for those who follow, so that they, for their part, might worship the dogmas of sacred antiquity, but condemn the profane inventions of novelty.

Furthermore, the current custom of the Greeks has flowed from the pseudosynod which the Greeks call *penthekte*, the Quinisext, by a name both new and monstrous, so that the very name indicates a monster of a synod, not a synod: whose architects and authors loosened the tether for the flesh, with the eternal disgrace of Greece, providing that those in recognized orders could be joined in marriage, and that, having entered into marriage, they could even after their initiation use the power of it, against the consensus of so many centuries and the custom derived from the apostles. Truly, where virtue declines, as was happening then in Greece, there lust creeps in. There is moreover a canon (the third among the Trullan ones) which they established on this matter, full of ignorance and lies, as Baronius demonstrates at length, vol. VIII. For if ministers of the Church ought to be married, because "marriage is honorable in all, and the bed undefiled"; likewise, because "what God has joined, let no man put asunder"; and finally, because the Apostle ^C warns that he who has a wife should not seek release, why do those same Trullan legislators not allow bishops or monks to retain their wives? If nothing is committed against the holy Scriptures when bishops and monks are separated from their spouses, why should it be sacrilege if husbands are repelled from holy orders, or if, having been admitted, they are ordered to abstain from the use of marriage, and are even compelled by ecclesiastical penalties if necessity should so demand? But truly, Patriarch Jeremiah gives a truly beautiful rationale for this impure canon and custom: "We are not ignorant," he says, "that many germs of filth are accepted among those who forbid priests to take wives." If this reason has any weight against the celibacy of priests, it will also avail against the celibacy of bishops, monks, and those who, upon the death of a wife, are forced to lead a celibate life among the Greeks, whether they be priests, deacons, or subdeacons. Are these not compounded of flesh and blood? If they can live a chaste and integral life without such stains, why not also those who are just now arriving at the office of priest, deacon, or subdeacon? And if they fall into disgraces, is it not permitted to apply to them the same medicines which this Jeremiah reports are to be applied to those who have professed chastity, which we have mentioned above? The emperor Justinian says in Novell. 123, "We grant that a bishop should have no woman at all, nor dwell with one; but if he is seen to handle this poorly, let him be deposed from the episcopate." For he proves himself unworthy of the episcopate. Why do the Greeks not, by this or a similar poultice, cure their own priests, deacons, and subdeacons in the same way, if at any time they wander outside the limits of decency? If the Greeks were rejecting all antiquity, it was at least proper that they listen to their own Justinian, who had explained his mind on the celibacy of ministers of the Church long before the time of the Trullan ^D council in these words, Novell. 6: "We prize nothing in sacred ordinations so much as those living with chastity, or not cohabiting with their wives, being the husband of one wife, who, whether he was or still is, chooses chastity according to divine rules, which is established as the first principle and clear foundation of remaining virtue." But the belly has no ears, and much less does lust; and perhaps they seek patronage from Justinian, though imprudently, not to say impudently. For Photius, in the *Nomocanon* title 8, cites this sanction from the Novellae of Justinian: "No clergyman who has no wife shall have an *introductitia* [a woman brought in] in his house, except his mother, and daughter, and sister, and others who are not suspicious"; where the emperor seems to indicate that marriage is permitted to clerics, since he warns that those who do not have wives should abstain from *inesaktous*. From which one might suppose it signified that clerics, if they wished, could have taken wives. But if anyone considers the complete words of Justinian, not as they were truncated by Photius, he will understand that Justinian had a far different intent. The words of the edict are these, Novell. 123: "To presbyters, and deacons, and subdeacons, and all others who are enrolled in the clergy who do not have wives according to the divine canons, we also forbid, according to the prescription of the holy canons, that they have any woman in their own house as an *eisakton*." [To presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, and all others enrolled in the clergy who do not have wives according to the divine canons, we also forbid, by the prescription of the sacred canons, that they have an *introductitia* woman in their house, except for a mother, etc.] By this mode of speaking, the emperor clearly teaches that presbyters, deacons, and subdeacons ought to have lived a celibate life, the sacred canons so prescribing; although marriage was permitted to some among the number of clerics, namely readers and cantors, concerning whom canon 25 of the Apostles (or according to the division of others, 26) and Justinian himself speak, Novell. 6 and 123, who calls the woman whom the Nicene synod calls *syneisakton* by the same notion *eisakton*, and by that word understands the same thing that the Nicene synod understands.

^A The Emperor, seeing them standing so firmly against it, entrusted the undertaking regarding this matter to the Great Domestic; and he, without delay, assembled the churchmen from among the bishops in the church of the holy apostles of Christ. Standing there to speak, he endeavored to persuade them that it was necessary to vote to receive the priest John as patriarch. They, however, counter-argued that this was neither just nor profitable for the Church of God. ^B Many words having been spoken on both sides, they finally left in disagreement with their opinions, for some thought it by no means tolerable to raise to the highest throne of teaching a man who was still associated with the affairs of life, and living with a wife and children. The other side, however, argued that this was no obstacle at all, provided that he had utterly set aside other things and was suitable for the task. Finally, the Great Domestic, dissolving the gathering, ordered each one to go home for now, as they had endured no small labor, and to obtain rest; but he ordered them to assemble again soon to discuss the same matters. They therefore broke up and each went home. The Great Domestic then went and reported to the Emperor everything he had said in attempting to persuade the bishops, and what he had heard from them in opposition; and finally, that it had been agreed to assemble a second gathering for this purpose.

Ten days later, he ordered them to assemble again in the same church 265 ^B and when all were assembled, he did not attempt to persuade them using the same arguments—for he knew he would not convince them—but rather from those sources from which he thought he could most effectively steal his way into their minds. For he said that even for him, it did not seem right to persuade them to raise John the priest to the patriarchal throne, as he was most desirous of doing things according to their wishes, and of pressing nothing upon them that was unpleasant or undesired; but that they should consider whether it was right for him to be appointed as pastor of another church, since there was nothing at all to prevent this as long as no one could bring against him any charge concerning the priesthood already committed to him. ^C The bishops, not foreseeing where he was aiming, and not thinking that they would be caught in their own snares, gladly received these words, thinking that they had already won, and they immediately cast their votes that John should be created hierarch of Thessalonica. And when they all agreed in their sentiment, he wanted them to confirm their decree with a handwritten signature. They immediately wrote down the decree. As soon as he had this in his hands, he said, "This is well and properly done, and I therefore give you abundant thanks. But I wish you to tell me, if the Emperor should speak thus: 'If, after the bishops have carefully considered the matter and performed their duty, it has seemed good to admit the priest John into the college of bishops, and no cause has appeared that could prevent it, ^D but he has been judged by all in common accord to be worthy of this holy liturgy, why should he not also ascend to the patriarchal throne if I am willing?' If he says this, I ask you, what shall we answer, or what veil shall we honestly provide? Instruct me if you can." When they said that it was enough that they had accomplished by their decree that John could be instituted as bishop of Thessalonica, or another church, but not as patriarch, "That," said the Domestic, "you must demonstrate. For if the patriarch receives some other grace or power from above from the treasury of gifts, which it is not permitted for other prelates to receive, your argument would have some validity; but if this is not the case, and all bishops of both greater and lesser cities are equally participants in the grace..."

^A and the honors and splendors of the chairs reside with the Emperor, and it is in his power to promote one deemed worthy from the episcopate of a small city to a greater one, what is the need to labor endlessly, to assemble such weak and easily refuted defenses, and to seem to offend the Emperor in vain? On matters where it is not necessary to contradict him, but rather—by yielding even a little in this contention—to vote according to the opinion of the Emperor, even if it were not very far removed from what is just and reasonable; for I leave aside what is ours, if indeed any favor is held by you toward me." When he had spoken such things, ^B

*Jacobi Pontani notes.* (9) All bishops are peers in the power of order, not of jurisdiction: for a metropolitan excels a bishop, and a patriarch excels both. (10) The Greek bishops and patriarchs gave too much authority to the emperor after they broke away from the Roman Church, and they used the power conferred upon them remarkably well. This subjection, and a certain unworthy slavery which they rendered willingly to their emperors, is evident through all Byzantine histories. Therefore, do not wonder if you see examples of this affair in this man as well.

*Jacobi Gretseri notes.* (e) That which Cantacuzenus says, that all bishops are equal by grace, ought to be understood of the grace and power of order, not of jurisdiction: that some are greater than others is certain and undisputed among all those to whom the degrees of ecclesiastical hierarchy are understood. ^C (f) Since the honor and splendor of the sees rest with the emperor, and it is permitted to him to promote one deemed worthy of the episcopate of a small city to a larger one, do not wonder at this: for after the Greeks withdrew themselves from the obedience of the Roman Pontiff, they deferred all things to their own emperor through adulation, and for the mild and light yoke of the Roman Church, they took a yoke of iron upon their own necks. For once emperors were admitted into this province, they permitted nothing in ecclesiastical matters, or in the patriarchs themselves, that they did not reserve for themselves, which is testified to by so many constitutions of the Greek emperors regarding ecclesiastical affairs, and the commentaries of Balsamon on the Nomocanon of Photius, and on the canons of the councils, and by all historians—as many as have described Greek affairs in the records of scholars since the outbreak of the schism from the Latins. And so, at their own discretion, they appointed, deposed, reappointed, transferred, and reduced bishops to order as often as it pleased them: they increased, diminished, and abolished privileges, immunities, titles, and dignities, and expanded or contracted the borders of their dioceses quite freely without fear or reverence for anyone: and they held even the prelates of the Constantinopolitan Church in very small honor indeed; this you may deduce even from the fact that, as Innocent III says in cap. Solita, extravag. De major. et obed., they made them sit, or permitted them to sit, beside the footstool of their feet on the left side; whereas, as Innocent says, other kings and princes rise in reverence to their archbishops (as is their duty) and assign them an honorable seat beside themselves. Why, they even received the patriarchal staff or crosier from the hand of the emperor, and were all but consecrated by them; as is clear from Curopalates, who in his book *De officiis aulae Constantinopolitanae*, *περὶ προβολῆς*, writes at length about the designation or inauguration of a patriarch customarily performed by the emperor: which he says is called *τὸ δικανίκιον*, and that he used these solemn words for the patriarchal staff: "The Holy Trinity, through the empire granted to us by It, appoints you Archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome, and Ecumenical Patriarch." Being forced to accept ^D from the emperor that which they ought to have received from the Roman Pontiff as from the vicar of Christ and shepherd of shepherds (as a punishment, I believe, for the schism they had entered into)—they received it from the emperors, who gave what they were unable to give: and because they refused to return to the fold, they have fallen into initiators who are far more harsh and pitiless, namely, the most savage Turks themselves, from whose tyrant Gennadius, after the capture of Constantinople, first received the *δικανίκιον*, that is, the episcopal staff; and at this time, no patriarch can perform his office unless he first obtains the *χρυσόβουλλον*, or, as the Greeks of today call it, the *πεσκέσιον*—that is, the diploma and letters of confirmation and authority—from the impious Turk (for this is the name of the tribute which must be brought into the Turkish treasury by the new patriarch at the beginning of his tenure: and he does not obtain it unless he brings a large sum), and he arrives accompanied by others *εἰς τὸ δικάνιο*, to the Turkish senate. Then, he is brought before the tyrant—indeed, he is even permitted to kiss his hand—by a great benefit, of course, that illustrious *mystagogus* gives the patriarch *πᾶσαν ἐξουσίαν καὶ δεσποτείαν εἰς πάντας τοὺς εὐσεβεῖς Χριστιανούς, ἱερωμένους καὶ λαϊκούς*, "all power and authority over all pious Christians, clergy and laity," as is set forth in a certain semi-barbarous history of the patriarchs of Constantinople inserted into the Greek *Turco-Graecia*. From the same source it flowed that emperors presided over the synods of bishops and signed first (of which some examples exist in our own history here), contrary to all the custom of antiquity and the reason of any rightly thinking person. For what is more unbecoming than for a sheep to preside over its pastors? How far does the arrogance of these men differ from the submission of the Great Constantine, who would not sit at the Council of Nicaea unless in a seat lower than the seats of the bishops: nor unless the bishops consented, as is gathered from Theodoret, *Hist. ecclesiast.* lib. 1, cap. 7, and from Eusebius, lib. 3 *De vita Constantini*. The same Constantine signed after all the bishops, as the Emperor Basil testifies at the end of the eighth synod. How degenerate, then, were the Greek successors of the founder of Constantinople, Constantine, who—alas!—even granted this honor of presiding in councils to empresses. One does not need to go far; toward the end of the third book of his History, Cantacuzenus provides us with a clear example of this notable fact. But it would be superfluous to wish to argue at length on this point. Bellarmine is at hand, who teaches copiously whose right it is to preside over councils, and who has hitherto presided, in *De concil.* book one, chapters 19 and 20, as also the matter of whose right it is to congregate councils, chapter 12 of the same book.

^A They were scarcely of a mind to do so, yet they possessed understanding enough to see that they had been caught by their own wings, and that what had been decreed could not be revoked; and they looked at one another as those who had been deceived. Nevertheless, even though unwilling, they declared John patriarch, since the Grand Domestic had previously spoken at length, both privately to each of them and collectively to all, and had persuaded them—some on the grounds that they were already well-disposed toward him, others because they themselves needed his help while he was in charge of affairs, and he pledged his future friendship to them. In this way, then, John was declared patriarch by the great contention of the Grand Domestic (a thing which could not have happened without him), and shortly thereafter he was consecrated.

CHAPTER XXII

The emperor, after it seemed to him that he had stayed long enough in Byzantium, began to visit the cities of Thrace. While he was doing so, news was brought to him that Persian cavalry had crossed the Hellespont and had divided into two groups: one was ravaging the fields around the cities of Cisson, Polybotum, and Aconis in Thrace, while the other was invading Rhaedestus. He gathered as large a force as he could and hurried ^B to Rhaedestus to bring aid. Joining battle, he overcame the marauders; with a few escaping by flight, he slaughtered some and captured others. The other part of the Persian force, upon hearing that the emperor, having captured their companions, was moving against them, immediately crossed into the east with their spoils and captives, and thus the emperor was thwarted in regard to them. Now Syrgiannes, having been appointed commander of the West by the Grand Domestic when the emperor was suffering from that most serious illness, had shown himself to be a friend and had expressed his gratitude. When the emperor had recovered, however, Syrgiannes learned—though it was false and a fabrication—that the Grand Domestic had wished to remove him from his magistracy, but that the emperor had intervened. Blotting out the memory of all the benefits with which he had been gifted by him, and overcome by an uncontrolled fury, he began to form and prepare a sodality, thinking that if he could gather a sufficient number from among his many friends and domestic servants, it would come to pass that the Grand Domestic would not be able to do him harm whenever he wished. This, therefore, became a matter of such great zeal for him that he pursued it as energetically ^C as he could, though in secret and with only his most intimate confidants aware of it. The matter remained unknown for a time, indeed, until it was revealed to the Grand Domestic by one of them. Although he judged Syrgiannes to be most ungrateful and forgetful of services rendered, he nevertheless strove to maintain his customary ^D level-headedness and constancy in the face of evils.

He neither imposed any hardship upon him, nor did he work against him in any other way; rather, he had no grievances against him, and for a long time he allowed him to exercise authority at the beginning of the evening. But he, desiring yet more to ensure that his friends remained loyal to him, demanded oaths, and he himself provided the same in return. The oaths were concluded upon these terms: that Syrgiannes and he would be loyal friends to one another, and that neither of them, under any necessity, would betray the other. And if by any chance the Emperor should die, each of them would not do solely what he thought just and profitable, but instead, they would deliberate together and carry out whatever Syrgiannes deemed best, and no one would contradict him, ^A but they would obey him as one who would deliberate for the common good. ^B But these things were done earlier.

Not long afterward, while the Emperor was staying in the Chalcidice region of Thrace, many of those in official positions were present there, among whom was Syrgiannes. Arsenius Zamplacon, the Grand Pappias, approaching the Emperor, brought a charge of infidelity against Syrgiannes, asserting that he would prove it in court. Syrgiannes, immediately anticipating the Emperor's words, said that Zamplacon was lying and that he would prove his falsehood with firm arguments. Then Zamplacon said that there was no need for empty squabbles of words where one calls the other a liar, but that they must come to trial and, when summoned, each must produce proofs for what he claimed. The Emperor was silent for a short while regarding what had been said; for he had not heard anything concerning Syrgiannes ^C previously. Then he said that he was very vexed by such talk; for he did not wish his subjects to be accusing one another of the crime of infidelity, nor to be defending themselves against such charges, but rather that all should be well-disposed toward him, and that no one should be accused of any crime by anyone. But since these things had been said, he judged that they were not to be believed implicitly, nor were they such that they should be entirely discounted; therefore, the matter must be examined and the truth sought out. He wished rather, he said, that Zamplacon were bringing false charges than that Syrgiannes should be guilty of the crimes alleged. Syrgiannes begged the Emperor only to treat him with justice, and not to be condemned without a trial through slander. He said that he was not disturbed by these false and fabricated words, and that he would prove his innocence without any difficulty. The Emperor said that it was also his own preference for him to clear himself of the charges ^D and not be found guilty of even one of them, for he would never pass an unjust verdict against him, not only since he was now in danger of his life, but he would not even do so if he were standing trial for the most trifling matter. Then he commanded Zamplacon to set forth what crimes he was accusing Syrgiannes of; for as yet he did not know them. He, beginning further back, started his accusation thus: "This Syrgiannes, O Emperor, when he was Prefect of the West, first performed his duties zealously and labored with all his might to establish a faction for himself, and if he could, he would urge everyone to—

pay heed to him, and to consider him among their closest friends. ^A Seeing such things, especially in the early stages, and thinking he was merely desirous of glory and reputation—things toward which those who consider themselves fortunate are usually drawn—we did not judge his behavior severely. But as time went on, and we observed that his zeal in such matters was growing beyond what was appropriate, a suspicion crept into our minds that he was not pursuing these things for the sake of reputation, but out of a desire for some more hidden purpose. We began to pay closer look at what was happening. When we investigated the matter, we discovered that those who joined his faction were not merely being received into friendship without deliberation, but were binding their own faith with oaths; and he, in turn, was binding himself to them by the same sacrament. Then our suspicion grew that the man was contriving some great crimes, and we diligently inquired into the conditions and terms upon which they had sworn. It was reported by those in the know that they had first sworn friendship to Syrgiannes, and he to them, and that they would assist each other in every possible way. Then, if anything human should happen to the Emperor, they would not each do what seemed useful to himself individually, but would deliberate together and carry out whatever Syrgiannes deemed advantageous. I will provide witnesses that these things are truly asserted by me. You, therefore, O Emperor, do not need a monitor to tell you what to pronounce regarding these matters; to me, indeed, it seemed most insolent for anyone who is a subject of the Emperor, and confesses himself to be such, to plot such things. ^B I have also heard from my elders that such nefarious daring on the part of subjects is the surest proof of perfidy and defection. Therefore, as I could not remain silent, I have accused him before you, believing it is the same as participating in evil deeds if, being aware of them, one does not expose them by way of accusation. When Zamplacon finished speaking, Syrgiannes maintained that he was suffering an injustice, that he was being assaulted by calumnies, and that Zamplacon was lying and had concocted these stories out of a long-standing hatred for him, because, forsooth, when Syrgiannes was sent as a commander against the sons of Zamplacon who had revolted from the Emperor, he had captured them and brought them in chains to the Emperor. Zamplacon said he cared little or nothing for his sons, as they would be of no profit if they were better men, nor would they cast any stain upon him if they were evil; and that it was for the Emperor to decide how to treat them, since they were now under his authority. ^C He did not deny that he had accused him out of hatred, for he argued that one who has behaved wickedly toward the Emperor cannot help but hate him. He begged the Emperor not to send any of them home until he himself, having called for witnesses, could manifestly demonstrate that he had invented nothing out of a desire to calumniate, but had set forth his very own deeds in his accusation. The Emperor, thinking Zamplacon was asking what was fair, ordered it to be done. Shortly after, Syrgiannes also requested that certain men be summoned to testify that he had been treated unjustly through calumnies. Permission was granted to him to do everything that might serve to demonstrate the truth. ^D Immediately, therefore, people were sent who—

would bring those ^A who were to testify for them at the trial; they themselves, meanwhile, remaining with the emperor, prepared for the trial.

CHAPTER XXIII

Toward the middle of the following night, Syrgiannes ^B arrived at the house of the Great Domestic and begged him not to despise him, who was dreading the direst punishments on account of that calumnious accusation, but to extend a saving hand to him; and not to spurn him, who was tossed about by danger, on account of his own resentment, but to take some care for him. He confessed that he had erred against him, having been overly credulous of base and corrupt men who for the most part lied; and for this reason, he condemned himself for great ingratitude and allowed him to exact whatever penalty he wished from him. But regarding the emperor, he declared that he was conscious of no crime, and that it was pure calumny. On this account, he asked him to grant him pardon for his injustice and ingratitude toward him, and to avert the calamity impending over his neck; [asserting] that throughout his whole life thereafter he would attempt no evil against him, would obey his authority in all things, and, if he wished, would make the faith of this promise binding by an oath. Such were the entreaties of Syrgiannes. The Great Domestic then advised him ^C to be of good courage, [saying] that his rights would remain safe for him, and that no harm would come to him because of the calumny; for the emperor would never suffer him to be condemned when he was merely being attacked by calumnies, nor would he himself disregard his affairs. "But," he said, "as to your swearing the promise that, if I now help you in your affliction, you will remain under my authority for the rest of your life, commit nothing wickedly against me, and never become unmindful of my benefits, you seem to me in that same speech to be asking for impossibilities. For how could a man who was never faithful to his friends, but was like the Euripus—changeable and inconstant—for a small and trivial cause, or indeed for no cause at all, deserve to be trusted hereafter, even if he gives his pledge? You surely know how, since we loved one another from childhood, I always strove to give you no just occasion for dissension and disturbance, and, with God helping, I have remained in that settled purpose to this very day. ^D But you? When once and again you had no cause to accuse us, you suddenly changed from a friend and intimate into an enemy; and as far as in you lay, you omitted nothing to cause us pain—although now is not the time for reproach, since I have already forgiven those things."

^A Yet even while you were held in prison by the elder emperor, and were without any hope of release from your troubles, I did not call to mind your ingratitude; rather, remembering my friendship and intimacy with you, as is my custom—things which you yourself would never have hoped for, and would not have believed even if another had told you they were true—such were the things I both devised and brought to pass on your behalf. And I not only released you from prison and from your chains—although the emperor’s mother found fault with me for my care for you, and the emperor himself granted this license for no other reason than because I wished it—but I also benefited you in many ways from the public store, providing you with annual revenues from specific regions and appointing you governor of cities, and no less from my own private means; to recount each of these now would be ignoble and by no means in accordance with my character. For the events themselves can teach you what kind of friend you had lost through your own fault, and how you recovered him through his own goodness. Finally, from a slight and ignoble prefecture, I advanced you to the administration of the entire West.

^B But you, in return for all these things, rendered a certain admirable gratitude, and one especially appropriate to your nature. For when you ought to have professed me, by both word and deed, to be your benefactor, preserver, and guardian, you acted in the precise opposite manner, preparing yourself as though against a most wicked enemy, and gathering many into a coalition, so that if I ever wished to vex you again, you would be able to defend and protect yourself with the forces you had prepared for that purpose. Whence, as your accusers maintain, you have plunged yourself into a chasm far more wretched and destructive. Yet, now that you comprehend to what a state of misery your own folly has driven you, you have come here having meditated on these things to say, which you judged sufficient alone to lighten your present calamity.

^C But I, concealing nothing, will declare how I am disposed toward you, and how I shall act. I am not so disposed as to ever again rank you among my friends, or to perform on your behalf any of the duties that friends owe one another, nor yet so as to treat you as an enemy and harm you as much as I am able. But when you appear in court and respond to the heads of the accusation, I shall maintain a long silence. And if, having refuted your accusers, you are acquitted, this will also please me, and I will not begrudge you your rights once obtained. But if you appear to be by far inferior to your adversaries, and seem to have lost your case, and it should happen through inexperience in speaking, or through the iniquity of slanderers, or in any other way that you are unjustly ^D deprived of your rights, I will readily take up your defense, and I will not allow you to be struck by an unjust sentence—and I will grant this not so much for your sake as for the sake of justice. But if you are justly condemned, you shall expect no defense from me. For from the time that you cast aside my friendship and preferred to imitate my enemies, from that time I also ceased to recognize you as a friend; and, keeping to a certain ancient habit of life of mine—which is, to be an enemy to no one—I have not been so to you thus far, nor will I be in the future. And as I promised not to abandon one who has been unjustly harmed, so I shall not shield from judgment one who unjustly harms others. Therefore, since you are strong in prudence and in the exercise of affairs and words, act as seems best to you. Syrgiannes was immediately not a little disturbed by these things.

thinking he was already standing in the jaws of danger. ^B However, still making trial of him, if he could lay aside his anger toward him and avert the expected calamity, "I," he said, "thought that you would punish my errors only to the extent of words, and that, because of your generous spirit—for which you have forgiven me many times before—you would not now hand me over to my calumniators. But I see now that destruction is wanting in nothing for me. For if I am clearly persuaded that I cannot persuade you, through entreaty, to remit your anger toward me and to deem me worthy of the same care as before, there is nothing left but to expect the direst evils."

The Great Domestic replied that there was no need for superfluous words; for he had explained his mind in a few words before, and would do the same now, no less. Nor would it be absurd if he made the demonstration of his argument through examples. "For I imagine," he said, "that I am like a rock fixed in a quiet harbor, while you are like a ship moored to it by ropes, enjoying great calm; yet, thinking that if you were to cast off from it, you would find something greater and more profitable, you departed and set out into the vast sea, where you fell into storms. And now, having clearly recognized your own folly, you ask the rock to come into the high sea and rescue you from the waves. But it replies that it is being asked for something that is not in its power; but if you desire to enjoy its secure tranquility, you should instead run to it and fasten your cables to it—a thing which must be demonstrated not by words, but rather by deeds; for words will be of no avail unless you in reality take refuge at this harbor. ^C In the present, therefore, you will neither fear any danger from me, nor hope for any aid. But if hereafter you demonstrate by your deeds your affection toward me (for I do not believe in words, which have already been found false two or three times), then I, too, will not fail in my duty."

Having said these things, and having been heard by the Domestic, Syrgiannes departed from there, downcast in no small degree because he had not been able to persuade the Great Domestic to pay heed to him.

CHAPTER XXIV

^D The emperor, having set out from Chalcidice, arrived in Byzantium; Syrgiannes and Tzamplakon followed, as the trial was to take place there. Not long afterward, the witnesses summoned by both sides were present. And when the emperor learned this, he ordered that everyone should be ready to appear at the tribunal.

^A While they were on the point of arriving, news came from Bithynia that Orchanes, the satrap of the Persians in that region, was besieging Nicomedia—a great and populous city—on the Astacene Gulf, having invested it with a numerous army and engines of war. The emperor decided that help must be brought with all speed. Having embarked an army, not only in triremes but also in transport ships—both infantry and cavalry—he sailed toward the city of Nicomedia, intending to rescue it from its perils. While the fleet was still being readied ^B and was about to descend upon Nicomedia, Orchanes sent an embassy, first to greet the emperor, and then to signify that he wished to lay down his arms if that were also the emperor's will; but if he were eager to join battle, he would fight him. The emperor, for his part, returned the greeting, but made it clear that he could not deny he had come prepared for battle, as the facts themselves testified; yet if Orchanes himself wished to lay down his arms and keep the peace, he for his part would not reject it. Negotiations regarding a truce were held through the envoys (for ^C they did not meet in person), and they agreed upon and established a peaceful treaty, to the effect that Orchanes should be a friend to the emperor, and that he would do no wrong to the cities in the East that were still subject to the Romans. Afterward, they exchanged gifts: Orchanes sent horses and hunting dogs, carpets, and leopard skins; the emperor sent silver cups, textiles not only of wool but also silk, and one of the imperial cloaks—which the satraps of the Barbarians generally value most highly and consider a mark of honor and goodwill. Orchanes was quite pleased by this, more than by the other gifts, and thanked the emperor, then ^D withdrew to his own territory. The emperor, having disembarked and spent seven days in those regions, which he had not previously seen, distributed as much of the supplies as were on the ships to the people of Nicomedia, and returned with his whole fleet to Byzantium. Without any delay, he immediately held the trial concerning Syrgiannes. Zamplacon again uttered the same accusations as before and brought forward witnesses for the things he said. Syrgiannes, for his part, produced people to testify in his behalf concerning the matters for which he was being impeached. But it appeared that he brought forward nothing solid, employing only circumlocutions in his defense, and his cause seemed the weaker. Wherefore, the emperor and those who were with him in council endeavored to discover the truth by examining the statements of both parties, while the Grand Domestic listened in silence to what was being said. When they had met three or four times about this same matter, and Syrgiannes saw that victory was inclining toward Zamplacon, he...

decided he must postpone the trial, and he begged the emperor to grant him yet more time to bring in other witnesses who would be able to assist him in escaping condemnation. The emperor readily granted this and ordered him to provide himself with whatever else seemed capable of offering him assistance, without delay. Zamplacon railed against the court and found it outrageous if Syrgiannes, using the witnesses as a pretext, escaped the punishment due for the charge, as the postponement could be of no real use to him; for he would have neither more nor better witnesses than those he had already brought forward. He therefore begged the emperor, unless he wished to do Syrgiannes a very great favor, to send both of them into custody for the time being, until the witnesses arrived.

The emperor acknowledged Zamplacon’s petition as just, ^B but Syrgiannes objected, saying it was not fair to be afflicted in prison in vain and without cause, when it was possible to demand sureties from both of them, so that they would not flee but meanwhile remain quietly at home. As this also seemed a sufficient pledge of security, the emperor dismissed the assembly and ordered the defendants to provide sureties.

On the following day, Syrgiannes, having come to the house of the Grand Domestic, said, "What was said to me in Chalcidice has now come to pass; things which, although believed before, have now become more certain, having been proven by the event itself; for you neither acted nor spoke anything at all on my behalf in the trial, even though it was not right to desert me while I was surrounded by dangers on all sides. Now, I beg and entreat you, do not cast me off when I am most in need of your help, but forgiving my past offenses, assist me as much as you can." He insisted that the Grand Domestic stand surety for him until the witnesses he needed had been summoned. The Grand Domestic promised that he would willingly do what he asked; and he left, giving him singular thanks.

However, at night, before providing the sureties, he crossed over to Galata as secretly as possible from Byzantium ^C and hid himself in a safe place. When the rumor spread that Syrgiannes had fled, he was searched for, all places having been thoroughly investigated. When no corner remained where he could be further sought, the emperor, thinking that the man had slipped away through the negligence of the investigators, decided to look for him himself, and having gone to Galata with the Romans, since the Latins could not refuse it, he sent men to search every single house. He, however, as if he had put on the helm of Orcus, could nowhere be found. Yet he was hiding in a humble house in Galata, and for that reason he was not searched for there, even though the emperor had come to that very house while he was searching the others. As soon as the emperor, having utterly despaired of finding him in Galata, had departed, Syrgiannes boarded a ship which was setting sail for Euboea ^D and was carried there first. Then, through Locris and sending letters from Euboea to the emperor, he asked for pardon and requested some place in the furthest reaches of Macedonia.

...Acarnanians to the Albanians (who live around Thessaly, ^A a wild and pastoral people, who use their own laws) due to an old friendship which he had formed with them when he was commander of the West, he fled. From there, having obtained guides for the journey from them, the fugitive came to Crales, the prince of the Triballi, to whom he promised he would acquire many Roman towns. Crales received him not unwillingly, both as a suppliant and because he hoped he would be able to do great harm to the Romans through him; and he treated him most honorably in other respects, and also assigned him an army to subjugate the Roman cities. Therefore, he subjected both other towns and the great city of Castoria, situated in Botiæa, ^B to Crales. The emperor, learning of the new disturbances Syrgiannes had machinated in the West, put aside his rest, went to Didymotichum, and there assembled an army to lead into the West.

CHAPTER XXV.

While he was applying himself to this task, Sphranzes Palæologus, one of the ^C optimales (21), not so conspicuous by his lineage, approached the emperor by night and confessed that he had committed many sins against him; but that he had obtained pardon from him for them, and had been enriched by his benefits. On this account, he wished in turn, and eagerly desired, to be worthy of his benefits, and not to appear ungrateful toward so good a master. But because up to now the opportunity had been lacking, his prompt will had until now lacked effect; but since the circumstances themselves now offered it, and he was in need of faithful and benevolent ministers, he too came, and put himself at the emperor’s disposal to be used as he might see fit for the war against Syrgiannes: and he declared himself ready, not only with many labors, carried out with all alacrity and with as much study ^D as he favored him, to subject Macedonia to the Triballi.

(21) I have also pursued this history, book 10, which you may compare with this work of ours; but when the emperor was intent upon this concern, a certain senator, Sphranzes Palæologus, approached him and spoke to him without witnesses, and while he promised him wealth and honors, he in turn promised the slaughter of Syrgiannes, with a simulated flight, etc. Do you see how he blames the emperor for this plot? I think Sphranzes a corruption of Francisco. For much before that century, the Greeks also used to give themselves names made from Latin, and from Latin words, especially noble men.

^A but also with the shedding of his own blood, and achieving what the emperor desired. The emperor said that as for his former misdoings, although they were great, it was not right to seek pardon for them now, since they had long since been forgiven; but because of his goodwill towards him, he was doing what was necessary, and he especially wished not only for him to be friendly and devoted to him, but also that he might thereby be more encouraged to grant him honors and suitable benefits. As for what he had just said about being able to appear useful to us in the war against Syrgiannes, he wished to know what sort of plan it was, so that from what was said, he might judge whether the matters decided were advantageous or not. Sphranzes replied that he had no plan of his own devised beforehand, except to show himself most ready to do whatever he might be ordered; and that it was up to him to consider and employ whatever seemed advantageous. The emperor praised him for this attitude and ordered him to return home, saying that on the following day he would impart what he might deem best. ^B Having taken the Grand Domestic, they deliberated on how it was necessary to conduct the war against Syrgiannes; and they thought that it would not be a subject of just reproach if, before they arrived with a prepared army, they were able, without weapons or danger, by deceiving the enemy, to put an end to the war before it began. For such stratagems of war, they believed, hold the greatest glory, by which one might most of all deceive the enemy and bring benefit to himself and his subjects. For this reason, it was decided to entrust to Sphranzes the command of one of the small towns neighboring Castoria, and when he arrived there, he would not refrain from straightway sending to Syrgiannes and exhorting him to defect from the emperor and join him; and that he, once he had readily complied, ^C would establish friendship and an alliance with him; and when they had become intimate and visited one another without fear, then, having watched for an occasion when Syrgiannes would not be among many others (for in any case he would find many such opportunities), he would seize and bind him in one of the fortresses; and that he would guard him securely until the emperor arrived to receive him. He expected, furthermore, that his custody would be easy, seeing that the army following him was not his own, but rather an auxiliary force of Albanians and Triballi, who would not desire to risk their lives for the sake of Syrgiannes by besieging the fortress, but would disperse to their homes, gladly freed from the evils of war. Such a plan both believed should be undertaken; and on the following day, the emperor sent for Sphranzes, related the matters that had been decided, and inquired of him whether he, too, ^D considered them advantageous and feasible. He said—

^A that he himself had not even thought of these things at first, but of others which fell far short of them. But what they had devised seemed to him not only beneficial, but also the most prompt and easy to execute. Therefore, he concluded, one should not delay, but must immediately set about the work. Since the plan had been ratified, the emperor, at his request, entrusted this task to a certain Dromores, a great friend of Sphranzes. He ordered him that, once Sphranzes had openly defected to Syrgiannes, he should confiscate and keep under guard all of his lands, livestock, and other property so that it might not be plundered and lost by anyone. In word, this was done as if the property belonged to the emperor, but in truth, he was bestowing the favor of its protection upon his friend, Sphranzes. Having handed him a royal diploma in which he was declared governor of the small towns of Soscus, Deures, Staridolon, and Chlerenus, he sent him off from Didymoteicho in haste. ^B The emperor himself, having waited only a few days—the amount of time he thought Sphranzes would require to provide a respite for the undertaking—set out and proceeded toward Thessalonica, traveling slowly. When Sphranzes was in command of the authority entrusted to him, he immediately sent men to incite Syrgiannes to revolt. Syrgiannes, who had long been nursing an anger against the emperor and had—ostensibly—maintained his old amicable relationship with him, upon having terms and oaths sworn to him, immediately went over. Syrgiannes was wondrously gladdened by this defection of Sphranzes to him; without delay, he took him up and arrived at the Kral, simultaneously showing him that his affairs were taking a turn for the better, as even the emperor’s own senators were already defecting to him, and also in order to persuade him through his presence to join him with his whole army. For he feared that if the emperor arrived, he himself, being unable to resist, would be destroyed and ruined by being defeated in war. He also suggested that if they were to go and camp at Thessalonica, the western cities that had not yet defected, despairing of aid from the emperor and seeing that they (Syrgiannes and the Kral) had already captured the cities before their eyes by force of arms, would immediately surrender, being caught in the middle. The Kral, therefore, having taken his whole force, pitched camp near the river Axius. The emperor, leading a portion of his army through Macedonia (for on account of the haste of the expedition, many others were still preparing themselves), halted between Thessalonica and Rhetine, a certain fortress near Lake Bolbe. ^C

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

(23) Gregoras: At the beginning of spring, the Kral gathered his forces; Syrgiannes sent secret letters throughout the whole Roman Empire, beginning from the province bordering the Triballi, and progressing through the entire maritime coast and inland cities and provinces as far as Byzantium, promising them assignments of land, gifts of money, heights of honors, and other things of that kind, etc. Below: In the middle of summer, the Kral followed Syrgiannes with his troops, who was making straight for Thessalonica, taking the intervening cities and provinces into surrender with little effort, partly from a desire for the old administration, and partly from fear of the destruction of their crops, for it was the time of harvest.

(24) Regarding this river, Gregoras says: It is the largest, bursting forth from the very beginning not only of those mountains, but also in the course of the mountains with many torrents, and with its name changed to Bardarius, sometimes and to some people it is called, or rather, Bistritza. It is what they call the Bardarium, or rather the Bistritza. Moreover, it is read as Vardar and Axius.

(25) Gregoras: About to go into Macedonia, so that by his presence he might terrify those in the cities who were looking toward defection, he chooses as his successor to the patriarchal see, after the death of Isaias, John, a native of Apris, who was then a priest of the imperial college: into whose faith, calling God to witness, he entrusted his wife and children in the great temple of the divine Word, Wisdom, that he might be their curator and guardian after God, if the state should happen to suffer any harm. These things done, he hastened into Macedonia, having led no army with him. For he already held everyone suspect, except for his most faithful household servants, and the Grand Domestic Cantacuzenus, whom he found to be his most devoted and loving, and toward all others, a man of mild and cheerful temper.

^A Having arrived with his whole force, he encamped near the river. The emperor, taking with him a part of the Roman army through Macedonia—for the majority were still in preparation, due to the speed with which the expedition had been undertaken—pitched his camp between Thessalonica and a certain fortress of Rentina, which lies by Lake Volvi, established on a hill, in a place called "of the Cretans," because a host from Crete had settled there, having migrated from the island for some reason. While he was encamped there, it was reported to him by someone who had hastened to bring the news that near the city of Sermylia—which had been inhabited long ago but now, as it seems, had been razed in some war—between Pallene and Athos, sixty Persian ships had put in, and the men disembarked to ravage the country. The emperor summoned the Grand Domestic and inquired about the army encamped there, whether it seemed sufficient to join battle with the barbarians. He replied that he could not know the number exactly; for because they were already near Thessalonica, many troops had poured out to find supplies. But he advised, if it seemed better to him, to take the existing army and take the road leading against the Persians, as he would, as quickly as possible, gather another force sufficient for the task from the neighboring villages. The emperor was immediately persuaded and took the road against the Persians. ^B He, having collected an army as rapidly as he could, joined the emperor; and after midday, they arrived at the places where the Persians were looting. A battle having taken place there, the Persians resisted for a long time because the terrain was difficult to approach and wooded, which contributed not a little to the Persian force, which was infantry. Finally, defeated with force, they were destroyed; some were captured alive, others fell in the battle. As many as were able to flee into the wood continued on the next day to their own ships, and having set fire to all the rest, they filled two—for only that many remained such of those plunderers—and departed for home. Of the Romans, few fell in the battle, but very many men and horses were wounded. ^C From there, the emperor entered Thessalonica and resided there for several days. Syrgiannes, having taken from the camp six of his own men and Sphranzes, who was also trailing thirty of his own attendants, went to a certain non-perennial river called Galycus, flowing not far from Thessalonica, to refresh his spirits. Sphranzes, seeing him alone and intercepted, and realizing that to capture him would not be easy (for he feared that if it were sensed in the camp, it would mean his own destruction along with his men), but that it was very easy to kill him, regardless of the emperor's command, spoke secretly with his attendants about bringing about the death of Syrgiannes. ^D Having persuaded them (for he had not yet disclosed his plan to anyone), they killed the man, who was completely unaware of such treachery, and fled to Thessalonica. The emperor rebuked Sphranzes as unmartial; for he preferred that he be brought to him alive and in chains, rather than slaughtered. But since what had been done could not be undone, ascribing the slaughter to the necessity of the circumstances, he pardoned him and his accomplices.

^A Relaxation and consolation came. Sphrantzes, however, having already seized him alone—and the act of arresting him was not exactly easy, for he feared that if it were observed in the camp, others might be destroyed and perish, and it was easiest to kill him—forgetful of the emperor’s instructions, spoke secretly with those who were with him about killing Syrgiannes and persuaded them (for until then, he had not yet disclosed the plan to anyone); they killed him, he being unaware of the plot, and fleeing, they arrived in Thessalonica. The emperor reprimanded Sphrantzes for his pusillanimity; for he would have preferred to have brought Syrgiannes back alive as a prisoner, to grant him amnesty, than to have him killed. But since there was no way to undo what had happened, he attributed the killing to the necessity of the circumstances, and rewarded him and those with him both for their courage and daring, and for exposing themselves to obvious dangers on his behalf; and he honored Sphrantzes with the rank of Great Stratopedarch, and provided him with annual revenues from villages in proportion, and the others, each according to his merit. When Crales heard that Syrgiannes had fallen, he sent and brought him to the camp while he was still breathing, but once he had died shortly after, he mourned him for a long time as a friend, and buried him magnificently. Having sent an embassy to the emperor, ^B he established a peaceful truce and alliance with him, and the next day, having met with the emperor not far from Thessalonica, beside the Galykos River, they retired to their own lands. The cities that had formerly been under Syrgiannes, upon his fall, having been granted forgiveness and amnesty for their revolt by the emperor, submitted voluntarily once again. At that same time, the ruler of the Hungarians, whom the Latin tongue knows how to call "king," marched with a great army against Crales, having been at odds with him over land borders. Fearing that he would be unable to defend himself against him, Crales sent an embassy to the emperor and requested an alliance. The emperor, pleased with the embassy, having selected a large and good army, sent it as an alliance to Crales. But the king of Hungary, when he arrived at the borders of his own domain and that of the Triballians, before invading enemy territory, turned back to his own lands. There was talk that he turned back having learned that an alliance had come from the emperor; whether he did so for this reason or some other remained unclear. Crales, however, also thinking that the king had turned back for the same reason, offered many thanks to the emperor, and having honored his generals and the army with worthy gifts, sent them off rejoicing to their own lands. And the emperor spent that winter in Thessalonica. ^C

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

Upon Augustine’s *City of God*, book V, chapter 8: "But he who says," he writes, "not the arrangement of the stars, as, it is held, when anything is conceived, or born, or begun, but the connection and series of all causes, which brings about everything that is brought about, is what they call by the name of fate, one need not labor and strive much with them over the controversy of the word: since they attribute the order of causes themselves, and a certain connection, to the will and power of the supreme God, who is believed most excellently and truthfully to know all things before they happen, and to leave nothing unordered, from whom are all powers, although from him are not all the wills," etc. Upon which chapter Ludovicus Vives, writing from Pico della Mirandola, *Against Astrologers*, book I, reports four ancient opinions concerning fate: I. Others said fate is nature, as things which are of choice ^D be they accidents, are outside of fate. As Virgil said of Dido, who had killed herself, that she did not die by fate. And Cicero, *Philippics*: "If anything had befallen me through human frailty; for many things seemed to hang over us contrary to nature, and contrary to fate." II. He posits an eternal series of causes necessarily linked. III. He makes the stars fates. IV. He calls the execution of the divine counsel "fate."

(29) Gregoras writes to the contrary: "Afterward, however," he says, "Crales, with the situation desperate, granted peace as the emperor requested: and when he had gone out and spoken with him, having accepted certain gifts, he returned home." It is clear the slaughter of Syrgiannes was advantageous for Crales, so that he did not have to request peace himself, but rather should give it as one requested. Gregoras is lying, therefore, as is apparent, and he either conceals or disparages the praise of Andronikos the Younger wherever he can.

CHAPTER XXVI.

^A In the beginning of spring, letters arrived for the emperor from Byzantium announcing that two of the powerful men among the Moesians, Raxinas the protovestiarios and Philippos the logothetes, had driven from power the queen, the wife of the late Michael and aunt of Crales Stephan, after a factional dispute; and that she, fleeing with her children, had arrived at Crales, who was the son of her sister. They, having persuaded the other powerful men of the Moesians as well, declared Alexander, the nephew of the late Michael by his sister, son of Stranzimer, ^B their king. As soon as he became master of the government, taking up as many troops as were in Moesia and no small auxiliary force from the Scythians, he campaigned against the cities that had previously submitted to the emperor. And except for Mesembria, he captured some by force of arms and others by agreement. When the emperor learned of these things, he no longer thought it tolerable to stay in Thessalonica, but having set out from there, he arrived at Byzantium. And first ^C he sent Synadenos the protostrator to Mesembria as governor, fearing that the Mesembrians might also revolt while the army was being gathered. He ordered the army to assemble in Byzantium, and he himself began to prepare as one intending to wage war against the Moesians. But while he was making preparations, it was reported from the East that an army of Persians was prepared to attack the Nicomedians. ^D Nicomedia was impregnable to weapons and the force of hands, by the enclosure of very strong walls and by the natural advantages of the place which made it suitable for defense, but it feared a shortage of grain. The barbarians, having realized this, neglected the walls as being impregnable through a siege of walls, but were eager to occupy the supply route by which the city was fed. The emperor, having clearly learned what the barbarians were intending, made it his greatest concern to provide food for the Nicomedians as the barbarians were approaching; for if this were available, they would most easily endure the remaining siege. And so, then, having learned that the barbarians had encamped near it, he neglected the incursion against the Moesians, and having equipped a fleet out of triremes and cargo ships and having loaded troops and grain, he sailed for Nicomedia. But before he could drop anchor, the barbarians, having perceived this, taking up their tents and the rest of their baggage, withdrew to their own land, fearing the emperor’s arrival. For Orchanes, their satrap, was not yet present. The emperor having made a landing encouraged the Nicomedians with words and with other…

^A kindnesses, and having provided them with grain, he tarried there for two days. At dawn on the third day, he returned with his whole fleet to Constantinople. And having spent not many days there, since the army was already present and all necessary supplies had been procured, he set out from Byzantium. Not many days later, he arrived in Moesia and ravaged a portion of it. Having crossed the Haemus mountains, he brought the other towns he had previously held back under his control through voluntary submission, but Anchialus was still being held by the Moesians. For Alexander, the king of the Moesians, sensing the emperor’s invasion, hurried to assist them with all speed, leading the Moesians in full force. Having arrived, he encamped near Aetus, not far from the emperor, who was encamped at Rhosocastron—except that a narrow and precipitous pass separated both armies, which Alexander had occupied in advance, stationing his infantry there to guard it. When the emperor learned that Alexander had encamped nearby, he ordered his army to arm themselves at dawn on the following day. When they were armed, he took them, arrayed for battle, and came near the pass which was guarded by Alexander, and he challenged the Moesians to combat. For it was not possible to attack their camp because the pass was rugged, narrow, and guarded by them. Having spent the day there under arms, since no one came out to engage him, he returned to his own camp. Some days later, he returned again with his armed army for battle, and spent the day ^B as before at the entrance of the narrow pass. But the Moesians did not even then dare to come out into the open space and fight the emperor on equal terms. He, however, departed again for his own camp, having struck the barbarians with fear by his boldness. Alexander, seeing that he was now unable to stand against the emperor in open battle, sent an embassy to discuss peace. He requested that each side retain what it held and refrain from war. The emperor replied that he had neither initiated the war himself, nor had he taken anything from the Moesians; rather, having been provoked by them first, he was compelled to resist and to recover what had been taken away. Furthermore, Anchialus was being kept from him, and if it were restored, he would be ready to conclude a peace treaty with them. And yet, it would have been appropriate—if he were contentious and implacable in his disputes—to exert every effort to retaliate in kind, and to claim for himself in return some of their own possessions by force of arms. But since both sides cultivated the same sanctity of religion, and peace is preferable to any war ^C, he preferred peace to this war, provided that his own possessions were restored to him. Alexander, however, claimed that he was not acting unjustly; for Anchialus and the other small towns which the emperor complained had been taken from him were not owed to the Romans so much as to the Moesians, as they had long been subject to previous kings. Therefore, the emperor was acting unjustly by demanding Anchialus in addition to the things he had already taken. Then the emperor replied that it was not right to bestow the name of justice upon injustice, nor because they had despoiled others for a time did it follow that it was permissible to continue despoiling them forever. These cities were not only held under Roman rule from ancient times, but many of them had been founded and settled as colonies by them. The Moesians had barely brought them under their own rule yesterday or the day before, from the reign of Sphantischlabus—the husband, as it were, of his sister—while the Romans were engaged in war with the Persians and the Catalans, who had ^D afflicted the Romans severely.

and because of whom they had been unable to recover these places from them. ^A Now, he claimed that he himself was doing no wrong, but was merely holding what he possessed and asking for what was owed; and that if the Emperor wished for peace, he should restore them, but if not, he could not relinquish them himself, but would move every stone to defend and preserve his sovereignty.

Alexander—since their camps were near one another and they were exchanging replies at very short intervals—replied that one who is contending for an empire ought not to settle the law by demonstrations and probable conclusions, but by the sword and a stronger hand, ^B and that, as he was now more than sufficiently strong in these, he could discuss the boundaries of empires with confidence. He added that he would not have grudged yielding Anchialus, had not such an action brought upon himself and his army the charge of great cowardice. For if, in addition to the fact that they had not dared to resist and fight in battle, although challenged once or twice by the very people who were advancing upon them, they were also to cede Anchialus without compensation, they would most openly reveal their defeat to all mankind. Nevertheless, as a kind of veil for his shame, if he wished, he would hand over Anchialus and receive Diampolis, although he knew most certainly that, as the proverb has it, ^C he would be exchanging gold for brass. Thus it would come about that the Emperor would have what he sought, and he himself would be free of reproach, since it would appear that he possessed equal things for equal things.

The Emperor, since he thought the proposal not inhuman and worthy of acceptance—both because Anchialus is superior to Diampolis beyond what can be expressed, and because he supposed that if he should remit anything of his own right for the sake of peace, it would not be held against him as a fault; and especially since provisions for the army had failed and there was a brilliant scarcity in the camp, and the soldiers were begging either to be engaged with the enemy or to be led back—impelled by mercy, he granted leave to the embassy and made peace on these conditions: that the Romans and Moesians should have a treaty and inflict no injuries upon one another in return, that the former should receive Anchialus, and in exchange give up Diampolis, and for the future keep what they held and cultivate peace and concord. Under these terms, the treaty was concluded between the kings on the seventeenth day of July, and both sides appointed representatives to receive the cities and the oaths from one another.

CHAPTER XXVII

^A Furthermore, on that same night on which the day for the swearing of oaths dawned, a Scythian army came to Alexander as reinforcements, having been invited by him against his uncle Belaur, who, having incited a rebellion and torn away a portion of the realm for himself, was troublesome and was harming the country. [Alexander], thinking that he would opportunely take advantage of the situation if he could deceive them and bring them against the emperor, told them that his uncle was nearby and should be attacked by surprise. He claimed that, being ignorant of the whole affair, the uncle would likely resist fiercely, but would be very easily overcome and killed by the far greater numbers; and thus, they themselves would be free from the labor of a long journey they had yet to complete. In this way, he tricked the barbarians; for if they had known of the treaty recently initiated with the emperor, they never would have proceeded against him. Therefore, at daybreak, they put on their armor and advanced against the Romans through a narrow path. Scouts stationed there quickly announced the arrival of the enemy to the camp. The emperor ordered arms to be readied and went out to meet them with sixteen arranged phalanxes. The ^B protostrator held the right wing, and Zamplako, the Great Papias, held the left; the emperor himself stood in the center with the main body. Six phalanxes filled the entire front, and behind them the remaining ten were arranged, each with its own commanders. The emperor was distressed that he had been deceived, because he had granted leave to a good portion of his soldiers in the hope of a treaty. Nevertheless, thinking he had to fight only the Mysians, he advanced against them with confidence. And behold, as they were marching, they heard a Scythian trumpet, which did not sound like other trumpets, but produced something horrible and discordant, such as is sufficient to rouse the barbarians for battle. Therefore, even if that kind of trumpet is heard from afar, it is immediately recognized. Yet the emperor, thinking them not to be Scythians (for they would not have broken the peace pact made with him), but rather the Getae from across the Ister—who, since they use the same arms as the Scythians, are for the most part mounted archers—and that these Getae had come to the aid of the Mysians and were blowing the Scythian trumpet to strike terror—a ^C factor in whose courage Alexander trusted and confidently went forth to the struggle—he himself also, full of good hope, marched against them. But after they saw one another and the sun rose higher above the horizon, revealing the distinction of events more clearly, then it appeared plainly that the host approaching was indeed the Scythians; for they were not mixed with the Mysians but maintained their own separate formation. When it was time for the engagement to take place, the Scythians swerved past the emperor and those who were in front and attacked those in the rear; they put those, who resisted but little, to flight and pursued the fugitives as far as Rhosocastrum. There, the Romans turned and, having performed bravely, kept the barbarians back from the walls. The emperor, although those in the rear had taken to flight, did not withdraw with his first ^D six phalanxes, but instead, remaining steadfast, he...

^A advanced straight toward the Mysians, and the few clashed with the many. After a most vigorous battle had lasted for a sufficient time, and the Romans had shown many feats worthy of daring and strength, finally, being forced by the multitude of the Mysians and already standing in danger, they retreated backward. The emperor, together with the Grand Domestic and Manuel Asanes, the brother of the Grand Domestic’s wife (who led the imperial ranks and was leading fifty others, selected from among the illustrious men), first put those against them to flight. Afterward, as the war pressed on fiercely and many were swarming around, they were unable to maintain their shield-wall, but having dispersed as each was able, they withdrew; only two were left behind, the emperor and the Grand Domestic, in the same place. Even though they were separated for a little while, they again very quickly came together, so that the ^B Grand Domestic said to the emperor: "It is the time for courage and daring, O Emperor; therefore use your hand, and show forth deeds worthy of yourself." He replied that his courage and daring were of no benefit, since all the others had turned to flight; nevertheless, both he and as many as had engaged with the Mysians, although they were retreating, did not however, without any turning, expose their backs to be wounded by those pursuing them. But rather, defending themselves from the front, they arrived at Rhosocastron; there, having joined with the remainder of the army, they fought together willingly against both the Scythians and the Mysians until the third hour of the day. As the barbarians were able to accomplish nothing (for they were not able to force their way into Rhosocastron), they dispersed and returned to their own camp. There fell in the battle, or were captured, of the Romans, thirty-seven from the cavalry—of whom six were of the imperial rank—and sixty-five from the infantry; and of these, the greater part, or almost all, were captured or killed by the Scythians. A few more than the ^C Romans of the Mysians also died. But the victory belonged clearly to the Mysians, because the Romans did not hold their ground, but having turned, fled in disorder to Rhosocastron. About midday of the same day, Alexander, king of the Mysians, having sent Ibanes, of the nobles among him, as an ambassador to the emperor, asked that the agreements made the previous day ^D remain inviolable, and prayed that, for the sake of greater friendship and security, the emperor might betroth his daughter to his own son. The emperor replied that the treaty also remained pleasing to him, since he had considered the peace concluded on the previous day not because of necessity, but for the sake of utility; however, regarding the joining of affinity at the present time, he declined, for no one would judge it otherwise than as having been brought about either by necessity or by fear—because he had been defeated by him—even if it were not for any other reason.

^A Yet for us, it merely happened to be the case that we were overcome by a greater number. In the loss of our own men, we have fared no differently than you. For you lost more; nevertheless, for that very reason—that we seem to have been defeated—I do not wish to contract an affinity now, but only peace and a treaty. Upon returning home, let an embassy be sent regarding the marriage, and once I have considered what may seem advantageous, I shall act at my leisure. Ibanes, therefore, returned to his king, bringing the answers of the Roman Emperor. A little later, he returned again, accompanied also by his co-envoy, Synadenos, the uncle of King Alexander, both of them acting as envoys for the same purpose and discussing at length the alliance with persuasive arguments, by which they hoped to persuade the Emperor. But the Emperor used the same arguments as before, saying that he chose peace and wished to establish a treaty for it, but would not now contract an affinity, only later when it seemed good to him. If, then, this was agreeable to them, they should discuss the terms of the treaty; but if they had other things in mind, they should depart and prepare themselves as they saw fit. When the envoys saw that the Emperor remained unswervingly fixed on his initial judgment, they said that their own king valued the affinity above all else, and had commanded them to spare no diligence in bringing it about. If, however, the Emperor would not yield or be persuaded, then they would defer the discussions regarding it until the future, when the time might be appropriate, and they would themselves draw up the treaty regarding peace.

After a few words were exchanged on both sides, a settlement was reached, and they concluded the treaty that very day. ^B The kings then took oaths to it according to custom, and the surviving Roman captives, as had been specified in the conditions, were released without ransom. They spent the entire following day dining together and conversing about the battle of the previous day. Alexander and the Mysians spoke with amazement of the bravery of the Romans, who, though few, had fought against vastly greater numbers; and when their rear guard had completely surrendered, they were nevertheless not broken in spirit, as if nothing unusual had happened, but had engaged the enemy with the most constant resolve. And having been forced back by the press of the oncoming crowds, they withdrew in such a way that they were not looking toward flight, but were defending themselves as they departed, which served greatly for their safety. Alexander asserted, even adding an oath, that if the situation had continued in that state for a while longer and the Romans had not fled, they could not have been held; but the Mysians, astonished by their virtue and endurance, and especially by that of the Emperor, would have taken to flight themselves. ^C Discussing these and other matters throughout the day, they bade each other farewell toward evening. And Alexander departed for his kingdom, while the Emperor, having delayed for some days at Rhosocastron, set out for Didymoteichon and dismissed the soldiers.

CHAPTER XXVIII

^A their satrap Amurius, and that they themselves had come there for the sake of profit, thinking that nothing would stand in the way of their impulse. Since you have stood in the way, [they said,] we have remained here all day, proving by action that we do not fear the battle against you, but are so prepared that we would fight you if you were to be the first to start the war. Now that the day is declining, it is time to return to the ships and the camp; if it seems better to you also to refrain from battle, we ourselves shall be pleased; but if you desire to engage, we shall ourselves do our best to defend [ourselves]. Having said these things, they turned back and went in order toward the ships. To the Emperor and his companions, it seemed enough to protect the region from such great devastation, and not to throw themselves into danger out of rivalry, fighting a few against many. But since the barbarians departed empty-handed and having lost some of their own (for the Romans, encountering some of them scattered around a certain area, had killed them), it seemed proper for them, too, to be content with a bloodless victory. Thus, as if by agreement, they refrained from battle. And Amurius ^B Pecis boarded his ships and sailed away to Asia; the Emperor returned to Didymoteichon, and spent a whole year without being attacked by war, neither from the western nor from the eastern barbarians.

After this, in the month of February, in the fifteenth indiction, in the year 6840, the Emperor Antonius [alt-version omitted] closed his final day, having reached seventy-two years of age. And one year and a half after the Emperor's death, his mother, the Empress Xena, mother of the Emperor Andronicus, departed this life. At about the same time, the despot of Thessaly, which borders on Boeotia, Gabriel Stephanus the sebastocrator, died. The prefect of Thessalonica at that time was Monomachus, a man distinguished in prudence and in practical experience, trained in arms, and an excellent leader. Seeing an opportunity ^C presented to invade Thessaly and bring it under the Emperor, he raided it from Thessalonica with as large a picked force as he could, as it was in disarray due to the death of its ruler. He captured its small towns, Golum, Castrin, and Lycostomum. Stagus, Trikala, Phanarium, Damasin, and Elason, which had been under the rule of Gabriel, and certain other fortresses, the despot John the Duke, ruler of Acarnania, had previously arrived and seized by surrender, and having secured them with garrisons, had returned to Acarnania. The Emperor, stirred by news of Thessalian affairs, determined to set out there; ^D and coming shortly after, he took back everything that the Duke had subjugated, and after ejecting the men in garrison [without harm...]

*Jacobi Pontiani notae.* (37) In the Greek, Amurius Pecis is one name. (38) In the year of our Lord 1332. The rest about his death is recorded by Gregoras. He also lists not a few prodigies that preceded it, among which the least worthy of belief is that which he tells about an eclipse of the sun, for as many days as he lived years, that is, seventy-two, for our historian reckons that many years: Gregoras reckons seventy-four. Who would not think the world would end because of such a prodigy? Some count 50 years of his reign, others 62. Read, if you like, the dirge on the death of the senior Emperor by the same Gregoras. Xena, however, died at Thessalonica and was buried there, to whom that declamatory historian likewise wrote a dirge. (39) In the MS. of a certain student: [index: entries preserved]

^A and indeed rightly, he sent them home. While the Emperor was staying in Thessaly, those Albanians who dwell in the mountains of Thessaly, having no king—the Malacasii, the Boutioi, and the Mesaritai, so named from their tribal leaders—who numbered about twelve thousand, came and did homage and promised to serve him. For they were afraid that if winter came they would be destroyed by the Romans, since they inhabited no city but lived in mountainous and inaccessible areas, from which, if they withdrew during the winter because of the cold and the snow that forms ^B a treacherous crust in those mountains, they thought they could easily be overcome. The Emperor, having decamped from there, came to Thessalonica. And after a few days the Kral sent an embassy to him, requesting that they might meet at a place of his choosing for the sake of friendship, so that they might rejoice together and enjoy conversation and company with one another. Since this also seemed right to the Emperor, and he agreed to the request, they decided with the envoys that the meeting should take place at Baimi, a Macedonian village. The Kral, therefore, once he learned of the agreement, set out from his own territory and proceeded to the designated village. ^C The Emperor, however, desiring to strike some amazement into the Kral, or rather to provide proof of guileless and pure friendship, abandoned the plan of arriving at the appointed place with a retinue and a balanced army; instead, selecting three hundred of his own men and a few of the notables, excluding those assigned to service, while the Kral was still lingering in the center of his own territory at the place called Rhadobosdion, the Emperor was suddenly reported to be approaching. The Kral was at first alarmed, fearing the Emperor’s arrival might not be for the sake of friendship; but when he learned the number of his followers, and the Emperor’s ^D intention in coming with so few, he greatly admired the Emperor for his guileless disposition and his openness toward friends, and congratulated himself on having acquired such a friend. He entertained him most generously and royally, and kept him with him for seven days. Having shown great friendliness, and having conducted himself with the utmost moderation and as toward a master, toward the Emperor after the seventh day, he remained at home while he sent the Emperor off happily, as he himself was happy. During this meeting, the Great Domestic also became joined in strong friendship with the Kral, having provided proof of his own character.

CHAPTER XXIX

The Emperor came to Thessalonica, and having stayed not long, came to Byzantium. And not many days later it was reported that Domenico, son of Andrea of Catania, who held New Phocaea by the Emperor’s favor...

^A after his father had died, having become heir to the estate and being puffed up by his wealth, had conceived the plan of seizing Lesbos from the Romans and establishing a principality for himself. Having manned eleven triremes from Genoa at his own expense, and having associated one to his cause from Sicily, and having persuaded the Delians to provide five, he sailed against the Lesbians without a declaration of war, and, falling upon the Mitylenians when they were unprepared and striking them with the unexpected attack, he took the city by siege. He also gained control of all the other fortresses that were on the island; he did indeed attempt Eressos and Methymna, but, appearing inferior to their walls, he desisted, and now these alone preserve their goodwill and servitude toward the Emperor. ^B Having learned such things concerning Lesbos, the Emperor reproached the Latins who were colonists of the Genoese in Galata for their most wicked crime and their instigation of rebellion, and he testified that they were acting contrary to the agreements made with the Romans and their own council and people, using their own wickedness and craft, from which they were causing not only loss but also toil and danger to the Roman Emperors. To these points they themselves had nothing to reply, as if they were being accused undeservedly; but he, within the space of twenty days, equipped a fleet of eighty-four ships, of which forty-four were biremes and triremes, while the rest were monoremes. There followed also transport ships carrying infantry soldiers, and grain and other necessary supplies for the army. And when everything was prepared, and nothing more was lacking, they weighed anchor from Byzantium and sailed for Lesbos. ^C When they arrived at Callipolis near the Hellespont, the Latin scouts from Lesbos who were present there, having observed the Emperor’s approach with a fast-sailing long ship, and being the first to arrive because of the speed of their vessel and their great haste in sailing, announced the Emperor’s invasion as being not far off. To those men, not knowing the number of the imperial ships, it seemed as if they must fight the Emperor, and they prepared themselves to engage in a naval battle. But the Delians, seeing them preparing...

^A to engage in battle, made their plan manifest to their admiral, stating that they were able to raise arms against all other men rather than the Emperor of the Romans. Because of this, even before they were engaged in the battle, he made his counsel manifest to him, so that he might deliberate as quickly as possible on the things that were necessary, and that they might not be forced to flee shamefully and ignobly, neither having raised arms nor defending themselves. He, for the sake of the truth, praised them and expressed much gratitude. Approaching Dominicus, the commander of the whole fleet, and the other Latin admirals, he said that they had not deliberated correctly, for they were marching towards a naval battle so improvidently and boldly before they had learned accurately how many triremes the Emperor was bringing. For if it should happen that they were defeated, nothing else remained but to be utterly destroyed, since all who were on the island were their enemies and would attack them together. For this reason it was necessary first to investigate what strength the Emperor was bringing, and if you were capable of fighting at sea, do so; but if not, to seek some refuge where you might be saved. "As for me," he said, "I would eagerly have joined in the naval battle, being present with you. But there is nothing that will persuade the Delians to raise arms against the Emperor; rather, they say that all things are to be chosen ^B rather than that war should be waged by them against the Emperor. To force them, therefore, is not right, since all of them alike hold the same opinion. It seemed better to me, after considering the matter, to withdraw before the Emperor arrives. For if we flee once he is seen, we will sear no small shame upon the Hospitallers. It will be your concern to provide for them in the best way possible." Having spoken these words, he bade them farewell and sailed away to Delos. To Dominicus and the others who were left behind, it no longer seemed good to fight a naval battle; but they sent five of the triremes to Callone, a certain fortress in Lesbos, to bring in provisions and a garrison, because they feared that it might be captured by the Emperor through a raid; they themselves, with the remaining ships, defended Mitylene. The Emperor, with the entire fleet, came to Eressus; having praised the Eressians for their goodwill toward him, and having provided for their needs as was necessary, he weighed anchor from there and sailed to Chios. But someone from a watchtower, shouting loudly, inquired whose the fleet was. When they replied that it was the Emperor's, and that the Emperor himself was present, "But whose are," he said, "the triremes in the Gulf of Callone?" From his words the Emperor, surmising that they were of those ^C at Mitylene, sent to guard Callone, turned back and bore down upon them. Night had already fallen. When the Latins saw the Emperor approaching, and seeing that flight was impossible and fighting was out of the question, they drove the ships ashore; they themselves hid in the woods, the place being naturally shaded and dark, with the darkness also assisting them. The imperial troops pulled the empty triremes [to the shore] and disembarked. Having searched the thicket, they killed more than half of them, and also took some alive. As many as were able to escape under the cover of darkness escaped to Mitylene to their own people. The Emperor, having left the pincerna Philanthropenus there to besiege Mitylene with infantry ^D and cavalry, directed his course to Phocaea, which Odoardus was then commanding. Therefore, those left in Lesbos received the surrender of all the other towns, one by one; Mitylene

is besieged by land and sea. The Emperor, having sent envoys to Sarchanes 46, who commanded the eastern regions around Phocaea, struck a treaty and alliance with him, so that he might assist the Emperor ^A with infantry and naval support to besiege Phocaea and Mitylene. In return, the Emperor would grant freedom to Suliman, the son of Sarchanes, and the other sons of the Persians who were held at Phocaea under the name of hostages. For the Genoese who were at Phocaea, when they had captured Suliman and twenty-four other noble Persian youths by ruse, claimed they had not done so for the sake of slavery, but to hold them as hostages to ensure peace. Sarchanes, since he could do nothing else, accepted the peace reluctantly, for the sake of his affection for his children, as is clear. But when the Emperor's promise to restore freedom to the children came—on condition that he assist him readily in the war against the Latins—he did so in the hope of the children’s liberty. Coming himself to Phocaea with infantry and cavalry, he ^B saluted the Emperor with reverence and besieged the city with him; and by ordering the cities and districts subject to him to bring foodstuffs to Phocaea, he provided a most abundant market for the Emperor’s army.

The siege of the Phocaeans and Mityleneans had already lasted for five months. Especially at Phocaea, there were frequent and intense assaults upon the walls; siege engines and other apparatus invented for the capture of cities were brought up. However, they could not be taken, due to the strength of the walls and the vigor with which the Latins defended them without giving way. As the siege drew on, and since their provisions were already failing them, and they suspected that the enemies would not cease their ^C assault until they were reduced either by famine or by the wall-fighting, they devised a plan by which they might hold out for a longer time. They expelled every Roman who lived in Phocaea, along with their whole households; they collected and carried the grain and whatever other necessities there were into the acropolis, which they had fortified as a garrison, and by living on these, they endured the siege.

While the Emperor was staying at Phocaea, the sons of Aitines, who was the satrap of Ionia 47—Cheterus and Amur, whom we have already mentioned as having sailed by fleet to Thrace, and a third named Sulaimasas—came to him out of friendship. They did reverence to him and promised to be well-disposed and friends to the Emperor; and the Emperor, for the sake of their goodwill, rewarded them with gifts ^D and acts of kindness, and sent them home.

With matters in this state, it was reported from Byzantium that sixteen Genoese triremes had touched at Galata for another reason. Certain noble Romans spoke secretly with their navarch and trierarchs and enticed them with many gifts and promises, so that, having also joined six others which they might find at Galata, and likewise those six at Mitylene, they might attack the Emperor himself at Phocaea. That the Romans had plotted these things, not to benefit the Genoese, but having turned them into conspirators and traitors, and desiring the Empire, whence

it was being reported from Byzantium to the Emperor that sixteen triremes had arrived at Galata from Genoa for some other necessity. Certain of the distinguished men among the Romans, having held secret talks with their admiral and the trierarchs, persuaded them—by many promises and through winning over the others who were of the region, and then by taking possession of the six at Mytilene—to attack him at Phocaea. ^A That the Romans had contrived these things, not for the sake of the Genoese policy, but having become conspirators and traitors to the Emperor, and desiring to seize the rule, they were acting from those means by which they thought they would be able to destroy him.

CAPUT XXX.

Huge aid from the Persians. The conversation and friendship of the Great Domestic and the Persian satrap Amurius, and his influence over him. The Domestic, having invited a certain nobleman, the Latin John Spinola, into his tent, speaks at length and attempts to persuade him to the surrender of the city.

When the Emperor heard these things, he was preparing the forces he had with him as if he should need to fight a naval battle, and he was acquiring as many other forces as possible from the barbarians along Ionia. Sarchanes provided twenty-four ships, and a great force of infantry and cavalry; having arrived, it encamped near Phocaea. ^B Amurius, son of Aitinis, at the urging of the Great Domestic, joined the Emperor in the war with thirty ships. For the Great Domestic had previously been on friendly terms with Amurius, and had spoken to him in letters, and demonstrated his goodwill, and they had met for a short time shortly before when he had come to the Emperor at Phocaea. But at that time, with the necessity calling, he sent an embassy to him, saying it was neither just nor pleasing to him to communicate with him again through letters and messages as before; for before, the cause of such an arrangement was the great distance between them. Now, however, since they were dwelling nearby, it was fair, if it also seemed good to him, to meet in some specific place and enjoy one another's company and confirm the friendship that existed. The Great Domestic then sent such a message. ^C But Amurius, when he heard it, thought this overture about such matters was second in fortune to none; but thinking he was being benefited most greatly, he neglected all else, arrived at Clazomenae, met with him, and when he had disembarked from the ships he feasted him in a distinguished manner and showed great kindness. After the Great Domestic had spent four days with him, he persuaded him to attend to the Emperor as his lord, and to consider himself one of the distinguished Romans serving under him, and he bound the man to himself with unbreakable bonds of friendship. He urged him to send the ships as quickly as possible to the Emperor, who was in need of reinforcement; and they were sent not long after. He also ordered him to be a friend and ally to the Philadelphians instead of an enemy, and to take no tribute which they had been paying him when they were under treaty; and there was nothing that, at the urging of the Great Domestic, he would not perform with pleasure; indeed, he even gave thanks and thought he was being adorned by such benefits. ^D The Domestic, having therefore bade farewell to Amurius, returned to the Emperor. When the ships from Sarchanes had also arrived, they prepared themselves for the naval battle, and they were annoyed that those against whom they were to fight were not yet present. The Latins, however, whether being frightened by the Emperor’s preparations or because they were held in fear—since they were being incited by the Romans—(for the mother of the Great Domestic...

^A together with the Empress, having perceived the plot, had secured the palace and the rest of the empire as much as they were able), they laid aside their intended plans and dispersed. When the Emperor learned that they had dispersed, he dismissed those who had come from Amuri with a donative, while he himself began to press the siege more vigorously; for the season was already pressing, as autumn was approaching. 295 While time was thus being consumed in the siege, it happened that the Great Domestic saw, standing by the Gate of Phocaea, one named Giovanni Spinola, ^B who was known to him from before and was an acquaintance, being a man of noble standing among the Latins and one who had sufficiently participated in the education of the Romans. Sending for him, he invited him, bidding him come to him without suspecting any harm. He came immediately, having been persuaded. The Great Domestic addressed him and upbraided him for his lack of decency, that although he was an old friend and acquaintance, and although he had been spending so much time by their gates, he had not once wished to come to him, nor to greet him as a friend, adding other things that were appropriate to the occasion; for it was now late in the day. He sent him home for the present, but urged him to return the next day, if it pleased him, so that they might discuss at leisure what they each thought just regarding this present war. Giovanni promised to return and departed.

The next day in the morning he came to the tent of the Great Domestic and greeted him. The latter, having returned his greeting and having taken him aside alone, began a discourse to him as follows: ^C “No one of sound mind would commend going to war or living in peace on any pretext whatsoever, since the praise or blame for both must justly be examined according to the causes. But if anyone beginning a war undertakes tasks greater than his own strength, besides being unjust, he will also be considered foolish in the judgment of prudent men. Let us therefore examine this war, which you have undertaken against an Emperor who has done you no wrong in any matter, as to whether it is being waged by you honestly and usefully. For first of all, suffering no injury, you invaded, harassed, and plundered Lesbos, which was subject to him, a fact which you yourselves will not be able to deny. Then you have observed no measure of recklessness and folly. ^D For he who begins a war must look not only to this—

^A how he might commit an injustice, but first of all, if this is truly possible for him, and then, if he also has sufficient strength to protect what he has seized. As for you, your strength is insufficient for seizing the property of others, and it is minimal for protecting what you have seized. For when you were about to attack Lesbos, you relied on the help of the Delians and Sicilians; but when the Emperor marched against you, your allies, unable even to raise their weapons in defense, fled and abandoned you. With only you remaining, some perished when they were destroyed in their five triremes at Kalloni, while others are besieged, shut up within Mitylene and Phocaea, having no sure hope of salvation. And do not be surprised that I have stated that you have no sure hope of salvation, even though you defend yourselves most stoutly from the walls and suffer no, or only slight, damage from the stones hurled by the engines, from the ladders, and from the other machines brought up during the frequent assaults on the walls. For I shall demonstrate most clearly that you are not far from the ultimate danger. ^B Since there are three things which could most especially save and protect those who are besieged—first, help coming from elsewhere to drive away the besiegers, whereby the besieged might raise their spirits; second, an abundance of grain and other necessities, from which the siege can be easily endured; third, when the enemy is unable to sit before the city for a long time, either through a lack of funds, or because his spirit is broken, or for some other reason—I will prove to you that not one of these things is present for you. Perhaps, then, someone might imagine that help has been sent to you, and from nowhere else than Genoa (inasmuch as they are your fellow citizens and kinsmen). ^C But this is so far from being true, or from being something for you to hope for, that on the contrary it is rather to be feared that they will come against you to lay siege to you as enemies of the commonwealth, if the Emperor so orders. For you know most clearly that in the treaties and oaths which the Senate and people of Genoa concluded for the sake of peace with the Roman Empire, among other things, this also is contained: that their commonwealth shall not only cause no harm or loss to the Roman Empire—provided no pretext for war is given—but also that if any private person should wrong a Roman, the Roman shall receive compensation for the loss from the property and assets of that [person]. And if he should cause loss to the Roman Empire by plundering an island ^D or a maritime city or anything else, in the same way, the loss is to be paid to the Emperor from the property and assets of those persons, whether they be many or only one, and that man himself is to be judged an enemy by the Senate and people [of Genoa], and they are to take up arms against him as a perfidious traitor to the commonwealth. It is for this reason that you know the Emperor has sent an embassy to Genoa, not only so that he might receive your lands and villas to cover the expenses incurred in warring against you, but also that he has urged them to send triremes against you in accordance with the agreements and oaths. Therefore, it is not help from Genoa that you should expect, but rather war and a hostile fleet. Furthermore, that you are suffering from a shortage of food, and that shortly you will have none, can be deduced as a most certain argument from the situation itself. For those whom the city

^A of the Romans drove out—from whom you yourselves were accustomed to obtain your provisions—calculating the measure of food against the multitude of the besieged, say that within a short time you will be completely destitute of supplies. ^B There remains, then, one single hope of salvation: that the Emperor, grown slothful either because of the vast amount of money being spent, or because of the weariness and exhaustion of the army, or expecting that winter is already setting in, will lift the siege. But I, even on this point, will become a traitor to our own side, and I will reveal the whole truth freely—even though I know well that you yourselves would have paid a great sum if it had been possible for you to learn what we are truly thinking concerning you. But I will grant you this for nothing. The Emperor, we ourselves, and the greater part of the army will depart for home, so that we may not be worn down here uselessly and in vain, especially since affairs there also require our care and industry, which we cannot provide unless we are present. Here, for the continuation of the siege, we will leave ten triremes, twenty uniremes, and an additional twenty-four of Sarchanis' ships, having provided pay sufficient until the spring season. These, by making an assault from the sea, will surely attack you and the Mytilenaeans; from the mainland, the forces of Sarchanis will sufficiently press you. As for the Mytilenaeans, the Emperor’s mercenaries will block their entry into the island, so that both of you may be prevented from bringing in provisions by land and by sea. With the return of spring, we shall return with a great fleet, with the intention of besieging you for so long that, either by hunger or by arms, we may bring you to submission and reduce you to slavery. ^C Besides these things, I will not hide from you another of the Emperor’s secret designs. He wishes to offer to all of you who are besieged together a choice under oath: either to remain within the walls, being enemies to him and to the commune of Genoa, or, by coming out and separating yourselves from your fellows, not only to obtain from the Emperor pardon and amnesty for the things in which you have transgressed, but also to be free from penalty before the commune of Genoa, the Emperor providing immunity for you. That this will be an incitement to many among the besieged to defect, even you yourselves are not unaware. Since, therefore, from the beginning you have stirred up this war unjustly, and now, with things turning out contrary to your expectations, you are bearing the blame not only for folly and lack of understanding, but have also come into the most serious danger, where is it profitable—or how is it the mark of wise men ^D not to change bad plans for better ones and to elicit from them something suitable for survival—but rather, through stupid contentiousness and arrogance, to go to their own ruin and bring upon their own kin and loved ones not only poverty and the loss of their estate, but also permanent disgrace? Furthermore, I will show that, beyond all this, waging war against the Emperor will in no way profit you. For even if we were unable to compel you to surrender by arms, or by famine, or by any other way, yet it would not profit you to be besieged in this manner. First, not that you should be besieged forever, and be pressed by the shortage of food and the other inconveniences of war, with Lesbos in such...

^A a state that even after you have spent so much money on it, it has not come to pass—as was your intention—that you should hold the island after gaining much more wealth than what you spent, but rather that you have fallen into the contrary of what you expected. For your money has been spent on the triremes, and the island again obeys the Emperor, except for Mytilene, which also requires, along with Phocaea, that you maintain no fewer than a thousand mercenaries. From where, then, will you supply their food? You have neither the money on your ships to suffice for the siege, nor is there any hope that it will come from Genoa. For your possessions there, which used to provide you with revenue, will be under the Emperor, and the revenues that used to come to you from Phocaea have been removed ^B by the war. All commerce, moreover, has ceased, with us holding the seas, and we prevent you from agriculture, so that it is not even safe for you to step outside your gates. Thus, danger surrounds you on every side, whether you hold out in arms or not. Since, therefore, your very salvation is at stake, you ought not to deliberate on this casually and as if in passing, but should consult with your friends and choose what is necessary. After the Great Domestic had spoken such words, ^C Joannes was silent for a long time, struck dumb because he saw that their affairs had been explained most clearly, and he recognized himself that the danger was already upon their necks. Then, after recovering himself, he began to speak: "That we act wrongly whenever we rush to arms, no one among us can deny. But we were carried away by the hope of gaining the island of Lesbos and of fending off the Emperor if he tried to hinder us (for we did not believe he could gather such a naval force). Now, however, we are exhausted of money and are ourselves being besieged, having no good hopes for the future. But since, as I see, you have been moved by God to speak on these matters, I beg you to deliberate on what seems advantageous and necessary for the future. For the past cannot be dealt with otherwise than as it ^D happened."

The Great Domestic replied, "If you had consulted among yourselves about your own affairs, nothing would have prevented you from choosing peace over war. But since you entrust to me the judgment of your affairs, I will not hide what I believe is beneficial for you; it will then be up to you to accept my advice or to reject it. I believe that an explanation of my plan does not require a long speech. For what I have said before—proving that this war has been the primary and sole source of your many evils—and what I am yet about to say...

^A regarding the manner in which it would most profit you to embrace peace, can be confirmed. I shall explain the way to do this most fruitfully. Before you reach such a state of danger that you appear to be approaching the Emperor even against your will, demonstrate a measure of goodwill equal to the offense you previously committed; send an embassy to the Emperor and beg for pardon for the wrongs you have committed during the war. Since he is by nature gentle, and ready to grant pardon to those who have transgressed against him if they entreat him to set aside his anger, he will easily pardon you as well, especially with my own intervention leading him to do so. Once you have appeased the Emperor’s anger, take the son of Sarchan and the other Persians who are guarded among you in the guise of hostages, and offer them to the Emperor as gifts, and surrender Mitylene and Phocaea. He, in turn, out of gratitude for your goodwill toward him, will—together with the pardon he grants—graciously remit the expenses he has incurred in this war against you, as well as the damages you inflicted upon the Lesbians, which the Genoese commune is obligated by the treaty to compensate from your own assets and resources. ^B Furthermore, he will obtain for you immunity from the penalties you deserve as declared enemies of the state and as those who have been proscribed for your treachery, by urging the Senate to grant you pardon, so that, stripped of nothing that is your own, you may once again freely conduct your business within the state. In addition to this, he will permit you to hold sovereignty and the usufruct of Phocaea, just as before, for as long as he wishes. He will even enter into a treaty with Sarchan on your behalf, so that you may again enjoy the customary revenues from his territory. And in all the islands and cities that are subject to the Romans, he will order that your trade be unhindered. Consider, therefore, how many evils this war has brought upon you—and perhaps it will bring even worse ones—and how many good things peace would be worth, if you listen to me. It will be in your power to do these things today or tomorrow. For if you delay, considering them not urgent, you will no longer find the Emperor so ready for reconciliation. For if the wages are distributed to the rowers and other mercenaries who are about to besiege you throughout the winter—wages which he has already ordered his treasurers to pay, but which I have prevented for the reasons I have mentioned—I fear that he will not accept the embassy afterward, reasoning, as is likely, that he can reduce you to the condition of slaves once the time for earning pay has expired, ^C and that he will then recover both the money spent now and what was spent previously. Therefore, since this deliberation concerns matters of necessity and the time admits of no delay, consult amongst yourselves as quickly as possible and make your decision known to us. Thus did the Grand Domestic advise the Latins. Joannes regretted that he had come into conversation with him so late; for he could surely have avoided many evils, and could have been the cause of others avoiding them as well. Nevertheless, he said that the past could not be undone, but that he ought to return to the city the following day, disclose this plan to the others as well, and collectively seek the opinions of all. With the Grand Domestic’s consent, he returned to Phocaea and explained to Odoardus and the others what he had advised. And when this seemed to them both best and...

most useful, and they agreed to comply, he returned once more to the Grand Domestic and reported that the plan was pleasing to Odoardus and the others who were being besieged in Phocaea, and that they were fully prepared to come before the Emperor and entreat him to grant them pardon for their offenses. It was necessary, however, to share this decision with Dominicus, who was being besieged at Mitylene and who held among them the highest rank and dignity, for nothing could be accomplished without his assent. And so, upon being provided with a ship, he sailed to Mitylene, met with Dominicus, and discussed the peace. Since the proposals were received by him also with joy, and he rendered great thanks to the Emperor for his clemency, he returned from there and crossed back to Phocaea, bringing with him another man who was to worship the Emperor in the name of Dominicus. As many of the nobler sort ^B who were besieged in Phocaea—taking with them the son of Sarchanis and the other hostages as if they were a gift—came to the Emperor, worshiped him, and begged to obtain forgiveness for their errors committed during the war. The Emperor received them mildly and graciously and immediately granted them pardon; and he fulfilled in deed all that the Grand Domestic had previously promised them. When they had returned Mitylene to the Emperor and the garrisons had been expelled, the Emperor restored his son to Sarchanis, and while the other Persians gave him great thanks for the liberation of their children, he himself sailed to Byzantium, having recovered Lesbos, which had already fallen under the Latins, for the Roman Empire.

CHAPTER XXXII.

A short time later, a messenger arrived from the west from those in charge there, reporting that the Albanians dwelling near Balagrita and Canina, unstable in their disposition and by nature covetous of novelty, had broken the treaties they had made with the Emperor. ^C They attacked the cities there by surprise, were treating them cruelly, and were plundering them. These men had previously dared to do such things, and having gathered in great numbers, being men in poverty, they had wronged the cities, until the Emperor, having sent an army against them, constrained them to maintain peace and to do no wrong to the westerners. When

^A however the army had been disbanded and returned home, and summer arrived, they were no longer able to keep the peace, but were harassing the cities there with brigandage and overt incursions. Many at that time, having the same intent to do wrong, banded together and were committing grievous outrages from Balagrita and Canina. They had already occupied a fortress named Screparium and the Kleisoura. They had also seized the fortress of Timouron, which was itself situated in the west near Balagrita, and they held these securely for the purpose of their brigandage and frequent incursions. For these reasons, therefore, the Emperor decided that he must march against them. ^B Additionally, the death of John Doukas, the ruler of Acarnania, which occurred during the same period, prompted the Emperor even more to set out for the west, hoping to bring Acarnania under his own authority. As he was planning these things, it seemed to him that he needed to summon Persian infantry from Ionia on account of the Albanians. For they inhabited great mountains that were difficult of access, and which contained many refuges and hiding places, and they could not easily be harmed by cavalry. Especially in the summer, when they would ascend to the summits of the mountains, where it is not easy to draw up infantry in opposition, owing to the ruggedness of the terrain and the fact that those defending from above strike the heads of those advancing from below. Therefore, he sent to Amour and requested infantry support. He [Amour] gladly accepted the Emperor's embassy (for he counted it of the greatest importance to do anything that was in accordance ^C with the Emperor's will), and immediately sent the army to Thessalonica. When the Emperor, leading the Roman army, arrived there, he took with him the Persian forces and marched through Thessaly against the Albanians, and reached as far as Epidamnus, plundering them, and many of them were destroyed. For, having heard of the Emperor’s approach and thinking that it was only Roman cavalry, they fled to the mountains and the inaccessible regions, believing they would be safe from destruction there. But the Persians, who were light-armed troops and archers—to whom fighting in inaccessible places is most easy—defeated them without any trouble; not only because, being unarmed, they fell when struck from afar, but also because, being barbarians, they were struck with amazement at the strangeness of the situation. They ^D killed many of them, and took many others prisoner. Those who were able to flee, leaving behind their children, wives, and other possessions, hid themselves I know not where. The Persians carried off the women and children into slavery; some of these were ransomed by their fellow tribesmen—those who had not offended the Emperor—by paying a price to the Persians. The Emperor himself also ransomed many with his own money, when their relatives came and supplicated him; and he would have ransomed more, perhaps all, if they had come to him sooner, while the Persians were still following along with the rest of the army. But because they came after their departure, he sent and liberated as many as he possibly could; the greater part of the captives, however, were led off into the east, and the Romans took no captives (this is the note of Jacobus Pontanus).

^A For it is not permitted for them to enslave anyone, unless they be barbarians who do not believe in the economy of Christ the Savior for us. They did, however, seize an almost countless number of livestock, as well as furniture and no small amount of other wealth. It was said—and it was true—that later, when those who had suffered harm approached the emperor after that great disaster and reckoned their own losses, it became evident that the Romans had acquired in the spoils three hundred thousand oxen, five thousand horses, and one million two hundred thousand sheep. The army could not drive such immense herds, so they carried off only the owners and left them to wander about without shepherds, as chance would have it. ^B But the cities, having suffered indignities at the hands of the Albanians, came running, and each town took as much as it pleased, with no one hindering them. The owners themselves, once they had promised subjection for the future, recovered no small amount, finding them dispersed throughout the forests and valleys, and also purchasing much from the army; for five hundred sheep they paid one gold coin, and for the same number of oxen, one hundred. It had been the custom previously for the army, whenever they captured any spoils, however much or little, to offer the fifth part to the emperor as a prize of valor or honorarium, and an equal amount to the Grand Domestic, as the supreme leader of the entire army. On this occasion, they completely abandoned this custom; nor was there anyone to complain about the fifth part not being rendered, but it was permitted to each man to take as much as he wished for his own private property, as if from perennial rivers. ^C Such were the injustices they inflicted upon the western Albanians, and such was the reward they later received for their evil deeds. The cities, however, which had previously been plundered, received a double fruit, being both delivered from the rapine of the Albanians and enjoying the emperor's arrival and providence, which brought them a more abundant and clearer pleasure. Therefore, they kept the most joyous holiday of their lives. For from the times of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus up to this second Andronicus of the Palaiologoi, no other emperor had come to them, nor had one looked after them so solicitously. Hence, they interpreted his coming not as that of some mortal from the earth, but as though some god had descended to them from heaven. ^D Having suppressed the Albanians, the emperor dismissed the Persians, who, passing through Thessaly and Bottiaea, arrived at Thessalonica, and from there crossed by ship into Ionia. He himself, however, was occupied with the care of an incursion into Acarnania; but while he was still tarrying at Balagrita, word of his hostile arrival had already spread, and there was much talk among the Acarnanians. There were those, therefore, who thought that he should neither be admitted into the cities, nor should they depart from their ancient benevolence toward the Angeli, who had ruled them for a long age, and obey the emperor afterward, but rather...

^A should keep their faith firm toward the wife of the despot John, the empress Anna—who was the daughter of the protovestiary Andronikos Palaiologos, whom we have recorded as having been most responsible for the last of the wars among the emperors—and toward her son, Nikephoros. Others, however, replied that they ought to receive the emperor and not stir up war. For if they were to submit now to the emperor, they would preserve their country and themselves untouched by the evils of war, and would request from the emperor what was advantageous for the empress and for Nikephoros, her son. But if they were to set out for war, first of all, they would not be able to hold out against the emperor, not only because he was leading a numerous army, but because there was no one to oppose him in generalship or to stand against him in battle, since the despot’s son, Nikephoros, had not yet reached his seventh year. And even if they were able to hold out for a time, they would gain nothing more than having their country devastated and their army destroyed, and in the end they would be forced by necessity to submit to the emperor, not on the same terms as now, but on far more intolerable ones, for the emperor would be most enraged at them on account of the war. Such things occurred to them to say, not only because they believed that their counsel was advantageous to themselves and to others, but also because they were acting for the emperor in secret (for he had been corresponding with them clandestinely by letter during the time he was plundering and ravaging the Albanians). ^B Since their interests were thus divided in opposite directions, it seemed best to refer the counsel to the empress as well, so that all might follow wherever she inclined. She, first of all, gave them many thanks for providing not only for themselves, but also for her and her son, but she dissuaded them from arms, which they would not be able to use to good effect: since she was a woman, her son an infant, and they themselves, because of the interregnum, were distracted by factions and perishing. Rather, she said, the most prudent among them, who were most skilled in the conduct of public affairs, should be chosen to go as envoys to the emperor to request: first, that he betroth the daughter of the Grand Domestic to her son, Nikephoros; after that, if it could be done, that he permit them, living under their own laws, to administer their realm as they pleased. They would surrender the forces at hand for him to use wherever he wished, and he in turn would provide them with aid if they were in need. If these conditions were spurned, and he contended to subject the realm to himself in every way, then after requesting what was in the interest of herself, her son, and them, they should yield to him, lest through contention they involve both themselves and the country in the most extreme calamities of war. ^C Such things, then, the empress advised the Acarnanians. But when...

the majority of those who preferred peace were in agreement—for there were few who thought that a war against the emperor should be undertaken—the council voted, and they selected as their ambassadors those among themselves who were the most intelligent, to whom was entrusted the errand of going to the emperor and doing whatever was most advantageous and feasible for all of them in common. Having arrived at ^A Balagrita, they bowed before the emperor and explained the object of their mission. He replied that it was pleasing to him that the daughter of the Grand Domestic should be joined in marriage to his son, the Despot Nicephorus, and that he would permit the nuptials; indeed, he had granted this even while Nicephorus’s father was still alive, when he had sent an embassy to him for this very purpose. As for the queen mother and her daughters, he would take the appropriate care of them once they had abdicated their principality, so that they might pass their lives wherever it pleased them; and he would treat the ambassadors themselves and their leaders with honors and annual revenues, each according to their station.

However, he said that he would by no means permit them to retain the principality of Acarnania, subject to no one's rule, but would strive with every means to bring it under his own dominion and control. For, he said, his imperial ancestors had greatly desired to restore Acarnania to the Roman Empire, from which it had been unjustly severed by those who first caused it to revolt through their arrogance and lack of loyalty to the emperor, and who had established for themselves a private rule and, over a long period—while the emperors were occupied with wars against other nations—had strengthened their hold upon it. Now, having put other matters aside, he had come there for this purpose. If, therefore, they were willing to hand over their cities to him without toil and danger, he would be freed from trouble and they would secure for themselves great benefits. But if not, let them depart and see how they would protect their own fortunes.

The emperor spoke ^B thus. The ambassadors, perceiving that if they did not obey the emperor's words, nothing remained for them but to see their land devastated by war, with the Roman army prepared to invade, agreed to surrender both themselves and their cities. Not long afterward, when the emperor arrived, all the cities submitted willingly, as did the army along with the powerful men of the Acarnanians. The emperor, demonstrating to them much gentleness and generosity, did not only soothe the populations of the cities with new gifts, but he also rewarded the leaders with honors, annual pensions, and other favors. Having betrothed the daughter of the Grand Domestic to Nicephorus, and having arranged and established all things most rightly according to his own judgment and discernment, he visited the individual cities of Acarnania, not only for the sake of seeing them—which he had not seen before—but also to provide for their needs.

^A And most others accepted the yoke of the emperor with equanimity. But those for whom war had previously seemed more attractive could not refrain from new disorders. Thinking they would gain strength for war if they first sent away the boy Nicephorus—so that they might appear to be fighting for the boy and might persuade others to join them when they took up combat—they prevailed upon Richard, the boy’s tutor, and some others, to spirit away Nicephorus Doukas by secret flight. By night, they put him on a ship that was to cross the Ionian Sea, and they fled to the princess who held Tarentum (54).

Upon hearing of this escape, and not yet knowing the treachery of the schemers, the emperor—unable to recall the boy because of the great distance of Tarentum from Acarnania—remained in those cities for a short time and installed governors in each one, naming the protostrator Synadenos as commander over all of them. Having managed all other matters as he thought best, he went from there to Thessalonica, rejoicing and at the same time giving thanks to God that he had been granted the success of accomplishing without wars or dangers what his imperial ancestors had been unable to recover for the Roman Empire, even at great expense and with much exhaustion, after it had been severed under Alexios Angelos (55). For Michael, the first of the Palaiologoi to rule, had shown great zeal for the sake of Acarnania and Thessaly, but he lost many excellent troops and often wonderful generals while fighting against the Acarnanians and Thessalians, and his son Andronikos did the same after him. ^B Yet it fell to this man [Cantacuzenos], with only a small effort and without suffering any of the hardships of war, not only to subdue Acarnania but also Thessaly, and to reunite provinces that had long been severed with the rest of the Roman Empire.

Shortly thereafter he made his way to Adrianople. While he was staying there, Alexander, the king of the Moesians, sent an embassy to remind him of the words he had spoken to him at Rhosocastron regarding an alliance, ^C desiring to be informed whether this marriage was pleasing to him. This embassy was not very welcome to the emperor; he would have preferred to keep his daughter at home rather than hand her over to Alexander’s son for the communion of marriage, since he knew that for a girl raised in Greek customs and laws and in imperial fashion, association with barbarians would not be pleasant. Nevertheless, thinking that these nuptials would be advantageous to the Roman Republic, he betrothed his virgin daughter (56). The legates, delighted that they had been able to persuade the emperor to the bond of affinity, departed; he himself returned to Byzantium to prepare for his daughter’s wedding. ^D

Notes of Jakob Pontanus

^A Migne’s marginal letters were present; his request to know the conditions of the betrothal was granted. This was not to the Emperor's liking; for he preferred to keep his daughter at home rather than give her to Alexander’s son in marriage, knowing that her life among the barbarians would not be agreeable to one who had been reared in the manners and customs of the Greeks and of the imperial court. Yet, thinking it profitable for the Roman commonwealth to bestow his daughter, he promised to do so. So the ambassadors of King Alexander returned to their own land rejoicing that they had been able to persuade the Emperor concerning the betrothal. The Emperor himself came from Adrianople to Byzantium, as if to prepare for the marriage of his daughter.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

As the summer was now drawing to a close, it was reported from Triglia, near the Hellespont, that a Persian force, infantry chosen from the cities of the East, under the command of Orchanes, was prepared to cross in thirty-six ships to the regions near Byzantium, either on the very night it was reported, or the following day; and that they were so prepared that they would not soon return, nor were they intending to carry out a stealthy raid, but rather to plunder everything shamelessly and with great excess. ^B Since, therefore, the arrival of the barbarians was sudden, and the narrowness of time did not allow for an equal army to be gathered, the Emperor commanded the great domestic to take the men who were then in Byzantium, small in number though they were, and meet the onset of those coming to the maritime regions of the city; the Emperor himself, intending to attack from the sea at the same time, was arming triremes. The great domestic stationed his army at a place called Enacosia, and having set guards over the areas where he suspected the Persians might make a landing, he spent the night there. Toward dawn, some of the scouts reported that the barbarians had landed on the shore there; they confirmed the truth of their report by the wounds they had received from them. But the barbarians did not all land in one place; rather, staying not far from each other, they established two naval stations; those from one group turned toward other regions, while those of the other group, having sent ahead a few of their own as scouts, advanced in formation as if they were going to pass through the fields where the great domestic was waiting in ambush. As soon as those who had been sent ahead came near the Roman army, all but a few fell, having encountered an enemy they did not expect; and those who had escaped, having returned to their own army, reported how their companions had fallen when they had encountered some small force, as it seemed (for they could not see clearly through the night), but one that was spirited and invincible in war. The matter being understood, the Persian leaders readied themselves for a conflict, and as the light spread over the land, the battle was joined. The Persians, who were noble and esteemed among their own, all defended themselves for a long time. However, overcome by force, except for seven, all either fell in the battle or were taken alive into our power. At that same hour, the Emperor was sailing up in two triremes, which he had manned by night (for the rest were not suitable for navigation at that time); and having learned that some of the barbarians had been routed by the great domestic, and that he was already marching against the others, the Emperor disembarked from the trireme, since horses were not present for the Emperor, and mounted the horse of the do-

domestic, and leading the army, he hastened against the Persians with much speed and zeal. ^B And having arrived at the regions where the Persians were plundering, he joined battle and conquered them decisively. Except for a few, even they either fell in the battle or were taken captive. As for those who were able to escape destruction by fleeing to their ships, they filled one, and embarking eight into two others—ten in one and ten in the other—and hoisting their sails and having the good fortune of favorable winds, they escaped destruction beyond expectation; thus God from above disposed both the salvation and the defeat of the barbarians. ^C For the two triremes that had come with the Emperor, when they saw the Persians hoisting their sails toward the open sea in flight, gave up the pursuit by rowing because they saw from afar that the Persians were using a favorable wind, and they themselves set out to hoist their sails. But as they were hoisting them, the ropes with which they were raising the yard ruptured for some; for others, the yard, having been lowered, fell onto the deck; and thus, in despair, they gave up the pursuit. The remaining thirty-five Persian ships were left empty on the shore. The Emperor and his men, spending the night there with the triremes, despoiled the corpses of the enemies.

About the middle of the same night, other barbarians, with nine ships, ignorant of what had taken place, sailed up to the same shores as if to join the others; but meeting the two Roman triremes unexpectedly, they ^D were struck with amazement at the unforeseen event. Nevertheless, taking courage from the scantiness of their numbers, they attempted a battle, and they were near to destroying them, for they had already leapt aboard one of the ships. But the rowers, turning to the defense, defeated them and gained control of all the Persian ships, with only one being able to escape. These, too, were, just like the former, chosen men of the most renowned among the Persians. Whence even the soldiers, if those whom they had captured were sought by their kin, sold them for great sums of money. In this manner the evil barbarians perished miserably.

The Emperor, when all things for his daughter's nuptials were prepared and arranged, set out from Byzantium to Adrianople to celebrate them there. At the same time came Alexander, king of the Mysians, with his son Michael Asanes, having already named him king himself. And the prayers, or blessings, and whatever the sacred laws prescribe regarding nuptials, were performed in the city. The banquets, however, and the drinking bouts, and whatever had been devised for the joy of the nuptial festivities, were held in the meadows called Comnenes, not far from the city, near the river Tuntzas; and after eight days had been spent by the Mysians and Romans in these sacred nuptials, on the ninth day King Alexander and the Mysians, taking the Emperor's daughter, their Queen Maria of the Palaiologan line, led her away into Mysia, with many people of Roman nobility [accompanying her] as far as Tri-

- bovos. There, those who had been commanded by the Emperor to stay with his daughter were left behind, and the rest departed for home.

After no little time, those among the Acarnanians who did not wish to serve the Emperor—and who, furthermore, were inciting others to war—thinking the Emperor’s absence gave them an opportunity for rebellion, and having formed an alliance with many others, [decided to act]. Nicolaus Basilitzes, together with the Cabasilas family, seized Arta—which is the capital of the cities of Acarnania—having caused it to revolt from the Emperor; and they threw the Protostrator, who was staying there, into prison under guard. Alexius Cabasilas seized Rhogoi. Forty others of the same conspiracy [seized] Thomokastron, a coastal town upon the Adriatic Sea; for no other town was failing [the Emperor], but rather they flourishing in recent zeal and benevolence toward the Emperor. And these towns were not few: Mesopotamia, Sopotus, Chimarra, Argyrocastron, Parga, Saint Donatus, Angelocastron, Joannina. Also Eulochos, Baltos, and several other fortresses.

Those who had deserted the Emperor sent an embassy to the Princess, the mistress of Taranto, and requested Nicephorus, the son of the Despot, as their ruler, that he might rule over them according to his paternal inheritance, and [they requested] an alliance with which they might also be able to cause the other cities to revolt from the Emperor, either by their willing approach or by forcing them with arms. The Princess gladly received Nicephorus, who had fled to her; for she hoped to gain power over Acarnania through him. And again, when she heard that some had deserted the Emperor and had switched [their loyalty] to him, she sent him forth eagerly, and having betrothed to him one of her daughters (for she had two), she provided as much help as was possible. ^B For this Princess was a descendant of Baldwin, who had reigned over Byzantium for a time while it was captured by the Latins; and she publicly proclaimed him, the founder of her family, to have been Roman Emperor, and herself [as his granddaughter] to be the Empress of the Romans. Hence she strove to be able to rule, at least in part, over the Roman principality. For this reason, she also sent Nicephorus off eagerly with a naval force, thinking that if he were the husband of her daughter and the lord of Acarnania, she would possess what she had desired—[this Nicephorus] who was living in the coastal city of Thomokastron. ^C

When the Emperor perceived the state of affairs in Acarnania, he did not think it best to go there himself with an army, as autumn was already growing old; but he ordered John the Pincerna and Monomachus to hasten there with their forces and to winter there, and at the same time to bring help and protection to the cities that were still faithful, and [to bring] fear to them, lest they desert by the example of the others; and at the same time, if they could not completely besiege the rebellious ones, at least to harass them with raids, so that when spring began and the Emperor arrived with the army, they—having been worn down by hardships and piled high with miseries from the enemy during the winter—would be more easily subjugated. The Pincerna, carrying out his orders, wintered in Acarnania. ^D

[LATIN-COLUMN TRANSLATION STARTING HERE, MERGED WITH GREEK]

still guarding cities for the Emperor, ^A and punishing rebels. In early spring, the Emperor himself arrived with a hostile army, and he honored the peoples and nobility of other cities with many gifts for their loyalty and goodwill toward him; however, having divided his army into three parts [(61)], he proceeded to press the perfidious cities with a most persistent siege. ^B Thomocastrum, therefore, where the duke Nicephorus resided, bore the siege easily, insofar as it was being attacked by the Romans only from the mainland; for on the side of the sea, all things necessary for use were imported and exported, because the Emperor possessed no fleet. Arta, however, and Rhogus, because they were situated on the mainland, sustained great scarcity from the siege, since, beyond what they had acquired for themselves in the winter before the Emperor's arrival, they could bring in nothing, and were utterly destitute of both grain and the rest of their provisions. But although they were so ill-prepared to endure a siege, they did not at all diminish their bitterness; nor, furthermore, did they think they should yield and submit to the Emperor even in words, but rather that they should endure all things and use even abominable food rather than surrender themselves. The Emperor was personally besieging Arta and, attacking the walls strongly and continuously, he brought up all engines suitable for the assault. The people of Arta brought the Protos-strator out of prison and sent him to the Emperor, ^C either fearing that he might attempt some novelty—as some had conspired with him—or planning something else; they themselves defended themselves bravely from the walls and showed all the engines and attacks to be empty and vain. When a long time had been worn away in the siege (for it had lasted from the very beginning of spring until the end of summer), the Emperor decided to betake himself to Rhogus and to speak with Cabasila face-to-face, trusting that he would persuade him, so that, gradually softened, he would surrender the city freely without a fight. But he was so far from obeying the warnings that he even threatened that, if by any cause whatsoever it should happen that the Emperor became master of Rhogus, he would cast himself down from the tower, so that, being captured alive, he would not be forced to serve the Emperor again. So much did hatred and anger prevail in him. ^D

^A The Grand Domestic, however, remembering how this very Cabasilas, when the Emperor first was recovering Acarnania, had often and earnestly begged to be numbered among his friends and associates, and how he, yielding to his request, had by his own care and singular providence brought great profit to the man, and having been encouraged by the hope that through that friendship he would accomplish something, went to Rhogus accompanied by a few attendants. Cabasilas, catching sight of him as he approached from the wall, sent to beg him not to come near the walls, for he did not wish to converse with him. For he had once for all resolved either to have no dealings with the Romans or to die—a prospect which was the most hateful and sorrowful of all evils. But the Grand Domestic replied that these words had nothing to do with him, for since he had pledged himself to be a friend to Cabasilas, he did not shirk his duty to act as a friend. If he were to reject him when he came to meet him, he would be tainting his own reputation, appearing as an inconstant and dishonest person toward his friends, especially since he had previously asked and obtained that he be included in the number of his friends. Cabasilas affirmed that he neither wished nor was able to abjure the friendship he had initiated with him, and that he was tormented by this, and was undergoing a kind of tyranny, and was not a little saddened that he was not conversing with him in person at this time, but through others. He feared, indeed, that if he were with him, he might not be able to restrain himself, but would suffer the same thing that happens to the insane, who tear their own bodies with pleasure, ^B not knowing what they are doing on account of their disease. Therefore, said the Grand Domestic: "I praise you for being so overcome by friendship, by which any wise person is glad to be overcome. But if it is burdensome and grievous for you to meet me entirely, then look to the second best: come to the bridge of the river, so that by conversing with each other from opposite sides, both I may attain to having spoken with you, and you may be preserved from that which you fear most, which is to be near me." Since he was persuaded and came to the bridge, they discussed other things that one would say to a friend, and the Grand Domestic ^C reproached him for the defection of the cities, of which he had been the primary cause. In defense of himself, he replied that he had acted for his own advantage and that of the other Acarnanians, liberating them from the servitude of the Romans and recovering for them the ancestral principality of the Angeli. After these and other things had been discussed between them, the one departed for the camp, promising to return on the third day, and Cabasila retreated into the town, refusing a second meeting. On the third day, the Grand Domestic ^D arrived at Rhogus again, to meet with Cabasilas once more...

^A Cabasilas, having delayed for a short time, when he saw that he would not leave, came out again and, crossing the bridge, met with him. The Grand Domestic conversed with him for a significant time, and although he was unable to persuade him to go over to the Emperor and surrender the town, yet he did persuade his mind not to consider dying under siege as something entirely unavoidable for those under the Emperor, nor to hold it preferable to slavery. Having taken leave of him, and having announced that he would return again soon, they each withdrew, one to the camp and the other to the town. After a few days, having approached again and spent the day with him outside the walls, he persuaded him to come over to the Emperor and surrender the town. When he had persuaded him, he left him again in Rhogus, while he himself went to report to the Emperor, who was encamped near Arta, that Cabasilas was ready to hand over Rhogus. While traveling, when he reached a certain spring flowing with cold, clear, and very sweet water to drink, he decided that they should dismount from their horses and take lunch; so they dismounted and reclined. ^B After a short time, Cabasilas was seen riding up in haste, and when he was near, before he could utter a word, "I suppose," said the Grand Domestic, "that you are being blamed by your companions, who are complaining of your excessive rashness in coming to me, whom you consider an enemy, without any pledge of safety, and in such an ill-considered manner; but you wished to prove by your very actions that you are doing what is necessary, not in ignorance or recklessness, but well knowing to whom you are entrusting yourself, leaving those men to their foolish thoughts and coming to us, whom you have judged more trustworthy than the others." Cabasilas replied that, had he not come first himself after the words spoken at Rhogus, he would have found it difficult to believe that no one had received the news of what was said there. "For it was because of those very things spoken between us," he said, "that I left them and flew to you. You are the one to know what is better for me to do: should I advance to the Emperor with you, or remain here as long as you command? For I would have you know that I would never have surrendered to the Emperor; but, just as I told them, I would have preferred to die than to be made subject to him. But I confess that I have been completely overcome by my love for you, and for that reason I have handed over myself and my fellow citizens, so that it may be in your power to determine what you wish for us." ^C The Grand Domestic, having thanked him greatly for his good will, sent Cabasilas back to Rhogus, ^D and said that he himself would come the next day with royal gifts, and would receive both him and the others into the power of the Emperor. From there he went to the Emperor and recounted how Cabasilas and the Rhogians had surrendered, and having been granted authority by him to bestow whatever he deemed just and proper for the sake of benefit toward them, on the following day he entered Rhogus; the Rhogians received him as the town was surrendered; he himself distributed the Emperor's gifts, as was also appropriate, and having taken those among them who were held in highest esteem, he brought them along with Cabasilas to the Emperor; to those who were doing homage and promising their subjection, he responded with gentle and mild speech, and having praised them for their turn for the better, he urged them to be diligent.

^A Cabasilas, however, said that while such language from the Emperor was appropriate for others, it was not so for him. For if he had done anything in accordance with the Emperor’s wishes, the credit should be attributed not so much to him as to the Grand Domestic. For he explained that just as he had initially persuaded him, so too when he had come to the Emperor at Rhogoi and declared that he would rather die than be subject to the Emperor again, he had held that same mindset right up until the previous day. He did not know, he said, how he had been utterly overcome by the words of the Grand Domestic and had broken his own resolve. He knew only this clearly: that he had been led captive by his words, and that he had adopted an intention contrary to his previous one, such that whatever might happen, as long as he had breath in him, he would never depart from the friendship of the Emperor and the Grand Domestic. ^B Having spoken thus, Cabasilas was extolled by the Emperor; responding with many words, the Emperor showed him his own kindness and favor, and honored him with the rank of Grand Constable, and the others proportionally.

The besieged at Arta, learning that Cabasilas and the people of Rhogoi had returned to the authority of the Emperor, reviled them as traitors to the common good, and as men who for their own private gain had abandoned the common interests, and they condemned their depravity and the baseness of their ways. They were so disposed that, although they were being besieged, they were unwilling to yield, neither for fear of the evils of war nor for the promise of ten thousand good things.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

^C Not long after the surrender of the people of Rhogoi, the Grand Domestic, approaching the gates of Arta, requested an opportunity to speak with Basilitzes, who was in command of the city. When he had come out before the gates, the Domestic began as follows: "It was not fitting that you, endowed as you are with intelligence and judgment, should have allowed yourselves to be carried away by such blind impetuosity, so that neither beforehand, although I exhorted you, did you deliberate on anything useful, nor afterwards, when persuaded by the experience of evils, have you changed your mind. ^D For if, when we first arrived among you before the siege had begun, you had obeyed me when I advised you rightly, you yourselves would have been immune from the evils of the siege, and your land, from which even you, the notables, received large revenues, and the common people obtained an abundance of the necessities of life, would have been kept whole and intact for you. Now, both your own revenues have failed, your property having been destroyed, and the common people are in danger of perishing from want. For to relieve the poverty of inland cities when war or some other calamity has devastated the countryside is not easy."

^A Although if it were entirely possible for us, once having been relieved of the siege, to live in security, even then you would not seem to wise men to have consulted your own interests, clearly because of the injuries received. Yet even more severe calamities are to be expected in the future. For it is not, I say it is not, possible—unless something quite unexpected should be sent from heaven for your salvation—that anything should deter us from the assault, so that it is likely that, along with the countryside, you will lose the city as well.

I am amazed, however, that while you are suffering from the same or even greater evils as the people of Rogoi, and while you are on the point of necessity falling under the legal authority and power of the Emperor, you not only do not commend them—as men who have provided well and honorably for their own interests, because before they reached the ultimate crisis, they secured for themselves safety and an advantage through a change of counsel—but you even pour out many insults upon them because they did not wish to be companions in your own rashness and folly. Yet consider how unjust and how harmful you are, both to yourselves and to the rest of the Acarnanians, while you persist in this way of thinking. For you yourselves have been consumed and destroyed by the war, and you have brought no common damages upon other towns, even though they were not participants in your defection. For an army, ^B and especially so large a one, residing in a foreign territory, cruelly ravages the enemy's fields. But if it takes food from the province of its allies and its own, it causes a sudden famine for it. You act, furthermore, most unjustly: for the sake of the Roman Empire, which has been yours from roughly the times of Julius Caesar (64), you introduce the domination of the Tarentines, a barbarian people. For Nicephorus, for whose sake primarily you profess to be waging this war, has not sufficient strength to secure liberty—neither for you nor for himself; but having fled to the Tarentines, he thinks that, aided by the power from there, he will drive the Emperor out of Acarnania. That he can do this, it is not right for you to think, nor, if they are able, will they be able to do it without great labors and dangers.

Those, therefore, who take up such a war on your behalf against the Emperor—if they are able to emerge as the victors—do you not think that they will hold your province as the prize of their virtue and their many struggles? You do not think correctly if you do not believe this. For my part, even if you were able through yourselves to acquire the principality of Acarnania for Nicephorus, I would pronounce you most injurious to the Emperor. For the Angeli did not obtain the principality by liberating Acarnania from the Barbarians, ^C but while it was already subject to the Roman Emperors, and while they held an annual commission for that territory from them, because of the war which the Latins waged against the Romans, they claimed the lordship for themselves as their own. To whom, I say, to the Latins... ^D

^A And others of the western provinces, over which each of them happened to be appointed governors, [also claimed them for themselves], because there was no passage for the emperors of the Romans to reach them, since Thrace and Macedonia were held by the Latins. ^B Later, after many years, when the Roman empire was being governed by the Palaiologoi, they expelled the Latins from the Roman lordship, with God assisting them, and they reunited Asia and Europe, over which they were ruling; but they were unable to recover Acarnania from the Angels who demanded it. Rather, doing what was unjust and violent, they pushed them away; and though they often sent an army against them, they took up arms, and brought the neighboring barbarians as allies. ^B But one would not say that the emperor who is now campaigning against you, and who has made you subject with help from above, is acting unjustly when he takes away a lordship that belongs to others; rather, he is acting most justly in recovering his ancestral [rights]. For if it is just for Nicephorus to derive his authority from ancestors who were not very many, then it is much more just for the emperor, who is a descendant of the Romans who reigned from the beginning, and [who is] their legitimate successor according to the principle of succession. But if the length of time seems to you sufficient to justify [your position], know that you are reasoning the opposite of the truth; for you are more worthy of punishment on this account, because you have been doing injustice for so much time. ^C If, therefore, you cannot evade capture by any artifice, and if you had the power to drive out the emperor from Acarnania, that would not justify the injustice; why then, by struggling in vain, must you increase your own misfortune, and not listen to me, who am advising you the better things, so as to become the cause of great benefits for yourselves, and to release us from a little labor which we will endure in subduing you? That my advice is beneficial to you, you may use your kinsmen and associates, the Rogers, as consultants; they themselves will testify, to those who wish to call upon them as advisors, of the amount of favor and care they were deemed worthy of by the emperor, after they entrusted everything concerning them to me. ^D If you too entrust your own affairs to me, you will know well that you have trusted a man who is truthful, just, and able to do good. Therefore, it is not just to demand a defense regarding these things now, when the majority are absent and you are unpracticed in these matters; but once you have gathered an assembly and deliberated about what is necessary, give your answer on the morrow, if you please. ^D Having said these things to the Artaioi, he withdrew to the camp, leaving Cabasilas and the other Rogers to converse with them.

Jacobi Pontani notes. (65) Theodore Lascari, declared emperor near Nicaea in Bithynia. (66) For 65 years. In the meantime, the Constantinople emperors had their seat in Bithynia. The first of the Latins to reign in Constantinople, in the year of our Lord 1200, was Baldwin of Flanders for two months. After he was captured and killed by the Moesians and Bulgarians, there was an interregnum for one year and four months. Second, Henry, son of Baldwin, who died without children. Third, Peter, Count of Auxerre. Fourth, Robert, son of Peter. Fifth, Baldwin II, son of Robert. Until Michael Palaiologos wrested the empire from the Latins and restored it to the Greeks, in the year of our Lord 1258. How the Latins occupied that famous city, and what horrible crimes they committed, is taught at length by Nicetas in *Alexius Comnenus*, Book 1, during the reign of Alexius Ducas, surnamed Murtzuphlus. (67) Not even by prescription in kingdoms and provinces, and the fact that one may have possessed for even a hundred years a kingdom not his own, which he occupied unjustly, can he be expelled by the legitimate heir; regarding which let the jurists decide.

^A Arigos having addressed them, returned to the camp, leaving behind Cabasilas and certain of the Rhogii, by whose discourses especially they might be led to the emperor's obedience. The Artaei, having departed from the gate, convened a council, in which, as affairs seemed not to be tending towards a good outcome, it was decided to pass over to the emperor via the grand domestic as mediator. And on the following day, having come before the city gates, and because the grand domestic was present demanding their answer, they said: “We do not think, so we believe, that we have offended the emperor in such great matters, nor in such a way as to provoke him to such anger that he should decree our utter destruction. For knowing that Acarnania had long been for many years completely detached from the Roman empire and under the power of the Angeli, and seeing the emperor now ^B subjugating it, and having stripped the boy Nicephorus of the principality that rightfully belonged to him from his father, and thinking it an injury to him and the ultimate ingratitude on our own part if we did not strive with all our might to assist Nicephorus with the inheritance of his paternal estate, we undertook this action and withdrew the cities from the emperor—not thinking that he himself would consider it such a grave matter if a province, which had not been under the rule of the Romans for many emperors now, were governed by another—even under himself—to whom it was due primarily in the name of succession. But now, perceiving him to be exceedingly angry with us and continuing the siege for a considerable time already; and furthermore, having been informed yesterday by you and some others of our friends that the emperor considers our defection to be an injury and feels that he must not cease ^C from the siege until he has subdued us, either by famine or by force, our determination to change our course stands. Nor do we wish to continue resisting the emperor and you so many in arms, fearing lest, instead of liberty, we bring devastation upon our fatherland and perish together with it. Therefore, having desisted from warring against the emperor, we surrender ourselves and the city through you. You yourself will know in what manner you should administer our affairs and make this subjection to the emperor more agreeable to us and to our fatherland than liberty itself.” The grand domestic, having praised them for what was said, replied: “If your reply had not ended with a prudent clause, I could have, as I also did yesterday, amply shown that the emperor is doing nothing contrary to equity, but rather that he suffered injury ^D previously under the Angeli, who for a long time now have been wrongfully possessing Acarnania, and now from you, who have wickedly defected, when you ought instead to have endured anything whatever, and have been the cause of such great expense and trouble to him. But since, as was fitting, you have departed from your untimely contention and foolish obstinacy, and have offered yourselves to the emperor by voluntary surrender, I give you, and on your account, great thanks. Firstly, because you have joined the emperor and have not persisted in your former obstinacy, which perhaps would have brought destruction upon you. Secondly, because you desire that this be brought about through me, so that I may have the clear satisfaction of having personally saved you and brought you to the authority and faith of the emperor. Lastly, because you are establishing what is honorable and profitable for the fatherland, and

^A you have saved both yourselves and the fatherland; for which I confess that the price of safety—that is, the price of preserved liberty and health—is owed to you, because through a certain love for you, I consider all good things that flow to you to be my own good things." Having discoursed at length on such matters and others full of gentleness and grace toward them, along with Basilitzes, the prefect of the city, and having brought along the others who were of note, he led them to the emperor. Having obtained pardon for the things from which they had defected, and having received many other benefits, they returned, threw open the gates, and admitted the emperor and the rest of the army, having surrendered the city.

The emperor had previously been afflicted in his bowels and was suffering badly from them; but at that time, because of the hardships of the campaign, and especially because of the inclemency of the weather, he was ailing throughout the entire time of the siege. Moreover, the whole army was exercised by intense flux, fevers, and headaches, and few were those who escaped the evil. No one had died of the disease except Sphrantzes, the great stratopedarch; but after struggling with the disease for a long time, the others would recover. Horses, mules, and whatever other animals there were, could barely retain their life. For this reason, from the many, not many returned with horses. Arta having been received, the emperor remained there on account of his afflicted health. ^B 319

CHAPTER XXXVII.

The Great Domestic took his army and came to Thomocastron, which was already being besieged; where also Nicephorus, the son of the despot, having arrived from Tarentum with the other fugitives, while still a boy, was being besieged. ^C The Thomocastrians, as if overflowing with all resources because they held the sea, where there were no imperial triremes, were much more refractory than the others, and did not even deem the besiegers worthy of a bare word. For when the Great Domestic, for twenty-two days from his arrival, kept sending to them daily and asking the reason why they persisted in being so incompatible with the emperor, and would endure anything rather than be under him, they gave no answer; partly because they were not being attacked from both sides, by land and sea, and partly because they were awaiting an alliance from Tarentum, which they thought would release them from the siege by terrifying the Romans. ^D But after the twenty-second day, the expected ten triremes and three fifty-oared vessels arrived from Tarentum. Seeing these, those besieged in Thomocastron were filled with joy and celebrated their salvation, chanting praises from the wall as if they were already delivered from their evils; yet they were in no way less caught in these evils. For the Great Domestic, although he had placed his camp near the sea,

^A he did not move at all, but remained quietly holding the siege. The Tarentines rode at anchor, avoiding the land as if it were hostile ^B and making no landing near the city. On the third day thereafter, the Great Domestic, suspecting that the spirit of those in Thomocastron was flagging since they were not enjoying the Tarentine aid, sent a messenger to them to address them with words. He said that he was greatly astonished that they, being prudent men and experienced in affairs, as rumor declared them to be (for as yet, owing to his recent arrival, he had seen few of them), were now acting in a way that was not to their own interest, nor in a way that would absolve them of all blame. For while he had been sitting by the walls for some twenty-five days, eager to know the reason why it should seem utterly intolerable to them to be under the Emperor, they offered no reply, nor did they give any suspicion by their actions that they were prudently meditating either some harm to the enemy or some release from troubles for themselves. Instead, the same thing was happening to them that they say happens to the polyps, which, once they emerge from their lair ^C and take hold of something, do not easily let go until they have either left behind part of themselves or have been torn away from what they have gripped; such a thing was happening to them. For once they had said that they would not acknowledge the Emperor as their sovereign, they persisted in those same words incessantly and admitted no change, although if they were treating of unchangeable matters, they might have some reason to persevere in their original decision. But now, it was plain to see that they were discussing matters that do not remain the same for even a single day, but are subject to varied changes. Wherefore, their words should have been adapted to the circumstances for their own benefit. He urged them to send one of their wiser men to him, so that he might instruct them in what was expedient for them. And if, indeed, he were to agree with him, well and good; but if not, it would remain in their power to pursue what they deemed profitable. Thus he skirmished with them, as it were, in words. When they replied that they would send someone if it pleased their council, on the following day they sent Richard, the tutor of Nicephorus, who was more noble and prudent than the others. Upon meeting with him, the Great Domestic spoke thus: "I judge no mortal, unless he is completely bereft of his senses, ^D to undertake any action of any kind without looking to an end. Therefore, I assume that you rebelled in the first place, and now display this seemingly lofty spirit in the siege, for no other reason than to bring some benefit to Nicephorus, the Despot’s son, for his rule, and to yourselves for your own prosperity. Come, then, let us consider both: so that if we should find anything from what has been done, or from what you hope for, whereby your plans might reach their fulfillment, you do not omit it; but if, on the contrary, we find what you suspect...

^A to be the case, you should not only depart from what is not right, but also obey me when I advise what is for your benefit. You, then, having revolted from the Emperor, though he had committed no offense against you, crossed over to the Tarentines, not simply or without reason, but believing that by their alliance you would be able to bring Acarnania under your own control. But this is far from being possible; for they themselves, often moving of their own accord out of private greed and avarice against the Acarnanians with a great army, have indeed harassed the region with plunderings and misdeeds, yet they were not able to take any city either by storming it with arms or by forcing it to surrender through siege; rather, they withdrew having lost not a few of their own men, except for those which the leaders of Acarnania voluntarily ceded to them—namely, Vonitza, Naupactus, and Buthrotum—so that they might have them as allies in the war against the Emperor of the Romans. If, then, ^B those who were warring against the Acarnanians alone were unable to accomplish anything more, what hope is there of overcoming them now, when the Emperor is present with an army, who both before and now could more easily wage war against the Acarnanians and Tarentines together? Furthermore, neither is there any hope that any of the Acarnanians will desert with you; for those who had previously defected with you, the people of Rhogoi and Arta, having consulted well for their own interests, surrendered themselves to the Emperor and, having obtained many gifts for themselves and their fellow citizens, have found a happy state. It has been demonstrated, therefore, that the Tarentines, even if they were to come, will provide you with little or no service at all; and I shall attempt to show from this point that they will not even come in the first place. For whoever, on account of private grievances or as an ally, engages in a war, at the beginning, while he is most well-supplied with arms and money, sets upon the task eagerly; but if he is frustrated once or twice, his zeal grows cold. The Princess of Tarentum, therefore, as you yourselves believe, and we would not deny, began the war on your behalf eagerly within the very year ^C that you were being attacked by us, and in preparation sent these ten triremes; yet they are not only unable to defend you, they are unable to defend even themselves. For while I was encamped by the sea, the marines neither disembarked, nor could they have disembarked if they had been dead. It remains, then, for them to return empty-handed to the one who sent them. When she realizes that the war against the Emperor requires not moderate expenses and great labors, she will not attempt for the future things that cannot be done. And for you, frustrated of that aid, nothing will remain but that, troubled and oppressed by the lack of necessary goods, you must surrender yourselves as slaves and, fleeing your homes, serve in bondage, or, sitting and confined here in this stifling little town full of stench, perish together with your whole population. You are able, therefore, to see clearly the utility which you and Nikephoros, your despot, are about to reap from this defection. But even if we were to grant that the Tarentines, stirred up with great equipment, might come here, it is uncertain whether ^D even then they could drive us out of Acarnania, since they could not even depart without loss after having frequently attacked the Acarnanians alone. Even if we were to concede this, that they might be able to

^A overcome the cities by seeing themselves stronger [than us], even then your situation will be no better; it will be a wretched one. For you will be forced to serve them. They surely cannot be so foolish that, if they attain what they have often desired after great labors and perils, they would grant it to you without any necessity. As to what kind and how harsh the rule of the Tarentines and the other Latins is, you know better than we do from experience itself. Therefore, whether you will be aided by the Tarentines or not, whether they defeat us or are defeated by us, you will be only a step away from being in the most extreme distress. But also, for a man of prudence to think that we, having become lax through the length of time, will abandon the siege, is not to be expected. For we ourselves will not be stationed here beside you forever. Even now the Emperor, thinking that you, having been taught by the very outcome how poorly you have deserved of yourselves, would change your mind and approach him, is still waiting; and he has not yet distributed to others the properties you have in other cities. But if he despairs of you changing your mind, he will hand over not only your own possessions, but also the fortunes of your kinsmen to the most powerful of the Acarnanians, who, moved by the desire for their own gain and emboldened beyond their strength, will attack you as the most bitter of enemies with a small force received from the Emperor, and will not cease their siege until, having subdued you, they have made you homeless exiles along with your wives and children. We, along with the Emperor, will return home. ^B Observe, therefore, to what disasters this war will expose you. If you listen to me as I advise the better course, and surrender yourselves and the city to the Emperor, first of all, it will be possible for you to provide the help you are so anxious to give to Nicephorus, your despot. For I will pledge my daughter to him as his wife, which you yourselves surely know must be placed in the highest scale of good fortune. And I shall raise him as my own son; and the Emperor, because of the goodwill he bears me, will make his greatness illustrious among the Romans with honors and many benefits. Add to this that you yourselves will also gain not a few advantages from this. For the Emperor will heap up your wealth here, and from those things which will be assigned to Nicephorus, your despot, you will take some profit. I do not think it necessary to heap up more words, since those who are wise can understand from this what a great weight of evils war will bring, and conversely what a great abundance of good things surrender will bring. ^C You consider it and choose whichever you prefer." As the Great Domestic concluded, Richard, who did not deny that he himself held a leading place among the members of Nicephorus's household, said that the matter must be referred to them as well, and that they must decide in common what was fitting to be done. The Great Domestic approving, he promised to return the following day and bring back their answer, and withdrew into the city. Having gathered a meeting of those present, they discussed whether they should surrender themselves and the town, and they confirmed by consensus that they must follow the warnings of the Great Domestic. ^D Returning the next day, Richard called God to witness that they had cast off the Emperor’s yoke neither out of hatred for the Emperor nor for the sake of their own gain, but thinking that if they were the first to revolt, the rest of the Acarnanians would follow, and in this way

they would restore the paternal rule to Nicephorus, they had willingly cast themselves into danger, thinking they would procure glory for themselves and benefit for our master. But as matters had taken a turn for the worse, the outcome had been contrary to what they expected. Now, therefore, after much consideration of their present circumstances, nothing more advantageous had been found for the present moment, either for themselves or for Nicephorus, than what he himself had advised. For this reason, they were delivering themselves and the city to the Emperor through him: he himself would know ^B in what way he might best arrange matters for them.

The Great Domestic said such things, and praised them for their change of heart. He promised to accomplish for them what they needed from the Emperor, and ordered that upon returning to the city, they should take Nicephorus and the others and come to him. When, on the following day, they arrived at the camp, leading the Duke Nicephorus with them, while the Tarentines were still present with their fleet and observing what was being done, the Great Domestic left a garrison at Thomocastron so that the Tarentines might not commit any injustice while the army was withdrawing. He himself, having taken with him the Duke Nicephorus and the others, returned to the Emperor. The Emperor received them gladly and rewarded them with many benefits; he honored the Duke Nicephorus with the title of Panhypersebastos, and deemed him worthy of great benevolence and intimacy. Having remained in Acarnania for more than twenty days after that, and having established whatever were most necessary for the security of the cities, he set out for Thessaloniki ^C as winter was already beginning, in the month of November, and wintered there.

During that same winter, the wedding of Matthew Cantacuzenus, the eldest son of the Great Domestic, was celebrated at Thessaloniki. For he married the daughter of the Despot Demetrius, who was the son of Emperor Andronicus the Elder. When the wedding had been celebrated, most sumptuously and brilliantly, since the winter was already turning toward its end, the Emperor prepared to return to Byzantium. While he was in the midst of these preparations, the Parakoimomenos Apocauchus arrived from Byzantium. A few days later, he approached the Great Domestic and reminded him of the old benefactions ^D by which he had formerly been obligated to him of his own accord; he asked that the return of his son, which he received every year, might be granted by the Emperor to be established as an inheritance, and that he himself, with the Emperor's kind permission, might be allowed to enter a monastery, bidding farewell to all the things of this life and occupying himself in only one concern: how, from his soul—

CHAPTER XXXVIII

^A that he might wash away the stains branded upon his soul by his daily actions; and that this was the sole cause for this journey of his. The Grand Domestic, believing that he was speaking the truth, asserted that he neither would permit it nor would even speak to the Emperor about the matter. Apocauchus, however, approached him again and again, demanding the same thing, and swearing that he was asking for it with his whole heart, and that nothing could happen to him so beneficial as retreating from the world ^B; nor would he abandon the intention he had formed, no matter what might happen. He begged him, therefore, to be so gracious as to add this final favor to the many benefits already bestowed upon him. He appeared to be requesting this with urgency and seriousness. The Grand Domestic, although he was grieved and anxious in his heart about this retreat, yet seeing that the request was of the greatest importance, laid it before the Emperor. A true suspicion possessed the Emperor that the matter was not as he claimed, but that the whole thing was feigned for some other reason; therefore, he said he was surprised that the Grand Domestic could put any faith in it. When he asserted that it could not be otherwise, the Emperor said, "Therefore, I would have you test him, and tell him that I shall not approve of this, but rather will be greatly troubled if he withdraws from common life. However, lest I be seen as hindering a matter so honorable and pleasing to God, and thus appearing to grudge him what is good, I will not stand in the way." ^C The Grand Domestic replied, "There is no need to say this to him for the sake of testing him; for as soon as he hears the reply, he will take his leave and depart; but rather, if you have need of him, you should restrain him." But the Emperor ordered that the same things be said to him again, for he would surely listen and remain as he was before. The Domestic obeyed and reported the Emperor's reply to Apocauchus. He, without even waiting to hear the whole thing, said that he thought the Emperor was very much in favor of his retreat and was granting it with his whole heart, but since it was displeasing to the Domestic himself, he would not do it. The Grand Domestic, realizing that he had been previously deceived by his words, joking with the Emperor, told him what he had replied. The Emperor, not a little delighted by this, said to the Domestic in jest, "Now at least you will believe that I am more astute than you, and better at inferring the minds of men from their words." The Domestic then said that he had believed it long since, nor did the latter excel so much in judgment as to escape his notice; and that now he most especially acknowledged that he was far surpassed by him in the prudence of understanding. These things they joked about between themselves. ^D A few days later, Apocauchus met the Grand Domestic again and said that it was not permitted for him to renounce the world entirely, although he had most ardently desired it; but that a "second voyage," as they say, had occurred for him, namely, that by dividing his fortune among his sons, he would retain a larger portion of his wealth to contribute to the Persian war. "For you know," he said, "how, with the fleets full, the islands are already nearly..."

reduced to servitude, and how, crossing over, they incurse into Thrace and Macedonia, and even Hellas and the Peloponnese. Wherefore, if it seems advantageous ^A to you first, and then to the Emperor through your persuasion, that you declare me prefect of Byzantium and the islands, and provide from the treasury as much money as you wish, I will add from my own funds to equip a fleet and will contend against the Barbarians with all diligence and alacrity. Moreover, I think this naval expedition, by commanding the sea and restraining the Barbarians from ravaging the islands and the mainland, will not only be of no small benefit to the Romans, but will also provide a major impetus for the salvation of my soul, if, in expending my money as a kind of ransom for sins ^B against future events, it happens that I am either carried off captive by the Barbarians or killed." Since, therefore, there is no small utility resulting from this for the common good of the Romans and, separately, for my own salvation, I ask the Emperor and you to grant me this favor. The Grand Domestic, judging that Apocauchus was seeking what was advantageous for both himself and the Republic, agreed and promised that he would do it; and the matter having been reported to the Emperor, he began to urge him to comply with this petition, as it was salutary for the Republic. The Emperor inquired whether he said this from his heart and without dissimulation; and hearing that he was not speaking as if about some other matter, but was speaking with earnestness, he said that he marveled at him greatly ^C if he thought Apocauchus was a suitable person for such an undertaking. "For if, thinking he is a friend to you, you wished to confer this merit upon him, believe me, you are only deceiving yourself. For I am no less an enemy and foe to you than he is a friend. But if you are suggesting that he should take up the war against the Persians because it will be advantageous to the common good, I marvel all the more at what has persuaded you to try to persuade me of the same thing. Never has this man, never in all his life, performed any military deed, nor will he; he takes pleasure only in the collection and management of tributes, public monies, and revenues; in which office, since he has grown old, he has rightly acquired much experience. But these affairs and maritime battles require a man, ^D especially one who has endured military service from boyhood and has often given clear proofs of fortitude and military training." Then he said that he also was not unaware that Apocauchus, for as long as he had lived, had never been involved in any military operation, nor had he produced any evidence of a noble spirit or of warlike experience. For this reason, he said, he was not the one to move that the Persian war be entrusted to him as if to a suitable commander; but since he saw that the Persians were very strong in infantry and cavalry battles, against whom a well-experienced commander must be opposed, yet in naval conflict they were, due to their arrogance, most fearful and easily conquered by anyone one might encounter; and since he thought that in the Roman triremes there would be those most skilled in naval and land battle, whom he would be able to take as masters, he had therefore thought that his urge for such glorious deeds should not be repulsed, and that as a naval

^A demonstration he offered none, neither of courage nor of experience. From this, one would not advise entrusting to him the war against the Persians as if he were a capable commander. But knowing well that the Persians are most experienced in infantry and cavalry battles and require a formidable commander to stand against them, but in naval battles are most timid through inexperience and easily defeated by anyone they encounter; and furthermore, that there would accompany our galleys many who are most experienced in both naval and land warfare, whom he could use as teachers for the war—the emperor himself also thought that he ought not to blunt his zeal for such noble things—he said, "I have come to beg you to entrust the command to him. Perhaps his zeal, being seen to counterbalance his lack of daring and experience, will prove useful for some of the things that must be done." To this the emperor replied, "I see, indeed, that you are most eager to entrust the command of the galleys to Apocauchus. And for this reason, I do not wish to discuss him much; but do what you have chosen. I pray, however, that I may not be proven right in such matters."

As they were discussing these things with one another, since it had been decided to entrust to the Grand Parakoimomenos the command of Byzantium and the islands along with their annual tributes, imperial letters were written appointing him commander of the fleet against the Persians, and ordering that 100,000 gold coins be taken from the public treasury so that he might, from these and his own funds as promised, prepare the galleys and provide for the mercenary soldiers. ^B When he had received the letters and been entrusted with the command, he went to Byzantium, but he did not post the imperial letters to be read in church so that all might know that the fleet was a work of the emperor's benevolence and concern for them, and that the expense was supplied from the emperor's money, so that the common people might follow him with murmurs of praise and direct their acclaim to the emperor. Instead, he kept these things hidden. He himself, while he received the money secretly from the public treasurers, would openly demand more from his own household, and he built up the galleys and courted popularity, and was greatly celebrated by everyone because he spared neither his own money nor his efforts on behalf of the common good. Against the emperor, however, as was to be expected, complaints and murmurs were excited among the people, as one who took no care for the needs of his subjects.

Apocauchus, having equipped the galleys and sailed around the islands as far as Chios, having fallen in with nine Persian ships, captured them, men and all, and sailed back to Byzantium. ^C But when the emperor learned how he had acted wickedly regarding the imperial letters, and how he had spread word among the people that the expense for the galleys was not from the emperor, but from his own pocket, he became enraged at the man and called the Grand Domestic, as one who was always acting on his behalf, and said to him: "Do you see what Apocauchus is plotting? I, though many times I have set myself to do what is necessary, have been hindered by you and have desisted." These things he said, full of anger. The Domestic, conscious of being the author of this tragedy (for he had indeed advanced him to the command against the will of the emperor), departed in silence. The emperor remained at Thessalonica until the spring season, and from there he betook himself to Didymotichum and shortly thereafter to Byzantium; and when he had not stayed there long, he was about to set out again for Thrace, in order to rebuild an ancient city [Arcadiopolis] already in ruins, whose walls are even to this day still intact (which they say was founded by Arcadius, the son of Theodosius the Great, from whom it also found its name), being delighted, clearly, by the nature of the place. ^D For the emperor was also quite fond of building, and prepared to spend money on buildings not only out of necessity but also for the sake of pleasure. Certainly, near

^A Thessalonica he built from the foundations the place called Gynaecocastrum, and erected a tower of the greatest size and most sturdy, to withstand the siege engines of enemies; whence it took its name, implying that even if it were defended by women, it would frustrate any enemy attack. Near Pherae he also raised a Siderocastrum, so called for the solidity of its walls. He also restored Amphipolis, an old Greek city on the Strymōn river, which had been in ruins for many years, and he brought a colony there from the surrounding cities. Indeed, he also restored another seaside city in Thrace, which had also been in ruins, and which they say was founded by the emperor Anastasius of the Romans and named after him—he did not restore the whole of it, but as much as he could, enclosing it with walls, and called it Peritheorium. Furthermore, not far from the sea, he built a fort called Dipotamon. The emperor walled all these places not so much for the sake of glory as to make the locations in which he built them secure and safe. He wished to restore Arcadiopolis, which was necessary for preventing the incursions of the Scythians, with great expense, and to settle noble inhabitants there, so as to render it prosperous and wealthy, and—next to the great city—far superior to the other cities in Thrace.

CHAPTER XXXIX

^C But when certain disturbances were excited in the Church, while he was waiting a little while for the opportunity to cut off the causes of the trouble, he departed this life, having accomplished none of the things he had contemplated. For a certain monk, hailing from Calabria and raised in the customs and laws of the Latins, named Barlaam, skilled both in sharp understanding andmost capable of explaining what he understood, and having studied Euclid, Aristotle, and Plato, and being famous for these things, to the detriment of the Rom-

Roman empire, he came to Thessalonica. For he filled the Church, which was enjoying peace, with many great disturbances. ^A For, pretending to refute the Latin doctrines, he composed writings against them and demonstrated logically that they were failing in the doctrine of the faith; he also rejoiced in our own customs and laws, and in every way appeared to provide clear proofs that he had truly recognized the falsity of the Latin view. For these reasons, therefore, he enjoyed favor and honor from the Emperor, and the Great Domestic likewise loved him and held him in esteem, and nothing was lacking for his prosperity.

This Barlaam, then, whether he was imbued with this opinion from the very beginning, or whether he changed later—or, more correctly put, being incited by the common enemy of Christians—seeking some opportunity by which he might hold our ways up to mockery as if in a comedy and wage open war against us, approached, as if for the sake of learning, one of those who are called the "quiet" [or solitaries], a man entirely devoid of mind and reason, and differing little from a brute, and not even possessing the prudence of an uneducated person. He pretended that he wished to be instructed by him and to learn the way of stillness and the rules of obedience. He overcame the man with entreaties and stayed with him for a few days. After this, he demanded of that ignorant man that he teach him about stillness, and in what way he too might on that very day be counted among the solitaries.

The man, not perceiving the snare, and carried away by excessive levity, ^B taught that most wicked man other things as well as, in his foolishness, the way in which the solitaries, by advancing little by little and being tranquil and intent upon prayers, are suffused with an exaltation of soul and a certain ineffable and divine delight, and behold with their bodily eyes a light shining around them. Now, although Barlaam judged the man to be otherwise very unlearned and foolish, yet, on hearing that the light was perceived by bodily eyes, he could no longer keep quiet, but began a general attack upon the solitaries, calling them impostors, liars, Massalians, ^C and Omphalopsychi, and corrupters of the orthodox doctrines of the Church, and labeling them with similar terms; he openly testified that everyone ought to flee from their company, both those who were being seduced and those who were seducing. And yet, it was right that these men should be perfect in virtue and most skilled in the doctrine of religion, inasmuch as other mortals had entrusted their souls to them because of the piety they professed. ^D

^A And he not only publicly bruited these things abroad in words against the solitary life as the cause of the error, but he also wrote them down, so that the insult might be on record forever. These things were being done in Thessalonica at the time when the Emperor was away in Acarnania. Now there were many others staying there pursuing stillness, who took grave offense at the things Barlaam was bruiting about, and especially Gregory Palamas, who later became Archbishop of Thessalonica; he was of Asiatic descent and had been reared in the imperial courts. He and his two brothers, while yet of a very tender age, had abandoned their possessions, their parents, and everything else in human life that is conspicuous and admirable, together with the honors promised by the Emperor—as if they were things of little or no moment—choosing to follow Christ alone and to seek the brightness that is from Him; and having become Nazarites ^B to God, they chose poverty instead, and a lack of possessions and subjection for His sake. And having arrived at the holy mountain of Athos (which one would not be wrong to call a heavenly city), they committed themselves to the obedience of a spiritual father. There, in the spiritual arena where they were contending and running for the salvation of their souls, the youngest of the brothers was the first to depart, having set out toward the prize of the upward calling; and not long after him, the teacher was released from the bonds of this earthly and lowly flesh and flew to Him for whom he had longed from the beginning. To Gregory and his brother, left as orphans by their father, it seemed that they should no longer rely upon their own age; wherefore they submitted themselves to another spiritual father, under whom they spent eight years. After he also departed from these things by death, Gregory built a monastery at the Skete of Berrhoea and shut himself within it. Having cast aside every earthly care and conversing with God and himself alone, he spent ten years there, striving vehemently to break his appetites and subject them to the spirit, to such a degree that from the most assiduous and unremitting practice of piety ^C and the extreme cold of the cave, he fell into a severe illness and was not far from death. After ten years, he withdrew, upon the order of the discerning Fathers there, whose excellent counsels— next page begins

^A he had not followed; first, however, he lived for a considerable time among the monasteries on Mount Athos. Afterward, as the treatment of his illness became urgent, he came to Thessalonica. He, therefore, along with others who were not moderately indignant at Barlaam for mocking the institution of holy stillness and heaping many insults upon it, made use of certain friends as envoys to him. They asked him to cease from such sentiments and from speaking against the quietists (or solitaries), and not to condemn all because of the ignorance of one, and as far as it concerned him, to refrain from depriving men of the supreme and most perfect mode of life, while speaking falsehoods about things that were not and attacking it with calumnies as if it were the source of evils, and to allow himself to be persuaded to abstain from this. If he had heard anything unbecoming, he should attribute it to the ignorance of the speaker, but consider the [mode of life] itself a divine and holy thing, and cease from speaking against it. And if he had written anything against it out of misguided passion, he should consign it to the flames as worthy of perdition. For it is neither right, nor indeed reasonable, for someone desiring to learn geometry, astronomy, and the proportions of numbers, to go not to the most learned, but to the most ignorant—and yet in true philosophy and the knowledge of heavenly things, to take as a teacher one who is uninitiated in these matters. ^B For it was fitting for him, being a philosopher and excelling many in understanding, if indeed he desired to learn such things, either to have first sought [them] from God, being deemed worthy of such grace (for these things are not acquired by human intellect or study), and to approach with a sincere mind, void of all malice, and ask to be taught about those things he wished (for he who is truly knowledgeable in divine things, and not unaware of how much each can grasp of this discipline, would not, according to the measure of divine purification, have immediately from the start filled ears grown flaccid with the sound of thunder; but he would have taught him to first purify his soul through the accuracy of life, much knowledge, and the casting off of all earthly thoughts, both those that agree with reason and those that oppose it, and thus to approach the holy vestibules of this divine wisdom, praying much to God and much to men held worthy of such perfection, so that they might not refuse to be his aid in a work so sublime and superior to human capacity), or, after having approached his neighbor imprudently due to his own sloth, to attribute the heard word to that man’s ignorance; and not, as if by design and as if having found unexpected gain, to seize upon those words and arrogantly and recklessly invade sacred stillness, and to tear apart those enjoying it with insults, calling them impostors, liars, and Massalians, having taken the opportunity for many insults from the fact that he had heard that the saints are surrounded by light. And yet, one might perhaps justly reproach this teacher for other things, but for this [thing], no one. For you may ^C often read that many others, struggling for Christ during times of persecution, were clothed in this divine light, and that holy Anthony— ^D and others before the tribunals of judges and in the hands of executioners were surrounded by a certain heavenly splendor: by which sign God [shows] His own witnesses.

But ^B regarding this no one [is right]. For this divine light shone around many others, who in times of persecution were struggling for the sake of Christ, and [it shone upon] divine Anthony, who was arrayed not against tyrants, but against demons more terrible than tyrants, as one may learn from what has been written about him.

But if it is necessary, passing over all these things, to have recourse to the primary example, it will clearly be possible to obtain a demonstration that it is possible for bodily eyes to behold a divine and uncreated light. For the Evangelist says that the Lord, before His passion, took with Him the foremost of the disciples, and ascending to Mount Tabor, was transfigured before them, and His face shone as the sun. The disciples, not being able to endure the brightness, fell to the ground. If, therefore, they too, being men and still imperfectly disposed, were able to see the divine and uncreated light that shone around them, what is surprising if we say that even now holy men see light when illuminated from above by God?

We therefore entreat you regarding such things neither to speak nor to write, as one who knows little or nothing about them, and indeed to destroy what has been written, as it will be the cause of no small harm to many. Thus did Gregory and his companions exert themselves in an embassy to Barlaam, thinking that this exhortation would check his forwardness of tongue. But the outcome was the reverse of what they expected. For as the envoy related these words to him, he remained silent on other matters, but hearing of the uncreated light on Tabor, he cried out: "O absurd thing! Fleeing from smoke, we have fallen into fire. Hear, O heaven, and give ear, O earth! The light on Tabor is uncreated; what, then, is that other than God, according to you? For nothing is uncreated except God. If, however, that light is neither a created thing nor the nature of God (for 'no man has seen God at any time'), what remains but that you serve two gods: one, the maker of all things, whom we all confess to be invisible; and the second, according to your opinion, who falls under our sight, this uncreated light? For my part, I would never admit that there is anything at all uncreated that is different from or distinct from the divine essence."

Departing as if from a starting line with these arguments, he both spoke and wrote much against Gregory and the other monks, charging them—in addition to previous matters—with ^C [the heresy of] a doubled divinity. Yet they did not neglect to refute him openly and to demonstrate that he was introducing corrupted doctrines, contrary to the teachings of theologians versed in divine wisdom. But Barlaam, trusting that he would overcome even the ancient theologians with his doctrine and powers of persuasion, sailed to Byzantium, and delivered his commentaries against the monks to John, who was patriarch at that time. ^D

^A He requested that a synod be assembled against them, as he intended to prove that they entertained and voiced opinions contrary to the true dogmas; he was streaming with many arguments against them and accusing them of a dual godhead. It did not seem right, however, to the patriarch to disregard such things; instead, he summoned the monks from Thessalonica by letter to appear for judgment; they were present and prepared to undergo the examination of their arguments. In the midst of these events, at a time when great tumult and disturbance had gripped the Church, the emperor returned to Byzantium from his campaign in Acarnania. Upon learning of the matters in dispute between Barlaam and the monks, ^B he first attempted to silence them, exhorting both sides to put an end to their altercation and to dissolve their enmity in favor of their former harmony, so that they would not cause trouble for themselves and others through their quarreling. But since his words fell on deaf ears—for Barlaam insisted that he would prove that Gregory and his followers held corrupt opinions and urged a prompt trial, while Gregory and his followers contended that they were being treated unjustly and desired to clear themselves of the charges in court—the emperor, realizing that the strife could not be settled without proof, committed the matter to a synod. 334

CAPUT XL.

^A His proofs of these things did not rely on syllogisms or geometric necessities (for it is not possible to prove the things that are above us from the things that are according to us), but on the words of the holy and theological men, whom the Holy Spirit used as instruments, by whom all things are searched out, even the depths of God. He proved from many of the things that were said that the light which shone around the disciples at Tabor ^B was the beginningless glory of God, and a light of divinity, and divinity, and the natural and eternal light of God, and everything else of that sort that is believed and proclaimed by the theologians. ^C Then, from the theological pronouncements, he himself concluded that the eternal and natural light of God could not be created, neither the beginningless glory and the kingdom of God, nor everything else that is praised and celebrated by the theologians as being that very light. Along with these things, he also produced the tome composed by the holy men dwelling at Athos, by which it was taught that he was in agreement with the saints, and the blasphemies and perverse doctrine of Barlaam were refuted. ^D When, after a long dispute, the victory was already leaning toward Gregory and the monks, and everyone was already persuaded to follow the saints and theologians, and not the things spoken by Barlaam out of the belly, he saw for himself that he would not escape the punishment for his logorrhea and scurrility. Approaching the Great Domestic who was sitting with the emperor, he asked for some short-cut assistance and counsel by which he might manage to escape the impending penalty. The other replied that he had advised him with appropriate things even before, while he tried to deter him from long disputation and exhorted him to believe the monks, as they were wiser in these matters; and that he would nonetheless advise him now and do what might be of benefit to him. For if he had nothing more to say in response to what had been brought forward for the purpose of refutation, and believed that the monks were discussing things that were better, more just, and in agreement with the saints, what need was there to wait until he saw himself condemned by a black ballot? Rather, he should arise, publicly confess his former ignorance and the now discovered truth, assent to the saints, and dissolve his enmity with the monks. For if he did so, persuaded by him, no harm would come to him from these words, and the emperor and all the others would praise his change for the better. For he who has strayed from the truth is not as worthy of being accused as he who has returned to it, having been persuaded by the holy men and theologians, is worthy of being commended. And the monks, being persuaded by the spiritual laws, would show him greater friendship and kindness now than they had previously shown bitterness and enmity, inasmuch as they did not resist him on account of the insults poured out against them, but on account of the perversion of the doctrines. If, once these have been well and properly demonstrated, you were to be persuaded, they themselves would seek nothing further; but they would consider your correction to be a worthy reward for their many labors and dangers. Barlaam affirmed that this advice seemed excellent to him, but he feared that his words would not be enough to free him from danger, but that after the confession he would still be punished with some ignominy, since he had opposed the approved and received dogmas. Then he would be infamous, and no room would be left for defense, as if he were suffering this unjustly, since he would have condemned himself:

^A for if he were to be so treated, it would be better to endure the judgment in silence, so that he might be able afterward to say he had been wronged, and to have the judgment revoked. The Grand Domestic encouraged him, and advised him not to fear any such thing, for he himself was present, and nothing grievous would happen to him; Barlaam, yielding to this, came forward into the midst, confessed his previous ignorance, and asked for pardon for what had been said, claiming that he had not been led into such discussions out of contentiousness, nor because he did not believe in the things decreed by the theologians regarding God, but because he thought that others were erring due to ignorance, and he had applied all diligence and zeal to amend their error. Now, however, he was fully convinced that they thought better regarding those things which were in dispute, and that he differed from them in nothing else, and that he believed and confessed the light which shone around the disciples on Tabor to be the glory of God, without beginning, and an eternal light. ^B Thereupon, Gregory Palamas and all who were with him rose, embraced Barlaam, and willingly granted pardon for the past; they praised this noble change of mind, and gave thanks to God for the concord, affirming that they themselves had not waged such a struggle for the sake of earthly and perishing things, but so that the evil might not spread to many, and the Church might not be filled with corrupted dogmas or divided into itself by factions and dissensions, while some adhered to these and others to those. For this reason they had appeared excessively litigious, having in all other things been instructed in meekness and submission of soul; but where God is in danger, there they must be prompt and inexorable, neither becoming sick at reproaches nor softened by human praise. But since the God of peace and concord has joined those who were separated, they would themselves gladly desist from contentiousness and owe much thanks to him [the Grand Domestic], who had been the primary agent of this peace. ^C When the Emperor and the Patriarch had addressed both sides regarding peace as was fitting, they dismissed the synod. Barlaam, having remained in Byzantium for only a few days, as the Emperor died shortly after, and he held to the dispute over dogmas no less than before, loudly proclaiming that the judgment had been quite crippled, fled to Italy. There, as he had felt before, he sided with the Latins, and was created by them Bishop of Hieracium. Not long after, another monk named Gregory, surnamed Acindynus, who had been a student of Barlaam in secular philosophy for a long space of time, took up his dissension and dispute with Palamas as his successor, to whom something ridiculous happened. ^D He repudiated Barlaam in word, and accused him of thinking evilly and contrary to the holy Fathers: but in reality he followed him exactly, and differed from him in nothing at all. Thus, when sedition and tumult were rising again in the Church, the Patriarch, deeming it unjust that the state of the Church be disturbed by the wrangling tempers of certain men, summoned a synod into the same temple of Sophia, with the Great Domestic sitting beside him, along with as many senators as were in Byzantium. When they had disputed for a long time about Gregory, and it was observed that Acin-

- ^A dynum had chosen to sing the song of Barlaam, a sentence was passed by the bishops and the senate collectively against Barlaam and his followers as heretics: and had they not repented, both would have been segregated from the communion of the orthodox. Nor was this the case for them alone, but also for if anyone else hereafter should dare such things, and level accusations against Palamas and others, as if they held ill-informed views on religion. Besides these things, and a Tome composed according to the ancient custom of the synods, the Patriarch John and those who were then present—

Notes of Jacob Gretser

(g) What Cantacuzenus writes in chapters 39 and 40, book II, is of such a nature that it seems to require not a brief annotation, but almost an entire and separate book, since this question and controversy among the Greeks was most grave, and almost unknown, or certainly not sufficiently understood, by Latin writers—as is testified by the errors, neither few nor small, committed by learned men in the explanation and account of the subject matter and the dispute. Yet, so that we may not say nothing, since it is not permitted to say everything, we shall touch upon a few things briefly and distinctly, which may cast light upon an obscure history. To begin, therefore, with Barlaam himself: he was a monk of the order of Saint Basil, as some record, a Calabrian by birth, learned in both tongues, indeed even in philosophy, mathematics, and theology, of sharp and subtle intellect, by the testimony of his very adversaries, Cantacuzenus and the Patriarch Philotheus. He wrote various things, concerning which consult the epitome of the Gesnerian library. Not long ago, a logic of his, comprised in six books, was published in Paris, translated by a certain Englishman. Educated in an orthodox manner in the Church of the Latins, he passed over to the schism of the Greeks, or rather with a feigned mind, as our Cantacuzenus and the Patriarch Philotheus of Constantinople testify, in books written here and there against Nicephorus Gregoras concerning the light of Tabor, and concerning the distinction of the divine essence and operation, especially in book XII. For this reason, Barlaam's discourses on the procession of the Holy Spirit and the primacy of the Pope against the Latins are referred to by those who have published lists of writers, which he published in order to gain favor with the Greeks, having first been brought over from Italy to Thessalonica; where, while he lingered, he investigated the life and doctrine of the Greek monks too curiously. Finding in this many things which did not seem to be approved or tolerated, he began to unsheathe his tongue in public circles and gatherings, and his pen in his Museum, against the monks; and in a short time he filled everything with quarrels and tumults, and taught the Greeks by his own example that fugitives and apostates generally stir up crowds even among those to whom they flee, and that it is not expedient that they should always have free access for everyone.

But as far as morals and life are concerned, whether Barlaam did an injury to those monks, it is extremely easy to say for Cantacuzenus, as also for Philotheus, who defends those monks in a prolix apology, but not equally so for others; for with what sanctity of life would those have shone, who were separated and segregated from the Church, one, holy, catholic, and apostolic, by a pernicious schism? There is no holiness outside the holy Church, or if there is any, it is not true, it is painted. Into what vices might he not be precipitated, who, devoid of charity and concord, wanders through the pathless and trackless ways of schisms, having abandoned that level, beaten, and royal path of the catholic Church? To what mockeries and snares of demons might he not be exposed, he whom unity with the body of Christ, which is the Church, does not protect and defend, to whom Christ is not the head, and, as follows from this, no—further, especially if ignorance of divine and human disciplines, which had at this time occupied monasticism in Greece far and wide, is added to the crime of schism; for if these occur together, the mind of anyone is rendered capable of any trickery. Whereby it came to pass that these *hesychastai*, or "quiet ones" (for they considered *hesychia* a certain more perfect genus of monastic life), when they were either sleeping sweetly, or dozing, or dreaming, believed themselves to be surrounded by a certain celestial and divine light, visible even to their own bodily eyes—the angel of Satan transforming himself into an angel of light—clearly in accordance with the rite and institution of the Messalians; for they claimed that this happened not to a few, but to all who were exercised in this type of life. This seemed more than strange to Barlaam. And this, indeed, deservedly, whether he departed from the truth in other accusations or not; whether or not he held to moderation in his reproof, both with his tongue and his style. Certainly, he most vehemently aroused against himself the company of monks, who chose for themselves as a leader of the war Gregory Palamas, then a man of the same profession, but afterwards Archbishop of Thessalonica, whom, if Cantacuzenus were to adorn with praises as true as they are great, he might truly be said to be a great man; but since, by the old adage, "hand rubs hand and washes it," it is an easy conjecture what is to be determined concerning these praises. They are, to be sure, sounding brass and a clanging cymbal, because of the sounding brass and clanging cymbal, according to the Apostle's teaching: "If I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, but have not charity, I have become as sounding brass or a clanging cymbal." And, which pertains more closely to Palamas: "If I shall distribute all my goods for food to the poor, etc., but have not charity, it profits me nothing."

Whoever he is, says Saint Augustine in sermon 181 on the times, and whoever he might be, he is not a Christian who is not in the Church of Christ. For it is the only one through which the Lord willingly accepts a sacrifice; the only one which faithfully intercedes for the erring; it is the only one in which a good work is performed fruitfully, whence they received the reward of a denarius, only those who had labored within the vineyard. Now this is the very same Gregory Palamas, whose two orations exist in Greek and Latin; one in which the mind accuses the body, another in which the body accuses the mind, with a judicial sentence. The Latin edition is related in volume IX of the Library of the holy Fathers, where, through the *aethelabian* (if one may say so) of the collector and editor, Palamas is honored with the title of "most holy," clearly beyond his merit: how is he "most holy" if he is a schismatic? "Whoever has been separated from this catholic Church, however laudably he may think he lives, by this one crime alone, that he is disjoined from the unity of Christ, he shall not have life; but the wrath of God remains upon him," says Saint Augustine, epistle 152.

Therefore, Palamas, having been constituted the advocate of the monks, set himself to resist Barlaam with an opposing front, and to defend that light which the *hesychastai* were accustomed to hold up, even by the example of the light shown to the disciples on Mount Tabor; for he claimed that this had been uncreated, and yet had been visible to the eyes of the bodies of the disciples. Barlaam, hearing this truly novel theology, flared up all the more against Palamas and his associates. And so, having set out for Constantinople without delay, he laid the matter before the patriarch; the monks are summoned, a synod is convoked. Emperor Andronicus the Younger presides with the Patriarch John; Palamas obtains the victory. Barlaam is condemned, and it is decreed by the decree of the synod that the Taborian light was and is uncreated and eternal. Barlaam...

^A shortly afterward returned to Italy. Nicephorus Gregoras reports the acts of this same synod in its eleventh book of his History, but differently than Cantacuzenus; for he relates that nothing was done concerning the dogmas because of the presence of the unskilled multitude, and because the mysteries of theology should not be cast before the profane ears of the common people, and also so that Palamas might not be convicted of blasphemous doctrine while Barlaam debated against him—which Gregoras insinuates was a favor granted to Palamas by the presidents of the synod and the Fathers. Be that as it may, let this remain certain and fixed: that the opinion of that synod concerning the Taborian light, as if it were the uncreated and substantial light of God itself, is utterly false, not to say anything more severe, and that it has been rightfully exploded, routed, and most sharply refuted by Barlaam, Acindynus, Gregoras, and many others, notwithstanding the decree of this schismatic conventicle.

For, to pass over other things, these two arguments of Barlaam and Gregoras and others are clear and evident. The first: that which is seen by bodily eyes is not uncreated; the Taborian light was seen by the bodily eyes of the disciples, therefore it is not uncreated. ^B Furthermore, that which is seen by bodily eyes is created; the Taborian light was seen by bodily eyes, therefore it is created. Against these arguments, Patriarch Philotheus exclaims in his fourteenth book against Gregoras: Ἰοῦ, ἰού, καὶ τίς ποτ' ἄρ᾽ ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν ὁ καὶ νῦν τὰ καινὰ ταυτὶ λέγων, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπ᾿ ὄρους ὑψηλοῦ, τῆς Ἐκκλησίας φημὶ λαμπρᾷ τῇ φωνῇ κηρυττομένους εὐαγγελικοὺς λόγους τοὺς εἰς πᾶσαν γῆν, ἀποστολικῶς λέγειν, ἐξελθόντας, καὶ τὰ πέρατα τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀστραπῆς δίκην, ἢ μᾶλλον ἀκτίνων ἡλιακῶν φάναι πάλαι διαδραμόντας ἀμφιβόλως οὑτωσὶ καὶ ἀμαθῶς διακείμενος. "Alas, alas, and who is this who now utters these new things; and who is so doubtful, or rather, so ignorant of the doctrines which were preached and announced in a loud voice upon the high mountain of the Church; which, to use the evangelical saying, have gone out into all the earth, and have traversed the ends of the world like lightning, or rather like the sun's rays?"

But these are mere words, as are the other things which Philotheus discourses upon in his three books concerning this Taborian light, which books are preserved in the Bavarian library along with twelve others against Gregoras concerning the distinction between the divine essence and operation. And they offer nothing toward the solution of the arguments. For that foundation stands unmoved and unshakeable in every respect: whatever is, is either God or a creature. If it is God, it is not therefore visible to bodily eyes; if it is a creature, it is not therefore uncreated.

^C There are also two orations of the same Philotheus of no greater value, which I have read in a manuscript codex of the Augustana library, offered to the synod against Acindynus, concerning which I shall speak later under the name of the *Hagiorites* (for so they call the monks living at Mount Athos), which Philotheus composed while he still professed his name among those monks, as is said in the Acts of the fourth synod under Cantacuzenus. Another oration on the same subject exists in the same codex, by a certain Thessalonian monk. But it is of the very same note, that is, of none, or, if any, of a bad one. These men cite and gather together in a dense throng the sayings of the holy Fathers, which they do not understand, for if they understood them, they would not bring them forward.

For it is certain and explored that this opinion concerning the Taborian light was unknown to ancient and learned Greece, and that the learned Greek authors who lived before these—Palamas, Philotheus, and their like—bring forward those very same Fathers, and those very same testimonies of these Fathers almost everywhere, for their own true opinion, namely, that the Taborian light was created—the very testimonies which these men object to support their own false one, namely, that the Taborian light was uncreated. I call as my witness one of many, John Cyparissiotus, a most learned writer, whom Turrianus translated from Greek into Latin; who, after he has explained in the sixth decade, chapters four and five, what the holy Chrysostom, what Anastasius Sinaita, what Theodore Graptus, what Cyril of Alexandria, what Cyril of Jerusalem, what holy Basil, what the interpreters of the Gospel of Matthew xvii, what holy Maximus, what Nazianzenus had thought concerning the Taborian light, finally concludes the disputation from the opinion of them all in these words: "From which it is evident that the light, with which the Lord shone upon Mount Tabor, was neither the divine substance (for that can in no way be expressed, nor known, nor seen, nor thought), nor was it a certain efflux and splendor flowing from it (for the divine operation is eternal, or rather, the operation itself is in no way separated from its substance; indeed, whatever is divine substance, is itself its energy or operation). Therefore, because it is neither this nor that, it remains that it was an example of the glory and splendor of the one glorified after the resurrection, a symbol of that nature hidden and invisible there within him, an image of the future glory, and a likeness of the kingdom of heaven," etc.

^D This is what Cyparissiotus says according to the opinion of the Greek Fathers, by whom the ignorance of Palamas is validly refuted, who, as David the monk reports in his account of the disagreement between Barlaam and Palamas (which exists in the above-mentioned Augustana library codex), said: "Ο θεῖον μέν ἐστι καὶ ἄκτιστον τὸ φῶς ἐκεῖνο, καὶ θεότης παρὰ τῶν ἁγίων ὀνομάζεται, οὐκ ἔστι δὲ οὐσία Θεοῦ, ἀλλ' ἐνέργεια, καὶ χάρις, καὶ δόξα, καὶ λαμπρότης ἐκ τῆς θείας οὐσίας εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους πεμπομένη. Οἱ γὰρ ἅγιοι πάντες καὶ ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἄγγελοι δόξαν μὴ ἄχρονον ὁρῶσι τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ χάριν ἀΐδιον δέχονται καὶ δωρεάν, οὐσίαν δὲ Θεοῦ οὐδείς ποτε ἄνθρωπος, οὔτε ἄγγελος οὔτε εἶδε, οὔτε ἰδεῖν δύναται." "That light is indeed divine and uncreated, and is called 'deity' by the saints, but it is not the substance of God, but energy, and grace, and glory, and splendor sent from the divine substance to the saints. For all the saints, both men and angels, do not see the glory of God as being outside of time, and they receive grace as eternal and as a gift; yet the substance of God no man or angel has ever seen, nor can see." This is indeed that divine and uncreated light, and it is named 'deity' by the saints, but it is not the substance of God, but an operation, and grace, and glory, and splendor sent from the divine substance to the saints. For all the saints, as well as the angels, see the glory of God which is apart from time; but the substance of God no one, neither man nor angel, has seen or can see. Where there are almost as many errors as words; among others, there is also this notable one: that the essence and quiddity of God are not seen by the blessed, but only a certain brightness; which error it is reported prevailed also among the Armenians of old, and holy Gregory mentions it in his *Moralia*, book eighteen, chapter thirty-seven. Barlaam deservedly attacked these ravings; and deservedly did others, who although at that time, restrained perhaps by fear, kept silent, nevertheless afterwards openly began to stand against Palamas for Barlaam. Nor does it appear that in this first synod the distinction between the divine substance and essence was debated, but only the Taborian light, although Palamas had already sown the seeds of another controversy as well, as is evident from his words which we recited a little while ago.

But whether this question was debated then or not, not long after there arose those who showed that the Taborian light was created and who publicly and privately refuted Palamas’s opinion concerning the distinction between the divine substance and operation. Among their number the last was not Gregory Acindynus, the monk. Against him, therefore, as a follower of Barlaam, a second synod was gathered, concerning which Cantacuzenus writes in the last chapter of the second book, with Cantacuzenus himself presiding, who was still the Grand Domestic.

^A And all those senators who were residing in Byzantium under the cognizance of the Emperor Andronicus the younger. ^B

Notes by Jacob Gretser

Since Patriarch John, too, presided in the first synod, in which synod Barlaam was condemned once again, as well as Acindynus and as many as were partisans of their side, and the synodal Tome was composed; by which, as they believed, right and sound dogmas were established, while the contrary dogmas were subjected to the condemnation of anathema: although Cantacuzenus in book four, chapter twenty-three, seems to signify that the first Tome was composed in the first synod. But the Augustan codex, in which the acts of this entire controversy are contained, clearly refers the first Tome to the second synod, and the words of Cantacuzenus can not inappropriately be drawn to this meaning, as also those of Philotheus; who, as Cantacuzenus, says that three Tomes (for so they name the definitions and decrees of the synod) were written: the first in the first or second synod; the second, in the third synod, when Patriarch John was cast down from his throne—concerning which synod Cantacuzenus writes in book three, and we do afterward; the third, in the fourth synod, concerning which we write in the twenty-fourth chapter of the fourth book of this history. For so many synods were gathered in the cause of Barlaam and Acindynus, and of others, who were opposing the ignorance of Palamas: who, as he gravely hallucinated regarding the Taboric light, so also regarding the distinction of the divine substance and action, and this quadruple synod with him—for the truth, it must be said, should not be read in silence. Philotheus, as well as David the monk, opens Palamas's sentiment for us, whose words, being fewer, it is pleasing to transcribe: ^C "The substance of God cannot be participated in or seen by any creature, not even by the angels: but His deifying operation and grace can be participated in, of which participation angels and saints are partakers, and although it is participated in by them, it is nonetheless inseparable and indivisible from the divine substance. Wherefore there are not two Gods, nor two deities. For just as in this sensible sun, its orb cannot be touched in itself nor grasped by the eyes (for if anyone were to attempt to approach closer, he would both lose the power of seeing, owing to the immensity of the light, and be utterly burned up), yet its rays are carried down to us and illuminate all things in this world: but we are accustomed to call both that orb and its rays 'the sun,' and yet there are not two suns, but one; nor do we call them two suns, but one, even though it has infinite rays; so also in God, who is the intellectual sun, the matter stands thus. For although I may say that His substance cannot be participated in, but His operation and grace—which all the saints receive—can, yet He is one God, who has both substance and operation. And just as he who said there were many suns, because the sun's rays are many, would wander entirely from the truth: so if anyone says there are more Gods, on account of many operations and graces of God, he is to be listened to in the same way. For just as we have learned, taught by the holy Church of God, that the Father has a Son, and has also the Holy Spirit, yet we do not say there are three Gods, but three are one God; in the same way, although we say that the substance of God has natural operations and graces, and that it is called divinity and substance, and that His deifying operation and grace are also called divinity, nevertheless the divinity is one, being the substance together with the operation, inseparable and indivisible from it; for the operation is not separated from the substance, just as neither is the Son from the Father, or the Holy Spirit, or, to take examples from sensible things, just as neither is the ray from the sun, or the heat from the fire. And as we say that the substance of the sun, or its orb, exceeds and surpasses as unparticipated the rays and the illumination sent to our eyes—for that is the source and origin and root, and the provider of the illumination—so we say, as the saints teach, that the divine substance also, as unparticipated and invisible, transcends the illuminations, operations, and gifts sent forth from it." ^D Palamas has more of this note.

From which it becomes manifest that the Greeks reached such a degree of crudity as to think that the operation of God is something different from the substance of God, just as the splendor and light of the sun is something distinct from the substance of the sun, and the heat of the fire from the substance of the fire: although neither is the splendor separated from the sun, nor the heat from the fire. And just as a certain splendor is perpetually emitted from the sun, which is not the sun's substance, although it perpetually accompanies the sun's substance, so also they did not imagine very subtly that a similar splendor goes forth and shines from the divine essence, which might fall under the eyes of men and the intelligence of angels, and which, while not being a creature, is yet not God or divinity, unless perhaps improperly, in the way that heat is called fire, or a solar ray the sun; nor is it even the substance of God, but a third thing. Of which old-wives' ravings, not only traces, but entire wagon-loads, were at this same time carried about in Greece.

^A ...and many arguments were countered by the Gregories against one another, since Acindynus appeared to hold the same views as Barlaam, [saying] that the essence and energy in God were the same. But that the essence and energy of God are not the same, but differ, hear [the argument] from [the fact that] if every potentiality is spoken of in relation to something else—for it is attributed to the potential, as is the opinion of Thomas Aquinas—then the essence of God is one thing, and [His] energy is another, unless one were to say that the essence itself is also one of those things which are "in relation to something." ^B

Notes of James Gretser. ...are; which is clear from Jeremiah, Patriarch of Constantinople; for in his second response to the Tubingians, not long from the beginning, he rebukes those Lutherans who said that the substance and operation of God are the same: "Which is not," says Jeremiah. And that the substance and operation of God are not the same, but differ, listen, I implore you. And soon he offers four or five arguments, truly sharp and worthy of a disciple of Palamas, the line-up of which he closes thus: "If every potentiality is spoken of in relation to something else—for it refers to that which is possible, as also seems to Thomas Aquinas—it follows that the substance of God is one thing, and His operation another, unless one might wish to place the substance itself among those things which are said to be in relation to something." An easy solution: For the substance of God is one thing, and the operation another—not in reality, but by consideration alone; for the very same most simple being, in so far as it exists by itself, is substance; in so far as it has the power of acting, it is potentiality; in so far as it is the producer of an effect, it is operation and energy. And God is all these simultaneously, on account of the infinity and immensity of [His] essence. Nor is it absurd that substance should signify a relation or a habit of reason, not as it is substance, but as that substance is simultaneously also potentiality and operation—although, why could it not be, in so far as it is substance, that it founds a respect of reason toward another? But there is no need for this; without it, the ineptitude of the Grecian argument clearly appears, to which this also is similar: "If operation perpetually proceeds and emanates from the substance of God, but this can be affirmed of no creature, it follows that the operation is not a creature, nor yet the substance of God." From which, as if from a mirror, it is clear what deceives them; for they conceive and inform in their thought the operation of God as if it proceeded from God, just as light proceeds from the sun, heat from fire, water from a perennial fountain. This is of a grosser sort than could fall into a subtle and well-purged mind—to whom it is not unknown that these locutions about the progress and flux of divine operations are metaphorical and adapted to our mode of understanding, as we conceive operations as something posterior to substance and essence, and emanating from it; which, however, in God has no place in reality; where, as a matter of fact, substance or essence and operation are one and the very same; nor does the operation of God flow from the divine essence any more than the essence itself flows from the essence, since essence and operation are one and the very same most simple being, and entirely indivisible. Let us add also this subtlety of the Greeks: "If the substance of God is not spoken of in the plural—for His substance is one—but His operation is spoken of in the plural and diverse, for His operations are various—it follows that His substance is one thing, and His operation another." The response is at hand: The operations of God are various, virtually and by reason of various effects; but [it is] one and is the most simple by reason of its own entity; which, since it is infinite, there is no need for it to be multiplied, for it suffices to produce all effects whatsoever, which multiplied operations in creatures can produce.

I omit the other arguments of Jeremiah for the sake of brevity, as also those of Philotheus and others, which Gregory Acindynus refutes at length in his two books *On the Essence and Operation of God*, which exist in the Bavarian library, and who, along with others, thought and wrote rightly and orthodoxly on this subject, namely, that the operations of God are distinguished from His essence by reason alone, and that there is nothing of the operations in God which is not the substance and essence of God, and he deduces this from the simplicity of God; for others cannot escape positing composition in God if the operation of God is not the substance of God. Philotheus indeed strives in his eighth book against Gregoras to defend the simplicity of God even with the hypothesis of his own perverse opinion; but he only strives, and for the rest does not profit a whit. But because the books of Acindynus have never seen the light, it pleases [me] at least to transcribe the summaries of certain chapters, which will make clear to the learned reader that Acindynus taught on this question the same [thing] that is customarily taught by the doctors of scholastic theology. Therefore, the title of the third chapter of the first book is thus: *That there is no passive potentiality in God*. Cap. 4: *That the substance of God is His being*. Cap. 5: "Ὅτι ὁ Θεὸς οὐκ ἔστιν ὕλη" - *That God is not matter*. Of the second book, cap. 1: *That there is no sense in God*. Cap. 3: *That God is intelligent*. Cap. 4: "Ὅτι ὁ Θεός ἐστι θέλων" - *That God is volent*. Cap. 5: "Ὅτι ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ Θεῷ νοερὰ καὶ θελητικὴ δύναμις" - *That there is in God an intellectual and volitional potentiality*. Cap. 6: "Ὅτι αἱ τοιαῦται ἐνέργειαι καὶ αἱ κατὰ ταύτας ἕξεις τε καὶ δυνάμεις εἰσὶν ἐν τῷ Θεῷ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτό" - *That such operations and the habits and potentialities according to them are one and the same in God*. Cap. 8: "Λογισμοὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐναντίου καὶ λύσεις μετὰ προθεωρίας" - *Objectiones adversariorum et solutiones cum protheoria*. Cap. 9: "Ἔτι εἰς τὸ αὐτό" - *Iterum de eodem argumento*. Cap. 10: "Ὅτι ἡ νοερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ δύναμίς ἐστι ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ" - *That the intellectual potentiality of God is His substance*. Cap. 11: "Ὅτι ἡ νοερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐνέργειά ἐστιν ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ" - *That the intellectual operation of God is His substance*. Cap. 12: *That God understands by no other intelligible species, except His substance*. Cap. 13: "Ὅτι τελείως ὁ Θεὸς ἑαυτὸν γινώσκει" - *That God perfectly knows Himself*. Cap. 14: *That there is no habit of science in God*. Cap. 15: "Ὅτι ἡ σοφία τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐστιν ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ" - *That the wisdom of God is His substance*. Cap. 16: "Ὅτι ἡ ἀλήθεια αὐτοῦ ἐστιν ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ" - *That His truth is His substance*. Cap. 17: "Ὅτι τοῦ Θεοῦ θέλησίς ἐστιν ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ" - *That the will of God is His substance*. Cap. 18: "Ὅτι τὸ πρῶτον τῇ θείᾳ θελήσει θέλητόν ἐστιν ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ" - *That the first object which falls under the divine will is His substance*. Cap. 19: "Λογισμοὶ δι’ ὧν ἂν δόξειε ταῦτα πρὸς ἄλληλα ἐναντιοῦσθαι, καὶ λύσεις αὐτῶν μετὰ προθεωρίας" - *Rationes quibus haec invicem dissidere videntur, et solutiones earum cum praevia inspectione*. Cap. 20: "Τίνι τρόπῳ ἐστὶν ὁ Θεὸς ἑαυτῷ ὡς τὸ θελητὸν ἐν τῷ θέλοντι" - *Quomodo Deus sit sibi ipsi, ut objectum sub voluntatem cadens in volente*. Cap. 21: "Ὅτι ὁ Θεός ἐστιν ἡ ἑαυτοῦ ζωή" - *That God is His life*. Cap. 22: "Λογισμοὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου, καὶ λύσεις" - *Objectiones in contrarium, et solutiones*. Cap. 23: "Ὅτι ὁ Θεός ἐστιν ἡ ἀγαθότης αὐτοῦ" - *That God is His goodness*. Cap. 24: "Ὅτι ὁ Θεός ἐστι μακάριος" - *That God is blessed*. Cap. 25: "Ὅτι ὁ Θεός ἐστιν ἡ μακαριότης αὐτοῦ" - *That God is His beatitude*. Cap. 26: "Ὅτι ταῦτα τὰ ὀνόματα οὐκ εἰσὶ συνώνυμα" - *That these names are not synonymous*.

^A and thinking, a common vote was cast by both the bishops and the senators against Acindynus. *Notes of Jacob Pontanus.* (80) Regarding this and his death, Gregoras [informs us] in these words: "But toward evening, after that spectacle was finished, Barlaam, taking that ignominy most grievously, departed with full sails for Italy, and returned to the customs and decrees of the Latins, in which he had been educated. But the emperor, his body being very badly affected both by that assembly and by the disease of the spleen, having returned to the monastery of the Hodegon and having lain down near mid-night, and having eaten more heartily than was proper, on the next day fell into sleep, and into a stupor and swoon nearly like death. On the third day at last, his eyes opening little by little, he exhorted the empress not to weep, and at the same time asked for the aid of physicians; and having fallen back into a greater stupor, and being at his last gasp, he lay for nearly three days, and on the fifteenth day of June, before sunrise, he died, in the year from the creation of the world six thousand eight hundred and forty-nine. The whole time of his life was about forty-five years, since twenty years before he had seized the imperial city by right of war." Our author [Gregoras] relates differently the disease and the time of his death.

*Notes of Jacob Gretser.* Cap. 27: "Πότερον συνωνύμως λέγεται ταῦτα τὰ ὀνόματα τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ τῶν ὄντων"—*Whether these names are predicated univocally of God and created things.* Cap. 28: "Ὅτι ταῦτα ὀνόματα οὐχ ὁμωνύμως λέγονται ἐπὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ τῶν ὄντων"—*That these names are not predicated equivocally of God and created things.* Cap. 29: "Οτι ταῦτα τὰ ὀνόματα ἀναλογικῶς λέγονται ἐπί τε τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ τῶν ὄντων"—*That these names are predicated analogically of God and created things.* These chapters of the second book of Acindynus are what the author pursues in a purely scholastic—that is, theological and philosophical—manner. And yet he was condemned by the synod, which was studious of Palamas more than it deserved. But so it usually happens where ignorance presides and reigns. For Acindynus correctly held views on the substance and operation of God. For he distinguished only by reason; in reality, he joined both the operation and the substance of God, and determined that there is nothing in God which is not really one and the same with the divine essence.

^B Wherefore, the reproaches of the Greeks are mere calumnies when they write thus of Acindynus and Barlaam: "Λέγουσιν, ὅτι ὁ Θεὸς οὐκ ἔχει ἐνέργειαν οὐσιώδη, τουτέστι φυσικήν"—*They say that God does not have an essential—that is, natural—operation.* "Λέγουσιν ὅτι ἡ ἐνέργεια καὶ ἐνέργειαι οὐκ εἰσὶν ἄκτιστοι, οὐδὲ συνάιτιοι τῷ Θεῷ"—*They say that the operation or operations of God are not uncreated, nor co-causes with God, but created.* "Λέγουσιν ὅτι αὐτὴ ἡ λεγομένη ἄκτιστος καὶ φυσικὴ ἐνέργεια τοῦ Θεοῦ αὐτή ἐστιν ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ οὐσία, καὶ οὐδεμία τις διαφορὰ οὐδαμῶς ἐστιν οὐσίας καὶ ἐνεργείας, ἀλλ᾽ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτό ἐστιν"—*They say that that which is called the uncreated and natural operation of God is itself the substance of God, and there is no difference at all between substance and operation, but it is one and the same.* And other things of this kind, which have been collected by an uncertain author and exist in the Bavarian library, codex 115. But as I said, most of these are the figments of ignorant men, in the number of which this last one is found; for Acindynus—or anyone else—never denied the distinction of reason, but only that which Palamas and his followers had ignorantly devised; for they were not so foolish as not to recognize the distinction of reason between the substance and the operation of God. And the second book of Acindynus will easily defend itself by its own strength against all these calumnies, so that it will not need a defender. His only misery is that he is held in chains and prison, and awaits a liberator but finds none; being as yet not only not published to the masses (as they say), but not even to the company of the learned—a worthy author indeed, to whom a hand might be extended against the decrees and decisions of Cantacuzene.

^C Furthermore, the vanity of Palamas and his followers has not so prevailed against the truth that, day by day, the most learned men of all Greece did not desert to the camp of Barlaam and Acindynus, having bidden Palamas many farewells; among whom was the patriarch Joannes himself, president—but a president who was not a president—of the first and second synods against Barlaam and Acindynus, because after the emperor, and Nicephorus Gregoras, who was illustrious among the Greeks at that time for all knowledge of letters, of whom we shall speak later. Now to the patriarch Joannes, against whom, as a follower of Acindynus, the synod was gathered, with the empress Anna and her son, the emperor Joannes Palaeologus, presiding: concerning which synod see Cantacuzene, book III, cap. 98, and book IV, cap. 24. Patriarch Joannes was condemned and cast down from his dignity, and a second tome against Acindynus and his disciples was written and subscribed, "ὑπογραφαῖς ἀρχιερέων τριάκοντα τὸ βέβαιον ἔχον, οἷς συνεῖπε δι' ὑπογραφῆς ὕστερον καὶ ὁ ἁγιώτατος πατριάρχης Ἱεροσολύμων"—*having its confirmation by the signatures of thirty archpriests, to which, by his signature, the most holy patriarch of Jerusalem later agreed.* "Confirmed by the subscriptions of thirty bishops, to whom afterwards the most holy patriarch of Jerusalem also consented by his subscription," says David the monk, or whoever else that collector may be, in his account of the controversy of Barlaam and Acindynus.

^D Yet it was not yet permitted for Palamas and his studious followers to triumph peacefully, even though they had already been pronounced victors by the third synod. For many of the more learned, not at all acquiescing in the tome or the definition and decree of the synod, freely contradicted it; of whose number were two metropolitans, one of Ephesus and one of Gani, and likewise Nicephorus Gregoras and Deixus. Therefore, a fourth synod was convened by Cantacuzene after he had already gained Constantinople, with Cantacuzene himself presiding, and Callistus, the patriarch of Constantinople, who had been substituted in the place of the deposed Joannes: concerning which synod Cantacuzene speaks at length in book four, chapters twenty-three, twenty-four, and twenty-five, and David the monk in his *Relation*; indeed, the whole text exists in the often-mentioned Augustan codex, with the subscriptions of both emperors, namely Cantacuzene and Joannes Palaeologus, of metropolitans and bishops, and other ministers of the Church. To this same synod, Matthew Cantacuzenus, the son of Joannes, already raised to the empire, also had to subscribe later, and indeed not as was the custom with few, but very lengthily. We read this subscription in the Augustan codex, which ends with these words: "Παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κραταιοῦ καὶ κυρίου μου, αὐθέντου καὶ βασιλέως τοῦ πατρὸς τῆς βασιλείας μου, καὶ τοῦ παναγιωτάτου μου δεσπότου τοῦ οἰκουμενικοῦ πατριάρχου κυρίου Φιλοθέου, καὶ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν θείας καὶ ἱερᾶς συνόδου, Ματθαίος ἐν Χριστῷ τῷ Θεῷ πιστὸς βασιλεὺς καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ Ρωμαίων Ἀσάνης ὁ Καντακουζηνός"—*In the presence of my most powerful lord, sovereign, and emperor, my father of my kingdom, and of my most holy master the ecumenical patriarch lord Philotheus, and of the divine and holy synod around him, Matthew, in Christ God, faithful King and Emperor of the Romans, Asanes Cantacuzenus.* By which words it seems to be signified that a fifth synod was celebrated over the controversy of Palamas with Barlaam and Acindynus and their followers; for at the time of the fourth synod, Philotheus was not patriarch, but Callistus; and this fifth synod must have been gathered before Joannes Cantacuzenus abdicated the empire, when Matthew...

^A nor of those of like mind with him, as the heretics think and say. They are also excommunicated.

Notes of Jacob Gretser.

...in his presence, as though he still subscribed as emperor.

Furthermore, against the Tome of the fourth synod, fortified as it was by so many subscriptions, Nicephorus Gregoras wrote ten books, who, although in the first synod, while Andronicus the younger was still alive, he seemed to oppose Barlaam (of which he gave not obscure signs of his own mind at the end of the eleventh book of his Byzantine History), yet later he began to defend Barlaam and Acindynus openly. Philotheus, first a monk, later metropolitan of Heraclea, and finally patriarch of Constantinople, responded to Gregoras in fifteen books, the last three of which deal especially with the light of Tabor; as also the twelfth contains an apology for the monks and the hesychasts, as elsewhere, so also on Mount Athos. The rest are consumed in unraveling the question concerning the essence and operation of God, which he treats after the manner of Palamas—that is to say, unskillfully. For Acindynus did not deny the operation of God, but he denied that it was different from the essence of God, except by reason and thought ^B alone, as is clear from the books of Acindynus. But as for the fact that, as the Greeks say, he named the Son and the Holy Spirit uncreated operation, he took the term "operation" improperly—namely, for the terminus of an action. For the Son is the terminus of the divine operation, not essentially, but notionally—namely, of the active generation which is in the Father; and the Holy Spirit is the terminus of an action, namely of the active procession which is in the Father and the Son. Acindynus looked to this when he called the Son and the Holy Spirit uncreated operations. But besides these, he acknowledges other essential ones, common to the whole Trinity, but altogether one and the same with the essence of God, and therefore uncreated, but not such as Palamas, Philotheus, and others maintained—which indeed inseparably cohere with the divine substance, yet are not the very substance of God, but certain processions of it: just as light is a "procession" from the substance of the sun, even though it is perpetually conjoined with the sun. From these things which we have said so far, it will be easy to pass judgment on certain learned men who have committed something to writing concerning the controversy between Palamas and Barlaam. And first of all concerning Prateolus, who wrote these things in his catalogue of heretics: "Against Barlaam and Acindynus the ninth general council was gathered and held in the presence of that blessed and most celebrated emperor, Lord Michael Andronicus, surnamed Palæologus, emperor of the Greeks, and his son Joannes." Where there are many manifest errors. For none of the four or five councils mentioned above were general. No council was held under Michael, but under Andronicus the younger and Cantacuzenus, and the fourth, Joannes Palæologus, subscribed—the son not of Michael Palæologus, but of Andronicus the younger, whom he calls "blessed" in vain, since he lived and died in schism. Prateolus further adds: "They thought that at one time there was no difference in the divine nature, substance, and effect, but that it was the same, nor different; at another time they professed that there was a difference, yet an uncreated substance. They believed, however, that its essential actions and natural [operations] were different, yet not uncreated, but created." It is a wonder where Prateolus drew these things from, for it never entered the mind of Barlaam and Acindynus. For they knew as well that the effect is distinguished from the substance of God, and as willingly admitted it, as they did that they themselves were not God, and as that operation which the schools call "transient." For this is not distinguished in reality from the produced effect, and therefore if the effect is distinguished in reality from the substance of God, it is necessary that this operation also be distinguished in reality. But the operation of God, which they call "immanent," they denied was distinguished ^C from the substance of God, as an act of the divine intellect or will, by reason alone; and since this action is not distinguished from the substance, it follows that what is produced by the power of this action is also produced by the power of the divine substance; and it is an open cavil, since the Greeks in the fourth synod under Cantacuzenus argued thus: "If the operation were not different from the substance of God, then all created things would be from the substance of God, since they are from the operation of God; but this is impious, therefore the former is also [impious]." I answer that the major premise is false if it be understood that all things would be from the substance of God as from an internal constituent part; as if they were composed from the substance of God, or as if parts were torn away from it. But it is true if it be understood that all things would be from the substance of God, insofar as all things exist by the power and energy and efficacy of God, or of the operating divine substance. Nor is it true that they felt that the essential and natural operations of God were created; for since they asserted that these operations were in reality altogether the same as the divine substance, by what logic, I beseech you, could they affirm them to be created? Prateolus adds: "They said that the divine light which shone on Mount Tabor was a phantasm, that is, merely an appearance, and a creature, which has a beginning and an end, and is not a natural splendor of the divine nature, and, so to speak, [not] the deity, and the light that is, and which is called inaccessible." Excluding the not very decent word "phantasm," which the Greeks hand down that these men sometimes used, there is nothing at all in this whole sentiment that merits reproach: for truly that Taboric light was a created thing, and it began with the transfiguration, and ceased when it was finished. From these things, it will likewise be possible to correct what a certain very learned author, and one most versed in Greek writers, has produced in writing. He says that the divine and uncreated light was seen on Mount Tabor not in itself, for so it was not visible to the eyes, but in a created light; just as the Holy Spirit descending upon Christ at the time of baptism was seen not in itself, but in the likeness of a dove: and this indeed is rightly and catholically stated. But what he adds, that Barlaam and Acindynus contended that the divine light itself (this is the glory and majesty of God) was seen in itself and according to itself, not in its image, and that on account of this they were condemned by the Constantinopolitan synod held under Joannes Palæologus and Joannes Cantacuzenus, that, with the peace of a most learned man, I would say goes far wide of the truth. For Palamas and the fathers of that synod said that the divine and uncreated light was seen in itself and according to itself, to which Barlaam and Acindynus resisted with all their strength, asserting that the divine light in itself and according to itself is not exposed to the bodily eye, but whatever appeared to the eyes of the disciples on Mount Tabor was a certain created image of that divine and uncreated and invisible glory. Nor did they ever affirm this with the intention of making the Son of God a creature with Arius. Nor did any synod object this to Barlaam and Acindynus: who rendered an account of this light that today orthodox theologians feel about it—to wit, that it was a visible and created sign of the invisible divinity and uncreated glory. Finally, from these things it will be possible to correct Stapleton, who writes concerning Barlaam in the second book on the magnitude of the Roman Church, namely that Barlaam the monk went to Constantinople and publicly agitated the Greek heresy (concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit) for three whole years, with no one resisting, until the Greeks opposed a certain Palamas to him. For Barlaam did not argue concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit for the Latins against the Greeks, but rather, as far as the argument goes, he argued for the Greeks against the Latins, as his books on this argument testify.

^A of the communion of the Orthodox, if they did not repent, but persisted in their wickedness. Nor were they the only ones; but if any other person should later attempt the same things, and bring a charge against Palamas and the others that they did not think rightly, such a person should be under the same sentence, unless he himself should also change. Following these things, they drafted a Tome according to the ancient custom of the synods; and after it had been signed by the patriarch John and as many of the high priests as were present at that time—for later, many others also signed along with the former ones, having become of one mind with Palamas and those who were with him—they handed it over for justification. But these things belong to a later time.

At the time, once the synod had been dissolved and the others had each scattered, the Emperor gave orders to find some rest at the Monastery of the Hodēgoi. Having arrived there, on the following day he began to have a mild fever; and it seemed to the physicians that the disturbance during the synod and his lack of food were the cause of the fever. On the second day, ^B the ailment attacked his head and provided poor hopes; for it appeared to be of the most acute sort. On the third day after that, in the morning, it seemed to abate, and he gave the physicians good hopes. But when it was already around midday, it shifted suddenly, and it indicated that the Emperor would not be long for this world; and no hope of his recovery was left to the physicians.

When such things were bruited about, Apocauchus, the ^C *parakoimōmenos*, approached the Great Domestic and began to advise him to take hold of affairs and to adorn himself with imperial regalia after the Emperor’s passing, for he should not expect the Emperor to be among the living for long. Moreover, he would do nothing new, but only that which the Emperor himself had often urged, and which not a few of the Romans knew, for they had paid him honor in no way inferior to the Emperor. And besides, there would be no need for much labor or struggle; it suffices only for him to speak, and all would be ready to obey him. He (the Emperor) had been, both formerly throughout his whole life and now, no less ready to do what seemed advantageous to him, not only sparing neither his wealth nor his efforts, but even readily pouring out his soul on behalf of those things which pertained to his own private interests, being most of all a debtor to him. For he had enjoyed many of the benefits from him: he had not only introduced him to the Emperor and brought him into favor, but later, when the Emperor was angry, he had interceded for him, delivered him from prison, and led him to this position—a position in which he is today.

Thus far Apocauchus. The Great Domestic spoke, falling silent for a moment: "I do not think," he said, "that such things as these have ever entered my mind; nor should it be thought that I have progressed in wickedness to such a degree that, while the Emperor is still alive, or even after he is dead, I could be induced—either by you or by anyone else—to be forgetful of my love for him, or, to speak better, of our agreement and conspiracy; or that I should neglect those things which are commonly to the benefit of his children and the Augusta, and pursue my own private advantages. You would be causing me the greatest shame and folly, if you hoped that you would persuade me of such things."

When he urged his opinion again as being advantageous, he said: "Stop; for he who does not observe the laws of friendship for a dead friend, would not have been a true friend to him while he was alive." Thus, Apocauchus, deterred by the gravity of the response, ceased to be troublesome to the Great Domestic. But he met with his mother and endeavored to persuade her of the same thing, thinking that if he achieved that which he desired, it would be a finished matter; for a son would not contradict his mother if she told him something that seemed useful and just ^D *Jacobi Gretseri nota.* [Note omitted because it is a scholarly apparatus block].

A Note by Jacob Gretser

A "Tome" in synods is a document containing its acts and decrees, and all that which contains the profession and exposition of the faith. Therefore, the letter of Saint Leo to Flavian against Eutyches, in which he set forth the opinion of the Catholic Church, is very often called a "Tome" in councils. The "Typus" of the Emperor Zeno and that of Heraclius, in which they rendered an account of their faith—or rather, of their perfidy—are also "tomes," as likewise the *Constitutum* of Vigilius in Baronius, Volume VII. Hence, evidently, the term is transferred from the container to the dogmas themselves, so that "the Tome of Leo against Eutyches" is the dogma itself of the Church against the same heretic. Hence the expression, as Patriarch Philotheus of Constantinople says, Book 2, against Nicephorus Gregoras, dealing with this very Tome of the Constantinopolitan synod against Barlaam.

Having approved of that, ^A but also having received a harsher response—in that he was ordered not to counsel such things, which would not be to the son's advantage—he refrained entirely from the temptation. The Grand Domestic, moreover, seeing the Emperor was now near death and understanding that the greatest care should be taken for his children and the empire, approached the Empress Anna, who was weeping and lamenting. "It does not seem to me," he said, "that this is a time for mourning and tears; for it will still be possible, if God does not deliver us from the impending calamity and look upon us propitiously from heaven, to indulge in wailing and weeping for long enough. For the present, I judge it reasonable to place the boy emperors in safety. Indeed, while I am alive and present here, I do not believe that anyone of the Romans should be expected to plot against us. But if something of this sort were to occur, what would be more preferable: that you alone be my concern, or all things together—I mean you, the children, and the empire?" Then the Augusta said that it seemed strange to her that in such a critical state of affairs he should think it necessary to ask her whether he wished to do something advantageous for the sons of the Emperor and the empire. She therefore entrusted to him that he should not neglect anything that might seem to be for the common good. He immediately took the Emperor John and his brother ^B Manuel into the palace, and ordered ministers to be present with them, and for the palace to be guarded against evildoers by those whom he knew to be most benevolent to the child emperor. He also left there the most faithful of his own servants, and the axe-bearing Varangians—all of them, five hundred in number—and he himself spent the night there, keeping the Emperor’s children in such safety as he could. Then, on the evening of Wednesday, the seventeenth day before the Kalends of July, in the year six thousand eight hundred and forty-nine from the creation of the world, in the ninth indiction, overtaken by the severity of his disease, the Emperor departed from this life. ^C

Jacobi Pontani notes. (81) These refer to a certain storm, which is about to agitate the Empress and the empire, namely, the five-year war that followed shortly after, of which [I write] in the following book. (82) There were two, John and Manuel; nothing was said of [their] birth. Concerning the former, Gregoras, Book X: In the following summer the Emperor’s wife, the Lady Anna, who was pregnant, was at Didymoteichon where, on the eighteenth day of June, she gave birth to a son, the Emperor John. And to him Cantacuzenus betrothed his daughter, Helena. (83) This passage is difficult in the Greek due to the minor phrasing, for which I read "κἂν πάντων," and I think this is the meaning I have expressed. (84) I wonder, since the Grand Domestic lamented so much earlier, how he does not reveal with laments and tears the incredible love he burned with for him while he was truly dying. But I suppose that due to the magnitude of his recurring grief, he could not write what he intended.

SYNOPSIS OF BOOK THREE

This book is much larger than the preceding one and is connected to it. The causes for why the following events are to be narrated are indicated; the truth is promised. The Grand Domestic’s diligent provision in guarding the palace, by whom also the prefects of the cities and provinces are warned not to initiate any innovations. The magnificent burial and sacred funeral rites of the Emperor Andronicus. The ambition of the Patriarch. Anathema against those who may have treated the Emperor's sons ill after his death. Again concerning the ambition of the Patriarch. Consultation regarding the return of the exile Sismanes. Chumnos’s insults against the Domestic. Two opinions concerning the defector. The Domestic’s love for the deceased Emperor. He desires to send word to the government. The Empress’s weeping and her lamentation over her widowhood and the orphaning of her children. She reproaches the Domestic for a neglected duty. Behold, the Patriarch also being present, he very eloquently wards off the suspicion of affected imperial power from himself. He denies that he will return to the helm of government unless the Empress gives her word that she will not trust the slanderers. Oaths are taken on both sides. He takes an oath to the same Patriarch. The Grand Domestic refuses to return Sismanes to the King of the Mysians, whose prudence greatly relieves the Empress of her fear, and she rejoices with the nobles. What made the soldiery more sluggish. A certain patrician offers a large sum of money to a notary for the use of the state. The soldiers' stipends and revenues are filled. Spirits are afire for battle. The Domestic advises the Empress concerning the coronation of her son John, and refutes those who reason to the contrary. An encounter occurs with the satrap of Lydia who is raiding Thrace. The Domestic, about to lead forces to the west, makes peace with Orchan. He explores the Empress’s mind through the Patriarch. He is praised by her and gently advised not to exhaust himself in such great toils, nor to spend from his own means. He replies elegantly, so that you may recognize the man’s virtue. He departs from Byzantium with his troops. Senators and garrisons from the cities of Thrace are summoned for the expedition. The Mysian, with the treaty renewed, departs for home. The Persians, who are plundering near the Chersonese, are slain and put to flight. Apocauchus, aiming at tyranny, is caught; he flees to his fortress at Epibatae. He admonishes the Domestic concerning the mutability of human affairs. The Domestic’s pious and firm response. The Latins of the Peloponnese submit themselves on certain conditions: their envoys are treated honorably by the Domestic. Sennacherim is substituted for Apocauchus. Conspiracy and the embassy of the prefects of the West. The Crales is hostile to Macedonia. The Grand Domestic judges that the Peloponnesian expedition must be preempted and therefore that he must return to Byzantium. He is received by the Byzantines; he consoles the Empress, who is afflicted by grief and illness: he explains what he has done and what he is about to do. At the palace, nobles and soldiers argue loudly with the Patriarch concerning the honor due to the Domestic. The Empress, having demonstrated their triple sin to those who were arguing, grants them pardon. She confers with the Domestic concerning the punishment of Apocauchus; his birth and previous status. How the same Apocauchus incited Xene, the Emperor’s mother, against the Domestic. The Domestic, invited to share in the purple and the empire, refuses. Fearing the harm, the Domestic’s detractors desire to restore themselves to his favor, and especially Apocauchus, who is forgiven as a supplicant with a serious admonition. By what means this same man, because he did not obtain the prefecture of the treasury, created disturbances and attacked the Domestic in the presence of the Empress. He placates him and the Empress; he does not dare to leave Epibatae. The Domestic’s exhortation to the Byzantines for peace. He puts off betrothing his daughter to the Emperor. On the journey, Apocauchus allows himself to be with him; having spoken with the Domestic's mother, he is admonished to show himself as benevolent in reality rather than in words. A notion enters the Patriarch’s mind; he falsely accuses the Domestic, urges that the Empress be provoked against the Domestic, and proposes a method. Asanes asks for his sons who had been kept in prison for six years. The Domestic promises his help. Apocauchus inflames the father-in-law against the son-in-law. The conspirators, one by one, denounce the Domestic to the Empress. Each is rejected. Finally, he is driven to the point where he thinks he must be summoned for judgment, whom the Patriarch thought should be condemned without a hearing. The same man deters the Empress with the gravity of the danger and vehemently increases her suspicion. Asanes concludes the accusation. The Empress grieves and is distressed, and inclining toward the opinion of the slanderers, she tearfully commends herself and her children to them. The Domestic’s mother, with her youngest son and the wife of her other son, is shut up at home as if in prison. Apocauchus, having been appointed prefect of the city, sends soldiers in vain to plunder and destroy the Domestic’s house; his friends, who had fled from the city to avoid danger, apologize to the Empress and ask for permission to return. Gabalas acts perfidiously. Those who had fled from Byzantium recount what had happened at Didymoteichos. Having sent envoys, the Domestic demands a trial for himself; they are treated badly by the ministers of Apocauchus. The same Domestic is declared an enemy. By a letter from the Empress, he is ordered to leave his vicariate. It is asked what should be done about the soldiers who are clamoring for war. A rather long speech by the Domestic, in which he refutes the crime of seizing the kingdom. Having set out to the Empress, he considers placing himself at her disposal. The nobles judge that he would consult matters better if he were to don the purple. Resisting them, he finally complies with their wishes for the sake of the republic. At Didymoteichos, he publicly assumes the imperial attire with auspicious acclamations. Certain omens of future events. The vision of an emissary from Didymoteichos, and the praise of that man. The Emperor again removes the suspicion of tyranny from himself. He grants leave to the soldiers who have wives and children; he sends those who were retained into the Byzantine territory; he is to arrive shortly to invade the city. A longer narrative concerning the evils which occurred at Adrianople from the sedition.

195

Argument of the Third Book

^A those which arose on account of the new emperor. Also, the calamities throughout the Roman empire on account of the same. The people of Adrianople invoke the aid of Alexander, king of the Moesians, whose arrival greatly harms Cantacuzenus. The Moesian brigands are in part slaughtered by the Romans, in part captured. The soldiers dissuade peace with the Moesians, whom the emperor refutes. The legates are violated. The riches of Cantacuzenus are plundered; their immensity is explained. Against him, his father-in-law Andronikos Asanes is chosen as commander. The province is devastated. At Zernomianos, the brigands are slaughtered near Didymoteichon; the emperor proceeds to Adrianople. The Pincerna is summoned to Pamphilon. The Hebrus freezes. The crime of the Pamphilensians. AT Byzantium, Cantacuzenus is led through the public square with extreme contumely. He is struck by an anathema from the patriarch; he honors the empress and the archons. Because the three prefects complained that they were kept hidden by him, he endeavors to prove his actions regarding his garb and his title of emperor. Syrges, prefect of Pherai, diverts his property to himself. The Protostrator changes sides and promises to surrender Thessalonica. ^B Chreles, a Triballian dynast, invites him to the west and promises his aid. Those who think in council that the west should be sought rather than Byzantium prevail. Cantacuzenus leaves his wife with his daughters at Didymoteichon; he gives the city and its suburb prefects along with garrisons. The fortress of Bera is taken without force for the sake of the monks dwelling within. Fear of Batatzes in pursuing the emperor. Anastasiopolis is besieged by Andronikos the Younger of the Peritheorians. The lie of Batatzes. A letter of Cantacuzenus to the patriarch, by which he shows himself most desirous of peace. A messenger is punished with imprisonment. The empress excuses and defends Cantacuzenus to her women, and speaks of him honorably. Apocauchus, learning of this, warns the conspirators of the imminent danger. They decide to impose an oath upon the empress, that she will attempt nothing concerning peace without them. They act harshly against Cantacuzenus before her, especially the patriarch. She swears, and is guarded day and night by the conspirators and servants, to whom gold is given so they report her words. Cantacuzenus summons the holiest of the monks from Mount Athos, whose reputation persuades the empress of peace, but she is hindered from a settlement by religion. ^C The patriarch and his associates grow angry at the monks; they strive to stir up discord among them; they treat the leading men harshly. A message from the Protostrator. Peritheorium is besieged. From the wall, insults are made against Cantacuzenus; the insulter is received Christianly by him. The townspeople, by the counsel of a perverse man, retract their surrender. The emperor departs for Thessalonica. John, the son of Andronikos, is crowned youth at Byzantium. The conspirators are adorned with dignities. The pride of the patriarch. Apocauchus arrogates supreme power to himself; he slaughters the relatives of Cantacuzenus; he afflicts his mother most savagely in prison even until death, for whom the empress feels pity. The charity of Theodora, sister of Andronikos the Younger, a widow and nun, toward the dying and the dead. The magnitude and distribution of the discovered money. A grave calumny against Cantacuzenus. Against the same, Apocauchus prepares a fleet for the west. Syrges, besieging the roads to Thessalonica, is deceived. Polystylus is fortified. ^D The warning of the Protostrator and the response of Chreles. The straits of the emperor. Syrges, Monomachus, and the metropolitan bishop send scouts to the camp of Cantacuzenus. By letters given to them he defends his innocence; he discusses the reasons for his oath; he convicts them of wickedness. Cantacuzenus occupies Melenikon. The hesitation of Chreles from fear; at his arrival the army rejoices. The ambiguous mind of the Protostrator. The nefarious crimes of the Zealots (that was the faction of Palaiologos) at Thessalonica. The Protostrator, having been put to flight with the leading men, ravages the countryside. The affliction of Cantacuzenus. The Byzantines enter Thessalonica with great forces. Consultation with the exiles. In the assembly, the power to speak his opinion is given to each. As others stall, the emperor declares that he must depart from Thessalonica, and that one should not despair of the rest; the garrison of Rhentina must be increased, Thessalonica must be raided; by which act the Thessalians, Acarnanians, and the rest of the mainland might come under his power. Certain Thessalonians defect. The Byzantine nobles, fearing for their own affairs, attempt to block his path. The river Axios overflows. 344 The army returns to Gynaekokastron. Apocauchus, to show his power, having sailed around the islands, sails for this reason to Thessalonica. The Protostrator defects to him. The emperor inveighs against the deserters as cowards. Apelmenes is ungrateful and proud. The Protostrator is rebuked, to whom the youth Asanes is commended. The emperor shows in what difficulties he is involved: he lifts the spirits of the soldiers, he persuades them to go to the prince of the Triballians for aid. Apocauchus pursues those departing, yet there is no fighting. He receives the deserters of the emperor. Cavalry from Apocauchus frees Edessa from the siege of the Triballians. A certain Zimpanos, a herdsman, gave the emperor's envoys in chains to Apocauchus. What they suffered. The emperor is received munificently and most humanely by the two dynasts. He comes to Skopia. Liburnus the Triballian reconciles him to the Kral. He, running to meet him with his wife, receives him with great honor and treats him regally. He asks him for aid; he demands as the reward of the alliance the cities of the west as far as Christopolis. Cantacuzenus refuses, and touches upon it as being something less than noble, and desirous of honor. The prudent speech of Helena the Kralina concerning helping the guest, with a more tolerable condition. The emperor rejects the advice of his men to concede what the Kral asks. Both, in the presence of the archbishop, swear to certain conditions. Contention between the two concerning Chreles the Triballian. Why he did not want to return to the Kral. Melenikon is surrendered to Chreles. Syrges occupies the fortress of Rhentina. He acts savagely against those who surrendered. What Apocauchus did at Polystylus; what he wrote to Didymoteichon; what response was given to him, and how sharply and freely. The Byzantines receive him returning with congratulations and applause. He rules according to his lust. Irene, the wife of Cantacuzenus, is in fear with her brother Manuel. The fidelity of the soldiers and the commanders is explored. Comitopulus professes his constancy. An oath is taken. A message from the emperor with his waxen seal. The suburban dwellers of Didymoteichon rise up against the urban dwellers. 344 They are put to flight. They go into voluntary exile; their houses are destroyed. The bishops va-

-^Anicum eventus probat. The Triballian princes regret the promised aid; they demand the son of Cantacuzenus as a hostage; Liberus wishes to pledge his own daughter to his son. The Emperor with the Triballian auxiliaries: what he did at Pherae. Syrges is called to the scepter of Armenia. The stubbornness of the Pheraeans. Plague destroys many in the army. A garrison is sent to Christopolis by Apocauchus. A remarkable address of the Emperor to those setting out toward the Triballi. The Romans are rebuked for rioting. Many betake themselves to Christopolis. The perjury of the commanders there. The Emperor receives them on their return. The audacious lie of the same commanders concerning Cantacuzenus; hence, public rejoicing in Byzantium. How many and how great were the sufferings of many there on account of Cantacuzenus. The cruelty of the prefects. The most humane deed of a certain Persian toward those lacerated by scourges. A certain impostor mocks the sacred confession. Thanks are rendered again to the Mother of God upon false reports. Crales restores Edessa immediately to the Emperor who demands it. Apocauchus moves against Didymoteichon in vain. He besieges Empythium: terrified by an incursion of the Scythians, he abandons the siege. The Scopelenses, departing for the Scythians, fall into a foolish and unhappy outcome. Apocauchus hands over the administration of the war to his son-in-law. Empress Anna asks Cantacuzenus of Crales; she promises cities as a reward. The memorable loyalty of the Triballian nobles toward him. The Thessalians subject themselves to Cantacuzenus of their own accord. He appoints John Angelus as their governor, whom he commends in a bull; he prescribes many conditions to him and removes the suspicion of his affecting the empire for himself. Called to Didymoteichon, he promises he will come. For what purpose Apocauchus and Crales wished to meet. The cruelty of the latter against the partisans of Cantacuzenus. Why the Empress rejected the counsel of the stratopedarch. Crales’ exhortation to the Pheraeans to make submission to Cantacuzenus. They stubbornly refuse and atrociously slay the legate of Cantacuzenus himself. The Emperor complies with the soldiers panting for Didymoteichon. Crales ravages the territory of the Pheraeans. What kind of Triballian auxiliaries followed them into Thrace. The soldiers force the Emperor, who wished to return to Crales for better aid, to march to Didymoteichon. A prodigy concerning the letter written to him at Didymoteichon. Return to the Triballi. The Protostrator, suspected of treachery, clears himself. The congratulations of the Byzantines upon the return of Apocauchus. A lying rumor about Cantacuzenus. Apocauchus places certain ones in custody. The speech of Empress Irene. An embassy to the King of the Moesians concerning an alliance, and his mockery. How much cunning he employed in the troops sent to Didymoteichon. The slyness of the Moesian commanders. The exhortation and prophecies of the bishop. The arriving Persians put the Moesians to flight. How the satrap Amurius was received by Empress Irene, and her extraordinary love for the Emperor, to whom he proceeds. The heinous crime of the Pheraeans in the forged letters, by which Amurius is deceived and returns home. Five hundred Persians destroyed in one night by the cold. The plunderers from Didymoteichon, half-dead from the cold, flee to the enemies, and how they were treated by them. Why the towns that wished to surrender themselves to Empress Irene were not received. Arbenus, an obscure man, relieves the miraculously anxious Emperor with advice about occupying Berrhoea. Crales promises aid. The Emperor is summoned through legates, to whom the Queen Cralena assigns her own German soldiers. He is received by the cheering Berrhoeans; he is hindered by the populace and the Zealots from obtaining Thessalonica. The treachery of Crales. The fidelity of the Germans in protecting the Emperor. Concerning the crossing of the river Axius. An encomium of the two sons of Cantacuzenus. A certain rustic points out the ambushes of the Triballi to him and leads the way to a ford of the river. The Germans receive a donative at Berrhoea. The ambushers are brought to Crales; their leaders are handed over to the Emperor for punishment, whom he pardons. Apocauchus inflames Crales against the Emperor; he acts deceitfully; the Emperor, responding more fully to him, censures his crimes; he demonstrates the danger; he mocks his cowardice. Apocauchus seeks counsel. Monomachus proclaims the good fortune of Cantacuzenus, casts in fear, and counsels peace. Crales, instigated by Apocauchus, deceitfully invites Cantacuzenus to a consultation, by whom he is mocked. The same man, soliciting the Berrhoeans to defection, receives most bitter letters. The Emperor could not be wounded even a third time by an archer; he pardons him who seeks forgiveness and sends him away with gifts. Apocauchus consults. The double opinion of Monomachus. His deceitful counsel again. The brigandage of the Persians at Berrhoea. Apocauchus rages at Pepagomenos. Amurius is called out from Asia by Cantacuzenus. He is saddened by a false message. 345 His own distinguished speech, in which the cause of the expedition, the zeal for helping Cantacuzenus, and his love and solicitude for him are declared; the soldiers are inflamed to labor; it is advised that, having burned the ships, they should march by land. The whole fleet is carried to Macedonia by a favorable wind. The Persians devastate the Thessalonian territory. The Emperor provides for the province of Crales; he approaches Thessalonica with the troops. The encounter with Amurius. The cruelty of the Zealots against the partisans of Cantacuzenus. The siege of Peritheorion. The humanity of the Emperor toward the captive. The legates of both to Empress Anna for peace. The legate of Cantacuzenus is received basely and cruelly. The curses of Apocauchus. Why Amurius brought the letters delivered to him to the Emperor. The prophecy of the Bishop of Didymoteichon. The castles of Meropes and the herdsmen surrender themselves; Momitzilus is set over them; his customs are described. The Emperor comes to Didymoteichon with Amurius. The refractory cities of Thrace are punished. The illness of Amurius. A garrison is sent to Adrianople, and its unhappy excursion to Didymoteichon. Amurius avoids death in the conflict. Nine cities are given to Alexander, King of the Moesians, for his aid; his prevarication. By what way the conspirators tried to draw the Persians out of Thrace. Amurius strives in vain to retain them; about which he complains to the Emperor, and promises a return from Asia with better soldiers. The Emperor encourages him to send an embassy to Byzantium, by which he might obtain ships and money for his return. The princes at Constantinople reproach Amurius for his dejection; they promise ships with money. He defends himself. A passage concerning the crisis of servitude. The Emperor divinely

^A is delivered from the Persian pillagers. His battle with the besiegers of Asomaton, and his victory. The departure of Amurius; and why this departure was advantageous to the Emperor. The siege of Gratianopolis. Smyrna is taken by the Latins. No small sum of money [is obtained] from its prefect, Angelitzes. The death of the Bishop of Didymotichos. The retreat of Alexander from Morrhus. Momitzilus burns three Persian ships. The Persians, who were among Cantacuzenus’s troops, burn to avenge their slaughtered guards. The Emperor joins the Romans to them; he orders Momitzilus’s small region to be plundered. Momitzilus terrifies the Emperor with an unexpected arrival; his soldiers flee; he defends himself strenuously with a few men. The remarkable love and loyalty of the servants of Lantzarethi to their master. Momitzilus is named Despot by Empress Anna; Cantacuzenus, having also granted him a humble pardon, creates him Sebastokrator. The Persians return to Asia. Emperor Palaiologos falls ill. Mosus, having broken his treaty, sends auxiliaries to Apocauchus. The Emperor’s cunning counsel. Apocauchus’s son-in-law is drowned in the Hebrus. He is repulsed from Didymotichos: he ravages Morrhus. Momitzilus, planning a principality of his own, defects from Cantacuzenus and Empress Anna. The Archons, or administrators of the empire for the boy emperor and the widow, lament the miserable state of the republic; they advise peace for the Empress. Apocauchus takes it ill and brings the patriarch and Gabalas, the grand logothete, who were visiting him, over to his side; he reproves the Empress; he betroths Gabalas’s daughter. Apocauchus again incites the minds [of the court] against Cantacuzenus; and yet, though submissive, he dominates. ^B Authors of an embassy to be sent to him. Two letters are sent at once, by which his joy is signaled regarding his desire to lay down his power, as Apocauchus had falsely reported. A condition is proposed to him upon which he might come. An investigation is made into the Emperor’s actions; it is shown that he has governed the commonweal well. A lengthy oration of the Emperor, in which he objects to the ignobility and imprudence of the Archons, and deplores the state of the republic. Furthermore, he replies to the point that the patriarch, in inviting him to return, had said he would pay a penalty; and he disputes concerning the force of anathema. In the end, [there is] a huge desire for peace. The Pheraioi beg for pardon and aid from the Emperor, and obtain them. They themselves are a proof of the mutability of human fortune; by their example the Byzantines are terrified, and it is demonstrated to many that the empire cannot be defended. It is also shown that Empress Anna is not in control of her own affairs. The constancy of the Emperor’s legates to the Chrysoberges in the face of threats and blows. The unconquered spirit of the Archons in keeping secrets. The surrender of Garella. Again, a petition for peace. Certain castles surrender themselves. The defection of Batatzes from the Emperor, and his return; his remuneration. The liberality of the Sultan’s satrap. Why the Emperor ate breakfast in Thrace at first light. The citizens of Chora pay for their slander with an earthquake. The walls are rebuilt, upon the completion of which they return to their obstinacy. The Grand Duke is again put in charge of the forces; he attempts to kill Cantacuzenus. Mutual letters: those of the former threatening, those of the latter reproaching. A quibble over the word *oikia*. The derision of the old man as unfit for war. Near Byzantium, the devastation of the Persians rages. The arrogance of Apocauchus. The cities of Thrace, except for two, surrender themselves. The humanity and liberality of the Emperor in dismissing their prefects. ^C A comparison between Cantacuzenus and the Archons. The Emperor possesses the cities near the Pontus that are hostile [to him]. His friends summon him to Adrianople. Their stupidity and punishments. The Empress recovers the city. Manuel, the son of Apocauchus, the prefect, defects; he is received kindly and honored by the Emperor. Acts at Bizya. Amzas the Persian informs on a comrade who had been suborned to kill the Emperor, whom he release freely. The Bizyans surrender. Cantacuzenus is acclaimed as Emperor, and his wife as Empress, to Empress Anna and her son, and elsewhere; and the mention of all is used in the sacred rites. More towns submit themselves. The prefecture of Bizya is given to Manuel Asan. The very wretched condition of the Protostrator and the other friends of Apocauchus. Apocauchus’s craftiness, by which he strove to avoid the reputation of cowardice, is wittily mocked and bitterly vituperated. The fraud, imposture, and wickedness are admirable, by which the same Apocauchus strove to deprive Gabalas of life. Orchanes joins himself to Cantacuzenus. Several towns at the Pontus captured. The dream of the Emperor’s son, Manuel. Upon Cantacuzenus coming to the city, the timidity of Apocauchus. The Byzantine territory is devastated, with the Emperor pitying it. The Galatae inquire into the cause and origin of this war; to whom the Emperor recounts everything from the beginning so as to testify to his innocence. Likewise, he defends himself regarding the auxiliary forces of the Persians. Aregus the monk, the legate, absolves him of every guilt regarding the war. The Emperor praises his prudence, complains about his adversaries; he reveals what he would do if they would allow him to be Emperor and colleague. His love for the republic. Under what conditions ^D he is willing to abdicate the empire. Aregus commends his oration; he is ordered to renounce the words [spoken to] Byzantium. Apocauchus calls for arms and prayers. Certain towns are subdued by the Emperor. A letter of Apocauchus and the patriarch concerning the abdication of the Emperor. Aregus, ignorant of Greek, is deceived. The Emperor interprets it into Italian; both are angered. Apocauchus besieges Empyrites in vain; he obtains nothing from the collection of tolls; he is dissemblingly mocked by the courtiers. Aregus refuses to approach him; he accuses him of impiety and imprudence; he excuses the Empress to the Emperor. The Emperor, hostile, comes to Byzantium and departs. Adrianople and several bordering towns surrender to his power. What was done with the three surrendering parties, two of whom were prefects. Why Amurius did not return to the Emperor. With the permission of Sarchanis, he crosses through Lydia, then through the Hellespont. The irruption of the Persians into Moesia. Momitzilus is slaughtered with a part of his army; the rest is captured. The Emperor weeps. Momitzilus is an example of human fortune. The Xanthians mourn for the funerals of their men; they surrender the city. The Emperor’s clemency toward Momitzilus’s wife. He decides to punish the Cral as a treaty-breaker. The Romans drive the Pheraioi to defection. He threatens the Cral, unless he departs from Pherai and ceases to violate the treaties. Impostures. Apocauchus’s [actions] are repeated. He decides to leave the continent; his tyranny toward the Byzantines. Concerning the prison which he attempted to build in the palace of Constantine. He seeks an affinity with the Empress through a marriage of his daughter with her son, and with letters under her name to the Roman pontiff

he fabricates a great danger for him. The response of Clement VI. What Apocauchus would do if his treachery did not succeed. The common hatred toward him. He urges the construction of a prison, and is cut down by the prisoners. Letters of the Emperor’s friends and his wife concerning his death, and an invitation to Byzantium, and the indicated opportunity for occupying the city. The Persian leaders persuade Cantacuzenus to march immediately with all his forces to Byzantium. The wife of Apocauchus flees to the Epibatae. The Emperor lays the blame for the lost cities of Macedonia upon the Persian leaders, with whom he returns to Macedonia. Suliman dies. Amurius, fearing for his own province from Sarchanes, returns home. Crales occupies Pherae and calls himself Emperor, and his son Crales. Batatzes, having been ordered, raids the Byzantine borders; he defects to the Empress with an immoderate desire for honor. The reason why the Empress was so averse to peace. Why the Emperor strove to recall Batatzes to himself. A certain remarkable vision of his. Batatzes is killed by the Persians on account of the Emperor. He is handed over to the Empress Empyrite. A certain Phrangopulus, having been brought into the camp against the Emperor's will, saves him from poison. At first, he does not believe that Hierax is plotting his destruction; whom he then admonishes of his duty. He deals again with the Archons as a traitor. Paraspondylus does the same, and on two counts brings the name of Hierax before the Emperor. Who, being wounded in battle, is led to the camp. ^A He flees to Byzantium, where he pleads his case regarding the death of the Emperor not having occurred. 347 The supporters of the Emperor in Byzantium are now manifest; they flee to him. Hierum is almost occupied, and soon lost through negligence. Cantacuzenus is crowned at Adrianople. By consent of the Emperor, the episcopate forbids sacred rites to John the Patriarch of Constantinople. The nobles and the army request that his son Matthew be designated Emperor, which the Emperor wisely refuses. The slaughter of the Thessalonians. The prefect Palaeologus is killed by John Apocauchus. The crime and impiety of the Zelotae. Some of them are slaughtered by the people; one is dragged through the forum. Apocauchus, acting for the Cantacuzenian side, punishes the Zelotae; he feigns defection to the Empress; after his father’s death he openly favors Cantacuzenus; with the council consenting, he surrenders Thessalonica to him. Legates to Cantacuzenus. What the Thessalonians obtained by petitioning his son. Andreas Palaeologus and Cocalas incite the people to arms. Apocauchus and his associates are punished with prison and death. Human fat is eaten. ^B Matthew the son conducts the campaign against Hierax in Thrace successfully. The Patriarch of Constantinople is declared [deposed] by the Pope. Smyrna is slaughtered by Amurius, the Persian satrap. The Chians, being compelled, surrender to the Genoese. Phaceolatus, having already taken Chios, returns to Byzantium with his triremes; he intercepts a Genoese merchant ship. The Empress obtains the help of the prince Carbona of the Mpalices; she makes his brother Tomprotizas the leader of the Roman army. The Emperor’s daughter Theodora is given in marriage to Orchan with solemn ceremonies at Selybria. The extraordinary virtue of the same lady. Scouts sent from the Pontic cities, by whose evidence the assassin is apprehended. The Empress flees to the aid of Sarchanes, the satrap of Lydia. The craft of Amurius in aiding the Emperor. The Persians are restrained by his treacherous act; they capture those they meet and plunder them. Their leaders are received at a banquet by the Emperor; and these, in addition to those navigating, shoot arrows at the Byzantines who come to insult them. The Byzantines, having perceived their defection, return. The leaders having been gifted, the Persians are sent home; they plunder Moesia; the Emperor is excused. ^C A grave complaint regarding the Roman enemies and the authors of all these evils. Monomachus, bribed for the murder of the Emperor, is apprehended by the warning of friends. A remarkable history concerning the efficacy of the poison prepared by him. Zyraces and Phaceolatus negotiate with the Emperor concerning the surrender of the city. Microcephalus is sent to Selybria by them for this reason, whom the Archons send there for another reason. The reason why the Empress Anna was alienated from the Patriarch, explained at depth. The same Patriarch’s fury in condemning and punishing bishops, by whom he is accused before the Emperor. A synod is summoned in the palace. The arrival of Cantacuzenus in Byzantium is announced, and is not believed by the Empress. The grief and anxiety of Cantacuzenus for his friends, lest they should incur danger. They dig through the Golden Gate for an entry. The Patriarch is removed from his rank. Cantacuzenus enters the city with the applause of the people. The Empress fortifies the palace; she calls the Galateans for aid. The Emperor pleads his cause before the bishops and the chief men of the clergy; he sends to the Empress to teach her in how dangerous a position her affairs are. The virtue of the Emperor is commended. The Empress scorns the embassy. The defenders of the palace contemplate defection. ^D By the persuasion of his son John, the Empress submits herself to the Emperor Cantacuzenus. Asanes the father-in-law is blamed by him as a legate for being ungrateful. Palamas, another legate, is praised for his constancy. The conditions of peace, and oaths on both sides. Cantacuzenus enters the palace. This book surpasses the rest in bulk, just as it does in certain principal and most noteworthy chapters. These are, in summary, about the following: The funeral and obsequies of the Emperor Andronicus the Younger. The sorrow and tears of the widowed Empress, on account of the abdication of the Great Domestic and his return to the administration of the empire. The humanity of the Byzantines toward the exile and suppliant Sisinanus. The inexpiable frauds and crimes of Apocauchus against the Great Domestic, by which he often threw him into the greatest difficulties out of envy. The purple worn by the Great Domestic for the safety of the republic. His varied and not light misfortunes. Peace very frequently sought by him, and not obtained. Most magnificent honors bestowed upon him by Crales, and the perfidy of the same Crales. The wondrous and perpetual love of Amurius, the Persian satrap of Ionia, for Cantacuzenus, and his most fervent desire to aid him. The prudence and magnanimity of the two women, the Empress Irene and the Cralena Helena. The very diligent and frequent defense of Cantacuzenus against his calumniators regarding the insurrections not actually committed against the Empress and her sons, and the absence of any affected tyranny. Deeds performed against Momitzilus, and his battle and death. Constantinople captured by Cantacuzenus, and his piety, prudence, equity, and clemency therein.

BOOK THREE. CHAPTER ONE.

Thus, how the Palaiologan emperors ^A contended with each other, and what the younger emperor waged in war against the barbarians after the elder had departed from the empire, and how he always managed the commonwealth at home, has been explained by us up to this point; and we have kept the promises made from the beginning, while we have embraced everything in this record of our writing accurately and truly, just as it occurred. But since, after the departure of Andronikos the Younger from this life, the most pernicious civil war among the Romans that any ever recorded in literature was kindled—a war which nearly overturned and destroyed everything, and rendered the happy and great empire of the Romans most weak, and like a mere phantom and shadow of its former state—I deemed it necessary to weave together also the events that took place during this war: not only so that posterity might know how great a force of evils envy is wont to bring, which is destructive both to itself and to others—like rust arising from the very iron ^B and consuming the iron—but also that you yourselves, who are present now at these events, might have a source from which to perceive the truth, and not be led astray by listening to foreign rumors, nor to those stories disseminated by either side either for their own glory through favor, or for the disgrace of their adversaries through calumny, forming opinions of what is not true. It will be worth the effort to attend to me not listlessly, but studiously. For all others, if any there be who have composed a history of this war, either were entirely absent from the events—conveying only what the common multitude or some others cast about—and, knowing nothing clear about the things that were happening, passed on to posterity whatever they had heard with their ears, with no regard for the truth; or, even if they had served under either of the emperors, they were surely not partakers of their councils, nor were they privy to their secret affairs; furthermore, they were not present at all the events, when the war lasted continuously and for a long time, for it dragged on for five years. But no one could bring any such charge against me. For, being present myself with the authors of these actions—

^A or having learned with precision from the lips of those who performed them, I have known things thoroughly, because there were many and continuous shifts throughout the duration of the war; so that it is likely that I was ignorant of nothing—not only of deeds done, but also of secret counsels, frauds, ambushes, and in short, of everything, both what was done openly and what was prepared in secret. ^B However, as I said from the beginning, I shall put nothing before the truth; but I shall report events as they happened, except that perhaps I will deliberately pass over some things that might cause reproach or blame to be spoken against some—for it is not my pleasure to slander anyone, even if all men were to know the matter. But if in my narrative I should somewhere appear to tell things not as the multitude imagines, one ought not to wonder. For I shall not invent ^C things that are not, in order to avoid not saying the same things as the many; but describing the affairs as they are, I shall let the opinions of the many go, as being false.

Of the death of Andronikos the younger and the governance of the state

When, therefore, the Emperor Andronikos the younger had died, his spouse, the Augusta Anna, remained for three days in the Monastery of the Hodegon. Afterwards, having returned to the palace, she gave herself to mourning for nine days, while everyone came to the palace daily—not only the senators and military commanders, but as many of the Byzantines as were of note—and they lamented the departed emperor with a common grief. ^D The Great Domestic, from that very day on which the emperor breathed his last, never departed from the palace; but having stationed five hundred men—partly his own, partly the emperor’s—in it for a guard, he applied the utmost zeal and diligence, so that if by chance any might attempt a revolution, he might break their efforts. After the ninth day, when the ceremonies customarily performed for the deceased had been fulfilled, he dismissed the greater part of the guard from the palace (a few being kept, of course, just as had been the custom before), and he himself, having returned home, occupied himself as always with the affairs of state. Through letters, he urged the governors of the provinces and the cities to remain tranquil and to attempt nothing new, as they would receive rewards worthy of their integrity and their goodwill toward the emperor; and conversely, if anyone should attempt a revolution, they would pay the penalty. He also ordered those who were entrusted with the collection of public taxes to commit no fraud regarding the funds, as they would have to render accounts of them no less than when the emperor was alive.

And in this manner, in more than thirty days, by sending more than five hundred letters, he brought the entire Roman empire to such a state of order and obedience that it seemed as if nothing new had happened, but that the emperor was still breathing the air and presiding over affairs. For no movement, either small or great, was heard of; except that the Albanians alone, living in Thessalia, having learned of the death of the emperor, were raiding the cities there and (although not extensively) were plundering them. Which having learned, the Great Domestic dispatched a messenger there as quickly as possible:

^A either to restore the plunder and refrain from such actions henceforth, or, should they refuse his commands, to know that they would be regarded by him as enemies. Being terrified by this threat, they not only returned the plunder to those who had been wronged, but also promised to keep the peace in the future, if only they might receive pardon for their transgressions. But these events happened a little later. After the Great Domestic had returned home from the palace, heralds were sent out at his command to the villages and towns surrounding Byzantium, summoning all who belonged to the sacred order to Constantinople on a fixed day to perform the expiatory rites for the deceased Emperor. So great a multitude of priests flocked there that the temple of the Wisdom of God, which is the most spacious of all those that the sun beholds, ^B appeared, to all intents and purposes, not large enough for the present occasion, as it was packed tightly with priests. Thus, when the day appointed for the propitiatory rites dawned, everything was carried out with such absence of tumult and with such order, that those who were performing them seemed to be few and easily numbered. For not even a faint murmur was heard, such as is customary when a crowd gathers, but rather a certain admirable harmony and accordance of voices was heard, as everyone in turn sang the sacred hymns; and the spectacle offered not only astonishment but also pleasure, as such a huge multitude of priests, together with the hierarchs, adorned in sacred vestments, performed the one rite under a single leader, the patriarch, by whom they were arranged. ^C But the abundance of lamps and the magnificence of the rest of the appointments surpassed the splendor of all festivals that have ever been remembered. Moreover, the Great Domestic himself bore the cost from his own resources for these things and for the very generous honoraria for the priests, distributed to each according to his worth. Such, then, were the expiatory rites.

CAPUT II.

These, indeed, were matters concerning the expiatory rites. The Great Domestic himself, however, applied ^D himself to the administration of public affairs just as he had done before, suspecting no evil from anyone in any matter. But it was not enough for the patriarch to remain in his former state; instead, he thought it necessary to seize the administration of public affairs, as he judged it appropriate to himself for the following reason. While the Emperor was still alive...

the Great Domestic had long advised him to authorize the patriarch to threaten punishment and excommunication from the Church of the faithful against anyone who, after the Emperor’s death, should plot against his children or unjustly seize the empire. He urged him ^A to be persuaded, arguing that those who did no such wrong would be in no way harmed; indeed, they would provide no small benefit to the children should any such fate befall them. For, he said, the end of life—the time of death—is uncertain for all, and especially for those who are always busy with wars and dangers. It was not impossible, he suggested, that both of them might fall in a single battle. Should this happen, the children would be left completely defenseless, unable to protect themselves due to their tender age, and having no one to act as a sincere and impartial guardian. ^B The Emperor, however, was not easily persuaded. He was of a pious mind and preferred to entrust the safety of his children to the all-powerful right hand of God, rather than look to the feeble assistance devised by human ingenuity. He understood, moreover, that similar measures conceived by previous emperors had been of no avail. He added that either God would extend a saving hand from above, or the power of those well-disposed toward him would, upon defeating the adversaries, restrain their impulses to do injury. Oaths and bonds and things of that sort, he argued, would not terrorize at all those who have determined to seek their own advantage from the misfortunes of others. Therefore, he should abstain from such an action, as it was not only useless to them but would cause no small harm to others, who would be excluded from divine communion by curses, in addition to the punishments ^C due for rapine. The Great Domestic persisted, however, and kept begging him to spare such words and to heed his advice, which he argued was both useful and just. Through his importunity, he achieved what he wanted, though not because the Emperor believed it would be beneficial if done; rather, yielding to the anticipation of his own mind, and because the other thought it would be beneficial, he gave his apparent consent. Having summoned the patriarch and all the bishops who were then in Byzantium, he spoke as was fitting regarding the matter. He declared his own opinion openly: that the matter seemed to him neither necessary nor useful (for it would not restrain the cupidity of conspirators), yet, so as not to appear to follow only his own judgment ^D but to yield to the counsel of others, he gave way and left the matter to them. Therefore, he ordered them to pronounce anathema against those who should unjustly set upon his children after his death; and the patriarch carried out what the Emperor commanded. For this reason, after his death, the patriarch thought it necessary—acting as the guardian of the Emperor’s children, especially since the Emperor’s son, John the Emperor, was still merely a boy of only nine years—to take up the governance and to preserve the empire for the young Emperor. And indeed, he took up the administration of the state, and gradually intruding himself into the principate, he tried to hide as much as possible, because he feared.

to become openly antagonistic to the Grand Domestic; and he did other things that were not pleasing, and formed a clique from among the senators, and persuaded them with many promises to assist him, so that he would do the greatest favors for them if the leadership of affairs should come to him. And he spent his time constantly in the palace, departing for home only at the middle of the night. From these things ^B the Grand Domestic, surmising the mind of the Patriarch, and especially since some of those who shared in his secrets were reporting the cause of these happenings, was naturally indignant and turned in anger against the deeds, yet he bore it in silence, watching to see where his design would end. In the midst of these things occurring, something else also happened, which stung the mind of the Grand Domestic not lightly; for Alexander, the king of the Mysians, having sent an embassy to the Empress and the Romans, demanded Sisman, the exile living among them at Byzantium, the son of Michael, whom he had succeeded, born to him from the sister of Stephen, the prince of the Triballians, who after the death of the latter had ruled Mysia; for she had previously been cast out by him while he was still alive, and he was living with the sister of the young Emperor Andronikos. But after she was shortly thereafter plotted against by the most powerful and was again cast out of the principate, she returned to the Kral, her brother, taking one of her sons, John. Sisman, the other son, had gone into exile among the Scythians; and having spent no little time there, later, after the Emperor's death, he had come of his own accord to the Romans. Him, therefore, Alexander ^C demanded when he sent, as his most bitter enemy; and he offered the choice of one of two things: either to deliver up Sisman for slaughter, or to prepare for war, for it was impossible for the Romans to be friends and allies while they harbored his enemy; and at the same time he sent the oaths by which Andronikos had bound himself to him for the sake of peace. The embassy of Alexander was in this wise. It was necessary for the nobles to gather and deliberate with the Empress whether it was right to deliver up the fugitive, or to take up a war against the Mysians on his account. They gathered in the palace; the Grand Domestic and the Patriarch were also present; and the matter was moved. There, while all the others turned their faces and eyes in silence toward the Grand Domestic, ^D and were awaiting his opinion on the matter proposed, George Choumnos, the Prefect of the Table, foolishly and boldly, before a word was heard from anyone, said: "It is written, 'If it be revealed to another [that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace]'" (91). "Therefore, if it be permitted to one of us who appear to be the last to speak something better concerning these things about which deliberation is now being held, it will be necessary for the first to take it in good part." This forward and impudent speech struck him immediately and stirred the Grand Domestic with indignation. But because he hoped that either the Empress or the Patriarch—for he was presiding over the council—would drive the man out of the curia, or at least reprimand him with words for such an untimely petulance of tongue, he kept silent at the insult. But when they did not even mutter in response.

to the contrary, he was ^A even more disturbed, taking the speech as a clear proof of disorder and anarchy, should it be permitted for everyone to insult their superiors with impunity — Demetrius Tornikes, unable to bear the absurdity, said: "What then? Must we turn the Roman Empire into a democracy, so that it is lawful for every person to deliberate and say whatever it may please him regarding matters both great and small, and to impose a necessity upon their superiors to abide by what has been decided? And what height of absurdity could such a thing lack?" As they had already begun to argue with one another regarding these things, the Empress intervened and restrained them, exhorting them to dismiss such irrelevant arguments and to discourse upon the necessary matters.

The Grand Domestic pretended to have a stomach ache and cramps, remaining silent as if that torment were stealing away his voice. The others, meanwhile, clamored immodestly in turn, as each one strove to confirm their own proposal. For some asserted that Sismanos, having become a suppliant to the Roman Empire, must be preserved and not betrayed, even if it were necessary to suffer some rather harsh things on his account. Others, rather, argued that the region and their own interests should be preserved, and that they should not, on account of a barbarian fugitive, cast themselves into clear and present danger. Contending with these and similar words, they filled the palace with shouting, as all were eager to bring forward their own opinions and decrees for the common utility. ^B And when the conflict of opinions grew more intense, the Patriarch, as though he were about to offer some great and marvelous counsel, said, "In my opinion, it is necessary for Sismanos to take refuge in the church of God’s Sophia; and since it is established that this has been honored with the right of asylum by all the emperors, it will be possible for us to deliver an honorable response to the envoys of Alexander, saying that it would be a sacrilege for us to drag away a suppliant of God and hand him over to others to be put to death, since this has been counted by the Romans at all times among the most impure of crimes."

Many, therefore, of those present extolled the counsel as excellent and most wise, and judged it to be most opportune for dismissing the envoys of Alexander without achieving their purpose, as they themselves might now also perceive the necessity of the refusal. As the grand domestic uttered nothing, ^C the Empress first complained of the untimeliness of his illness at such a necessary time, which was in need of deliberation. Then she said to him that if the counsel of the Patriarch also seemed good to him, as it had to the others and to herself, he should signify it with a nod, and thus confirm the statements and put an end to the consultation. If, however, he had something else that was better and more useful, she would postpone the council for the present moment on account of his bout of illness, so that when he had recovered from it, they could discuss the same matters anew. The Domestic, composing himself a little, said, "You seem to me, friends, not to be responding to those things for which we have come together in council. For it is not now a question of arguments constructed with an honest outward appearance, but whether what Alexander demands should be granted, or whether we should rather fight it out with ^D him with arms. You, however, having set aside the subject of the consultation, are disputing about the rights and institutions of the Romans, just as if there were someone who could even compel Alexander to comply with the Roman laws."

^A And perhaps he will say: "These laws are not set down for me, but for the Romans; for me, the one law is to seek in every way what is to my advantage. And though it may be permitted to you to hide Sismanus in sacred asylums, you surely will not hide cities and villages in such places; nor herds of oxen and flocks of sheep, and other wealth in the fields from which it will be possible for me to exact penalties for injury." ^B Therefore, your deliberations must be directed toward such things, not toward specious arguments. For my part, I almost reproach myself now that I have somehow been led to speak these things. For it was said from the beginning and was agreed upon by all (since no one objected to anything), that if anything should finally be revealed, the first man should remain silent. But if such things seemed good not only to those placed among the last, but also to the first and by far the chief member of the council, and were confirmed by you all as beneficial, it was fitting that he himself also accept them in good part and search no further out of curiosity. Here, when the Empress urged him more intensely to speak on and pressed him, he said, "I have not uttered these things, however few, because I wished to." Then the Patriarch, perceiving these things to be true, immediately, so as to free himself from blame, said: "I myself also am the first to admit that our consultation has nothing to do with the matters brought into question. For it will not matter to Alexander whether he is answered with reason or otherwise, but only how he might bring to an end what he proposed from the beginning, if he can. Therefore, I also submit that our plans should be debated not about words, but about that other matter." When all the others immediately agreed, and after the Great Domestic had stood up, the others also stood up, and the assembly was dissolved. ^C The Great Domestic, seeing even earlier that the Patriarch was aspiring to the path of empire, and not wishing to restrain his attempt by force (for he did not wish to rule over the unwilling, but much rather over those who were eager and grateful for his rule); and fearing besides lest any occasion for sedition and civil war should arise from this, from which it was likely that the Roman Empire would collapse; and judging it to be more horrible than any death to be himself the origin and source of such woes (for which reason, not even while the Emperor was still living, although often fatigued by many prayers from him, did he sustain the wearing of the purple), he had indeed thought before of voluntarily departing from his rank ^D and passing the rest of his life free from cares and business, which, as we were just saying, he considered more tolerable than to bring ruin upon the Romans by his own hand. But because no one rebuked or accused Chumnus for his untimely liberty in the assembly, as he cruelly and impudently scolded him (for he thought his censure applied most of all to himself, being then the chief of all the Romans in both reputation and reality), he, thinking that this would be the very beginning of civil war, was seized by a desire to abdicate his power sooner than he had intended.

CHAPTER III.

^A Therefore, on the following day, when he and the patriarch were in the palace, he announced these things through him to the empress: If it had been left to his own choice by God (and he might call Him to witness that he was speaking the truth), whether he would prefer that the emperor should live ^B while he himself laid down his life for him, he would have chosen—almost in every particular, and with every zeal and alacrity—to die, so that the emperor might be granted a longer life. But since it had pleased God, who apportions the fate of each man, that it should be thus, it was right to give thanks to our most wise Father, and for every man to consider what is fitting and useful for himself. This he had already considered for himself, and it seemed best to retire from the administration of affairs, and to spend the remainder of his life in freedom from cares, living as much as possible in solitude. He had not wished the empress to be unaware of this resolve of his. When the patriarch inquired of the cause, asking what had come into his mind to cause him to send such a message to the Augusta, he replied: he had long been turning these thoughts over and considered that the abdication of the administration was necessary for himself. But as for what had urged him to disclose his intentions more quickly, it was nothing other than the fact that on the previous day Chumnos had, in the assembly, importunately, foolishly, and shamelessly blurted out that: "If it should finally be revealed, let the first man keep silent." This imprudence neither the empress nor the patriarch himself had taken ill, nor had they punished such slander, but, just as if nothing new had been said, they had acquiesced in that statement. The patriarch took him up: "Whether some other matter besides this has moved you to say this, you know. If you are so angry with me and the empress solely on account of this, that you have determined to cast off the office of governing the public affairs, you do so neither justly nor in a manner worthy of your dignity. For I can confirm to you that I did not hear those words of Chumnos at all, and it is right that I should be believed; and I think that the empress will likewise confess the same. For she would not have remained silent had she heard it and thought it touched you. Wherefore I pray and beseech you that you refrain from such words to her, which will be no small addition to our present troubles." But he would not bend, and insisted that the message should go to the empress; now, indeed, saying that that word alone was what was stirring up troubles; perhaps, however, he had certain other things locked in his breast, which he did not wish to disclose. Immediately, therefore, the patriarch ^D went to the empress

^A and reported to her all that the Great Domestic had debated with him. She, having received into her ears words beyond hope and expectation, was grieved at what was said, but was struck with amazement as to what could have persuaded the Great Domestic to think such things and to say them to her. Nevertheless, having composed herself, she sent word back to him that such statements were not at all appropriate for him, nor were they worthy of his own character, nor of the friendship towards the emperor which from childhood until this present time you have preserved for one another, pure and uncorrupted. Therefore, I am not able to believe that you have been led to such anger and distress on account of a foolish man. Moreover, I acknowledge neither to have heard the man speaking, nor, if it had happened that I did hear, would I have considered it worth the effort to punish the one who spoke; for you yourself have no less power than I to punish those who offend, and to grant pardon if you wish. If, therefore, you are indignant only on account of those words, it is more fitting that you should exact satisfaction from yourself than from me. But if there is also need of something else which until now is unknown to me, speak with confidence, for nothing will be difficult for me to grant at your request, unless it should be among the most impossible of things. ^B Such was the reply the empress gave to the words of the Great Domestic. But he said that both she had altogether misunderstood the power of his words, and that the empress was far from the mindset of what was occurring. "But that you yourself may know, and may tell the empress that I am thinking things that are just, hear how I feel about the matter. That my friendship with that late emperor was, from boyhood, of the highest degree, you surely know, as is fitting, and the empress, who was still living in her own country, might know. But as to the war against the grandfather, and its inception and conclusion, when all other things had varied much and in many ways, and when, with everyone opposing, it had come to almost desperate straits, how ready an assistant I became to him, sparing neither my body, nor my riches, nor any other of my possessions, but in miserable times, when true friends were sought, I became everything to him, and omitted no duty; and after he attained the total management of affairs, how—as regards external enemies, I mean Greeks and Barbarians, and internal conspirators—how I laboured with him as if I were another version of himself, and how, with him and for him, I endured many grave and dangerous things (for I am silent about the administration, how by bearing every labor myself, I rendered the empire most easy for him), ^C all Romans can know, the facts themselves crying it out most clearly, and they will bear witness; and above all, the empress, whom not only experience, but the emperor himself also taught concerning our mutual concord: which was indeed so great that, in my opinion, it surpassed the friendship of all those, both ancient and recent, who have been celebrated for friendship. Whence it came about that not only did we assist one another in turn, but also that until this present time we lived in the highest glory. It is shameful, therefore, that I, who heretofore have never given myself occasion for any disgrace, should now ^D of my own accord, and willingly, m-

make myself worthy of reproach and blame. For if, being ignorant of the evils to which business will lead, I cause disgrace to myself, and to the rest of the Romans destruction and dangers, I shall deserve no pardon before my own judgment seat. ^A And if, even while ^B perceiving—as I now already know clearly—what is to come, I should then grow soft out of fear, lest I seem in troubled and fearsome times to be abandoning the government, I shall deserve not only reproach, but the ultimate penalty, because, although I foresaw the outcome, I willingly endured to seem a coward, and proved myself unable to manage either the times or the affairs as I ought. But for this reason I have decided to withdraw myself from these dangers and this disgrace, from which neither the Empress nor the children of the Emperor can derive any benefit—for this would indeed be no small consolation to them.

Lest, however, I be thought to shun the labors required to take charge of the Emperor’s sons, now, in this time of peace, when there is no war and no expectation of evils, let the Patriarch and the Senate, together with the Empress, conduct the government, and let them reap the goods and honors that come from it. But if at any time it should happen that a war should break out, threatening danger to the children of the Emperor, then I myself will readily expose myself to those dangers, and I shall either preserve the government intact for them, or I shall fall fighting on their behalf; so that while the toils and the risking of my life are mine, yours shall be the benefit of enjoying the affairs of state, and of living a life of luxury and pleasure, with nothing to hinder you. ^C The sum of my address is that nothing can persuade me to manage the government as I did before. And so that I may demonstrate by acts what I say, I rise from my accustomed chair and will sit elsewhere, so that the Empress and you yourselves may know that now nothing stands in the way of your appointing any other person you may wish to be in charge of such great matters.

Having said this, he withdrew to another place, as if by that very action ceding the government to another. The Patriarch, seeing and hearing these things, said, "This is a harsh word, and one that could most deeply wound the spirit of the Empress." "You speak the truth," said the domestic; "and indeed, none of these things should have been ^D said or done. But now I am compelled by necessity, that although I particularly desire to say before her everything that pertains to consolation and the lifting of sorrows—the many of which have flocked to the Empress since the death of the Emperor—I must instead do that which is most contrary to her consolation. And this for two reasons: either because I must cease entirely, or because the government is being administered badly and in a way that is not permitted. Therefore, whether I remain idle and the Empress remains at peace, believing as she did most recently that the government is being managed by me, all things must necessarily go to ruin; or if I rule sleepily and otherwise than is appropriate, the same calamity is to be expected; and I shall, moreover, pay the penalty for wickedness not only toward others but toward myself. Hence it is important that the Empress know these things, even if she is likely to be pained in spirit thereby; since it is better that, having perceived the state of affairs, she should take counsel regarding the government with me and with others, as is her duty.

lest through ignorance she be vexed a little later, not only by these things but also by the harm that must ensue. ^A

CAPUT IV.

The patriarch then reported everything to the Empress. When she heard these things, which she never would have expected herself nor, had another told her, would she have believed, at first she could make no reply by reason of her grief. Then, when she had for a long time shed abundant tears in silence, "It would have been easier," she said, "for someone to persuade me that a mountain could be moved than that the purpose of the Grand Domestic could be altered for even a moment. Since, therefore, it is now my lot to hear such things about him as I never once imagined, I am at a loss for a proper reply. Nevertheless, I shall take the beginning of my reply from those things that have most deeply touched my soul. ^B I say, therefore, to him—as if I were addressing him in person—you have just now brought me to a sense of the evils surrounding me, as if I had been out of my mind or held fast by deep sleep and ancient slumber. For previously, although I knew most clearly that the Emperor was dead, yet when you would come to me, I thought that even he, according to your custom, was entering with you, and that though absent, he was still accompanying you; and I almost believed I could hear his very speech when you addressed me. And altogether, I thought the affliction of evils encompassing me was, in some measure, moderate; but now, as if a curtain had been drawn aside, all things within are laid bare. Thus, you have stripped away the hope that was mocking us and have brought the naked reality before my eyes, ^C showing me my children now as orphans, and myself as a widow entangled in the miseries that attend widowhood. What, then, shall we say of you, or what are we to think? Have you forgotten that most intimate bond and that admirable friendship which the Emperor had with you—a friendship so great that the unlearned multitude could not even believe in it? But I do not think you could forget it, even if you wished. For I maintain that if anyone were to gather together all the connection and familiarity that exists among the human race, and then wished to look toward some example from which it might be permitted both to others and to himself to see the power of it, you alone would be passed over (as you who have even transcended the bounds of this), ^D and he would have to search among others to find what trial might be first. To such a degree have you surpassed not only any friends whatever, but the very idea and form of friendship itself dwelling in human souls. And this was not only to be seen in the things that were done, but one could often hear the Emperor testifying to it in many words, as even to his dearest wife and to all, so to speak...

^A divine, to himself and his children, and wife, and, to put it briefly, as being dearer than all things. ^A Can it be, then, that even a notorious slanderer could say that you have forgotten this friendship, yet, being mindful of it, you nevertheless act dishonorably, and render to the Emperor’s children returns the opposite of what is fitting after his passing? But neither is this yours, just as the former was not. Indeed, neither do the words you used to speak to me, which you would recount every time, even while the Emperor was still living, agree with what has now been decided. For you surely have not forgotten how you asserted that you were most ready, when the occasion called for it, to endure many struggles and dangers, and even death, if it is lawful to say so, for my behalf and that of my children. Whether or not it is now honorable for you, being present, to be convicted by your deeds, you yourself shall say. Furthermore, I am not conscious of having offended your will in any way; but from the time I arrived in the imperial ^B houses, I have honored and loved you no less than I would my own brother, the Count of Savoy; nay, I have done so even much more, because for that man, now dead, I can obtain neither any detriment nor any advantage, being separated from me by such great distances of land. But you, however much you can do good while alive (and you can do the very most), just so much can you harm both me and the Roman state by your death. Although I could add many things further, and show from them that you have taken a counsel that is neither profitable nor just, passing over others, I will say only this. If it should happen to some traveler to encounter some noble woman, struggling with the calamity of widowhood, with orphan children, utterly destitute of a guardian, and therefore fearing many hardships, and begging him, that, having pity on her troubles, he might undertake the protection of herself and her children, and bringing none other argument for her request than her own nobility, her unhappy condition, and her being unworthy of such things: would it not be necessary, both for you and anyone like you, ^C setting aside all other things, to care for such a woman as much as might be in your power, and to consider the labors undertaken for her as fitting for the attainment of fame and justice? If, therefore, this alone would suffice for persuasion, what color of defense, I pray, will you have, if with this very thing, and many other stronger arguments besides being available, you appear to have been unable to be persuaded? Therefore, I beseech you, change this mind of yours, and do not, on account of a slight pretext, desert me and my infant children, as if leaving a ship without a helmsman in the middle of the sea. But whether you first conceived this yourself, deeming the counsel untimely and full of a thousand evils, or whether you were persuaded by another’s counsel, consider him not a friend, but the most bitter enemy. And I say this not only for your own glory and honor, and my safety, but I will add also, for the sake of the affairs of the Romans all together. Even if I did not see for myself what is needed, there is no other surer safety for the affairs of the state than that you should hold the helm ^D of affairs, just as you did while the Emperor was alive. For since the Emperor himself, out of his own words which he often used to me concerning you, and especially a little before his death, it was necessary to discern what was beneficial. For, reclining on...

^A my bosom with you present, "The time of my departure from this light is at hand," he said, "and you must take care that, not being deceived by the false reasonings or the speech of certain men, you do not reject this man and listen to another. For if this should happen, there is nothing left but that you and your children and the whole Roman empire must necessarily perish; but if you yield to him, you will greatly benefit both yourself and the state." If, therefore, I have learned these things from the Emperor, and I judge the same for myself, how could it be anything but absurd for me to willingly assent to those things which you have thought of wrongly and otherwise than was fitting? Wherefore, if, having perceived the utter unworthiness of the matter from what I have said, you cease to desire and to speak these things, and proceed in governing as you were accustomed, you yourself, with the divine hand assisting you, will bring about what is generally beneficial to the Romans; and for me, you will provide a respite from weeping and lamenting my calamities (which will be my only consolation and a truce to my evils), and you will perform what is just, useful, and seemly for yourself. ^B But if, having despised and cast all this aside, you remain firm in this one thing which you have proposed to yourself, I will declare what I myself am prepared to do against it. Laying aside all modesty and womanly weakness, and as if bereft of mind from the magnitude of my evils, I will go into the middle of the city to some higher place, where my words may reach the ears of all, and with the most intense and full voice I will cry out: "O men of Rome, and you Greeks, and all you Barbarians, listen! All things have perished and decayed; there remains no favor of friendship among men, nor does anyone care for truth and justice; the steadfastness of the mind—in a word, all good things—has departed from among men. For the Great Domestic, as if from some counter-blast turned directly against himself, and forgetting the friendship which existed between him and the Emperor, and neglecting—as least became him—truth and justice, and putting aside the love of what is honorable, has decided to spend the rest of his years in inactivity; while me and my children, now destitute and in much need of care, he has cast off and abandoned as though he were throwing away a useless burden: ^C as if he did not know whether he had ever even known our faces, or had heard of our affairs with his own ears." If I proclaim to all the alien nature of your mind from cultivating friendship, and your inconstancy and fickleness—and if circumstances require it—I will even die gladly, since I will have sated myself by taking satisfaction from you. For these reasons I again pray you not to stir up troubles, but, tempering yourself from words of this kind, serve your office and administer the state as you were accustomed from the beginning.

Notes by Jacobus Pontanus

CHAPTER V. The Great Domestic’s response to the Empress in the presence of the Patriarch. The custom of good men in reconciliation. He explains what the Patriarch said in his name, in order to understand if it is true. Then he removes from himself the suspicion that he is aiming at power; he is moved by the fear of divine judgment and warns that he must be on guard against slanderers. He proposes a condition, which, if observed, he will suffer himself to be recalled to govern the empire.

^A The Empress sent back this response, which had proceeded from an overly pained and afflicted heart. The Great Domestic, as if convicted by his own self that she had spoken things both just and reasonable, and having nothing to counter such a manifest demonstration of the truth, said nothing to the Patriarch. But taking him along, he went in to the Empress. She, as soon as she saw him, overcome by grief, was bathed in tears, and she lamented for a long time, providing clear proofs of the agony within through her tears. When she ceased, the Great Domestic began a speech to her of this kind: "It is the custom for good men, whenever they use ambassadors for reconciliation, whether with friends and relatives if some dispute has arisen between them, or even if they have been sent to bitter enemies, to cover in silence and pass over the harsher parts of the replies, and such things as are most capable of dissolving peace and provoking the listener to anger; and rather to report what is gentle and mild and suited for reconciliation, adding nothing less than what they themselves heard. ^B Just as, conversely, wicked men who are determined to set men against one another announce with additions things that have the power to stir up anger, but keep silent about such things as are suitable for reconciliation and agreement. Now, since I myself have used the Patriarch as a messenger of my words to you, and in turn have received your response through him, I feared lest, desiring to cool and calm my own soul—swelling and burning with grief—he might have delivered [my words] in such a calm and mild way that he did not preserve my own straightforward words to you, nor, on the other hand, did he report the reply you actually made to me, but instead, by saying one thing for another, he might reconcile us for the moment, only for the disagreement to become greater and more serious after a short time. ^C For this very reason, I decided it was necessary to learn accurately if these things were truly said by you." Then, repeating everything he had heard from the Patriarch, he asked her if she had indeed said those very things. When she agreed that it was correctly and truly reported, "Therefore," the Great Domestic added, "even if I should appear to behave more fiercely and inconsiderately in what remains, I do not deserve to be condemned for incompetence, arrogance, or audacity; but if there should be any confusion or perturbation in my speech, that is to be ascribed to the necessity of events, and I ask that you forgive me, as one compelled by them. I believe that anyone who intends to properly weigh and evaluate the character and affections of another must not attend to those things that are said about him from outside, ^D nor merely consider him during times when he did not have the power to act on his plans, but rather at the times when he was most permitted to use his own freedom and power. For if he is seen to commit none of those things that someone might think he would commit, he will not have changed his nature in the least afterward. Therefore, I too will speak about myself...

with frankness, that I neither desired in the past to change this present state for the imperial position—although I was invited to do so many times by that emperor of blessed memory while he still survived—nor do I desire it now. For if I had been ensnared by some such impious greed, what impediment was there when, upon the death of the emperor, I myself took his sons into my guardianship, fortified the palace with a guard, and kept those who were within safe, while of those who were outside, some wished me well, and others feared my power and dared not even whisper a word to prevent me from bringing forth an ambition that lay hidden within, or rather, from sating my desire in such great solitude of those standing between us? But so far am I from having done or contemplated such a thing, that I have done the exact opposite. For having kept you and the emperor’s sons most safely in the palace until the ninth day after his death, I afterward withdrew the guard I had posted there, and having set in its place another which I judged sufficient to check the onsets of any who might conspire, I retired to my house; I resumed the administration of the empire which I had held while the emperor was still alive, exhorting everyone, persuading everyone, and even interposing the terror of threats, that they should not attempt anything new, but should manifest a pure and sincere benevolence and obedience to you as well as to your children; and I made it clear that I would exact penalties from the authors of innovations, and that I would undertake war on your behalf. What, therefore, will someone say? That I did not wish it then when I was able, but that now I wish it when I do not have the power of equal strength? But you will agree with me that I have no less power today than I did then. ^C I refrained, therefore, not because I was unable to do it, but primarily because I did not wish to, and I considered such a change of character to be altogether the worst thing. Wherefore, if it is certain that I did not then, nor do I now—even though I could most easily—revolve in my mind anything of that sort which someone might suspect, it is appropriate to trust me for the future, and not to assent to the sycophants and the mendacious who will arise in many numbers against me. For their detraction will not be concerned with petty and despicable things, but they will instill fear in you concerning the loss of your life, or at the very least, of having to live it not honorably and decently, but basely and servilely under the yoke of another: a fate which, to those who have been accustomed to rule, is—if we consider the suffering—more tolerable than any kind of death. ^D That many such persons will arise, it is given to you to know not by conjecture, but most manifestly. For the emperor himself, the master of affairs, and fearing no investigation from any man into his acts, could indeed pardon some things to others of his own free will if he wished, or perhaps even overlook others. But now no such thing will be granted to anyone; rather, all things will be—

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

(95) As those having departed from this life, as being liberated from its troubles and having ended their course, that is, they called them the "blessed." We, if we wish to signify the same when we mention the dead, preface these words, "of blessed memory," as if we were to say that we would adopt the name or the memory of the blessed. Although we Christians look to another kind of blessedness in this word, and those whom we name of blessed memory, we piously trust that they are already, or will shortly be, blessed in heaven.

^A And for those accustomed to rule, there is no greater grief than this, save for death. That such men will be numerous, we need not guess, but may know most clearly. For the Emperor is the lord of affairs, and suspecting no examination of his actions by anyone, he might, if he so wished, be willing to grant favors as much as he was able, while other things might perhaps be neglected. But now, no such thing will be possible for anyone; rather, I shall impose upon all the necessity of doing everything with reason and precision; not only for the sake of your stewardship—that I might restore the empire, which I have received, not diminished, but even greater and better when the time calls for it—but also for the sake of my own glory and reputation. And what is greater and more terrible to me than all these things is the examination of what is done, to which I will be subject before the fearful tribunal for the things well or ill administered. And that such things will be intolerable to those accustomed to neglect and spoil the public affairs, and to increase their own private wealth from the ruin of those, is clear to everyone. ^B Therefore it becomes likely that they will endeavor to remove the one who has bound them with such a necessity from their midst; which will not succeed for them otherwise than by first fabricating many lies and calumnies, and stirring us to hostility against one another. To what degree of absurdity, however, matters will be driven if such things happen, you yourself, being wise, may discern, but I will also explain it more clearly. For it is necessary that I, against all reason and justice, should die, a victim of calumny and slander—a man who has not only been examined carefully for so long as a friend to the Emperor and you who are his kinsfolk, but who has also administered Roman affairs sincerely and purely. Were he, by some chance, to be living among the Barbarians, far from the Roman lands, you would rightly be deemed worthy of much reproach and accusation if you did not apply all diligence to bring him back and recall him, seeking to use his services as is fitting; or if, fleeing death, I should wish to look to my own safety, and not betray it to my enemies, so that I might save myself, I should be forced by you to withdraw. And that, should this occur, many of the Romans will follow me, and a cruel and savage civil war will break out, cities will be destroyed, countless things will be lost, and the Roman dominion itself, to sum it up in a word, will collapse, I believe no one with any spark of reason can fail to see. ^C But the punishment for these things will be demanded from us both, as the authors of all these evils, in that fearful judgment by Him who will judge the living and the dead, as we would be the causes of all these things. Or rather, it will be demanded from you alone, who neither understood by yourself what you ought to do, nor heeded me when I was willing to teach you. For my part, with God as my propitious helper, I assure you that I will never turn aside from the path of duty, nor will any mortal persuade me to provide an occasion for war. Wherefore, if you have the disposition that you wish to think nothing evil of me at any time, but to believe that all my deeds and thoughts are directed toward defending the authority and dignity of your son, the Emperor; and to regard my accusers as sycophants and common enemies, and never to believe them as truthful—nay, not even to admit them to your ears—then you will have established what is just and beneficial for you, for me, and equally for the Romans, and on this condition I shall take up the reins of government. ^D But if, on the other hand, you perceive a weakness in your own mind to fulfill these things, and your thoughts are struggling regarding me, what need is there for me to cause trouble for myself and for you? Why, then, is my good council not obeyed?

and I, indeed, freed from household occupations, for which I longed, am left behind: but you, along with the patriarch and many other good men, serve the common interest of the Romans? For I am not so foolish, nor do I so far depart from right reason, as to cast myself headlong into a manifest evil ^A that lies before my eyes: and this, not only sparing no expense of my own for the public utility, but not even sparing my own life, if the situation should call for it (and it will surely call for it, and that quite often). I demand no other reward for my labors, my dangers, and such great expenses than that, first of all, I should be safe from evils, and then that I should have renown and glory for noble deeds—the craving for which does not conquer 96 those who are not very distinguished or conspicuous, but only those who have decided to live a lazy, dishonorable, and thoroughly common life. To me, therefore, having considered the matter, these things seemed to be for the benefit of each of us privately, and at the same time for the benefit of all. It will be your part, having examined the matter together with others and alone with yourself, to choose what is most beneficial. May God grant that you choose the better things 97. ^B

CHAPTER VI.

When the Grand Domestic had spoken thus freely and without any cloak of pretense, the empress ^C praised his words, and she herself, as not harsh or rough (which, however, he had promised in his preamble), but spoken with truth and equity, with the freedom befitting a true friend. She did not deny that she knew full well, and for the same reasons as before, that he was most able, if he wished, to possess the Roman Empire; and she confessed that she knew this most clearly of all. But to what he requested, she replied that she was able to bear not only those things, but much more. And even if all mortals ^D were to chatter against him in concert, they would never render her hostile to him, but she would maintain an inviolate and sincere friendship, if for no other reason, then at least for those things she had often heard from the emperor: that not even if she saw him rushing against her with drawn sword, with the intent to kill, could she hate him; but she would embrace him with his former benevolence, and hold him no less in the place of a friend. And she said that she...

she herself—as he was also so far superior to her in both prudence and experience in affairs—would hold the same opinion concerning him and would endeavor to keep it, and she encouraged him to suspect nothing ignoble concerning her; but to be firmly persuaded that there would be nothing so great as to be able to shake her settled judgments and induce her to think evils concerning him. ^A Upon these things the Grand Domestic, thinking the confession of the Empress sufficient proof that there was no obstacle if he wished to appear wicked, and especially being able to choose good and just things of his own free will, then, having also offered thanks to the Empress for her integrity and the affection shown toward him, he took up the subject again. He said that for these reasons neither she nor the patriarch should hold his words suspect, as if he were craftily preparing security for himself, so that even if someone were able to speak the truth about him and prove him an offender, that person would have no place for accusation and indictment against him. For he did not intend his words to mean this; but if any should ever bring such accusations as would be refuted by themselves as mere calumnies and slanders, no account should be taken of these, but they should be turned away with their fabrications. If, however, they were so plausible that it remained in doubt whether they should be believed or entirely rejected, he should not be condemned immediately without a hearing or in his absence, but should be summoned to court, where, if convicted of the crime, he would not be unwilling to pay the penalty. ^B Although the Empress would not hear of any mention of a penalty, claiming that whatever might happen, she would never think of him in such a way as to summon him to trial, the Domestic replied that he would not rest unless she complied with him in this, more for the sake of others than for his own, so that their mouths might be stopped in all respects and that they might not from this take an occasion for malicious slander. Finding her reluctant and unwilling, as she said she did not need such examinations, he persuaded her with many words that it was a necessary matter. Therefore, for the sake of the Domestic, she assented. For this reason, he too was gladdened, and having laid aside every perplexity of thought, he said with joy that he would now return to the administration of the empire if these words were also confirmed by oath; which was soon done by both before the patriarch. ^C When, therefore, the pacification was completed, the Empress remained at home. But the Grand Domestic, with the governance of the entire empire confirmed for him, departed with the patriarch, and at the church of the great martyr Demetrius, which had been built within the palace, he held him in a long conversation, specifically this: "I, too, believe entirely that the Empress has spoken in accordance with her sentiments. I am, however, not insignificantly troubled, because I recognize the weakness of the female nature, how it is naturally variable and subject to change due to timidity; and I greatly fear that I, too, may be compelled by wars with the neighboring barbarians to be absent for long periods, while slanderers, dwelling at home, may sometimes subvert her." This, indeed, we see happen to men who are most unwarlike in battle, who, having been reproached shamefully by their domestics and vexed most contumeliously, although they have suffered nothing serious outside of the fighting, boast grandly with words and affirm with oaths that henceforth they will not turn their backs to the enemy, but will fight against them nobly. ^D But after they have seen them approaching, and

hear the trumpet signaling the engagement, they are no longer able to stand their ground or remain in the line of battle, but flee shamefully and ignobly, caring little for their oaths and their former boasts. ^A I hear, too, of a Persian proverb, stated most correctly and wisely regarding the female nature: they say that even if a woman’s head should reach the clouds, she nonetheless touches the earth no less than before. They mean, I suppose, by this saying, that even if she should attain the height of prudence, magnanimity, and bravery, she is nonetheless no less a woman than before, being subject to natural feminine passions. Everything that I recall regarding this exhausts me and creates great turmoil in my soul—the fear that if the Empress should suffer some feminine passion, not only I, but all the Romans will be enveloped in many evils and be surrounded by extreme dangers. ^B For this reason, first of all, I remind you of the benefits bestowed upon you by me; nor do I think you have forgotten how you attained this pinnacle of glory and honor through our friendship and zeal. For I not only selected you, a man of low rank, into the imperial college of clergy, and deemed you worthy to be one of the Emperor's household—and not just with much care at my own home—though no necessity required it, but I was also the first to mention you, and I was the advocate to the Emperor that he should raise you to the patriarchal throne. ^C Furthermore, when you were being concordantly rejected by the bishops, I worked most diligently so that they would grant you this illustrious chair, for which men rightly contend. Finally, when you had reached the danger of losing it, I alone bore the entire difficulty. I have recounted these things now, not because I wish to reproach you with my benefits (for I am not accustomed to do so, even if they were far more numerous and greater), but to show that it seems just that you should be mindful of one from whom you have long had many proofs of friendship and singular love, and that too gratuitously, and that you should show yourself grateful by compensating in deed for these merits. ^D Add to this, that since you are the spiritual father of all, you owe as much concern to me as to each of your sheep—nay, even much greater than to almost everyone else, because all are to be participants in my benefits or my misfortunes. What I ask of you, however, is this: as soon as I am obliged to wage war abroad (for it is neither honorable for me nor useful for you that I should sit here while our fields are laid waste by the enemy, cities are besieged, and those we encounter are led into slavery), that you leave no room for sycophants, lost men, and enemies of the republic, who will always be with the Augusta, to invent calumnies against me, and to induce her to listen to detractors as if they were well-intentioned, and to regard me as an enemy and a plotter against her for the sake of holding the empire; but rather that you defend my rights, scatter their machines, weaken their cunning and deceits, and persuade her of this one thing: not to condemn one who is absent.

But rather, since you are a common spiritual father, you owe me the same guardianship that you owe to each one of those who are shepherded by you. Or, rather, even a much greater one, in proportion as all will partake of the benefit or harm that comes to me. This is what I request: since I am necessarily tied up with external military campaigns—for it is neither becoming for me, nor advantageous for you, that I sit here and look on while enemies plunder our fields, besiege cities, and enslave those they chance upon—[give] no room for the sycophants and the evildoers and common enemies, who are always present here with the empress, to be able to weave false accusations against me, and to persuade her to pay heed to them, as if they were counseling her rightly and profitably, and to consider me an enemy and one plotting against her for the throne. ^B But, by holding fast to what is just on my behalf, dissolve their machines and render their cunning and deceits idle, persuading the empress of nothing else but not to pass judgment on me while I am absent, but to call me to trial, and when I have the opportunity for a defense, either to dissolve the charges if I am able, or to be punished for my injustice if I am caught in perjury. For the sake of such diligence and zeal, you will receive rewards not only from God, as one who has labored for the sake of peace and the common salvation and for the sake of justice itself, but I myself will also feel much gratitude toward you, and all those who say you are worthy of praise will say so, because you do the work of a leader and guardian of souls, demonstrating by these very deeds that you are a disciple of the Prince of Peace, and are conforming yourself to Him as much as you are able, by dissolving every pretext for civil war that has come your way.

Having discussed such things with the patriarch, the Grand Domestic was told by him that he acknowledged having received the benefits mentioned, and that he had received and owed even greater ones than everything else; and [the patriarch] bade him be of good cheer regarding the future, advising him that as far as he [the patriarch] was concerned, no trouble would arise for him, and if anything should happen, he would study to avert it and would defend his cause in such a way that if [the Domestic] himself were present, he could not do it better. When the patriarch promised these things with a ready will, the Grand Domestic said there was nothing left to do but to make these same promises firm and in no way doubtful, in the manner that he [the patriarch] knew, so that he [the Domestic] would not doubt at all, but would believe—just as if he himself were present—that the accusers would have no power to accuse him. He, rising immediately from his chair, said: "Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is to the ages, that I will not deceive you, neither now nor in the future; rather, in your cause I will exercise every effort, and I will omit nothing that is my duty, so that I may think, speak, and act in every way so that you receive no harm from sycophancy and calumny." ^C Following these words, he added the Trisagion hymn, and having recited a certain sacred prayer over the head of the Grand Domestic, and having prayed for him a great amount of peace and glory and a heap of other good things, since the day was already toward evening, the patriarch departed for his house. The Grand Domestic set about affairs with zeal, having now firm hopes for the future and suspecting nothing terrible.

On the following day, he ordered the [envoys] of Alexander—

CAPUT VII.

and asked them why they had come. They arrived, and producing the oaths which the Emperor had sworn to Alexander for the sake of peace, they demanded that Sismanus, who was an enemy to their king, be handed over to them, or that the oaths be returned, as peace was no longer to be maintained. For it was neither just, nor tolerable to them, that they themselves should be steadfast, constant friends and allies of the Romans, while the latter violated the treaty by receiving their most bitter enemies. These ambassadors spoke thus, filled with pride and arrogance, thinking that the Romans would offer no contradiction, but would immediately deliver up Sismanus, fearing the war that might result.

The Empress ordered the Grand Domestic to deal with them and to respond to their request. He, in the first place, reproached them, stating that they had not come in accordance with justice. "For," he said, "it did not behoove your king, who was a friend and son-in-law to the late Roman Emperor, to wage war against his children, and to attempt to break the treaty on unjust grounds. If he had previously had any dispute or controversy with him, he ought to have dismissed it now, and to keep the alliance even more inviolably, and, at a time when his children are in such great need of the support of friends, he ought to have established a partnership with them against their enemies, if there were any."

But they were influenced by the same thing that so often happens to many who, while the powerful are alive, serve them with attentions—not so much because they are friends to them, as because they are friends to the times and to their wealth—yet when they have passed away, as if the laws of friendship were dissolved by death, they despise those whom they previously seemed to love, as though they were now powerless, and they most easily come to hate them. ^B

Then, regarding their request, he offered this answer: "It is not the ancestral custom of the Romans to deliver into the hands of their enemies those who have fled to them for refuge. For from the time of Constantine the Great until now, many of the kings and lords of individual nations, who were superior in the greatness and nobility of their empires, have fallen upon adversity and, having been cast out of their principalities, have become suppliants to the Roman Emperors; some begging to recover their own principalities, others seeking help and providence for their affairs. These Emperors, as if they were the common saviors of the distressed and patrons to all, warded off their miseries. For some they restored to their empires by leading them back with a great force; others they honored with benefits and most magnificent gifts, by which they caused them to forget the memory of their own provinces, persuading them to live with them for the rest of their lives, as they deemed it much better and more illustrious to be subject to the Emperor than to govern the reins of affairs among their own people. ^C Similarly, Sismanus has now invoked the majesty of the Romans as a suppliant, not indeed that he might be restored to his own kingdom, but that, being driven from his kingdom, he might in this miserable plight of his be refreshed by our care and protection. Furthermore, your King Alexander, thinking that because of the death of the Emperor the affairs of the Romans are finished, and that they have gained no one who can rule them, [supposes that ambassadors...] ^D

^A with much freedom have sent demanding Sismanus, thinking that we ought to execute what he wishes without refusal. But you are far mistaken. For both while the Emperor was still drawing breath, he punished the insolent through our service, and now that he has been taken from among the living, we, being subject to his son the Emperor, will avenge ourselves if any man invades; and while we will protect our region from devastation and plunder, we will also enthusiastically engage in battle with you out of a desire for the glory which we Romans have guarded as a sort of inheritance from our ancestors. For it is by no means a light or insignificant matter, and surely dishonorable to us, to hand over our suppliant to you or others who demand that he be put to death. Therefore, if you desist from these foolish demands and are willing to keep the peace and observe the treaty established with the deceased Emperor, neither will we stir anything of what has been settled. ^B But if you yourselves are the first to break out into war, taking God as witness to your wickedness—whom you offend by this treachery—we will teach you not to think beyond what is fitting, and we will kindle civil war among you by transporting Sismanus in triremes across the Ister to Bydene; for you yourselves well know that a great part of the Mysians will defect to him because of the ancient friendship and affinity of their race, and we will either completely drive Alexander from the kingdom, or at the very least will afflict him with no small disasters; ^C or, if this does not seem sound because such aid would be weaker than the state of affairs requires, I myself, taking the Roman army with me and having Sismanus, will march against you and fight most fiercely. I do this not only because I myself am offended by oath-breakers, but also to aid the unjustly oppressed, and furthermore, because those who are split by factions will—some adhering to Alexander, but others more willingly departing from him—join themselves with Sismanus; and I do not think that will be to your advantage. But I will not hide from you another way of war, by which it will be possible to harass your region while keeping our own safe, so that, having been most dreadfully punished [(99)], you may recognize that you have brought these evils upon yourselves. For Amurius, son of Aïtines, the most opulent of the satraps of Asia, whom you yourselves know by reputation, when he heard of the death of the Emperor, and thought that he himself would most easily plunder the lands of the Romans because they were now without a defender, filled two hundred and fifty ships and strained every nerve to ravage our fields. ^D When I heard of his invasion, I sent a man proven among my closest friends to urge him to desist from his enterprise and return, considering that he would not be going against others, but against me. As soon as he heard the envoy, he turned back from the middle of his journey. Now he has sent to me and asked that I not allow the army he gathered at such effort to be in vain, but if there is any war for us, that we use it against the enemy, so that the soldiers might be enriched with spoils, and he himself might not have poured out such expenses without any fruit, but might at least attain this: that he has deployed them on behalf of a friend. And I would not wish that you [take my words...]

for you ^B to fall into the error of thinking that what has been said is merely a fabrication for the sake of empty boasting and arrogance. For beyond the fact that we are not prone to fictions and falsehoods, it is possible for you yourselves to investigate and discover that they are true. I, therefore, considering peace to be far better and more advantageous for us both, both embrace it myself and exhort you to lay hold of it. Therefore, I do not forbid you for the present, but return to him who sent you as quickly as possible, and announce that he must never expect to receive Sismanus. But if, because of this, it seems to him that he must make war against us, declare that war within the twenty days in which you are able to return. For in that time I will manage to make the ambassador of Amurius tarry here, so that if the war is declared, I may grant him, by way of letters, the opportunity to come here. And it is to be expected that he will come hither more easily and eagerly than he did before, when he returned with the expedition interrupted, complying with my authority. But if, through any neglect, you exceed the day designated, it will no longer be safe for me to remain at ease; but I myself shall prepare for war through my own means, and I will summon the Persian forces already prepared to this place. And for the future, even if you yourselves should wish it, I will not be able to easily abandon the war, not only because of the expense made in preparing it, which it will be necessary to recover from your own tributes, but also because the barbarian allies must not return home with empty hands, but having been enriched by gains from the enemy soil. Therefore, it is necessary for you to hasten your journey and to see that your king, having grasped our response, ^C cares to announce what he deems to be in his own interest most speedily. So far he. The envoys of Alexander, as if they had forgotten their previous spirits and that grandiloquence of the populace, having moderated their calculation, begged that a more relaxed deadline be defined for them, and they declared that they would indeed make the journey with the greatest speed; but that if the king were living in the furthest reach of the realm, the time set was too short for the road to be completed. Once the petition was approved, I granted them thirty days, in which they had to return, and either confirm the peace and the treaty previously settled, or declare war. Carrying a response of this kind from the Grand Domestic, they returned to Moesia. The Empress and the entire council admired his prudence, and gave many thanks, because those whom they feared just yesterday, and to whom they knew not what honorable reply to make, nor knew which way to turn, he had rendered so fearful that, ignoring other matters, ^D they begged for the deadline to be extended as a necessary thing. But regarding these matters, enough has been said.

CHAPTER VIII

^A But the Great Domestic, having sent letters to the cities, ordered the veterans to be ready for the war against the Mysians, wherever it should be necessary. But when he observed that many, not only from the military roll but also quite a few others, were little inclined toward the expeditions under the pretext that the stipends set for each by the Emperor were not received in full, and that the state was being deprived of the advantages which they provided, he deliberated with himself how he might relieve them of the pressure of poverty, by making up to each what was lacking according to the imperial decree, and, by using the services of each of them opportunely, bring it about that all might contribute something for the common good.

While he was thus reflecting on these things by himself, the Patriciota—who for a long time had been occupied with the drawing up of public registers and had acquired much experience in such matters—approaching, said that he had heard that he wished to prepare all for the expeditions without excuse, and to make up or even increase the pensions established for them from the public treasury. And he added that such a matter could neither be administered better nor with more experience by anyone at all than by himself, as he well knew. That he came not as one summoned, but of his own accord, and desired the registration to be entrusted to him, he said should harbor no suspicion of injustice. For it was not so much out of a desire for gain, but because he desired above all to amplify and illustrate the Roman Empire, and had decided to aid in that goal for the sake of the common good, that he had conceived this purpose, and he would endeavor to demonstrate this clearly not by words, but by deeds.

For, he said, when in the past he had been occupied with such matters, it had happened that he had gathered a not inconsiderable amount of money, ^B although he had tried his best not to acquire it by force or in any manner contrary to law, and this money had not allowed him to rest later. It had stirred many thoughts in his soul, whether he should not bury it, but rather expend it on the relief of certain men, as if by this means he might be able to rub off the stain of sin. At one time, therefore, he had given thought to building a monastery for men who had definitively dedicated themselves to God, and by the generosity bestowed upon them to appease the Divine for himself, through such intercessors, that is, who are able to perform this in the first place; at another time he had thought of consuming it on wandering beggars. But when he reckoned that either these or those would not use the money appropriately, or that others might seize it through pillage and ^C exactions, he ^D deemed it better to use it for the benefit of the state through this registration. This was the first such registration, occurring when Quirinius was governor of Syria, and all went to be registered, each into his own city.

^A of those from before, or those who are unable to use money for useful purposes, or who will use it for theft and injustice and will squander it, but seeing that you alone have been established over the affairs, and I perceived your intention, that you plan to sacrifice not only money but even your very soul for the benefit of the common good if it were possible, and knowing your way as a good man, I understood that I must hand over that money to you, as it will be spent not only well, but also reasonably and accurately for the interests held in common by the Romans, since it was collected from these very people. And I am here handing everything over, for whatever use you may wish to make of it. Therefore, it is possible for everyone to receive clear proof, that I am not coming to you needing to be placed in charge of it so that I might make money from the registration; for it was possible for me, having what I possess, to seek nothing further, but desiring to appear useful to you, and being able to contribute much toward restoring the ancient prosperity to the Romans, as I have been and am making the concern for this a great and continuous one. ^B The Great Domestic, having gladly received his words, said that he owed him great thanks regarding the money, not only because he contributed it for common use, but also because he entrusted the accounting of it to him, being well-persuaded that he would spend it righteously and justly. For it is not only difficult, but almost impossible, for someone who has been entrusted with the care of common affairs not to increase his own assets from them, but to expire while holding exactly what he had before the magistracy, and to appear mostly superior to money. But to already possess it, and on that account to fear nothing evil, and then to want to spend it with an even mind, and to use what was badly collected for good—this belongs to not many, but to those who wish to be saved, and who are firmly convinced that after the end of this light they will render an account of all the things done in life. For it is better not to sin at all, nor to stain the soul with many blemishes. But if this happens, the beginning of a second state of non-sinning is not only to cease from evils, but also to show forth a counterbalancing practice of good works. For this reason, truly, I praise you for this change, and for your willingness to contribute the money not for any other way, but for the interests held in common by the Romans. That, however, you did not wait to be called, but instead came to me of your own accord and requested to carry out the task of equalizing the resources of life for the soldiers from the public funds, I am so far from condemning this, that whereas I was previously inclined, by my own impulse, to entrust this ministry to you because of your experience, now I am more convinced that you will manage such things better and more justly. For he who has promised much and he who has promised nothing will not strive with equal dedication to fulfill their promises. ^C Therefore, I entrust this province to you. It is right for you, too, to consider that you are dealing with things that are not small and negligible, and which, if handled properly, are of great benefit to the common good, and which, if done slothfully and wickedly, cause no less harm. For whatever a judge is in political affairs, such is an assessor in public stipends. For even that man, by making judgments according to equity and by compelling obedience to the laws, brings about the good estate of the city; and this man, if he wishes to be just and to contribute to the common good, will protect others if they are receiving the fruits beyond what is just, and to others who have less he will add more, ^D

and will make them all eager for military service, keeping rank and obeying their generals perfectly. Since he was entrusted with great matters, including the most important ones for the administration of the state, he, too, had to be convinced and display the appropriate zeal and enthusiasm in his tasks. ^A He had spoken these things to him, offering an apology for what he requested. Then he asked what the amount of money was. When he replied that there were ten myriads in gold, and furnishings and vessels made of gold and silver worth forty thousand gold pieces, and that he was ready to donate all of this instantly, having called one of his servants, he said, "Go then, and give these to this man." And as he went without delay to carry out the orders, before he reached his home, the Grand Domestic called him back, and having praised his willingness, ordered him to keep the money, because he did not need it at present. Where his own resources were consumed and he should find himself in need of these, then he would receive them as necessary for himself, and would deposit them there, where their expenditure would seem most beneficial to the common good. ^B Here he first demurred and kept saying that maintaining the money was not pleasant for him. Nevertheless, he had to do what was commanded. Following this, the Grand Domestic summoned separately both the senators and those otherwise distinguished by nobility, and thereafter the soldiers, inquiring what amount the Emperor had decreed to each, and whether they possessed just that, or less. When they answered each in turn as the matter stood, he ordered the Patriciate to reimburse the losses of those who had been defrauded, and in addition, to add as much as he judged appropriate, having regard for the dignity and merits of each. He ordered that to those who already had sufficient stipends from the Emperor, likewise others should be added. Thus, with the redistribution having taken place in about sixty days, the deficit was added to those who had less, along with an increase, and to those who lacked nothing, an addition was also made. And all, considering their incomes sufficient, ^C thanked the Grand Domestic and were eager to fight against the enemies of the Romans wherever they might be in the world. They prepared their arms and polished them, and provided themselves with more and better horses than before; and in general they seemed even to be indignant that they were not led out sooner to defend against the insults of the enemies. When these things had been managed well by him, he advised the Empress to proceed with the anointing of her son, the Emperor John, with the holy oil, and to adorn his head with a crown.

CAPUT IX

^A The counsel pleased her; but as some of the Emperor's kinsmen dissented, saying it was not right that the son should hold an inaugural festival when the father, the Emperor, had died only a short while before (a suggestion which the chamberlain Apocauchus had whispered to them—as later events made clear, for he was already meditating the rebellion that occurred and did not wish the Empress to possess secure pledges of the Grand Domestic’s goodwill towards herself and her son), the Empress deferred the matter until the next day, pleading the censure of some who, as it were, charged it as a crime to undertake a project alien to the times, and to hold a celebratory festival and observe a most royal day, when as yet it was fitting to lament and mourn.

The Grand Domestic affirmed that those who spoke thus were utterly deranged, and did not even consider ^B that upon the death of many emperors, their sons were immediately proclaimed, with no one blaming the untimely nature of this; rather, all judged, as was right, that it was most appropriate for such times—not for the sake of luxury and pleasure, but so that no pretext for sedition and tumult might be given to the multitude, since all were already well persuaded that they were subject to the Emperor and would pay the penalty for their folly if they attempted to cause a faction. He urged her to dismiss the arguments of those people and to proceed with the work as being both profitable and just. But she begged him not to be over-zealous; for the present, she requested that he not oppose the opinion of the many, and that she would do what he advised a little later, when it would be possible to escape the disparagement of the people. The Grand Domestic made no reply of his own to the Empress’s protest, but he was vexed that she listened to those who counseled what was disadvantageous rather than to him, who proposed what was better. So the matter rested.

A short time later, word was brought that Sarchanes, the satrap of Lydia, and Giaxes were preparing to cross over into Thrace to pillage the Romans with their ships. The Grand Domestic, thinking this news should not be neglected, immediately ordered as many triremes to be equipped and readied with rowers and soldiers as he deemed sufficient to encounter the barbarians. He ordered the expense for the triremes ^C to be supplied in part by the quaestors from the treasury, while he himself contributed part from his own means. Having equipped the triremes, he appointed the chamberlain Apocauchus as commander; and when he had given him the necessary instructions and commissioned him to weigh anchor and depart, he sent envoys to Orchanes, the satrap of eastern Bithynia, ^D regarding peace; for he did not judge it right, being about to conduct a campaign in the West, to leave some war behind him for the Romans.

When peace with him had been ratified, and the army had been gathered at Didymoteichon and Adrianople at the summons of the Domestic, he prepared himself for the journey. On the day he was to depart, he met with the Patriarch alone and, taking him to the temple of the myrrh-streaming martyr Demetrius—for so he is called because oil distills from him—he said, "The things that have been said between me and the Empress do not escape you;

for you were present not only at what was said by both parties, but you were yourself the messenger of what had been said privately to each of us beforehand. ^A And it is nothing unreasonable or wonderful if, at that time, it occurred to the Empress to say such things about me, perhaps supposing that I would accomplish certain great things; but now, when matters in practice have not turned out according to her expectations, a certain repentance for what has occurred has entered her mind. Therefore, if what I said is true, that she is unfavorably disposed toward some of the things being done and no longer wishes to abide by the decisions, I ask that it be told to me clearly and that it not be concealed by some sense of shame. For I, just as before, am most ready to resign the administration. But if she has determined to adhere to the end to what was decided, and to keep the oaths she swore, I also will not neglect to do everything that is advantageous to her, her children, and the Romans in common."

The Patriarch, having chided him for the untimeliness of these words, and saying that it was not fitting for him either to think or to speak such things—for the Empress, he claimed, was thinking nothing of the sort regarding him, but considered the Emperor to be still among the living, and that the Roman administration was being governed just as if it were still by him, mindful of the words which he [the Grand Domestic] had spoken to her when you were making the agreements—"Then," said the Grand Domestic, "regarding her, it is necessary to be persuaded as you insist. But regarding you, what is one to think? Do you abide by the agreements, or rather the oaths which you made to me?" ^B And he, immediately rising again, said, "Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that both formerly and now I will abide by what I said, and I will neglect nothing that is due to you by right; but I will support you with all my strength, not only reciprocating as to a benefactor with good works, but also as one caring for a spiritual son." ^C Following these things, the Grand Domestic, having offered him many thanks and said his farewells, left the Patriarch and came to the Empress. She, as soon as she saw him, declared that she offered him great thanks because the things he had promised in words he was now proving true in deeds, sparing neither his body, as he was laboring for the common good by night and by day, nor his money; for indeed the Grand Domestic had not only expended large sums of his own for the cost of the triremes, but was also ^D spending lavishly and generously on many other things which were destined to be of common benefit to all after the Emperor's death. And she urged him not to do so, as he would not suffice for the toils for long, but to take care of himself and spare his money by using public funds. But he said that he took greater pleasure in toiling himself for the common interest than others did in being turned toward leisure and pleasures; and that expending money was not a loss, but he considered it sweeter than any profit, until with God's help, he might see the Roman administration greatly exalted and prevailing over all its enemies. He hoped, furthermore, that after a short time, unless some impediment should intervene, it would so greatly benefit the Romans that even the Empress herself, beholding it, would…

^A offer thanks to God, the worker of good things; for he intended to plan no small matters during the winter, so that by early spring he could force many who had previously been insolent toward the Romans to confess their subjection and slavery to the Emperor of the Romans. After speaking of these and many other things which he intended to do, and which he knew would be pleasing for the Empress to hear, he finally took his leave. He departed from Byzantium accompanied by the army and a great number of nobles and patricians, leaving his mother there, who would be no small consolation to the Empress in her misfortunes.

CHAPTER X.

When he reached Didymoteichon, he deemed it of the greatest importance to enroll the senators and ^C the soldiers dwelling in the cities of Thrace in the expedition, without any excuse, just as he had done with the Byzantines, and this was carried out within a few days. Shortly thereafter, learning that Alexander, the king of the Moesians, had encamped with his army at Stilbon, a city subject to the Moesians, situated on the border of his realm and that of the Romans, he decided to send an embassy to him; and through his envoys, he made it known that he was staying at Adrianople and wished to know whether he preferred war or peace, for the time limit he had set for the king’s envoys while he was in Byzantium was already drawing to a close. Alexander, seeing that the Romans were not dismayed, as he had ^D supposed, but ready to defend themselves against those who wished to inflict injury upon them, and that he could not compel them to satisfy his desire either through the threats of his envoys or his own military preparations, deemed it disadvantageous to himself to proceed to war and so came to an agreement. Once the previous treaty was renewed, Alexander returned to his palace in Trinovus, while the Grand Domestic proceeded to the Chersonese, having learned that frequent forces of Persians under the command of Giaxes, arriving from Pergamon, were about to invade that area. No sooner had the Romans arrived at the Chersonese than the Persians also appeared, but they were unable to stand against the Romans even for a moment; overcome by force and courage, some fell in battle, while others were taken captive. Those who managed to escape boarded their ships and sailed back to Asia. A few days later, another force from the same region crossed over to avenge the former; these, too, being similarly defeated, lost many of their men. Giaxes, having been beaten twice in succession and having lost many of his brave soldiers, was weakened by despair and desired peace, which the Grand Domestic concluded with him. Having warded off the imminent calamity from the Persians, he returned to Didymoteichon and began to prepare for the western expedition, supplementing the army with new levies. Meanwhile, Apocauchus, eager for revolutionary change, striving with all his might to seize the republic for himself, now being the prefect of the fleet against the Persians and having obtained the command of the naval army, [sought to seize] the young emperor John in a tri-

unbeknown to his mother the empress, and bring him to the tower near Byzantium—which he himself had previously built and which was most strongly fortified in both height and the strength of its walls, called Epibatae. There, with his kinsmen and most trusted associates guarding the emperor, he intended to strike a treaty with the empress, on the condition that he himself and his kinsfolk and family should be distinguished with the highest honors among the Romans and should obtain lordship of as many provinces and cities as they might wish, and should lack nothing for the sake of happiness; yet even then, he would not release the emperor from the stronghold, but rather, keeping him like a hostage, he would join one of his own daughters to him in marriage. Such things he was contemplating, and he was already rushing to set them in motion; but when one of his confidants announced this to the empress, and a guard had already surrounded the emperor, Apocauchus, sensing that he had been exposed and seeking to avoid the peril arising from his actions, as was to be expected, fled to Epibatae. ^B When these matters were reported to the Great Domestic, although he was already prepared for the expedition, he nevertheless sent Manuel Tarchaneiotes, who was also called Curtizes, with a small force of soldiers to Epibatae, ordering him to encamp outside and keep watch until he himself should arrive. He also sent to Apocauchus to inquire if these rumors circulating about him were true. Apocauchus claimed that he was being persecuted by slanders, but fearing that he might be put to death because of these accusations before the truth could be investigated and revealed, he decided to look to his own safety from his current situation; ^C and accordingly, he warned him—the one who had shut himself up in that castle—to provide for his own safety from his [Apocauchus’s] own case and to take his own predicament as an example of the unforeseen changes of fortune. For he claimed that he had also previously advised and urged him to take such measures for his own advantage—though to no effect—and that now, nevertheless, he still urged it, since he could prove the utility of his counsel from the facts themselves. Out of the castles subject to him (for he possessed many), [he advised him] to choose one that was most conveniently situated for the advantages of land and sea and to make it the most strongly fortified with man-made works, so that if any of the unexpected should occur, he might have a retreat and an escape from dire straits. He begged him, if not before, at least now to embrace the advice of a well-disposed mind. For, indeed, for himself at present, although he was being attacked with false charges, there was no other opportunity to ensure safety left to him—besides the castle into which he had retreated to avoid danger—which, if the things reported about him should happen to be true, would either aid his own audacity or, if he were caught and convicted, would free him from death. Such was the counsel of Apocauchus. ^D To him the Great Domestic sent again, declaring that he, too, desired above all that the things rumored against him should be found false (just as he himself also asserted); for thus [he promised that] he would be both a friend and well-disposed to the emperor, and the slandered man would escape.

^A If, however, it happened that what had been said was true, he would either have joined in the daring act or he would have rescued him if he had been caught in it. Apocauchus, then, advised such things as these. The Grand Domestic, in turn, sent word back to him, saying that, regarding the things being said against him, he most of all wished that they were not true (just as the man himself indeed asserts); for thus he himself would be proved well-disposed to the emperor, and the calumniators would be convicted of this very thing for what they are. If, on the other hand, he himself had been deceived by empty hopes—a thing which indeed has happened to many—and had turned aside from what was right, and had devised things that were neither possible nor proper for him, it was not necessary for that reason to choose war against the emperor, trusting in walls in which there ^B is no advantage; but rather, by detesting as ill-advised his former actions, he should behave better in the future, be content with a position worthy of himself, and seek to obtain pardon for his offenses. For it is better not to commit sin at all; but if it should happen that1 one has sinned, the second good thing is to correct oneself by departing from evil. And since he who he is accustomed to call his own physician, having many medicines congruent for each of the various diseases, is not yet present, if he himself were willing, the healing of his wounds would be easy for him. For the Grand Domestic was accustomed, among other titles by which he honored the Parakoimomenos, to call him his physician, inasmuch as by his intervention he had often been snatched from many dangers that beset him and had been treated when he was in a wretched condition. ^C Regarding, however, the counsel of preparing some fortified place for himself, where he might take refuge in the case of a reversal of affairs, he said he was grateful for his prompt interest and zeal, but that he himself did not strongly seek security from things of this kind. He would in fact gladly look forward to that day with the dead, on which, having neglected and despised the security to be found in friends—which, after the hope of the heavenly right hand, is the safest kind of protection—and having abandoned the safety provided by holding their hearts (which he possessed through friendship as if they were citadels, the safest protection of all), he had instead entrusted his salvation to wood, stones, and devices that have nothing sincere or upright in them. For he knew well that the first happiness ^D and the highest good for human beings is to commune with God, and through the ascent to Him by purity of soul, to always adhere to Him. The second, after that, is to use friends who are certain and faithful, first of all the few who excel the many in prudence; and then, after those, to enjoy the goodwill of the many, all being attached to them on account of the goodness of their character. And this is to be considered not only more impregnable than any ramparts whatsoever, but also more precious than money, glory, and all marks of honor, and far more blessed than imperial power itself in the estimation of happiness. Whence he would not be persuaded by him [Apocauchus] to follow such advice, but that security which he had chosen from the beginning he would keep to the very end; let him [Apocauchus] trust in his own fortifications and citadels. Thus, therefore, Apocauchus, being shut up in Epibatai, was kept under guard.

Chapter XI. The Latin Peloponnesians submit themselves to the Emperor under certain conditions. Their letters to the Grand Domestic are full of humanity and goodwill. The envoys are treated magnificently and are dismissed with promises and gifts. Senacherim is substituted for Apocauchus, and his deeds. The conspiracy and embassy of the western governors; and why they wished to meet the Grand Domestic.

^B While the Grand Domestic was staying at Didymoteichon and was occupied with the preparation of his army, envoys arrived from the Peloponnese to him: the Bishop of Coron and Joannes Siderus, sent by the governors of the cities that were under the Latins. The substance of their mission was that they all wished to be under the Emperor, on the condition that they would continue to retain the cities over which they held authority, but that the public taxes which they had hitherto paid to the prince should from now on be paid to the Emperor, and that they would pay him all other kinds of respect and servitude, and that they would receive from the Emperor a general to whom they would all willingly obey. Such was the Latin embassy from the Peloponnese. They also sent a letter to the Grand Domestic, which revealed the following: that they all, by a prearranged signal while the late Emperor was still alive, had decided to defect from the prince and join him, and that they had already begun to put their plans into action. But when they learned that he had died, they despaired of the enterprise and remained quiet again. However, when Paganus of Pistoia—a man most friendly and intimate to them—arrived from Byzantium and reported that the fullness of imperial power and the principate were in his hands, they all gathered together again and confirmed their earlier decision, not only because of the nobility of his character and his ability to bring them aid against encroaching enemies, but also because they had long since been favorably and friendly disposed toward him, even though they had not yet spoken to him in person. For ever since he was on the campaign in Acarnania with the Emperor as his colleague, and had entered into conversation with those whom they had sent to support the Despot Nicephorus at Thomacastron, he had made them friends instead of enemies, and they had kept a lasting goodwill toward him ever since. Since they also recounted many other excellent things about him, they had been the ones to urge others to display an equal and like-minded spirit toward him. It was by these same people that they were now moved to undertake this embassy; therefore, the envoys would present their petition in person—which, if the Empress and he himself confirmed with their support, nothing would prevent them from abiding by their promises and coming under the Roman Empire, provided only that he himself would travel to them to receive the cities and organize the local affairs as he deemed best. Such, then, was the letter addressed separately to each and to all together. Upon receiving it, the Grand Domestic was wonderfully pleased; he treated the envoys with great honor and magnificence, gave many thanks for their goodwill to those who had sent them, promised to do all that they requested, and pledged that he would come to them at the beginning of spring. For at present, as winter was approaching, it was not easy to move the army for such a trans-frontier expedition, and because not long after winter...

desired that he should, since he was now looking after them not as outsiders but as members of his own household; and at the same time, if anything remained among them of alienation, ^A that this might be reconciled through a mediator; so that, having arrived there, he might meet with no annoyances, but that all might submit to the Emperor in unity. After this, he treated both the envoys and those who had sent them with honorable gifts, sent Brulas back with them, and promised that he himself would arrive at an opportune time.

At Byzantium, the triremes which we previously said were being armed against the Persians had been made ready. Since the *parakoimomenos* who had been appointed their commander, having become ill-disposed toward the Empress, had fled to Epibatae, the Grand Domestic sent and entrusted the command of the fleet to Senacherim. As soon as he set sail, he scattered the Persians, who were struck with terror by the speed of his preparations; and having sadly devastated the province of Sarchanes, he captured a certain coastal town at the first assault and led away captives from there. Having performed all the duties that belonged to a ^B good and energetic commander, he returned to Constantinople.

From the West, after the Emperor’s death, the *protostrator* Synadenus, the prefect of Thessalonica, along with Chreles, Constantine Palaeologus (the Emperor’s paternal uncle), the *pincerna* John Angelus (the Grand Domestic’s cousin), and Zamplacos the Grand *papias*, as well as all those among the nobles who held prefectures of cities, sent heralds to one another and formed a conspiracy. While most of them remained behind to administer their provinces, the *pincerna* Angelus, Constantine Palaeologus, and Zamplacos were sent to the Grand Domestic to report to him what had been commonly decreed by them all. While still on the road, they sent a herald ahead with letters to the Grand Domestic, signifying that he should change nothing of what had been established, nor undertake anything — whether it seemed better or worse — while they were absent; but that they would soon be there absolutely. Furthermore, they held that it was right for them to be heard, as they came not only as special friends, but as envoys ^C sent by their colleagues. Once they had arrived, then he should undertake whatever they all agreed upon.

As they were approaching Didymoteichon, they sent another man ahead to announce their arrival and to urge him to come out to meet them. To him, this request seemed foolish; for he did not consider that he was being visited by any of his peers. But as he weighed their words with himself, since they appeared absurd, he fell upon what was the truth: that this was not requested for the sake of his own honor, but so that, meeting him, they might be highly venerated as he descended from his horse. Reflecting on these things to himself, he remained at home. When they could not carry out the plan they had devised, ^D [Jacobus Pontanus’s notes: The sentence requires "in Greek: *peri heauton*." Why would they wish that Cantacuzenus should not change anything established concerning *him*? For what was established concerning *him*? But it was about *them*, and they were able to fear that he might change something. ... Virgil, *Aeneid* ... [alt-version omitted]]

^A to compel those who met him to pay him honor, but rather that those who judged them worthy of their own accord should vote them honor. But when he examined the reason within himself for this perceived absurdity, it occurred to him to understand what was the case: that it was not for their own honor that they thought themselves worthy of such things, but so that, when he had approached, they themselves might dismount from their horses and render him the greatest honor. He, therefore, thinking such things, remained at home. But when it was not possible for them to carry out their design into action, watching for an opportunity a little later, and meeting him while he was on horseback, they dismounted from their horses and did him obeisance. Then, having accompanied him home, they did not ride on horseback into the courtyard according to the previous custom, but leaving their horses outside, they walked in on foot. He took both things quite ill. Then, having gathered them around him, he reproached the innovation and advised them not to do such things, but to abide by the former customs. But if they did not obey, he threatened to drive them away in anger; and having asked them again to mount their horses, he ordered them to be led outside the gate. Then, passing through the courtyard on foot, he mounted at the gate; this those who had seen the innovation done, and having been terrified by the threat, remained in the former ways, neither planning anything new nor enduring to do so, neither they nor any others.

CAPUT XII.

^C *Crales, having broken the treaty, ravages Macedonia. Consultation concerning repressing him. The opinion of the Great Domestic concerning the Peloponnesian expedition that was to be preferred, for the sake of which one must return to Byzantium, and what was to be done there, and whither one must go once all things were prepared. Coming to Byzantium, he is received honorably. He greets the ailing Empress, and consoles her as she is still grieving, and communicates his thoughts to her, which she approves.*

At the same time, also, the prince of the Triballi, Stephanus Crales, having heard that the emperor had died, dissolved the treaty, and having ravaged all the rest of Macedonia, he marched on; and passing Thessalonica, he came as far as the place called the Cretans. Then he turned back, not bringing much booty because, with his arrival having been announced beforehand, the country folk had shut themselves up in the cities and fortresses with their livestock. When these things were reported to the Great Domestic, having gathered an assembly, he deliberated with those in authority and the leaders of the army regarding what ought to be done against the incursion of the Triballi. Each of them spoke the opinion that he thought was convenient for the times. But to the Great Domestic, it seemed necessary to resist Crales quickly, so that he might either force him to accept peace or, if he resisted more boldly, decide the matter by war; yet it seemed much more necessary and more useful to be ready at the beginning of spring for the expedition into the Peloponnese, and not to let slip from his hands a time suitable for achieving great things. For if, God helping, he said, we should succeed in adding those Latins who inhabit the Peloponnese to the empire, it is necessary that those Catalans who inhabit Attica and Boeotia, whether they want to or not, will surrender themselves to us. With this having been brought about, and with the Roman dominion being continuous, just as in ancient times, from the Peloponnese to Byzantium, it can be understood that it will not be laborious to exact from the Triballi and the other surrounding barbarians the price for the injuries that have been inflicted upon us for so long with such insolence. Therefore, one must apply the effort of action to the most ample hopes shining forth from thence, so that the opportunity may not slip away. For which reason, a return to Byzantium

is, I think, now appropriate. For we are in need of naval power for the Peloponnese, which must be provided during the winter. If, therefore, neglecting these things now, we should turn toward the West, thinking that we shall return having quickly settled matters there, there is a fear that, being entangled in wars and certain other necessities, and being unable to provide for ourselves, we might return and lose our objective. But if we are in Byzantium now, first we shall appoint commanders of the fleet and a general, whose responsibility it will be to repair the ships and to enroll sailors who will embark and soldiers. Then we shall also consider the matter of money, from where it may be supplied for the fleet. In addition to these things, it will be necessary to designate administrators of the public taxes, so that, if they are gathered in a confused and random manner, they may not inflict grave loss upon the treasury; ^B which, indeed, has grown substantially, not by any accession of the customary tributes, but by other ways and means. When these things have been accomplished with the proper diligence and care, I intend to send ambassadors to the ruler of the Triballians, at once to reconnoiter how great his force is, and at the same time, if he is not averse to reconciliation, to negotiate a peace with him; for our circumstances do not permit, I think, when it is possible to live in peace with neighboring nations, to seek out war voluntarily. When I have been in Byzantium for some time, then taking the mercenary soldiers, and those who draw more abundant revenues from their small estates, and with the western army joining, I will move into the West in the winter: I will allow others to remain at home, so that in the interim they may prepare themselves for the expedition to be undertaken when spring opens. And having plundered the Albans ^C settled around Pogonia and Libisda, and having inflicted penalties for the injustice—for you know yourselves, surely, how even while the Emperor was still alive, and after his death, they afflicted many cities of Acarnania and Balagrita daily by raiding and plundering—I will attempt, if I can, and I shall be able, I think, to celebrate the solemn feast of Christ's Nativity in Byzantium, not only for the sake of the army, so that it may not winter outside our borders, but also that we may celebrate the coronation of the new Emperor, as was agreed among us. When spring enters, however, with the triremes ready for navigation and the whole army present, we shall attack the Peloponnese equally by land and by sea, for which region being subjugated, we shall advance the Roman ^D borders not a little. Moreover, with a light force, having also scoured the naval stations and rivers of Ionia where the Persians dock their own ships, and having set them on fire (for so it has been agreed between me and Aliseres, the satrap of Cotyaeum, who will assist us from the continent with infantry and cavalry), and thus having been freed from the impending disaster and the anxious concern, and with all things at home properly ordered, we shall proceed to the intended struggle. After the others also applauded this plan of the Grand Domestic, ambassadors were chosen for the prince of the Triballians. These, having departed, persuaded him of peace and renewed the former treaty. The Grand Domestic, moreover, having gathered an army, sought Byzantium; as he approached, those who were there

^A of the senators went out to meet him and dismounted from their horses to greet him. But he rebuked them for doing what was not proper. Then, having entered the palace, he greeted the Empress and comforted her with words, for she was not only distressed by her calamities but also suffering bodily illness. And having recounted all that he had done upon arriving at Didymoteichos, and what he had promised the ambassadors from the Peloponnese, and what he intended to do regarding them and other matters, he urged her to take great hope and to trust in him, since he meant to fight with all zeal and readiness for the benefit of herself, her children, and the common good of the Romans, sparing neither his own body nor his wealth, but exhibiting all diligence and eagerness. For he said that at present it was not easy to demonstrate by words the increase of the army and the common revenues; but when spring came, if he were still alive, there would be no need of words for the proof, as the fruits of his deeds themselves would demonstrate it. Then, having discussed with her the matters for which he had come, and when she too had approved them as advantageous and sanctioned his counsel, he turned to the work and administered all according to his plan.

CHAPTER XIII.

^C A little later after that day, while he was conversing in the palace with the Empress about public affairs and they were consulting together on what needed to be done, a confused noise and shouting were heard outside the palace. When the Empress asked him what this might be, he said that he knew nothing, but believed that the shouting was occurring because some were arguing with each other over a dispute; and he affirmed even later that he had thought nothing else at the beginning. For indeed, he himself did not know what was happening. Then, as the noise was becoming greater and lasting for a long time, thinking that perhaps something new was being attempted, he rose and went out, wishing to learn the cause of what was happening. He saw the courtyard of the palace full of men—who were not only of the military rolls, but also of the young men illustrious by nobility—and the Patriarch standing in their midst, debating and arguing with them. The cause of the dissension was that they deemed the Great Domestic worthy of greater honor, and that he ought not to enter the palace courtyard on foot like the rest of the common people, ^D since he not only held the command of all public affairs at that time, but even when the Emperor was alive, he had been a co-regent, and had often been invited by him to a share in the Empire. And for this reason, they were castigating the Patriarch, because he allegedly overlooked this and did not remind the Empress of what was proper. These things were being said by them, though not all had the same [index: entries preserved]

^A opinions; but those to whom he was well-disposed were being truly zealous, likewise, and were speaking out, while others were merely currying favor with the times and with the power of the Grand Domestic. There were also those who were vexed by these words and would gladly have prevented them if they could; however, out of fear, they seemed to agree with the majority, thinking that these things had been spoken with his knowledge and that he was secretly orchestrating them. But the Patriarch stood against these words, and said that they ought not to raise an unseemly uproar, but rather obey the things agreed upon by the Empress and the Grand Domestic. While there was strife among them over these matters, once the tumult had ceased, he said nothing to the others—as if he were indignant—but rebuked the Patriarch, saying that by paying attention to the words of foolish men, he had stood against them, debating and stirring up a ^B disturbance. He advised him to go home and not to have any further dispute with them for the present, as a discussion would be held with him the following day regarding the matters mentioned; and he escorted him as far as his horse, smoothing things over because of the rebuke that had occurred—a thing he had not done before, for he was accustomed to take his leave and return within the inner chambers of the palace. Returning then to the Empress, the Grand Domestic recounted the cause of the tumult, and how he had reproached the Patriarch for his untimely contention, and because he had heeded the senseless words of foolish men, which contained nothing sound, and had advised them to withdraw home. He also asserted, calling God to witness, that he was aware of none of these things, but that they had been stirred up foolishly by certain uneducated people out of arrogance. And ^C as the Empress praised him for having quelled the disturbance, "But to him," the Grand Domestic said, "I gave the advice that he should leave without adding anything to what had been said; perceiving that in this way I would easily dissolve the contention, especially that which had arisen on my account. But I do not advise you to let their arrogance go unpunished, but rather that you summon them and rebuke them for the insolence of their tongues. I would have advised you to show even more anger toward them, were I not about to depart from here shortly, taking most of them with me. Therefore, after you have rebuked them sufficiently, grant them pardon, pleading the necessity of my journey." Persuaded, the Empress summoned the men and reproached them for their lack of education, in that, having been raised in the laws of the emperors ^D and having associated with them from childhood, they acted no better than barbarians who lack a king, raising a disorderly clamor at every obstacle that stood in their way. "Consider," she said, "to what depths of folly you have now descended! First, within the palace itself, you have openly opposed the emperors. Second, that you have quarreled with the Patriarch, who is the common spiritual father of all, and worthy of all reverence, much more so than those who generated us through the union of the body. Third, that you have, forsooth, spoken on behalf of the Grand Domestic, showing by these words—as far as concerns you—that he stands in need of your help to obtain whatever he might require from us. But that this is of the most absurd nature, you may judge for yourselves, not by any others. For not only now, when the administration of all affairs has devolved upon him, but even with the Emperor living, he stood over you all in those things in which you required the Emperor, and none of you against him. Therefore, both from past and present events, you ought to have learned that he does not need your sponsorship. For there is nothing—there is nothing, I say—which he cannot, if he wishes, secure for himself or for others. Since this is the case, and even you all confess it, it was not fitting for you to tumultuously and recklessly riot; and therefore, not favor, but punishment

^A you deserve at his hands. I would have demanded the proper satisfaction for this insolence, had he ^B not himself interceded and begged on your behalf, and furthermore, because you had prepared for the expedition, to which I think it fitting that you go with joy, not with gloom. For this reason, I grant forgiveness for your past transgressions; but for the future, I command you to be orderly and not to meddle in matters of greater consequence, but to yield them to those to whom it is permitted to administer such things well, and to correct them should they go astray." Such were the words the Empress spoke to them, rebuking them on account of the tumult; and they, having given thanks for her gentleness and forgiveness, and the Great Domestic more than the others, departed. The Great Domestic, however, remained behind, and consulted with the Empress about things that were necessary.

CHAPTER XIV

When, however, mention was made of Apocauchus, the Parakoimomenos, and they were deliberating on how they ought to treat him, the Empress said that she demanded no other punishment for the crimes he had dared to commit than that which he himself had imposed upon him, namely, to sit at home without going out, and to administer no public office whatsoever. The Domestic also affirmed that this punishment was equal to his crime. However, it did not please him that, while he led the Western army outside the borders, anything should be left behind in need of correction, for which reason he had made a treaty with the neighboring Persians and with Alexander, the King of the Mysians, ^D so that she might not be harassed and troubled by wars in his absence. And for this reason, he thought it fitting that the Parakoimomenos, having supplicated for forgiveness, should be employed again whenever it might seem useful. But she refused, showing by many arguments that he was ill-disposed not only toward her and her children, but also toward him, especially from the way he had a little earlier boldly and harshly behaved toward him in her presence. If, therefore, he was most clearly convicted of plotting against both, in whom could he trust, she asked, to leave behind this man, so full of guile and craft, while he was away on an expedition? It is worth while also to recall the things said by Apocauchus against the Great Domestic in the presence of the Empress, and also his earlier misdeeds by which he rewarded the Great Domestic, who had greatly benefited him, so that from the narrative it may become clear to us both the zeal of the latter for doing good and his readiness to grant forgiveness to those who sin against him, and the ingratitude of the Parakoimomenos toward those things that are good, and the sheer perversity of his character. For this Parakoimomenos, sprung from Bithynia, an obscure man born of despised parents, at first indeed...

^A served as a clerk for many of those who collected the public taxes for a small wage. Afterwards, he entered the service of the emperor’s uncle, Andronikos Asanes. Then, having left him, he went over to the general, the Domestic of the Western Themes, who at that time was overseeing the public salt-works. Since he appeared clever and eager for his duties, he was entrusted by him with money, so that, going to the emperor—Andronikos the First—he might persuade the general to commit the management of the salt-works to him for the coming year. He, however, having provided the money to the emperor as his own, and having promised to pay into the imperial treasury twice as much as what was provided by the general, persuaded the emperor to prefer him and to give him charge of the salt-works. And thus, having driven that man out of his station with his own money, he was now illustrious and held the first rank among the tax collectors. Then, because he owed much money to the public treasury and was expected to dwell in prison and be disciplined so as not to commit such crimes, he began to plot an insurrection against the emperor; for he could not otherwise avoid the punishment. ^B Having perceived from the state of affairs that a conflict between the new emperor, Andronikos, and his grandfather would necessarily arise, he asked Syrgiannes, whom he favored most, to introduce him to the new emperor. He, for the war between the emperors was already being stirred up, needed the Great Domestic, and was also prepared to take on Apokaukos, not only because he possessed a natural dexterity for the collection of public taxes, but also because he was well-supplied with money, with which he would appear useful to them for the war; of these men we also made brief mention at the beginning of this history. ^C This man, having become associated with the new emperor through him, when the war of the emperors broke out, immediately abandoned the elder emperor for the new one, not so much out of goodwill as to escape the looming danger on account of the money he owed; and by the Great Domestic he was appointed treasurer of the imperial funds. And when victory looked toward the new emperor, and the entire hegemony of the Romans was under him, he was once again, almost against his will, appointed administrator of affairs by that same Domestic.

Jacobi Pontani Notes

^D (6) "A libel of Constantine Porphyrogenitus" says: "Formerly, and from the beginning, there were certain legions distributed throughout the individual provinces, just as the Legion of the Forty Martyrs, and another in Pisidia, another in Thessaly, and others called by different names, and they were subject to dukes and prefects, often also to commanders. And these things indeed were so of old, when the kings went on expeditions together with the people, and led forces against those who rejected the yoke of Roman servitude, and subdued the entire world as it resisted and struggled against them, as did Julius Caesar, and that admirable Augustus, and that most celebrated Trajan, and that great king among kings, Constantine, and Theodosius, and those who after him embraced the Christian religion and the worship of the Divine Power. For it was not fitting, while the king himself was present in the army, for a praetor to be designated. For they lived under dukes and tribunes, and all martial matters depended on the will of the king, and the eyes of the entire people were fixed upon one and the sole king. But when the kings themselves ceased to participate in expeditions, then indeed the provinces and the themes were established..." [alt-version omitted]

and it was decided that he should mediate in public affairs. However, the administration of common ^A matters was not entirely entrusted to him, but while he took over the more essential ones for the Grand Domestic, he kept the more humble affairs for himself, from which no harm was expected to the public interests, whether they were administered well or badly. Yet he was flattered by many. Often, too, having offended the emperor through his familiar knavery, and being about to pay the penalty, he escaped thanks to the Grand Domestic, who, as was natural, besought the emperor’s anger on his behalf. Having come into such prominence ^B from great obscurity, he considered with himself how he might repay his benefactor with things diametrically opposed. For when the young Emperor Andronikos suffered from that very severe disease and was near unto death, he left the power to his wedded Empress, who had not yet given birth but was in labor, and to the Grand Domestic he left the administration of public affairs and the authority over all things, and that no one should gainsay him in anything. Now, as is the custom for emperors at the point of death who wish to ensure for their successors the goodwill and firm loyalty of their subjects, ^C he set forth oaths and commanded all to confirm their loyalty through them. The oaths bound the Romans to keep their loyalty pure and unsullied to the Empress Anna, and to the child of the Emperor about to be born of her, and to the Grand Domestic obedience. But Xena, the Emperor’s mother, was not mentioned at all, because the Emperor had so decreed; for it was not possible for two, and women at that, to rule one empire. She and her supporters took this badly, although the Grand Domestic treated her with respect. For, suspecting that this would cause her distress, he sent the great ^D steward Glabas to her with all speed, together with a cross made of precious stones to lend credibility to his words, and informed her of the Emperor's lethal disease, praying to God that they might not be deprived of such an emperor. If, however, any of the things feared were to happen, he assured her that he who weighs all things justly and usefully, as if on a scale, would manage it so that she would have nothing more sad to fear from the turn of events, since he would regard her no less favorably than if he had been born of her himself. Thus, while she was stirred to anger, those who had long been stung by envy at the reputation of the Grand Domestic, and were then more inflamed by this state of affairs, seeing clearly who had become master of the situation, began to conspire. Among these were many others, and the *parakoimomenos* Apokaukos, who had been tested as a leader of the affair alongside Syrgiannes, thinking that the Empress's anger would be for them... [index: entries preserved]

^A a great means of bringing about the defeat of the Grand Domestic and of dissolving his authority. For many came to the Empress, and—believing the Emperor was alive and recovered from his illness—pretended to be indignant on his account, and accused the Grand Domestic of great ingratitude, claiming that since the Emperor was dying, if he had any moderate intentions, he ought to have preserved the authority for both Empresses, especially for her, given that the Roman empire belonged to her from both sides, both as a child and as the wife of the Emperor. But he, caring little for justice or what was appropriate, had drawn the entire authority to himself, having added Empress Anna to the oaths as a kind of veil for his wickedness—a woman who had arrived from a foreign land only a little while before, and having few Romans willing to risk their lives for her, was easily going to cede the authority to him. They advised her not to overlook such things, but with great haste and zeal to dissolve his power, instructing her to teach her son, the Emperor, how treacherously and wickedly the man had designs regarding his authority, even while the Emperor was dying; and that even now he was none the less persuading all the Romans to attend to him, with the result that the Emperor had only the name of power, being stripped of the reality, while he, in fact, ruled. They warned her that the Emperor ought to be on his guard, lest these things end in an incurable evil, and that she should suppress his spirit beforehand, curb such pride, and make it despicable.

The Empress, therefore, stirred ^B by anger and eager to avenge herself upon the Grand Domestic if she could, and further inflamed by these men, went as quickly as she could to her son, the Emperor, and accused the Grand Domestic of acting as Emperor, and advised him to be on his guard against the man, as one who was feigning good will but would surely prove ungrateful if he found the opportunity. The Emperor, for his part, made a long speech to the Empress, his mother, in defense of the Grand Domestic, declaring those who brought such charges to be slanderers and liars; and as if wishing to make it clear by deeds that he considered such things to be fabrications, he appeared even more favorable to the Grand Domestic than before, giving him greater influence and attending to him more closely, which in turn caused the Empress, his mother, even greater distress.

In this way, then, the Emperor warded off the slanderers, and having related to the Domestic everything for which his mother had come to him, he urged him at least to assume the imperial purple, because of the opinion of the populace, lest he show the suspicion to be true, and also to relieve himself of many annoyances. The Domestic, having expressed thanks for such friendly and sincere good will toward him, was nonetheless unwilling to exchange his own habit for the imperial one, especially because of the murmurings of those who spoke against him, thereby openly demonstrating that the slanderers were lying and exacting ^C penalties for their wickedness. He also said that he had known the reason for the Empress's arrival even before she came. For certain of those privy to her secrets had come beforehand to the Grand Domestic and made clear to him both her arrival, what it was about that had now become manifest, and those who had contrived the plot, advising him to preoccupy her arrival and set her at odds with the Emperor, and to terrify her with false rumors so that she could not accomplish any of what she had intended. But angry, he dismissed these counselors, as they were hiding a hostile spirit under the guise of friendship: for he said that such things were not fitting for him, but rather the opposite—that if there were any disagreement between the Emperor and his mother, he should work to reconcile their favor, and strive for all that might prove to be true and

^A a sign of affection. But what the others advised was the conduct of a most bitter enemy, of one depraved in his ways, and of a man worth nothing. He himself, however, did not feign the part of a friend to curry favor with the Emperor’s power; but from his earliest youth even until now, trusting in God that he would remain so forever, he had resolved to be a true and steadfast friend to the Emperor. And thus the plot against the Grand Domestic was dissolved.

CAPUT XV.

The authors of the plot, seeing that no harm had come to him from their intrigue, but that their own wickedness had been exposed, and fearing lest they suffer some harm on account of this, both the others in various ways attempted to restore themselves to the good graces of the Grand Domestic (though he was not in the least concerned about retaliation or vengeance), but the Prefect of the Sacred Bedchamber, reflecting upon his former utility and his present prominence to which he had been elevated through the Domestic, and [reflecting] that he himself had thought nothing fair or honest toward him, but had already been exposed as most malevolent; and fearing lest he be reduced by the offended man to his previous condition, he decided not to use intermediaries or reconcilers, who would accomplish little or nothing, but to beg for pardon through himself ^B by demonstrating that he had become a man of good character from being a wicked one. And so, in his letters, he recounted the favors the Grand Domestic had shown him from the very beginning, and then listed the machinations he himself had since contrived against him; accusing himself and not denying that he was worthy of the ultimate punishments, he begged to be pardoned, promising that even now he would so conduct himself that he would not appear unworthy of this benefit of mercy; and [promising] that in perpetuity he would not only be a good man, mindful of the benefits received, but also most zealously obedient to his authority, and would render unquestioned and complete obedience in all things. To corroborate what he was saying, he offered not only other terrifying and dread-inspiring oaths, but also the most holy Body of the Savior Jesus—which is sacrificed today for the common salvation of men—and the sufferings which He who is impassible endured for our sake, and the three-day burial, and the return from the dead, ^D which things he implored [the Domestic] to revere, as having been done and endured by the Savior for the sake of men who had acted most insultingly toward Him, and for the sake of the Savior, to grant him pardon and not demand the penalty for his ingratitude. Then, having watched for a time when the mystical sacrifice was being celebrated in the house of the Grand Domestic, he came himself, and at the very moment when the body of the divine, life-giving, and saving Word was present,

^A he offered the document, adding with his tongue that he called as witnesses to what was written not only the body of Christ itself, which was being fearfully ministered, but also the angels who invisibly go before and follow, and these priests who visibly and openly assist us in the service. And when the Grand Domestic held the document in his hands and was waiting for the end of the liturgy so that he might read it, the Prefect of the Chamber again approaching nearer, asked him to read it then, so that, through the very condition of the time, the things written therein might become more venerable and credible than by oaths alone. When he was overcome by these entreaties, he read it, and at that moment said nothing. ^B But after the ceremony, having taken the Prefect of the Chamber alone, "That previous failure," he said, "with which you were struggling and by which you were brought by me to this pitch of fortune and prominence, all the Romans would be witnesses to me; but you, as one bearing a true and just testimony to me, could be the most trustworthy witness of all. Those things which I bestowed upon you of my own accord, they have been confirmed both by others and especially by yourself; but the greater and more wonderful goods which I intended to bestow upon you, I myself am witness to, and God, to whom the movements and thoughts of every soul are manifest. Yet you, bound by so many favors, remembered not one, and although heaped with so many benefits by me, nor even once offended, because I had always, like a chain, added merits to merits, you wanted to join yourself as an ally to those who were attacking me, undeserving as I was, out of envy, and, in so far as it lay in your power, you devised the ultimate evils. What then was it fitting for me in turn to think and do about these things? To refrain, if I could, from trying to harm you in return? If I had given myself to this, what would have followed, but that you would mourn your lost happiness, suddenly infamous and from opulent, destitute? This was very easy for me, and by your own judgment you deserved these and more rewards for your craftiness. But since I am conscious to myself of how much I stand in need of forgiveness from God, as from day to day I sin in number more and in gravity greater things, and, moreover, trusting in your oath, I forgive you and forget your treacheries. You, therefore, exert yourself to obliterate your earlier misdeeds with subsequent right actions." At that time, ^C the Prefect of the Chamber, having again confirmed the things he had written with more words and oaths, was restored to the favor of the Grand Domestic, and surpassed many who were illustrious by birth in the celebrity of his name. As time went on, as we have mentioned above, when the Emperor was still alive and had chosen him as leader of the fleet against the Persians, and had granted it upon the great entreaties of the Grand Domestic—who sensed he was otherwise in no way suitable for this office, for he considered him to have no experience in such matters—the ones in charge of the administration of the commonweal were Spanopoulos, the keeper of the records, and Joannes Melitenensis, and the quaestors Georgius Pepagamenus and Nicolaus Melitenensis. But when, as we have taught, he used fraud both in the imperial letters and in the money, the Emperor, detesting his wickedness, revoked the honor he had enjoyed for too short a time, and he lived for a time in no

^A official position. But when the Emperor died, having entreated 398 the Grand Domestic—although he was even of his own accord inclined to do him a good turn—he was entrusted with the duty of the ^B *mesazon*; but the guardianship of the imperial treasury was not given to him; although he was indeed going to receive this also a short time later, as the Grand Domestic later affirmed.

But he, seeing that one of the offices had been assigned to him immediately and with ease as soon as he asked for it, while the other had not, did not apply himself to offer thanks for the favors bestowed, but rather to retaliate for those things of which he thought he was being unjustly deprived. And having assumed that the Empress had given the Grand Domestic the power to confer both offices upon him, and that the latter, in order to curry favor with those who held the other, was withholding that one from him, he decided to incur openly his hatred and offense. And having approached the Empress while the latter was present and speaking with her: "I think," he said, "that not only the office assigned to me now, but all the offices which the Romans have, are not committed and given to all by the Grand Domestic, but by you. Wherefore I also deem it fitting to offer thanks to you for the benefit.

If then these things are, as I think, true, why is it that, although it was ordered by you that I should hold both the offices which I held while the Emperor was alive, he himself gave me one ^C and snatched away the other? Wherefore I beseech you to order the other one also to be restored, or rather, in his own presence, that you yourself confer it upon me, so that I may offer the thanks I owe to you rather than to him."

The Grand Domestic was silent at these words; but the Empress, judging Apocauchus to be extremely ungrateful, said, "Great is the astonishment that seizes me, for I do not understand whence you are impelled to words of this kind. For if, thinking that the Grand Domestic does not possess the same power as before, or that I am at odds with him, you decided that you ought to attack him arrogantly and boldly, know that you have strayed on the whole path. But if, knowing that nothing has been diminished regarding his power or his benevolence toward me, you have nevertheless proceeded to this point of insolence, I would no longer attribute this speech of yours to impudence, but to madness. It did not escape me that, while the Emperor was alive, the office of the *mesazon* and the prefecture of the imperial treasury were entrusted to you: but even then it was possible to say that it was not that the Emperor willed it, but that he allowed it when this man was willing—for which he often reproached you later, when he was angry with you, as if he had done a useless thing, since he had judged you worthy of honors greater than your shoulders could bear.

But after you were appointed commander of the fleet and were again stripped of that dignity, neither while the Emperor was living, nor after his death, were you promoted to any office by me. Now, this man, of his own initiative, entrusted to you the office which you said. Then, having announced it to me, he brought it forward so that I might ratify what he had done. It was therefore fitting to be grateful toward one who has treated you well, and not to behave with such confidence and so arrogantly." Thus spoke the Augusta to the prefect of the chambers.

CHAPTER XVI.

^A The great domestic, no longer able to endure so wicked a man himself, gave vent to his voice in these words: "The long period of time during which you have enjoyed my benefits ought to have served as a mistress of gratitude to you. But since you are willingly and deliberately base, and when you ought to have been offering immense thanks, you have preferred to speak insults, I now strip you of this very honor with which I had adorned you, and from this day forth, let no public matter be your concern." Thus spoke the domestic. Apocauchus asked the empress if she too agreed with these things; and when she replied, "I also agree," the great domestic, having once again forbidden him every office, rose and went on managing ^B the affairs of the state. Those who were present in the palace, having learned of the prefect of the chambers' contradiction toward the great domestic, and how he had been excluded from every office by him in anger, judged him to be possessed of great both ingratitude and madness. And whereas formerly many were accustomed to follow and pay court to him as he left the palace because of his office, at that time no one dared to escort and follow him as he was leaving, but he went out with only one attendant following him, by the name of Spalocotas. Apocauchus, therefore, having openly offended the great domestic for such reasons and been driven away in anger, sat at home for many days, whether truly out of grief and desperation, or feigning to be ill. Afterward, having become a suppliant again to many of the great domestic's friends, and especially to the patriarch, he appeased him through them, having promised many things himself and persuaded him with great oaths that he would no longer attempt anything of the kind. And not long afterward, he even appointed him leader of the fleet being prepared against the Persians. ^C But, having soon forgotten these things, he laid a trap for the young emperor John, as we have said, of which the Augusta herself at that time warned the great domestic, namely that Apocauchus had appeared ungrateful toward him so many times, on account of which neither forgiveness should be granted, but he should be left confined in Epibatae; for he would not be quiet, but if there were opportunity, he would again contrive something new. But by a long speech he persuaded her to forgive his fault, although in no way would she allow him to live in Byzantium, but ordered that after he came out from Epibatae and venerated her, he should return to the same place on the following day. When this decision held, each one—the empress, the great domestic, and the patriarch—swore to him privately: and ^D indeed in the name of the empress and the patriarch, Phocas, Dexius, and a third, Ampar, and in the name of the great domestic, Demetrius Casandrinus, came to Epibatae to bring him. When these were seen and their words heard, Apocauchus, neither by oaths nor by any words, gave credence.

He replied that it would be his own concern to arrange his affairs in the best way possible. They returned, therefore, having accomplished nothing. ^A Since the great domestic was compelled by circumstances to leave Byzantium, he again approached the patriarch alone. Reminding him once more of their previous conversation and of the oaths that had been sworn to him, he begged him to show himself in deeds the same as he had so readily promised in words, and not to allow him to be exposed to the slanders of his detractors. Since the patriarch once again employed the same words and promises, and told him to trust him, as he would defend his cause in his absence just as much as if he were present, they exchanged greetings and parted.

The great domestic, having conversed much about order, submission to the empress, and peace with all the others—and especially with those who had argued with him a little earlier about him entering the palace on horseback—and having finally threatened that he would not let any attempts at sedition go unpunished, left Byzantium on the eighth day before the Kalends of October. ^B But before he set out on his journey, he went to the palace to bid farewell to the empress. When she urged him to betroth his daughter to the young emperor John, he deferred the engagement until his return, under the pretext that the war was pressing and did not allow time for such things, but in truth because he was mindful of his friends, who had sent a reliable messenger to forbid him from doing anything—whether good or bad—without them while they were away. Therefore, respecting the law of friendship and having resolved to do nothing against their will, he delayed the agreement regarding his daughter’s marriage. ^C In passing through Epibatae, he settled the entire matter between Apocauchus and the empress. For when he was near the fortress, Apocauchus came out to greet him and excused himself for his previous refusal, saying that it was not done out of malice, but to show by his deeds that he did not require his oath, as he trusted his mere words more than the written oaths of others. For this reason, he said, when he saw him just now, he had surrendered himself most readily, without needing any oaths or anything else. The great domestic thanked him for this, and after talking with him for some time, left him at home, with the understanding that he would come to him on the following day; he himself went on to Selymbria. ^D The next day, after the prefect of the cubiculum had arrived—having sent word to Byzantium that after paying homage to the empress he would return to him—he himself went to Didymoteichon and prepared for the expedition to the West.

The prefect of the cubiculum, having arrived in Byzantium, first paid homage to the empress and sought forgiveness for what he appeared to have done to offend her. Then, meeting the mother of the great domestic (who at that time was staying in Byzantium to comfort the empress), he first rendered great thanks to her son, not only for the benefits he had received from him from the beginning until that day, but also for the patience and mercy he had shown him, even when he had so foolishly offended him time and again; and he added that he would never be found ungrateful or wicked toward him, but that he had so induced

himself as to be, not only he himself, but his entire family, well-disposed and faithful to him in all things, and to observe his service exactly as toward a master. And as for the faith and the things being said now, he was prepared to offer the most firm and terrible oaths possible. She replied to him: "To recount the benefits which the Great Domestic has rendered to you from the beginning until now, I will add to it this: that even those reciprocations from you, based on an ungrateful mind, that have happened toward him, and his own zeal to show indulgence to those who sin against him—to recount these, I say, while you yourself bear witness to them, is of no use. For oaths are not requested now, but deeds, by which credit is ensured to oaths, for it is not words but actions that should follow. Therefore, it is also fitting for you to demonstrate the goodwill toward him by deeds, and not, by demonstrating it in empty words, to fall short in actions." He, having promised to make his goodwill toward him manifest to all not only by words but also by deeds, departed from there and came to the patriarch. ^B

CHAPTER XVII.

Having greeted him, and having conversed about certain other matters, he said: "The benevolence of the Great Domestic toward me, you yourself also know, having followed events closely from the beginning. A little while ago, because of my own folly, I offended him and was nearly destroyed, had you not, by interceding, not only persuaded him to lay aside his anger, but had you not also granted me the opportunity for glory by bestowing upon me the command of the fleet against the Persians; whence I acknowledge that I am in justice bound to owe many thanks not only for my preservation, but also for this honor, and that I must strive with all diligence and readiness to think and to do what is to your advantage, since the same things bring to me and to you, alike, both harm and benefit. ^C If, therefore, for many reasons I owe you sincere and unfeigned love and affection, I have considered it neither just nor otherwise advantageous to me, having heard most dire tidings concerning you, to keep them hidden, as some other person might, who would care little or nothing whether your affairs were going better or worse." And the patriarch asking what it was that he had heard concerning him, he said that he had heard nothing from the Great Domestic himself, but that he knew most clearly that he wished, before long, to cast him down from the throne and install Palamas, who was one of his intimate friends, and especially sought after by him. But when the patriarch asked again, having followed all things accurately from the beginning.

^A of the matter—as he claimed—he requested that he not be overly inquisitive, for he could not dare to divulge secret things. But he should be most clearly persuaded of this: that if he were not grieving his soul very much, having obtained accurate knowledge of what was being plotted against him, he would not have come to report it. ^B And when the patriarch was still doubting, and not accepting the sudden change in the Grand Domestic, that man confirmed it with oaths, that nothing of what was said was false, but all things were true. He also advised him not to delay, but to deliberate as quickly as possible on the means by which it would be possible to escape the danger; for he was not—as you might know better—a man who easily changes his mind once he has made a decision. ^C Upon these words, the patriarch was greatly troubled, and being especially persuaded by the oaths that there could be no fabrication in what was said, he begged him to advise him on what must be done against such a swarm of evils. The Parakoimomenos, wishing to lure the patriarch even more into his net, said: "I acknowledge that I owe many thanks for your previous favors, and that it is right not only to zealously advise what I judge better and more salutary, but also to readily offer money, servants, kindred, and—if it is possible to say so—my very soul on your behalf. ^D Yet, so that I may not appear, while remaining far from danger myself, to be urging you to undertake affairs that contain much danger, I wish to make you a partner and associate of my own kindred and of those dearest to me, by engaging one of my daughters to your son, so that you may know accurately that I do not wish to be counted among those who love you simply in a friendly way, but among those who, rejoicing in your prosperity, would not hesitate to perish with you as well." When the patriarch heard these things gladly, and believed more firmly that Apokaukos was devoted to him, they spoke a few words concerning the alliance—for there was nothing that could cause disagreement, as Apokaukos promised everything readily—and having settled the marriage contract, and confirmed the deed according to the Roman custom with necklaces worn around the neck, with the Parakoimomenos further devoting his own head to fearful curses on this account if he were not sincere, they began to deliberate. The Parakoimomenos advised not to wage war against the Grand Domestic openly, starting from their own forces; for not only would they not suffice against him personally, but not even if we were to take many other such people as allies. "For his power among the Romans," he said, "is obvious not only to us, but is not unknown even to the barbarians settled far away. For a long time now, his power has surpassed everyone, and all obey his authority zealously: some because [index: entries preserved]

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^A for he has already been for a long time the most powerful of all among us, and everyone pays him close attention, some because they have received many benefits from him and expect even more, and others because they tremble at his power. For these reasons, I do not believe it is advantageous for us to oppose him openly. For besides the fact that we would not be able to achieve any of our plans, we would also destroy ourselves; it is necessary that we procure for ourselves a power equal to his. And this could not be found anywhere else, unless in some way we instigate the empress against him. Once this has happened, we shall easily stand against him, as many will join us, thinking they are fighting on behalf of the new emperor. How this may be contrived, your wonderful intelligence will surely discover. Yet I will also give my own advice: do not be surprised if we make use of a lie while opposing such a powerful enemy. For one who sets out to destroy an enemy must not consider whether he is using a lie or the truth, but must look only to one point: that the combatant might get the better of him, and let all other considerations go. Therefore, you too must approach the empress—you will be credible, owing to the favor and devotion you previously showed her after the emperor's death, and because you will seem to be laboring zealously for her sake now—and accuse him of not merely being under suspicion, but of already overtly making the empire his own, and of being on the verge of killing her and her children before long. If she demands proof of your words, persuade her not to be so inquisitive; for she will die before arriving at any proof, unless, by separating from him, she saves herself and her children. By these arguments, I expect that she will be seized with fear and will entrust to us the war against him. Once this success is achieved, nothing else will remain but for the wicked man to perish miserably, and for you, having been snatched from the impending danger, to manage the Roman state, as you are most worthy of all to hold the empire. Therefore, I beg you to obey me and not to shrink from the matter, which is not difficult to accomplish by the way I have indicated. But if you are sluggish in the face of your own danger, I will say nothing more harsh, but it is fitting for you to conjecture what kind of fate awaits you. By these arguments, he persuaded the patriarch to agree with him and to initiate a war against the grand domestic. ^B Then, going around to the others one by one who excelled in reputation or birth, he exerted himself to entice them to the same intention, stitching together lies and slanders. And first, he approached Andronikos Asanes, the father-in-law of the grand domestic, relying on arguments by which he felt he would most effectively win him over. For this Asanes had come a little earlier to his son-in-law and had besought him to have compassion on his predicament, as he felt his own life was not worth living because his sons, John and Manuel, had already been kept for six years by the emperor in a most terrifying and dark prison, suffering most cruelly, exactly like those living in Hades. ^C And he had requested that when he set out for the West, since he would necessarily have to pass through Bera where they were being held in custody, he should bring them out with him into the military campaign and make use of their services, for they yielded to no one in his army when it came to hand-to-hand combat and the hardships of war. The grand domestic replied that this plan did not please him: for it was not ... ^D

^A a matter of common men, nor were they condemned for some petty offense, so that if they were released by him, he would have no pretext for trouble to give the empress; but they should first have appeased her, and after granting them a pardon, thus bring them out of prison. "Now, if we do this without her prior consent, it is probable that she would think, and the informers would find a fitting opportunity, to weave a calumny, as if we had already stripped her of all authority, and were deciding the most important matters by our own license, without even deigning to grant her a word. This, I think, would profit neither me nor them. Therefore, let them endure for a little while longer—though it is painful—the years they have already been in prison, until, by God's grace, I return from the campaign. Then, I myself will beseech the empress on their behalf, and if necessary, even providing bail, I will arrange for their release from prison, and I will endeavor to restore them to their former happiness and dignity. But now, since the army is already prepared for the march, there is no leisure to spend time on such matters, which require preparation. But, as matters are urgent, I will now, in passing, as I have often done before, visit them; I will not only comfort them because of my visit, and deem them worthy of the providence they require, but I will also fill them with better hopes, promising firmly the release from their chains. This will make even the interval between now and then more tolerable for them than a single day was before." Content with these promises, Asanes gave great thanks.

CHAPTER XVIII

The chamberlain, having understood these things (for he was industrious in investigating such matters), confers with Asanes. ^C First of all, he confesses that he was formerly his servant, and asserted that his present fortune had not taken from him the memory of his former lowliness, but that he still counted himself among his servants: and whatever studies it is right for a servant to prepare for a good master, the same he would perform for him if the situation required it, and would do everything for him and his children, even though he knew he might be reduced to extreme misery for doing so. This was the main reason, he said, that he had even now come to him, both to advise him on what he believes is beneficial for him and his children, and to make it known that if he should need his help for the task, he would be ready to assist most promptly with money, servants, and whatever other things he could. For, as for the fact that his children were held locked in prison for so many years through the injustice and envy of the emperor, he was incredibly tormented, not only because they were being afflicted unjustly and cruelly, but also because of the old affection which he owed to them and their parent. Since, however, he could bring no help to them, he must accept necessity with a good grace. Furthermore, because now, regarding their release from their chains

he has come to advise that you do not let this opportunity slip away. Although, as he comes from Selybria, he claims to have heard that, having ^B begged the Great Domestic, who is your brother-in-law, many times on their behalf, he was unable to achieve anything more, but after raising hopes with empty promises and deceiving you, he went off as if intending to release them from prison upon his return in the evening. If this has escaped your notice as a deception, I am greatly surprised. For even while the Emperor was alive, it was not beyond his power to release his wife's brothers from their troubles, if he had chosen to do what was just and fitting for his own person, being possessed of no less power than the Emperor himself. Today, moreover, as you yourself are not unaware, he could accomplish not only such things, but much greater things, since he no longer renders an account of his administration of the empire, and possesses full and free authority to ordain whatever he wishes. Indeed, it was he himself who even then urged the Emperor that they be handed over into chains, since he envied their virtue and prudence, and feared lest he be surpassed by them in the renown of his name. Now, nonetheless, he has determined to keep them in custody for the rest of their lives. I say these things not by conjecture, but from certain knowledge. For you know in what standing I was with him, and likewise how he was accustomed to entrust his secrets to me—an honor which I have now spurned for the sake of loyalty to you. I am privy to all his secrets, and above all to these. Therefore, you should not deny me your trust, but counsel should be taken immediately while time allows, not only as to how the young men’s sufferings may be relieved, but also how you may acquire the empire of the Romans, which is, above all others, most fitting and suitable for you. ^C This can in no way come to pass, unless he is first cast out of the administration of the empire. And that, in turn, cannot happen otherwise than if you yourself make the Empress his enemy, by accusing him of intending to seize the Empire and to destroy both her and her children. You would be highly worthy of being believed by her, not only as one who clearly knows the designs of her son-in-law, but as one who, by her own nature, would seem to disdain the interests of her son the Emperor for the sake of her affection towards her. Although someone might say that his ruin and destruction would not bring you pure and unalloyed pleasure, since your daughter is a fellow-sufferer in his calamity, yet it can be seen from comparison that these two things differ greatly. For it is not the same thing to have your children as if buried alive, and others to be unworthily miserable and to live an ignoble and destitute life, or to have the whole family treated and handled like slaves by him at his whim, while you, because of your pity for all, have no advantage over them—and to have one daughter unfortunate—as it is to be free from all these evils, and to be able to make not only your family and kin, but your other friends as well, illustrious and famous, with all the Roman Empire transferred from him to you. For who, upon his fall or ejection from power, would be more just than yourself to take it up, excelling all the Romans by no small margin—not only in bravery and the experience of war, but in the splendor of birth, and in wisdom, and in all other ^D accomplishments? Therefore, I freely and deservedly offer myself as your ally for everything, and as a minister, I shall be ready at all points to obey your commands.

^A Indeed, to reject so powerful a combatant and to discuss and weigh truth and falsehood more accurately in such matters is not at all necessary; rather, neglecting all else, one should strive for this one goal: that he may lose his power, if indeed you wish to demonstrate anything worthy of your prudence and of the imperial knowledge that is in you. We see, moreover, that the most prudent leaders do not always speak freely or confront their enemies face-to-face, but they sometimes resort to fraud, trickery, and certain schemes, especially when they are about to engage with a fearsome and most powerful enemy; and no one finds fault with them for these frauds, but we all admire them, as if there were more weight in cunning than in ^B strength and force.

CHAPTER XIX

Having spoken thus, and having added an oath ^C that he would be a most ready helper even now, and that once he had himself attained the empire, he would give his services to him in the role of a minister, he persuaded him; and, leaving him to deliberate alone on how what was being sought might successfully come about, he went to his brothers, Constantine and Isaac, the grand duke. And at first, he pitied their miserable fortune and outwardly displayed a shared sense of grief. Then he reproached their voluntary servitude, because they were seeking freedom so sluggishly and remissly, and that not even now, when a timely opportunity for courageous action presented itself, were they contemplating in their minds any action befitting their nobility and birth ^D to shake off the long-standing yoke of the grand domestic. For although, while the emperor was still alive, it was impossible to resist necessity, because he had inclined himself entirely toward the man and had shared power with him, nevertheless, now nothing stood in the way of them—joined by kinship and trustworthy because of the breadth of their lineage—feigning zeal for the emperor's son and dragging the empress into their plan, so that she, having abolished his power, might overthrow the domestic, who, as was claimed, was plotting to kill her and her sweetest children and to seize a tyranny. For do not the prefectures of certain cities and the functions of public offices, which are thrown to you by him like bait—so that he himself may have the greater share and command as a master and lord it over all, both small and great—suffice for the loss of your freedom? For in truth, and you yourselves are not unaware of this, with him either killed or driven from power, it will be possible for you to act as you choose without fear, and to be either the first, or immediately next to the first of the Romans.

Jacobi Pontani notes. (10) *Prudentia* is in the Greek, but it should render *calliditas* and *astum* [cunning and deceit], as the sense requires. For *prudentia* [prudence] does not deceive, nor does it use machines. *Calliditas*, however, and *astum*, imitate *prudentia*, just as other vices imitate other virtues.

^A And you ought not to shrink back from this undertaking by reckoning that you will be uttering falsehoods and calumnies. For if no falsehood had ever been spoken by you until today, this would be a point to consider. But if it has often happened to all of us alike—whether for the sake of petty gain or for no reason at all—both to perjure ourselves and to lie, what is this new scruple that you now dare to invoke, especially when it is not some small thing, but the Roman Empire itself that is to be set before you as gain? If my advice, given so usefully, carries no weight with you, at least believe your brother, who is your senior and knows better than you how to derive proper profit from the mutations and innovations of affairs. I believe that he, too, is very anxious for the removal of the Grand Domestic, as he does not tolerate the arrogance of the ruler, nor the fact that everyone is led and driven by him like slaves. For my part, I have advised you as I believe is to your benefit. But as for you, if you have decided to strive for your own glory and the brilliance of your life, do not let slip the opportunity that presents itself, for once it has passed, your regret will be in vain. For in his absence, everything will proceed most easily and successfully; but if he returns from the expedition, I warn you that you will not dare even to whisper; or there will be nothing to stop him from making sure that you do not know where on earth you are living. ^B For my part, I will provide sturdy guarantees, not merely with words but with oaths, that I will be most zealous in this struggle, assisting with money, arms, and servants, and, after his removal, I will do all things commanded by you and will remain in a state of subjection to you throughout my entire life, never at any time acting ungratefully toward you. Having said such things, and having secured the stated points with oaths, since he saw that they likewise were prepared to obey, he went to John Gabalas, the Grand Drungary, who had recently returned from the mission to the Kral, sent by the Grand Domestic, and asked him whether he had heard anything about himself. When he denied it, "But I," he said, "am an unhappy messenger to you; for the Grand Domestic has changed his former goodwill toward you into the bitterness with which he is now filled, and he is determined not to refrain from punishing you as his traitor. For I heard with these very ears when he was hurling boundless abuse at you, calling you a trifler, a prater, a habitual liar, a defiler of virgins, and a traitor to the commonwealth. ^C For when you were sent by him as an envoy to the prince of the Triballi, he swore that you had performed your embassy wrongly and had been corrupted by gifts, that you intended to be their agent at home, as much as you could, and to betray our secrets to them. For this reason, he reckons you absolutely not a Roman, but a Triballian." Gabalas, ^D stunned by this speech, began to call God to witness that he was aware of no such thing, and he would by no means believe that the Grand Domestic would so thoughtlessly lend credence to the detractions and calumnies of certain men, as to be immoderately angry and condemn him while he was absent. For when, with a long...

^A period of time having passed during which he has managed the affairs of the Romans, his manner of life has given no evidence of such baseness or levity of character. But, having become accustomed to habitual oaths, or rather to perjuries, he urged him on, insisting that none of the things being said were a fabrication, but that everything was the truth. And he gradually laid bare, as it were, a not ignoble system that had already been organized for his ruin, to which he ought to attach his own faction and overthrow him, if he had any care for his own safety. And not hiding his feelings, he saw fit to permit him to sate his anger.

For the sake of more secure belief in what was being said, and that he might know most clearly that he was earnestly striving for his sake and concerned for him, he even betrothed his daughter to him; for he had previously lost his wife, and on this account, he offered oaths and an ^B *engolpion* containing sacred relics for his security. Since he had gained him over, he approached the Great Stratopedarch Chumnus, who was otherwise one of his friends and related to him by birth through his wife. For after the woman who had been joined to him first had died—she was the daughter of Disypatus, one of those enrolled in the ranks of the Great Church of God—he had lived with a cousin of Chumnus, being already illustrious and not considered unworthy by those of higher nobility. For these reasons, therefore, being one of his intimates, he approached him and recalled what had been said regarding the Grand Domestic, when they were deliberating concerning Michael, the king of the Mysians, and whether he ought to be surrendered to Alexander, who was demanding him: namely, that if it were revealed in the end, the first ^C should remain silent. He claimed that the Grand Domestic was always mindful of these words and, as if carrying a sharp arrow in his soul, was seeking a time when he could repay him in a manner worthy of the insult against him. And this person was no other than his return from the West. For so he claimed to have heard him say. “And I,” he said, “holding your affairs to be of the utmost importance—for the danger is not regarding trifles, but rather regarding your very soul—have come to report everything I have learned, and if you wish, to guide you on the path of safety.”

Upon hearing these things, Chumnus was not moderately troubled, and he said he was surprised if the Grand Domestic had so suddenly changed from his customary goodness, and had appeared, instead of being moderate and mild, so implacable in his anger, ^D and so bitter toward those who had offended him, and so prompt to retaliate—for his character had not previously been such. For although many had grieved him heavily, it was nevertheless agreed that he had never taken vengeance on anyone. And as for himself, he had not been so exasperated on account of that word, and soon after laid aside his anger, as if he had heard nothing. Then Apocauchus said: “If you view my words as suspicious, as if I were testing you, and fearing that you might offend him again, you have answered thus, that is one thing; but if—as you suppose—

you truly believe this to be the case, know that you are ignorant of the whole matter. For that man is not gentle, as you said, nor mild, nor has he been seen to be unkind to anyone, but it is rather because for a long time everyone has been courting someone who has been invested with great power. And ^A no one until now has dared not only to speak against him, but not even to look him in the eye. Hence, he too has treated with mildness those who were cringing and completely enslaved. But now that you are the first to have dared to speak against him openly, he could no longer conceal his malice, but starting with you, he will begin to punish those who do him wrong.” He immediately swore by the most fearsome oaths that everything he uttered was true, and that if he did not try to save himself in one way or another as quickly as possible, there was nothing to stop both him and his whole house from perishing.

Chumnus, therefore, not without reason fearing the worst, begged to be instructed how he might escape such an impending evil. ^B Apocauchus replied that he himself could also easily discern what needed to be done in the present situation, since he was superior to the common people and no fool, but vied with the foremost of the Romans in experience and prudence. Nevertheless, he would advise him on what he judged to be in his interest; nay, more, on the things without which there was no hope of salvation. He thought that nothing would profit him and the others more than if, taking up arms, they were to apply all their strength to weaken and crush the power of the domestic. This would be easy if he were to approach the Empress and, feigning benevolence toward her and the infant Emperor, persuade her to regard him as an enemy and a plotter against her and the government; adding that he had heard these things for certain, and that it was an intolerable crime; and that he ^C preferred to die fighting for them together with his children, rather than suffer themselves to be stripped of their empire or their lives by his villainy. By such arguments, it was credible that she, having been shaken and persuaded, would without difficulty break with him and entrust to them the war against the same. With this achieved, not only would they be freed from the impending evils, but a door would be opened to prosperity. As for the fact that these things were not true about him, that was not something to be concerned about; for no struggle over truth and falsehood was before them now, but whether to live gloriously having brought low his haughtiness, or to die just like those who had been caught in some grave misfortune if he were to continue to rule affairs. Therefore, every maneuver must be attempted and every sort of war must be ^D considered, rather than anxiously debating such matters, which, whether they be one way or another, do not matter.

Thus he seduced him to where he wanted. So far the intrigues. It also seemed good to enlist some of the Empress’s most intimate associates into this fellowship, as he reflected that others might perhaps be suspicious of him, as if they were plotting this out of fear or some perverse and base envy, when he could not suspect such a thing from his most intimate household members. Accordingly, the son of Zampa, who had followed her from Savoy, by name Artotuses (whom the Emperor, both for other reasons and for his martial prowess, had greatly loved while alive, and after his death the Empress held him and his mother in high regard),

I approached him and asked if he had heard anything said about himself. When he denied it, I added: "I myself heard the Grand Domestic raging against you and your mother, and arguing that the Romans were of great folly: that, whereas they ought to make use of their own citizens for public office—and there are many good men and women at hand—he, driven by I know not what motive, or rather fawning upon the Empress, employs Artotus and his mother, who are aliens and commoners. While the Emperor was alive, and ruled with authority over whatever came to pass, it was not right to speak against this; but now, when the supreme power has come to me, I will not suffer the common goods of the Romans to be consumed by such drones, but after my return I will put them on a trireme and send them back to whence they came." He added that the Grand Domestic had also criticized your timidity and cowardice in battle. "Yet I, offended by such injustice, and knowing you to be worthy of greater things than you currently enjoy among the Romans, will even give you my daughter in marriage; and not only because of our former friendship, but also to forge the bond of affinity, I will do everything for your sake." He immediately added oath and seal to his words to ensure they were believed. ^B Having thus joined the Latin man to his faction, he urged him to report the same things to his mother and to move her to strive with all her mind and strength to inflame the Empress with hatred for the Grand Domestic. He added other things to others as well. And he arranged all these schemes through guile and fraud within four days of his arrival at Byzantium. And when he had ensnared everyone we have named, he incited them anew, going around to each one individually to tell them what the others had said; and he advised them to deliberate together how they might best commence the war. ^C When they came to the Patriarch, it was decided that they should not all report to the Empress at once the things they had devised, but that they should approach her in small groups, so that they might not arouse any suspicion, but rather might more effectively startle her, and by speaking continuously of the same things, more easily persuade her to believe as true what was being reported by so many in the same way. It was decided that Asanes, the Grand Duke, and his brother Constantine should first test the mind of the Empress. They entered, and after speaking much of their goodwill toward her and the Emperor,

CAPUT XX.

^D When they came to the Patriarch, it was decided not to expose the plans hatched in clandestine councils to the Empress all at once, but that a few should approach her in succession, so that they might not give rise to any suspicion, but rather might more effectively alarm her, while they conversed frequently about the same matters and impelled her to believe them as if they were true, because the same things were being reported by many. It was agreed, moreover, that Isaacius, the Grand Duke, and his brother Constantine Asanes should first test the spirit of the Empress. They entered, and after many words regarding their goodwill toward her and her son—

^A they proceeded to say that the Grand Duke was securing the empire for himself, and that already he was intending to put his plan into action. This seemed to them a thing most dreadful, and they felt they ought not to shroud it in silence, but to make the conspiracy manifest, so that she, being aware, might devise what was necessary for herself and her children. For it was no small matter that was in jeopardy for them, but rather whether they were to live honorably, holding on to the empire which belonged to them by ancestral right, or to perish ignominiously through the treachery of one who, by administering the highest affairs of state, had acquired such great power for himself. ^B The Empress, suspecting the truth of the matter, not only did not approve of their complaint, but even appeared to be vexed by these things, and she admonished them to refrain from such calumnies, as there was nothing that could cause her to be at discord with the Grand Duke; for she was clearly convinced of the truth and propriety of his conduct toward her. After they retreated, frustrated, Artotus was sent with his mother, but they, while reporting the same things, were dismissed with anger before they could conclude, the Empress not even enduring to hear their words in full. On the following day, Chumnus, with his son and his son-in-law Manuel Cantacuzenus, the commander, and likewise Gabalas, approached the Empress, as if they had learned something more recent, and they reported with haste; they advised her not to be sluggish, but to arise for defense, declaring that they themselves would support the war with money and arms. ^C For they could not endure such incredible audacity, as they had been raised from boyhood in devotion and loyalty to the Emperor, and they preferred to cast away their own lives rather than to see and suffer such things. The Empress, having thanked them for their great goodwill, and having said that it seemed in no way doubtful to her that, if any such thing should happen, they would gladly fight for her against anyone, nevertheless urged them to cease speaking such things about the Grand Duke, as they were mere inventions and calumnies; for his ready and prepared devotion toward her and the Emperor, her son, was most thoroughly known to her; and she feared that if, upon his return, he should learn that he had been accused by them of such crimes, he might justly be angered at them for having said such things. Thus the Empress not at all swerved from her preconceived opinion by anything that was said, but considered everything to be fictions fashioned by the mind of each one. ^D When they, too, having come together with the others, reported what the Empress had replied, no small fear seized them all, thinking themselves now surrounded by extreme danger unless they could devise something more effective than what had been proposed. The Parakoimomenos advised them not to delay any longer; for it was not possible to cover with silence what had been said about the Grand Duke, as there were many who were privy to it; but once these things became manifest to him, it was possible for each one to foresee the enormity of the danger. Therefore he did not advise them to be sluggish and give up on the enterprise, but, putting all other matters aside, to pursue this one thing alone: how they might triumph over their bitterest enemy, or, at the very least, not be most cruelly punished by him. Hence they judged that they should flee for refuge as to a sacred anchor to the Patriarch and to Andronicus Asanes, the father-in-law of the Grand Duke; for because their authority for persuasion was greater, they might through them strike terror and fear into the Empress. For the Patriarch

^A held the highest priesthood, whom she never suspected would lie, and the other, unless he were privy to his son-in-law's machinations, would not be thought to have been cast into such a pit of madness and folly ^B as to voluntarily bring ruin upon his own daughter by uttering so many falsehoods. When they had agreed in common, and those mentioned had gathered in the palace, the Patriarch began to speak first to the Empress: "That the Grand Duke has had goodwill and zeal towards me from the very beginning, and how I have been raised ^C from a lowly condition and much obscurity to this current greatness and splendor through him—for which I do not deny that I owe him many thanks—there is no Roman who does not know, and you know it most of all. As long, therefore, as I saw him following a straight and just path, and observing his goodwill and faith toward you and the Emperors as being sincere and pure, I felt that I should in turn be devoted to him as to a most intimate friend, and I chose to do as much for his glory as a father does for his own children ^D. But when I heard from many who were reporting it, and I myself came to understand, that he is meditating violence and wickedness, and is already incited to perpetrate a crime—for he is rewarding the sons of the Emperor, by whom he was so greatly loved and raised to such a glorious height, by endeavoring to deprive them not only of the empire but even of life—I abhorred his design as most cruel and lacking any restraint of ingratitude, and I decided he should no longer be considered among my friends, as before, but among my most bitter enemies. Thinking that you also cannot be unaware of how destructive these things are, I come to report them, so that by considering the present circumstances, you may save not only yourself and your children, but also the entire state which is in equal peril." The Empress, appearing stunned, said that she was hearing such things about the Grand Duke as she would never have thought he would attempt to persuade her of, even if the devil himself, the sower and architect of all evils, had tried to do so—that he, being hostile to her and a plotter against the children of the Emperor, would return such thanks for that noble friendship. The Patriarch replied that he himself had felt the same way at the beginning when he heard these things regarding him, and had been unable to believe those who told him, who were not three or four times more numerous, but many times more than those who had now come to her; but afterwards, when he applied his mind and paid close attention to the deeds, he had learned of the perversity of his mind, and he asked her also to believe it, and not to delay in a matter that carries such sharp danger, but to take counsel now for her own safety and that of her children. The Empress then brought to mind how, very recently, while the Patriarch himself was present, they had sworn mutual oaths, when the Grand Duke had also said other things which they recall, and this in particular: that if he should be accused of anything, they should not condemn him in his absence without a hearing, but having summoned him to judgment, they should grant him a place of defense; and if he were found unjust and perjured, they should condemn him to the ultimate penalty.

But if nothing true were contained in the spoken allegations, he should be acquitted of the charges, and the sycophants should be proven to be exactly what they are—sycophants. Now, whereas many are pursuing him for faithlessness and perjury, yet no one will dare to stand against him at a trial in order to refute him as an offender. Not only that, but even now no one openly accuses him of having been seen doing evil or acting as a traitor toward me, so that—even from what is said—one might discern whether these things are sycophancy or contain some truth. Instead, as if by prearrangement, everyone condemns him simply for the seizure of the empire, adding nothing more. It is therefore neither just, nor fitting for me, to stir up a civil war against him based on the words of the masses, which contain nothing solid to prove the truth. He is not one of the common, base crowd to be put down by the slightest exertion. For these reasons, nothing of what has been said should be reported to him, but the matter should be weighed well and examined accurately; and while he is away in the West, and after his return, he should be summoned to judgment without delay, and given time to offer a defense, and then either condemned if he appears to be perjured, or acquitted of the charges if he has done none of the things suspected. Having thus spoken what she considered to be both just and expedient, the Empress made her reply. ^B

CAPUT XXI.

The patriarch, hearing of the proofs and the judgment, and conscious of his own and others' sycophancy, and indeed ^C being greatly moved and discerning how much danger, together with the shame deserved by sycophants, would come upon them, was greatly distressed in spirit, and by the magnitude of his fear, he differed little from the dead. Yet, not yet altogether exhausted in his capacity for mischief, as if pitying the blindness of the Empress, he said: "In those matters where God also assists from above, all things are as if planned and easy, and are accomplished happily without labor; but in those which He himself knowingly abandons to destruction, everything is, by contrast, full of difficulty and turmoil. As for me, although I have involved myself in the greatest dangers out of my devotion to you, I do not value my own calamity—which will progress to the loss of my see and imprisonment—so much as ^D yours, from whom not only the Roman principate will be snatched away, but your very life itself will be snatched away in a disgraceful and impious manner. But I marvel greatly at you, if now, while he is absent from Byzantium and can be brought into subjection without any labor (inasmuch as he is ignorant of what is being forged against him), you so shrink from taking up arms against him; for after so long a time has passed, in which he will be able to be ignorant of none of the things now said, since not a few in this

^A city dwell, who would gladly shed their blood for his sake, and are prepared to be armed in whatever way he deems best, you are confident that you will easily prevail. For he will not, as you think, and as he—mocking us—boasted, return to Byzantium leaving his friends behind, together with those observances with which he is honored, so that you might deal with him as you wish. But knowing that he is looked upon with suspicion, he will win over many—not only of the nobility with promises of great goods, but he will also prepare the entire army to pay heed to him, having corrupted it with money. ^B Possessing great power about himself, he will not only easily destroy us, who are said to be at war with him because of our goodwill toward you, but also you and your children—with no one to assist you—will find that he uses the method that will profit him, and he will bid a long farewell to all those solemn speeches, deceptions, and ironies. Yet I do not know how you yourself do not perceive this, nor wish to provide for your own safety and that of your children in the present circumstances, but rather dream of courts, and calumnies, and proofs, not wishing to grasp this very fact: that you will be destroyed before things come to these. As for me, having already said before, mindful not only of the Emperor’s favor—through whom I have enjoyed many and great benefits—but also of your own, and besides, being a defender of the laws themselves and of justice, under necessity to assist to the best of my ability all those who are in any way wronged, ^C I have both severed my friendship with him—as he has meditated things unjust and contrary to law, although I had many grounds for goodwill toward him—and have counseled you in matters that are beneficial, having cast the die, as they say, and chosen either to live with you if you prevail, or to perish if fortune turns to the contrary. Furthermore, you may consult this man, who is present by some divine lot (and who would never want to lie about him, as he is his son-in-law, and who would advise you that which is necessary, not only because of the experience and prudence provided by his long life, but also because of the genuine and sincere affection and faith he has had toward the Emperor and still has for his children, and who is worthy to be consulted and obeyed; for he will counsel nothing unjust or hazardous). Asanes, however, like those in the gymnastic games who stand by waiting so that they themselves may engage with the victors, being prepared for his speech, said: “My affection, ^D and my genuine, fatherly love toward the Grand Domestic, my dearest daughter’s husband, no one, surely, is ignorant of. Whence it does not befit me to deny things which are known to all. It is manifest, therefore, that if what he desires turns out well, he will be Emperor, my daughter will be Empress, and I shall be the father of Emperors, sharing the rule with them, and reaching great heights of glory, wealth, and prominence. But these brilliant and solemn things, which would suffice for any other man for fame, in the present state of affairs appear to me to be far from sufficient. For having from early youth served the emperors with unfalsified faith, I would rather prefer to fall into miseries and hardships by adhering to them, than to obtain the most ample honors and gifts by taking part with the plotters. Concerning the Grand

Domestic, I know that all that has been said by the Patriarch, my brothers, and others is true, and it is not fitting for you to call any of it into doubt, but rather to trust me, as one who knows the particulars thoroughly. And if these things seem weak as proof of what has been said, let that at least persuade you—that the man does not think anything moderate concerning you and your children. For when you were urging him, before he departed from here, to join your daughter in the bond of marriage to your son and Emperor, he did not wish it, but deferred the matter until his return from the West. For he was ashamed, after such proofs of your goodwill toward him, to appear as his most bitter enemy, and to strip of his empire and life one whom he had but a little earlier joined in marriage to his daughter. For no one in their right mind would say that he thought to betroth his daughter to one who was more illustrious or more wonderful. Wherefore, neither must you neglect your own safety, but you must strive zealously, lest his plots ruin you. I, and as many of the nobles as are currently present in Byzantium, pledge eagerly that we will offer not only money, bodies, and servants, but our very lives and blood, if need be, for the defense of your dignity and that of your children. ^B

CAPUT XXII. The Empress’s sickness and anxious mind. She again rejects the accusation, and being once more doubtful and believing, she entrusts herself to their faith with tears. The mother of the Domestic with his nephew, and the wife of Matthew, another nephew, are kept under guard in prison. Apocauchus becomes Prefect of the City. The war begins. What kind of soldier he collected. They dare not plunder and disturb the house of the Grand Domestic. Friends flee the city because of the danger. They seek pardon from the Empress. Gabalas, the legate, acts traitorously; another is cast into prison.

On account of these things, the Empress, as if submerged by certain waves of grief, since she did not see how she could reject as false what was asserted by so many and such credible witnesses, nor yet how she could believe those who lacked no extremity of wickedness, shed many tears from her eyes. Then, as if collecting herself from the despondency, she said: "I still hold to my former judgment, and I cannot accept as true what has been said against the Grand Domestic. For I call to witness God, who knows all things even before they come to pass, that I never thought he would be less careful of me, or of his own mother or dearest sister, than he has been, and that he would care for the Emperor’s orphans no less than their own father would, if he were still alive; reflecting not only on the mutual love that existed between him and the Emperor himself—which, on account of its excellence, was barely credible—but also our own love for him. But since, by the permission of God, in order that the Romans might waste away through civil wars, he was led to such absurdity of reasoning, and conceived such unjust and violent designs, may God, who looks upon all things from above, judge him for his plot and render him the retribution worthy of such deeds. I, after God, entrust myself and my children to you, so that, with Him as witness, you may both plan and act for us in the same way that you yourselves would toward me

^A

She spoke thus with a flood of tears, poor woman, ignorant of the abyss of evils into which she was being cast ^B by those sycophants and calumniators. For they, unable to restrain themselves for long out of sheer delight, but rising as soon as it was possible, carried all the intelligence of the conspiracy to the populace. They decided that they must not procrastinate, but prepare for war immediately, lest some intervening event should dissipate their designs. They immediately surrounded with a guard the mother of the Grand Domestic, his son Andronikos, and the wife of his firstborn son, Matthaios—who was herself in Byzantium at the time—keeping them confined at home. They appointed Apokaukos as the governor of Byzantium and ordered him to initiate the war from whichever quarter he deemed best; and the war began at the start of October.

Now Apokaukos, since he knew well that all the prominent citizens would refuse to be led by him, judged it necessary to incite the populace to war—a class of people who are not only irrationally carried away toward anything for the sake of small gain, but who also easily submit to the commands of such a man. First, he surrounded himself with certain indigent and garrulous men who, being readily inclined by poverty to dare even the most dreadful crimes, were prepared to do anything to alleviate their need. Then, having disturbed the populace through these men and having gathered a great multitude, he arrived at the house of the Grand Domestic and ordered them to plunder his possessions and tear down the house itself. The mob, knowing nothing of the schemes of the conspirators and still standing in awe of the power of the Grand Domestic, proceeded only as far as the courtyard; then they stopped, at a loss as to what they should turn to next. ^C When the mother of the Grand Domestic asked from the upper chamber what the reason for their arrival was, they answered with composure and prudence that they had been unaware of why they were called, but now that they knew, they were withdrawing, for they dared not attempt such a crime. She acknowledged her gratitude for their respect, and they each departed to their own homes.

The Patriarch and the conspirators, because the movement of the populace had turned out otherwise than they wished, turned to those who were favorably disposed and close to the Grand Domestic; and having seized some of them that very day, they cast them into prison and conceded their property to be plundered. The rest, seeing themselves already standing on the razor’s edge of danger and fearing that they too might be seized and tormented with countless evils (for a general total destruction of the friends of the Grand Domestic had been summarily decreed), ^D secretly exited Byzantium through the small gate called that of the Porphyrogenitus, cutting their way [74] (they were forty-two in number, under the leadership of Apelmene, friends of the Grand Domestic). They were now secure.

Jacobi Pontani Notes

(73) The retinue of Catiline, concerning whom Sallust says: "In so corrupt a city, Catiline—which was very easy—kept around him, as if they were his bodyguard, troops of all the wicked and criminal. For whoever was an adulterer, a lewd man, or a glutton, who had squandered his family estate with his hands, belly, or shameful parts; anyone who had contracted a heavy debt to redeem some scandal or crime; furthermore, all those from everywhere who were parricides, temple-robbers, convicted in courts, or fearing trial for their deeds; in addition to these, those whom their own hands or tongues fed by perjury or civil blood—in short, all whom vice, poverty, or a guilty conscience agitated—these were Catiline's closest friends and associates."

(74) "Cutting their way." So Euripides in the Phoenissae, "Who cuts the path of the stars in the heavens." And Posidippus in an epigram, "What path of life should one cut?" And Virgil, *Aeneid* VI: "He cuts his path to the ships." Thus, "Wherever Turnus cuts his path, the ranks give way." The same Maro also spoke of "cleaving the path."

^A They decided to send an embassy to the Empress, partly to deprecate the blame for their daring—on the grounds that they had done this only from fear of danger, not out of malice—and partly to beg for the pardon that would allow them to return home. For they were in fear that, even if they had been driven to such acts by necessity, they might nevertheless be condemned by the Grand Domestic as revolutionaries. Having decided this, they chose Nikephoros Kantakouzenos, a cousin of the Grand Domestic, and Gabalas (who up to that hour had not yet openly declared himself his enemy, but still appeared his friend) to send to the Empress. When they arrived, Gabalas, as one of the conspirators, was acquainted with everything, and he openly accused the fugitives of infidelity, while saying against the Grand Domestic the same things as the others; he seemed worthy of belief to the Empress. Being openly joined to the patriarch and the others, he did not neglect any part of what was being plotted against the Grand Domestic. From this, as a reward for his zeal towards the Empress, he received the dignity of *protosebastos*, and later that of Grand Logothete. Nikephoros Kantakouzenos, however, was shut up in prison ^B.

CHAPTER XXIII

*The fugitives flee to Didymoteichon; they relate what has happened to the Grand Domestic; he, suspecting something else, wants to send them back to Byzantium. Later he sends envoys to the Empress, reminds her of her duty, and offers himself for trial. The envoys are robbed by Apokaukos’s ministers and thrown into prison. The Domestic restrains his own men, who are in an uproar over this. The envoys are given leave to speak. Apokaukos prevents a trial from being decreed for the Domestic, hurling insults at him. The envoys are held in custody. The alliance against him is increased. The Domestic is declared an enemy. The nobles urge him on to remove the delays.*

The fugitives, moreover, when they heard that one of the envoys was in custody, and that Gabalas had openly declared his name among the enemies of the Domestic, despaired of returning. They set out for Didymoteichon to the Grand Domestic and reported all that had been done, and the war that had been set in motion against him. He did not wish to believe such new and unexpected things; he thought they had fled from a danger created by some offense against the Augusta, and that they had invented these things about a conspiracy against her, for he did not believe she could have changed so much in such a short time. ^C Therefore, he intended to send the fugitives back to Byzantium, even against their will, to pay the appropriate penalties if they had sinned in any way against the Empress. He himself was already prepared for the western expedition, and was intending to set about the task. But when, after a day or two, many arrived from Byzantium and reported the same things as the fugitives, he judged that he should halt a little and send an embassy to the Empress concerning these matters. He chose the abbot of the monastery of Gaura, a man who laid claim to virtue and was capable of managing political affairs, and along with him, Sgouropoulos, a servant of his own—a man who was not foolish, and who was able to state and report the embassy dextrously and fluently—and sent them to the Empress in Byzantium. And first, he affirmed by oath that he was not conscious of any of the things of which he was accused. Next, he entreated her not to forget what she had recently, in the presence of the patriarch ^D

mutually sworn, and not to condemn him unheard by relying solely on the voices of calumniators, but to call him to trial and require proof of the accusations. For he himself was prepared to stand trial against any accuser whatever. And ^A he offered the envoys sent a term of days which he thought would suffice for the empress to inspect the present affairs carefully and provide an answer: so that if she, choosing to act reasonably and justly toward him, were to convene a court and demand proof of what was being said, he would accept the judgment of the judges, whatever it might be, without any prying, lest the fire of the expected civil war should break out. But if she were to act unreasonably and were unwilling to do what was just—either by not enduring any examination at all or by putting off the time and putting them ^B off beyond the stated term—then, having called God as witness to the injustice, he would proceed with whatever he thought would be advantageous for himself and those with him; he would not, however, stir any of the established things beforehand, even if he were to see everything turned upside down. The envoys, having been instructed to act in this way, set out from Didymoteichon. But when they reached Selymbria, they encountered the household of the Grand Parakimomenos, who despoiled them of their horses and other baggage and kept them in custody. When what had been dared against the envoys was reported to those in Didymoteichon, they all felt no small indignation and thought it intolerable ^C that they should be so shamefully insulted without any cause by the vilest of men. But the Grand Domesticos advised them not to be faint-hearted; for he himself also believed that such things would not end well, but were the sub-foundations and precursors of great events. Nevertheless, he said, it was necessary to abide by what they themselves had decreed and to innovate nothing before the set term arrived. For it was not good for those who had been judged among themselves to do the contrary. And if anything had happened to our envoys contrary to expectation, it was not ^D at all surprising. For it was fitting that the Parakimomenos, who dared everything, and his servants, should not consider even such things unattemptable; nor was it just to blame the empress, to whom we had sent the embassy, for the foolish and rash daring of others. Moreover, if she, doing what was necessary, would take counsel advantageously regarding the whole, and dissolve the expected war, it would be proper to overlook the things that had occurred as if they were of no account. But if—which may God forbid—they should be led to even greater absurdity, then it would be for us to consider the greatest matters, not such things as these; and so, for both reasons, it was necessary to despise what had happened and not to be troubled by them as if they were matters of necessity. Having said such things, he quieted the turmoil, with everyone praying that affairs might turn out for the best, as he himself had said, and not as they were forced to conjecture from the ongoing actions. Thus he repressed the turmoil. The empress, as soon as she learned that the envoys had been violated, took it gravely and ordered the plunderers to return the spoils and to bring them to her. Then, in the presence of the patriarch and the rest of the notables and the Augusta, the envoys performed their duty, while all approved what was being requested as just. The envoys further asked her and the patriarch not to waste time in matters of such great importance, but to implement the correction swiftly.

not to be stirred up. When the empress learned what had been done to the ambassadors, she felt anger, and ordered that what had been plundered be returned and they be brought before her. When they were brought, in the presence of the patriarch and the rest of the senators who were with the empress, they set forth the words of their embassy; and no one brought any charge against any of their requests, but they seemed to have made a reasonable embassy. The ambassadors also begged the empress and the patriarch not to delay in regard to necessary matters, but to make a swift correction; and this was to summon the Grand Domestic to court by letter, and they were threatened with death if he did not appear at the time he received the letters. All the others, therefore, kept silence. ^B Apocauchus, however, fearing that the empress, looking upon the request as just, might pass judgment, and that he himself would not only fail to gain anything from his dishonest schemes but might even be deprived of his own life, decided that he must use rashness, thinking that he could, through such means, overturn and confound the words regarding peace. Rising immediately from the council and signaling for silence with his hand, before he could speak or adduce the reason for which he had been brought there, he heaped many insults upon the Grand Domestic, calling him a common enemy, faithless to the emperors, a perjurer, and a liar in most things, and finally he ended in shameful and mean taunts. And because he had companions who were like him in slander and ready to resort to every kind of shamelessness, he ordered them to hurl gibes at the envoys. They were shamelessly tearing at the monk, shouting, "This is Cantacuzenus’s patriarch, a mocker of Christ, and a hypocrite," and they proscribed him with other, even more insulting terms. They also lashed out at Sguropulus with various, most injurious insults. Then they guarded both of them in the house where they were staying, so that they could not leave anywhere. The empress, whether because she felt no grief for them, or because she was already unable to restrain or check the impulses of the seditious ones, bore these things in silence. The archons, or those leading men in whose hands the state now lay, kept the mother of the Grand Domestic, who was confined at home with her grandson Andronicus, under tighter guard.

When the flame of war had now broken out in Byzantium, it was judged necessary to endeavor to bring the other cities, both larger and smaller, over to their side as well. Therefore, imperial letters were sent to all, ordering them to consider the Grand Domestic an enemy, not to receive him if he came to them, but to resist him with all their strength and destroy him. When these things were reported to the Grand Domestic, and letters were brought as clear proof of what was being said, he was vehemently troubled and his soul, as well as those of his associates, was in turmoil. Nevertheless, they themselves did not attempt any revolution, waiting for the previously appointed day, thinking it improper to dare anything before that time. But when it arrived, and the ambassadors were nowhere to be found, and they were able to make known what had happened neither by letters nor by messengers, because they were being carefully guarded, all the nobles who were at Didymoteichon, as well as the commanders of the army, gathered to the Grand Domestic and advised him not to procrastinate, now that every pretext had been removed, and to consider their own safety and security. The counsel pleased him. For since the empress was looking out for her own interests along with her faction, he did not consider that he should remain seated. Nevertheless, hoping still for some change and an end to the war, he urged his men not to give way in spirit, and not to escalate the war.

⟫ ^A

CHAPTER XXIV

A few days later, a man from the Empress’s household named Tzyrakes came to him from Constantinople, bearing letters in which he was commanded to resign from affairs and live at home as a private citizen, and not to set foot outside the gate of Didymoteichon until she herself had decided whatever she might think best regarding him; he said that the reason for what was said would not be made clear at present, but that it would shortly be made manifest to all. Before these letters were written, others had been written at the dictation of the *parakoimomenos*, full of bitterness and mockery, which the Empress forbade to be sent, with difficulty calming those who were pressing for them to be sent. But when these others were read in the assembly at Didymoteichon, all the rest, astonished at the absurdity of what was written, urged that they should now take up the war, and not throw away the opportunity to save themselves for the sake of depraved men. The Grand Domestic, seeing that affairs had now reached a pitch of danger and believing that he himself should delay no longer, turned to deliberating on what should be done by them in the present circumstances. Being the first to stand in the council, he spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, it is permitted to all of you, no less than to me, to contemplate the degree of difficulty and turmoil into which present affairs have come and into which they are still more destined to grow. If I had arrived just now from a foreign land, or if, though living among you, I were ignored like one of the common people, perhaps there might be a reason for me to explain my character and way of life to you. But since, from the beginning of my age until this time, I have not only lived among you under your laws and customs, but have also directed the Roman Empire as second to the Emperor, from the time he received it (in which I was constrained to show myself to all to be either more benign or more severe), you have a knowledge and understanding of what I am, no less than I do myself. Therefore, I shall say no more about my past life to prove that I have lived among you honestly and justly, since you know all our affairs clearly. So long as the Emperor was alive, he showed me great favor in directing affairs, and entrusted the governing of all things, even those of the greatest moment, to me no less than to himself; and I responded with equal affection and zeal, omitting nothing that it behooved a man who is loved to do. But after he ceased to be among men by the nod and will of Him who governs all things, I believed that only this duty was given to me, as a most evident manifest of my ^B towards him...

^A and of the care I bore for his children and his consort the empress. And indeed, from the time of his passing until now, I have left nothing undone that was required, sparing neither my own body nor my wealth, but doing and contriving everything to preserve their rule. Yet, it is not the case that, while I heretofore conducted myself rightly and justly, I was later puffed up by circumstances and intended to secure the Roman empire for myself by assuming the form of an emperor. For as to what is past, the facts themselves will bear witness for me; and as for the future, I not only call God to witness my intentions, but I say that it is possible to make a clear demonstration of what is to come from these very past events. For if I had desired what these slanderers claim, what hindered me when the emperor was dying, holding his children as I did, and fortifying the palace with guards, and when, after the third day, the empress arrived, all things were in my hand, so that I might have used them at my discretion—what ^B prevented me from removing them from the midst and holding the empire for myself without sweat or labor, with no one left who dared to oppose me? Truly, I was shown to have plotted no such thing; but when, by the ninth day after the death of the emperor, I had set all things in the utmost security, I withdrew the guard from there, and I myself remained at home, continuing to manage public affairs as I had done before, initiating nothing new, nor directing its administration for my own advantage, from which anyone might justly have thought I was attempting to seize the empire for myself. For I employed as governors of the provinces and cities the same men who had been there at the death of the emperor, and I arranged everything not so that the army would be well-disposed toward me, but so that it would be most useful to the public. ^C Moreover, when establishing treaties with the neighboring barbarians, there is no one who could convict me of having chosen any private advantage over what was beneficial to the common good; rather, I made peace with some for the benefit of the state, and I prepared to make war with others on its behalf, fearing no danger from my own possessions; from all of which one might most clearly discern how guilelessly and purely I acted on behalf of the emperor's children. For if I had been thinking what my accusers claim, I would have had to—if nothing else—at least gather the wealth dispersed throughout the entire Roman empire, which you yourselves know is immeasurable and would have been most useful for me in the war. But now it is possible to see not only the abundance of livestock and crops, which one might perhaps think could provide some difficulty and suspicion when collected, but also the gold and silver dispersed everywhere. ^D Yet I have passed over what is even more wonderful, as if I were saying something remarkable. For I not only did not collect my wealth that was dispersed, but even that which was present and available I partly spent liberally on common needs, and partly, what I had in my hands, I willingly left in Byzantium. A few days, therefore, before my departure, when need arose in the palace, more than two hundred pieces of highly precious silver plate were provided from my house. When their custodians asked me to take them back after use, I was amazed...

^A and deemed it unnecessary, declaring that it would make no difference whether they were kept in the imperial treasuries or in my own house. Furthermore, as for the many islands and cities, both large and small, which I held—some of which I had built at my own expense, while others I had received as gifts from the Emperor—I neither held any of them with a garrison, nor did I deem it necessary to take any precautions to secure them. Nor could anyone refute that I have either done or intended to do anything, in these or other matters, such as would have been to my own advantage. ^B Indeed, they will surely not go so far as to accuse me of having been brought to nothing due to inactivity and a lack of experience in wars. I shall endeavor to provide clear proof of the truth, not only from what I myself have done, but also from the testimony of all the Romans—not only you who are now campaigning with me, but also those who live in Byzantium and elsewhere in the world. For since many people, both high and low, are equally well-disposed toward me—some being related by blood, others joined to me by indissoluble bonds of friendship over many years, and having given in many ways clear proofs of their affection for me—none of you who are present, nor any who reside elsewhere, could prove that he is privy to any of the crimes of which I am accused. And yet, anyone who is not completely foolish would confess that I not only could not have plotted such things, but that I would have lacked the forces, the most faithful friends, and the vast amount of equipment that would have rendered it impossible for even the common people—to say nothing of my closest friends—not to have guessed what was happening. If anyone has anything of the sort to prove, let him come forward and show it. But he could not. For while I would yield to many, both of the ancients and of the present day, in courage, wisdom, and experience in matters of war, I yield to no one in simplicity of character and truthfulness; and it is in these, most of all, that I now trust in speaking so freely. If, therefore, I appear neither suspect nor guilty of the charges brought against me, neither from my own actions nor by the testimony of you who have always been with me, no one can justly censure me as if I were aroused to anger over these matters without cause. ^C For it was fitting that the Empress, who from the beginning was a witness to my integrity and to that inimitable and most admirable friendship which existed between me and the Emperor, and who witnessed after his death my great care and zeal for his children and for her own person, should not have believed calumniators and perverse men, but should have relied on me, who was justly and rightly governing the empire on her behalf. But since some envious demon, practiced in inciting ruin, did not allow the true and just things about me to be believed, and persuaded her to think me an enemy instead of a friend, a foe instead of an ally, and ill-disposed instead of most faithful, I have determined in this case to do nothing myself, but to entrust myself to your judgment and to comply eagerly with whatever you decide. Nay, I shall be the first to set forth what currently seems to me to be expedient. It will be for you either to support my words, if you approve of them, or for each of you ^D to offer an opinion of such a kind that it might remove our present misery, and

^A preserve both us and the entire Roman Empire. I judge, however, that nothing will be more useful or salutary for all than for me to go of my own accord to the Empress, and to submit myself to her, so that she may decide regarding me according to her own authority and judgment. And if, indeed, as a patroness of justice, she should wish to set up a court and allow time for a defense, with God as the protector of truth—who delights in such a title—I shall most easily prove that all things are, as they truly are, falsehoods and slander. But should this happen, having cast off all authority and removed every pretense for slander and envy, I would live in private, performing no public duty, not even if the whole world tried to persuade me with words or compel me by force.

But if, paying no heed to justice or honor, being completely seized and occupied by the talk of detractors, she should decide to condemn me unheard—which is most unjust—I would bear all things cheerfully, preferring by a wide margin to endure chains, imprisonment, the confiscation of my goods, and anything even more bitter than these, rather than sow a civil war. For who among all people knows more certainly than I the most certain evils that are destined to flow from this war? I am so far from wishing to be their author that I would not even desire to see them brought about by another while alive, preferring to have no perception of the things being done here while among the dead. ^B These are the things which I have judged to be in the common interest of the Romans. If you happen to be able to devise anything more beneficial than these, as I have said, I will obey you. For it is better, even if I should perhaps be mistaken in something, that this should happen to me while obeying the majority, than that I should succeed in some great matter by relying on my own judgment.

CHAPTER XXV

The Great Domestic spoke in this manner. As for all the notables and leaders of the army who were present, as if with one mind and tongue—they said that, even before this, ever since the time that these new events were attempted through audacity and civil war arose, not only did each of us deliberate separately, but we all, many times over, have jointly brought these same things into deliberation, as being matters of necessity, and being each of us anxiously concerned for them, almost as if for our very lives. Therefore, there is no need now to search for what is necessary, since we believe that, on account of our diligent and frequent reflection upon this matter, we have long since found the truth. Your speech, however, which is both necessary and to all

^A alike useful, you have given us to understand, and to advise others as well. For indeed, the evils of civil war, which you have said—and rightly so—are most grievous, we likewise dread; and we believe that we should labor with our whole heart and every possible precaution that we may not fall into such disasters. We consider the man who has stirred up this most terrible war to be a common enemy and a plotter, and one who, if he refuses to act to resolve it when he has the power to do so, is a traitor to the common good, malevolent, envious, and a destroyer of the state's common salvation.

Let us consider, therefore, whether, if you do the things you have mentioned, the war is effectively abolished, or whether it will not rather take from them its beginning. For if you yourself, as you assert, go before the judges or, having bested the sycophants, divest yourself of your office, having detested such extreme injustice and the ingratitude shown toward your own merits—or if, condemned unheard, you suffer the ultimate penalty—do you think that we have reached such a pitch of madness, or that we would entertain such base and ignoble thoughts, unworthy of the glory gathered from our past lives, that we would serve at the beck and call of Apocaucus, a man utterly ignoble and plebeian, in the manner of slaves? ^B Each one of us would choose to descend, sooner, into the murky places of the underworld and dwell among the dead than endure such things. But as for us, some will soon, as our resources allow, rebel in open war, each man defending with his own garrison the city over which he rules; others of us will surrender ourselves to Alexander, king of the Mysians, and others to Stephen, the ruler of the Triballi, thinking it more advisable to serve barbarian peoples, provided they are sovereigns, than those who only yesterday and the day before were held in contempt by us.

Thus, there will result from this not only mutual war among ourselves, as everyone plunders and carries off the goods of others, and devastates the Roman provinces no less, if not even more, than foreign enemies (since we know one another’s affairs more intimately), but the subversion of the entire Roman empire will follow, with not only many cities but also the army and the greatest revenues being lost. From this, the power of our enemies, though it was not previously unequal to yours, will increase, while that of the Romans will diminish. It is to be feared that that envied and celebrated Roman sovereignty will perish entirely and serve the Mysians or other even worse barbarians, while the natives destroy themselves by internal discords and seditions as much as they can, and the enemies, taking advantage of the opportunity—than which there is nothing more powerful— ^C press upon us from without. Therefore, looking around at all things and fearing the impending disasters, we will say or advise nothing new, but only those things which the emperor himself deemed to be to the common interest, and which, while still alive, he urged you to do, and at his death exhorted, and in his final moments...

^A gave commands—that is, that you should assume the imperial garb and apply yourself more vigorously to the governance of affairs, as this alone is where the repulsion of these evils lies. For not only we who are present now, but also all the illustrious and powerful men who dwell elsewhere, will be so far from being indignant at this act, that they will even count that day on which it shall be permitted to heal our civil discords as a feast day, and we shall all most eagerly salute you as emperor, to whose rule we have been accustomed to bow not just today, but always in the past, and we shall render to you the honor and benevolence that we owe to an emperor, or to one next to him. ^B Even the very authors of the war, though they trusted they would easily prevail if they spread the rumor everywhere that you had become an enemy to the empress, when they see that things have turned out the opposite of their expectations, they will accuse themselves of fickleness, and will, whether they wish it or not, incline toward peace, provided they are touched by even the slightest concern for the common salvation, and have not resolved to do and contrive everything for the destruction of themselves and of all others.

Wherefore, since from our side, who follow you, and from the side of the enemy, no other salvation for the commonwealth appears, it is more equitable to obey our counsel, as you promised at the beginning, than your own reasoning, from which no benefit redounds to the public, whether sycophants have ruined you, or whether, indulging in anger, you have chosen to live in idleness. ^C Quite the contrary: sedition, tumult, the plundering of fortunes, a thousand slaughters, the loss of liberty, the overturning of cities, and—what for the prudent is the head of all calamities and most full of horror—subjugation under barbarians, which they themselves, aided by this civil war of ours, will attempt to impose upon us. These, therefore, are the things which seemed to us and to all the others to be advantageous. It will be for you to choose whichever you wish: either to avert the impending catastrophes, or, pursuing private comforts—if they can be called comforts, which have proven to be the sole and preeminent cause of such great evils to the Romans through the wickedness of certain men—to place the care of others last. ^D These things the senators and the leaders of the army replied to the Great Domestic. But he, seeing that their request was just, and aware that they were imagining things that were true and sensible, and for that reason having nothing to object against such a clear demonstration of the truth, nevertheless, because he was very hesitant and reluctant toward the change—knowing as he did that such changes are generally the causes of evils—remained silent for a long time, uncertain in his mind as to what he should say, and keeping the assembly in deep silence while everyone pricked up their ears to listen. At last, having with difficulty dispelled the confusion of his fluctuating thoughts, he said: "I do not yet regret my former decision, that nothing concerning the present state is to be changed or innovated; and I prefer to be despoiled not only of my possessions, but, if it be necessary, to suffer torments in my own body, rather than to introduce civil war. For you know with me how, from my youth, I have hated to seize the property of others, and to rejoice in the plundering, destroying, and killing of men."

^A Moreover, not only among the Barbarians and Greeks, to whose ears the fame of my closeness with the Emperor has reached, but also before this very sun, and whatever else inanimate might be called upon, I would blush if I were now seen as an enemy to his children after his death. For not only would I have wonderfully wished to lose my own life for his, had it been allowed, but even after his passing—I call to witness the eye that sees all—I desired the very best for his wife and children; I was prepared to do everything and to undergo every danger, so that they might be free from every trouble, and that the Roman state, while I retained this station, might make excellent progress toward glory and happiness. But now, no less than after the war which was launched by them without cause and most unjustly, as I dare to say, I choose to endure the most dire things, lest the mob suspect that you are taking up arms against the Empress to seize the empire. Since, however, I know that if I were to withdraw from the helm, greater and more savage evils would impend, and I cannot despise your authority, I—unwillingly and as if casting myself into manifest peril—desiring no glory (which I enjoy in the highest degree even in this position), nor for the sake of money (which, though I possessed nearly incalculable amounts, I left for those wishing to plunder it), but for your sake and for the sake of the common safety of the Romans, I prefer the many and great dangers that await me to my present security; and those things which seemed most useful to me, I lay aside willingly, not as one abhorring business or lacking in judgment, but as one desiring to give no handle to war; and because you wish it, and for the sake, as I said, of your utility, I become something else. Nevertheless, ^B because I do not assume this station to abound in wealth, but in interest for you and for the common good, it would certainly not be right or pious for you all to now urge me equally toward this, and to teach that there is no other way of safety besides this; and then a little later, should matters proceed otherwise than you would wish, for one to desert here and another there, seeking safety for themselves according to the occasion and their own judgment, while you abandon me alone to those dangers which I entered so that it might be permitted for all of you to live securely, when I might have altogether avoided the danger and been safe. For this would trouble not only me, but you as well in a greater manner. ^C For a captain will not save a ship if the sailors, due to discord, cease to assist him, for whom there remains no hope of safety should the ship perish. For we must all be in agreement, and by applying equal tolerance in adversity, only thus bring arduous deeds to a successful end. For none of the ancients erected a trophy over his enemies by desisting, idling, or delaying, but by enduring every labor and by bearing adversities with an undaunted mind. Now, if there is anyone to whom these things are not pleasing, and who does not wish to expose himself to danger by zealously persevering with me here, but rather considers that his own household gods should be kept and that it is better to return home with a freely opened mind than to hang on empty hope, leaving behind that which is in his hands, let him fear no evil for that; for, living elsewhere, he will be equally dear to me. But if, after such equity and the given ^D

^B liberty, any man acts wickedly and turns himself to the ruin and destruction of the weaker sort, let him know that he shall not escape the punishment he deserves, but that he will, by his own example, teach others to be wise and to abstain from such iniquities. I, therefore, being desirous of your safety and that of others, have complied with your counsel. But you, I beseech ^A you, mindful of your own glory and that of your ancestors, show the fortitude that is fitting, and fight fiercely against the enemies who are attacking us voluntarily and unjustly. My spirit, however, admonishes me to be confident in God, who justly dispenses all things, that within a short time both the wickedness of those who have rushed to arms in violation of divine law, and your probity and justice in return, will become manifest. Furthermore, although the former embassy was so wickedly and unreasonably insulted, ^C I nevertheless judge that another ought to be sent to the authors of the war, so that just as we excel others in all things, so too might we excel them in nobility of spirit; and that not only do we not ourselves initiate war, but we also publicly turn away from it now that it has been started by them, and vehemently seek peace. Perhaps, although they rejected the embassy beforehand because they hoped they would easily subdue us, now that they see things have turned out contrary to their expectations, they will grasp better and more sensible counsels, and deliver us from many labors and fatigues, and others from all the evils brought on by war. ^D I, therefore, for the sake of your safety and that of the rest, chose that which you yourselves deliberated. But I beseech you, for the sake of your own reputation and that of your ancestors, to show the fitting courage and to defend yourselves stoutly against the enemies who are attacking unjustly and are the first to begin the war. And it occurs to me to be confident in God, who weighs all things justly, that not long from now both the wickedness of those who have waged war unjustly, and your good judgment, and your choice of justice will be made manifest. And furthermore, it seems good to me, in addition to the former embassy—though it was so unjustly and unreasonably insulted—to make a second one now to those who have chosen to wage war against us; so that, just as in all other things, we might have the advantage over them in magnanimity; so that not only are we not the ones who initiate the war, but now that it has been openly fanned into flame by them, we ourselves, having made many requests for peace, might perhaps—if they, thinking they would easily overcome us beforehand, did not accept the embassy—now, seeing that matters have not turned out according to their judgment, decide on something better and more prudent; and that they might deliver us from many affairs, and the rest of the world from the evils expected from the war. And having revealed your mind, thus depart for home, suspecting nothing grievous from this, but also enjoying the same kindness from me that you would have elsewhere. For if after such great moderation and the granting of impunity to evildoers any man should be seen to be at work, and to be acting to the detriment and ruin of the many, let him know that he shall not go away without the due punishment, but that he himself will teach others to be prudent and not to commit such villanies.

CHAPTER XXVI

When the Great Domestic had discoursed in this manner in the assembly, all those present commended his speech and gave thanks to God, because they were persuaded that he was Emperor; for they thought that he, upon having become so, would resolve all their difficulties for them. Departing from there, they also reported to the others what had been decreed, and they held a public feast and rejoiced with one another. But the Great Domestic ordered that royal equipment be prepared for those appointed for these things; and on the following day, when oaths were offered, all swore to be loyal to the Great Domestic alone, and to keep their faith to him guileless and pure. ^C But before this war was set in motion, since he was preparing as if he were to go on campaign in the evening, he sent ahead the mercenary part of the army, and

^A they advanced as far as Macedonia. Moreover, as many as dwelt in Morrha, and as many cities of Rhodope as were subject to the Romans—many good soldiers, placed under the general Matthew Cantacuzenus, the elder son of the Grand Domestic—having camped in the Chalcidice of Thrace with the general, by the order of his father, were awaiting his arrival. He immediately summoned them by letter to Didymoteichon, as those who were to be present for his proclamation; and they arrived without any delay. Furthermore, regarding the brothers of his wife, John and Manuel, the sons of Andronicus Asan, who, as we have said, were kept in chains at the fortress of Bera in Thrace, he sent his sister with a company of soldiers, and he ordered them to be brought out of the prison and to be led to him at Didymoteichon, after having secured the tower with a guard and installed as governor one of their friends.

As time was being spent on the preparation of the imperial insignia, since it seemed that one should not delay nor let the opportunity slip—because those in Byzantium were warring intensely and omitting no possible attempt—he himself wrote to all the cities in Thrace and Macedonia to pay attention to him, as one who had already become Emperor of the Romans, and who was able, on the one hand, to treat those who submitted well and, on the other hand, if they took up arms, to harm them. Privately, he enticed the powerful men of the cities and the soldiers in each place to his own authority and allegiance by letters, reminding them of the benefits previously bestowed upon them and that, if they appeared well-disposed now and chose to carry out his affairs, they would enjoy ^B greater and more wondrous goods. The letters were marked with red, as is the custom for emperors, and he added to the letters guards of heavy infantry and light archers, by whom the cities were to be held, once they had been secured by these garrisons.

These letters, when brought to each place, were received by some readily, and they promised to do everything commanded; others, however, were annoyed, thinking that what was being done was a defection from the Emperor. Nevertheless, being terrified by the power of the future emperor, and besides this, being urged by the men of great influence among them who had chosen to advance his affairs, they accepted the letters; yet they were revealed clearly from the first stroke of the pen as being about to revolt if they found an opportunity. But as for those who had previously been persuaded to prefer to follow the Emperor Palaeologus, some of them arrested the bearers and, having despoiled them along with their letters, sent them bound to Byzantium, after having first stripped them of their possessions. Those, however, who decided to act more moderately rejected the letters, but they prepared themselves for war ^C if they should be attacked.

When many letters of this kind were brought to Byzantium, the patriarch and his associates, who had recently accused the Great Domestic before the Empress of having aimed at tyranny, reveled in all manner of delight, showing the letters to one another and saying, "We did not augur poorly, therefore; we have rightly conjectured his intention, and he himself has..." ^D and he left us—this is, a pawn of five lines. Between those lines of five on each side, one was the middle line which they called "sacred"; whence he who had moved the die was said to move a piece of the sacred line. This, indeed, did not happen unless when the matter demanded that the player flee to his final resources. See more in the Chiliasts.

^A

He immediately demonstrated by his actions that he had spoken the truth, and many reproaches, even the most shameful, were shamelessly hurled against him to increase his ignominy. The Augusta, believing by now that the Great Domestic was an open enemy, sent a few of those letters to his mother, who was being held in custody at home, in order to convict her son by the most certain of witnesses. She replied that these reports were of no weight against him. For, she said, when the son was being accused before her, the crimes ought to have been demonstrated first; and that if this had been done, nothing of what had now come to pass would have happened. On the contrary, she herself would have accomplished everything that was salutary for her sons and, furthermore, for the entire Roman Empire, for she understood all his intentions and knew him to be more inclined toward doing good than toward doing evil. But now, she said, after the strict custody under which she was being held by them for no fault of her own, and after the insult offered to his ambassadors who had come for the sake of peace and had requested that he be summoned for trial—so that if he were convicted of perjury, he might suffer the ultimate penalty—what defense could she possibly give regarding the actions he was taking, as you say, "imperially," whether those letters were his or not? Concerning the letters, therefore, she declared she would answer nothing; but she would advise them to do what she thought best, if only they were willing to listen. And this was: not to despise the son, nor to scorn him as one who could do nothing great, since not only the Romans, but even the Barbarians living far from the Roman lands were not ignorant of his power, wisdom, and experience in affairs. They should send ambassadors to him with all speed to discuss peace, and he would not be at a loss for how to correct his past actions, both in word and in deed, even if anything seemed to have occurred that was beyond remedy. But if you have decided otherwise, she said, it will be your own concern to see that your own affairs and the common good are well managed.

Such was the reply the mother of the Great Domestic gave to the accusations. But those who had been sent by the Empress, acting according to their orders, cast her out of her own house and brought her within the palace, confining her in the house built by the first Emperor Andronicus, which they used as a prison. ^B They confiscated her property, which was very great, except for the silver, gold, precious stones, and pearls, for she had already quietly removed these. There was, however, an infinite supply of wheat, barley, grain, and other fruits—not only in the house where she lived, which was filled to capacity and stood near the palace, ^C but also near the monastery of Gorgepecon, where other structures, built up like pyramids with various grains, were to be seen. They were carrying off all these things in abundance, not for the common use, but for their own benefit and that of the instigators of the war to whom the rudder of state had already been committed. Later, searching among the friends and relatives of the Great Domestic, they found a large sum of money, partly through some who betrayed it, hoping thereby to gain something, as they did not know exactly how much had been deposited at the beginning, and partly because others were forced to reveal it through scourging, questioning, and various kinds of torture. Many individuals, too, who had no share in that deposit, were harshly tormented merely because they were suspected on account of their friendship with him. ^D Thus were these things carried out in Byzantium, and a very Iliad of evils had overwhelmed the friends of the Great Domestic.

Chapter XXVII.

In Didymotichus, when the imperial vestments had been prepared and the day for the proclamation of the new emperor had arrived, all those who were then residing in Didymotichus—not only those of noble birth and those related by blood to the emperor, but also the other senators and the soldiery—were present at his house. The new emperor first donned the imperial garment, and then, in the sight of everyone, decorated his feet with the purple buskins. Those most closely related to him by blood helped him into the right one, while those of the Latin mercenaries who held the first rank in nobility and brilliance of lineage put on the other for him. He took the imperial diadem, which was lying on the ground before the image of the immaculate Virgin and Mother of God, with his own hand and placed it upon his head. Immediately, those accustomed to chanting such things began the acclamations of the emperors. ^B First, the Empress Anna was acclaimed; after her, her son, the Emperor John; and in the third place, the Emperor John Cantacuzenus along with the Empress Irene. And in the same order, mention was also made of the emperors in the sacred rites, and similarly of the Patriarch John. After the acclamation, the emperor mounted his horse, and with all others who were present following on horseback, he proceeded to the church of the Great Martyr George, called the Palæocastrites, and rendered his veneration. To certain of the Latin auxiliaries, he conferred the equestrian dignity with solemn ceremony. Having returned from there to the palace, he sat down to a most magnificent banquet with his empress, with a numerous circle of attendees ^C as is customary for emperors. The brothers of the Empress Irene, John and Manuel, and the emperor’s cousin, John Angelus, served at the banquet. And so the new emperor spent that day...

^A celebrating the festival in golden apparel, and those of the senate and the army who were with him omitted nothing that might contribute to the joy of that festive day. On the following day, they put off their garments embroidered with gold and donned white robes, which is a sign of mourning among emperors. The emperor explained the reason for this change to those present, saying that the day before he had put on those bright garments because of the feast, but now that it had passed, it was necessary again to mourn the death of his brother and emperor. ^B It is also worth mentioning some things that many are accustomed to observe during the proclamations of emperors, considering them as quite certain signs of the future fortune or ill-fortune of those being proclaimed—if one is to believe that such things are ordered by Providence from above and do not happen accidentally or by chance, since God’s providence concerning human affairs lies in mystery and is manifest only to those whose minds are purified and whom God has deemed worthy of such gifts. For on the day of the proclamation, when it was necessary for the new emperor to put on the imperial garment, it happened that the inner tunic was narrower than it ought to have been, so that even though it was stretched much, it could not cover his body, while the outer one, on the contrary, was much looser than was fitting, even though both had been made by the same craftsman who had often before made many well-fitting and suitable garments. ^C Then one of those closest to him, who was standing by, predicted that his initial undertakings would be quite narrow and full of difficulty, just as the inner garment was now constricting his body too much, but that the subsequent ones would be the exact opposite, too wide and providing an abundance of relief and rest. On the same day, while the holy sacrifice of the mass was being performed, it happened that the passage from the Gospel was being read in which our Savior and King of the ages, Jesus Christ, discoursing to his disciples about their future trials, said: "If they have persecuted me, they will also persecute you; if they have kept my word, they will keep yours." ^D Those who were standing by, seizing upon these words, said that wicked and lost men and calumniators, to whom the saving commandments of Christ are by no means dear, would persecute the emperor with their own madness, just as the Jews surely had persecuted Christ, who had deserved well of them, with all their might, and indeed would seem to prevail for a time, just as they had seemed to prevail when they killed the Liberator. But afterwards, those who are honest and upright, and worthy of Christ’s commandments, and who keep his word, would also keep the emperor’s word and embrace all his commands. Many predicted such things from these events, which later outcomes largely confirmed. As for the emperor himself, when...

^A he highly esteemed the bishop of Didymotichus, and obeyed him as a divine man (since he had previously, in other matters, listened to him on many matters as though to a divine man, to the great benefit of the state).

Notes by Jacobus Gretser

^B ...[to those who would be] schismatics and heretics, ^C sometimes the grace of working some miracles is conferred. The same, with equal plausibility, may be affirmed concerning the gift of prophecy. It is not surprising, then, if God also performed certain things through this bishop above the power and faculty of nature. I shall transcribe the words of Euthymius, who, explaining that saying of Matthew [VII, 22]: "Many will say to me in that day: Lord, Lord, have we not prophesied in thy name, etc.," to whom it shall be answered: "I never knew you," writes as follows: "If they were unworthy, how did the Holy Spirit work through them? It happened entirely for these two reasons: namely, that the liberality of God's grace might be shown to spread even to the unworthy, and that through them benefits might be conferred upon others, namely, those who were healed by them, or those who, seeing these wonderful works, believed in Christ. We ought not, therefore, to marvel at those who worked miracles; for they conferred nothing from themselves, but it was God, who, although they were such as they were, nevertheless granted them grace, etc. For even though they were unworthy, they had nonetheless received grace. In the Old Testament, too, grace worked in many who were unworthy, so that through them it might provide a benefit to others. But these men, in the meantime, had faith, even if their lives were reprehensible. Balaam, however, although he was a stranger to the faith and a good life, prophesied. Nay, even to Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar and his son Balthasar, though they were most alien to piety and utterly wicked, God revealed future events for the governance of others. But why do I speak of men, when even in Balaam’s ass He demonstrated His power, conferring human speech upon it first, so that its rider might understand?" Thus Euthymius. The divine Jerome teaches similar things on the same passage of St. Matthew. "To prophesy," he says, "and to perform miracles, and to cast out demons is sometimes not of the merit of him who performs them, but it is done either by the invocation of the name of Christ, or it is granted for the condemnation of those who invoke [it], and for the utility of those who see and hear, so that, although men despise those who perform signs, they may nevertheless honor God, at whose invocation such great miracles are performed. For Saul and Balaam and Caiaphas prophesied, not knowing what they were saying; and Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar learned the future through dreams." The same is taught regarding the prophets by St. Thomas, 2-2, q. 172, a. 6, ad 1 and 2. ^D In Justin Martyr, this question is proposed in the book *Questions and Responses to the Orthodox*: If prophets and apostles predicted future events, such as the victories of wars and trophies, the incursions of enemies, and the destructions of cities by those who besieged them, they also predicted the responses of the Greek oracles: from which it may be known that these of ours are more excellent than those of the others, since predictions of future events came from both sides. To which question this answer is given: All these things are of the same God, as much the prediction of words as the event of things: who both foretold through the holy prophets and apostles what was to be, and through them likewise, who are strangers to the true religion, foretold what He was going to do. For just as through the seer Balaam He blessed Israel, but cursed his enemies, and yet did both through the prediction of future events: so also through the prophecy of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, He signified that Jerusalem was to be taken, etc. Similarly, through the Greek seers, whatever things were relevant to the event, He Himself forewarned. He then proceeds to show at greater length that there is a great difference between the prophets of God and the remaining seers, which there is no need to record. It is enough for us, from the opinion of either Justin or some other ancient writer, that the gift of prophecy can be, and is wont to be, conferred even upon those alien to the true faith.

However, even though these things are as they are, I doubt not that most of what has been offered by these schismatics concerning miracles and prophecies were fabrications, vain, fanatical, partly the mockeries of the evil spirit, and partly artifices and tricks, so that he might retain and confirm them in the schism they had once begun and undertaken. For it is certain that demons, by their natural power and perspicacity, know many things which escape human knowledge, and that they can reveal them to their servants, so that they may appear as prophets when they are not true prophets, as St. Thomas teaches in the aforementioned place. It is furthermore certain that the demon, on account of the power and energy of hidden things which is known and explored by him as well as possible, can perform many things which seem to be miracles, not because they are such, but because they are unknown to men: regarding which St. Thomas writes copiously in book 3, *Contra Gentiles*, chapter 103, and also somewhat in 1, p., q. 110, a. 4. Nor do the doctors warn badly that, regarding prophecies and the revelation of arcana, one must first of all consider the faith of him who affirms that a revelation has been divinely made to him, namely, whether he is a Catholic, a heretic, or an ethnic: and if indeed he is a stranger to the true faith, great caution must be applied, lest we be deceived, because of the snares of heretics and schismatics which they prepare for the unwary on this topic: while they invent various visions, revelations, and divine instincts and impulses, when they are not moved by the Spirit of God, but by him who is the author and architect of all wickedness. Read our Delrius, vol. II, *Magicarum Disquisitionum*, chapter 1, q. 3, section 2.

Who would doubt that many of these schismatics have done what the Donatist presbyter once did, who, in order to lead another to the camp of Donatus, lied, saying that an angel had appeared to him and ordered him to call him to the party of the Donatists by a written letter? To whom St. Augustine wrote beautifully, to that very person to whom the Donatist presbyter had given the letter: "If an angel had stood beside you yourself—which he, as we judge, cunningly and newly feigned had stood beside him for your sake—and he had told you those things which he says he is insinuating himself into you at his command: you ought to have remembered the apostolic sentence which says: 'But though we, or an angel from heaven, preach a gospel to you besides that which we have preached to you, let him be anathema.'" These things [are by] St. Augustine, letter 165.

Philotheus sings marvelous things about the monks of Mount Athos in his 12th oration against Gregoras, as if they had been resplendent with the gift of prophecy, and that they performed miracles both alive and dead. But Philotheus was once one of them; he could not do otherwise, he had to praise those from whose discipline he issued: "As we ourselves, indeed, having learned by experience as we were with those blessed ones of old." His account, however, is in no way hindered by Gregoras and others, to whom the life of these men was not unknown, who were wont to say: "These things are nothing but sheer fables, and inventions, and a mere crowd of words," and they were not without reason in saying these things, with whatever mind they might have said or spread them; for from the first book of our Cantacuzenus it becomes clear how these monks and Hesychasts came close to the institution of the Messalians, with their unknown light into which they were wont to pray and contemplate. And of what sort of faith is the fable which Philotheus tells of Palamas approaching Constantinople, of that same faith, if the reader measures the rest of Philotheus’s art, he will, I think, do the author no injury. He says that Palamas was accompanied by angels over the sea, not without celestial melody: "As even when he was descending to the harbors of this Queen of Cities, the hymns were being heard together by the pious ones on the shores."

^A And those, marveling at this new kind of new song and melody, said that it was something new and incredible, if singers and such were to be brought to them from captivity and the Barbarians. But when, as the ship was descending to the land, the divine Gregory, along with the ship's company of sailors, was seen disembarking, then indeed those listeners to that sacred song and hymns understood that those were works not of human but of angelic power, God wonderfully desiring to glorify His own servant even there. Thus, when it approached the harbor of the imperial city, some of the number of the pious standing on the shore heard that concord. Marveling at its novelty and unusual character, they said it was something unheard of and surpassing belief that such singers should be brought to them by Barbarians. But after the ship was pulled to land and Gregory (Palamas) appeared among the crowd of sailors, then immediately those who had heard the celestial symphony understood that it was not a human but an angelic power's work, God wanting to honor His servant miraculously even here. These things Philotheus says about Palamas, which let the Jew Apella believe, not I, because I consider them either fabrications or the mockings of evil spirits deluding the schismatics.

As for the Greeks boasting of miracles, and by miracles striving to protect and excuse their schism, the same reply must be given that holy Augustine once gave to Petillian in book 16 of *On the Unity of the Church*: "Setting aside these delays of procrastination, let the schismatic show the church to be retained in Africa alone (Greece) for so many nations to be lost; or from Africa (Greece) to be repaired and fulfilled in all nations; and let him show this, so that he does not say, 'It is true, because I say this,' or 'because my colleague said so,' or 'those colleagues of mine,' or 'those bishops, or clerics, or our laity,' or 'therefore it is true, because this or that miracle was performed by ^B Donatus or Pontius (Palamas or Philotheus) or whoever else; or because men pray at the memorials of our dead (the monks of Mount Athos) and are heard; or because this or that happens there; or because that brother of ours or our sister saw such a vision while awake, or dreamed such a vision while asleep.' Let these things be removed, whether they be the inventions of lying men or the prodigies of deceiving spirits: for either they are not true, which are said, or if some miracles have been performed by heretics (and schismatics), we ought to be all the more cautious, etc." Furthermore, if someone praying at the memorials of heretics (and schismatics) is heard, he receives either evil or good not due to the merit of the place, but to the merit of his own desire, etc. Do we not read that some were heard by the Lord God Himself in the high places of the mountains of Judea, which nevertheless so displeased God that the kings who did not tear them down were blamed, and those who did tear them down were praised? Whence it is understood that the affection of the one asking is worth more than the place of the petition. Regarding deceptive visions, let them read what is written, and that Satan himself transforms ^C himself into an angel of light, and that their dreams have seduced many; let them also hear what the pagans relate about their temples and their gods being miraculously either done or seen, and yet the gods of the gentiles are demons, but the Lord made the heavens. Many are heard, therefore, in many places, not only Catholic Christians, but also pagans, and Jews, and heretics given over to various errors and superstitions. But they are heard either by the deceiving spirits, who nevertheless do nothing unless they are permitted, God judging sublimely and ineffably what is to be granted to each, whether by God Himself, or for the punishment of malice, or for the solace of misery, or for the warning to seek eternal salvation. However, to that very salvation and eternal life no one attains, unless he has ^D Christ as his head. And no one can have Christ as his head unless he is in His body, which is the Church.

These things were most beautifully said by holy Augustine, who in tractate 13 on the Gospel of holy John, warning Catholics to avoid the snares of the Donatists, says: "Let no one sell you fables: 'And Pontius worked a miracle, and Donatus prayed, and God answered from heaven.' First, they are either deceived, or they deceive. Finally, let him make mountains move; but if I do not have charity, I am nothing." Let us see whether he had charity. I would believe it, if he had not divided unity: for against these, so to speak, "miracle-mongers" also, my God has made me cautious, saying: "In the last times, false prophets will arise, performing signs and portents, so as to lead even the elect into error. Behold, I have told you beforehand." Therefore the Bridegroom has made us cautious, because we must not be deceived even by miracles. For sometimes the deserter also frightens the provincial, but whether he is in the camp, and whether that character with which he is marked benefits him—it is this that the one who does not wish to be frightened or seduced watches for. Let us hold onto unity, therefore, my brothers. Outside of unity, even he who performs miracles is nothing. For in unity the people of Israel were, and they did not perform miracles. Outside of unity were the magicians of Pharaoh, and they performed things similar to Moses. These and many other things to the same effect does holy Augustine say, to which those miracles and their prophecies and oracles, which the schismatics boast of, are to be examined as if by a balance.

Nor is there reason for anyone to be moved by the external appearance of sanctity and the austerity of life of those who do such things, whether truly or feignedly: for one must look before all else, not who they are and appear to be, but where they are, and what doctrines they profess. For, as the author of *Opus imperfectum* in Matthew, homily four at the end, writes quite clearly: "All species of justice, which the servants of God possess in truth, servants of the devil can also possess in simulation. For the devil has both the meek and the humble, he has the chaste and the charitable and the fasting; and every species of good, which God created for the salvation of men, that same species the devil introduced for seduction, so that there might be confusion between the true and the simulated good; so that simple men, who cannot cautiously distinguish the true and the simulated good, while they seek the good men of God, may run into the seducers of the devil." But the impure spirit cannot imitate the charity of the Holy Spirit alone. Every species of justice, therefore, is found in impostors, but the grace of true charity is not found, except in the servants of God alone.

Regarding the judgment by glowing iron, an example of which Cantacuzenus commemorates here, I dispense with speaking after Delrio, *Magica disquisitio*, book IV, chapter 4, question 4, section 3, so as not to appear to wish to "write the Iliad after Homer." It is enough to know that it is heavily condemned and forbidden by the sacred canons as superstitious. See chapter *Consuluisti*, chapter *Mennam*, 2, q. 5, and chapter *Dilecti ex*, on vulgar purgation; and chapter *Sententiam*, ex., that clerics or monks should not involve themselves in secular affairs; Saint Thomas 2-2, q. 95, a. 8, ad 3, and Antonius Augustinus in the notes to chapter one of the Roman Penitential.

An example of taking an omen of future events from words spoken and heard by chance is also supplied to us in this place by Cantacuzenus, reporting that some, from that saying of the Gospel recited in the holy Liturgy: "If they have persecuted me, they will also persecute you," took an omen of the wars and calamities by which the emperor Cantacuzenus was later tormented by the envious and rivals. Which kind of conjecture seems to contain nothing of superstition, if it keeps the proper manner. Mention is made of it here and there in history. When saint Anse-

Anselm was ^A to be consecrated bishop, and was later to receive the pallium sent from Rome, there was read in the church publicly that Gospel: *A certain man made a great supper, and sent his servant at the hour of supper to say to them that were invited, that they should come, etc.* (Luke XIV, 16), in which the refusal and disobedience of those who had been invited to that great supper are depicted. Everyone held that reading to have taken place there. Which was not done by chance, but is thought to be by divine meaning, says William of Malmesbury, *On the Deeds of the English Pontiffs*, book I; for in no respect was it effectively obeyed, but by almost everyone a pretext of excuse was made, which he taught either by preaching or prohibited by threatening. But enough of this.

^{C D} signifies that what had been done was by common decision, as having been decreed by the state, and requesting that he reconcile God to him through prayers, so that His good and well-pleasing will might be brought about in him; for he was accustomed, in the manner of those placed in such a rank, to ask that they might employ prayers to God on his behalf. The prelate replied that it was not fitting that these things be announced to him after the fact; it should have been announced beforehand, when he himself might have been able to provide counsel on what was advantageous by God’s concession. Now, nothing remained but to commend him and the common good to God in supplication. And he knew, indeed, that the Roman empire had been decreed to him by God; however, “his lips shall swell,” he said, “who has eaten a sour grape” (Jer. XXXI, 30). By this parable he hinted that he would be surrounded by many dangers and temptations beforehand. ^B But when he wished to place before his eyes, as it were, whence and by whom those dangers might threaten, he reminded him of a certain vision, which he had been granted while Andronikos the younger was yet alive regarding the future state of affairs.

The new emperor narrated it in this manner: While the emperor Andronikos was still alive, when he himself held the lot and position of a private citizen, and was plainly content in it, this bishop had met with him at some point and warned him not to hold Apokaukos (whom he had addressed thus nakedly, without the addition of any honor) in high regard, but to beware of the man as one who would one day bring about great harm. When he had jokingly rejoined, asking what kind of harm an egg could ultimately inflict upon a stone, the other had replied that pride is a great evil, which especially accompanies those who are perfect in all virtue and raised to the pinnacle of worldly prosperity. Then he had replied that these things were not said by him out of pride, but out of a certain consciousness of his own strength and Apokaukos’s weakness; unless one were to accuse a wolf or a lion of audacity because the former deems itself much stronger than a sheep, and the latter deems itself stronger than a stag. Furthermore, he had prayed that he would disclose the vision to him, promising he would believe him; since natural things were fashioned by God to be immutable, but human things are moved otherwise at different times, and change in various ways. When he had won him over by earnest entreaty, he began thus: “When I had given myself to sacred prayer at a certain time, and was speaking with God alone, I seemed to see you standing before me; and immediately Apokaukos came upon you with a rush, and pushed you with such violence that he almost brought you to the ground; certainly, you fell down on one knee, and with your other foot and your left hand you struggled against the force upon the earth, and he, however much he exerted himself, could do no more. As you rose from the fall, you struck your staff against his head repeatedly, and he, not resisting the blows, fell to the ground: and as he lay there, you [struck him with a razor/knife]”

ose from the fall, you struck your staff against his head repeatedly, and he, not resisting the blows, fell to the ground: and as he lay there, you [struck him with a razor/knife]” Thus, he said, was the vision. ^A And I, examining within myself what these things indicated, thought that he was about to stir up a war against you, and that he would inflict many great dangers, but that God would eventually grant the victory to you. Therefore, one must not be slothful, but must be on guard against that man. Such were the things the Emperor recounted regarding the bishop. Those who were present, having also heard the parable about the fig tree (80), were confirmed all the more in believing those things which were portended—both by the word of the Gospel and by the disproportion of his garments, which matched ill. For they paid attention to his words as if they were some kind of oracles whenever he discoursed on future events; not only because he often predicted the future with unerring accuracy, but also because he had performed certain marvelous deeds, which are possible for God alone, and for those who have been made intimate with Him through purity of soul and the height of their manner of life. ^B Among these, I shall relate one for the sake of ease.

A certain man among those living at Didymoteichos, not of the obscure class, suspected that his marriage had been defiled by another, and he was not mistaken in his judgment; for it had indeed been defiled. Unable to conceal this suspicion out of jealousy, he demanded proofs of her by which, if refuted, he might cease his suspicion: otherwise, he threatened that he would torture the wretched woman with a grievous example, since she had so wantonly contaminated the sacred vows of matrimony. This proof was that she should take up red-hot iron in her hands; for otherwise he said he could not believe. The woman, understanding how dangerous it was to confess a crime committed—since death was the penalty for such an injury against a husband—and that the handling of red-hot iron would be a manifest indication of her turpitude, and being thus reduced to utter helplessness of counsel on both sides, ^C resolved that she must take refuge with that great bishop. Having laid the whole matter before him, she begged him to undertake her protection, and not to despise her, who—having fallen into extreme misfortune through ill counsel—was in danger, but rather to persuade the husband to abandon the desire for this trial, and to teach him regarding her that she had not committed that of which he was suspicious. The bishop inquired whether she repented of her lust and would promise chastity for the future; when he saw her weeping most profusely and heard her affirm that she would never commit the like, and indeed that she would willingly undergo the punishment for her sin, he, having first discoursed about conjugal chastity and the faith due to her legitimate husband, then ordered her to confidently touch the red-hot iron, which is what the husband had wanted. She returns to her husband and requests that the trial be applied. The husband, because he could not do otherwise than rid himself of his suspicion by some argument admitting no doubt, leads her alone into a certain temple, and having seen to it that the iron was as red-hot as possible, and seizing it with tongs, he places it on the hands of his wife, and orders her to walk around the sacred altar three times. ^D Which, as she did, and being unharmed—

Jacobi Pontani notes. (80) A lapse of memory, as he applied the parable of the untimely [fig tree]. But this kind of sin is accustomed to happen even to great and most famous writers.

^A remained, as if she had touched no fire; but the husband, admiring the power of truth, cast aside his suspicion and ordered the iron to be placed back upon the stool. Because it was glowing too intensely, it burned through the stool and fell to the ground. God had deemed that man worthy of such grace, and He performed far more wondrous things, as we shall relate in due course at an opportune time.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

^B The Emperor Cantacuzenus, on the day following his creation, having gathered an assembly from both the army and the senators who were present, spoke thus: "Men, Romans, although I have often testified to you before concerning my goodwill, eagerness, and zeal toward the Empress and her son the Emperor, yet even to this day I have not reached the point of satiety in always testifying to the same things. Wherefore, in the present instance also, I call as my witness Him who knows all things before they come to pass, that it has never even entered my mind to deflect in any matter from the path of reason, but that I have applied all my care and diligence, not only to increase the Roman state, but also to preserve the empire whole and secure for the Empress and her son, and to allow them, as far as it depended on me, to suffer no wrong. Since these things did not escape her notice, she ought to have entertained true and just thoughts about me, and not been so credulous toward sycophants as to condemn me without a hearing. But because she preferred to cast aside the truth and embrace falsehood, and—though I was free of all fault and had provided no cause for war—declared me her enemy, and promulgated an edict throughout all cities for my exclusion and for attacking me as fiercely as possible, we were compelled by necessity to do what appeared advantageous to you and to me for the present time. Therefore, I render ^C great thanks for your prompt and eager goodwill toward me, and I deem it just that I, being solicitous with equal care for you—which care I believe is joined with your own benefit—should urge and entrust these things to each one. For I would not be performing the duty of a friend if I were to prioritize my own private advantages over the safety of others. As many of you, therefore, as have your domicile, wives, children, and other resources of life in cities or villages not subject to us, it is not necessary to remain here with me ^D [to your detriment]. For it is absurd that friendship toward me...

^A a great cause of your calamities to have befallen you; for these men, being audacious in all things and daring beyond measure in revolutionary schemes, will not refrain from any villainy against you. But when you return to your homes, keep the same goodwill toward me, and when the opportunity arises, demonstrate it. Then he ordered the treasurers of his funds to pay to the mercenaries whatever of their pay was owed, and he even added a gratuity. To the others, as many as had their income from the fields, he distributed gold liberally, and dismissing them to their houses, he sent them away—many of them expressing great thanks for his care and promising that when occasion offered, they would show themselves worthy of the kindness. Those who had neither wives nor children he kept with him, and anyone else who voluntarily chose to remain. After this, he chose from the troops present an army of sixteen cohorts ^B, to which he appointed as leaders John the Pincerna and Manuel, the brother of his wife. He ordered them to invade the Byzantine territory and, having set up camp by the Melas River, to restrain the army from Byzantium, so that they might not sally forth against the cities that had passed over to his side. He himself made preparations so that, with the rest of the force, he might pass through Perinthus and Selybria (for these were wavering and did not fully adhere to either emperor) and, having subordinated them, might approach the very walls of Byzantium along with the leaders Pincerna and Manuel Asanes, to test whether it would submit. When letters from the Emperor Cantacuzenus arrived at Adrianople, commanding them, just as the other cities, to obey him henceforth as the emperor who had already been proclaimed, the more powerful of the citizens received them readily and ordered the letters to be read in the assembly. ^C But the populace did not take it well. It was evident that they were about to stir up a rebellion, and some of them explicitly spoke against it. These the leaders of the state, moved to anger, arrested, and they punished them not only with verbal rebukes but also with scourging. The others, for the time being, endured this insult from the powerful, both because they feared them (for they were not few) and because there were no demagogues to stir up the plebs. But when the night had carried off the day, a certain Branus by name, a man of the plebs who earned a living with difficulty by the mattock, took to himself two others, Mugdouphes and Phrangopoulos by name. Going around the houses of the commoners at night, they persuaded them not to be faint-hearted, but to rise up against the powerful, so that they might not only rid themselves of the latter's insolence, but might also plunder their property. ^D Having gathered a not insignificant crowd of the demos, they attacked the powerful and overcame them all, except for a few who, scenting the ambush, had hidden themselves and escaped the danger. Having captured these and distributed them throughout the towers of the city, and having set guards, when day had already appeared, they rushed in a body to their houses, plundered their fortunes, and tore down the buildings—not only the wood and...

^A frame-work, but in their madness even pulling down the walls to the very foundations. And there was nothing so terrible that they did not dare do against those who were known to favor the Emperor Cantacuzenus. Many also took advantage of this popular fury for the sake of their own private disputes. Others, moreover, when money was owed to them by others, were accused by their debtors of "Cantacuzenism." Thus, the sedition was pernicious from its very inception. It seemed all the more serious because it broke out first among them, for later the entire Roman name turned to a savagery much more immense, when everywhere all the peoples thought it necessary to proclaim Palaeologus their master—either because the nobles were sincerely standing with the Emperor Cantacuzenus, or because the poor and those eager for revolution brought against them the same accusation without any proof.

It was very easy for them to raise these charges, both in order to plunder the money of those who possessed it and because they were unwilling to behave properly like others. And the common people, having long harbored great hatred toward the nobles—from whom they had been wont to be led and brought under their sway in times of peace—and hoping to plunder their possessions (which were numerous), were ever ready for sedition and on the slightest pretext dared the most atrocious deeds. The seditious, being for the most part the most desperate of men—burglars and thieves—and themselves forced by poverty, left no crime unattempted; they incited the populace to equal actions, feigning their own favor toward Emperor Palaeologus, and thus declared themselves his most faithful followers.

^B Afterward, like some serious and pestilential disease consuming the entire Roman realm, it provoked many who had previously appeared modest and gentle in character to a similar insolence. For in peace and in the absence of war, both cities and individuals hold better opinions and are least likely to be led into shameful and base deeds, because no necessity forces them against their will. But war, by daily stealing away and diminishing the supply of necessities, becomes a violent teacher even of those things previously considered wicked. All the cities, therefore, joined in a common insurrection against the nobles. And if any were perhaps slower in this, upon hearing of what had been done elsewhere, they later exceeded all measure, and went so far as to commit slaughters, and those of a truculent nature; and this irrational impulse was deemed bravery, and a lack of feeling toward one’s kin, and a total lack of sympathy, were called steadfast loyalty toward the Emperor.

^C And he who felt hostility toward the Emperor Cantacuzenus and was carried away into shameful and grievous insults was considered faithful; but he who was self-controlled, restrained his tongue, and preserved his proper character was immediately suspect. In the same way, to lay traps and to concoct lies and slanders afforded one a reputation for wisdom. And the betrayal of one’s closest kin was practiced as if it were some good thing, with a respectable name attached to it. ^D Thus, every kind of wickedness and perversity was practiced throughout the cities because of the seditions.

^A For the best men were immediately destroyed, either for recalling their former goodwill toward Emperor Cantacuzenus, or for not engaging in the immediate fighting; and the middle-ranking citizens were either killed because they did not support the seditious, or out of envy that they had survived. Human nature, too, which is accustomed to sin even against the laws, seemed at that time particularly to rage without restraint when it was not held in check by the magistrates; and because it was more powerful than the law itself—the lawful authorities having been subverted—it did not fear to take up arms even against God, if it had the power to prevail.

Chapter XXIX.

The common people of Adrianople, after they had sent their leading men in chains to Byzantium, fearing ^B that Emperor Cantacuzenus, who was staying nearby with his whole army, might all at once make an expedition against them—and they were no longer able to defend themselves, because almost all the soldiers had either been captured or did not dare to look out from the houses in which they were hiding, and furthermore they expected no help to come to them from Byzantium (for they knew that the Emperor Cantacuzenus had his encampments in its territories)—sent envoys to the King of the Mysians ^C to beg for swift aid. Alexander, however—as was to be expected—thinking that if he could bribe the magistrates of the city with money, he would easily persuade the citizens to surrender—not because of the sedition alone—came to Adrianople without delay. But his effort was in vain; for those who were in control of the city claimed that they had called him as an ally, not as a master. Yet his arrival caused Emperor Cantacuzenus no small harm, for everyone supposed that he had come on behalf of the Empress. For the army and the commanders sent by him to the Black River, thinking it not profitable to remain there in danger while the Emperor was being besieged by the Mysians, began to withdraw. And during the retreat, some of the senators and not a few soldiers left their commanders and deserted to Byzantium; among whom was Joannes Batatzes, who was in charge of the Achyraitan company. ^D As for the cities of Thrace and Macedonia, as many as had surrendered themselves to the rule of Emperor Cantacuzenus, once they learned of the incursion of the Mysians—supposing that it was directed against the Emperor—with very few exceptions, revolted to the Empress and, seizing their own magistrates and the powerful among the citizens, hauled them off in chains to Byzantium. The cities of the Rhodope region did likewise; and a common war was waged against both Emperor Cantacuzenus and the powerful men in each respective city; for the citizenry had been divided into two factions, and with only a few supporting Emperor Cantacuzenus, the common people, stirred up by the seditious and the needy, favored the Empress instead; and everywhere the popular multitude was superior, killing the wealthier citizens, and a miserable confusion and disturbance occupied the cities. When Alexander could not obtain Adrianople, he [moved] near Didymoteichon, the Hebrus

not yet crossed. Having selected a not insignificant army from his own, he sent them out to plunder the cities throughout Thrace. Thus it happened that the army returning from Byzantium with Angelus the pincerna, meeting a fair number of them and proving superior, killed ^B them in battle. Similarly, a Persian army also having crossed over to the coastal regions of Thrace for booty, chanced upon the remaining Mysians, killed some and took many of them alive. The rest returned to their own camp, not only without anything, but also having lost many of their own men. Alexander, although he had previously been disposed contemptuously towards the Emperor Cantacuzenus, thinking that he could not offer even a little resistance to him, upon being struck from both sides by the Romans and the Persians, and furthermore learning that the Emperor had a large and fine army at Didymoteichon, became afraid lest his boldness should lead to no good result for him; and having sent an embassy, he spoke about peace. ^C Those of the Emperor’s entourage who were in the prime of life and bolder were advising him not to accept the impulses towards peace, but were urging the Emperor rather towards battle. But he was not persuaded, believing that war would be of no advantage to them. For if, he said, the struggle for us were against the Mysians alone, our boldness would have some justification; but now one must consider not so much how we might repel their violence as how we might repel that of the Byzantines. For if we defeat the Mysians, we shall gain nothing more than that they depart from here, which is what they must necessarily do anyway; but if we ourselves are defeated, we shall bring the ^D enemies against us as if by design, as though being their leaders. What, therefore, could be more pleasant and profitable to them than that we ourselves, through some foolishness, should do what they themselves consider difficult to hope for? Moreover, since Alexander has not provided us a just cause for war, we would be unjust if we were not willing to reach a settlement. For he did not march against us, but having come for another reason, he harmed us unintentionally, so that both because war is not profitable for us, and because no just cause for it has been given, peace is to be embraced. Having spoken thus, he summoned the envoys and transacted the business concerning a truce. And since they too were ready to settle, he provided them with gifts and sent them back to the camp. Having sent an embassy to Alexander, he himself also confirmed the truce. But while the kings wished to meet with each other for a stronger confirmation of friendship, the severity of the winter which had set in obstructed the matter; due to which, because the army of the Mysians was unable to endure in tents, many soldiers and horses having been killed by the intensity of the cold, they returned home. After this, the Emperor Cantacuzenus appealed to the Augusta again about peace, and requested that she not, through any former rashness, attempt things equal or worse in the future. Rather, since she now knows from what has already happened that this war would destroy the Roman Empire utterly, let her accept peace; [he stated] that he too, although he could repay like for like, would very willingly desist from arms for the sake of the common good. The envoy was he who had served before, Demetrius Sguropulus, and together with him Joannes Pothus from the domestics of Angelus the pincerna. To this embassy, those who were managing the empire in Byzantium on behalf of the Empress gave no answer, but having covered the other envoy with many insults, they cast him into prison.

They made a distinction in the punishment, because the latter was one of the Emperor's close associates, upon whom it was necessary to heap every acerbitary grievance and inflict every injury, however atrocious, as they believed that in this way they were meting out ignominy upon Cantacuzenus himself in the person of his men, and at the same ^A time inciting him to retaliation, having cast aside all desire for peace. They were indeed in fear that, if the Empress did not spurn peace, they themselves, as the authors and leaders of these evils, would perish. They decided to release Pothos from prison a little later and send him to the Pincerna, with many magnificent promises if he would choose to abandon the Emperor and fight against him along with them. Hence they treated him in a somewhat more lenient way. Not long after, they also captured Syrales, who was sailing to Chios on an imperial mission, and because he was one of the Emperor's closest associates, they brought him to Byzantium, and after shaving his beard and head, they placed him upon an ass, facing its rump, in such a way that he was compelled to hold the beast's tail as a bridle for the sake of greater indignity. And in this manner they celebrated their triumph over them.

CAPUT XXX.

Since all the cities, except for Pamphilos and Coprinos in Thrace and a fortress called Empythion, which the Emperor had built from the foundations many years before near Didymoteichon, had revolted to the Empress as if by prearrangement, the Emperor's property scattered in almost every place was plundered. And this further persuaded those in every region to become hostile to him, as they saw that the profit of war was not small, both from his own possessions and from the belongings of those who adhered to him, whether truly or because they were suspected of doing so for some reason. The number of the riches, then, seized in Byzantium and in other cities by those who were managing the affairs of the Empress ^C and their own, and of those soldiers and horses that perished for them during the cold weather, is not something that can be stated with certainty. After this, the Emperor Cantacuzenus sent another embassy to the Empress concerning peace, requesting that she not proceed, out of previous ill-will, against those who were equal or even lesser; but that, realizing from what was happening that the war would not be profitable but would utterly destroy Roman affairs, she should choose peace. For he himself, although able to defend himself against those who were his equals, preferred to settle the war for the sake of the common advantage. The same man who had formerly come on an embassy, Demetrios Sgouropoulos, and John Pothos, who was counted among the close associates of the Pincerna, went as envoys. To this embassy, those who were managing the affairs of the Empress in Byzantium answered nothing. They reviled the one envoy with few words and kept him under guard, but after inflicting many blows upon Sgouropoulos and shaving his beard and head, they paraded him through the public market; then, putting him in chains, they shut him in a prison. The difference ^B in the punishment arose from the fact that the one belonged to the Emperor’s inner circle, upon whom it was necessary to manifest all bitterness and to omit no excess of insult, both to shame him through them and at the same time to provoke them to defense, so that they might cast aside thoughts of peace; for they feared that if the Empress were to choose peace, they themselves would perish, having been seen as the authors of the current evils. As for Pothos, they debated releasing him from prison after a short time and sending him to the Pincerna, promising many wonderful things if he would choose to desert the Emperor and rather fight against him with them. For this reason, they treated him somewhat more gently. A little later, they also apprehended Syrales as he was crossing over to Chios on the Emperor’s behalf, and because he was one of the Emperor's closest associates, they brought him to Byzantium, and having removed his hair and beard, they placed him on an ass turned toward the rump, and they compelled him to hold the ass's tail, for the sake of greater insult. And this was the way they celebrated their triumph over him.

^A It is not possible to say clearly how much was plundered from the emperor and his mother, nor did the possessors themselves know exactly, on account of the vast quantity. Of livestock, there were many herds of grazing cattle to the number of five thousand, and a thousand yoke of oxen used for farming. There were two thousand five hundred brood mares, two hundred camels, three hundred mules, and five hundred donkeys. The swine herds contained fifty thousand pigs, and there were seventy thousand sheep. The piles of grain were an incredible and uncountable amount. Though he was despoiled of all these in a short time, he uttered nothing unmanly or pusillanimous. The only thing that caused him distress was that such great resources were being converted to no public utility (for he affirmed that he had intended to expend all of it for the benefit of the Romans). In Byzantium, Andronikos Asanes, the emperor’s father-in-law, having been appointed commander of the army, undertook the war against his son-in-law and, setting out from there, moved around the cities of Thrace, all of which received him eagerly and assisted him with the war as much as they were able. But the Emperor Cantacuzenus possessed a large and fine army. ^B It was impossible, however, to conduct a campaign on account of the season, as the army had no refuge from the rains and snow, and everyone was already hostile. Hence, when the weather was fair, they would raid the neighboring cities and do them harm, while the army from Byzantium would take shelter in the cities and was unable even to face them. But when they withdrew, forced by the winter, the Byzantines would regain their courage and press upon the cities that were thought to be hostile. The entire region, as if being ravaged by enemies, migrated into the cities, and there was no terrible thing that was not happening, and in a short time Thrace, which had been inhabited with great density, was rendered a Scythian wasteland, and the Roman strength was consumed and destroyed by itself. Yet the barbarians also did not neglect the opportunity, but knowing that the Roman army was divided and suffering from internal strife, they crossed over from Asia with both cavalry and infantry and inflicted immense damage, with no one resisting, and in a short time rendered all the places near the sea bereft of people; all were carried off into slavery, except for those who lived in cities ^C or fortresses. Later, after those had been consumed, they proceeded into the interior. The Romans indeed spent the whole winter contending with one another and causing as much damage as they could. But the army from Byzantium never dared to advance to launch a campaign against Didymotichum while the emperor was present there. Those, however, from the fortress of Zernomianum, which was settled not far from Didymotichum, were not doing minor damage by their looting. For they almost never ceased going around the walls at night and plundering whatever they might encounter. They escaped detection not merely because of their small numbers, but also because of their skill, for they were most highly trained in brigandage. When the soldiers at Didymotichum lay in ambush, however, because the enemy had come again for their customary looting, since they were more numerous than those who usually came, they killed not a few of them, having risen up from the company, ^D as they were returning according to their custom; and they were indeed more numerous than usual. The Emperor Cantacuzenus, although at the beginning of spring he was thinking of invading Constantinople and attempting whether he might be able to subdue it, nevertheless during the winter itself sent secretly to the magistrates of Adrianople, and to the city

's ^A officials held secret converse, and persuaded them to deliver up the city. And when the day had been agreed upon on which he was to arrive, he took his army and, pretending that he was marching toward other cities of Thrace to besiege them, so that his approach to Adrianople might not be revealed by those who were partial to the Queen City, he encamped by the Hebrus, intending to cross on the following day. He had also sent to his cousin the Pincerna, ^B who was guarding Pamphylus with a thousand soldiers, and the citadel with other men-at-arms and a hundred light archers, ordering him to leave the guard of the citadel and three hundred of his horsemen to defend the lower city, and to bring the rest and come to him, and he explained the reason for his summons. But he, thinking that the guard in the citadel alone would suffice to hold the city, took all the cavalry and came to the Emperor. That same night, the North wind blew more strongly, and by daybreak the river began to freeze, and a little later it appeared entirely ice-bound. ^C But the ice was neither firm or dense enough to carry a horseman, nor did it offer a passage for the usual small boats; rather, it seemed too hard for the former, but too fragile to support the horses, which created much uncertainty about how to cross. Therefore, the Emperor remained there in camp for twelve days, waiting to see if there were any way to cross the Hebrus. During this time, six hundred soldiers coming from Byzantium to Adrianople thwarted the undertaking. For at Pamphylus, since the Pincerna was not present with the force that the townspeople had feared would revolt, they first ^D corrupted some of the guards with money and persuaded them to secretly empty the vessels in which they kept water and wine—and whatever other liquid they had for drinking, for there was no drawing from the well once they heard of the treachery being done against them—and the whole city together attacked the guards of the citadel, and having overcome them and oppressed them with intolerable thirst, brought them to surrender; they then sent their three leaders, bound, with the entire garrison, to the Queen City, Byzantium. Those in Byzantium treated them with contumely and, after lacerating them with all manner of taunts, cast them into prison. They also behaved wickedly toward the Emperor Cantacuzenus, refraining from no impudence of speech, and they proceeded to such a degree of stupidity that if ever the young Emperor John came out of the palace for his amusement (for he was of an immature age and did not handle public business, being no more than nine years old when his father died), certain persons sent by those who held the helm encouraged women and men to gather so that, as he passed by, they might vomit forth many and very shameful curses against Cantacuzenus. And this they offered to the child Emperor as a pleasant gift. In these insults, moreover, they desired this—that they might instill greater fear in the populace—that Cantacuzenus, if he were to win, would cruelly avenge his injuries, which turned out for them as they intended. For the entire populace, the more it grew frenzied, the more it feared, and because it dreaded that a condign reward would be paid back to it, it grew more audaciously furious and the more recoiled from reconciliation. Unless he were altogether destitute of strength and lost, he would not

^A thus be held in contempt. And while they nevertheless persisted in heaping insults upon him for these reasons, they did so primarily to ensure that, once he understood this, he would despair of peace, believing that it was happening with the empress’s knowledge and consent. For they deemed nothing so burdensome to the war effort as that peace which they considered so dangerous. Wherefore they devised and schemed everything so that it would not come about. In the presence of the empress, however, they did not revile him so shamelessly, for she bore the petulance of their speech very ill; but they did accuse him with the utmost severity, condemning him for a singular stupidity and perversity, in that, being adorned with the highest benefits by the deceased emperor, and loved so greatly by him, he had turned out, by direct contrast, ungrateful and malevolent toward his children. Thus, then, did they indulge in the license of their tongues. And the patriarch, ^B caring little or nothing for the laws of the Church, subjected to anathema not only the emperor himself—who had given no pretext for war, but had even pleaded many times that the dispute be resolved—but also those who were with him, on the grounds that he had been seen as an evildoer toward the empress and anyone who associated with him. But Emperor Cantacuzenus not only appeared to be doing the very opposite himself, but also urged those with him to do the same. For not only, whenever he had to mention the empress, did he always speak of her with every honor, but he even addressed the others more by the dignities they held than by their names—at least those dignities which had been granted to each by Emperor Andronicus, since he detested most of those later ones as being bestowed contrary to justice. And when one of his own followers, in his presence, shamefully insulted the parakoimomenos and another man from Byzantium, he ordered him to be beaten, saying that such behavior was fitting for whorish women, but for men, to fight. ^C

CHAPTER XXXI.

^D Furthermore, the emperor sent envoys to the praetor of Thessaly, Monomachus, and to the protostrator Synadenus, then governor of Thessalonica, and to Syrges Ntelenuzias, cousin of Emperor Andronicus and son of the king of Cyprus, who was also governor of Pherae, whose daughter the great domestic had betrothed to his son Manuel while the emperor was still alive. By these envoys, the emperor cleared himself of the guilt of what had happened, [protesting that] he had not plotted these things with a treacherous and wicked mind, nor out of a desire for imperial majesty, but that he had been compelled to this by the Byzantines who had waged undeclared war upon him; and with matters so demanding, before he could communicate with them by…

announcing his intention, he believed he had already accomplished what seemed advantageous for himself and for all who were with him. He asked them not to be annoyed at such actions as if they had been slighted, but if anything had been done which perhaps ought not to have been done, they should ascribe it to the necessity of events. The Prefect, ^A however, neither received the embassy nor immediately moved to war, but only refused communion. Likewise, the Protostrator also complained of the Emperor’s deep forgetfulness of his friends, arguing that he, having demonstrated such great proofs of goodwill toward him over many years, had been looked upon by him as merely one of the common crowd, and that too while he was preparing to undertake so arduous a task. Yet he did no harm to the envoy, but ordered him to return once again to him who had sent him.

Syrges, however, whether out of resentment for some older cause, or whether it was then for the first time that, feeling himself slighted, he was provoked to anger, rejected the words of the embassy as having nothing sincere in them but being devised by deception; and he sent them away, saying that even if he was considered by him as a man of no value, he would nonetheless prove by his own deeds that he could be of the greatest benefit to his friends and do the greatest harm to his enemies. And he threw the envoys into prison—namely, Demetrios the Kasandrenos and Laskaris, who held the rank of Great Chartoularios. ^B

Now, since Cantacuzenus possessed at Pherae not only a great quantity of livestock, but also a huge amount of wheat and other crops, because his properties there were larger and more numerous than in other cities, the other seized everything for himself at once. Wherefore he was all the more suspected of having chosen war against him, having perceived, as it seems, that he could reap greater fruits from discord with him than from concord, even if he were to be honored by him with the first and greatest dignities. For not only did he immediately become master of those vast properties, but he also searched out his friends, of whom there were many in Pherae. And depriving all of them of their possessions, he punished them inhumanly; for he was previously very inclined toward this, ^C and at that time he struggled especially hard to leave no excess of cruelty uncommitted. For by a great measure he surpassed those in Byzantium in all things, save for insolence; for in this alone he showed himself to be temperate. He also dissolved the betrothal of his daughter, which had been previously promised to the son of the Emperor.

At that time, however, a severe winter having set in, the forces which had come out from Byzantium and those which were at Didymoteichon could not join together, being unable to march against one another because of the winter. In the meantime, the Protostrator, repenting of his deed in having rejected the embassy, secretly promised through a certain close associate that he would deliver the city of Thessalonica to the Emperor; for there were many there, he said, who favored him. He advised him not to delay but to come to him at the beginning of spring, as he would derive much benefit from him. ^D Similarly, Chreles, who at one time had deserted from the Triballians to Andronikos and had surrendered himself with a thousand soldiers and three towns—which, being subject to the Romans, the Triballians had occupied while the Andronikoi were warring against one another—this Chreles, then, being equipped with money and having an army under him that was not to be despised, and having previously been very friendly to Emperor Cantacuzenus (by whom also, through the friendship of Andronikos…

^A the emperor, he had been gained over), he sent a message himself to show that he chose the emperor’s side and advised him to turn rather toward the West, as he would find no small fruit of usefulness therefrom. Now that the spring season was already at hand, Emperor Cantacuzenus gathered an assembly of those who were with him, and they deliberated on where they ought to turn. Those who were from Byzantium counseled rather that they should choose an incursion into Byzantium; for if they could gain control of it—and there was a fair hope of gaining it, with many there choosing the emperor’s cause—they would be free from many subsequent toils and dangers. The Westerners, however, held that they ought rather to apply themselves to affairs in the West; for the people there were not hostile to the emperor, and therefore, because of their goodwill, it would not be difficult to gain them over to his rule. Against the Byzantines, they argued, there would be need of great equipment, since there were many there who were his bitterest enemies, who would also stir up others to war, against whom one ought to march after returning from the West, having gathered a great force from there. The mercenaries ^B of the army, and however many were of the emperor's household, made no distinction, being ready to go wherever he thought it advantageous to consult. His opinion was as follows: "The Westerners are calling us of their own accord, and so many are not to be neglected; for even if they were not calling us, and only some hope of verified success were merely hinted at, they would join themselves to us if we were there. If we were to let go, of our own accord, such a great accession of strength, what reproach would we not deserve? Now, since they are summoning us, and it is certain that we shall gain control of affairs there, it has neither usefulness nor prudence to fail such an opportunity, but it is necessary to take on their forces as well, and thus at last to subdue the others. For there is a fear that if we do not concern ourselves with them, instead of friends and allies, we shall experience them as enemies along with the rest." Having spoken thus, the emperor had the others vote for it, some willingly, and others by necessity.

Now, at Didymoteichon, the emperor left the empress, his wife, together with his three daughters, and Nicephorus the duke, son of the despot, to whom he had betrothed his daughter Maria, as he was unable to engage in warfare because of his age—for he still remained in childhood—and he left as many horsemen ^C as he thought would suffice against the onslaughts from the other cities and from Byzantium.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Therefore, at Didymoteichon, he left his consort with his three daughters, and Nicephorus the duke, son of the despot (to whom he had betrothed his daughter Maria, and who, on account of his weak and childish age, could not yet endure warfare), and the cavalry squadrons, which he believed would suffice to repel the attacks of other cities and of Byzantium. ^D

^A Besides those who arrived a little later, there were a thousand, led by Manuel Tarchaniota, George Phracaces, the third being the primmikerios of the court, John Palaiologos, and George Glabas with them. Over the extensive outer suburb of Didymoteichos, he set eight other commanders, each of whom led a thousand archers. He left Manuel Asanes, his wife’s brother, as commander-in-chief over all of them. Throughout Thrace, not one of the cities regarded him; rather, all had defected to the Empress, except for the fortress of Empythion, which he himself had built from the foundations while the Emperor was still alive, and which remained loyal. ^B He himself, having his sons Matthew and Manuel, his wife's brother John Asanes, as well as the pincernas Angelos, his cousin, and many nobles and kinsmen with him, set out from Didymoteichos with a numerous and brave army on the fifth of March, in the tenth indiction. He sent on ahead of himself Constantine Palaiologos, the son of the Despot Michael the Duke, so that through him he might prepare whatever appeared to be advantageous. He immediately defected to Syrges at Pherai, whether fearing for his house—for he lived there—or whether, divining from the defection of the cities that things would not go well for the Emperor Cantacuzenus. ^C The Emperor, although the things being done did not provide good hopes, nevertheless, having the army, encamped at Bera. As the place provided an abundance of fodder for the horses, for it was not yet available everywhere (as it was truly the beginning of spring), he remained there for a few days. During these, he tested the fortress, to see if he could take it by agreement. For he did not wish to take it by force because monks inhabited the fortress; he perceived that if it were taken by force, nothing would remain but for the monastery to be destroyed and pillaged according to the law of war. For this reason, he did not even besiege it vigorously, but only made a display, as if preparing for a wall-assault. ^D The monks who were inside, and the rest of the mob collected from the farmers, either fearing because of the defection—for they had previously seized the Emperor’s garrison and the commander he had set over them by deceit, and sent them in chains to the Empress—or for some other reason, defended themselves most courageously from the walls, which were very strong by construction, and would not even lend an ear to any proposals for a settlement. In the meantime, John Batatzes slipped out of Byzantium by night (for the fortress was not being besieged with certainty or persistence because of the aforementioned reason) and, having entered with a few soldiers, secured the fortress for the Empress, rendering the enterprise hopeless for the Emperor Cantacuzenus. Having therefore moved the army from there, he proceeded to the city of Anastasios, which the Emperor had called Peritheorion, and which for twenty-four days he besieged and attacked. [alt-version omitted]

For he had sent messengers to Chrelos and the ^A protostrator Synadenos in Thessalonica to announce his arrival, and was waiting to learn whether they still held the same opinion of him as they had before. But Batatzes, having brought the soldiers he had with him from Byzantium, and having gathered no small army from the cities in Thrace and Rhodope—though one not strong enough to meet the Emperor’s forces, for the task of conducting the war against him had been entrusted to forces led by the Empress and others in charge of affairs—did not follow close behind. Instead, he remained a day’s journey away, taking great care not to stumble upon the Emperor’s army, for he knew he would not escape without loss.

Peritheorion, however, being closely besieged by the Emperor, ^B Batatzes moved every engine, hoping to slip into the city with a few men (for it was impossible to be concealed with many) in order to guard it. But he achieved nothing, as the Emperor was pressing the siege vigorously and maintaining a strict watch; he was preparing all sorts of machines and scaling ladders for the assault on the walls. Since Batatzes could in no way assist the besieged, he sent to the Emperor, acknowledging his former goodwill and promising to be as devoted to him as before. He claimed that he had been compelled to submit to this war at the time to avoid suspicion among the Roman archons. For this reason, he said, he was now offering advice that he deemed beneficial. For he was concerned not only for the Romans, who were suffering ^C extreme hardships from the war, but also for the Emperor himself, out of friendship. The advice was this: that he should lay down arms and conclude a treaty of peace with the Empress. And if it were agreeable to him, he should go as quickly as possible to the Empress to discuss peace, believing that he could easily persuade her if he made manifest to her the power which he possessed; for he thought those who were so eager for war were among the weakest. Such was the embassy of Batatzes.

The Emperor gladly received these words and ordered him to meet at a certain place where they would discuss how peace should be brought about. Without delay, he came to the appointed place, waiting for Batatzes. But he, whether by his own ^D inclination or persuaded by another, postponed the meeting until the following day, claiming that while he very much wished to be the mediator for peace between the emperors, he feared that by not favoring either side, he might become the author of the greatest calamities for himself. For this reason, he had not dared to come to him at the present time. For those in Byzantium who were in charge of affairs, although he had given them no pretext for suspicion—but rather, by performing with all zeal what was pleasing to them and having defected from the Emperor because he could not bear the loss of his possessions, his most beloved ones, and his wife—still did not trust him, but were seeking a pretext to kill him. On account of this, he could not go to Byzantium, as he had said, even for the sake of peace. The Emperor replied that he desired peace most of all, not so much for his own benefit as for the benefit of others. Nevertheless, he would force no one to face a foreseen danger, and as far as he was concerned, he would injure no one, entrusting his own fortunes to God, who watches over all things.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Nor, indeed, was the Emperor Cantacuzenus only then observed to be inclined and amenable to pacification; but even while staying at Didymoteichon, after he had sent envoys to the empress once and again concerning peace, since he heard that nothing equitable or fair had been done regarding the envoys, he wrote letters in secret to the patriarch. He reminded him of the oath that had been conceptualized between himself and the empress in the patriarch’s presence—an oath which he himself religiously observed, while he was being provoked to arms by a treaty-breaking empress who gave credence ^B to sycophants and certain pestilent men. Furthermore, he brought to his memory what the patriarch himself had promised him with an oath: that he would not permit him to be oppressed by calumnies, but, for his sake—or, to speak more truly, for the sake of justice—would not shrink from any contention. Things, however, had turned to the contrary, since the war had taken its beginning from him by whom it would have been more equitable to have it repressed. He besought him likewise not to permit these things, but, moved by mercy for those perishing beyond all right and divine law, to run to meet the calamity, and by dissipating the war, to avert the things that were threatening to become much more atrocious; and that it would be most beautiful for him, as a common parent ^C and as a master of justice chosen by God, to restore concord between him and the empress. Moreover, he asserted there would be no difficulty at all, nor would he need to offer her many words, but that at his mere appearance, arms would immediately be recalled. But if none of these things should be of any concern to him, and he should not take care for peace with the zeal that is fitting, he indeed feared to say what, however, even if he were silent, was known to all: that the shed blood would be required of his hand by the just judge, God. He requested also that he not think these things were sought out of any fear, since he himself surpassed the enemy’s forces by many degrees; but because he foresaw and feared that this war would bring ^D immense disasters to the Romans, and because he knew that in the future age men must render an account of their actions, he was striving to offer no handle for the impending evils, as much as might be possible. As for the fact that he and his own had been consigned to the nether world by anathema, this indeed seemed horrible to him, and deservedly so; nevertheless, it pertained nothing to him. For if he had plotted against the children of the deceased emperor by violating an oath, as they themselves kept asserting, the accusation could have had some validity. But if he had neither done nor thought anything of that sort, and had kept what was established from the beginning, and had acted consistently according to his oath—while they, moved by envy and the voices of detractors, had stirred up a flame that was now devouring the entire Roman empire, and—unless God, looking down from heaven propitiously, should extinguish it—would soon devour it more—it remained to be seen whether it would not be more equitable for them, as the causes and origin of these evils, rather than himself, to be sundered from God. For the divine power

does not follow the unreasonable impulses of bishops, as the great Dionysius ^A declared. He further entreated her, since she could discern that what had been dared up to the present was grievous, and that what was expected was greater by far in measure, to come to him and bring an end to the calamities of the Romans—for it was in his power alone to accomplish such things. If, however, they would not, he had himself done all that was necessary both toward God and toward those who were currently directing the affairs of the Romans. They themselves would know whether they ought to be more eager for peace or for war, being firmly convinced of this: that they would pay the penalty to God for the things being done by them, and for anything that he himself might do, constrained by them into necessity. ^B Such things the Emperor's letters declared. They were sent by way of a certain monk, a man of high virtue, who, out of his zeal for what is good, voluntarily took upon himself the danger. When the Patriarch read the letters, he said nothing in response to what was written, but ordered the monk to be cast into prison, as if he were one of those captured for the most heinous crimes; as if by his deeds he had provided his answer, that he chose war rather than peace. The Empress, observing from what was taking place that the war would be the cause of many evils to the Romans, and that the Emperor Cantacuzenus had done nothing throughout the duration of the war from which anyone could judge the accusations brought against him to have any truth, was struck to the heart and deeply repented ^C of her impulse toward war. So it was that at some point, when only the women of the gynaeceum were together, she said: "It seems to me that I have been deceived by no small deception, being persuaded of things concerning Cantacuzenus that were not so." For she was examining all that he had done throughout the whole duration of the war, and found nothing by which she could be persuaded that he had been plotting against her children. And since the proof from the facts themselves, which was most manifest, was crying out, while those who had nothing healthy to say were winning her over, she realized that she was harming not only herself, but also inflicting no small injury upon the Roman state. When the women asked what remedy for these evils ^D could be devised, now that he was conducting himself as Emperor, "It is easy," she said. "Cantacuzenus, even while the Emperor was alive, did not wear the imperial robe, yet he used the imperial power. What wonder, then, if he should now perform with the imperial robes the same things he did while in private dress?"

this part of the matter, as having been thought out rightly and usefully, and to approve, while another part felt the complete opposite. At daybreak the next day, these things were reported to Apocauchos, the prefect of the sacred bedchamber, who, fearing the ultimate danger to himself and his fellow conspirators from this, went running to the houses of the patriarch and the other conspirators. ^A “It is finished,” he said, “and that great happiness of ours at this moment is utterly falling back into extreme misery. For the empress, stirred up by I know not what, has it in mind to make peace with Cantacuzenos, because she can tolerate that he himself should be emperor, and because she destines his daughter Helena to be joined in marriage to the emperor, her son. If these things happen, no hope remains for us, but that we shall be wiped out from among men and perish in an unprecedented way, together with our whole lineage. Remember with yourselves of how many crimes we have made him guilty. Reflecting upon all these things among you, it is necessary to strain every nerve, not only to hinder the alliance, but to throw brands to stoke the war as much as we can, for nothing is more useful to us than this.” The others therefore also judged that the empress was plotting the most grievous things. Yet, as they sought by what means they might escape the danger, it pleased them that the empress should be approached, and that, either by tricks or by applying the terror of threats, they should compel her to promise under oath that she would neither act nor contemplate anything regarding peace with Cantacuzenos unless their authority also were added to it.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

With the matter thus arranged, they proceed to the empress, ^C and having greeted her, they said, “We, all of us, and especially the patriarch, held the first place among the friends of Cantacuzenos, and we carry many and excellent benefits received from him. Therefore, as long as he himself was devoted to you emperors and had a mind to do what was right, not one of us dared not only to take up the sword against him, but not even to resist him with a word. But from the time that he adopted an unjust purpose contrary to the laws, and set his mind to slaughter the children of the emperor by whom he was so greatly loved, and to arrogate the Roman empire to himself, we, deeming this purpose of his inhuman and wicked, waged war against him openly on your behalf, and have afflicted him—both him and his family and kin—with the greatest hardships. And now such is the conspiracy of our hearts ^D that we desire not only to spend our money, but even to sacrifice our very lives for you in warring against him. Since, therefore, we show ourselves so ready and inclined to your cause, it would be most unjust if you, abandoning us and looking down upon our safety, should seek private advantage, and with

a view to your own profit — if indeed any profit should at all follow from peace — cause a disaster far greater than all those that would result from war. For we are not unaware of what you discussed last night regarding peace with him. We, for our part, by common consent have judged him both an enemy and ^A one who is contemplating and even now practicing against you and your children the most cruel harms, for he is a man who, as far as concerns us, has left nothing undone that could cause harm. Yet, if for certain reasons peace seems more advantageous now, we will not oppose what appears more profitable, provided only that peace be approved by the common judgment of us all. For matters tested by many are least likely to go awry. If, then, you agree with what we have decided and accept our request as just, all will be well. But if you have determined otherwise, tell us openly, so that each of us may, as best he can, secure his own safety. We have entrusted all our sentiments regarding the present state of affairs to the patriarch, as to a spiritual father, from whom you will be able to learn our mind more clearly.

Having spoken thus, the patriarch ordered the others to depart. Remaining alone with the empress, he said: "What envious demon, I ask, has persuaded you to consider such things—things not only useless, but almost impossible to achieve? What reasoning moves you to believe that Cantacuzenus could ever be a friend to you and your children? For he, who was never wronged ^B by the emperor nor by you beforehand, but rather, after having long enjoyed every benefit, soon forgot them all, and plotted not only against the empire but even against your very safety—how can he rightfully be trusted for the future? And this when no small number of people seem to have been insolent toward him during the time of war. It cannot escape you how intolerable such injuries are to those who have been accustomed to rule and to be publicly honored and revered by all. If in the course of time peace with him is judged necessary, it would be better to act according to the opinion of us all—doing what is for the good of all—rather than to act without consulting others, following whatever comes into your head. Wherefore, if you yield to their demands and pledge your faith that you will never act contrary to your promises, they in turn, for your dignity and your advantage, promise both their wealth and their own bodies—and, if necessary, what is dearer than all, their very lives and blood—to fight for you. But if they perceive you are minded otherwise, I shudder to say it, yet it is not right to conceal it: one mind is in them all, and they have bound themselves by oath that, once you and your children are done away with, they will occupy Byzantium and resist Cantacuzenus with all their might. If they are unable to defend themselves, they prefer to hand over the city to Alexander, king of the Mysians, and serve him, rather than endure the Latins from Venice or Genoa, or Cantacuzenus as their master. Since, therefore, their request is just, to despise their petition is not only dangerous for you and your children, but threatens ^C absolute ruin and destruction to the entire Roman Empire. What, then, I ask, is just or useful—on account of the expected benefits of peace—

if indeed it shall even come to pass as we suspect—to choose burdensome things over the present and visible ones? But if you put any trust in me, who have chosen what is useful for you from the beginning, and who now advise you no less, be persuaded by these things, and free yourself from the evils by which you are surrounded.” Then the Empress, anxious with fear and not noticing the deception, but thinking that if peace appeared better than war, they themselves would naturally urge it upon her, gave consent to what was said. Immediately they urged her to swear that she would never do anything contrary to what she had promised. ^B She, ignorant of the snare, added oaths to what had been said, and the patriarch immediately called down anathema if she were to violate what had been sworn. From that time on they never left the Empress alone, so that she might have leisure to consider with herself what was necessary; but having divided the whole day among themselves, relieving one another, they spent time with her. At night, however, some of her own female servants were selected for this very purpose, to whom a not insignificant price for their treachery was given by the conspirators, namely a gold coin for each. It was their duty, when these women were conversing with the Empress, to report if she said anything otherwise to the patriarch, who in turn would report all that was said to the brotherhood. For the patriarch had completely abandoned his residence at home and lived in the palace, under the pretext that he would check the impulses of the conspirators if anyone should want to incite an insurrection, but in truth he was placed by the conspirators as a guard over the Empress, so that she might not do anything unknown to them that would be contrary to their desires. ^C And these things were done while the Emperor Cantacuzenus was staying at Didymoteichon. But around the time that he was besieging Peritheorion, he wrote to the monks on Mount Athos who excelled others in holiness, begging them also not to allow Christian blood to be shed daily, but, having taken up the zeal for the truth, to betake themselves to Byzantium and instruct the Empress regarding the unworthiness of what was being done, in order that perhaps, if persuaded by them at least, she might be brought to extinguish the flame consuming the Roman Empire, which no legitimate cause, but mere calumny and detraction, had stirred up: as he himself had frequently tried with fruitless effort, since those who now held the reins of government responded nothing to his legates, but treated the envoys most cruelly, behaved with all insolence toward them, and finally cast them into prisons in shackles. When the monks at Athos read these things, they judged that in such matters, for the sake of the common salvation, no trouble should be refused by them; and having mutually spurred each other on, they were chosen from among them all: ^D first, Isaac, a man venerable and possessed of the highest virtue, and Macarius, the hegumen of the Laura, and others of the hegumens of the monasteries on the mountain, not a few; with them also Callistus, who later held the patriarchate of the Church of Constantinople and was at that time still numbered among the priests; and Sabas, who was running the course of a religious life in the monastery of Vatopedi and took upon himself many and excellent struggles for the sake of virtue. These men, I say, having been chosen, came to Byzantium and, having met with the Empress and the patriarch, with the conspirators also present, they spoke as follows: “Since we could discern the calamity that has oppressed the Romans—even though what was being done appeared unspeakable and more than unspeakable—

^A and since we were able to contribute nothing further toward assistance and the averting of these evils, we disregarded all other matters and besought God, who alone is able to stay the anticipated calamities, on behalf of our common interests. But now that we see the section of the Romans that in our judgment was the cause of this dissension, having been separated, is eagerly moving toward peace, we give immortal thanks to God, the dispenser of peace. Setting aside our old age, our bodily infirmity, and the fatigue of the journey, we have arrived to entreat you also to embrace peace, lest on account of your discords the Roman Empire be torn asunder now, and, unless the war is inhibited at the earliest possible moment, ^B we dread even more terrible consequences. Wherefore, taking pity upon those whose blood is being shed daily, and those cast into prisons, and those driven into exile, and the men suffering unspeakable torments, ratify the peace and deliver the Romans from many grievous dangers, so that God, the dispenser of peace, may be glorified, and the Empress, the Patriarch, and you, the Senate, may receive the thanks worthy of your zeal for the good and your care for the innocent men who are perishing everywhere on account of this war, not only from all the Romans but also from us, lowly though we are.” To these words the Empress took no offense; rather, she thought that they had been spoken according to her own desire. For, having condemned the great craftiness and deceit of the Patriarch and the others, she was eager, if she could by any means bring the war to an end, to establish a peace and covenant with the Emperor Cantacuzenus. However, being impeded by the religion of the oath ^C which through deceit they had bound her to—that, namely, she should not herself sanction the peace unless it appeared desirable to all—she necessarily awaited the vote of the council.

CHAPTER XXXV

But the Patriarch and the conspirators were most grievously offended ^D by the words of the monks, which they judged to be preparing their own destruction; yet they did not dare to repudiate the peace openly, lest they appear not only shameless but also deliberately wicked. They were looking about, however, to see if there were any path by which they might be able to break their concord. And for that moment, having praised their zeal for the commonwealth, they bade them take some rest, as being weary from the journey, promising that they would see them later to give them an answer. Furthermore, they did not allow them all to stay in the same place, but quartered them in different locations, so that—

^A by the separation of their bodies they might also be divided in their opinions, being corrupted privately by promises and words. Thus time dragged on, and there was no concern for the matters mentioned, nor was there any further talk of the monks. But as for them, seeing that war was more to their [the conspirators'] liking than peace, after they had pleaded much for it, and since they saw them taking refuge in excuses and pretexts, and finding no sincerity, they requested to return. This, however, did not seem beneficial to those others, lest the monks, having departed, should proclaim Cantacuzenes himself the author of peace and bear witness that he was demanding terms agreeable to justice and fruitful for all. For they did not think they would use mere trivial arguments to stir up the people and incite war, since they themselves had, by design, sent forth certain babblers through the cities who proclaimed that Cantacuzenes would not even with the tips of his ears accept peace, but threatened that, if he were victorious in the war, he would make the emperor's children most miserable mortals, and likewise all others who, doing what was just, had fought on his side against them. They urged the people, therefore, to lament the fate of the emperor’s children, who were now orphaned of their father, and to ward off the injustices of a man from their heads. ^B For this reason, therefore, they devised how they might sow strife and dissension among the monks. And as for Macarius, the head of the Laura, whom they had designated as Metropolitan of Thessalonica, they led him to the point where he not only dissented from the other monks and accused them of "Cantacuzenism"—because, seeing a friend struggling in danger on account of their common strife, they had come to his aid in a spirit of zeal and, preferring better counsel, had listened to him—but they also led him to heap many reproaches upon the emperor Cantacuzenes, and not to be outdone by the conspirators themselves in bitterness towards him. Whence, even when he arrived in Thessalonica, he failed to equal any of the wicked deeds previously perpetrated there for cruelty and malice. First, they condemned him to remain in the monastery called Petra, restricted to that place, though they did not deprive him of any provision necessary for the care of his body. But Sabas, because he surpassed the others in virtue and was most well-known as a friend of the emperor, and because he would not act as they did, they decreed that he should remain in the other monastery called Chora, ^C and that he should not be approached by anyone. Though they wished to provide for him diligently, he would not suffer it, saying that it was unjust to receive anything from those who took pleasure in slaughter and blood. Having said only this—that one whom God protects cannot be destroyed by any means at the hands of any mortal—he thereafter kept silent. As for all the rest, not deeming them to be of such importance, they allowed them to return to their own monasteries. Such was the reception the patriarch and the conspirators gave to the monks' embassy. But the emperor Cantacuzenes, after Batatzes feared to discharge the embassy concerning peace due to the intimidation of those who held power, returned to the army; there he found those whom he had recently sent to the protostrator returning, reporting that he should come as quickly as possible, as all things were in good order there under the protostrator.

The emperor thought that there should be no delay, but that he must hasten to Thessalonica, as it was a city of the greatest importance. Since everything for the assault on the walls was already prepared, he ordered them to make an attempt on the walls at dawn on the following day; and if they were unable to take it by that time, to prepare on the day after that for the march leading to Thessalonica. So it was decided. ^A And at dawn on the next day, they put on their armor, assaulted the walls, and brought up the siege engines. Since the wall-fighting was of the most intense nature throughout the whole day, they almost succeeded in capturing it, with the ladders having been leaned against the walls and a certain engine on wheels, called a "tortoise," having been brought up. But the night, which immediately came on, prevented the capture. The besieged, fearing that they might be taken on the next day if the battle were resumed, decided during the night, after obtaining assurances from the emperor, to surrender the city by treaty. And at dawn, from the walls, they ordered it to be announced to the emperor in the camp that, if he wished, he might take the city by agreement. The emperor, having welcomed this word with pleasure and ordering them to come to him, promising to do everything according to their expectations, a few of the people, the notables among them, and some of those recorded in the clergy of their church arrived. As if absolving themselves of the blame for having taken up arms against him, they said they had done what was necessary, for they had sworn an oath a little while before ^B to resist to the best of their ability those who were warring against the empress. Thus, they had kept their oaths securely, and they were now doing what appeared to be advantageous in light of the current circumstances, with gratitude. Therefore, they thought they were worthy of pardon from him. They desired, however, to be assured by oath that they would suffer no harm on account of those things they had committed during the war, and especially for the insults which had been spoken against him by base and worthless men—men who, of all those of high station in the world, were most pained and considered the wantonness of the tongue to be a serious matter. For they spared no abuse while standing on the walls. ^C When once the emperor was passing by in armor and inspecting the walls on account of the siege, three men standing on the walls were even more unrestrained with their insults, seeing that he was a recognizable figure. He approached closer, first asking if they knew who he was, that they spoke such liberal contumelies. One of them replied that they knew full well, and that it was for this reason that they poured out the abuse of which he himself was worthy, because he had broken his word and was plotting against the children of the emperor, and was investigating all ways by which he might offer them to the death he had meditated, although he had never felt any injustice from them. "But when," rejoined Cantacuzenus, "was I summoned to judgment, and because I could not dissolve the charges of injury, and perjury, and this crime which you ^D object to me, did you condemn me?" They replied that they had come a short time before from Byzantium, from whence they had learned what he himself had been perversely plotting against the young emperor; and for that reason, those who were defending the emperor there had driven him out, and since he could not resist them, he had come here. "Rightly, my man," Cantacuzenus responded, "you say that you learned these things from Byzantium. But I come here so that, when I have punished you for your slanderous loquacity, the others may cease to be insolent by your example." Having spoken these words in jest, he passed by. The same night, the soldiers, by the command of the emperor, set an ambush at the gates in order to capture some townsman from whom they could extract information about what was happening inside; and by chance, very early in the morning, [they captured] the very man who had been the utterer of the insults, for I know not what reason.

He was seized as he was leaving, and brought to the Emperor. Pretending not to know the man, the Emperor asked him who he was and where he was from. Thinking he was truly unrecognized, the man answered as he thought would be most expedient for his present predicament. But when the Emperor set aside his persona and revealed that he was the very man who had insulted him the day before, this event afforded no small amusement and wonderful merriment to all the others; but for the captive, an immense fear took hold, anxious for his life and thinking he was about to be executed at any moment. The Emperor, however, believing that in this as in other matters it was fitting for him to show a lofty and invincible spirit, and for the sake of entertainment, fully repeated the very remarks the captive had made the day before. Then, having bestowed upon him a garment more precious than was appropriate for his station, and also gold, he ordered him to depart, and to pass no sentence on anyone in the future before they were brought to trial, but to keep the other ear intact for the accused ^A (87). The man, felicitous almost beyond belief, began to praise the Emperor in place of his former insults.

But these things took place previously. At that time, when the ambassadors who had come from the town to the camp sought an amnesty for their insults, and begged the Emperor to treat them well because they were surrendering of their own accord, he addressed them with gentle words, encouraged them not to fear any harm from him, and ordered that ^B what they requested be confirmed by an imperial decree. However, a certain malignant person within the Emperor’s army, as it appears, and a secret enemy, approached the ambassadors on the sly and dissuaded them from handing over the city, telling them that the Emperor had decided that, by the ultimate necessity, he would depart for Thessalonica the next day, whether they surrendered or not. Upon hearing this, they excused themselves on account of a lack of consensus and returned to the city. Once they had shut themselves within the gates, they again prepared for defense, and having ascended the walls, they shouted out that not everyone presently agreed to hand the city over to the Emperor. Since, however, he had decided that he must march on Thessalonica, they would deliberate afterward, and if it seemed advantageous with the approval of all, they would submit to his authority. ^C And so, Peritheorion was almost taken by force and had nearly been accepted by surrender. Since the Emperor could not continue the siege, he moved his camp and hastened to depart for Thessalonica.

Chapter XXXVI

^A In Byzantium, Joannes the Emperor, son of Andronicus the Emperor, with the consent of the Augusta and her council, was crowned by the Patriarch Joannes. In the celebration of this festive day, almost all the nobles received dignities, as they were judged worthy by the Empress, the Patriarch, and the council. Isaac Asanes was declared panhypersebastus; Apocauchus, the great doux; Chumnus, the great stratopedarque; and Andronicus Palaeologus, the son-in-law of the great doux Apocauchus, was himself designated great stratopedarque; Gabalas was made protosebast; and so too were all the others, by their votes, of whom we have spoken above. The Patriarch, since he could not change his rank, made his attire more august, and in his subscriptions he used blue ink. And the head covering—which it was the custom for patriarchs to wear, if they were not of the monastic order, and which was previously surrounded by a white cloth—he himself adorned with gold, having depicted upon it icons of our Savior Christ Jesus, of His spotless Mother the Theotokos, and of Joannes the Baptist.

^B Apocauchus the great doux, who up until that time appeared to show modesty and pretended to be just one of the council, or rather even preferred others before himself, fearing that if they noticed his wickedness they might prefer the rule of the Emperor Cantacuzenus to his own—once he had obtained a higher rank and saw that the war had grown to a great magnitude, he cast off his mask and became everything. He presided over all things, both greater and lesser. For the collection of public revenues was managed by him, and the governments of cities and military commands were given to whomever he ordered. It was in his hand to do both good and evil. ^C And in all things he strove, in the same way as Cantacuzenus when he was still Great Domestic, to have nothing whatsoever administered without his own influence. But perceiving that his rule would be unpleasant and burdensome to the nobler sort, and fearing that for this reason some sort of treachery might be prepared against him, he formed a plan to destroy everyone so that, with only the humble left behind, they might the more readily obey his authority in all things. Nor was this a foolish thought. He made his start with the blood relatives and most intimate friends of the Emperor Cantacuzenus, since there was an abundance of material for calumny, and because he feared them more as they were the more opulent. ^D Then, attacking the others in order, he spared no one; in appearance, indeed, he pretended that he was inflicting punishments at the decree of the Empress and her high officials, and especially of the Patriarch, as they might wish, but in reality he was obeying his own lust. Furthermore, Cantacuzenus’ mother, already previously imprisoned...

^B and kept in confinement, was deliberately treated more harshly, and they left no form of distress un-demonstrated toward her. For the guards they set over her were impudent men, barbarian in their character, and they were ordered to show every bitterness toward her, and to do everything out of insult and contempt. As for the necessities for nourishment, even though they already provided them scantily before, they began to furnish them even more grudgingly. And if ever it were necessary to provide some broth—supposedly practicing human kindness—knowing as they did that she had been reared in luxury and delicacy, and that she would not touch anything that was unclean, they would plunge their unwashed hands into it, searching the broth to see if any letters from her son were hidden inside, even though they themselves were the cooks of what was brought in. Seeing this, she preferred to perish wretchedly from hunger rather than taste such an abomination. In the most intense and freezing winter, they offered her no comfort, neither from other necessities nor from a fire, even though the Augusta had ordered that nothing be neglected in caring for her. Furthermore, the guards ceased not all day, while she listened, from hurling brazen curses at her son; and as if they had received messages, they would report to her: at one time, that her son had been captured and was being hauled away shamed and in chains; at another time, that fighting had occurred, he had been killed, and his head was being brought—which they promised to bring to her for her "consolation"—and other things that were cruel and far more inhuman. From this, her heart was inflamed and consumed beyond measure, and she fell into a most rapid fever. ^C Her attendants begged the most savage of these magistrates to allow a doctor to visit her but, though they entreated them, they were unable to move them; so entirely had the hearts of those wicked men—accustomed daily to devour human inward parts (89)—hardened against feeling pity. They denied all medical treatment, as though killing her with their own hands.

When the Empress learned through some person or other that the mother of the King was ill, and that the doctor had not been allowed to enter to her by the magistrates and by the "master of the inhabited world" and "disciple" of that most gentle and benign teacher, she bitterly reproached them for their cruelty and lack of feeling, and she sent her own doctor to provide medicine for her illness. But the Patriarch and that remaining clique of good men made the man swear an oath that, having entered, he would prescribe nothing to dispel her sickness. Though he refused this approach, if he were to be of no use to one lying prostrate and suffering according to his art, they compelled him to obey the Empress, so that they might both preserve their cruelty from the beginning and not appear to have despised the authority of the Augusta, had they forbidden his access to the sick woman. If he proceeded, they demanded that he say nothing for the health of the invalid, so that he would not later accuse them, since he had cast himself into a calamity; for of Cantacuzenism...

Notes of Jacobus Pontanus

^A The physician, terrified by their threats—for there was no difference between being suspected of something and suffering the most terrible fates—promised that he would reveal none of these things to the empress, and went in to the mother of Cantacuzenus. As he did not dare to speak for fear of the archonts, he eluded his guards as best he could and signaled by a gesture that blood should be let from her arm. He then left, without saying a word. The women again begged the archonts to allow a phlebotomist to be brought in, but they would not permit it. Thus, all treatment being completely denied her, and consumed by fever, she departed this life on the sixth day of January, in the tenth indiction, in the year 6850. ^B

Andronicus the emperor's sister, who had formerly been married to Michael, king of the Bulgarians, and upon her husband's death had returned to her brother, abandoned court life and chose to live as a monastic; she was renamed Theodosia, having previously been called Theodora (90). When she learned that she was breathing her last, she came to the prison, as if to repay the kindnesses she had once shown her (for she had felt her to be very affectionate towards herself), and she did not depart from her until her final breath. After she had been carried out, she laid her to rest in the ancestral tomb in the monastery of her grandmother, the deceased noblewoman of the same name who was the sister of the first of the Palaiologos emperors, Michael, and which was called after Martha. Then, approaching the Augusta, she reported the inhuman cruelty of the archonts, whereby they had raged against her even unto death. The empress called God and men to witness that she knew nothing of this, but had only ordered her to be thrown into prison, and she too cursed the barbarian ferocity of those men.

^C After her death, the money of her son was sought out and a vast amount was discovered. For because the patriarch had brandished an anathema against those who kept the money—whom he had as a kind of minister and satellite, most readily serving all their unlawful desires—many, fearing him, brought forward the money they had been guarding. Others, scorning this thunderbolt as unjust, held onto it for a time, until, betrayed by their own accomplices, it was thoroughly unearthed and distributed. Yet it was so prodigious that, although many shared it among themselves—with a portion falling to Apocauchus, the grand duke; a portion to Gabalas the protosebastos (for he was both an associate of Apocauchus in governing the state and the prefect or curator of the empress's court); a portion to Cinnamus, the count of the sacred largesses; and also to many eunuchs who dominated ^D at the same time—they nonetheless covered the expenses of the war against Cantacuzenus from what remained. However, the empress, having often treated with the patriarch and the other governors of the empire about peace, could obtain nothing fair, as they were now the masters of affairs and recoiled at any mention of peace. Yet, in order not to depart from justice, and in order that she herself and they...

might choose what was advantageous, they sent spies—ostensibly—to the Emperor Cantacuzenus, and then, welcoming them upon their return, they brought them before the Augusta. They told many lies about him, and claimed that he spoke arrogantly to his companions, saying that if he prevailed in the war, he would only kill the Augusta and the Emperor her son without any other indignity, but that he would inflict a most insulting and violent death upon the patriarch and the others who had stirred up this war against him, after many tortures. Those ^B who were present, having coordinated this conspiracy, immediately seized upon this as the greatest pretext for why they could not voluntarily entrust themselves to such a man, who was so maddened against them, for the sake of an apparent peace; and they at once decreed that they must wage war against him with all zeal and eagerness. And if anyone were to utter a word about peace with him, they were to consider even him an enemy.

When the Emperor Cantacuzenus had set out to the West with his army, and Apocauchus, the Great Duke, was governing the whole Roman Empire, he despaired of being able to resist him from the mainland; he knew that he was by no means a match for such an adversary, and that he would achieve nothing worthwhile. Having given a not inconsiderable force of Byzantines and Thracians to his son-in-law Andronicus Palaiologos and to Thomas Palaiologos, whom he appointed leaders, he ordered them to pursue him and harass him if they could, while being more careful that they themselves should not suffer any harm. He himself, however, so as not to appear to be sitting idle while holding the supreme authority over all affairs, fitted out a fleet of sixty ships, as if he were to fight from the sea, and for these he used the money belonging to Cantacuzenus that had been hidden in Byzantium, even though everyone censured him as quite insane for intending to oppose a land army with a naval one, and for spending so much money to no effect. Yet the outcome was otherwise than anyone would have imagined by conjecture from the events; for he damaged the cause of the Emperor Cantacuzenus greatly, having arrived at Thessalonica not by his own design, but by some chance, concerning which more will be said later.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

^CA ruse devised against Syrges who was blockading the roads. Polystylos is fortified. Messengers are sent to the protostrator, bringing letters, forbidding him to come now unless accompanied by Chreles. What Chreles replied when invited; whence the Emperor is cast into difficulties. Pheris scouts are sent, and being captured, are humanely dismissed. Cantacuzenus clears himself by letters. Syrges and his allies write back; faith is denied him. An answer is given, and the force of an oath is discussed through examples, and innocence is again confirmed by an oath.

When the Emperor Cantacuzenus was unable to take Peritheorium into his power, and judged that he must necessarily hasten to Thessalonica, he decided that he must—

^A advise the Protostrator of his arrival beforehand. Knowing that Syrges, having sent soldiers to guard the roads, was preventing anyone from bringing him secret messages, he devised a trick against his knavery, of the following kind: He ordered two soldiers, one of them to be stripped of his clothing and his hands bound behind his back, as if he were a prisoner, and the other to lead him. If those guarding the roads should happen upon them, the one leading was to say that he had lost his horse, and though he could not find it, he had found the bridle in this man’s possession; when he demanded the horse, the man would not return it, but insisted that he had only found the bridle on the road. For this reason, he said, he had bound him and was taking him to the Emperor’s kinsman, so that by being subjected to questioning by him, he might also restore the horse. He commanded the prisoner to agree to the same story with the one leading him. Having passed the guards in this manner, they departed to where each was ordered. They, therefore, did as they were commanded, and having escaped the notice of those who had been assigned to the guard of the roads, they came to the Protostrator in Thessalonica. ^B The Emperor, as best he could, showed great care for the small maritime town—today called Polystylon, but in the time of the Greeks named Abdera—which he had previously restored, and which, because of his ancient favor, had remained loyal to its restorer. He supplied them with grain for sustenance and soldiers for defense, and himself, having the rest of his army, crossed the fortification near Christopolis and pitched camp at Philippi. Then, as he rose from there and held to his journey, he happened upon those whom he had previously sent to the Protostrator, along with another of his servants, who brought letters from the Protostrator. In these, he signaled that he should not come at this time, because he could not hand over Thessalonica; but that he should first join Chrelis and his forces to himself, and only then arrive. Since matters were going against his will, the Emperor was immediately deeply suspicious, yet he considered it necessary to proceed. When he was near Drama, he pitched camp at a village called Codoniana. The Protostrator, ^C otherwise, was somewhat terrified because of the Zealots who were in Thessalonica, and being uncertain of mind, he acted languidly; he did not dare, like a noble athlete in the theater, to strip off his garment for the struggle. At that time, he was especially disturbed by letters received from his wife in Byzantium, in which it was written that the leaders there, having heard that he was dealing with Cantacuzenus, had threatened his children and household with monstrous things unless he refrained from his evil deed. Therefore, the woman begged him to take care that, for his sake, they should not be involved in the gravest evils. For this reason, he had not come to meet him, and he chose the alliance of Chrelis—

or rather, he pretended to do so, in order that in the intervening time he might consider what would be most profitable for himself. While the emperor was encamped at Codoniana, he sent to Chrelis, ordering him to come to him according to their agreement. He acknowledged, as he had before, that he was most favorably disposed toward him, but he feared that the Romans, ^B who were at war with him, would plunder his possessions, which were scattered in unfortified places. For he had surrendered to the emperor the cities he previously ruled, as he himself, more than others, is aware, when the prince of the Triballi, who had been their master, died; and he held all his wealth in the suburbs of Melenicus. For this reason, he could not come to him unless he first had Melenicus under his control. For in that way, becoming confident that he would lose none of his possessions, he would willingly join him. To the emperor, all this immediately seemed insurmountable; for he thought it undignified to turn back from Macedonia, yet to press on to the west, abandoned by the alliance of Chrelis and the protostrator, he felt would be of little profit. He decided, therefore, to try whether he might bring Melenicus to voluntary surrender—for to force it by arms was impossible, both because of the position of the place and because the city’s fortifications were very strong. Sending messengers, he conferred secretly with his friends there about its betrayal. Pheris Syrges ^C and the metropolitan of the same city—who burned with an equal hatred toward the emperor and who, as he needed, was to be guarded against—together with Monomachus, the praetor (for he had also come to him from Thessaly), sent scouts to the camp, in order to examine the emperor's army, how large it was, and to learn what he was doing. When they were captured, the emperor ordered them to be led around the army at their leisure so that they might observe it; furthermore, he entrusted them with a letter to deliver to those who had sent them. In this letter, he defended himself by explaining how impiously and malevolently he had been treated in Byzantium: that he was not an emperor plotting against children, nor a man lusting for imperial power, but that he had turned to these measures because necessity so urged him, and from the hope of rather ending the war and advancing the common good for all. He even added an oath, saying that he had said nothing for the sake of deception. After reading the letter, they wrote back to him, saying that from no source more than that which he himself deems trustworthy, he ought to believe that they surmised his words to be false because of the oath. For just as previously, when he was managing Roman affairs in private life, ^D he had no need of oaths to assert the truth, but it was sufficient merely to speak, and his words were stronger than any proof—as not only they themselves knew, but even those living far outside the Roman city were well aware—so now, if he knew himself to be worthy of trust, he would not have had to resort to oaths to add credibility to his words. Hence, also, one may understand from what glory to what ignominy he has fallen because of his wickedness toward the emperors. They entrusted this letter to the same scouts to carry to him. Answering them, Cantacuzenus said he was astonished that, when they should first have taught him that what he had written was not true, they instead disputed about the oaths, refuting none of their claims, as if, by carping at his oath, they had performed a noble service. Since, however, he would not speak about others, nor treat those things as true or refute them as false, he—

^A—considered it better to respond only regarding the oaths, having disregarded the rest. “I consider, therefore,” he wrote, “that oaths are devised either because those who swear do not otherwise deserve to be credited, or because those to whom the oath is sworn are either wicked, or, due to the magnitude of the promises, cannot believe without an oath added. Since then, ^B my trustworthiness is attested not only by the long time past in which I governed the affairs of the Romans—for it is not the case that even for this reason I once needed oaths to bear witness—but even by you yourselves, who, although you attempt primarily to slander me, are unable to conceal what is so manifest, there is nothing left but that I have sworn for the sake of you who delight in calumnies, and for that reason are unable to trust even those whom you yourselves testify have never lied.”

That the argument regarding oaths is of this nature, as has been said, is manifest from this; yet I shall attempt to make it clearer by an example that is most true. For if our God is a true God and is called and is Truth itself, and deserves to be believed even without an oath—and yet He swore not only to Abraham that He would multiply his seed in His own person, but also to David afterwards, “For the Lord swore truth unto David, and will not frustrate it” (Ps. CXXXI, 11)—it is manifest that He swore not for His own sake, ^C but for the weakness of the hearers, and their wavering faith regarding the promises. And Paul later, the disciple of truth and herald, being about to recount the things he saw while caught up into the third heaven, although he knew full well he was most truthful, nevertheless, for the sake of the benefit of his hearers, said, “God, who is blessed for ever, knows that I do not lie” (2 Cor. XI, 31), as if insisting upon his words by calling God as a witness, and therefore deeming it right to be believed. For it is the habit of great disbelief to always belittle and extenuate matters. Therefore, it is permitted for you to perceive that you yourselves, rather than I, were to be blamed on account of the oath.

But you, just as in other matters justice has been condemned and cast out of the Roman Empire, you have always clung to your habitual and familiar lying and calumnies, nor do you recall even this: that all of us shall render an account for the things we have done in this life after our departure from here. I, however, as before, so now, calling God to witness, say that from the beginning immediately after the death of the emperor, I neither thought of nor labored for anything other than what was beneficial to the empress and her children, and to the Romans in common. But when they, for no legitimate cause, but only driven by calumny, waged war against me, I also, of necessity, act in a way from which I suppose salvation may be procured for myself and those with me. ^D

^A Having thus demonstrated that they had judged him quite unfairly, he sent a force at the invitation of those friends who were in Melenikos and occupied the city, and he declared John Asanes, his wife’s brother, as governor. This was a result that could hardly have been hoped for before it happened, but once it had come to pass, it provided no small degree of consolation. Presently, he summoned Chreles, as the objective he desired had been achieved. He seemed pleased that the emperor had secured Melenikos, and he declared that every excuse had been removed from him. Yet, he still delayed, pretending that he would arrange his own affairs before committing himself to the war, though in truth, he was avoiding the exertion, wishing to enjoy the emperor’s friendship without any personal danger. When the emperor saw that the man was merely stalling, and guessed his intention from these words, he left his wife’s brother, John Asanes, ^B as governor of Melenikos with as large a force as he thought would suffice for the defense of the city. He himself, having ordered the rest of the army to remain in the camp, took only his sons, Matthew and Manuel, and a force of three hundred men, and traveling with great speed, he arrived the next day at the place where Chreles was sojourning. Having been kindly received by him, he spent the day and night with him, and the next day he brought him back with him to the camp, and by his appearance greatly gladdened the army. For he was not only powerful in arms, horses, and money, but was also highly experienced in the arts of generalship, and he well knew how to be of the greatest service to his friends and of the greatest harm to his enemies. On this account, his alliance was considered to be of the highest importance. At Thessalonica, the protostrator, as we have mentioned, being of two minds and openly debating to which of the emperors he should attach himself, was acting remissly and sluggishly, and he allowed the so-called Zealots, ^C who were arming themselves against the Emperor Cantacuzenus on behalf of the Emperor Palaiologos, to grow in strength little by little. He feared, on the one hand, that he might be publicly regarded as a supporter of Cantacuzenus—since his daughter and wife were living in Byzantium, and his ample estates there did not allow him to act as he preferred, making him anxious and worried lest they be subjected to many disasters on his account—and at the same time, he relied on the not insignificant garrison of Thessalonica and on the wealthier citizens, by whom, he trusted, he could suppress the Zealots whenever he wished. But after they, strengthened by his delay, incited the plebs against the nobles, the protostrator was already counted among the partisans of Cantacuzenus. They formed an army, attacked, and expelled about a thousand men from the city. Engaging in a light skirmish of arrows, they wounded some of the protostrator’s servants ^D and captured several of the nobles who had not been able to throw themselves out during the first incursion. The Zealots, having reduced the city under their own control, turned to the houses of the exiles, plundered the furniture, and razed them; they committed other acts of injustice and insult as well, which men forced by poverty, and [envious] of the abundance of others' property...

^A driven to insolence by sudden wealth, would naturally commit. They reached such a pitch of folly and recklessness that, while daring the most terrible deeds, they would seize a cross from the holy of holies and use it as a military standard, claiming that they were being led by it, when they were in fact being driven by the enemy of the Cross. And if anyone had a private dispute or controversy with another, he would seize the cross, as if it were ordering him to do so, and with the senseless mob following in an impetuous rush of greed, he would head for the victim's house, which would then immediately be razed to the foundations. For two or three days, therefore, Thessalonica was ravaged no differently than if it had been taken by enemies, and nothing that is usually done in cities that have been captured was not seen happening there. For the victors walked about in groups, night and day, declaring their joy with shouts and carrying off the possessions of the captives; the vanquished, meanwhile, groaned and hid themselves in secluded places, content only that they had not been killed on the spot. When the tumult subsided after the killing of those who were marked for death, the Zealots, having suddenly become wealthy and prominent from being beggars and nobodies, began to manage everything themselves, and they pursued the middling citizens, compelling them either to live dishonorably with them or accusing their moderation and equity as "Cantacuzenism."

Such were the events in Thessalonica. The Protostrator, having been driven out with his soldiers and the nobles, came to Gynæcocastrum—which he held, as it had formerly been subject to the prefect of Thessalonica, with a garrison already stationed there—and remaining there, he harassed Thessalonica by raids, keeping the land outside the walls in a state of terror; for the inhabitants were in no way a match for those who resisted from outside. ^B He sent word to the Emperor Cantacuzenus, who was still staying near Chalcidice, informing him that he had been expelled from Thessalonica by the common people and the Zealots, and at the same time holding out no small hope that, if he were to hasten his arrival, the local inhabitants—not yet having all become savage, for there were those who were devoted to his cause and detested the Zealots—would, by the power of those outside, easily bring the city into submission. The Emperor, therefore, seemed to be overwhelmed by misfortunes. Nevertheless, placing his hopes of salvation and victory in God, the governor of all things, he conferred with Chreles regarding the current situation and agreed upon a set time, by which he was to have settled his own affairs and come to him; then, having taken a not insignificant number of men from his army, and ^C having arranged his own affairs at home, he set out to join the Protostrator. ^D In passing by Rhentina, a small town distant one day's journey from Thessalonica, it came over to his rule of its own accord; leaving there the prefect with two hundred soldiers to guard the place, he proceeded to Langada, not far from Thessalonica. Furthermore, the Byzantine force, with Andronicus and Thomas Palaiologos as leaders, having arrived at Pherae and having been joined by Syrges, who led the Macedonians, and the prefect Monomachus with the Thessalians, bypassed the camp of Cantacuzenus and entered Thessalonica. The Emperor, having spent the night there, so that it might not be thought he was retreating for fear of them, on the following day

moved toward a certain river bordering on Thessalonica, by the name of Galicus; he arrived there, where the protostrator and those exiles from Thessalonica, numbering about a thousand, dismounted from their horses ^A (as is fitting for those who approach an emperor) and addressed him. The protostrator approached first and kissed the emperor's foot; the others performed the same act in order. The emperor himself, bowing his head, greeted the protostrator back from his horse, while he granted greetings to the others as he moved forward, showing to all the mild nature of his spirit and looking upon them all with a friendly expression (94). That night they pitched camp in that place. The emperor, having the protostrator and the exiles—whose name was renowned—around him, asked what was to be done, for they were well acquainted with the Thessalonian situation, and since they had come from another region, they could serve as guides. Then the protostrator and the exiles replied that they knew what had happened there, and that he himself was not ignorant of it; it remained, however, for him, once he had considered what was expedient, to carry it out.

CHAPTER XXXIX

The next morning, the emperor having called everyone to an assembly, gave them the power to declare their opinion, and ordered each one to bring forward into the midst, without hesitation, whatever his mind suggested, so that from the words of the many, what would be profitable might easily appear. They all, one after the other, delayed, and no one dared to speak openly what occurred to him. For the fugitives from Byzantium who had come with the emperor were bearing the frustration of Thessalonica most grievously, and ^C were in great turmoil as to which way to turn; the rest of the soldiers, seeing that things were not proceeding to his advantage, were broken by despair. The protostrator also, and the exiles from Thessalonica, seeing the city occupied by the Byzantine commanders and its access taken away, were grieving more bitterly, thinking of how miserable the condition of their relatives would be. Finally, all were awaiting the emperor's opinion, and were conceiving a hope that he would find a remedy for the evils by which they were surrounded. Therefore, when no one wished to declare his sense of the matter, he himself began thus: "That things have happened to us contrary to what we had hoped, you all surely see. For both the protostrator and the Thessalonians ^D

who are inclined toward our cause—whom we ought to have found holding the city and to have been aided by them most of all—have been driven out by a hostile turn of fortune. And the populace, along with those remaining inside, whom we hoped to win over either by persuasion or to compel by arms, are hostile to us because of the plunder suffered on our behalf; moreover, trusting in the Byzantine army, they will by no means surrender to us. For if they had intended to do so, they would not have remained quiet while I was encamped almost at their very gates; rather, they would have come forth, either by sending an embassy collectively, or by some of them speaking with me privately in secret. But the fact that no one has come out is evidence both that the majority have decided to fight against us, and that if any had indeed been inclined to our side, they are suppressed by the fear of suffering harm along with the others. Wherefore I do not think we ought to remain here for the sake of vain hopes. Yet, because we have been disappointed in this ^B city, it is not right to grow soft and languish in the remaining business of the war. For we shall certainly not be fortunate and successful in all things. It is the mark of prudent men, who possess noble faculties, neither to be seen falling away from moderation in prosperity, nor to collapse in adversity, abandoning hope of rising again. But having managed the matters here as is fitting, we must proceed onward to where a better and more certain hope shines forth. Therefore, I believe we must increase the garrison left at Rentina, so that they may be able to make incursions into the territory of Thessalonica (for the Byzantine army will depart before long), and likewise leaving a similar force at Gynaekokastron, for the same reason—that with the rest of the army they may cross the Axios and make for Berrhoea and Edessa, which are cities well-disposed to our cause. For when these are taken, the Thessalians, the Acarnanians, and the rest of the mainland, which has long been awaiting my arrival, will immediately betake themselves to us. Confirmed by such power, no one will any longer dare to resist; but either of their own accord, or compelled by arms, they will all yield to our rule." When the emperor had said this, ^C the protostrator, together with those who were with him, and especially the fugitives from Byzantium, took these words with indignation and were filled with fear and anxiety, considering the wandering to be endless if it were necessary to traverse Acarnania and Epeiros, while suffering the miseries of such a campaign, especially when their affairs at home were in such a state and in need of swift assistance. They were afraid to openly contradict him and reveal their own opinion regarding what had been said, not wishing to brand themselves with such a stain, as if they were ill-disposed toward the emperor or yielding entirely to a harsh and adverse fate; yet they hindered the undertaking by piling up certain unnecessary pretexts. But as the emperor persisted, asserting that this was the only most advantageous plan in the present circumstances, "But if it has escaped your notice, O Emperor," said the protostrator, "that the army of the Triballians has for a long time now been sitting and besieging Edessa, through whom we might be able to enter the city by engaging in battle, I say nothing. But if this does not escape you, I am vehemently astonished that you, such a man, and one who has attained so much experience in leading armies, in this civil-

^B war, and in the current war against the Triballi, should counsel us to confront them; when, even if they were alone, it would be among the most difficult tasks to oppose them. The emperor, however, affirmed that he knew nothing at all about the siege. For the despot of the Triballi had sent an embassy to him while he was still tarrying in Thrace, to propose a truce and an alliance; hence he supposed that he was not warring against any Roman city. "But if he has violated the truce and turned into an enemy, and is besieging a Roman city, we must above all else endeavor to liberate it from this evil, as those most capable of doing so: and in so doing, they will secure both their own safety and the loyalty of the Edessenes and the others toward themselves. For my part," he said, "even if no profit were to come to us from the war, I would count this alone—to have rescued a Roman city from danger—as an immense profit. Therefore, I do not merely propose that we turn our arms elsewhere, but I firmly decree ^C it. If to you and your companions it seems unworthy to fight against the Triballi on behalf of the Romans under siege, then I myself will rush upon them with those who choose to follow me of their own accord; while you remain at Gynaecocastron and await our return." Having said this, he immediately ordered the signal to be given by trumpet for departure. The Protostrator and the Byzantine exiles, the emperor’s companions, judged it both shameful and base to be left behind, yet they dared not follow on account of some certain fear of perpetual wandering which they suspected. Therefore, they too strove to hinder this desire of the emperor and by furtive conversations sought to dissuade the others, citing the lack of necessary supplies, the frequent battles and hostilities, and claiming that no city would voluntarily admit the emperor; ^D and whatever else could diminish the alacrity to follow, they left nothing untried, whereby they cast no small terror into the army and persuaded it to move toward defection. For a certain Coteanitzes, from the host of the Thessalonians, having persuaded about a hundred others, first defected from the emperor and returned to Thessalonica; they did these things, not because they had determined to fight against the emperor with arms, but because they could not bear the harassment of their relatives and the threats coming from Byzantium. For those who held the height of power there, and who were warring against Cantacuzenus, had not only sent no embassy, nor had they dealt with him at all concerning this; but even twice or thrice, as we remember, they had answered his envoys with nothing, and had vexed them with various injuries as contumeliously as they could, and had punished them with imprisonment. Furthermore, they were daily tempting the Byzantines, the emperor's fellow soldiers, through secret messengers, and promising them many benefits if they would defect; conversely, they threatened that unless they obeyed, they would not only seize their wealth and assign their possessions to others, but they would even visit many grievous hardships upon their children and wives. These things seemed horrible, especially to the more noble who were losing their large revenues; and mindful of these things even then, they attempted with all their might to restrain the emperor, so that he would not break forth beyond the borders with his army, hoping that if they achieved this, they would...

turn him toward something more profitable. But the emperor, remaining firm in his original determination, as he had planned well, broke camp and came to the Axius, intending to cross. The others followed him, some willingly and some by necessity. It happened that in the mountainous region, heavy rain fell from burst clouds, and the river, overflowing its banks, became impassable due to the flood. Having pitched camp there, they waited for the waters to subside so that they might cross; but the waters increased nonetheless, and gave rise to the suspicion that the passage would be delayed for a long time. Furthermore, the provisions for the army had now run out. The emperor, seeing that the crossing was not easy for them and that the army was in need of supplies, though unwilling and distressed beyond measure—calling to mind how he had been hindered before from crossing the Hebrus, and fearing lest some great evil should arise from this as well—silently admonished himself, reflecting that all created things serve those whom God favors, but to those whom He opposes, the creature likewise shows itself difficult. Nevertheless, he turned back to Gynæcocastrum, with the intention that once grain had been procured for the army, he would return again. For he hoped that by that time, the river would also yield to the passage. The Protostrator and the others were delighted at this failure, and returned joyfully. ^B

CHAPTER XL

On the same day, Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, arrived at Thessalonica from Euboea with sixty ships. For he thought that he would contribute nothing to the war against the emperor, as he was militarily strong at sea, while the Emperor Cantacuzenus had his army on land; thus, by sailing around the islands and displaying his strength, he had reached Euboea. Since it was then time to leave, he thought it necessary to come to Thessalonica as well, to display his power there too. ^C When he arrived, the dissension regarding the emperor’s army was immediately reported to him, and he at once signified his arrival to the Protostrator and the others, and overwhelmed them with promises if they would defect to him from the emperor; if they did not, he threatened to destroy their relatives most cruelly with horrific tortures. The Protostrator, who even otherwise was avoiding military service for the emperor for the sake of his relatives, as we said, and had no desire to undergo labor in distant lands for the emperor's sake, immediately embraced the condition and requested a guarantee by oath for past deeds; Apocauchus, rejoicing, bound himself by this and eagerly promised everything. Once this was done and spread through others, whosoever held the same views as the Protostrator was seized by no small, sudden perturbation, and a great confusion and disorder of affairs and ranks permeated the army, with some now having decided to defect, while others, as was natural, were shaken by their withdrawal and were harboring dire thoughts about the future. ^D When the emperor observed the army in confusion, he summoned those who were the chief authors of the defection.

^A and, addressing them, said: "My friends, there is nothing that so leads to cowardice and faint-heartedness as an immoderate desire for life and a weakening of resolve at the prospect of losing one's possessions. The Romans before our time were not so disposed, and yet they subjugated almost the whole world; for they were allured by the sweetness of glory, and in order not to appear inferior to their enemies, they endured every labor. And they did not merely refuse to shrink from fortuitous and unforeseen labors, but even when surrounded by signal calamities, when their leaders had been lost in war, and when whole armies had sometimes been slaughtered, they abated nothing of their fortitude and high-mindedness; rather, they judged that everything must be endured before they would subject themselves to the enemy. But what has come over you, I do not know, or by what misfortunes you have been struck, that you—who were once terrible to your enemies and were called by them an iron rod ^B—have suddenly appeared as cowardly, degenerate, and unfree in the place of your former selves, and have given yourselves up willingly to the enemy, without their having brought to bear any effort to subdue you? For we have not been defeated by them in any battle, nor have matters reached such a point of hopelessness that we should be at a loss as to how we might be saved, unless we were to hand ourselves over to the enemy. I, for my part, have so established myself from the beginning even until now, that I would never wish to desert you, but rather either to share with you the glory and profit won from a defeated enemy, or, if it should happen that we are conquered, to fall in battle, as is becoming for free and noble men. If, therefore, you remember your former glory and are willing to stand firm against these dangers, and not, in the manner of slaves, cower and provide the enemy with a bloodless victory, you will be taking counsel in a way that is best and befitting yourselves. But if you have been so overcome by pity for your own kin that you are considering enduring even the most shameful and abject things for their sake, ^C it is of no use to conduct yourselves in such a state of uncertainty,wavering and in turmoil; rather, say the word and depart openly to wherever your inclination leads you. For just as we did not drag you to serve us against your will, so now we shall not compel you, if you do not choose to remain of your own volition. Yet even if you should depart, we shall continue to regard you with no less goodwill, since I see that it is not through wickedness that you have been driven astray, but that you have been weakened by the memory of your kin, and are being driven to do things you do not even believe to be advantageous." When the emperor had spoken such words, they themselves openly rebuked themselves greatly, in that through pity for their kin they had appeared, beyond what they deserved, as cowardly and degenerate. Then, having prayed for his safety and beseeched him no longer to delay, but to look to his own preservation—wherever God might lead him—they bade farewell, and ^D kissing the emperor’s feet, they departed. He forbade those who were leaving from mingling with those who remained, lest a crowd and confusion arise while it was unknown who was remaining, but to his own intact cohort (since no one had abandoned his post) and...

and to those standing at a distance to move toward that place. Immediately some moved toward their cohort, while the rest, passing by, each in turn saluted the Emperor and departed. He, as if nothing new were happening, stood and returned the salutations of those passing by, not showing even a trace of sorrow or confusion upon his countenance.

Now, not only did the Thessalonians and Byzantines and citizens of other cities depart—for whom the care of their kin was a specious excuse—but also many of the inhabitants of Didymoteichon, not only soldiers but also nobles, and especially many who seemed to be great favorites of the Emperor. Among them was counted Apelmenes, who was exceptionally famous and had been raised by the Emperor from a humble and common station to the highest clarity and greatness. For the Emperor, observing while he was yet a youth that he was by nature suited for noble deeds and that, if training were added, he could excel in those things to which he applied himself, strove to render him perfect in every discipline, training him especially for eloquence and the military arts. Moreover, by his favor and grace, the Emperor made him not only wealthy but also the foremost among his servants. And indeed, in all other respects, he showed himself excellent and truly worthy of the Emperor’s zeal, yet because of his arrogance, he never thought he was being treated according to his dignity, but considered whatever he attained to be inferior to his merits. And thus, toward a lord who was so munificent and liberal, he appeared ungrateful. For as he had been transformed from a private citizen into a member of the Emperor’s household, he demanded that everything be in his hands and that he command the army and lord it over those greater as well as lesser than himself. And when he did not obtain these things, he fretted intolerably. For the Emperor believed that such commands belonged to those closest to him by blood and to others who were of higher nobility. At that time, when the defection of the others was taking place at Gynæcocastrum, he himself considered going to Byzantium with them, so that he might obtain there what he thought he deserved. But, being ashamed to appear ungrateful for so many benefits, he attempted to hide his defection. For having entered Gynæcocastrum, he waited until the Emperor had departed, so that he might later have an honest defense against his accusers, namely that he had been left behind for the sake of some business, and once the Emperor had departed, he had necessarily gone off with the others. The Emperor, guessing what he was thinking, did not depart from there, but kept summoning him until he clearly refused.

CHAPTER XLI.

But when the protostrator also came to say farewell, he reproached him for his cowardice and perfidy, because [he], the first...

^A to move toward defection, had drawn the others along, who were especially troubled on his account, and who had given themselves up to the enemy no better than slaves, and, as far as he was concerned, had caused them great suffering. Afterward, however, he forgave him, because he could not resist [the demands of] nature. For such actions are not [typical] of the many and the contemptible, but of the few and those powerful, who are also admired for this very reason, as they not only remain noble-minded and immovable in the face of reversals of affairs and difficulties of the times, but also demand to be seen as superior to nature itself.

Having brought forward Andronikos Asanes, the son of his wife's brother, who was still a boy—whom, while his father Manuel Asanes was still in chains at Beroea, he had taken and was rearing, and was educating in letters according to his age, as if he were his own son—he said to the protostrator: "Take this youth, who is the son of your daughter. For, because of his age, he would not be able to endure the labors and hardships of the campaign; [so] entrust him to all [fitting] education and care. And when I return to you shortly—for, trusting in the most pure Mother of God, and knowing that I have never been privy to any wickedness for which I might deservedly perish, I hope to return very swiftly with great forces—I will take him back. But if God has decreed otherwise for us, restore him to his father, since we shall not have been able to carry out what we intended for him." ^B After these words, he bade the protostrator farewell, along with the others, and sent them away.

But, wishing to demonstrate his magnanimity and to teach [the others] that one must not succumb to adverse fortune, he took his meal on that very spot and ordered the rest to do the same. Afterward, with the leaders and the army standing around, he exhorted them as follows: "Fellow soldiers, how full of difficulties and confusion the present state of affairs is, there is no one among you who does not know well. For the hopes we carried from home when we set out for battle have flowed away, and we have lost many of our companions—not defeated in battle, but betrayed by those very men whom we trusted would suffer [the fortunes of war] with us to the end. I have never before considered it right to trust in horses, weapons, and a multitude of troops, but rather in the all-encompassing and invincible right hand of God, to whom it is easy to make even those of little power superior to their enemies, and to humble those who are puffed up with pride if they exceed their limits in the excess of their power. ^C And I believe this now especially, when, all other schemes having been taken away, our only hope remains in God. Yet someone might say that we ourselves have neglected none of the human [preparations]; for we set out from home with an army exceeding that of the enemy in number, and better in all other respects, and up until now we appeared formidable and invincible to our enemies. And up to this moment nothing has been done amiss by us due to rashness or inexperience. But if, while we were doing what was necessary, our fellow soldiers, softened by pity toward their kin, joined themselves to the enemy like base and ignoble men, it is not ^D

right for their wickedness to spoil our courage, boldness, and endurance in the face of dangers. ^A For they, while overlooked and insulted in the evils they will undergo, and enduring everything that is fitting for those who have surrendered their arms, will shortly even offer us no common satisfaction, blushing for their betrayal and the baseness of their ways. But you, while you have now been compelled to earn a reputation for bravery and endurance even among the enemies themselves, will shortly not only be rewarded by me with the fitting benefits, but you will also become a spectacle of admiration to all, because in times that are best suited to putting the minds of men to the test, you have demonstrated the appropriate magnanimity and bravery. ^B It is not, therefore, right for you to lose heart because of their folly, nor should you consider our lot to be any harsher than what we have experienced; rather, you should consider that we have contributed nothing through laziness to make it appear that we yielded to the enemy. But if it is grievous to us that we have now fared poorly, let us also consider that not even the ancient Romans, whose deeds are celebrated by the fame and writings of men as illustrious and admirable, remained entirely unconquered, but after having often stumbled in many places and having lost whole armies together with their generals, they retrieved their defeat once more through bravery and endurance in their endeavors, not so much struck by fear as, out of wrath against their enemies, falling upon the war more fiercely thereafter. ^C Desiring to be their descendants, let us imitate their virtues. And though we should deem that we are currently faring poorly because we are human, let us believe that shortly we shall arrive again at our former happiness. For even of the emperors before us, not a few—some while warring against Barbarians, were defeated and taken prisoner, and others, plotted against by civil wars, were driven from power—yet both groups, in no way despairing of their safety when in desperate straits, both regained their power and repaid the enemy with greater disasters than they had received. ^D And if we should need to turn to more divine examples, let us set before our eyes Joseph, and that bitter slavery, and the long imprisonment, and the rest of the collection of his sorrows, and how after all these things, instead of a slave and a prisoner, he was declared prince of Egypt. And King David, after he wandered for a long time in flight and endured countless evils at the hands of the king to whom he had been a benefactor, finally arrived safely in his own land and firmly attained the kingdom over his own kinsmen. Reflecting on all these things, one must not lose heart, but rather hope for better things, and when thinking and doing what is necessary now, we must not stray from the straight path. For you see how we have been left in a hostile land, in which it is not safe to remain, as the enemy presses us on every side, and to return home, and there to be shut in...

^A is not only full of cowardice and infamy, but it allows for no small suspicion of danger, should we—pressed by want—be forced to do things unworthy of our former glory. For Melenicus is unable to support even its own inhabitants, let alone us. For this reason, since I have already convinced myself of this, I now counsel you to go to the ruler of the Triballi, who has long been a friend to me and has recently made a covenant and alliance with me anew. By using his forces, we shall quickly return to Didymoteichon and gain no small profit for the rest of the war from his alliance. These, then, are the things that seem to me to be advantageous for the present. If anyone has a better plan to propose, I will gladly be persuaded, and I will counsel the others to follow it." And so the Emperor spoke. The army, together with the commanders, being about two thousand in number, replied, "We have no need, O Emperor, for exhortations or deliberations; rather, we are prepared to do and endure everything that seems good to God and to you. Therefore, lead us wherever you think best, as we are prepared in this way." ^B Pleased by this brief response, the Emperor ordered the signal for departure to be given by the trumpet; and having taken leave of the others, they set out on their way.

However, Apocauchus, the Great Duke in Thessalonica, knowing that there would be turmoil in the Emperor's army (for those who were secretly negotiating peace with him informed him of it), became, as it were, bolder, hoping he would be able to effect something against him. He led out all the heavy-armed infantry and archers from the triremes, and as many horsemen and soldiers of both types as he could mobilize from Thessalonica. ^C Furthermore, having Syrges (who was not long after proclaimed King of Armenia) and the prefect Monomachus with those whom they had brought from Pherae, and having summoned the troops collected from Byzantium and Thrace with the commanders Thomas and Andronicus Palaeologus, he marched straight toward Gynaecocastron against the Emperor. When they were not far off, they encountered the protostrator and the other deserters, and thus, outnumbering the Emperor, they charged against him. But they were not prepared to do battle; for they knew that they were surpassed by those men in boldness, courage, and military training more than they themselves surpassed them in numbers. For this reason, they did not deem it advisable to come to hand-to-hand combat in a set engagement. ^D Instead, they created a commotion from a distance, using shouts and war cries, thinking that in this way they would disrupt the ranks and, since they were already terrified, drive them into a scattered flight. The Emperor Cantacuzenus, for his part, did not think it necessary to engage in battle unless forced by them. But, having drawn up the entire army according to ancient custom and placed Angelos the pincerna in command, he himself took the rear guard with the best of his men and ordered them to march in order, without noise, and not to turn toward those following, for he would receive them himself if they launched an attack. The enemies followed slowly and, when they saw them departing in such orderly fashion, and could not doubt that they would repel any force brought against them, having cast aside all hope of victory, they returned to Thessalonica, rejoicing and singing songs of triumph, and thinking it a great victory that they had been able to drive the Roman Emperor from the soil. The Emperor's deserters, when...

they appeared before the Great Duke Apocaucus, he received a few with great kindness, keeping them among his closest friends; but some of the others he addressed only with the tips of his lips, while with others he acted dissemblingly, and to some he even reproached their defection from the Emperor Cantacuzenus. It was clear to all, however, that he was embittered against them, and would do them harm if he should find any plausible pretext. ^B

CHAPTER XLII.

When he learned that the Edessenes had been besieged by the Triballi for some time, he ordered all the cavalry he had, together with the two commanders, the Palaiologoi, to engage the Triballi in battle and free the Edessenes from the siege. The squadrons of horse arrived as commanded. The Triballi stayed within their camp as long as they were being struck by javelins, thinking that they could not be moved from the city by the Romans. But when they saw that they were more numerous and eager to fight, seized by fear that they might perish by fighting more numerous and sturdier enemies, they abandoned their camp and, having lost a few of their own to the strike of arrows, retreated as quickly as possible. The Romans plundered the enemies' camp, seized no small number of horses, and took the rest of the army's baggage. Having freed those at Edessa from the siege in this manner, they returned to Thessalonica. In the meantime, a certain Triballian herdsman named Zimpanus, dwelling near Prosacus in a village called the village of David, having heard what had happened to the Emperor Cantacuzenus at Gynaeocastrum, after the envoys whom he had sent earlier to the Kral—namely, Constantine the Palaiologos, who held the rank of protosebastoc, and Arsenius Zamplaco—had stopped at his place, seized by a barbaric fury against them, and coveting their horses and no small amount of their other gear, along with their children, their wife, and the beasts of burden which were his wealth, he deserted to the Great Duke at Thessalonica and brought the Emperor's envoys in chains, as if they were a gift. ^D Apocaucus, rejoicing excessively at this, rewarded the barbarian honorably, and immediately appointed him master of the houses and great possessions that Zamplaco had in Thessalonica. And after he himself had first poured out much through the greatest contumely upon the captives, he ordered the protosebastoc to be led away to prison, but handed Zamplaco over to the trierarchs, so that he might be insolently vexed by them and the rowers. He, being led onto one of the triremes, with almost the whole population of Thessalonica watching, dressed in his monastic habit, as was his custom, they placed a cheap and common Persian cap on his head, and forcing him to hold lit lamps in both hands, they kept striking him from behind with their heels. Then, passing by, they saluted him from the front, shouting thus: "Behold, the patriarch of Cantacuzenus."

After this extensive mockery and ignominious triumph, he ordered him also to be led away to prison. Having thereafter arranged the affairs in Thessalonica as he thought best, and having incited everyone against the emperor, he himself by sea and the cavalry by land returned to Byzantium. ^B Emperor Cantacuzenus, being deprived of aid from Byzantium and Thessalonica, as they refused to fight and were departing, continued his journey for the remainder of the day and encamped for the night at the mountain pass near Prosacum. Now Prosacum, or Prosiacum, is a very strong fortress, situated upon a hill, which formerly remained under the jurisdiction of the Romans, but during the war of the Andronici, out of hatred for the younger Andronicus, had been voluntarily surrendered by the garrison to the prince of the Triballi, and at that time was possessed by a certain Michael with the prince's permission. He, being one of the emperor’s household (as he himself later narrated), had fled for some unknown reason to the Kral. Then, seeing an army encamped and thinking they were Romans come to plunder, he gathered as large a force as possible of infantry and cavalry, occupied those narrows by night, and at first light prepared to hinder their passage. The emperor, when he saw them occupying the safest parts of the region, ordered the soldiers to take up arms as if to make an assault, for nothing better could be done. ^C But Michael, wishing to know who the army was and who their commander, brought his approach closer to the camp, and seeing some of his acquaintances and friends from afar, he called them by name and inquired about their commander. Hearing that it was Emperor Cantacuzenus, without delay he immediately approached, kissed his foot, revealed his own identity, and while grieving at his misfortune and being most ready to assist him in other matters, he gave abundant thanks to God that he had encountered him at a time when he could make manifest to all his own spirit toward him. Granting him passage without difficulty, he entertained the army as well as he could; the emperor made use of this on that day also for the reason that he might surely provide for his men regarding supplies, of which they were in every way in need. The next day, departing and having crossed the Axius, he directed his journey toward Scopia, which was also once subject to the Romans, but for not a few years had been subject to the domain of the Triballi. As they were about to advance to Blessum (a city which the Triballi had occupied just as they had the others), they caught sight of a massive group passing by on the other side of the river. The emperor, guessing that the person himself was Liberus, the most powerful of the Triballi (for he had known that he was lingering there), ordered a horseman from his own men to swim across (for the river could not be crossed by a ford) and to present his greetings to him in his name, and at the same time to ask by what means he might assist his affairs in the way they were currently situated. Liberus found the greeting and solicitation of the emperor to be very welcome, and he sent back one of his own household with the messenger, greeting him in return and asking that he wait a little

^A while he traveled further upstream to where the river was easiest to cross, so that he might cross over without difficulty, and then give whatever counsel he thought would be beneficial. Indeed, he had been well-disposed toward him ever since the time of the Emperor Andronikos’s meeting with the Kral—at which time he himself had spoken much with Cantacuzenus and laid the foundations of their friendship—and now he wished to be not only a friend but a diligent servant. The emperor, as he had been advised, crossed the river easily a little further up, and held a discussion with Liberos, by whom he was honored as a master and treated with every mark of reverence; he was led into his domain, and together with his whole army was hosted for three days with magnificent lavishness. Then he advised the emperor to go to Scopia and there await word from the Kral, while he himself went ahead to the Kral to act with all zeal so as to persuade him to receive the emperor's arrival kindly and graciously. And this was done according to his advice. And the emperor arrived at Scopia.

CHAPTER XLIII

Liberos, using a swift pace, in a short time met the Kral at a certain place called by the locals Moraba, while he was conducting his wife, Helena, to the Emperor of the Mysians, Alexander, who was her brother. After he had recounted to them what had been done to the Emperor Cantacuzenus by his own countrymen, and how, by the treachery of his followers, he had been driven from Roman soil and had arrived seeking refuge with them, he persuaded them to receive him humanely and magnificently, as the favors bestowed upon him would one day be a source of glory for them, for their children, and for the whole Triballian nation. He succeeded immediately. And now they were retracing their journey, intending to go to the emperor; they sent to him, through Bogdanos, the brother of Liberos, a greeting, and made him aware that they would be with him shortly. ^D When he learned that the Kral was coming with his wife, he greeted them in return and gave great thanks for their friendship, and departing from Scopia, he came to a place named Tao on account of its pleasantness [(99)]; there, near v-

[index: entries preserved]

a ^A wall-less village called Pristenon, he met with the Kral who had arrived with his wife. They received the Emperor with as much honor and eagerness as you could speak of. No less did they themselves rejoice and congratulate one another on account of his arrival, and they deemed him worthy of very great honor. For in all things he placed him before himself, and as to a superior, he yielded the first place. For in arrangements for reclining at feasts he provided a better and higher seat, and on journeys and in all other matters he gave him precedence over himself. Since an ancient custom had prevailed among the Triballi that whenever one of the nobles or powerful men should come after a long interval of time to their prince, and it were necessary to make the first greeting, both should dismount from their horses, and first the inferior should kiss the breast of the prince, and then his mouth; and at a second meeting the inferior should no longer dismount, but should greet his lord while on horseback. ^B This custom was maintained with him, but he wished the Triballi to observe the Roman custom toward the Emperor, and whenever they met him, all should dismount from their horses, and especially at the first meeting, they should dismount from a distance and approach on foot, and in this way kiss the Emperor’s knee. And what is still more wonderful is that if it ever happened when both were together that one of the noble Triballi needed to approach, the Kral acted according to the custom and dismounted from his horse for the greeting, but the Emperor, remaining on horseback, greeted the one approaching. Moreover, when he entered his house—and he entered almost daily, for he would not allow him to stay in the tent, ^C considering conversation with him more pleasant than any charming occupation—he ordered the young noble honorary attendants to go to meet him outside the gate; inside the courtyard, meanwhile, the elders and those invested with honors were present, and he himself, coming out to meet him at the entrance of the house after the courtyard, would greet him, or even proceed to the place where he would dismount from his horse. The Kral’s wife honored him no less, striving earnestly that she might not be outdone by her husband. And these things continued as long as the Emperor stayed with them. But when, in the first days from his arrival, and those not a few, the prince of the Triballi had sufficiently declared his goodwill toward him by drinking and friendly pledging, he finally inquired ^D for what purpose he had come, and what he sought from him. He replied that he had come for the sake of friendship, than which nothing is more excellent among men who think rightly, both true and constant. Furthermore, if he were only willing and able, he desired to be assisted by his help for his return to his own empire. He thought, moreover, that it could not be hidden from him what he had suffered for nine whole months since the war was stirred up among the Romans, with what hatred he had labored among his own people through no fault of his own, how they had made war upon him, and neither had they declared it; and in what way, at the last, by the military

^A of his own side going over to the enemy, he had been betrayed. If he did not wish to assist, let him refuse openly, so that, having deliberated, he might do what seemed best for himself and those with him. He said that he should not be surprised that he had said "if he were able to assist," for he had not spoken thus out of a judgment that he was weak, but because he knew that for all human beings, while the will lies equally within their power, the ability to act does not. For sometimes even those who seem to have great power are excluded by certain hindrances from the ability to do what they wish, whether they are pressed by more powerful enemies, or they themselves intend to campaign against some neighboring ^B nations; for this reason, he had used the phrase "if he were able"—a thing that ought not by right to disturb him, since many such things happen in human life. He later related that he had spoken thus to Crales on purpose, so that if Crales did not wish to assist, he would have an honorable pretext from his words, so as to refuse the assistance but not, at the same time, the friendship toward himself as well. For he feared that if he did not wish to assist, he might be provoked to hostility toward him, thinking that he had already, through the failure of aid, been led into anger and enmity. But Crales said, "Well done, O Emperor, for having clarified your word; for I was not a little frightened and disturbed, as I thought you were speaking ^C as one who was ignorant of how great my power is. But since you have removed such suspicions from me, I will now in turn not hide my own intention from you. I have more than enough power against your enemies, and if you yourself wish it, I will gladly assist you." The Emperor replied that he would owe him many thanks for the sake of friendship and for his zeal toward him, but he did not know what the phrase "if you yourself wish it" tended toward. Crales demanded as a reward for the alliance all the cities subject to the Romans from Christopolis to the west; or if this should seem burdensome, then certainly those from Thessalonica. For they would not spend so much money on the war for his sake, at no prospect of profit, and risk themselves against the entire Roman ^D hegemony, those who had never even for themselves dared to raise such a great war as to advance toward Thrace or even further. He thought, therefore, that he was deliberating in the best and most profitable way for himself. For if, by refraining from what he is not master of, he could procure great security—not only for himself and those with him, but also for his children—and in addition, by destroying his most hostile enemies, he could become master of the remainder, he should be content with this and not labor beyond what is opportune and what moderation demands. "You rightly," said the Emperor, "calculate your profit from the alliance, and your labor and expenses for the war. For no sensible person, unless some benefit from the actions appears first, would willingly desire to fatigue himself and endure troubles. But if you do not wish to do a favor for me, it is not unjust that you demand a reward for your aid, which, if I pay it, I shall owe you no thanks for merit. For he who has bought something from someone with silver does not give thanks to the seller. But if, for the sake of friendship alone, and as is noble for a great prince, you will assist me out of a desire for honor, you will first of all deserve well of yourself, as is fitting: for you [do not] seek gain, like the base rabble, but [act] for the sake of friendship and glory

^B and then, you will be able to possess even more, with a great abundance besides. For if you gain me, the ruler of the Romans, as a genuine friend, it will be permitted you to hold authority not only over those cities from Christopolis and Thessalonica up to the borders of your own dominion, but also over the islands, Byzantium, and the rest of Thrace. For the wise say that the things of friends are common, and it will come to pass that, following the glory gained from your deeds, you will acquire a greater and more marvelous benefit. If, therefore, you hearken to me and, disregarding all pettiness, help us gratuitously, you will deliberate what is fitting both for yourself and for us. But if you have determined that you will help in no other way than if we should betray the cities of the Romans to you, tell us plainly, so that we may turn, with God's assistance, to some other course that seems advantageous. For know, know clearly, that we would not willingly abandon—I do not say the many and marvelous cities of which you yourself have spoken, but—not even one, however humble; nor would I gladly exchange even one of them for the safety of myself and my children.

CHAPTER XLIV.

^C Crales was astonished at such lofty spirits and at such strength in the face of adverse fortune, and he was marvelously grieved that he had achieved nothing. But Helena, his wife, being present and perceiving the thoughts of her husband—namely, that he took it ill that the cities were denied him by the Emperor—wishing to bring him around from this opinion, summoned twenty-four of the most powerful nobles of the entire province and addressed them thus: "That it is in our power, at the present time, to do either good or evil to the Roman Emperor, no one, surely, will deny. It must be considered, however, which course we should embrace so that we may be seen to have followed prudence and utility. If, therefore, we should wish to do evil, we must either kill him outright or dismiss him with 'empty hands,' as they say, ^D deeming him worthy of no care or aid. Now, as to the former, I do not know if anyone is of so cruel and savage a nature as to wish for this himself and to persuade others to do the same. For..."

[alt-version omitted]

^A to be silent, such a crime is most hateful before God, and it is a clear proof of incredible malice and depravity before all mankind. For indeed, the man who is now the Roman Emperor, and who for a long time before he received the insignia held the office of emperor, and was beloved and eagerly sought by all, both Greeks and Barbarians, for the sake of the mildness, prudence, and zeal for every noble quality with which he is endowed, and who has now fled to us because his affairs have collapsed—not only failing to protect and shield him, but even to violate him in the most churlish manner—would rightly place us in the position of being accused not only of cruelty and inhumanity, but also of impiety. For this reason, I have decided to shun such actions myself, and I advise you to do the same. Moreover, to send him away empty-handed would be judged as madness by any sound evaluator of affairs. For we would stand condemned by those who are skilled in judging such matters as ignorant of what is noble and averse to all thought of praise, if, having in our possession the man whose friendship many princes have sought with anxiety and toil, and being able to secure his friendship before any others could, we should—out of a certain boorishness—willingly abandon him. And yet, if at some time it should come to pass that he gains power over the Romans, remembering that he received no assistance from us, but instead, as far as it lay in us, was exposed even to his enemies (for indeed, it is the same thing to send him away empty-handed as it is to betray him to his enemies), he will not unjustly avenge himself and do us harm; and this will be added to many other pretexts, including the charge of the very betrayal that occurred now. For these reasons, I think that sending him away empty-handed is not ^B profitable. Therefore, it remains for us to assist him, either by his ceding the cities we demand, or freely and out of magnanimity. To have him cede the cities would be most pleasing to me, and I would most desire it. But he, as we see, is so far from being crushed by his present calamity or thinking anything base or servile, that, as he has declared, he would willingly exchange the safety of his children and all who are with him for a single, most insignificant town. Since, therefore, the situation is thus, and he has affirmed what is becoming to a noble man and an emperor, it has seemed to me—and I urge you all—that it is better to do what he requests, and, casting aside all petty-mindedness and ignobility, to assist him with all our might and help him regain the Roman hegemony; for we consider it no small gain to earn glory in the eyes of all, and to acquire such a friend and ally, whom many desire, yet but few find, and those who did have him, not knowing what manner of man they possessed, and consulting their own interests in the worst possible way, have willingly driven him away. Only this ^C must be requested of him, that he confirm it by oaths: that he will be our friend and ally throughout his life, and that as regards the cities which we and our fathers currently possess, having torn them from the Roman hegemony, he will demand none of them back when he has been established in power, nor will he attempt to stir up war to reclaim them. And I believe he will indeed agree to this ^D condition, as it is just, and not as if for that reason the republic...

would be to betray the Roman Empire, and he did not doubt that he would accept it not unwillingly, being something that would avoid a future stain. Such was the opinion of Helena ^B the Cralena expressed in the assembly. When she had fallen silent, and her husband had given the princes the opportunity to speak and to add anything if something better came to mind, Liberus—far the most powerful of the nobles, who had been the first to meet the Emperor and who loved him uniquely—said: "If your wife, the Cralena, had said anything incomplete or contributing little to the glory of the Triballian realm, it would be permitted for anyone to supply what was missing. But now, there is such intelligence and wisdom in her speech that neither the most intelligent person would be able to advise anything better, nor the most benevolent person anything more useful to us. Therefore, I also agree with her in the same way, and I urge you not to labor further, but, taking this arrival of the illustrious Emperor as the subject matter for our reputation, to assist him readily." These things Liberus said briefly, which all approved as spoken truly, adding nothing. Crales also gave thanks to his wife, because she had devised and advised what was most glorious for him as a great prince; and he himself ratified the counsel. But while Crales, his wife, and the lords were deliberating in this way about the Emperor, all the Romans who had arrived with him—anxious that they might be harmed by the Triballi because of his persistence in refusing—approached and begged the Emperor to accommodate the occasion, and not to refuse the demands of the barbarians so abruptly over ^C matters of no such great importance, lest they, enflamed by anger, wreak terrible evils upon them. But he, glancing at them with a harsh and fierce look, ordered them to depart with that counsel, which would bring great disgrace and shame to him, whether he were living or dead. For he would not be willing to betray the Roman Empire, nor to deliver it voluntarily into the hands of barbarian men, even if he were hemmed in by much greater and more terrible evils; but he would stand for it, and guard its rights with such determination as if he were its autocrat, and had it all made subject to himself, when he treated with the Triballi or any of the neighboring barbarians concerning treaties. They, then, struck by the severity of his response, immediately withdrew.

CAPUT XLV.

Crales, returning from the council, said, "You have conquered, Emperor, and have persuaded us to judge your friendship to be preferred to ^D a great sum of money and to ample cities. So you draw us all as if bound by chains, and we have determined, as if by a compact, to bear the expense and to endure any labor whatsoever for your sake. Therefore, command whatever you wish; we shall most zealously and willingly...

^A perform what is commanded." He also requested, just as he had deliberated with his wife and the dignitaries, that oaths be provided that he would remain a firm ally and friend to them throughout his life, and that he would not, after being restored to power, demand back any of the cities currently held by him which he himself and his father had taken—either during the war between the Roman emperors or later, while Andronikos the Younger still lived—asserting that they belonged to the Roman emperors.

The Emperor replied that he felt gratitude not only to him, but also to his wife and the dignitaries, for having decided through a common resolution to support him freely and out of a desire for honor and friendship. Touching the oath they requested—namely, that when he had come into his power, he would cause no trouble regarding the occupied cities—he would reveal his mind with the utmost clarity. ^B For if they were still currently under the Romans and able to defend themselves, he would not have abandoned them, just as he would not have abandoned the others; rather, he would have chosen to die first than to permit anything unmanly or unfree. But since they had taken them many years ago—some more, some fewer—while the Roman emperors were still alive, he would not incur any blame if he left alone what had been usurped so long ago. And he agreed to provide the oaths; it was for them to see to it that they preserved the peace and the treaty in a holy manner, as he would for his part keep the sworn oaths in every way, nor would he himself cause any trouble ^C regarding the region and the cities which had previously obeyed the Romans. But if they themselves, through injustice and perjury, should be the first to take up arms for war, he would not refrain, if he were able, not only from recovering those cities for whose sake he had sworn, but he would even try to subdue those that had long been the peculiar possession of the Triballians, just as they themselves would subdue all of the Romans’ possessions if their strength matched their will.

Crales [the Tsar] and those of the Triballians who were present were astonished and held the Emperor in wonder, because he had spoken nothing unmanly, nor anything fabricated on account of the difficulties surrounding him, but everything truly and as he felt in his heart. The alliance, then, was reached in this manner.

The oaths taken on these terms were that the Emperor Kantakouzenos and Crales should be friends and allies for life, and that neither should cause harm to the other's territory, neither by craft nor by any machination; but that as for the cities subject to the Romans of which ^D Crales had become lord—whether he had received them from his father or had seized them himself while the Emperor Andronikos was still alive—the Emperor Kantakouzenos would neither demand them back nor wage any war on their account: but those remaining, which were still reckoned to be under the Roman Empire, should belong to Kantakouzenos, and Crales would not take them away by any craft or machination, but would only assist the Emperor in subduing them. And as many as were captured by arms or surrendered by pact to the Emperor, the Emperor should hold, [alt-version omitted]

Jacobi Pontani nota.

^A nor should they do any injury. But should the Emperor be absent, and either Crales himself, whether by arms, by surrender, or by bribing the inhabitants with money, or some one of the dynasts subject to him, should take a Roman city, this also belongs to the Emperor and is to be returned to him upon demand, without any excuse. Likewise, that Crales himself should be an enemy to Empress Anna and her son, Emperor John, and should never make a treaty with them, but should do them ill as far as he is able, while most strenuously assisting Emperor Cantacuzenus. Once Cantacuzenus is established in the empire, Crales, in turn, will defend him with his power if anyone should attack him, and hold as an enemy anyone who prepares an expedition against him. ^B Much was said as well concerning Chreles the Triballian; Crales claimed him for himself on account of their shared kinship, but the Emperor asserted that while Emperor Andronicus was still alive, he had defected to the Romans, and at the present time he was not only reckoned under the Roman empire but had also dedicated himself privately to the Emperor himself; and furthermore, he brought forward an oath by which Chreles had bound his faith and obedience to Cantacuzenus. Since this seemed just, Crales agreed and pledged himself to the oath. These, then, were the conditions under which the royal oaths were written. ^C It was also necessary for the archbishop of the Triballians to be present, in whose presence the oath would be taken. Summoned by Crales, he soon arrived; Crales, proceeding to the middle of the courtyard to meet him, seized the bridle of the horse on which the archbishop was riding and led it to the place where he was accustomed to dismount. Then, greeting him, he was hallowed by a favorable blessing from him. Cantacuzenus was not permitted to go out of his residence, but, following the custom of the Roman emperors, he met him inside the house, and greeting him, was in like manner deemed worthy of ^D good prayers by him. While they were intending to take the oaths on the following day, Chreles sent to Crales, seeking protection, with the intent that he would serve him in return and deliver up Melenikon. For Chreles, although he marvelly desired the Emperor to possess the Roman empire and to be subject to him, did not, however, wish to expose himself to dangers for his sake. But when the Emperor, after the events at Gynaekocastron, had set out to the Triballians, thinking that he would be compelled by Crales to surrender both other Roman possessions and this one as well (for he knew that Crales had taken his defection poorly), and fearing lest he should perish along with his alliance with the Emperor, he considered by what means he might occupy Melenikon, which, once surrendered, would appease Crales's anger. But since he knew it was not to be taken by arms, because it was most heavily fortified by nature and by structures, he first forbade provisions from being brought in, and then attacked it with open force. Asanes and the garrison, discerning that due to a shortage of supplies the siege could not be endured for long (for the Emperor, on account of the events which we have described, could not hasten with aid), and since something else had also befallen them, surrendered the city to Chreles. By this act, he sent an orator to Crales and openly joined himself to him. By which deed he...

Crales was very pleased with what had happened, and immediately provided oaths to Chreles and took him under his protection. ^A But the Emperor was not a little grieved by the event. For on the following day, when they came to take the oaths according to the agreements, Crales demanded that Melenikon and Chreles be entered into the oaths as belonging to him, because they had gone over to him before the oaths were sworn. But the Emperor spoke against this, claiming that Crales was acting unjustly and violating the treaty, for from the time the agreements were made, both sides ought to stand by the agreed terms. That if he wished to commit injustice in moderation, he might keep Chreles for himself, since he was a fellow-tribesman and had defected to the Romans only a short time before, but he should leave Melenikon behind, which had belonged to the Roman jurisdiction from ancient times. Crales, on the other hand, said he would use no other judge in this dispute than he himself. For he claimed that the oaths regarding the alliance had been written down the day before; ^B and it was written in them that he should hold the cities which he had seized from the Roman dominion, and it was not permitted to demand any of them back from him, but those which still remained under the Romans should belong to the Emperor. Therefore, he claimed, nothing was being done here against fairness, since Chreles had gone over to his side many days before these agreements, as was evident from his own letters. The Emperor, being unable on the one hand to persuade him because of such sophistries, and on the other hand being unable to use force, yielded even unwillingly, and the oaths were made upon these terms. After the oaths, Crales gathered together the most powerful of his nobles, twenty-four in number; four he kept for himself, and he handed over the twenty to the Emperor along with the troops under them, so that they would zealously do everything that the Emperor might command. And he himself, with the Triballi, was preparing to arrive at Didymoteichon. ^C But the army that was in Thessalonica, when it set out under the leadership of Syrges, campaigned toward Rhentina. The people in the fortress, when they learned that the Emperor Cantacuzenus had arrived in the land of the Triballi due to misfortune, and that Syrges was also present with the army, attacked the two hundred whom the Emperor had left as a garrison with their commander, and having prevailed, they surrendered both them and the fortress to Syrges. And he, using his customary cruelty, after stripping them of their horses and armor and the other things they possessed, then gave two hundred lashes to each of them in the sight of all, leaving no one out, and he shut them in prison; and he dispossessed the more powerful of the citizens, as being of the faction of Cantacuzenus, of all their wealth, and punished them not moderately, and having condemned some to exile, he came to Pherai.

^A The Grand Duke Apocauchus, having arrived at Polystylon by ships, since the city surrendered willingly, gathered those of the citizens whom he most suspected and cast them into the ships, intending to transport them to Byzantium; the others, who had chosen his side, he treated well and left there, having set Gudele, the empress’s cup-bearer, over them as governor.

He wrote to those in Didymoteichon in these words: "The things done by me regarding Cantacuzenus at Thessalonica, I do not suppose are unknown to you, as they have become most manifest to all by reason of their magnitude. Since, therefore, all your hope regarding him has vanished, you must, without hesitation, come to meet me at Enos, and at the same time bring my brother (for he was held there in custody). If Asanes also wishes to come with you, he would be consulting his own best interest. But if he prefers to remain there, you yourselves must by all means come to Enos with my brother. As for Asanes and his sister and her children, when I am in Didymoteichon, I shall deem them worthy of such concern as even they themselves shall judge sufficient for the time being." The Grand Duke wrote such things, filled with boastfulness and pride.

The people in Didymoteichon, since they had as yet heard nothing regarding the Emperor, were at first troubled, as was natural. Then, having taken heart and thinking that something had happened to the Emperor, as is wont to occur in armies, which could quickly be rectified, they wrote back to the Grand Duke Apocauchus in these words: "Upon reading your letter, so reckless, foolish, and arrogant, we were first astonished as to whence such black bile so agitates you. Afterwards, when we perceived that you, who had equaled your father the devil in audacity and had harmed the Emperor who had done you many favors and had openly waged war against him, did not wish to fall short even in the arrogance and wordy bombast of that same father, we judged it to be our part to address you. We are not ignorant of your obscurity from the beginning, your sordid character, and your despicable lineage, which not one of the Romans is ignorant of. For first, you served for a small wage the tax-collector Macrenus, who was exacting taxes from certain farmers; and after him, the governor Nicholas, who held the same pursuit; and third, after them, the one called Strategos, who was then occupied with the salt and the disposing of them, whom—by your own silver and by calumnies and sycophancies and a thousand lies and perjuries customary to you—you drove from the governorship under the elder Emperor Andronicus, and you yourself obtained it. ^C And there your happy successes stopped. Since now, by reason of your rustic and wicked character and the infinite debts you owed publicly, you were about to perish, our Emperor Cantacuz- ^D

- ^A enus, at the request of Syrgiannes, took you in and, from an ignoble and despised state, made you conspicuous in a short time. For which reason not a few of the more noble were rightly aggrieved and annoyed that he deemed a man of no worth worthy of great and marvelous things—the excess of which you could not even bear yourself—so that against him who, next to God, fashioned you and raised you from the dung, you have, like Satan against God, stirred up warfare, alienating the subjects; under the pretext, as that one did, of having some providential care for them, but in truth envying them their safety. ^B And now it is possible to see how you have filled all the cities of the Romans with human blood. The prisons, though constructed by you in numbers far greater than before, yet cannot hold the multitude of captives. Robberies and plunderings and ten thousand other evils are perversely perpetrated in the cities every day; and there are tears everywhere, and groanings, and there is not one who is free from them. But just as the Devil chooses to attack those who are most dedicated to God and superior to others, neglecting the rest, so too do you, through all the cities, destroy and inhumanly slaughter every best man who understands what is right, while regarding the multitude, as base and abject, of no account; intending later either to surrender them to the barbarians out of your own cowardice and inexperience in wars, or to destroy them yourself by degrees, and, in short, planning the common destruction of the Roman race, unless God, loathing your misanthropy, prevents it. But Emperor Cantacuzenos, our master and yours, even if you act with still more and worse ingratitude—like the most wicked of slaves—still preserves the glory from his ancestors, as well as the moderation and dignity of his ways; ^C and, being ruler of all the Romans, though the Emperor yet lives, he is nonetheless even now an Emperor. And if something difficult has happened to him, it is nothing new; for the time that has passed has held many such examples. We, however, shall keep our faith toward him whole and pure, not only while he lives, but after his death also, and to his children; and neither promise of goods nor infliction of evils, nor anything else of all things, shall be able to turn us away from faith and love toward him. Your labor shall return upon your own head, and your iniquity shall descend upon your crown. You have a response from us worthy of what you wrote. For now we have sent the messengers away unharmed, out of reverence for the laws which protect them. If others come after them, let them know that they shall not depart without stripes and the punishment that is due. This is what those who were in Didymoteichon replied to the Great Duke Apokaukos; and when he had read these things, having made many threats, he sailed away to Byzantium, where he was received by the patriarch and the conspirators with repeated applause and proclamations, as one who had excellently fulfilled the office of duke and defeated Cantacuzenos. Now, swollen with pride on account of the army he led, he began to preside over the state of affairs in such a way that he rendered no account; and he began to pretend no longer, nor to consult, but despising what was of no use, he acted according to his own caprice.

Empress Irene Cantacuzena, with her brother Manuel Asanes, was ^A strongly troubled and tossed by the waves of anxiety when news arrived from the Great Duke Apocauchus concerning what had befallen the emperor at Gynæcocastrum, although they did not entirely suspect the reports to be true; for they feared that some individuals from the army, acting secretly for the Empress Anna and seizing upon this opportunity and the emperor’s misfortune as an unexpected gain, might stir up sedition among the people and the soldiers, and that the state might be given over to ruin and destruction. They were particularly suspicious of Comitopulus and Batatzes, who had been members of the household of the Emperor Palæologus; but at that time, when Cantacuzene was leading the army to the west, they had been stationed in the suburbs of Didymoteichon, each in command of a thousand foot archers, and they possessed no small influence 1 with the people and the rest of the army.

For these reasons, therefore, they were fearful and were ^B contemplating how they should keep them in their duty and subject to them; at the same time, they thought to make trial of the others, whether they had changed their former loyal intentions on account of what had been heard. It was decided, therefore, that on the following day, when all had gathered in the palace before the empress, Asanes should address the commanders and the army in order to test the mind of each. On the following day, when everyone was at the palace, Manuel Asanes, in the presence of the empress, began his address thus:

CAPUT XLVII. The minds of the commanders and soldiers are tested regarding their loyalty to Cantacuzene. Comitopulus the commander professes that he will stand by him and urges the others to do the same, and desires that the emperor himself be made certain of their fidelity. Batatzes approves his speech, urges an oath, and the oath is taken. A messenger arrives from the emperor with his signet in wax; who, however, adds his own words and tells the story incompletely so as not to sadden those who hear.

"Fellow soldiers, you have all understood what has been written to you by the Grand Duke Apocauchus. You have learned through much ^C experience and practice that the present state of affairs is subject to many changes, and that in a slight moment even the most prudent and sagacious man can be deceived, while the thoughtless man, relying on chance and fortune, can become fortunate even beyond expectation. Since this is so, not so much credence should be given to Apocauchus. For whose life is always feigned and full of wickedness and deceit, and whose speech is mendacious, containing nothing upright or sincere—who, I ask, would believe that he has now spoken the truth? But let us grant that these things are true; they are not of such a nature in all respects as to have caused the emperor any great inconvenience, and they can easily be corrected with little effort. Up to this day, each of you, while matters proceeded along their course without any impediment, has had no opportunity to demonstrate your magnanimity and courage in difficult circumstances, nor your prudence, nor the affection which you hold for the emperor ^D and his children. Now, however, that the opportunity has presented itself, and all together and individually, to the extent of your intelligence and ability,

you ought to demonstrate that you are the same in your deeds as in your words, so that matters may not be found to be devoid of reality. We shall demonstrate the deeds later, when there is need. But for the present, it is necessary for each one to declare his opinion, that we may turn our attention to how we might save ourselves and the rest of the city. For I do not think that the Grand Parakoimomenos will rest, but that he will quickly march against us, if indeed what has been said concern- ^A ing the Emperor is true." Asanes, then, ceased speaking after these words. But Comitopulus, immediately moved by zeal and by the devotion he bore toward the Emperor, rose and coming into the midst, spoke as follows: "I do not think that any of you who are present here are unaware that, while the blessed Emperor was still alive, I was reckoned among his household, and was one of those who enjoyed much of his grace and providence; and for my part, I left nothing undone, as far as it depended on me, to demonstrate the gratitude due to my master as a faithful servant. Nor, because he has since departed from among men, have I now changed my mind and decided to wage war against his sons, but I still retain the same conviction even now. But observing that the Emperor Cantacuzenus is pursuing what is just and advantageous to the sons of the Emperor, while Apocauchus, the Grand Parakoimomenos, has conspired many calumnies and slanders against him, and has associated with himself other more wicked and corrupt men, and has deceived the Empress, and has stirred up this very war—the cause of a thousand evils both until now and destined to be of many more, if God from above does not extinguish it—I have detested their wickedness and have judged it more righteous to attend to the Emperor, as one who is intent upon what is at once just and profitable for the Emperor's sons, and for all the Romans together. ^B And now that we hear that he has experienced bitter and difficult fortunes—having been betrayed by those who were with him—and has departed to the Tribal prince, it is not right for us to be crestfallen, nor, having turned toward seditions and discords, to surrender ourselves like slaves to the enemies; but rather, being of one mind, let us offer oaths to the Empress and to each other, that neither by the promise of many good things, nor by the threat of many evils, will anyone of us scheme against the Empress and her children, or against one another. Rather, let us stand together with one mind to defend ourselves against the enemies, and keep a sincere and pure faith to the Emperor. I further adjudge that men should be sent to him with all speed, who shall inform him that we have determined to act and to suffer everything for his sake, and for the sake of his most beloved children and his wife, even unto the end; so that hearing these things about us, he may rejoice and owe us many thanks for our good will toward him. For we must not think that he is only moderately concerned about us, but that, as is to be expected, he is torn by various thoughts and suspects that we, sluggish in our cowardice, might not dare to contest anymore." Thus far Comitopulus. Batatzes, immediately taking up from him, both praised his words and approved them ^C with his own vote as most prudent and well-counseled, and urged that oaths be taken. The Empress Irene, indeed, and her brother Asanes, judging that the exhortation of Comitopulus had come from divine inspiration, so that all might be sharpened to battle (because those who were previously under suspicion now

^A appeared to have such goodwill toward the emperor), their many anxieties were relieved, and having given their assent to the proposal, since it also seemed best to all the others, they ordered the oaths to be taken. And they were taken, with the brother of the empress being the first to swear. While these things were being done, someone named Bratilus arrived from the emperor. He did not have a letter, but he brought wax sealed with the emperor’s ring to serve as a guarantee of his own credibility. First, approaching the empress, he offered greetings, and then he greeted the others in the name of the emperor. He spoke of the situation at Gynaecocastron, though not exactly as it had occurred, but very cursorily and in such a way that he thought would not cause much alarm. For he claimed that he had been sent by the emperor for this purpose. ^B Furthermore, he added that since there was no small disturbance in the emperor’s army, and—after the defection of the protostrator and others, who could not endure their losses at home—the emperor had learned that the Cral was nearby, he had gone to him on account of their old friendship. He said that he had been received there gladly and with great kindness and goodwill, and had been reinforced with large and powerful auxiliary forces; and that he believed the emperor was now marching toward Didymotichum and would soon be there in person, and that he himself had been sent on ahead to report these events, lest they be disturbed by hearing things differently from the truth or with many embellishments. He urged them not to delay, but to provide letters regarding their own status, which he would convey back to the emperor, who was very concerned about them, since he considered ^C it all-important to be informed about them. He also said that he had received a letter from the emperor himself containing the same things as he had narrated; but that, encountering many people on the journey, he feared that he might be captured and, because of the letter, undergo some calamity and the mission be brought to nothing, and so he had destroyed it, keeping only the seal to provide proof, which, when hidden in the hollow of his mouth, could escape those searching him. Because he was saying such things, he was believed, and he provided much consolation and relieved much of the despondency. They knew that he was not, even previously, naturally inclined to fabricate inventions out of levity. But the situation was otherwise than he had reported. For when the defection from the emperor occurred at Gynaecocastron, and there was such confusion and disorder in the army—since he himself was present and was appointed along with several others like him to act, if the emperor had need to send ^D letters secretly, as he was the one to carry them, being able easily to escape notice on account of his insignificance—he approached and asked the emperor that, since he was pressed for time and could not write a letter, he might give him a mark with his ring, by which the people at Didymotichum might believe him when he reported what had happened. Believing that he had spoken in a way that was timely, the emperor did so. Bratilus, therefore, having reported such things to those at Didymotichum and having again received a letter from the empress and the others, departed for the emperor.

CHAPTER XLVII

The common people of the suburb of Didymotichum, not long after, thinking it intolerable if they did not act like other groups and destroy the powerful—although their own leaders were not privy to this—incited one another to sedition by night. Having armed themselves as best they could, they all came to the gates at daybreak and began to assault the walls, threatening to kill all those within if they did not surrender willingly; for in that way, they claimed, they would scarcely refrain from slaughter. Asanes and the garrison within, judging it a grave matter if they were to be besieged by those of their own household in addition to the Byzantines and the rest of the Roman army brought in from elsewhere, armed themselves as well and, throwing open the gates, sallied forth to clash with the commoners. These, unable to withstand the assault for even a little while, fled as they were, taking only their wives and children, and were scattered throughout other cities, carrying nothing of their possessions with them, except for a few who, because they had not participated in the sedition, were permitted to remain in their homes. The soldiers plundered the houses of the fugitives and brought all the spoil inside the walls. A short time later, they also pulled down the timber-work and used it for firewood, being already besieged by those from Byzantium. For the force from Byzantium, as long as the suburbanites of Didymotichum were in accord with the townsfolk, did not dare to approach or even come near, but by making incursions, they would ravage the regions further out and withdraw as quickly as possible. But when the sedition broke out and those outside ^B became hostile toward those within, they themselves were utterly destroyed and driven from their homes, and those within, having been deprived of a large portion of their strength, were weakened and no longer a match for the enemy. Hence, the latter—the Byzantines, I mean—advanced, encamped, and lingered nearby without hesitation. Those of the commoners who remained in Didymotichum, their houses having been demolished by the soldiers, themselves cleared away the stones and used the area for planting vegetables. And finally, that which the metropolitan of the city had predicted shortly before concerning this very place had come to pass. For while the Emperor Cantacuzenus was still preparing for the expedition into the West, it had seemed necessary for the sake of the war to dig a trench around the outer suburb, so that the entry for the enemy might not be easy if they should ever invade. Since the trench had been distributed by groups among all the people so that they might dig it, a portion was also assigned to all those in the clergy of the Church. When these—the clergy, that is—were indignant at the labor and reported those who were forcing them to the work to the bishop, he predicted that this trench would be of no use in the war. For the place which they were striving to save and guard, he said, they would shortly have as suitable for the planting of vegetables. Yet, so that he might not seem to neglect what was for the public good, he ordered that what had been commanded be done. When, not long after, the outcome confirmed it, the people of Didymotichum recalled the prediction and viewed the man with admiration. Furthermore, when they were appointed by the Emperor Cantacuzenus to aid him and were already prepared and about to set to the task, they met with their lord, ^D feeling that they and he had entered upon a plan that was not useful to them.

^A For with such lack of consideration had they handed over the strength of their power to the Emperor Cantacuzenus. If he, having made a secret reconciliation with Empress Anna, were to plot against them, and they were not to perceive the plot beforehand, what would remain for them but to return home and have their children and wives carried off into slavery, and their entire Triballian principality brought under his control? For these reasons, they said, it was not fitting to aid him without hostages; but if he stood in need of their assistance, he should leave the younger of his sons with them as a hostage. By doing this, they would serve in the campaign with zeal, and would have no evil expectations for the future.

Liberus, meanwhile, privately begged Cralis to persuade the Emperor to betroth his daughter to Liberus’s younger son; for he had heard that Syrges had dissolved the marriage contract between his daughter and this Manuel—a contract which he had arranged for them while Emperor Andronikos was yet alive—on the pretext of war. He had betrothed her to this Manuel, and it seemed to Cralis as well that the commanders were asking for what was fair and advantageous. ^B Therefore, he reported to the Emperor what had been said by them, and advised him to comply with them, as they would thus serve in the campaign with greater zeal. He also begged him privately, regarding Liberus’s daughter, to unite her in marriage to his son, and to look not at the disparity in birth between the two, but at the result which would be achieved for the present situation. For besides the fact that the marriage would be pleasing to the other Triballians, he would not only have Liberus as an ally and friend, but would have him as a slave in the true sense, ready to put everything aside for his benefit, as he himself promised.

It seemed that such a thing was a testament to the great fairness and nobility of Cralis, in that, when the most powerful of his dynasts was uniting himself with the Emperor, and promising so openly to do everything for his cause, if only he would betroth his own daughter to his son, he neither suspected evil himself, nor attempted to hinder the business, but rather assisted in it. ^C But this was to be ascribed not so much to Cralis’s fairness as to the wealth of Liberus and his great power among the Triballians, because of which even Cralis feared to offend him. Cralis therefore discussed such things before the Emperor, with Liberus also present. The Emperor consented to both, seeing that they were advantageous for the present, and dispelled the suspicion that he would ever do them wrong or plot against his allies. For he did not know how to repay his friends with such actions, since it was clear that he had never even plotted against his open enemies. And regarding the relationship with Syrges, he said he was not the first to break it, but because that man had renounced it, there was no reason why he himself should not betroth another to his son; especially since the marriage had not yet been so strictly bound that it could not be dissolved. ^D Had an oath been given, he would not have broken it for any reason. Therefore, he would send his son, who would at once be a future son-in-law to Liberus and a guarantee of the auxiliary forces, so that Liberus need fear no treachery from him; yet not so that he should remain with them always and entirely, but that he should return when his father recalled him. When Liberus learned that the Emperor had consented to the marriage, he...

^A bowed and kissed the Emperor’s foot, and gave many thanks to him for the favor, and to Kral for having assisted in the matter. This, however, was agreed upon by mere words; oaths or other bonds to seal the marriage were not used.

CHAPTER XLIX.

In the height of summer, the Emperor, ^B with Kral accompanying him as far as the borders with his wife, and bidding him farewell there before turning back, proceeded to Pherae with the forces prepared and assigned to him. Staying there for three days, he negotiated with the Pheraeans concerning their surrender. For Syrges, having returned from Gynaecomastron and stayed in Pherae not long, had set out for Byzantium; thence he departed for Armenia, having been summoned by the Armenians to the throne owed to him by paternal inheritance. The Pheraeans were no more inclined than before to support the Emperor Cantacuzenus, and they repelled with stones and missiles from the walls those who approached to parley; wherefore the army plundered the territory as hostile country. While these things were being done, Bractus, the most distinguished of the leaders of the army, fell ill, and the army remained encamped there for eleven days. ^C After he recovered, Liberus began to fall ill, and it was necessary to remain there for the same number of days, or even more. When he also regained his health, the discomfort of the illness spread to the remaining leaders and to almost the whole army. For, gorged and distended on honey and meat, in which the region especially abounds, and then overwhelmed by the must flowing from pressed grapes, they fell into fevers and wasting diseases; then, weakened in this way, they perished, and in particular not a few of the men of rank died. As for the common soldiers, more than one thousand five hundred departed this life, yet not a single one of the Romans accompanying the Emperor even fell ill. The Grand Duke Apocauchus, when he learned that the Emperor Cantacuzenus was encamped near Pherae with Triballian forces and was intending to return to Didymoteichon, ^D sent triremes to Christoupolis posthaste, and at the same time a force from the mainland to guard the fortification there and to prevent the army from passing through. For the place was well-suited for the defense of heavy-armed soldiers, not only on account of the height of the wall, but because it also rendered the passage difficult for cavalry due to the precipices (especially if the force of those preventing them was present). The Triballians, because of the disease and the daily funerals of so many, and especially because they had learned that wall or fortification was occupied by the Romans, decided to return to their fatherland from Pherae. When the Emperor could not compel them to stay, being so badly afflicted by the sickness, he called together all the nobles and leaders and encouraged them...

not to be discouraged, nor to consider this failure as one of the great evils; but, reflecting that all things are governed by the providence of God, they should consider that it is impossible for anything that is not proper to be done by Him, and that everything is managed by God for our greatest benefit. "And as for the present," he said, "we shall return home. But a little later, having made preparations again, we shall go to Didymoteichon, if it be pleasing to God." The Triballi expressed many thanks to the Emperor for the encouragement. For indeed, while they were especially happy about the return, nevertheless they did not wish to offend the Emperor by appearing to depart against his will. The Romans, however, took it badly and did not think that road was anything different than if they were being forced to march towards Acheron; and they were making a terrible uproar and were in sedition, wishing to withdraw towards Christopolis. The Emperor, ^B seeing their dissension and the planned desertion, gathered them around him and reminded them that it was not for his own gain or desire for honor, but for the sake of them who had requested it—that he might not allow them to be seized by Apocauchus, the [Parakoimomenos], into slavery and death—that he had undertaken this struggle. Then he recalled to their memory what he had said at the very beginning of the war: that it seemed neither just nor pious that he should be invited to seize the empire now, and that this should be considered the only way of salvation, but later, if things should go otherwise, that he should be deserted while surrounded by dangers, with each one fleeing wherever the hope of personal utility might beckon him. He further warned them not to be timid in their spirits, nor to yield to desperation because of labors and dangers, ^C but, as befits noble men, to endure these evils with an exalted and fearless mind. For no great and praiseworthy thing could ever be successfully accomplished by anyone without toil. If they were completely overcome by these evils and were no longer able to withstand them, then, forgetting the earlier insults and censures with which they had attacked those who had deserted from Gynae- cocastrum, they were now themselves rushing to the same state. Firstly, he would justly blame them for breaking their promises and appearing as cowards and base men when they should have been most helpful to him while together. Furthermore, he would not hold them against their will; for neither from the beginning had he compelled anyone to do anything, but he himself was rather led by necessity to do things he had not intended. But to those for whom it was sweet to share in his labors and dangers and, if need be, to embrace death ^D rather than the goods that appeared to be with the enemy, he invited them to approach him, so that he might know whose service he could, in due time and with God’s help, compensate with worthy reward. Those who refused the fellowship of danger should depart. Following these words, they immediately split into two parts; the majority departed after bowing to the Emperor, but more than five hundred decided to tempt fortune with him. Having thanked them for their love and genuine loyalty towards him, he returned with those remaining to the Triballi. The greater part of the deserters...

^A came over to the commanders at Christopolis without any agreement and were gladly received by them; those, however, who were of more note, sent and begged for pledges from the commanders. The commanders did indeed take an oath, but had the intention of bringing them to experience many afflictions even after the oaths. Whether they themselves perceived this treachery from what was said, or whether it was revealed by someone among their companions, they fled the danger and returned again to the Emperor. The Emperor, having reproached them for their fickleness of mind and cowardliness, once again allowed them to remain with him.

CAPUT L.

^B The commanders at Christopolis, however, when the Triballi army and the Emperor had departed from Pherae to their own land, sent to Byzantium and reported to the Empress and the Grand Duke that when Cantacuzenus had come as far as the wall of separation with the Triballi, he had been unable to cross, as they were strongly defending it. And as the army was turning back, all the Romans who were with him, except for ten, had left him and come over to us. He himself, out of unbearable shame, not knowing what to do with himself, had gone to Mount Athos, the Holy Mountain, in order to lay aside there the empire which he had unjustly and illegally seized, and to take upon himself the monastic habit. Straightway, then, in Byzantium, there was a magnificent festival and most delightful celebration, and the people, in a body, proceeded to the temple of the Mother of God, the Hodegetria, to offer thanks for the victory, especially those in authority, and ^C then the others on foot along with the majority. No one dared to be absent; indeed, even those who were most especially grieved and distressed at the Emperor’s misfortune were compelled to join in the festival similarly with the others, or rather, to mimic their behavior, or else they were forced to pay harsh and inexorable penalties for their dejection. For not only was anyone who was caught acting in league with Emperor Cantacuzenus cruelly punished, but even if anyone showed by his countenance not a sign of joy for what was happening, but rather an indication of aversion, it was necessary for him to suffer the same punishments as those who were clearly convicted of treason. ^D Many, then, perished for such causes, not only in Byzantium but also in the other cities as far as Thessalonica. For in the regions further off towards the west, both the common people and the powerful in the cities favored Emperor Cantacuzenus. Wherefore, in those regions, neither disorders nor civil wars existed; but while other places were afflicted by calamities, those were governed peacefully by good laws. As for those regions stretching from Thessalonica to Byzantium, there was no evil they did not suffer.

^A For once discord was introduced, the garrisons and the optimates supported Cantacuzenus, believing that he would be able to remedy these difficulties; but the populace, at the instigation of seditious men (to whom it was permitted to grow rich by involving themselves in the wars of others), opposed Cantacuzenus and the optimates alike, and harassed them in many ways—not only by plundering their properties and turning the wealthiest into the most destitute in a single moment of time, but also by imprisoning them and inflicting upon them every kind of vexation. Those to whom the prefectures of the cities were committed, being most like those who held supreme power, conducted themselves as savage executioners, and in human form exercised the brutality of wild beasts. For they advanced to such a degree of cruelty that, in addition to many others who were cruelly punished, they even allowed Patriciotan, suspended by ropes, to die in his tortures. And having beaten him until he was at the point of losing his soul, they threw him, naked as if he were a corpse, into a dark prison without any ritual. A certain Persian, who had been captured in war and by divine providence was detained in that same prison, revived him—lying there for several days as if lifeless—from those many wounds with no ordinary care. The same captive extended similar care to Synadena, who had herself also been scourged inhumanly almost to death and cast naked into the same prison. The common crime of all was their former benevolence toward Cantacuzenus, and their knowledge of the money he had left in hiding, which they were compelled to reveal. ^B Nor did they refrain from lashing the more noble as cruelly. For Asanina, the wife of Michael Asan—the firstborn of the sons of the despot Asan—they stretched on the rack and beat for a long time with thongs, wishing to convict her of being privy to certain letters that had come from Cantacuzenus to Byzantium concerning the execution of some people, and which they ordered her to produce for them. These few examples have been told out of many; because of them, such great fear was cast upon all the optimates throughout the Roman Empire that they did not even trust their closest relations, for fear that they might be betrayed by them. They were struck with an even greater terror by an event of this kind: those who were held in chains in the palace of Constantine the Great, when the days of the fasts were already upon them, and when it was necessary for each one to refer his affairs to his spiritual father and to make a confession of his sins; since they themselves ^{C D}

Notes of Jacob Gretser

^A Since it was not permitted ^A for the prisoners in the imperial palace, because the days of the fasts were at hand, to bring in anyone they trusted to act as their spiritual father and hear their confession, they requested the magistrates to allow them to admit whomsoever they wished. But the authorities sent them a certain Glykas, a worthless man given to drink and other more shameful vices, having robed him in the so-called "great habit" (the monastic garment), as if he were a spiritual father. They commanded him to explore the prisoners' minds to see what they thought of Cantacuzenus, and if they knew of others who felt as they did. Glykas, having gladly donned this disguise for the sake of gain, approached the captives; after hearing their confession of sins, he questioned each one separately as to what he thought of the Emperor Cantacuzenus and what he intended to do.

But they, suspecting that this was not what it seemed—although he was indeed a spiritual father, they suspected that he was beholden to the faction of the Patriarch and the Grand Duke Apocauchus—refrained entirely from confessing their sins out of fear. When that impostor found that he had accomplished nothing by his wickedness, he left, stripped off the clothes he had unworthily worn, and, returning to his secular attire, went about pursuing his customary trade. This drama terrified everyone greatly and incited them all to mutual distrust. None of this was done with the knowledge of the Empress; rather, everything was conducted primarily by the Grand Duke Apocauchus, and thereafter by the rest of the conspirators.

During that period of the fasts, with the Great Friday at hand—the day on which my Christ was seized by the Jews—the Patriarch himself handed over for arrest many who had fled to the church of the Holy Wisdom as an asylum; once caught and led off to prison, they suffered many grievous tortures. Because of all this, when reports came that King Cantacuzenus had been abandoned by his own people and had gone to the holy mountain to take up the monastic life, everyone flocked on foot to the church of the Hodegetria to offer thanks for his defeat and downfall. ^B

CAPUT LI

Emperor Cantacuzenus, returning from Pherae, came to Edessa, which the Crales (the King of the Serbs) had been besieging, and found that the citizens, corrupted by money, had defected to him. Remembering there the treaty ratified with him, in the conditions of which it was written that if he should take any city of the Romans—even in the absence of the Emperor—either by arms or by any other means, he should return it to the Emperor, he demanded the town back. The Crales surrendered it without delay and affirmed that he would perform everything he had promised, and that he would be his helper with arms, money, and his whole power. Seeing that it would be of no profit for him to remain there (for on his return he was entirely occupied in mind and thought with Didymoteichon), and because he could not...

power. Seeing that it would be of no profit for him to remain there (for on his return he was entirely occupied in mind and thought with Didymoteichon), and because he could not leave behind a sufficient garrison from his own men, as they were few in number and could not be persuaded to remain there without him, he left the small town ^A to the Kral to guard out of necessity, until a time might arrive when he could recover it. He himself, along with the Kral, retreated toward the land of the Triballi.

But the Grand Duke Apocauchus, having received word that the Emperor had returned from Pherai with the Triballi, suspected that the people in Didymoteichon would be greatly disturbed and easily fall into discord, and hoping that for this reason they would surrender, he gathered as much infantry and cavalry as he could from Byzantium and the cities of Thrace, and came to Didymoteichon to discuss terms of surrender. When they scorned his overtures, as he did not dare to assault the walls because of their strength, and despaired of being able to overcome the courageous and high-spirited defenders, he invested the fortress of Empythium, laid siege to it, and began to batter it with engines, reckoning he would be fortunate if he could capture it. Furthermore, he was secretly attempting to persuade those in Didymoteichon to deliver the city to him, but with no effect. For when a certain messenger arrived from the Emperor and testified that the reports concerning him were false, and that he was returning because of a disease that had beset the army, and was preparing to come to them, they took heart and were ready to do and suffer everything on his behalf.

The Grand Duke, having spent little time on the siege of Empythium, upon learning that ^B a Scythian army of great multitude had burst into the Roman lands, broke off the siege in confusion and, due to his fear, hastened to Adrianople in great haste. Those in charge of the garrison at Didymoteichon, observing the disorder of the Roman army and supposing that some event had occurred to them that had caused such turmoil, immediately rushed upon the camp. They killed a few, seized grain, livestock, and other baggage, and brought them back inside the walls. For since the suburban inhabitants had been defeated and ravaged by the city-dwellers in their armed expeditions, the city-dwellers had not farmed the land, knowing they would gain no benefit from it if, while besieged, they could not repel the enemy by themselves, but instead lived by raiding and plundering neighboring cities. Then, being thoroughly shut in within the walls by the enemy, they suffered from no moderate scarcity.

The Scythians, having traversed all of Thrace, since nothing remained for plunder because the region had been emptied and exhausted by civil war, and what survived had withdrawn into the cities, returned empty-handed and pitched their camp not far from Skopelos. The people of Skopelos, having learned that the Scythians were returning home without plunder, in their customary ^C imprudence were rashly stirred up, and having seized whatever arms each could find, they compelled even the governor of the city, Michael, having taken with him as many of the garrison as there were, to engage the Barbarians at close quarters. Although he declined such a bold undertaking and urged them to desist from the attempt, because they would certainly perish, they not only did not obey his good counsel, but even handed him over to some to be guarded, intending to punish him for treason when they returned from the battle. For he did not refuse to go against the enemy because he was ignorant of their weakness, but ^D

^A because he was doing them a favor, since they had risen up against the Grand Duke during the siege of Didymoteichon, who was all but ready to surrender due to his own lack of supplies. They thought that they would not only attack and defeat the enemy, but also that they would prevail on account of their own favor toward the Grand Duke. For they supposed that, as they feared him, they would commit no harm against the affairs of the Romans and would return home in a short time. ^B Having spoken such things, the wretched men, behaving with youthful arrogance, advanced against the Scythians, having ordered the soldiers to follow them. The soldiers followed under compulsion, considering it better, if need be, to perish fighting the barbarians than to be destroyed along with their entire households by the fury of the populace. When they were near the camp of the Scythians, they raised a shout and cries from afar and marched at a run against them; for they thought that they would not stand their ground even for a moment, but that, seized with fright, they would offer themselves up to be led away as captives. Therefore, each of them carried ropes with which to bind those barbarian prisoners, so that they might not escape while being led away unbound. But the Scythians, thinking that an infantry army was coming against them, mounted their horses and emerged from the camp to do battle. The others, as soon as they saw them coming out of the camp, forgetting their former boasting, turned to flight. And as the ground of the plain was flat and entirely devoid of woods, not even one was able to slip away, but all were cut down by the Scythians except the horsemen. For these, because they were numerous and the Scythians were still quite far away when the rout began, and also because the barbarians were occupied with slaughtering the infantry, were able to be saved safely into the city. Thus does folly and irrational impulse cast men into the most present evils. ^C Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, after the incursion of the Scythians, having appointed Andronikos Palaiologos the Protostrator, his son-in-law, as supreme commander of the entire army and entrusted the war against Didymoteichon to him, returned himself to Byzantium. The Protostrator made frequent raids against Didymoteichon and would as quickly return. For there was nothing left outside the walls for him to harm or destroy. His own soldiers, however, as they withdrew, kept the war going by plundering the surrounding countryside, seizing grain and cattle, doing nothing noble or brave, nor intending to do so, because ^D they were to be guarded, intending to punish him for treason when they returned from the battle. For he did not refuse to go against the enemy because he was ignorant of their weakness, but rather he was doing them a favor, since they had risen up against the Grand Duke during the siege of Didymoteichon, who was just about to lose control due to lack of supplies. They thought that they would attack and defeat the enemy, not only because they were enemies, but also on account of their favor toward the Grand Duke. For they supposed that because of fear of him, they would refrain from doing any harm to the Roman territory and would return home in a short time. The wretched men, having spoken such things and acting with youthful arrogance, advanced against the Scythians, having ordered the soldiers to follow. The soldiers followed under compulsion, considering it more desirable, if there were need, to perish fighting the barbarians than to be destroyed with their entire household by the fury of the populace. Approaching the camp of the Scythians, they rushed at them from a distance with a shout; for they did not think they would offer any resistance at all, but that, struck with terror, they would surrender themselves to be led off as prisoners. Therefore, each man carried with him cords for binding those barbarians, lest, if they were led away without shackles, they might escape. When the Scythians saw an infantry column approaching, they mounted their horses and rode out from the camp to fight. But the troops from Scopelos, as soon as they saw them coming out of the camp, forgetting their earlier insolence, turned to flight. But as the plain was level and quite devoid of any woods, no one escaped except the horsemen; they were all cut to pieces to a man. For as for the horsemen, I say, because the Scythians were still quite far off when the flight began, and also because the same were [the Scythians] occupied with cutting down the infantry, they arrived in the city unharmed. Thus, stupidity and an impulse devoid of reason precipitate men into the most immediate evils. After the Scythian incursion, Apocauchus, having designated Andronikos Palaiologos the Protostrator, his son-in-law, as supreme commander of the army and having committed to him the war at Didymoteichon, returned to Byzantium. The Protostrator made frequent incursions against Didymoteichon and would suddenly retreat; for there was no opportunity to harm the inhabitants, since nothing remained outside the walls. But the garrison, as he retreated, sustained the war by plundering the neighbors and seizing grain and livestock; and they were neither doing anything valiant, nor were they about to do so on account of the lack of food. When at some point the Protostrator attacked them, the metropolitan warned them by letter that they were exhausting themselves in vain labor by warring against the Emperor—the man, moreover, whose power they would be under completely not long after—and that they would not bring their plans to fruition, while in the meantime they would not cease to suffer and inflict great damage on others. He urged them, therefore, to be obedient and to cease their evil deeds. If it does not turn out as I say, he said, then the Holy Spirit has not spoken through me. As the courier was delaying because of fear that he would be held in ill regard because of this matter, the bishop ordered him to be of good courage, for only a few stripes...

it, non est locutus in me Spiritus sanctus. Tabellario iter abhorrente ob timorem, ne ista de causa haberetur male, episcopus jussit esse bono animo; tantummodo enim aliquot plagas ^A et hoc euenit prout ille prædixerat.

CHAPTER LII.

Anna the empress, when she learned that Cantacuzenus was held in the highest favor by the Cral and was preparing a return to Didymoteichon with an army, chose George Lucas and Macarius, the metropolitan of Thessalonica, as envoys to be sent to him. She promised to give him as many cities as they might agree upon, if only he would send Cantacuzenus to her in chains. ^B The Cral, having rebuked the embassy, refused them plainly; he declared that not only for a few cities, but not even for the entire Roman Empire would he be willing to commit such a crime, and he dismissed them empty-handed. They returned to Byzantium, but a short time later they were back again. The Cral related that in this second embassy all the western cities, except for Thessalonica, were offered to him, so that if he would not hand over Cantacuzenus the emperor, he might at least hold him detained in prison. But he again rejected the disappointed envoys, affirming that what they sought was in no way possible. Helena, the wife of the Cral, also bitterly rebuked them for requesting things that were wicked and shameful to themselves, and she indignantly drove them away. Similarly, all the nobles of the Triballi inveighed against them and convicted them of singular folly for hoping to obtain such things, which were of such enormous wickdness. ^C For all of them loved the emperor and could not bear anything that would be a harm to him. Whence one of them, by the name of Cabatzes, openly opposed them and threatened the envoys with death if they did not take themselves away as soon as possible. Many condemned them for their great stupidity, in that having with their own hands plucked out the eye of the Romans, so as to extinguish him utterly, they did not hesitate to betray both the cities and the Empire; as if they feared that if he returned, they should look upon him again. Thus they were repulsed by him also, who was angry. But Macarius, the bishop of Thessalonica, when he perceived that he was, as they say, inflating the net, and approaching Cantacuzenus, first chastised him for being altogether ungrateful toward his friend the deceased emperor, who had loved him so much and on whom he had conferred such great benefits, yet he now repaid his sons with the very opposite, plotting against their empire and their blood; the enormity of which deed God Himself loathed, not permitting it to be brought to a conclusion, but rather demanding punishment for this injury against him: ^D while He brought about that he should be a wanderer through foreign lands, placing his hope of salvation in others. Then he urged...

him, if he had not done so before, then at least now to consider what was advantageous, and to send an embassy to the Empress, and to become a suppliant to her, to the Patriarch, and to the senate, so that, having been deemed worthy of pardon for what had occurred, he might have some provision made for him ^A and not perish in exile, since no slight hope remained for him. The Emperor, however, said: "It is no wonder if a man who is drunk and carried away by a lack of sense should think that even the stable and unshakable earth is reeling; nor, if he is seized by madness, should he judge others also to be insane. Since you, therefore, are overcome by vain glory and the love of ruling and total ruin, and have committed the ultimate treason, it is no wonder if you condemn me, who have done no such thing, of the same crimes. For you know how I wrote to the disciples of virtue and lovers and cultivators of what is good on Mount Athos, and begged them earnestly to come to Byzantium and to discuss peace with the Empress, the Patriarch, and those whom you call the senate, and to persuade them to lay down the war which they have unjustly stirred up against me—who have done no wrong—by fabricating slander and accusations; and they also took you along with the others, as if you were a seeker of virtue supposedly desiring to risk everything for the sake of what is good and the common benefit. ^B But they, doing what was right, spoke the necessary things with frankness, and failed in nothing that fell to them; nor were they turned away by those who desired to corrupt them and twist them from the truth, despite the many promises they made, but they remained in their initial resolutions and in their judgment concerning the good and the just. For which reason they have suffered many painful things even until now. But you, defeated shamefully by the desire for rule and the glory associated with the high priesthood, have betrayed your fellow envoys along with justice and truth; to whom it would be fitting, with a slight change, to apply what the divine Paul said about Demas, and to say to you now: 'Macarius has abandoned us, having loved the present age, and has gone to Thessalonica.' You ought to have been mindful of them, and at the same time of these things which you do not fear to commit now, which are far more wicked and impious: while you try—almost with your own hand—to kill me, who have injured no one (evidently rendering worthy thanks in this way to those who entrusted the high priesthood to you), and while you stain your hands with the blood of the innocent; ^C thus you should not have accused me—who have never committed anything unworthy of friendship towards the Emperor—of being ungrateful and wicked in my will toward him. Therefore, concerning my gratitude toward the Emperor and his children, I will not utter a single word to you now, as you are thoroughly corrupted and both say and think unjust and lawless things concerning me, but I will do so later, whenever God wills. But as for what you said, that I ought to become a suppliant of the Empress and the Patriarch so that they might grant me pardon and make some provision for my safety, it is timely to answer with that saying: 'Daughters of Jerusalem, weep not for me, but weep for yourselves, and for your children' (Luc. xxiii, 28)." Such were the things the Emperor answered to him. ^D

CHAPTER LIII. The Thessalians surrender themselves voluntarily to Cantacuzenus. He recounts his fortunes to the envoys. He states the reason why he cannot come to Thessaly himself, and appoints John Angelus as prefect. The Thessalians receive him willingly. The bull which Cantacuzenus gave him to clear himself of the suspicion of aiming at tyranny, and the words of that same bull are recited, in which many things were said in a Christian manner and accommodated to pious customs. An exceptional commendation of John Angelus, whom he creates prefect of Vlachia and the fortresses. He enumerates the conditions imposed upon him.

^A At the same time, envoys from Thessaly also called him to themselves and begged him to rule over them; for both before this they had preferred his faction to the Augusta’s, desiring him as their prince, and at that time, having come to an agreement, they sent to him, summoning him to take the leadership. The Emperor, having expressed many thanks to them for their former goodwill and because they were now voluntarily submitting themselves to him, said that it would be extremely unfair if, when they had demonstrated such incredible and immense zeal for him, he should not seem to return that love in equal measure, nor reveal what he was contemplating in his heart. For he said that he did not think even they were unaware of what had happened to him at Gynæcocastron, and how both he and those of his friends who loved him most had been besieged by grave dangers, with his own people deserting, ^B the enemy pressing and harrying them, and much tumult and confusion having arisen in the army, on account of which evils they would have perished had not God stretched out a saving hand from heaven. I say, he did not think they were unaware of this. Further, that having been compelled to flee to Kral, the prince of the Triballi, he had been treated by him very magnificently and had obtained aid beyond his expectation. Therefore, recently with no small and bellicose force he had begun to hasten to Didymoteichon, so that, once his affairs were settled there, he might join with his friends. But when he was at Pherai, the commanders and the soldiers had become dangerously entangled in a sickness, and a great part of them had perished, so that he was therefore forced to turn back again into the territory of the Triballi. Now he was preparing to set out for Didymoteichon once again with an army. For this, if it should please God, would be of the greatest help to him for acquiring the whole Roman Empire. On this account, ^C he could not come to Thessaly at that time; for it would cause them more trouble than joy if, having dwelt there for a short time, he were to return to Thrace. But if they truly and sincerely wished to obey him, he would assign to them for the present, as praetor, John Angelus, who was most closely related by blood, and who was able to provide leadership and protect them from the enemy should any attack, being excellent as a commander in intelligence, courage, and military experience. He himself, when he was in Didymoteichon, provided no unforeseen event hindered him, would take care of their affairs with the greatest possible diligence and alacrity. He answered the envoys with these words, and ordered them to report these things to the Thessalians: if they agreed, then the matter would be carried out in deed. Having treated them with the courtesy that was fitting, he sent away with them one of his own household, Manuel the administrator, ^D to report what had been said by him to those in Thessaly. When they arrived there, and the soldiers and the nobles of the cities heard the response, they gave him most ample thanks for his benevolence and for the truth, of which he had been a most assiduous student from his boyhood, because indeed there was nothing feigned or timid in him, however afflicted and prostrate his fortune.

^A His intention, however, was to make clear to them how great the abundance of his love toward him was, and that, since he did not think it fitting for him to come to them himself at this time, they would gladly receive not only Angelus, his own kinsman and a man fully capable of governing them, but would also receive with promptitude anyone else he might send, even if he were far inferior to that man, and would show every mark of loyalty toward the Emperor. Such was the answer of those in Thessaly. When the Emperor heard this from his returning envoys, he sent his nephew, John Angelus, to be the governor of Thessaly.

Wishing to make it transparent to all that he had not taken up arms out of a design against the Emperor’s children, and that he had not conceived any plan to deprive them of the sovereignty even if he were once victorious, but rather that he himself was being attacked by the Empress who lent credence to slanderous men, he ordered a golden bull ^B to be drawn up for Angelus regarding the administration of Thessaly, and he caused the names of the Empress and of the Emperor’s son, John, to be added to it, so that Angelus and the Thessalians might profess subjection to them equal to that which they professed to him, and so that they might henceforth be under their obedience even more than before. The bull was worded as follows:

"Would that envy, that worst and most unjust of all evils, might perish! It was envy that originally thrust us out, though we had been fashioned by the hand of God and honored with intelligence—O inexplicable gift!—from those immortal delights. And yet, if after experiencing evils, to speak briefly, we had acknowledged that just condemnation and meditated upon better things, we might have obtained pardon and been restored to our former state. But now, as if we had done or suffered nothing harmful through our own folly, or at least had not been taught by the suffering itself to think ^C on what is necessary, we have, as it were, been deprived of our judgment, choosing badly to endure evils and seeking to accuse those in whose life no crime at all is found. And although we have been allotted an equal dignity by God and have been deemed worthy of the same care from Him, we have fallen miserably like madmen, and, being reduced to inequality, we have held that state in honor. For when we ought to have striven either to enter upon the same course of virtue or to contend as to who might surpass the other, so that we might outdo one another in good actions, we do precisely the opposite and are seized by a kind of most absurd disease. For it follows from the lineaments of our form that we excel in the habits of the soul as well. And because we have been deprived of that first and ^D truly blessed happiness, it has seemed that we must turn to another, a manifold one, entirely inconstant and at variance with itself. If anyone does not call this most foolish strife and fruitless turmoil, I do not consider him to be numbered among those who are prudent, nor do I think that nature has harmed him in this, but rather some depraved will."

Seeing that many are deprived of this mentioned and legitimate happiness for diverse reasons, [index: entries preserved]

^A and because some are accustomed by nature to take pride and pleasure in things where men are wont to show honor—one in wealth, another in fame and abundant sycophancy, another in military command and a life praised by the world, another in noble offspring and brilliant relations and friends—I admit that I, beyond all these and all other things commonly deemed blessed by the many (for I omit the naming of such things, lest I seem to take too much delight in the mere utterance of the words), had been granted by God everything most abundantly and easily, as if with a favorable wind. And if it were permitted for anyone now living, or for any who have lived in the past, to boast in any way about such things and to view themselves with pride, all would surely concede to me that I ought to have prided myself on all of these things in every way. Indeed, I was surrounded by a great abundance of happiness and all kinds of wealth, without experiencing any daily evil, a state which one of the ancient sages praised (9). But ^B I looked upon these things as if from a watchtower, seeing them honored and eagerly sought after at random, yet easily dissolved, as things that flow to men from without through some inconstant flux of fortune, which holds these things in a balance, whose one scale rises up as it is lightened, while the other is pulled down by the weight of a heavier burden. And while I thought that all other things were easily changed, as if I were one who would depart from them voluntarily—even if not always, perhaps, called away honorably by those from whom one usually departs—yet that group of friends which I mentioned before, I did not expect to change along with circumstances and times. But just as I was not about to separate myself from them to any degree, so I believed they would not act otherwise. Truth must be told: I found it most difficult to believe that those to whom I never ceased from doing good on every occasion would turn against me. But if we have suffered unspeakable things from these very people, and—oh, the grief!—have been most vehemently attacked by slanders, what need is there to say more? ^C But it was necessary—I say, it was necessary—for everyone to understand and to set before their eyes that nothing is firm or permanent. As for he who preceded us, the lord and most divine emperor, my noble brother, long the victim of the greatest injustices and dangers—though for the present we must overlook and spare those who inflicted the injury, unless this, which is most illustrious...

^A of all things, be added—we, having counted all things as nothing, having chosen to share the danger with him honorably, and having been pressed by countless terrors for his sake, persuaded by the laws of friendship and the obligations of justice, have caused him to triumph brilliantly over those who were treating him unjustly, having found God propitious. And we were again, throughout the whole of his life, solicitous for his living and reigning, and cherished him above all else, as all know, even when we chose to remain silent. I myself, then, as I have very often demonstrated to them by deeds before God, and now assert with a witness, would most willingly, and with prayer, have given up my own life, if only it were possible for him not to go to Hades. But since I desired this, and as far as it depended on me accomplished it with the greatest ease, yet it seemed otherwise to God, and he has died—would that he were still alive!—leaving behind for me a life not worth living, I have with all strength ^B and with the greatest care attended to the task that his spouse and children might live and reign, by the decree of the most divine emperor and of all those who followed, having been entrusted again, as before, with the administration of public affairs.

When all things were proceeding beautifully, and according to wish, and most correctly, and there was good hope that they would continue to do so, those who were seized by that deadly and truly most evil disease—envy, I mean—those whom we had raised up by our kindness before others, with that most wicked Apocauchus as their leader and author—who, like a serpent, hissed into the ear of the empress—led her astray from the right path, and perverted her will (for I will not say her understanding) toward us, strange to tell ^C; and this, when we were struggling so much on behalf of him and his son, the emperor, and were enduring countless labors for both; nevertheless, she attempted to recompense me with evils, or rather with death, me who, by the grace of Christ, had served her and the common good so well. Alas, what I have received in return for what! For when it was fitting for me to say the words of the divine apostle, "I have kept the faith, I have finished the course," and to be confident in what follows in the passage, that I would receive the crown (at that time, even if I were silent, the very deeds proclaimed my struggles, and demanded great things in return for great things), those who owed us—oh, the madness of the calumniators!—they, instead of peace, condemned us, and concocted charges against us, things that were not in our intent or contemplation; thus may He who perfectly knows the thoughts of hearts, ^D love us. But I shall defer these matters to another time, when, by divine gift, the truth shall clearly appear. Now, lest we be carried away by the momentum of our speech and be forced to linger on this subject, and consequently be deemed foolish while attempting to embrace large matters in a small discourse, we must proceed directly to the point at hand. After, therefore,

^A the envy of the demon, as has been explained, raged unjustly against us—men whom we had long bound to ourselves and made participants in our prosperity—they plotted horrible things against us with perverseness. While we were proceeding along the straight path that pertains to the common good, with God’s assistance, these wicked men strove and attempted to ruin us and those friends who were left to us, through wicked slander and wrongdoing. While the danger was meanwhile pressing upon us, we frequently consulted regarding our safety, yet no less did we tremble ^B before God, anxiously considering how those who had betrayed us might yet be saved. And so, to avoid the weariness that would arise from recounting the many details that lie between, when nearly all my friends, due to changed intentions brought about by the hard and perilous times, had deserted me for one reason or another, and even my own kinsmen and ministers, to whom the same or greater services were owed to me, had abandoned me in six hundred dangers by the mysterious judgment of God—at that time I sensed that the right hand of God alone was clearly assisting me, and was stoutly blunting the missiles hurled at me and the, if I may so speak, siege engines. ^C It then revealed itself to be more powerful than all the threats and fears of men. My most dear brother to my majesty (15), the lord John Angelus, having acquired the same root of lineage as I and flourishing with imperial blood, contended with his own exceptional merit to surpass everyone more by the nobility of his soul than he surpasses them in the nobility of his body; for he knew that the latter is born and wanes, while the former endures incorrupt. Therefore, it would be a long task to recount at present his strength of soul, his stable prudence, and his constancy in loving friends, on whose behalf he fears no danger, as well as the fitness of his body and its sort of harmony and vigor. But since, as they ^D say, the testimonies of enemies are more worthy of belief, the Illyrians, from whom he won singular glory, know and admit these things, as does the entire continent, and the Persians themselves, who, having often attacked him, appeared in every way inferior and evidently of no account. But as for what he manfully endured for my sake—the total spoliation of his money, the proscription of all his property, the loss of his crowd of servants, and the deprivation of all other things to which we see men succumb when broken—how he went into exile with me to the Triballi, how he was ready to lay down his very soul for me when the need arose, how he was to me one worth more than all others, and what and how great were the miseries he suffered with me—I pass over these, lest I appear foolish, narrating with pity the things that we then endured with a generous mind by the help of the Divine. I wish, therefore, to reserve his affairs for a longer narrative. And since, in truth, the matters discussed will be considered minor, one might, from a very few words and as if in passing, know the rest.

^A Let the greater part of these matters be passed over, as they are worthy only of being committed to writing and honored with words. We shall concern ourselves with rewarding in deed this our most beloved brother, who is flourishing in graces as his name suggests. For it is most just that he be benefited by us and deemed worthy of great rewards, not only because he is the man he has been shown to be, and because he bore a multitude of hardships with us and for us most gladly, but also because, through all his actions, he clearly promises that he will be advantageous to the common good and will carry off victories against the enemies who are brazenly occupying the lands of the Romans. ^B For this reason, our Majesty, wishing always to bestow and grant him grace, now also provides him with this golden bull as a testimony and as a prize for his struggles; through it, our Majesty commands, ordains, and decrees that the aforementioned, our most beloved brother, the lord John Angelos, be head or prefect of the fortresses and the region of Wallachia, as long as he lives, and that he attend to, hasten, and provide for their advancement and improvement toward the better, being bound to keep inviolate those things which he promised under oath to our Majesty—things which it might perhaps be considered superfluous and contrary to the dignity of so good a man and our most dear friend to set forth here in detail. But because for many reasons he is worthy of praise, so that he may walk a safe and level path, unobstructed by any obstacles and threatening no harm, let those things which were explained by us and accepted by him and confirmed by oath be here set forth distinctly, for the sake of security. These are as follows: That our most beloved brother, the lord John Angelos, ^C shall be a friend to the friends of our Majesty, and an enemy to our enemies; that is, whatever person it may be, if our Majesty has loved that person, let him likewise do so; but if not, let him be in the same way disposed toward that person, freely and without concern, just as we ourselves are. That he shall hold this prefecture of Wallachia for the entire term of his life, but he shall not have the liberty to transfer it to his son, unless our Majesty shall have ordered and approved this anew. That he shall owe the same subjection not only to our Majesty, but also to the lord John Palaiologos, the emperor, should we appoint him as our successor in the empire. But if by the permission of God the emperor Palaiologos should die, then toward him whom our Majesty, God willing, shall have designated as successor and heir to the Roman empire, in the same manner ^D

as the emperor Palaiologos, he shall owe such subjection. Let also the Lady Anna Palaiologina ^A and her son the emperor be proclaimed and commemorated throughout the whole region of Blachia, according to the custom practiced in our palace, guarded by God, and in the region itself, so that there also, whether they be metropolises, bishoprics, monasteries, or ecclesiastical rights, they may remain subject as of old to the most holy great Church of God, and let them enjoy, without interference, the revenues that accrue to them by various just rights. So that if our dearest son-in-law, the lord Nikephoros Doukas, or someone else should be sent by our Majesty to the despotate, he may maintain friendship with him, and each may keep to his own rights. But if by chance any difference ^B or dispute should happen to arise between them, let the matter be referred to our Majesty, and let it be rectified by it according to the understanding granted to it by God. Let the borders of Blachia and the despotate be preserved as before, so that no offense may arise, and so that when he takes the fortresses in the circuit of Blachia, he may hold them for his own prefecture, just as he holds the rest of Blachia, as stated above. Furthermore, regarding other lands that are situated beyond Patras, if it should be agreed by your Majesty to be at peace with the Catalans, let it be agreed by him also; and if we should be at war with them, he also shall be. And whatever lands shall come into subjection and obedience to our Majesty, ^C whether in another manner or through this very same brother of our Majesty, we shall have the power to appoint a prefect, according to our custom, whomsoever we may wish. So that if any of the leaders of the Blachi want to obtain offices from our Majesty, and to come to do obeisance to it, they may do this securely and not be prohibited by him. And in any western parts where our Majesty might have need of them, he shall serve with his whole body of Roman and Albanian troops. Beyond Christopolis, if our Majesty should have need, he shall serve with himself and as great an army as he can. Thus did the emperor concede the rule of Thessaly to John Angelos under such conditions, whom the Thessalians received gladly, as one sent by the emperor, and they promised to perform all that was ordained. ^D The people in Didymoteichon, since war was besetting them on all sides and no respite was appearing unless the emperor should quickly return to them, sent Michael Tarchaniotes to him, partly to inform him of their present state, and partly to urge him more strongly toward his return, as the necessity of the circumstances at Didymoteichon demanded. The emperor had already been thinking much about Didymoteichon.

CAPUT LIV

^A And the emperor had previously been in great anxiety about setting out for Didymoteichus; but then, having been exhorted by Tarchaniotes, he was all the more eager to hasten his return, and he urged the Kral to do the same. The army which was to accompany the emperor on his return was already prepared. Tarchaniotes, having filled the emperor and those about him with much pleasure and enthusiasm—for since the time the emperor had arrived among the Triballians, not a single person of note had come to him from home, due to the fear of those blocking the roads—had now returned to Didymoteichus, having eluded the enemy, and reported the situation concerning the emperor, and that he was prepared to return with his army a little later.

Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, sent messengers to the Kral to inform him that he would be sailing to Macedonia, and that he wished to meet him in order to make a treaty, which would be most to his advantage. The Kral, first asking the emperor if he allowed this, was not deterred, but rather the emperor yielded, and they agreed to meet at Amphipolis, the former by ships from the sea, and the Kral by horse from the mainland. The goal of this meeting for both men was that the Kral, if he could, might capture the Grand Duke Apocauchus alive, in retribution for the war against the emperor. For Apocauchus, the goal was to persuade the Kral not to wage war against him, being desirous of proclaiming Andronikos Palaiologos, his son-in-law, emperor of the Romans, and to restrain the emperor Cantacuzenus, not allowing him to return to Roman territory, as he would be an obstacle to his son-in-law’s reign; for he cared nothing for the others. Whether or not the Grand Duke truly desired this was never made clear, since the one who served in these matters and knew the secrets, Chreles, had died beforehand. For the Grand Duke had sent news of such things to the father of Andronikos, his son-in-law, in Pherae by means of some very close friends, and through his agency and the Kral, who was staying near Melenikon, he received the Kral’s responses; the Grand Duke would inquire again about what was needed, and he would respond in turn with what he thought.

The Kral, however, as was his true view, confirmed to the emperor Cantacuzenus that such was the intention of the Grand Duke, and deliberated on how they ^B ought to decide on these matters. The emperor advised him not to prevent it, but rather to cooperate, so that the envy of Apocauchus toward him might be made more manifest, and that it would be clear that he was not stirring up civil war out of goodwill ^C toward the empress and the son of the emperor, but in order to secure the Roman hegemony for himself by any means possible. The Kral, therefore, came with the emperor Cantacuzenus to the place called the Salt Lakes and pitched his camp, waiting for the Grand Duke’s arrival at Amphipolis, intending to meet him there.

Meanwhile, in Byzantium, others of the nobility and those of great reputation, having been accused by the Grand Duke of "Cantacuzenism," were dwelling in prisons ^D and were harassed with every sort of hardship. But those who had been of assistance to him for the war, and who were the ones making the empress believe that Cantacuzenus was plotting against her, were treated with only moderate severity by him, though he removed them from their posts; he did this to provide others with material against himself, so that after he had destroyed them, he might be free from blame, as if he had justly punished them because they had borne him ill will. Seeing this, and already prognosticating evil for their future, for themselves and for others...

they found they had no means to help themselves, as the Megas Doux had already brought everything under his own control. ^A George Choumnos, the Megas Stratopedarches, being one of those who had instigated the war, approached the Empress and quietly reproached the Megas Doux, saying that he was wasting public resources on nothing of necessity, and that a fleet being prepared for a war against the Epirote would be of no service whatever. For against whom would the fleet be positioned? Against Cantacuzene, who is himself among the Triballians and holds the city of Didymoteichon, which is situated far from the sea? He advised rather that they abstain from such fruitless expenditures and instead contemplate something that would redound to the advantage of the entire republic. This, he suggested, would be to establish peace and a treaty with Cantacuzene, which would promise the greatest utility. For, he said, having so unseasonably stirred up a war against him, and having prosecuted it most zealously, we have accomplished nothing; rather, he remains unscathed among the Prince of the Triballians and is in high favor, and we hear that an army is being conscripted with which he may return to Didymoteichon. And ^B the people of Didymoteichon have not slackened in their goodwill toward him, nor are they tortured by a war so close at hand; instead, they are behaving, to all the cities of Thrace, more cruelly than Cerberus, pillaging everything and devastating it to the ground. This does not seem to me to be in our interest, nor will it end in any good result. Therefore, it has occurred to me to advise that we establish peace with him. For now, while he is an exile living in a foreign land and seeking outside aid, he would readily agree to peace, if we were to request moderate terms. But if he were to return home and strengthen himself, I fear that he might deny us, even if we were to beg for it, relying, as is plain, on a confident expectation of victory. The Empress said that his counsel was reasonable, and that later, after consulting together, they would do whatever seemed beneficial; but for the present, since the expenditure had already been made and the pay given to the rowers, she thought it proper that the voyage proceed. ^C This she said to him because the Megas Doux had promised her that if he sailed to Macedonia, he would bring back Cantacuzene in chains, as if Crales had promised to hand him over if he himself were to come to him. And because she thought that Cantacuzene, having been worn down during the time of war by many difficulties—with his mother having died in prison, his son Andronikos having been afflicted for a long time by bonds and other hardships, and having been despoiled of an immense quantity of money; ^D and with many other things having been committed against him with insolence and contumely, and with his closest friends and kin having been driven out, some of them stripped of life and property, others reduced from the most illustrious and opulent state to poverty and thrust into custody—would not easily incline toward peace, but would instead desire to avenge himself in any way possible and return like for like. Hence, he thought that the counsels for negotiating peace were sluggish and languid, because he deemed the effort vain. For before things had come to such an indignity, and before they had raved against him with all cruelty and contumely, he had given many signs that he desired peace above all else: thus truly thinking that this war had been incited from the beginning out of hatred for him, and that he would not, toward him and his sons...

as the slanderers accused, be plotting, she had nevertheless deferred the discussion concerning peace. ^B Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, when the triremes were equipped, sailed for Amphipolis, ostensibly to discuss matters with the Crales against Emperor Cantacuzene, and to effect his surrender; but, as the Crales conceived, so that he might not oppose with arms the Emperor, who was the destined son-in-law of the Romans. This, however, could not be brought to any clear outcome; for while time was being frittered away, Chreles, who was privy to their secret affairs, died. And the Grand Duke departed from Amphipolis to Byzantium, confiding the secret matters to no one else. The Crales, meanwhile, busied himself with the care of the cities, the possession of which he had entered upon after the death of Chreles, and, selecting the best men from those assigned for the support of the Emperor, he left them as a garrison for those cities. He himself, taking the others, arrived with the Emperor at Pherae.

CAPUT LV.

Before inflicting devastation upon the land, ^C the Emperor sent an embassy to the Pheraeans and exhorted them to surrender the city, for he himself had sworn to them that he would be a friend and ally to those cities that would come over to the Emperor, but an enemy to those who resisted. Wherefore, if they followed his advice and willingly submitted to his power, he promised to depart immediately and never thereafter to trouble them. But if, being ungrateful, they spurned his warnings, he threatened to ruin the crops for them, to fell the trees, to lay everything waste most miserably, and to inflict upon them supreme disasters. The Pheraeans, however, sent the embassy away, replying to the envoys that they would sooner endure everything, even unspeakable things, than submit to servitude under Cantacuzene. ^D Driven to this no less by a lack of reason and judgment—so that out of the hatred they had conceived for the Emperor, they chose to suffer everything rather than be saved by his ejection—was especially Constantine Palaeologus, who at that time governed the city and was a close friend of Apocauchus, a sharer in his secrets, and maintained a pure faith and goodwill toward him, being the father-in-law of his son Andronicus; and the metropolitan, who, without having been provoked by any injury, had from the very beginning undertaken an implacable war against the Emperor. The Emperor, when they had sent the embassy away, perceiving that they were driven by their own senselessness into evils, and as the city—a city of the Roman Empire—

^A was about to be forcibly stripped from it and reduced to servitude under the Triballi, sent one of his own household assistants to entreat them to spare themselves, and not, out of hatred for him, to bring ruinous outcomes upon their own heads. He urged them to make some provision for themselves now: to receive neither him, nor a garrison, nor a governor into the city, but merely to name in their prayers the Empress Anna and her son, the Emperor, and to honor them with the same title, mentioning them in their holy rites as well. In this way, they might be freed from the evils of the siege; for the Triballi would no longer do them any harm, because of the treaty and oath by which those men were bound to him. Once he had returned to Thrace, and if it appeared that he had gained control over the rest of the Roman Empire, then they too would wish to be under his authority. But if God should decide otherwise regarding him and he should pass from among men, then they might indeed look to whoever was reigning over the Romans, if he were able to liberate them from their enemies, or—having corn and other abundant supplies—they could endure the siege. But let them not now take such poor counsel for their own lives that they would willfully choose disaster, and draw upon themselves a war when it was within their power, through prudence and sagacity, to be preserved. Such were the things the Emperor urged upon the people of Pherae, begging them to comply as it would be to their great advantage. ^B But when they heard these things, they poured forth many insults and calumnies upon the Emperor, saying that he ought to look to his own salvation and that of his companions, rather than to the safety of the Pheraeans. Moreover, they slaughtered the messenger, cut his body into four pieces like a savage and inhuman beast, and hung the parts from the towers by ropes. The Emperor took this indignity hard, judging that they had committed an act full of cruelty and thoughtlessness. He sent a letter to them via a certain Georgios, who had been captured outside, in which he reproached them for their inhumanity and the wickedness of their counsel, and prophesied the bringing upon them of many disasters, adding that they would then implore his aid when it would no longer be lawful for him to do anything but grieve for their lot. The Romans present were now afflicted by the greatest despair, reasoning among themselves ^C that, because the Pheraeans had dared to commit such an unspeakable crime, the road to any other city was now completely closed off to the Emperor. Wherefore, they approached him and besought him not to delay any longer, nor to allow them to waste their time laboring in vain, but to hasten to Didymoteichon so that, with their own comrades, they might either obtain some benefit if matters should progress for the better, or die together if need be. Since they desired the return above all else, it pleased the Emperor to follow their counsel; and, having bid farewell to Kral, and having taken up the troops that he provided to accompany him, they set out on their way. Kral, left behind at Pherae, was laying waste to the land, and was destroying and utterly ruining everything with fire and sword. The Emperor, noticing from far off at Pherae that the Triballi following him were nothing but an ^D useless mob (for Kral had previously separated the bravest of them and assigned them as garrisons to the cities which he had received after the death of Chrele, and in addition they were exhausted and worn out by the long expedition, for they had indeed followed Kral for more than two months),

and moreover they were seized with an uncontrollable fear, believing that they were not marching into Thrace, but to the Parthians or the Indians, from whence it would be impossible by any device to return home. For this reason they were sending back home their warhorses, weapons, and whatever else they were carrying that held use for war, so that these at least might remain for their children, as they were utterly doomed to perish. ^A Observing this, the emperor, not wishing to arrive at Didymoteichon so weakened that he himself might be besieged by the Byzantines—for that would have profited neither himself nor his men—considered returning to Kral to request an auxiliary force of sufficient size, so that he might arrive at Didymoteichon as an object of dread to his enemies, rather than be held in contempt for his weakness. When he shared this plan with the Romans who were with him, all, as if by a prearranged signal, declared that they would rather endure everything and face a thousand deaths than return to the land of the Triballi. For they did not think they were going to a land clothed in the sun's rays and inhabited by humans, but to the chasms of Hades and the dwellings of the dead, and to anything else more grievous. Though the emperor exhorted them at length to think more wisely and profitably, and urged them to obey, they turned their ears away from his words, deeming all the heavy things one could name lighter than that return to the Triballi. ^B The emperor, for his part, seeing that the danger of complying with his men was not small, so useless was their counsel and so rash their haste to act, yet not knowing what to do with the situation, and seeing that the men who were with him could not be persuaded, spoke much to them first and made it clear that because of their faintheartedness and servility, he was doing what was beneath his name, his imperial authority, and his military experience. Against his will, he bowed to their plan, exhorting them to take heart, for God would stand by them, just as he had often done before in no small dangers; and they resumed their journey. When they were not far from Christoupolis, they fell in with Rhacidytes, who had arrived from Didymoteichon and was carrying letters to the emperor from the empress, his wife, and from the others in Didymoteichon, ^C warning him to be cautious and not to march toward them rashly unless he brought a large force equal to such significant enemies. For the Protostrator Palaeologus, leading a large army of infantry and cavalry, was encamped at Peritheorion, waiting for his arrival in order to engage in battle. There, too, Apocauchus, the Parakoimomenos, was stationed in the harbor with the seventy triremes with which he had sailed into Amphipolis. The emperor, they advised, ought to deliberate about these matters and do whatever might seem advantageous. Now, regarding those letters, something quite marvelous occurred, a clear proof of God's providence toward the emperor. For when it was reported in Byzantium that he was returning with his army from the Triballi to Didymoteichon; and the Protostrator, leading his entire force of infantry and cavalry, had arrived at Peritheorion with great strength; and Apocauchus had for the same reason docked at Amphipolis with his seventy ships, having awaited the others with his own forces—

the emperor, and thought to intercept his return. Having stationed guards along the road, as is the custom, to capture any who might be traveling between the people of Didymoteichon and the emperor, he caught the messenger who was carrying this letter and brought him to the protostrator. Upon being questioned about the letters, he confessed that he had them and immediately handed them over. In them, the emperor was implored not to allow any sluggishness to delay him, but to hasten to them. For those in the garrison at Didymoteichon, both cavalry and infantry, had been pillaging the regions of Thrace and had provided themselves with the means of livelihood. Likewise, artisans and others who lived by the labor of their hands were living in abundance of the necessities. But the common citizens were being pressed very severely by want, having no resources from anywhere. For this reason, the empress, his wife, and the others were imploring the emperor to return as quickly as possible, so that his arrival might relieve the citizens of so great an evil. When the protostrator read the letters, pretending to do something clever and worthy of sagacity, he persuaded the messenger, by giving him gold and promising that he would be a benefactor to him and his household (for he was from Selybria), to carry the letter—transcribed according to his own judgment and manner—to Cantacuzenus as if it were the true and genuine letter of the emperor’s wife, and to say nothing of what had been done. The man did as was asked, and the protostrator, though unwillingly, benefited the emperor and those with him. For when it was read and those around the emperor heard about the army lying in wait—that it was many times greater than their own and strong in every way, being composed of veteran soldiers—they gave great thanks to God for His providence toward them and for the deliverance from dangers, and to the empress for her zeal and care for them. Gladly they turned back, 535 judging what had before seemed odious and unwelcome to be now very easy and most beneficial. Thus, the emperor and those with him were delivered from unexpected dangers, having benefited most greatly from the wickedness of their enemies. But the great duke, when he learned that he was leading a very small company, and one very easy to overcome, but had turned back because of the letters that his son-in-law had altered, was openly enraged and bitterly rebuked the man, who through his own folly had helped the enemy. And many of the faction of Apocauchus also accused the protostrator of breach of faith, asserting that he had knowingly and willingly helped Cantacuzenus, to whom he was secretly well-disposed. He, however, confirming it with an oath, asserted that he had intended nothing of the sort, but that he had been driven to this as if by some heavenly power, as he thought he would deceive Cantacuzenus, who was advancing with a numerous army, if he persuaded him, being terror-stricken, to turn back. These things were done in this way, and Cantacuzenus withdrew to the Kral. Apocauchus turned his course back to Byzantium, where the inhabitants received him with many plaudits and wondrous encomiums, calling him their savior, champion, and liberator. Rumor then spread everywhere that Cantacuzenus, not even daring to face the great duke, had returned in despair of his safety and was going off to the Holy Mountain to truly profess as a monk there.

^A For otherwise, it would not be permitted for him to remain alive. And festivals were held everywhere on account of the good news. A little later, the great duke imputed the peace scheme that had been deliberated with the great stratopedarch Chumnos to him as a crime; for it had not escaped his notice what he had previously said regarding the peace to the Empress. He shut him and his son away, unheralded, in his house. After him, he did the same to Constantine Asanes and his son, paying them the reward they deserved, because they had offered themselves as ministers to him for such great ruin of the Romans. Then he went after the others, just as a flame always consumes whatever it touches.

Chapter LVI.

Those who were at Didymoteichon, ^B when they learned that the emperor had returned again to the Triballians, were aggrieved and full of tumult and agitation. Empress Irene, perceiving this and manifesting a spirit greater than what is expected of the female sex, called everyone to an assembly and exhorted them not to consider the current state as utterly hopeless; for perhaps it might seem to God that it is more advantageous in this way. She ordered them to rouse themselves and not to lose heart, as many and great hopes still remained. She said that the Emperor would not delay in his return, but would arrive in a short while and would reward their goodwill, fortitude, and endurance toward him as they deserved. With words of this kind she wondrously revived the soldiers and stirred them to hope for better things. ^C It was decided that they should deliberate in common and create an embassy to Alexander, the king of the Mysians, and establish a covenant with him on these terms: that he should be an ally and friend to them, and assist them against their enemies, and fail in none of the things that a friend ought to do for them; and if Emperor Cantacuzenus returned, he [the Emperor] would personally pay him the rewards of this friendship and alliance. But if it should happen that he died, either in war or in some other way before returning, then the city of Didymoteichon, separated from the Roman Empire, would be surrendered to him. This, however, they had not truly and genuinely decided to do among themselves; but they were attempting to delude the Mysian for two reasons: ^D first, so that, enticed by this hope, he might bring them some assistance; and, again, so that Empress Anna and the Romans who were besieging them, hearing that they were bargaining with the Mysians about surrendering the city to them, might press the siege more slowly and grant a truce, fearing that if prodded by anger, they might surrender both themselves and the town to the Mysians. With this intention, they gladly

^A entered into the agreement, and the King of the Mysians accepted it and promised to assist them in every way. But the outcome was the opposite of what they themselves had expected. For Alexander, once those in Didymoteichon had made the agreement—thinking that if Emperor Cantacuzene did not return, they would surrender the city to him, and that if he could in some way destroy the Emperor, he would securely have the city—moved every resource to prevent his return, or if it were possible, to destroy him. He sent frequent embassies to the Crales, and to Helena his sister, who was the wife of the Crales, urging them not to release Emperor Cantacuzene, but to keep him under guard in prison, or even to kill him; for in this way, he argued, it would be possible to possess the Roman Empire without effort. The Crales, however, considered his suggestions vile and did not accept them, especially since his wife was also strongly opposing her brother in this matter. ^B Yet he sent as great an army as he thought sufficient to besiege the city of Didymoteichon, and ordered them to camp near the walls and keep watch, ostensibly as though they were going to assist them against the Romans who were besieging the town, but in truth so that they themselves might besiege and attack the city more thoroughly. And this is exactly what happened according to his plan. For as the Romans made frequent incursions but retreated very quickly, the inhabitants of Didymoteichon, finding an opening, would plunder the cities of Thrace by night and by day, and from the spoils and raids they found their means of subsistence. But when the Mysians arrived and pressed upon them continuously for many days, their situation became extremely desperate, and everyone was already in danger of perishing from famine; for the Mysians were preventing both the Romans from approaching Didymoteichon and the inhabitants of the city from exiting. For if any of them went out to plunder, as they were accustomed to do—for this was their ^C only necessity for survival—the Mysians, who were keeping a sharp lookout (and it could not be hidden from those who were taking such great providence and care in this matter), would strip them of their horses and armor and send them back to the city naked. And if the people from Didymoteichon reported those who had done these things to the leaders of the army, the leaders would adamantly insist that they knew nothing of the matter, and that those who dared such things were not their own soldiers, but Romans who were themselves going about to plunder. They would then tell them to go around the camp and take back their property from the robbers if they could identify them by any sign, and they would threaten the ultimate punishment if any such person were found. But these people were nowhere to be seen; for the leaders were immediately sending such plunderers back to Mysia with the booty. In this way, therefore, the inhabitants of Didymoteichon were ^D reduced to the greatest difficulties and a shortage of food. Then, observing the danger, the Empress Irene instructed the Mysians to depart from the city, saying that their help was no longer needed, as they had already provided enough, and that for this reason she offered great thanks not only to their king, but also to them themselves. The Mysians insisted that they would by no means depart, but would remain there continuously to provide aid in the name of the king. Tremendously disturbed and terrified by this response, the inhabitants of Didymoteichon thought that nothing remained for them but destruction. But the bishop of the city, observing these movements and the spirits of those resigning themselves to such an atrocious calamity, came forward into the midst to raise up and strengthen those who were wavering: for he

^A instructed them that they should by no means depart, but remain there continuously, assisting him; for so it had been enjoined upon them by their emperor. This apology caused much disturbance and alarm among those at Didymoteichon; for by this time, destruction appeared to them to be lacking in no respect. But the metropolitan of the city, seeing them now shaken and yielding to the excess of their misfortune, came forward into their midst and encouraged them, and would not suffer them to lose heart, saying that all these things were being done here at the will of God, and that such trials were permitted by Him, so that the love you bear for your emperor might be tested; for he will arrive in a short time, and will requite everyone with the fitting benefits. Do not imagine, he said, that he reigns without the will of God; for he himself knows this most clearly. For he said that he had at first doubted regarding him, whether he had come to this position not by the good pleasure, but rather by the sufferance of God, yielding to his own desire and impulse, and fearing lest he himself also perish with those who had conspired against God; and that he had devoted himself to prayers and vows, and had importuned the Divine ^B in order to be taught concerning him, whether or not He was angered by what was happening. And that it was revealed to him by the Spirit that it was indeed in accordance with the good pleasure of God that Cantacuzenus should reign, and that, having been persuaded by this and having laid aside all hesitation, he remained at Didymoteichon, co-operating with the will of God to the best of his ability. For no one could accuse him of requiring anything in the present life from the emperor; for he had neither previously, nor up to this time, requested such a thing from anyone. And he exhorted them now to stand courageously against the onset of their evils, as these would not last for long, but would be dissolved shortly thereafter, once God looked upon them with His favor; for you will see these Mysians who are besieging you under the pretext of friendship—and who have brought upon you the present destitution—within ^C seven days, at most, trampling upon one another in their flight, seeking their safety in escape, and you will be delivered from the evils that now encompass you. Such were the things the metropolitan said, and better expectations immediately came to all of them, and they were relieved of their despondency. For they felt that he knew the future even better than another knew the past, and they openly paid attention to him as to a prophet. They were perplexed, however, as to what might be the cause of the Mysians’ future flight.

The same high priest also wrote to the grand duke Apokaukos to this effect: that he was at a loss as to why, having often previously, in many matters, had proof of him, and having seen most clearly that the outcome of his words was not delayed for long, nor pertained to others, but to himself, he now entirely disbelieved him and considered the things spoken by him as empty words. But he himself, even though he was unwilling to be persuaded, ^D nonetheless wished to offer counsel that he believed would be profitable both to him and to the whole Roman empire. For it had been revealed to him by God that it was fitting not for him, but for Cantacuzenus—who had formerly held the office of grand domesticos, and who had now been made emperor—to act as guardian to the children of the deceased emperor, and to reign with them. Hence this had been divinely granted to him: for him to be subject to him, and to manage naval matters and hold command at sea. And he warned him to be content with what had been given, and not to overstep his bounds, and he pleaded with him to listen to him; for nothing good would come to him if he acted against the divine counsel. He himself also, at the time of the creation of Cantacuzenus, had at first taken it most grievously and had wondered whether perhaps it seemed otherwise to God, but he had devoted himself to prayers and had been taught by Him with these very words: "Thus I will, thus it is well-pleasing, thus I decree, that John Cantacuzenus shall reign; let it be so." What therefore God

^A has been pleased to establish, it is not lawful for any mortal to attempt to render void, for he cannot. He prayed, moreover, that he would not ascribe these things to any glorification or ostentation of virtue; for he had not fallen into such a chasm of pride as to utter such lies against God, but [said these things] for the benefit of many, who were perishing in the war so unjustly and against every law of justice, and in order to free him [the addressee] from this error, while he trusted that he would be superior to the Emperor Cantacuzenus; to which if he would attend, he would soon understand what a great service he would do. If not, he would at least clearly recognize that he was a friend of the truth, from whom he had learned these things. Such were the letters of the Metropolitan of Didymoteichon to the Great Duke, in which he clearly predicted that Cantacuzenus would overcome his enemies. Having read these, he made no reply.

However, he predicted not only many such things concerning the Emperor, but no small number regarding certain private individuals as well. For when Michael Bryennius, the governor of Pamphylia, had been targeted by plots of the populace and had been led in chains to Byzantium, and had been condemned to prison by the ^B magistrates, and shortly thereafter, for some slight reason, had been so cruelly lacerated with scourges by the captain of the guard in a fit of mad fury that he was thought to be dead—when the report reached Didymoteichon to his relatives, and they asked the Bishop to disclose the death of her husband to his wife, that she, being restrained by her reverence and modesty toward him, might not take her own life at the news of such a disastrous event—the Bishop said that Bryennius was not dead, but had been beaten so atrociously that salt was needed to restrain the pus and inflammation from the scourging. Nevertheless, he said that he was still living, and had been whipped so inhumanly for certain other more secret reasons, and that his return to his wife and children would be the principal result. For after being released from prison to nurse his wounds, he would take flight to Didymoteichon. In the course of time, however, and with the Emperor present, he would die fighting for him. And the outcome taught that all these things were true. For Bryennius, having been released from prison so that he might be healed by doctors, found an opportunity to escape and arrived home safely; afterwards, in the battle against Momitzilum, he perished before the feet of the Emperor.

Such grace had he been deemed worthy of by God, and he foreknew future things as if they were seen before his eyes. As for the Mysians, who had their camp near Didymoteichon, not long after, having learned from their scouts that the Persians had brought their fleet to the mouth of the Hebrus, they were terrified by the commotion and, as the Bishop had predicted, fled, trampling one another, and it was not apparent where on earth they had hidden themselves. The people of Didymoteichon, ignorant of the cause of the flight, wondered why the Mysians were so troubled. After a short interval of time, it was announced that Amurius, son of Aitine, a man greatly fond of Cantacuzenus, who had previously given many proofs of his goodwill and affection toward him (for the sake of whom he had even assisted the Emperor Andronicus the Younger in the war against Phocaea and Lesbos), upon learning that he was struggling with grave ^C misfortunes, and that the entire Roman Empire

^B was hostile to him and that he had fled to the Triballi, and that Didymoteichon—which was left as the sole refuge for his wife, children, and the rest of his remaining friends—was being pressed by a severe and protracted siege, and was perilously close to perishing with all hands, like a friend’s ship, ^A he embarked with three hundred and eighty ships in total, both large and small, in which twenty-nine thousand troops were reckoned, and put in at the mouth of the Hebrus. Having sent envoys to the Empress Irene, he announced these things; he also declared that he himself would arrive shortly. The Empress Irene sent him such soldiers as she had, as well as the more noble men, to meet him, and a hundred horses, so that he might use one himself to avoid traveling on foot, and distribute the others to his companions. Those who were leading them explained that they should not be offended by this small number; for, because of the current war, there was a scarcity of horses, and it was impossible to supply more in addition to these. Umur accepted the horses not unwillingly; he thanked the Empress for this favor and distributed them among the nobler Persians, especially those more advanced in age. Having inquired about the Emperor, who was dear to him, as to whether he was alive—and this he asked while sighing profusely and shedding tears from his eyes out of sympathy—when he heard that by God’s grace he was still alive, he first offered thanks to the Divine, by whose aid he and his men had been so prompt and magnanimous in protecting him; then he thanked those who had come to meet him for the same reason, and declared that he owed much to them for having exposed themselves to such varied and immense dangers for his sake; and surrounded by two thousand selected soldiers, he himself proceeded to the city on foot. Although those who had come to meet him from Didymoteichon begged him to use a horse, and offered additional ones beyond the hundred, he was not moved, saying that there were two thousand noblemen, who were the first worthy to ride. But since there were not enough horses to be distributed among so great a number, he preferred to go on foot himself, sharing the labor and making the tedium of the journey lighter for them. Thus he arrived at Didymoteichon, where he stayed a few days, during which it was necessary for him to procure sustenance by plundering the Thracian villages of the Didymoteichans; and after they had transacted the business to their satisfaction, having gathered a great quantity of grain and other suitable provisions along with the cattle.

he ordered that whatever booty was in his tents should be given to those in Didymoteicho. And it was carried out as ^A he ordered. Moreover, he selected five hundred from those two thousand picked men and, from the rest of the army, nine thousand, and sent them to the ships to guard them for his return; he ordered the rest, amounting to twenty thousand, excluding the one thousand five hundred picked men, to follow him, as he was about to set out to the emperor. He himself marched on foot, as did all the rest, with the exception of those one hundred who, because of the infirmity of old age, could not travel on foot. And when they came to the wall near Christoupolis, since those who were in the garrison there were unable to stand against such great numbers, they abandoned their post, and the Persians passed through the gaps in many places, and spent the night not far from there.

Chapter LVII

The Pheraeans, having learned that ^B the Persian force was about to pass through their territory, and fearing the damage that it was going to inflict upon their land—and, moreover, being antagonistic toward the emperor out of hatred in case he should be helped in any way by the Persians—decided that they must deceive the commander of the army, and they forged letters as if from the emperor and sent them to him. In these, after the greeting, great gratitude was expressed to Amurius for his goodwill toward him, for which he had endured many labors and expenses on his behalf; then he urged him to turn back from the place where he received the letter, lest he inadvertently do harm while desiring to do good. For he [the emperor] was staying in the farthest reaches of the land of the Triballians, from which it was not easy to return now. If they were to march toward him through the middle of the land of the Triballians, there was ^C fear that the prince of the Triballians, turning his present friendship into anger and hatred, might deal with him harshly as one who had brought a barbarian war and plague upon him. Such things were written in the letters. When Amurius had read them, suspecting no fraud in their contents, but believing they had truly been sent by the emperor, he wrestled with uncertain thoughts: whether he should turn back according to the instructions, or go on to him, as it was difficult to search for him again with such a large army ^D while carrying them...

But as he reflected thus ^A during the night, an extraordinary winter storm set in; it was so severe that two hundred of his army died from the cold, and it forced him to turn back, as many of the letters also urged his return. When he reached Bera, where his ships were riding at anchor along the Hebrus river, he found that that very night three hundred of his men on the ships had died. Of the captives, save for a few, all had died—only a few remained, for Amurius himself had forbidden his soldiers to disperse further for plunder, due to the proposed expedition. Having written a letter to Empress Irene explaining the necessity of his return, and excusing himself from coming back to pay his respects to her on account of the winter, he sailed back home.

After this, since the winter was most severe that year, the people from Byzantium and the rest of Thrace stayed quiet and did not attack those in Didymoteichon, but were forced to winter in their homes. But the latter, compelled by ^B necessity and daring things most terrifying to others, set out from the city for plunder—slightly more than two hundred foot soldiers and fewer horsemen—and were so overtaken by a fierce winter that they were forced to arrive as deserters to the enemy, failing already from the cold. The foot soldiers, having all gone together to the small town of Lititza, since the governor of the town secretly favored the Emperor, shut the men in one house as if they were being held in custody. Having refreshed them with a fire and other necessary supplies, after the third day he willingly gave them the opportunity to escape; and all of them having fled returned together to Didymoteichon. For this reason, that host came under suspicion among the enemies of the Emperor. As for the horsemen, they were scattered in different directions, and some happened upon a kind host and returned home without experiencing any ills, as friends of the Emperor assisted in their ^C safety; but the majority of them were entertained slightly more humanely by their hosts than the companions of Odysseus were by the Cyclops(19). In fact, not one of them was killed, but after some time, they returned to Didymoteichon a few at a time, naked and having experienced many painful trials.

When spring was already beginning, those from Didymoteichon went out against the cities in Thrace and did evil, plundering them, so that many of the cities, exhausted by the continuous attacks and robberies, wanted to defect to Empress Irene. Even if those in Didymoteichon did not accept them, they claimed they would perish if they acquiesced. For they did not have a wealth of guards whom they could give to protect them, and they themselves would suffer from famine if they were not allowed to plunder their neighbors, for no other source of support was available for them to sustain their lives. ^D They harassed the city of Byzantium as much as they could, and Emperor Cantacuzenus was preparing to return there again, to whom Crales was providing some aid, but neither large nor brave. Wherefore, pulled by various thoughts, he was full of doubt, whether, with the power of the Romans reformed, he should return against the Triballi, or with so small...

^A and so mean a force venture against the entire Roman Empire. But the greatest of his difficulties was that the money which he had brought with him from home had been spent on the many men who were with him—for they had all been supported by the Emperor’s funds for the two years in which they had been in exile, having been driven from Roman territory—and that he was at a loss as to what he ought to do regarding those who led the armies of the Triballi, whom he was also compelled to honor, if it were not permitted to pass through the enemy’s lands to Didymoteichon. For it was neither possible to have money sent from there, nor to borrow it from the Triballi; for some of them were enslaved in every way and lived in the depths of poverty, and those who were not in need were unwilling to lend, because they saw the Emperor always afflicted with greater troubles and suspected that he would be utterly ruined before he could return home. For this reason, he was tossed by a great storm of thoughts, reflecting on his poverty, by which he and those around him would be entangled and meet an inevitable danger. ^B Yet he revealed his secrets to no one, and besought only God, who has the power to put an end to such matters. Suddenly, a man named Arbenos approached him, a native of the town of Clerenos, which was formerly subject to the Romans, and recalling his father’s goodwill toward the Emperor, he stated that he no less wished now to serve him and to benefit him as much as he could. Nor is it to be wondered at that a man so abject and obscure should promise his aid to a man of such illustrious birth, such an admirable and great man; for even a mouse, as in the fable (20), once freed a lion from many harsh bonds. He advised, therefore, that since he ^C had been sent to the Cral, he should negotiate with the Berrhoeotes about surrendering the city, and having induced them with many promises, he should himself write to his friends, and through them persuade the others to receive him into the city; for it was large and populous, and fortified with a garrison and everything else, and could be a not insignificant comfort in his present evils. For he himself, although subject to the Cral, felt that Berrhoea and the other western cities were unhappy to acknowledge the Cral as their master, to whom they would submit unwillingly, whereas they were inclined toward the Emperor. Hearing this, the Emperor rejoiced, and took heart from so many cares, thinking that the divine Will had looked upon him and had moved the man by His inspiration. ^D He then asked whether he knew the leading men, and to whom he should be urged to write. Upon his affirming that he knew them all, and naming the best among them, the Emperor, complying with his sound advice, wrote without delay. Arbenos further persuaded him to try, if possible, to move the Cral to cede it to him, and to openly plead his cause before the Berrhoeotes. For this would be most useful to the Emperor, and this meeting would create no danger for him, if the city were granted to him.

(20) These fables, as I think, are to be found neither in Aesop, nor in Gabrias, nor in any other mythographer. Yet it is fit to teach that powerful men sometimes have need of the help of small things and of men who are not at all powerful. For what is more abject or more invalid than a mouse? What is more noble or more robust than a lion?

^A to serve, but rather to be well-disposed toward the Emperor. The Emperor, having heard this, rejoiced greatly at what was said and breathed more easily, free from many anxieties, thinking that God had provided some providence for him and had moved the man toward such things. He asked if he knew the most prominent of the Beroeans and to whom among them he advised him to write. When the latter said that he knew them all but had selected those who were the best, the Emperor was persuaded that he had advised well, and he wrote immediately. Arbenus further advised that, if possible, he should also persuade Crales to concede to him and speak openly in his favor to the Beroeans, for such a thing would be of the greatest benefit to the Emperor, and the meeting would bring no danger to him later if the city should come over to the Emperor. The Emperor was persuaded at once ^B and, going to Crales, asked if he would be willing to send Arbenus to Beroea. When Crales agreed, he said, "I wished to write myself and to exhort them to receive you into the city. But reflecting upon how the Pheraeans behaved, having killed the envoy, I desisted from the enterprise, fearing lest I might be the cause of some other similar evil." He advised him rather to write himself in his own favor, and at the same time to permit Arbenus to make known to the Beroeans the treaties and oaths between them, and how it would also be to your pleasure that they should go over to him. He allowed him to draft the letters himself, however he thought advantageous. He ordered Arbenus to speak to the Beroeans on the Emperor’s behalf and to make it clear to them that he considered it to make no difference whether they came over to him or to the Emperor. And so their plan reached its conclusion. Arbenus, having come to Beroea, presented the letters of Crales to be read before the assembly ^C and secretly distributed those of the Emperor to those who were suitable. The Beroeans, who even before had chosen the Emperor’s side—both the aristocrats and the commoners alike—and who were at that time being pressed by the war of the Triballi, for they made many and continuous raids upon them and were doing much harm by plundering the countryside, and seeing now that they stood in extreme danger of being forced to serve the Triballi, and being urged on also by the aristocrats (since, save for a few, all were attached to the Emperor), they voted for the Emperor’s return. Immediately they chose envoys: from the aristocrats, Astrap-heres; from the people, Alleluia; and from the order of the clergy of the church, one named Syrus; and they sent them to the Emperor, begging him to come to them as quickly as possible. When the envoys arrived, they declared to the Emperor the city’s ancient goodwill and how, because this civil war had been stirred up against the Romans, they had been in suspense and had prayed for his arrival, and were eager to offer themselves to him and to help finish the war. When because of the treachery of those around him ^D difficulties happened to him and he went abroad to the Triballi, they had wished from the very beginning to invite him into the city, but fearing lest because of these things

they might be distressed, they arrived and were ready to receive him with great pleasure and eagerness. They counseled him not to delay and not to put off the time, lest some other event should occur to harm the undertaking. The Emperor then thanked the city greatly for its goodwill, and the envoys for their zeal toward him, and he announced to Cralis everything the envoys from Berrhoeas had said. Cralis was surprised that he had not decided to finish the matter himself, just as the other cities had ^B done in regard to the Emperor’s commands. But Helena, his wife, brought great eagerness to the matter and urged the Emperor not to let the opportunity slip, but to deem everything secondary and concern himself only with securing Berrhoeas. She argued that the return to Didymoteichon was necessary, but that securing Berrhoeas would be no less beneficial, as it could contribute greatly to the war. She also advised him not to wait for the army being prepared for him, but to take the Germans—as many as Cralis and she herself would provide, who, being mercenaries, are always prepared for expeditions—and hasten with his own men to Berrhoeas. If they accepted him as they promised, and if he should need that army later for aid, it could arrive prepared; but if they changed their minds and sent him away, he could return, use the army that was already prepared, and attempt the return. Such advice did Cralis’s wife offer the Emperor, and she herself provided her own Latin mercenaries and persuaded her husband to do the same.

The Emperor having thanked Cralis and his wife greatly for their friendship, and for the zeal they had shown him, came to Berrhoeas with the mercenaries and the Romans who were with him. They received him gladly, opening the gates, and offered themselves ^C for military service with the greatest readiness, desiring praise and glory, and at their own expense. Immediately, Servia, a city situated on the borders of Thessaly, surrendered voluntarily, as did Platamon, another seaside city, and not a few forts—one called Petra, another Soschos, and a third Staridola. The Emperor, having collected no small force from the surrendered cities in a short time, and having also sent for his cousin John Angelos with the Thessalian cavalry, marched against Thessalonica and encamped at Galykos, not far from the city. For he hoped that those who were partial to him would effect his entry into Thessalonica, since he had already conversed with them regarding this through intermediaries; but it did not turn out as he expected. For the Zealots and the populace, suspecting that he had not arrived without having spoken to certain people about handing over the city, kept guard of the city most diligently, so that those who had chosen the Emperor’s side could accomplish nothing of what they wished to do. Thus the reception of Thessalonica was hindered. The Emperor, however, still remained in camp, not entirely ^D despairing of the undertaking. Cralis, after Berrhoeas and the other cities were received, and perceiving that he was now able to bring aid to himself, on account of the intervening cause, changed his faith and, due to past (necessity)

CHAPTER LVIII

The Emperor, having given thanks for the friendship of Cralis and his wife—both for that and for their great concern for him—came to Berrhoeas with his mercenaries and his own Romans, and was received joyfully with open gates; and the citizens offered themselves to fight at their own expense, with a certain desire for praise and glory, most promptly. Soon also Servia, a city set on the borders of Thessaly, surrendered of its own accord, and Platamon, a maritime city; likewise not a few small towns, such as Petra, Soschos, and a third, Staridola. The Emperor, from the cities that had surrendered, having collected in a short time no small body of troops, and having also summoned his cousin John Angelos with the Thessalian cavalry, turned his attention to Thessalonica, and pitched his camp by the river Galykos, not far from the city: because he hoped that those who favored him would effect his entry, concerning which they had already conferred with him through intermediaries; which happened otherwise. For the zealots and the people, having suspected that he arrived not without some communication having been held with certain parties concerning the surrender of the city, were guarding it most diligently, so that the friends of the Emperor could do nothing of what they wished to do. Therefore the reception of Thessalonica was hindered in this way. None the less, the Emperor, with hope not altogether cast aside, remained in his camp. Cralis, after Berrhoeas and the other towns were received, and perceived that he was able to afford aid to himself, the cause intervening, changed his faith; and the past (necessity)

^A was turned into bitterness, as he blamed himself for not holding the Emperor fast, and strove by every means to undo his power. Having sent an order, he recalled his own mercenaries, not revealing his hatred, but alleging other specific causes. He also counseled Michael Monomachus, who was at that time the Great Konostaulos and prefect of Thessalonica, to send forces to march against the Emperor and not to be overly fearful, ^B especially since he still possessed only a small force, and the best of his present strength was being taken away from him by him [the Kral] at that very moment. For he had recalled the mailed Latin knights, who were his own troops, so that they might not grow in strength, but rather that he might attack him while he was still weak and incapable of resistance. For if he were not hindered by them, and were content only to keep themselves safe, he would very quickly bring ruin upon them, as he had acquired a great force. Monomachus and those in Thessalonica, hearing these things and thinking that the Kral was going to ^C invade the Emperor, deferred to a consultation when it came time to go forth to battle. But the Germans, upon hearing the mandates of the Kral, condemned his great malevolence and fickleness of character; and approaching the Emperor, they told him what had been commanded to them, begging him not to be anxious but to have courage, as they would fight on his behalf against the Kral himself if he were to attack, for they said such was their custom—and if they did so, they would not be spoken ill of by their own people. "For if," they said, "we were ordered by him who pays our wages to aid and support some other person sitting ^D securely at home, we would easily withdraw at the command of the one who pays the wages. But to desert one who is leading an army and has drawn up his battle line for combat is abhorrent to our traditions, since it is manifest treachery; wherefore we would commit nothing of the sort, since nothing else could brand us with a more shameful mark of infamy. Since this is so, we will not desert you here as he commanded; but when we have established you in safety at home, we will then withdraw." They also counseled him not to procrastinate, but to return to Berrhoeas as quickly as possible, for it was now clearly evident that the Kral was intending to make war. The Emperor praised them for their goodwill toward him and for their nobility of character, and, being persuaded, he turned back along the route they advised, being unable to accomplish any of his plans due primarily to the change of heart of the Kral. But the army in Thessalonica, as soon as they learned that the Emperor was turning back, came out of the city and followed him, providing the appearance that they were about to attack; but they dared not engage in battle. On the same day, letters from friends in Thessalonica reached the Emperor, notifying him that on that same day, Apokaukos, the Grand Duke, had arrived at Thessalonica with seventy Roman ships and thirty-two allied Persian ships; and that the cavalry from Byzantium, Thrace, and Macedonia were expected to arrive not long after. The Emperor thanked his friends for the report. He himself came to the Axius River and attempted to cross, but was not able because the river, swollen by sudden heavy rains, had overflowed.

^A The emperor thought it a serious matter, and one worthy of much deliberation; for the act of crossing the river, which flowed through the territory subject to the Kral, aroused no small suspicion, as it was thought that he had become an enemy and was encamped nearby with his army. He also suspected that to remain encamped, awaiting the water’s force to subside, would not be to his advantage; for he feared that, as was likely, if the cavalry from Thrace and Macedonia—which were many times more numerous than his own—combined with the heavy and light-armed soldiers from the triremes and the Persian allies arrived, he would not be able to defend himself in a pitched battle while leading such a vastly inferior force. Another factor occurred which caused even more alarm. A body of Triballians had come to the opposite bank of the Axius and, sending to the emperor, claimed they had come for the sake of alliance, but that he was in need of their assistance against the army threatening from Thessalonica. ^B They were intending nothing righteous; rather, whether they had been secretly sent by the Kral or had guessed the mind of their lord on their own—knowing that he had decided to make war on the emperor—they came with the intention that, if a battle were joined, they would join the side that had the upper hand and plunder the defeated. This seemed to the emperor to be the most dangerous thing of all, if in the very heat of the clash he were compelled to attend to both the Romans and the Triballians drawn up against him from either side. Nevertheless, distracted by this difficulty and anxious care as to what he should do, he decided to spend the night there.

He gathered together the nobles, and his cousin Angelos, and furthermore his sons Matthew and Manuel—who, although they had not yet passed their youthful years, were inferior to none in intelligence and counsel due to the greatness of their character and the excellence of their nature. Furthermore, because they had already campaigned for a long time with their father, they were not only outstanding in war, and permitted nothing to be lacking in magnanimity, fortitude, and endurance in difficult situations, but they were also quick to perceive what was right and agile in executing those things in times of peril, and were capable of advising others. For this reason, the emperor used them for those deliberations that were in most need of serious thought, and he followed their advice not infrequently—not out of favoritism, for the necessity of circumstances did not allow it, but because he thought it most advantageous. So, with them and the others, after consulting far into the night, it seemed best to the emperor, and then to all the others, not to remain there, but to prefer the lesser of the dangers: to move along the Axius and look for a ford, if it were possible, ^C where it might be crossed, reckoning that it was better to encounter the Triballians again—whom perhaps they might be able to ward off in some way—than to fall into the hands of the Romans and their barbarian allies. These things, then, were determined by them.

CHAPTER LIX.

Now, a certain man who was born in the village of Gaurobos across the Axius, in the region opposite the place where they were encamped, approached the tent

^A of the Triballian army where they were spending the night, and requested to have an interview with the Emperor, saying he had something necessary to discuss with him. Upon being brought in to the Emperor, he first of all acknowledged that he owed him a debt of gratitude for a certain ancient favor. He then revealed that a force of Triballians, consisting of infantry and cavalry under the command of one known as Bozikes and as a second, Stephanos, had been sent by the Cral to harm the Emperor whenever they could. He explained that they had prepared themselves in such a way that if the Emperor’s troops should use small boats to cross the river, they would attack and destroy those who crossed first; then, by blocking the crossing against the others, they would themselves remain unharmed, while the Emperor, with those remaining, would be easily cut down by the army from Thessalonica, now rendered simple to manage. He said that this was the plot the Triballians had devised, but that he alone knew of a ford, unknown to the many, where the river could be crossed easily; and he claimed he would point it out as a way of showing his gratitude to the Emperor. The Emperor praised the man and promised him a reward. When it became light, they set out from their encampment and proceeded along the riverbank towards the place the man was leading them. Similarly, the Triballians on the other side moved along the river bank in parallel. When they arrived at the crossing, the Triballians on the opposite bank drew up in battle formation to block them and began casting projectiles from a distance. The Emperor, however, together with his bravest men, made a daring assault, and with no regard for their own bodies, crossed the river while being pelted and blocked by the Triballians. Once they had crossed, they did not tolerate the enemy even for a moment; rather, the enemy turned in flight, defeated. The Emperor, feigning ignorance of the plot, did not allow his men to pursue or kill those who were fleeing, because he did not want to provide the Cral with any pretext for war. The rest of the army crossed over at their leisure, without suffering any losses. The Emperor rewarded the man who had pointed out the ford generously and returned to Berrhoea, offering many thanks to God for his own safety and that of his army; for they had been in danger, if ever they were. On the same day, the army from Thrace and Macedonia, along ^B with the heavy and light-armed troops from the galleys and the Persian allies, arrived at the Axius to join the Emperor. Learning that he had already crossed and returned to Berrhoea, they were saddened that they had arrived too late, and returned to Thessalonica. The Emperor, for his part, recognized God’s providence concerning him more clearly than ever at that time. When he arrived in Berrhoea, he rewarded the Germans for their goodwill toward him with gifts and sent them off to the Cral; he also sent a report about those who had blocked the crossing of the Axius, stating that they had committed a wrong, and that they had acted contrary to the treaties and the oaths they had sworn to one another. The Cral, not yet wishing to declare war openly, and wanting to oblige the Emperor with some service (since the ambush with which he had plotted to destroy him had not succeeded), sent Bozikes and Stephanos, the commanders of that army, to the Emperor to pay the penalty, granting him the right to pronounce whatever sentence of punishment he might choose for them; for he said he could not pronounce anything but a just one. The Emperor reproached them for their wickedness, ^C that they had committed such a nefarious act, and regarding the Cral’s friendship toward him...

^A they had dared to do what was both unjust and unworthy, yet he subsequently granted them pardon and released them, having acted with kindness.

Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, since he failed in the battle and was unable to follow the Emperor to Berrhoea, endeavored to incite the Cral against him by sending gifts and making many promises—though the Cral was already of his own accord spurred toward this. He sent a certain man named Synadenus to the Emperor, confirming with the most fearful oaths that he harbored no hatred toward him, nor did he wish him any ruin, nor did he desire or seek it in any way; rather, he had been swept into this war by a certain surge and heat of events. Since, however, the state of affairs had now reached this point, he wished to learn what the Emperor intended regarding himself, or to what course he had decided to turn.

The Emperor, astonished at the man’s impudence, made this reply ^B to his words: "To seek to gain credit, O Prefect of the Bedchamber, through oaths in any matter is not the time for this. There was a time when I, most fond of you, trusting in your words as much when unsworn as when sworn, unwittingly sharpened a sword against myself and was a great help and protection to one who would eventually use his power against the one who had deserved very well of him. And yet, even then, you were detected having perjured yourself not once, but twice or thrice, and having plotted dangers against him whom you could have punished worthily by your very look.

But from the time you found an opportune moment, you cast off both the fear of God and reverence for men, and by fabricating many false charges ^C against me, you stirred up this war, which is the cause of so many evils that have existed until now, and which, as I see, will entail more and even more serious ones. It is not that you have used anything more frequently than lying and perjury, by which you have led even the more prudent into error and deceived them with false persuasion, so that, abandoning the truth, they listened to you—to whom, as was most fitting for both your perversity and their folly, you have surely granted a worthy reward.

Now, what you say—that you do not think and do everything out of any hatred for me, nor so that it might go ill for me, or so that I might lose my life if possible—I do not know if you are so overcome with stupidity ^D that, after so many and such evident proofs by which you have appeared to me as a most terrible enemy, you consider yourself to be a moderate and mild man, or whether you think you have acted so cunningly and have so bewitched the eyes of men that you believe all your many and such signal crimes remain hidden from everyone. But for these things, another tribunal awaits us, and a judge most upright and terrible, and witnesses—the angels—who discern all the deeds of mortals, even if these be covered by a thousand walls, or tapestries, or dark gloom, or a thick mist; before them we shall undergo judgment concerning our mutual faults and offenses. As for your imperial art, which is truly admirable, that is ridiculous: that, passing over all things, even things of long ago

^A famous for the most renowned leaders of war, you have devised a certain new and convenient method by which you may carry off victory over your enemies with little labor. If Scipio Africanus, Pompeius Magnus, Sulla, and whoever else of the Roman generals is celebrated, had known of this, they would not have so exhausted themselves; nor would they have undertaken so many and such dangerous labors in subduing great and populous nations. For if it shall be granted to you to perceive the thoughts of your enemies from their very selves, you will remain ever unconquered, and you will miraculously extend and increase the borders and majesty of the Roman empire in a short time, as you are indeed doing now. ^B It was therefore fitting to answer not a word to this folly of yours. Yet, I, preserving your former status and seeking to please you in all things—if I am to expect graces equal to the former ones in return for my kindness—will not hide my thoughts from you. Indeed, I think that nothing is more eagerly sought by you, nor held in such high value by you, than the war against me. Furthermore, since there are three things that you might do, I determine that none of them is conducive to your interests. For either it is necessary for you to return to Byzantium, or to remain at Thessalonica, or to come and fight me with arms. Therefore, for one who has spent such a great sum of money, who has been inflated ^C with such great pride and behaved so childishly, who has embroiled and confounded the entire Roman empire, to have approached so near to the enemy and then, as if oblivious to his previous boasting, to retreat with empty hands and not to have even borne the sight of the enemy—and this while leading a frequent and warlike army, and one much more numerous than the enemy's—nothing could be more ridiculous, nor could anything be more ignominious to the Roman name, whose spirit has always been generous, intrepid, and lofty in battle. But to you, such an outstanding leader, all will immediately chant that saying of Chabrias, the Athenian general: that it is more formidable to have an army of deer with a lion as leader than an army of lions with a deer as leader (22). But if you prefer to reside at Thessalonica, ^D I do not understand, first of all, what you might gain from that stay. There is added the necessity of huge expenses to maintain such a multitude, and a naval one at that, which must be fed from the public treasury. Likewise, those from Byzantium and the rest of Thrace in the mainland will have to be provided for, as well as many mercenaries, and others, but if they have been away from their homes for too long, they will have to be provided with food; otherwise they will rise up against you as one wishing to destroy them, or at least, if they act more mildly, they will desert you, showing their empty purses and parading their poverty. Nor is this the only thing, but furthermore, the Macedonians and the Thessalonians will each demand their stipends and donatives, which it is right for the governor of the Roman principate to distribute to the soldiers. Moreover, you will need many gifts and sums of money to incite Cralem against me.

sufficient; for the towns which you will give him will not be enough. And I do not believe that you, who understand all these things (unless you are utterly deluded), will remain long in Thessalonica, especially since you are not going to achieve anything remarkable. There remains, therefore, a third option: that you come against me prepared, to stake everything on the outcome of the war. ^B And what could happen more desirable and pleasant to me than this, if only you wait for three days near Berrhoea, until I myself am prepared and encounter you for battle? For if, after the third day, I do not march to attack your camp, I would rightly be judged to have incurred disgrace, which is to me more intolerable than any other loss. Only, I beseech you, show yourself a leader for the battle, and do not expose others to danger while you yourself sit outside the fray as a spectator, just like those who organize gymnastic games. Thus, then, you are hemmed in and pressed on every side, and the story of the fable has come to pass for you. For they say that a sparrow, once caught, said to the fowler that it was in his fate: if he kept it tied up, his son would die; if he let it free, his wife would perish; if, through sheer desperation, he killed it, he himself would immediately die. The fowler, seeing the difficulty on every side, groaned loudly and cursed the day on which he had caught the sparrow, as it had been the cause of great calamities for him. I think that the author of this fable intended to reveal through it that many men, by undertaking tasks greater than their own strength, are brought by imprudence into inevitable necessities; which is what has happened to you most of all due to like conduct. For me, on the contrary, everything is completely easy and unobstructed. Whether you return to Byzantium, I shall follow you there; or if you stay in Thessalonica, I will suffer no damage at all from scarcity, since my soldiers live at home on the annual revenues they possess. But if it is your desire to come to blows with me, nothing will be more welcome or desirable to me than this—provided you lead the army yourself. You, therefore, were asking what I intend to do; I, however, have explained to you what it is just, nay, necessary, for you to do (for besides these things, nothing else will be possible to do). Such was the Emperor’s response to his inquiry.

CHAPTER LX

^A he was very vexed, seeing himself hemmed in by snares and dangers on every side. Nevertheless, he summoned the most distinguished of his companions, and having laid before them all that the Emperor had said, he commanded each one to declare what he thought should be done. Then others said that even before Cantacuzenus had spoken these things, they had been deliberating among themselves about what needed to be done at present, and were led to the same impasse from all sides. For great expenses are required for such an army, and it is so costly, if we intend to hold out here; and we do not think the public funds we have will suffice to meet this. ^B But Monomachus, the Great Conostaulus, who excelled the others in prudence and was inferior to none of the commanders of that time, and for this reason enjoyed great favor from the Emperor Andronicus, and was always entrusted with the administration of cities and the command of armies, said: "To use flattery and deception, and to keep one thing hidden in the heart while having another ready on the tongue, in order to court the favor of rulers, I consider to be not only the mark of ignoble and unfree men, but also most ruinous to the matters themselves. This disease [(24)] has involved many of the Romans—emperors and commanders alike—in many and not light evils, whereupon, along with those they had under their dominion and power, they ruined themselves as well. Since, therefore, the damage from flattery is so great, it behooves us also, laying it aside, to bring into the open, without any veil, what we believe to be advantageous for ourselves and for all other Romans; and if our words should prove rather harsh and less pleasant, this should not be attributed to our words nor to the will of the speaker, but to the very nature of the situation; for speech does not necessarily imitate the nature of things, but rather things ^C necessarily imitate speech [(25)]. For if it were possible to change and accommodate things as well for the sake of the pleasure of speech, nothing would be more foolish than to refuse to deliberate in this way. But we see that those who have allowed themselves to be beguiled by this sweetness pay for it not with any punishment, but with destruction itself. Therefore, when this civil war broke out, Cantacuzenus came hither from the very beginning with no mediocre force, which we all could not even endure to behold. But when, at Gynae-cocastrum, he was deserted by his own men and was being worn down by such affliction, which would have justly shaken even the most steadfast, he did not give up in the face of the disaster, nor did he yield; but he departed together with those who remained, having arranged his march toward the Triballi, just as if nothing ^D new had happened, while after such a great disturbance, and the desertion of the soldiers, those from the rear were pressing on us intensely and causing an uproar. Now, indeed, he has attached all of the Triballi to himself, as..."

^A they showed such goodwill toward him, those men of power among the Triballi, that he seemed to them not a stranger or someone who had fled to them in misfortune, but one to whom the rule belonged by ancestral inheritance, and they all attended to him as their master and did everything on his behalf. And this is clear. For although we sent embassies to them once and twice, and were willing to cede many cities if they would remove him from their midst, they refused the request: and, as if by a common agreement, they preferred his safety to the expansion of their own rule.

And lately, a little while ago, since the people of Beroea had received him, he grew so much in a short time that, had you not arrived for us most opportunely and checked the tide of his good fortune, he would have been lord of many cities up to this day. For all the western ^B regions pay particular heed to him; and now both Thessaly is subject to him, and the small towns around Beroea, and the fortified posts. But if you are compelled to leave—for financial difficulty will not allow you to remain for very long—Acarnania and the rest of the mainland will be added without effort. For they have long been awaiting his arrival with amazing affection, as I myself know for certain, having spent much time among them. Whether, therefore, they are brought under the faith and dominion of Cantacuzenus, and not the Triballi—for one of these two must happen—they will become part of his jurisdiction and will be counted once again within the Roman Empire; or if the Kral subdues them, the Roman rule will be diminished by its greatest part.

However, even if that which seems best happens, it will appear most unprofitable for us; for being already great, and bringing significant forces from there, he will not only be ruler of Macedonia in a short time, but I fear lest he come against us as a source of terror. For many of those who appear to be well-disposed to the Empress now will desert ^C to him, as the army—which is the greatest part—and all the other most valiant of the Romans are most attached to him, a fact which does not escape us. These things ought to be weighed, and we should not wait for necessity, but I am of the opinion that we should negotiate with him for peace and put an end to the war. For now, since matters are still tilting in both directions, and since it is unknown to both sides what will be the outcome, he will be persuaded easily; although, as I have heard, he was not averse to this even before, moved by his own volition. But if he is strengthened by an increase in his forces and falls into the hope that he will prevail completely in the war, I fear that we will then labor in vain for the peace we desire, and we will be judged to have brought no minor disaster both upon ourselves and upon the rest of the Romans.

For whether he defeats us—with all ^D others now having joined him—besides the disgrace, there will be no common danger; or whether we resist with arms, the cities besieged by both sides will be severely afflicted and enslaved, suffering the ultimate miseries, and the Roman Empire itself will collapse upon itself and be destroyed by this fruitless discord. If, therefore, you have authority from the Empress, the Patriarch, and the others in whose hands the entire state lies, such that you are not required to render an account, and you are permitted to determine what you judge to be useful, send an embassy to him regarding peace securely; for both for the Empress and the remaining inhabitants...

^A of the realm, you will be holding an unassailable authority, and it is possible to deliberate with a view to what seems advantageous. If, however, you do not wish to offend them, being ignorant of the judgment they hold regarding peace, I beg of you to provide me with one trireme, so that I may go to Byzantium and, having advised what I consider to be better, return in a few days carrying their vote regarding peace. Monomachus spoke thus regarding peace with frankness; for because of his character he was held in the greatest esteem by all. The others who were present said that he had deliberated well and they were persuaded; but they deferred the decision of whether or not to receive the peace to the Great Duke. He, however, having shown by his demeanor alone that he rejected the words, and having said, "What sort of peace could there be with Cantacuzenus?" and adding nothing else, dissolved the meeting, saying nothing to Monomachus either in anger or insult, as he was accustomed to do toward others if someone brought up topics of this sort to him.

CHAPTER LXI.

^B Sending frequent embassies to the Crales, he persuaded him and openly—giving some money and promising other—inflamed him to wage war openly against the Emperor Cantacuzenus. And first, having sent envoys to Berrhoea, he asked for the children of the nobility as hostages, pretending that he was concerned for the Emperor, lest he be plotted against by them, but in truth intending to incite the Berrhoeans against him—as one having planned badly regarding them, and as one having no regard for delivering their children to the Triballi for his own private profit. Since the Emperor clearly refused the hostages, and gave ample thanks for the benevolent concern for himself, and told him to be confident, as no trouble would arise for him from the Berrhoeans, to whom he was equally most dear, he pressed upon another way. ^C He summoned the Emperor to him as if to discuss matters of some great importance with him, for he was passing time nearby. He said indeed that the Paeones had stirred up new troubles, and this caused him great disturbance. Therefore he thought it necessary to consult with him; for he trusted no one more, both because of the benevolence with which he pursued him, and because of his extraordinary prudence in such matters, and his experience in seeing and choosing what is expedient in such affairs. But the Emperor's friends, having secretly uncovered his treachery—for he had indeed planned that he might capture him if he could—warned him to beware of the man as ill-disposed. The Emperor, so that he might not appear to provide any pretext for war, feigned ignorance of all these things. Having sent Manuel, the younger of his sons, and Angelus, his cousin, he indicated that he himself was unable...

to leave the city, which had recently joined his side and was not yet ^A firmly secured in its loyalty to him. Besides, the enemy was close at hand, and an invasion by them was expected. He sent his son and his cousin so that, having inquired through them about the matters on which he needed counsel, he might bring forward the decision most advantageous to himself. Since the Kral had nothing to offer for consultation—for such things were merely considerations, pretexts, and masks for his ^B designs—he conversed with them about other matters, which in no way accorded with what he had previously claimed, and then sent them home. A short time later, since he had achieved nothing by his intrigues, he cast off the mask and openly declared war. He sent an embassy to the Emperor, dissolving the peace and the treaties, and renouncing his oaths, declaring that he would assist the Empress if he could, while for his own part, he would take counsel as to what seemed advantageous to himself. Many were indeed greatly alarmed at this announcement of the Triballian war. ^C But the Emperor and the best among his followers offered many thanks to God for His providence toward them. For if He had not saved them from above with an outstretched hand, what would have prevented the Kral, when he had them in his grasp and could have destroyed them most easily, from doing so? Indeed, when he was offered far more money and cities by the administrators of the empire (for he could have received from them more than he now holds, without any care or labor), he had done nothing of the sort, but had rejected their embassy once and again; ^D yet now, when he can do no harm, he was devising with all his mind and thought those very things which he could have accomplished then in less time than it takes to speak. From this, they argued, it was clear that the probity and candor he had then displayed toward them were not of his own character, but were due to divine assistance. But now that they had found security, he was revealing his own designs. Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, having despaired of the war against the Emperor, began to tunnel like before and to set various traps; for he wrote secretly to the Berrhoeotes as follows: That he knew they had not joined Cantacuzene—who had shown himself the common enemy of the Romans and a plotter against the Emperor’s children—of their own volition, but had been driven to it by necessity, being hard-pressed by the arms of the Triballians; and thinking that they would derive some benefit from this, because they heard that the Kral had made a treaty and alliance with him. But this was nothing but deception and mockery; for the Kral, having now openly sided with us, had decided to make war on him. If, therefore, they should change their minds and take thought for what was advantageous to the community and to themselves privately (namely, to detain him and not allow him to escape danger—for he would shortly march against him with his entire force), they would be acting most wisely; for they would receive many and great benefits from both the young Emperor John and from him. If they refused to comply and, having embraced him in their hearts, wished to fight with him, they would surely proceed to such a pitch of madness that they would learn, at last, after the experience of many hardships, that it would have been better to obey than to reach such a state of misery. The Berrhoeotes, having first shown the letter to the Emperor, replied as follows: It is no wonder, Apocauchus, that against

^A one who has conferred many kindnesses upon you, and who has in a way been your creator, you should yourself rise up, just as the father of lies and your own master rises up against God who created him, and that you should utter many blasphemies against him. For indeed that one also does so against God. Nor are you in any way inferior to any invidious and malignant demon—one of those trained to bring destruction upon mortals—rejoicing in human blood and tortures, considering the calamities of others as your own delight. What you have written, therefore, is exactly conjoined with the lie which is your friend; and for this reason, as things worthy of many pits [of hell], we have cast them away. ^B One thing only we shall fulfill, not indeed according to your mind, but as it beseems us. For we shall not only keep the Emperor with us with all our strength, but even beyond our strength, if it be possible to say so; and if it should be necessary to march against you, we shall ourselves accompany him and struggle with him eagerly. And if it should ever happen that we are separated in body, it will certainly not be in our sentiments and the desires of our soul. For we shall be so united to him that by day and by night we shall consider nothing else more important than to prove ourselves worthy of his benevolence towards us. As for your threats, we are so far from being swayed by them that we rather exhort you to fear the divine vengeance, and to expect for yourself and your children ^C signal miseries in this life, you who have been to this very day most wicked, not only toward the Emperor, but generally toward all the Romans, and furthermore, to await the condemnation in Hades which is prepared for robbers, kidnappers, and murderers, such as you are. For the Lord will not forget to execute vengeance among the nations, and rebukes among the peoples. We, on the other hand, who look to what is both just and advantageous for all in everything, expect from God not only no punishment, but rather the reward for our good deeds. Such was the reply of the Berrhoeotes to him. And he, since he was frustrated in his first attempt, turned to a second. He induced a certain Alusianus, a captive being held in bonds as one who had sided with the Emperor Cantacuzenus—a man good at archery, for he was busy with hunting and had been ^D precisely trained in such matters—by promising him and his family mountains of gold, to attempt to wound the Emperor secretly with a poisoned arrow, such as he was accustomed to use for hunting, ordering him to be confident that he would complete the business without any difficulty. For he had heard that the Emperor Cantacuzenus was accustomed toward evening to take a position in a certain open place, and there, having laid aside his garment, he would refresh his body from the summer heat, where he could be conveniently targeted. And he instructed the archer, who was himself no stranger to the locality, about these things. He, wishing vehemently to be released from prison and counting the excellence of the promised benefits, agreed to the task. Having entered Berrhoea, as night came on he approached the place, im-

- ^A -mediately at the beginning of the night, to a spot where he could stand; he removed his clothing, as it served him well for keeping cool from the summer heat, and from which he could easily shoot. He was showing this spot to that bowman, since he himself was not ignorant of the place. He, deeming his release from bonds to be of the greatest importance, and reflecting upon the magnitude of the favors which the Grand Duke was promising him, undertook the venture. And having arrived in Berrhoea, night already having come on, he reached the place and attempted to shoot the emperor, who was standing as he was accustomed and conversing with those around him. But when he was about to engage in the work and was drawing the bow, the arrow slipped unnoticed from the string. Since he had no way to retrieve the arrow—for he was standing on the city wall and the weapon had fallen inside—and he feared that he might be discovered while perpetrating such wickedness, he waited until the emperor had passed by, picked up the arrow, and returned home, with the intention of attempting it once more on the following day. But when the second night arrived, he again attempted the same thing. And the arrow again slipped from his hands, causing him to return empty-handed. But when the third night came, he went to the work again and took the greatest pains not to suffer the same fate as on the previous nights; yet as he drew the bow, the string suddenly snapped, as if someone had cut it. It was, as he affirmed, still new and very difficult to break. This having occurred, a thought entered his mind, lest his present and former attempts were in vain, and that it was some divine power that was guarding the emperor, by whom he himself was being thwarted while undertaking such unholy deeds. Immediately, therefore, taking the arrow and the bow, he fell at the feet of the emperor and recounted everything that had occurred from the beginning: how he had been persuaded by many promises from the Grand Duke, if he could, to kill him; how the arrow had slipped from his hands twice; and finally now the breaking of the string, for which there was no reason. He begged for some pardon, inasmuch as he had moved his hand wickedly not more against the emperor than against God Himself. And if he should be judged worthy of punishment, he would bear whatever the emperor might decree as just. As the man was relating these things, the others who were present sent forth many cries of thanksgiving to God for the miraculous salvation of the emperor; many also were moved openly to tears, coming to a realization of the righteous judgment of God and how nothing that exists escapes his providence. The emperor himself also, sighing, gave thanks to God, because it is thus he is delivered by a merciful hand from those who were plotting against him unjustly. But he deemed the man worthy not only of pardon, but also of many gifts, because he had not concealed the wondrous works of God, fearing to begrudge many the benefit thereof. ^C

CHAPTER LXII. The consultation of Apocauchi. The twofold opinion of Monomachus. The Grand Duke hesitates and decides to return. The crafty advice of Monomachus again. The depredations of the Persians at Berrhoea. Cantacuzenus objects to the stupidity of the leaders. The castle is captured. The cruelty of Apocauchi toward Theodorus Pepagomenus. An explanation of what was said more obscurely by Cantacuzenus. The sea is guarded.

The Grand Duke, when he saw that these treacheries also, which he had so perversely devised, had fallen into ruin, held a council with his associates as to what he ought to do. But the Great Conostaulus, since he understood that the things he had argued previously about peace had pleased him little, ceased to recall them any further, and was the author of the advice that, while sitting in Thessalonica, they should act secretly with the nobles of the Emperor,

^A and corrupt those who were with the Emperor—a course which would otherwise prove to be a matter of long duration and excessive expense, or if this should seem difficult because they were themselves destitute of funds, that they should prepare themselves and go against him, as if to contend with him for the sum of the empire in this very battle. For he knew that he would not shrink from the battle, nor would he endure to be besieged within walls, even though he knew most clearly that he would fall in battle on that very day, especially since he had promised to come to our camp after the third day and fight. All the others, therefore, voted for this, and declared that they did not consider it proper to act in any matter without them. But to the Grand Duke ^B the battle seemed fearful, and to remain for a long time in Thessalonica, because of the multitude of expenses required, which was intolerable, and to return without having achieved anything at all worth mentioning, seemed a matter of great shame. And he most of all desired to decline risking himself against the Emperor, and to return with some pretext of glory. Monomachos, having well conjectured his thoughts, asked whether he himself wished to join them and take the command; and when the other refused, "Therefore," he said, "if it pleases you, I will lead the army myself, and when we have come to Berrhoea, we will neither pitch camp nearby nor dismount from our horses, but having tarried there a little while, we shall immediately withdraw. For in this way it will be possible for us to avoid battle—namely, because time will not suffice for the enemies to prepare themselves to attack us—and [at the same time] to wipe away the disgrace by having come against the enemies and compelled them to keep themselves within the walls." Thus spoke Monomachos; ^C the Grand Duke, pleased with his opinion, immediately approved it, and Monomachos was declared commander-in-chief of all the forces. He, leading the infantry and the cavalry of the Romans, came near the walls of Berrhoea, as close as he could without being shot at from the wall. But the Persians had scattered for plunder, and in one day had traversed the entire land around Berrhoea and caused the greatest harm. For they enslaved men, slew many, drove away herds of cattle, set fire to the houses in the villages, and neglected nothing of the other things that enemies are accustomed to do. The Emperor sent an envoy from Berrhoea to Monomachos and accused their great lack of judgment, because, leading such a Roman army and one able by itself to stand against him, they—as if the army were not sufficient for the war—had brought in the Barbarians against him, so that they might destroy Roman affairs all the more. "However," he added, "they should consider ^D that they bring no reproach upon themselves later, if he should bring to an end the things that had been started by them." He promised as well that he was prepared for the battle as soon as the appointed time should arrive. Monomachos replied that it was at his own discretion to do whatever he thought was advantageous, just as they themselves were doing. After standing before the walls there until midday, they spent the rest of the day in returning, and on that night they rested, at the same time awaiting the Barbarians who were to return from the pillaging. On the next day, they took in the first assault a castle near Pydna, in which the Emperor had placed a garrison, and in which was also found Theodorus Pepagomenos, one of the Emperor's ministers, whom, by order of the Grand Duke, he caused to be stripped of his clothes,

^A and bound in the open air in the heat of summer. Since he was wasted by the intense, scorching heat and begged for water to quench an intolerable thirst, the Grand Duke ordered it to be given to him, provided he would heap reproaches upon his master in the presence of everyone. But he preferred to die rather than utter anything against the Emperor. Monomachus, having returned, reported other things to the Grand Duke, and how Cantacuzenus, when he was standing before the walls of Berrhoea, had sent a message reproaching him for various things, among which was that we had brought in the Persians as allies against him; and he threatened finally that he himself would inflict upon those who were led by us what was fitting to be considered; for he had not hinted at such things in vain. But to those reflecting on it, nothing else appeared from his words than that he himself also wished to call upon his friend Amurius for an alliance, and for this reason had said such things beforehand, so that afterwards he might have a refuge, ^B if anyone should blame him for bringing in the barbarians against his own countrymen, since they themselves had previously used their services against him. For this reason, it was decided that triremes should be sent to guard the coast as they sailed along; for those at Platamon had also revolted from the Emperor, because they feared they would be subdued by the Grand Duke if he arrived with a fleet, so that Cantacuzenus might not be able to send an embassy to Amurius. And so it was done, just as they had concerted.

CHAPTER LXIII.

When the Emperor learned that the coast was being patrolled by triremes, ^C he entrusted an embassy to Amurius to a certain Prince, without the knowledge of anyone else, and commanded him to construct a small boat within his own house, so that not many would be aware of the matter, and to send it to sail to Smyrna, with letters in which Amurius was requested to arrive as quickly as possible with prepared forces. The Prince carried out his orders, and having built the little boat at his own home, and having put in the sails and other equipment, he transported it by night on a wagon to the sea, as far as possible from those guarding triremes, and having boarded it with them secretly, he was carried off by a following wind, and with the breeze always following from the stern, he arrived at Smyrna a little while later. When Amurius received the letters, he shook the dust from his head (27), and gave abundant thanks to God for the news. For he had heard that Cantacuzenus had passed away among the Triballi; because, namely, he had been overcome by the Grand Duke.

that all who were crossing into Asia should speak thus according to a set arrangement. He immediately began to prepare a fleet of ships, numbering not far short of two hundred. ^B And the Grand Duke, since it was impossible for events to remain hidden, as many coming from Asia were reporting that preparation of the fleet, sent envoys from Thessalonica to Amurius, offering money, some in the present and some promised for the future, if he would refrain from moving forces against him and from allying with Cantacuzenus. The Persian replied that they were asking for things that could not be done, and that he would assist the Emperor with all his might. When the envoys entreated him to accept the gifts, he refused, saying that it was the mark of a vulgar man and one enslaved by money to accept gifts for the sake of friendship at the present moment, only to attack the giver with arms not long afterward. Having equipped himself in a short time, and having loaded his ships with much money and other provisions, as one intending to remain a long time in the Emperor's alliance, he set sail from Smyrna, and proceeded as far as Euboea, having encountered favorable weather. But since the winds blew against him there, he remained for several days. When the Grand Duke learned that the barbarians were coming, he left two of his triremes behind in Thessalonica and sailed with the rest to Byzantium, fearing that he might be besieged in Thessalonica by both the barbarians and the Emperor. Amurius, ^C meanwhile, detained in Euboea by the contrary winds, was gripped by a wondrous sadness of spirit, a turn of events that filled him with no small indignation. For, a ship having been captured from Pteleum, and the prisoners being brought before him, he inquired if they knew anything about the Emperor. They related that they had heard from people arriving from Thessalonica that the Grand Duke, leading a great force of cavalry and infantry, along with Persians in alliance, had marched against the Emperor Cantacuzenus, who was at Berrhoea; but that they knew nothing more. He, speculating from what was said that the Emperor was in the midst of a struggle, was the more distressed that he was unable to succor him quickly. Having assembled an assembly of his best Persians, and having himself stepped into the middle, he spoke as follows: "I would judge that man to be of great folly and cowardice, who, having set himself to some enterprise, does not hold all else as secondary, nor show all manner of zeal to carry out what has been planned. For if, ^D when he is about to undertake things that are most easy to accomplish, some hindrance occurs, and he either despairs entirely or turns soft and lazy, and, shunning the labor, waits to see the outcome of events, he will differ in no way from the common crowd, nor will he ever successfully achieve anything great or worthy of mention. If, however, some arduous tasks be pursued with significant equipment and great expense, and then, due to the folly and cowardice of the leader, that army performs nothing worthy of itself, it is not undeservedly reviled and reproached, not only by others, but even by the soldiers themselves, for being weak and effeminate, and for having robbed them of the praise and rewards due their deeds. Therefore, there is no other cause or justification for this our expedition than that the Emperor Cantacuzenus, being attacked out of envy by the Romans and having long before been a fugitive among the Triballi, has now, with divine power assisting, returned to Roman soil,

^A having brought many cities and no small region, as we hear, under his own control. But it happens, as we see, that he has derived no benefit from our forces, and that we have undertaken such a voyage and expense in vain and to no purpose. To fight on his behalf, in whatever way it might be more pleasant and a cause of great glory for us and bring us admiration far and wide, you yourselves bear witness by the very deed; for you set out with me most eagerly, not compelled by me, but, if I must say something even greater, actually urging me to this venture. As for me, I have chosen to labor and risk danger for his sake, neither for the sake of glory nor for the desire of any gain; but I am compelled by a necessity more violent than any other, to defend against those who attack him just as I would for myself, and to hold fast to the life we love to the extent of my power. For I did not choose only to be called a friend of the emperor like the many, but am so knit to him that if any irreparable calamity were to befall him, I would consider my own life unlivable and bitter. And because of this love, I supported Emperor Andronicus with my forces for no little time in the Lesbian and Phocaic war; and in the year just past, with three hundred and eighty ships, I crossed into Thrace, having the resolve to fight against all men and to endure every hardship myself, until I might lead him back to his seat, as you who were my fellow soldiers then know. But now our affairs are in such a state ^C that we are kept here by the winds and are inactive, while he, as we hear, is being besieged by the Romans. And I fear lest some irreparable calamity befall him. For it is likely that he both lacks money and is pressed by enemies, seeing that he has but recently ceased to be a wanderer and an exile, and has not been granted sufficient time to amass forces firm in kind and number. But his enemies, because of their numbers and arms, can both constrain him and with money lead his army astray, since the treasury is in the hands of Apocauchus, who, in order to overthrow the emperor, will make lavish distributions: for he knows most certainly that while he survives, the Roman dominion will be faithless and uncertain for him, because everyone of the nobility prefers to be ruled by him rather than by himself. But if he were by any means removed from the living, he would have a firm and stable reign for the time thereafter, and for this reason he will prodigally exhaust the entire treasury. Considering all these things, it is right for us to hasten our assistance. For if the emperor should perish surrounded by enemies, there will be nothing that can be added to our sorrow and grief, except that we will be maligned everywhere as having betrayed a friend to his enemies through a certain cowardly and effeminate softness in enduring labors: or if he should emerge victorious without us, we will lose the greater part of the glory. Therefore, to fight against contrary winds and a swollen and raging sea is clearly for those who are mad and seeking an inglorious death. Wherefore neither

do I enjoin you to strip for such a danger, but I myself will point out another way, requiring little labor, but bringing the highest renown and glory. For it will be possible for us to produce proofs of three of the greatest virtues: courage, justice, and wisdom. For to find another way, when hindered by winds and sea, by which we might achieve our proposed goal, one would justly attribute to wisdom. And as for justice, to have deemed all wealth of secondary importance to the safety of a friend. And as for courage, that we did not depart from our duty, struck by terror at the long, arduous trek that lay before us, or at the fact that we were about to pass through many nations who would fight us. What, then, is what I am saying? That since we are unable to reach Macedonia by ship, we should burn these as useless right here; and then, taking up our arms, we should go by land to the Emperor. For this will bring him great benefit, and for us it will bring no small glory. And we ought not, by calculating the obstacles and stumbling blocks in our path, to shrink from the struggle; for no man, lying on his back and snoring, ever raised a trophy over his enemies; but one must look to the end of the labors, for it will bring much and great glory. These things, then, have seemed to me both just and at once advantageous. I myself will be the first to do it, and I will advise the others to do likewise. But if to any of you, looking at the magnitude of the labors and dangers, it seems that such a task should not be undertaken, yet I will be the first to set my ship on fire and will proceed with my arms in hand; and whoever chooses to join me in sharing the danger will follow. As for the rest, keeping the ships, do whatever seems pleasing and profitable to you." Thus, after Amurius had conferred with the leaders of the Persians, he persuaded them all that he was advising things that were both just and advantageous. Yet only sixty ship-captains chose to face the risk together with their crews. The others insisted that a little later, having found favorable winds, they would sail to Macedonia, to be with the satrap once again. Thus it was collectively decided, and having arrived from Euboea at the coast of Locris, the others remained quiet on the ships, while Amurius and the sixty ship-captains, who ought to have been his companions in such a great undertaking, hauled their ships ashore, took up their arms, and took provisions of flour for the journey; and Amurius himself together with all the others encamped there for the night by the seashore, so that at daybreak they might burn the ships and set out for Beroea. But during that night, the contrary winds ceased and favorable ones began to blow; so, having relaunched the ships they had hauled up, and having raised their sails, all of them together on the following day reached a harbor not far from Thessalonica called Clopa, partly because they supposed the Great Duke was staying at Thessalonica and wanted to join battle with him by sea if they could, and partly because the opposing coast of Boeotia was inhospitable and could not receive so great a fleet in that one place.

CHAPTER LXIV

^A when he learned that the Emperor was near, proceeded to meet him, himself on horseback with a few of his best men (for they did not have a surplus of horses), while his entire army followed on foot. When they were not far from one another, Amurius dismounted from his horse, did obeisance to the Emperor, and approached him on foot. The Emperor sent a messenger to command him to remount his horse, though he had previously striven to come on foot. Having exchanged formal greetings, they went into the tents and encamped not far from Thessalonica for seven days. Amurius had sent an embassy to those in Thessalonica, exhorting them to hand over the city and themselves to the Emperor of their own accord, promising to release the captives to them if they complied. They responded with nothing reasonable. But the Zealots, fearing that those within the walls who were of the Emperor's faction might take advantage of such a fair opportunity, and—with the populace stirred up by the barbarians and hoping to have the captives released to them—might attack and suppress them, ^B decided to proceed to cruelty and slaughter, by which they might strike terror into the others as well. Having snatched a certain Palaiologos, one of the nobles who was staying at home because he was under suspicion—and who had given no cause for his death—they slaughtered him in the public square. After cutting off his head and dismembering the body into four parts, they hung these pieces on each of the city gates; they carried his head about on a spear, and dragging his entrails, they paraded them through the city in a cruel manner. Then they killed a certain Gabalas, a man of the middling class, after first mutilating his ears, nose, and other limbs. Others, too, many of the same rank, they drove into eternal exile from the city, after cutting off their noses and ears. To those who were lamenting and begging to be told the cause for which they had been condemned to such punishments, the Zealots answered nothing more than that it was clear to them that they were most openly favoring Cantacuzenos. Thus, then, lamenting and seeing that they were now of no use, they went to the barbarians' camp intending to meet the Emperor. ^C When the Emperor saw that it was hopeless to gain control of the city, he ordered his son Manuel and his cousin Angelos, who were leading the troops from Thessaly and Berrhoia, to return to their own commands. He himself, left with those he had brought with him, having provided horses to two hundred of the best of the Persians and having taken six thousand select infantry from the rest of the army, withdrew with his ally Amurius into Thrace by land. He commanded the rest of the troops to come by ships to Peritheorion, so that they might join forces there. When those from the sea and those from the land finally came together ^D at Peritheorion, they surrounded it in a siege. The Abderites, however, surrendered of their own accord, bringing with them Gudelem, who served as cupbearer to the Empress Anna, in bonds; he was the man whom the Grand Duke, after the Emperor’s departure to the Triballi, had appointed prefect to those who had surrendered out of fear. The Emperor praised them, both because they had adapted themselves to the times and had not wished to dare anything beyond their strength, and because they had joined themselves to him on his return without any hesitation. Having appointed a prefect for them, he dismissed them to their homes, ordering that Gudelem be restored to his property and bestowing further gifts upon him. Next, Jacobus

Brulas, one of his domestic servants, and Salatinen, one of the Persians, were sent by him to Byzantium as envoys to the Empress. ^B The embassy was concerning peace. And first of all, he called God to witness that he had not only not plotted against her or the Emperor her son, either in act or even in imagination, nor was he conscious of any offense involving her, but that she had been deceived by calumniators who had resolved to do and say nothing upright or sincere, and had thus stirred up this civil war, which up to the present had brought many and cruel disasters upon the Romans, and which, if not ended, would bring forth still more cruel ones. For his own part, he had been pressed by grievous misfortunes and encompassed by horrible dangers that threatened death itself, but by the favor of God he had warded them off, and now, with the same divine assistance, he was returning in triumph. But since he perceived that the evils that would proceed from this war would have no limit, and that conversely, great goods would arise from peace which could sustain and restore the ailing and tottering Roman state, he had wished to send this embassy regarding peace and to entreat her not to despise the Roman Empire, which was being overturned because of the malignity and folly of a few. From the beginning until that day, many dire and bitter things had occurred, and the whole region and its cities had been afflicted by alternating sieges, incursions, and depopulations; yet these might be deemed moderate—inasmuch as they were Romans attacking Romans, who occasionally granted mercy to the wretched—compared to those which would be so much more hideous and horrible that, because of their magnitude, the past, when compared with them, might earn the name of happiness. ^C For Persians, as the barbarians who had been entrusted with the war against the Romans and had allied with them, were now involved; to them, murdering men was a game, and to carry off captives and sell them into slavery was sweeter than any profit. They had no sense of humanity toward the wretched, nor any commiseration, being by nature enemies because of their total discrepancy in the worship of the Divine. And he said that he was not the author of that evil, but rather Apocauchus, the prefect of the sacred bedchamber, who, having marched to Berrhoea against him with many brave Roman troops, had not thought it enough unless he also brought in Persians; these had filled those parts with pillage, partly slaughtering the inhabitants, partly carrying them off as captives, and reducing all the villages to ashes. Under his guidance, he had experienced such a thing, and should not be held to blame if, unable to resist both the barbarians and the Romans at the same time, he had adopted similar allies for himself. Since she herself understood how atrocious and destructive to the empire these things were, and what grave condemnation they would bring upon her at that future judgment seat if, because of contention, false calumnies, and insults, she allowed the blood of Christians to be shed by barbarians, she ought to agree to peace before destruction was brought in by them—for they would inflict no injury upon any Roman while the envoys were returning. As to the conditions on which peace should be made, he said that it was not the time to declare them. ^D

^A But if only she were convinced, she should send envoys to him, who might discuss whatever she, the patriarch, and the remaining leaders of affairs might deem best and most advantageous for themselves, and they would return joyfully, trusting that God would grant them success in securing what would be beneficial for all the Romans in common. Such was the embassy of the Emperor Cantacuzenus to the Empress Anna. Amurius himself also privately advised her to cling to peace, as it would be most advantageous. For he himself had been a friend to the Emperor Cantacuzenus for many years, and for the sake of his friendship, he had not only provided an alliance to Emperor Andronicus in the war against Phocaea, but also later against the Albanians. And from that time on, he had never crossed into Roman territory, assuming that all the Romans were subject to Cantacuzenus, even while he was still content with his private status. ^B But now, he acknowledged himself to be no longer merely a friend of the Emperor, but a servant, and he was so disposed that he would not merely send others to assist him, but would come in person, and exercise as much zeal and diligence on his behalf as if he were waging war for himself and his own fortunes. Wherefore, it was all the more necessary to admit peace, especially since the Emperor was prepared to overlook the injustice committed against him by the leaders and to lay down his arms. For not only would whatever remained of the Roman state be preserved sound and whole, but also what had been ruined and devastated by the war could be repaired and restored, and he himself could be held as an ally and friend instead of an enemy. Such was the embassy ^C of Amurius as well.

CAPUT LXV

The Great Duke, having heard the embassy, received Salatinen, the envoy of Amurius, honorably and dismissed him shortly after having given him gifts. But he had Brulas, after his beard and head were shaved and his nostrils and shins broken, and his face smeared with soot, dragged through the market-place in that bloody state. ^D Regarding the embassy, he answered thus: He gave the envoy letters to Amurius, in which he heaped bitter insults upon the Emperor, and rebuked the Persian moderately, writing only that it was unworthy of his fame to follow Cantacuzenus; but as for the Emperor, his calumny was that there was no need of him at all, neither that he should rule the Romans as a colleague with the Emperor's children, nor that he should remain on an equal footing with them.

even if he were willing to serve them, even in the most sordid and abject ministry, that of stable-boys and cooks, they would not accept his services, but would always oppose ^A him and shortly send him down to Hades. For the fact that he has enjoyed life up to this day, he said, was not preserved by any prudence or imperial art, but because he lived as a wanderer far away among the Triballians. Now, however, because he is nearer, he will learn at the first opportunity that it would have been better for him to give his services for wages among those same Triballians than, having returned into the borders of the Roman Empire, to contend for it.

Brulas, after those savage punishments, was cast into the prison ^B in the palace of Constantine the Great, and a little later, he was killed along with the other prisoners when the Byzantine populace attacked after the death of Apocauchus, as we shall teach not long hence. He was doing this to contrive war by all means, to divert the Empress from thoughts of peace with such terrors of crimes, and to provoke the Emperor Cantacuzenus to implacable hatred and vengeance. For he knew most clearly that if peace were established, he would lose the helm of affairs, ^C and would not only not be the first of the Romans, but would finally not even be one amongst the first. Therefore, through much blood which he shed, through plunder, and through a loss and ruin of the Romans which cannot be told, he strode toward this high station.

But nothing of these wicked deeds deterred the Emperor from his desire for peace, for he had fixed his whole mind on how the war might be extinguished, knowing that nothing fair would result from it for the Romans. When the envoy of Amurius returned and reported what had happened regarding Brulas, ^D set forth the response of the archons to the Romans, and handed over the letters written to Amurius, he brought them to the Emperor in the state they were in, sealed.

When the Emperor criticized his action and asked whether he had thought that he would suspect something sinister about him, Amurius replied that it was not for that reason that he had not opened the letter—for it would be completely foolish if he did not yet have the judgment and will of the Emperor regarding himself understood and explored—but since he was not unaware that the archons among the Romans were accustomed, just as if it were some very necessary task, to tear into the Roman Emperor with insults and curses, he therefore had not handed it over for someone else to read, so that those reproaches might not reach the ears of many, but brought it sealed to him, so that if anything useful had been written therein, he might not regard it as of little importance; but if they were the usual things, such as insults and curses, they might fall upon the heads of those who had written them.

The Emperor commended the counsel, the letters were read, and there was nothing sound inscribed therein, but shameful and ignoble insults against the Emperor, and a rebuke to Amurius, because he had condescended to join himself with him not without the highest disgrace to his nobility. The Emperor, since those in Byzantium offered no hope of peace, turn[ed]—

^A found it necessary himself to apply to the administration of the war, and to force cities to surrender, whether they were willing or unwilling. As for the Empress Irene in Didymoteichon, she had learned nothing else about the Emperor her husband except that he was staying at Berrhoea, which had surrendered. But the Bishop of Didymoteichon announced that the Emperor had already reached the Chalcideans, and this was immediately believed. For they had heard nothing small concerning him, but rather paid close attention to him as one who knew everything that would come to pass. And they were then in the midst of applause and festivals, bringing many thanks to God for the return of the Emperor. Three days later, Muzalon arrived from the Emperor and narrated everything as it had happened; and again they were in similar celebrations, now with more confidence. ^B George Glabas, who was one of those appointed to command the garrison of Didymoteichon, coming to the Bishop, asked for his blessing as he was about to set out for the Emperor, saying he feared that he might die before his return and be deprived of the most sweet sight of the Emperor. The Bishop gave him permission to depart, but exhorted him to be of good courage, for he would see the Emperor—and indeed, would see him returning to this very city and would be useful to him in certain duties. After some time, when he saw that he himself had been called to that heavenly tribunal, he began to prepare his soul, as he would soon depart from this life; for so it had seemed good to God. And these things, as was said, happened later. ^C While the Emperor was besieging Peritheorium and preparing ladders and engines to assault the walls, the fortresses in Meropes, known as Holy Peace and Pobisdus, surrendered. Their inhabitants came and asked that a commander be given to them. Certain other rustic people who lived in villages without walls on the same mountain surrendered alongside them; because of their goodwill toward the Emperor (for they had previously been stationed under him while the Emperor Andronicus was still alive), they arrived before the others and offered themselves willingly to the Emperor. As he was wondering about them, as to what use he might make of them and whom he should set over them as commander, it seemed good to him to give ^D their command to Momitzilus. He did this not only because he thought those rustic people would be favorably disposed toward him on account of their shared nationality, but also because he suffered no lack of courage or boldness in battle, and was most excellently trained for raiding and plundering. For this Momitzilus was a Moesian by birth, and having been driven out from there because of his raids and robberies, he had come to the Romans and been enrolled among the soldiers by the Emperor Andronicus. Since he always delighted in carrying off spoils and caused much harm to Moesia, being most experienced in those places, he was often admonished by those who were in charge of defending the borders of the Moesians and Romans not to commit such crimes while the treaties were in effect, and not to provoke war. He was not, however, entirely persuaded by their voices, but would be quiet for a time and then return to his same ways. And now, being about to pay the price for his crimes—since he was hateful to the Moesians on account of his brigandage, and the Romans wished to apprehend him—

he withdrew to the Triballi, where he spent a considerable time. Afterwards, when the Emperor Cantacuzenus returned from Berrhoea to Peritheorium, having shortly before revolted from the Kral, he then submitted to the Emperor. ^A Knowing him to be suitable for such a command, he entrusted to him the castles and also not a few villages in the region of Meropes, from which a not inconsiderable band of brigands was being gathered. For there were counted a little over three hundred horsemen, and over five thousand foot soldiers; the command of all of whom he entrusted to him, with orders that he should harass the cities which were unwilling to surrender to the Emperor. That man, when Peritheorium was being besieged to no purpose, set fire to the engines that had been constructed, and once the entire fleet had sailed back to its own land, he himself, leading six thousand picked Persians together with Amur, came to Didymotichum. Those in Didymotichum were publicly celebrating a festival for the Emperor’s return, and were fully given over to joy, for they seemed to be receiving the Emperor and his entourage back into life as if from the netherworld. Having spent a few days in Didymotichum, he went out to Rhodope; and all the small towns around Morra immediately submitted, with the exception of one called Ephrem. The Persians caused no trouble to the others, but they wretchedly afflicted Ephrem. Having set John Asen, the brother of his wife, over the others, he returned to Didymotichum; and having sent against the cities in Thrace an army composed of Romans and Persians, he demanded that they acknowledge him as lord. As they refused, he harassed them as much as he could; and all the villages were plundered, and those captured were sold back to their own kin for a price; and very many were dying. The Emperor was distressed beyond measure at such things, yet no remedy for the evil could be found. For neither would the cities submit so that the barbarians might refrain from harassing them, nor did he have a sufficiently large force of Romans against the enemies so that he might dismiss the Persians, as if he were about to sustain the war with the Romans alone. And so, although unwilling and grieving in his heart at the calamity of the Romans, he nevertheless held them back out of necessity. Furthermore, since there was another province in the region of Rhodope subject to the Romans, called Stenimachus and Zepene, in which there were no fewer than a thousand most warlike horsemen and a multitude of foot soldiers, it seemed necessary that they march against them. And having set out from Didymotichum, they came as far as Morra. There, because Amur had fallen ill, they waited to see if he would perhaps get better. But as the malady worsened, and there was a lack of both physicians and of the necessities for the disease, they returned to Didymotichum. Those in Byzantium CHAPTER LXVI. The Emperor comes with Amur to Didymotichum. The cities of Thrace, resisting the empire, pay the penalty. The Emperor occupies the cities against his will. The illness of Amur. A garrison is sent to Adrianople. Brigands at Didymotichum are cut down and captured. Amur escapes death, having complied with the Emperor’s counsel. Aid is sought from the King of the Moesians, and nine cities are given to him. How the conspirators attempted to lead the Persians out of Thrace through a certain Mauromates, from whom they were receiving provisions. Amur is unable to retain his men in Thrace, and there are complaints to the Emperor about him. were unable to openly fight the Persians. However, a garrison force was sent to Adrianople with the commander Sphrantzes (because that city was greater than the other cities of Thrace and of greater importance), and he fortified it.

And they took as much care for the rest as was possible, so that they might not revolt from the emperor Cantacuzenus. Sphrantzes, therefore, having learned about the emperor—that he was marching against Stenimachos—and having thought that it was possible, while he was away, to plunder the region of Didymoteichon and then return again to Adrianople, took as many men as he led with him and went to Didymoteichon. It happened, however, that at that very same hour the emperor was returning from Morra with his army, and, a clash occurring, the greater part of those who had arrived were killed, and a few were taken captive; the commander himself even died. ^B Amur himself also came to be in extreme danger during that battle. For although he had scarcely recovered from his illness, when the clash of the camps occurred, he donned his armor and went forward with the advance guard. Having encountered three of the enemy's spears, he was saved, against expectation, for his armor resisted the wound, and he rendered special thanks to the emperor for his safety. For the emperor had warned him a few days before the battle not to fight without armor, and that he should not enter into battles unprotected unless he wished to be the cause of his own death; for the more bravely one fights, the more easily he will fall if he happens upon a blow, and will be easily overcome. Obeying this—even though he was unarmed and had mounted his horse—he turned back and took up his armor, recalling the emperor's admonitions. ^C But the Empress Anna, and the patriarch, and the grand duke, and the others who were in authority, decided that an embassy ought to be sent to Alexander, the king of the Mysians, to invite him to bring aid against the emperor Cantacuzenus. For the Persian army was also making incursions into their territories. He promised that, if they would give him, as payment for the alliance, the cities of Stenimachos and Tsepaina, both the greater and the lesser ones, and the army stationed there, he would do so. There were nine of these: Tsepaina, and Krozimos, and Peristitza, and Saint Justina, and Philippopolis—a marvelous and great city—and Stenimachos, and Aetos, and Beadnos, and Kosmikos. The number of soldiers had previously been over fifteen hundred; at that time, however, many having been destroyed by the Roman war, they numbered just under a thousand, all of them most valiant warriors, and in no way inferior in courage to any others serving among the Romans. ^D When they learned of Alexander's demand, they most readily offered the cities, fearing, as it seems, that if those places also attached themselves to the emperor Cantacuzenus, they would find them enemies instead of allies and subjects; and, as if by comparison, they preferred to have Alexander as a future ally rather than the emperor Cantacuzenus, who was fighting against them. Thus they displayed all manner of zeal and eagerness so that the Roman empire might not be diminished. When, however, Alexander held the cities, they demanded his help according to the agreed terms. The king began to assert that he could not send aid as long as the Persians remained in Thrace, but that if he could in some way drive them back to Asia, then at last he would most eagerly march with hostile banners against Cantacuzenus; this, however, demanded another scheme and no common effort. Nevertheless, since they saw nothing else they could do, they acquiesced in his will and sent people in secret to confer with Amur, promising him a vast amount of money if, in compliance with them, he would return home. When they did not obtain what they wanted, as he considered such promises to be merely empty noise of words, they resorted to other intrigues, and Maurommates, whom

^A Cantacuzenus had appointed to provide for the daily needs of Amurius, was persuaded by great promises to find some way to urge the Persian army to return to their homeland. Now, as he seemed useful to the Persians due to his service—and, moreover, because he spoke Persian, and they considered him a well-wisher, observing how they were burdened by their long absence from their homes—he advised their leaders, especially those of the army, that it was not right for them to toil so long in a foreign land, neglecting their own affairs; rather, that they should all approach Amurius together and demand their return, asserting that they could no longer remain abroad, as their affairs at home were in dire need of attention. For they had not come here, he argued, to remain with the emperor for all time, but to serve him as a reinforcement for as long as was permissible, and then return home. ^B Now they had spent no small amount of time—a full ten months—on Roman soil. If he tried to keep them any longer, they would not obey, and they would flatly oppose any further delay. Amurius, of course, had determined to remain here with the emperor until he made him superior to his enemies, and he was expending much care on this alone, taking no thought for the safety of his soldiers or the alleviation of their labors. If he should use the lack of ships in which they might cross to Asia as an excuse, he (Maurommates) would free them from that difficulty, for it was certain that many ships would be available from Byzantium to transport them across the sea; furthermore, those people would be grateful to them and would provide the money necessary for the journey. Such was the advice he gave, and he persuaded them; they were of the same mind. They approached their own satrap, Amurius, and ^C spoke regarding their return just as they had been instructed by Maurommates. Amurius was at first terribly astonished by their words, and he wondered from where such a thought had come to them. Then he attempted to persuade them that they needed to wait longer to assist the emperor; for he argued that their presence was strictly necessary, since many enemies would immediately attack if they were to leave, as the defenders were largely relying on them. But he achieved nothing. For they said openly that if he did not wish to return home with them, they themselves would go to Byzantium, for they had received an assurance from that quarter not to be harmed by ^D Alexander, and they demanded that he allow them to form an alliance according to the terms. He replied that he could not, as long as the Persians were staying in Thrace; but if in some way they were able to persuade them to depart for Asia, then he would indeed most readily campaign with Cantacuzenus. This, of course, required other preparations and negotiations of no ordinary kind. Nevertheless, having no other plan, they turned to this, and sending messengers secretly, they negotiated with Amurius, promising to give him much money if he could be persuaded to return home. But since they could achieve nothing of what they had planned—as he considered such promises to be empty noise—they turned to another intrigue. They persuaded a certain Maurommates, a man from Philadelphia who had been appointed by the emperor Cantacuzenus to see to the daily needs of Amurius, with great promises to find some way to persuade the Persian army to return to their own land. He, being deemed useful to the Persians due to his service, and also because he spoke Persian and seemed a well-wisher to them—observing how they were pained by their prolonged absence from their homes—advised their leaders (and especially the army) that it was not right for them to endure such hardship for so long a time in a foreign land, neglecting their affairs at home; rather, that they should all together go to Amurius and ask regarding a return, and assert that they could no longer spend time in a foreign land when their affairs at home were in greatest need of their supervision. For they had not come there to spend all their time with the emperor, but to serve him for as long as possible in battle, and then return once more. Now, however, their stay had been no small one, as they had been in Roman territory for ten months. If he attempted to keep them any longer, let them not obey, but openly forbid any further stay. For Amurius, he said, had made up his mind to stay there with the emperor until he had ensured he prevailed over his enemies, and he was making this his sole and great concern, regarding his own salvation and the relief of their toils not at all. If he held out the excuse of a lack of ships by which to sail to Asia, he would resolve this difficulty for them; for many would come from Byzantium in which they could cross, and those people would be indebted to them and would provide the money for their departure. He advised them thus and persuaded them, for they were already of the same mind. Approaching their own satrap, Amurius, they spoke with him regarding their return, just as they had been instructed by Maurommates. Amurius was at first terribly struck by these words and wondered from where they had been led to such things. Then he attempted to persuade them, as it was necessary to wait longer and provide assistance to the emperor; for their presence was necessary, as many enemies would immediately beset him if they were to depart, against whom they themselves were putting up the defense. But he achieved nothing. For they said openly that if he did not wish to return home with them—not that he should—they themselves would go to Byzantium; for they had received assurances from there that they would not be harmed by

^A these people, but would cross over into Bithynia; and then, journeying through Phrygia and Caria, they would arrive in Ionia. When he asked them what kind of Intermediary they would use to make their treaty with the Byzantines, they said they would not disclose it, for they had sworn to keep it secret. For fifteen days, therefore, Amur did not cease negotiating with the Persians, and attempting to persuade them not to set out for Asia. But when he saw that he was toiling in vain, he reported everything to the emperor with great sorrow; and he bore witness to God that he personally had come to him with no other intention than to remain with him until there was some end to the present war, and that he had chosen those who were with him precisely because he trusted them most, knowing they would endure every danger out of loyalty to him. Now, however, the contrary had occurred in every respect. For the army had been corrupted by certain people there who were of the Empress’s faction, and had been persuaded to return to their own country. ^B Many things were discussed during those fifteen days about them remaining, but nothing more was accomplished, all of them being seized by a certain reckless impulse to return. And though he made many inquiries about who had persuaded them to do such things, he was in no way able to find out. As for himself, however, he held it to be disadvantageous to remain alone once the army had departed. For there would be no benefit at all from his presence. But if it seemed more profitable to the emperor, and the emperor himself should approve it, he would return home for the present with the army, and there—where he could do it most easily—he would demand the most severe punishments for their betrayal of him and the emperor; for that was where this would be most feasible for him, and then, having those who were most loyal and willing to risk everything alongside him, he would return with speed, having set his own affairs in order, appointed representatives of his authority, and provided for successors after his death, since he would not return soon again, but would either accomplish the war or fall in the fighting.

Chapter LXVII

The Emperor was distressed by this departure, for he knew that he would be attacked from all sides. But seeing that it was impossible to hold back the Persian army, which was already set on returning, he gave Amur the most ample thanks for his extensive goodwill towards him, and advised him that, since he was unable to sway his soldiers, he should send an embassy to the Empress in Byzantium to discuss peace in the same manner as before, and to reproach them for their folly, for through it they had caused the Roman Empire great ruin; and if they did not return to the right path, they would cause even more. Let them advise them again to abandon the war, and not, because of that senseless contention, allow their own kin to be enslaved, slaughtered, and reduced to the extremes ^D of misery daily. As for those in Constantinople, since they would not speak a word about peace as they had before, they would be eager to persuade him to separate himself from Cantacuzenus as quickly as possible, and would provide, by sending someone suitable for this task, a great sum of money as the reward for his departure, and ships which he could use for the crossing; thus, both the army’s extreme insistence would be satisfied, and he, having received the money, would be able to compensate those who had served willingly under him. For it is not fair to be equally angry with all, but the instigators of pride and defiance must be punished with moderation, lest they incite others to the same impudence by their example.

and the rest be rewarded for their labors in such a way that by the punishment of the ungrateful they are struck with fear, and by the emulation of those favored with benefits they are drawn toward good will. ^A Amurius complied immediately and, having thanked the Emperor for the admonition, sent an embassy again to the Empress to negotiate peace. But Apocauchus, the Grand Duke, and his colleagues did not say a word about peace; rather, they first criticized him, arguing that it was disgraceful for a satrap, powerful and held in such high admiration by both Romans and barbarians, to follow Cantacuzenus like a slave, suffering for so long in foreign lands with no profit, but rather under the deepest ignominy, which has intentionally and willingly covered him. They added that it was most shameful that he did not blush to take the place of a sentry for Cantacuzenus, guarding his quarters by night so that he himself could sleep soundly, free from all fear. If these things, so full of such disgrace, were pleasing to him, then he should not care what shameful and unworthy things might fall upon him. But now, if, satiated by the inconveniences of such a long time on foreign soil, he desired to return to his own lands, they would not be unwilling to assist him in this. For whether he prepared to go through Bithynia and Phrygia into Ionia, they would ensure a safe journey across the Hellespont or through the strait of Byzantium; or if he wished to sail directly to his own province, they would provide triremes and other vessels to transport his army. And because he would necessarily need to pay his soldiers, who had been with him for so long, they would bestow upon him as much as was owed. This is what the Grand Duke answered to the embassy. ^B But the barbarian, unable to bear the criticism of his master, said to them: "It seems to me that you only know how to hate many, but to love no one. For if this were not so, you would not be so quick to devise machines and conspiracies against enemies, while using your tongues freely for insults—as if you possessed them for that purpose alone—displaying every kind of wickedness, and being utterly ignorant of the duties of friends. Because of this great ignorance, you have accused my master of a servile and inglorious deed, claiming that he stood guard like a menial before the Emperor's tent, protecting him from conspirators, of whom there were many—vanquished, indeed, by love for him and by that affection which is the sweetest of all affections ^C and desired by all. But I will ask you: which of us has a better sense of honor, justice, and nobility—my master the satrap, who out of friendship for the Emperor chose to endure so much labor and disgrace, as you say, or you, who, having received many and excellent benefits from him, then acted as though you had forgotten them all, and through wickedness and a vice of ingratitude—nay, through calumnies and false accusations—aroused this war, which to this very day has heaped so many evils upon you, and, as I suspect, will heap upon you yet more? Do you not even notice, like madmen, that you are devouring your own flesh? ^D Is it not clear that he, being noble and great-souled, and not unskilled in maintaining friendship, desired to imitate [virtue], whereas you have chosen to imitate the habits of the most wicked and foolish men—knowing only one thing well: how to attack and destroy everyone, but to be of use to no one?" This the Grand Duke

wishing to perplex the barbarian with his shrewdness, said: "Therefore, do you acknowledge that your master is a slave to Cantacuzenus?" He replied, "Indeed, and I acknowledge a true servitude: that by which good men are overcome by those who are good, and are not without distress when drawn away from serving them; just as you, by nature, have been ^B prepared to serve diligently the servitude of depravity, envy, and craftiness. This, I truly believe, is the real servitude, the one to which the mind submits; but the one that those who are sold and those who are captives endure, is not of the soul, but of the body, which is forced to submit against the soul's will. For this reason, we all equally hate that latter servitude, and strive by every means to escape it." Those men, admiring the barbarian’s intelligence, said, "But let us set these matters aside. For we do not require your exhortation toward better things, but we are seeking what we should best do." They immediately chose George Lucas as an ambassador to Amurius, for he was well-suited for such missions and was, moreover, a friend to the same satrap, and, as appeared from previous acquaintance, even an intimate. When he arrived to him and explained the embassy, Amurius, by way of dissimulation, began to prevaricate and refuse. But after Lucas added long entreaties, he promised that he would withdraw [his refusal] and that in this he would gratify the Empress and his own intimate friend, for he could by no means have been brought to this by another. And it was agreed between them that the triremes, along with the promised money, should be sent to Aenus. Lucas, having therefore accomplished a matter of the greatest importance, as ^C it seemed, returned to Byzantium, where ships and money were being readied. Amurius, having encamped with the Emperor Cantacuzenus at Trajanopolis, which had long been ruined, awaited the Byzantine triremes. The Emperor, a little earlier, when the people of Cumutzena had surrendered, sent his elder son, Matthew, to receive the town into his allegiance; and as he arrived, other neighboring small towns also surrendered themselves, namely those called Asomatus, Paraderno, Cranobunium, and Stylarium, which later brought no small aid to the war. At that time, while his son was falling ill, the Emperor thought it necessary to visit him while they were waiting for the triremes to arrive, and, after speaking about other necessary matters, to return. Having therefore left the army in the camp, with only fifty Romans and two Persians, he departed for Cumutzena, because he feared no hostile incursion ^D along the way.

Chapter LXVIII

It was his intent meanwhile, while the ships were in expectation, to visit his ailing son and, having held necessary conversations with him, to return. Leaving the army, therefore, in the camp, with only fifty Romans and two Persians, he departed toward Cumutzena, because he feared no hostile incursion along the way.

^A When night fell, they camped in a deserted village that still possessed a few remains of its ancient dwellings. It happened that on this same night a band of Persian infantry, having just crossed over from Asia for the sake of plunder, put in at the nearby shores. Having disembarked, they left a hundred men to guard the ships, while the rest, numbering about a thousand, went out to pillage. When they arrived where the emperor was camping and saw from afar a fire that had been lit, they approached the village, moving with the utmost caution so as not to be detected, in order to scout out—as they themselves related afterward—who these mortals were who were using that fire. When they got close and saw an army that seemed to them far superior in number, ^B they were immediately seized by fear lest, if they were discovered by such a great host while being unable to resist, they might be defeated and destroyed. Afterward, when they realized they had remained unnoticed, they decided to divide into four parts and, encircling the camp, to attack unexpectedly from all sides. For they believed that, by striking and stunning them with an unexpected assault, they would prevail, even though they were more numerous. The barbarians therefore proceeded according to their plan and surrounded the camp, awaiting the signal. But to their commander it seemed imprudent to risk battle so rashly against such a great force, since it was not sufficiently clear whence they had come or how many they were. He sent two of the barbarians to a nearby spring (for they knew there was a spring there) and simultaneously commanded that they should, if possible, capture someone from the camp, so that they might learn something certain about this army from him. The servant of a certain soldier approached to draw water; the barbarians, lying in ambush near the spring, rushed out to seize him. ^C When he escaped by flight and returned to the commander to report what had happened as one already discovered, the army appeared to the barbarians at that moment to be even more superior in numbers and formidable in appearance alone; thus, they gave up the idea of coming to battle, deeming it desirable if they could only depart from there unharmed by evils, and they kept quiet, waiting for the departure of the army. But when the child, having come in a state of agitation, reported that he had been pursued by certain men near the spring—and when he thought that those pursuing him were Persians—the emperor dismissed him, as if he were simply disturbed by some phantom. He commanded them to sing the morning hymns to God, for the night was already near dawn. When these were finished, they mounted their horses and withdrew from the place, entirely ignorant of the evils to which they had been so close. When they had not gone far, they heard the din and shouting of the Persians from the site where they had been encamped. The emperor sent two Persians from his own retinue to move closer and discover from the men themselves who they were. When these encountered them, one was captured, while the other returned wounded and announced that the multitude were Persians, and indeed a great many, which they had not known. When the barbarians learned from the captive that Cantacuzenus was there, attended by only fifty soldiers, ^D

Notes by Jacobus Pontanus

Having caught two Persians, he ordered that they be brought close by to ascertain who they were. One of the raiders, of those who had been sent, was captured; the other, having returned wounded, reported that there was a large army of Persians, of which they had been ignorant. The barbarians, however, having learned from the captive that Emperor Kantakouzenos was leading only fifty soldiers, were struck with amazement at what had happened, and they believed that the hand of God was over him and was thus rescuing him from dire dangers. ^A The Emperor, being unable to learn anything more than that the Persian army which had approached was there, went to Komoutzena to his son. Having discussed what was necessary, he quickly returned to the camp. Upon his return, it was reported that light-armed archers from Byzantium had arrived in four fifty-oared galleys and, with other foot soldiers joined from Thrace, were besieging the fortress of Asomaton. ^B He decided, therefore, with his fifty companions, to bring aid against those besieging the fortress. When they saw the army approaching, those men retreated up a hill and defended themselves. The imperial cohort, having made an attack twice and thrice—with him forbidding it because they were fighting against military prudence, since their adversaries were protected by the nature of the terrain and were repelling the attackers with repeated volleys of missiles—could not overcome them. Since, therefore, both horses and soldiers were being wounded, the Emperor commanded them to follow him if they wished to win; and they seemed to retreat and go away. Those men, not understanding the deception and thinking that they were departing in despair of the battle, came down from the hill and made for their ships. ^C Then those who were going away turned upon them and immediately charged them on level ground; they killed many, and with few turning their backs, they captured the greater part. The Emperor, having returned to the camp at Trajanopolis, after that band too, by which, as has been said, they had been besieged by night, had betaken itself to Amourios, recounted what had befallen him and how, with God’s assistance, he and all his men had escaped an obvious danger. All gave thanks to Divine Providence for their safety. The Emperor also exhorted his men never to neglect the watches, especially at night, using the most recent event as a confirmation. For if they themselves, in reliance upon those encamped at Trajanopolis, and those who were at Komoutzena with his son, had not kept their proper guard, they would not have fallen into such a danger, from which, had not God mercifully regarded them, they would have suffered things worthy of tears. ^D And these things happened in this way. As for Amourios, when the triremes from Byzantium had arrived, along with thirty of his own at Ainos, having promised the Emperor that he would send reinforcements in fifteen days and that he himself, having settled and ordered his private affairs, would soon return and would remain with him until the war was finished, he bade him farewell and immediately departed. Within thirteen days the forces which he had promised were present. The departure of Amourios seemed to have caused the Emperor many inconveniences, but this nonetheless served afterward as no slight proof of how much he was in God's care. For four and twenty Latin triremes, equipped with Rhodians and certain others, sailed to Smyrna, captured the fortress in the harbor, and burned many Persian ships. Amourios, being present, and all...

^A that he could, was unable to overcome the Latin force. For until today the harbor of Smyrna is held by them. The emperor said that if it had happened that Smyrna was captured while Amourios was lingering in Thrace, not only he himself, but all men would have suspected that Amourios had lost the city out of excessive love for the emperor. Now, however, since he and his army were present there, there was no cause to be laid against him for the capture. For these things he offered many thanks to God for His providence, in that even things which seem to happen arduously are later shown to be ordered for one’s benefit. But we shall speak of these things a little later.

At the time, once Amourios had departed, a terrible war immediately beset the emperor from all the surrounding peoples. For Crales, leading the strongest part of his own army, had arrived as far as Zichnai, with the intention of attacking the emperor in Thrace, and Alexander, the king of the Mysians, had come to Stilbnon with his entire army, to support the young emperor Palaiologos, just as he had promised. The Patriarch, having summoned the whole population of Byzantium to an assembly, railed against the emperor Cantacuzenus, asserting that he was impiously and unlawfully plotting against the sons of the departed emperor, by whom he had been adorned with many and most excellent benefits. Then, proclaiming himself father and guardian of the young emperor, and declaring that he would decline no danger or battle for his safety and would finish the common war, he incited everyone to take up arms against Cantacuzenus, some being inclined of their own accord, others drawn by necessity, since they would otherwise not escape suspicion. And all, both infantry and cavalry, prepared themselves for the expedition. The nobles also gave their names, as many as were still free from bonds; for the Great Duke held the greater part of them in prisons, under collars—among whom was Andronikos Asanes, the father-in-law of the emperor Cantacuzenus—while others he kept under guard in their own houses, forbidden ^B from being approached, and he was the supreme commander of the army with full and absolute power.

And they, taking the young emperor John with them, came to Heraclea in Thrace; and, sending also to Momitzilos, who held the prefecture of the fortresses of Meropes and the other rural districts entrusted to him by the emperor Cantacuzenus, they persuaded him with many promises to take up arms against him. For already he was on everyone’s lips, nor did he lack power. Thus, therefore, was Cantacuzenus besieged by war from every side, and was compelled to be afraid. Nevertheless, according to his perpetual habit, keeping his mind noble in times of danger, and bearing incoming evils with an equable and gentle soul, he sent legates to Alexander, the king of the Mysians, urging him to desist from this enterprise, since this war prepared against him would shortly cause many disasters for him. He himself, in Chalcidice, besieged Gratianopolis, not indeed a spacious city, but one most strongly fortified both by the nature of its position and by its walls, and in other respects suitable in every way, and the metropolis of Chalcidice. From the siege ^C

^A however, he refrained, because he knew it to be impregnable to hand and arms. In its citadel, since many of the citizens who were well-disposed towards him were being held in fetters, he dealt with them secretly through an intermediary, so that if they could, they might seize the citadel and deliver the city to him. They promised eagerly that they would attempt it, and they established a sign or token by which he might know they were ready to undertake the task and he might be summoned; at night by raising a torch [note 32], and during the day by showing smoke. For this reason the emperor, although encompassed by war on every side, did not abandon the siege, but strove to withstand all things equally.

At about the same time, or shortly after these things took place, the Latins invaded Smyrna with twenty-four triremes and captured it. And when they learned that sixty Persian ships had been brought to a certain harbor near Pallene, locally called Longus, they proceeded against them in a direct course and took them empty. For the Persians, being unskilled in naval warfare, trusting in the land, had abandoned their ships; the Latins hauled them up, burned them, and withdrew. The Persians, lacking ships, thought it necessary to proceed through the mainland to the Chersonesus of Thrace, and from there, once they had obtained ships, to cross over into Asia.

CHAPTER LXIX.

Now Crales, having pitched his tents at Zichna, as we have said, in order to make war against the emperor Cantacuzenus, once he heard of what had befallen the Persians and that they were intending to go by the same road to the Chersonesus, selected the bravest men from his army, and having given them a leader—a man who in lofty spirit and experience seemed to excel among the notables of the Triballi, named Prealimpus—he ordered him to join battle with the barbarians wherever they might meet them, and at a certain place called Stephaniana, falling upon them, they joined battle. The Persians, as they were in a plain, fearing the cavalry-

^A assault of the Triballi, withdrew toward the mountain and the difficult terrain, for it was near. The Triballi, seeing that the place was difficult to access, and thinking that if they forced themselves into the narrow paths, many of their horses would be lost, being shot by the barbarians, and they themselves would be wounded, dismounted from their horses and marched on foot against the enemies, proceeding with difficulty and violence uphill on account of the weight of their armor. The Persians, seeing them thus forcing their way on foot up the ascent, deemed it wiser rather than braver to act; and feigning flight, they retreated all the more toward the mountain, and the others followed, not perceiving the ruse. When both sides had put some considerable distance between themselves and the horses, the Persians, having gathered together, did not advance against the Triballi, but having circled around on either side, they ran toward the horses; being unburdened and light, they outstripped the Triballi, seized the horses, and mounted them themselves. The Triballi, being deprived of their horses, were ready for slaughter. For most of them fell, killed by the Persians, and not a few were captured; the rest barely escaped to the mountain, having been scattered. The Kral, when he learned of the defeat of his army, fearing, retreated himself, having forgotten the war against the Emperor on account of the disaster that had occurred. Not that he was negligent, however, but he kept on warring from the safety of his home. ^B The Persians, victorious after the battle, having learned that the Emperor Cantacuzenus was besieging Gratianopolis, sent an embassy to inform him of the burning of their ships and their defeat of the Triballi, and that they, desiring to go to the Chersonesus, wished to cross over from there into Asia. They also asked that no annoyance be caused to them by his forces as they travelled through his territory; and if he had need of their help against enemies, they promised to serve him readily, provided the agreed-upon pay was disbursed—there were eleven hundred of them. To the Emperor, this help seemed highly opportune and extremely necessary, as enemies so many and so powerful were pressing in upon him; for he did not yet know that the Kral had returned home to Zichna. As he was not well-provided with money, he was not a little vexed; nevertheless, by giving gifts to the ambassadors, he persuaded them to agree to enter into his service for forty days for a set pay. He asked that they not request the money immediately, but after the fifteenth day from their arrival, for he hoped in the meantime to provide for the money from Didymoteichon. Having thus concluded the agreement with the ambassadors, he sent them back to the camp, and with them sent one of his own men, so that he might lead the troops to him with speed. On the following day, those who were prisoners in the citadel of Gratianopolis, having made an assault on the guards at midday and killed them, summoned the Emperor with a signal of smoke as had been arranged. Seeing this, he hurried ^C at once with reinforcements, captured the citadel and the whole city, and rejoiced all the more that he had obtained such a beautiful city without toil or danger, and had even found a large sum of money, of which he stood in the greatest need. For a certain Angelitzes, a lowly and obscure citizen, had previously been under suspicion of having found treasure, to whom, as the matter was not yet certain, no one had given any trouble. But at the time of this fierce war, when all things were turning to the contrary—

the best men having been cast out and barred from every place, and the base, who were no better than the masses, having been made governors—this Angelitzes was appointed governor of Gratianopolis because of his known hostility toward the Emperor Cantacuzenus. Having now obtained the opportunity, he began to use and enjoy his wealth, and what had previously been suspected regarding the treasure then appeared clearly to be true. When the Emperor had gained possession of the city, since it was not permitted to deny what had become so public, all his household goods and assets, which were quite considerable, were taken away; and he was furthermore examined regarding the hidden money, which he brought forward in great quantity, and which sufficed for the Emperor both for other necessary expenses and for paying the stipulated wages promised to the Persians. ^B Around this same time, the bishop of Didymoteichon gave up his soul, and five days after his death, Glabas the Scouterius died, just as the bishop had foretold—an event which distressed the Emperor greatly, for he held him in very high regard and deeply revered him.

As for Alexander, the king of the Mysians, when the ambassadors of the Emperor Cantacuzenus had explained the purpose of their arrival, he made no response to what had been said; but having an army, he marched as far as Morrha, intending, if possible, to bring the small towns there—which were subject to the Emperor—under his own authority. One of these, named Hyperpyracium, had even before Alexander’s arrival received a governor sent by him, and was also on the point of receiving a garrison. When the Emperor learned this from the ambassadors, and because he had the Persian auxiliary force and had heard that the Kral had returned to his own province on account of the defeat he had suffered, he was much cheered. Leaving his son Matthew as governor of Gratianopolis and the other cities in Chalcidice that were subject to him, he hastened as quickly as possible toward Morrha against the Mysians. ^C When Alexander realized this, since he could not stand against him in battle, he crossed the Hebrus with remarkable haste and in great disorder and confusion, and pitched his camp there, as if the river would hinder the Emperor and prevent him from engaging them in hand-to-hand combat. During the crossing, a number of soldiers and very many horses perished, and the baggage and supplies were lost not only in the river, but also for the reason that those whom the Emperor had placed in the vanguard pressed upon the Mysians from the rear while they were still in the process of crossing. Hyperpyracium was recovered by the Emperor, the governor whom Alexander had established having fled the moment he heard of the Emperor’s approach. Alexander, having promptly given an answer to the Emperor’s ambassadors and concluded a treaty, sent them away, adding that he had committed no injury that the Emperor ought rightfully to avenge, and withdrew into his own kingdom.

CHAPTER LXX

The Emperor, rejoicing that Alexander also had been removed, was preparing to invade the Heracleans, who were eager for the young Emperor, when Momitzilus, provoked against him by the Byzantines, having learned that he had arrived at Didymoteichon, marched against the Abderites. There, some fifteen ships sent by Amurius to the Emperor as aids were anchored on the shore, which two hundred and fifty Persians were guarding, the rest following the Emperor. In that hostile attack, Momitzilus burned three of these; the others were saved, and not one of the Persians perished. But someone came to the Persians who were with the Emperor and reported that Momitzilus had come and burned all the ships and slaughtered the guards to a man, and that not one had been able to escape. They, immediately seizing their arms, were eager to attack him, and when the Emperor tried to restrain them, arguing that after the return from Heraclea they could attack him with the proper care and zeal, and showing that in many respects the expedition to Heraclea seemed more necessary, they replied that they considered nothing so necessary as to avenge the slaughter of their fellow citizens. Seeing that the Emperor could not restrain them, he sent the Roman companies along with them, partly that they might plunder the territory of Momitzilus, who had now openly defected, and partly because he feared for ^B the barbarians, lest they should be destroyed by him, having now acquired an army capable of battle and in no way inferior to any of that time in boldness and courage.

Momitzilus, suspecting what actually happened—that the Emperor would not suffer such an injury unavenged, but would send an army against him—gathered the people scattered throughout the region into towns and fortresses, and he himself prepared for battle. But when he saw that the Persian and Roman army was too strong for him to risk an encounter, he decided for the present to remain quiet and allow them to take to pillaging, intending to attack them as they withdrew and inflict damage if he could. Retaining his army, he retired to Peritheorion, which was still under the control of the Empress, and went there, intending to await the departure of the enemy.

The Emperor, Cantacuzenus, also expecting the return of his men, decided that he must advance a little, if perhaps he might hear anything about the army; and he rode as far as the ancient city of Mesene, which had been demolished many years before, having only about sixty soldiers in his company. There, ^C when they had dismounted from their horses, having first sent out scouts to watch from a distance, he was overcome by sleep and dozed for a while. While sleeping, he heard a voice saying: "Awaken, you who sleep, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall shine upon you." Disturbed in spirit by this voice, he rose suddenly and related the matter to those present. At the same time, the scouts also arrived, reporting ^D

^A that an army was approaching, although they could not say with certainty whence it came. The Emperor and his suite thought it was their own men returning from the looting. Nevertheless, troubled by the voice heard in his sleep, he ordered the guards to bring the horses that were grazing there into Cumutzena; and he commanded Manuel Tarchaniotes to select a few of those present and ride straight toward the oncoming army to see whence they came, while he himself donned his armor along with his companions. Before they were fully armed, Tarchaniotes returned in a panic, saying that the enemy was arriving. He had scarcely finished speaking when the enemy was already upon them. ^B Momitzilus was leading one thousand picked men, having been informed by certain scouts whom he had sent out to reconnoiter the Emperor's position that he was currently staying at Mesene, for Mesene was only a short distance from Peritheorion. Having gathered his men, therefore, he returned to Cumutzena, moving in an orderly column along the road leading through Mesene. Seeing that they were not fleeing precipitously, but were departing at a walking pace and in good order, Momitzilus, fearing that some might be lying in ambush among the ruins and walls of the city and that they might suddenly fall upon his own men, who were disorganized and scattered, causing a rout, himself caused his men to be divided into three bodies, and he proceeded at a slow pace. But when the suspicion of an ambush ceased, they threw themselves upon the retreating ^C group with unrestrained fury. As they all broke into flight, and those of the enemy who were in the vanguard approached the Emperor—for he was bringing up the rear—he wheeled his horse around and defended himself against those who had reached him first. The Emperor's horse fell, having been pierced by the enemy. One of his servants, named Lantzaretos, who was present, dismounted from his own horse and offered it to the Emperor, and he also helped him to mount. As he was mounting, someone rushed forward and struck him on the head with a sword, but the blow was ineffectual, as the helmet's hardness resisted the strike. From that point on, throughout the whole journey, while parrying and being struck—for many of the enemy passed by him—he arrived at Cumutzena, having been saved in a miraculous fashion. ^D As for Lantzaretos, after they had wounded him with swords and spears, thinking they had killed him (for they had inflicted eighteen wounds upon him), they left him still breathing. Thus, the Emperor was saved from such great danger, which no one would have expected. Momitzilus, without tarrying even a little, departed. The Emperor, however, sent men for Lantzaretos and brought him to Cumutzena while he was still breathing; and after being granted great care, in a short time he was healthy and whole again, having lost none of his members from the wounds, and he enjoyed much favor and honor from the Emperor, and more than he deserved for his demonstrated devotion to him. Four others also fell, one of whom was Michael Bryennius, whom the Bishop of Didymoteicho had long before predicted would fall while fighting before the feet of the Emperor; just as many were also taken prisoner. Momitzilus, shortly after the departure of that raiding party mentioned above, sent two of the captives, Apelmenes and Theodore Caballarios, to the Empress Anna, seeking the reward for the alliance and the battle joined with her enemy. She readily granted his request and named him Despot. He himself also sent an orator to the Emperor, seeking pardon for his stupidity and for the favor he had returned for the good turn he had received, and promising better things for the future. The Emperor, knowing that it was better to punish Momitzilus with vengeance than to...

e had returned for the good turn he had received, and promising better things for the future. The Emperor, knowing that it was better to punish Momitzilus with vengeance than to see him as an enemy who could cause grave harm, and considering it of little utility, awaited a suitable time. He allowed himself to be reconciled and forgave him, and hearing that he had been named Despot by the Empress, he added the honor of Sebastocrator to his dignity. And he seemed more devoted to him than to the Empress, and well-disposed to him being brought under the Emperor—though not for long, as will be told shortly. In the meantime, the period having elapsed during which the barbarians had promised to serve the Emperor, they mentioned returning home. As the Emperor could not persuade them to remain any longer, and seeing that his efforts were in vain, he dismissed them, and thus they sailed back to Asia through the Hellespont. ^B

CHAPTER LXXI.

At the same time, the Emperor Palæologus was suffering from a dangerous illness at Heraclea, for which the Patriarch and some of the nobles took him back to Byzantium. ^C Apocauchus, however, the Great Duke, was left behind as supreme military commander with the army, and he prepared to march upon Didymotichum, for he had learned that the Persians had deserted Emperor Cantacuzenus. Furthermore, the King of the Mysians promised to send him aid, having dissolved his treaties with the Emperor, and not long after he sent the promised support. The Emperor, ignorant of none of these things, prepared himself as best he could to receive the enemy, and having left his son Matthew in Chalcidice with as large a force as he deemed sufficient should any come against him, and having appointed John Asanes, his wife’s brother, as governor over the small towns in the region of Morrha that had surrendered to him, with garrisons, he himself returned to Didymotichum with the rest. The Great Duke, powerful, with the entire Roman army, ^D left Heraclea and surrounded the fortress of Empythium with a siege, and moved up artillery and siege engines to the walls; in this assault he lost many of his men. For that fortress was far the most fortified in its wall construction. Seeing, therefore, that it could not be taken by force (for the besieged also had a plentiful supply of provisions), he lifted the siege. While these things were being done, Momitzilus, deeming the dignity with which the Empress had invested him to be of higher value, and calling himself Despot, renewed the war against the Emperor and harassed the cities in Chalcidice to the best of his ability. The Great Duke, moreover, sent Synadenus as an envoy to the Emperor—who had previously been sent to him at Berrhœa—signifying that although he had thought to besiege and assault the fortress of Empythium, and could capture it very easily if he wished, nevertheless, being mindful of his former benevolence toward him, he did not want to. Now, if it met with his approval, he wished to meet with him, to discuss certain more secret matters that to no one

else could he entrust, if indeed it seemed best to him as well. To meet with him while he was arrayed in his imperial robes was not easy for him, and yet, he did not imagine that he would wish to change into civilian clothing. He indicated that he should consider how each of these things might be arranged. ^A The Emperor, taking offense at such pretenses, sent back a reply that there was no reason why he should continue to use fraud and deceits with him; for he had already experienced his character many times, and therefore he had not the slightest trust in him. If he were able to take the fortress, he should not hesitate, for it would not be of better counsel to the empire if, when he had the opportunity to harm the enemy, he should knowingly and willingly spare them. But he thought that this assault was not very welcome, with so many of his soldiers dying every day.

Furthermore, regarding his desire to speak with him, he knew well that it was difficult for one to gaze upon the imperial ornaments; just as it is not easy for those with sore eyes to look at the sun, but it is more pleasant for them to close their eyes and remain in the darkness. Yet, since he was seized by an incredible desire for peace, seeing the calamities that were flooding the Romans, and believing that their meeting would aim at nothing other than peace, he had devised a method by which he could be seen by him without imperial attire, even though he would, no less than before, remain Emperor. This was that they should meet as cataphracts: let the feet have greaves and the head be covered with a helmet, and let the rest of the body be similarly armed, so that it might not be known whether he was wearing imperial clothing underneath or civilian. ^B The Great Duke praised this idea and promised to act in accordance with what had been agreed.

During this same time, while Empythium was being besieged, his son-in-law, the protostrator, was drowned in the Hebrus. For at the end of summer, at midday, while he was swimming across the river in sport, he was swept away by the force of the waves and perished. Because of this death of his son-in-law, which was greatly disastrous to him, he remained long in mourning and misery. Not much time passed before he marched his army to Didymoteichon. Before he was near, he sent the prelate of Macre to the Emperor, to signify that he would arrive shortly, not as an enemy so much as a friend, and to discuss the matters he had previously mentioned. ^C He also sent wax impressed with the Emperor’s signet ring (which he had taken away among other things during the time of the war), as a kind of pledge of a cessation of hostilities and a truce. The Emperor, thinking that he was telling the truth, began to array himself according to the agreement and awaited his meeting, leaving only a few soldiers outside, but ordering that none of the others should go outside the walls, fearing, of course, that some new incident might be intentionally caused by someone, ^D from which an excuse for not ending the war might arise.

Now the Great Duke, before he reached the city, sent some archers and companies and ordered them to attack the defenders of Didymoteichon. They, attacking immediately, cast thick volleys of missiles. Furthermore, they set fire to the suburban buildings by casting torches. Since the beginning of the battle was made by them in this manner, the men of Didymoteichon sallied out, and after many were wounded by the walls

^A repulerunt, frustrati eos. The Emperor sent the bishop of Makre back to the Grand Duke, reproaching him for his habitual craftiness and falsehood. When he gained nothing by this fraud and deceit, he moved his camp southward and spent the night not far away. The following day, with cavalry and soldiers of both types of armor, he invaded the region of Morrha, devastating it most foully and filling everything with flames. Having conquered no towns—because the Emperor had reinforced each one with garrisons beforehand—he returned to Byzantium.

Momitzilos, having grown in wealth and acquired a famous name and reputation through the intestine war of the Romans, and judging himself sufficient to establish an independent principality, revolted alike from the Emperor Cantacuzenos and the Empress Anna (even though he still went about wearing the insignia of a despot with which she had gifted him). He bore arms equally against both, occupying cities and villages. He was, however, particularly troublesome and annoying to the Emperor’s son, Matthew, through frequent incursions and plunderings. He had gathered nearly four thousand cavalry, all most brave; and because of the strength of his spirit and the naturally most fortified sites he occupied, he was considered insuperable.

CHAPTER LXXII.

^C But in Byzantium, the Ephors or inspectors, seeing the Roman state—the realm—soured and torn into six hundred pieces, and many large cities having become subject to the Moesi and Triballi; and furthermore, all of Thrace being reduced to slavery by the Persians, with only the cities left, and even those expecting no milder fate than the villages had suffered; they were so indignant at such a miserable state of affairs that they deemed it no longer tolerable. Therefore, they were the ones who persuaded the Empress to strike a pact of peace and alliance with the Emperor Cantacuzenos. "For," they said, "if we defeat him, we will have nothing left to rule, as all things will have been utterly destroyed; and if we are defeated, we shall perish ^D along with the others." The Empress embraced this counsel as just and useful, and the Grand Logothete Gabalas especially urged her and the others toward this path. But the Grand Duke, since it was not possible for these things to be hidden from him, setting aside everything else, hastened to Byzantium. There, not sooner than the usual...

^A salutations to the Empress, but having first gone to the temple of the Mother of God Hodegetria and offered prayers, he then came to the tower in the Manganai—a place outside of Byzantium which he had held even while the Emperor Andronikos was alive, but which he had restored during this present war and fortified with great works, placing within it weapons and other provisions suitable for sustaining a siege, and stationing a garrison—having come to that tower, I say, he spent the night there.

On the following day, when the Patriarch came to visit him, he first reproached him for his fickleness and his change of attitude toward him. For he said he had believed that the souls of both were so knit together that they moved the bodies of each, and that both were of the same mind and choice; but now, the direct opposite appeared to be the case. For he had heard it reported that he too had assented to those things discussed concerning the peace treaty with Cantacuzenos—things which he ought not to have done; for he ought to have known most clearly that, unless he himself had been the one to initiate the war against Cantacuzenos—being ^B entangled in many matters on that account, and having set every engine in motion—Palamas would have long since been deposed from his patriarchal throne. Now, besides presiding over the Church, he was no less a master of public affairs, viewed with admiration by all the Romans, and called father and guardian of the Emperor. He ought to have reflected upon this, and not, while seeking the benefit of others, to have cast away his own safety. For before the war had been stirred up, Cantacuzenos would have halted his anger at [the point of] deposition. But now, after having suffered so many insulting and grievous things at his hands—of which, he said, you yourself were no less the cause—do not think that the penalty for such great injuries would be anything humane or tolerable; rather, it would be an insulting death for you, and the destruction of your entire family. For we have heard from many who have arrived from there that he burns with an immense hatred against us who have waged war upon him. Wherefore, it is my ^C opinion to wage war upon him perpetually, and I desire and counsel you to do the same, and not to meddle curiously in matters that are far off and of no profit, but to provide for how we ourselves shall be saved; and this, in no other way will come to pass, unless we strive to make that war constant. For this so-called peace, believe me, is nothing other than the most certain destruction of ourselves, our children, and our kin. By such arguments, he swayed the Patriarch, who even himself was not greatly panting for peace, but was necessarily following the opinions of others.

Then, appealing to the Empress also through an envoy, he said that he was vehemently astonished as to what this was, since he himself had shrunk from no danger or toil on behalf of her and her children, that it did not seem right to them, in turn, to strive for his and the Patriarch’s protection. For he [asserted that he], immediately upon perceiving that Cantacuzenos, upon the death of the Emperor, was brewing ^D unjust and violent counsels, and wishing to cast her and her children not only from the empire, but even to strip them of life—even though he had been endowed with many benefits by him before, and was obligated to return the favor by undergoing any risk for his sake—had preferred to act perilously on their behalf rather than to obtain the first honors at his side, having, of course, cursed the communion of wicked deeds.

^A seeing that Cantacuzenus was planning unjust and violent acts, and wished to deprive not only him of his empire, but even his very life and his children. Although he had previously received many benefits from him, and as a just man it behooved him to choose every danger on his behalf in return for those favors, he chose rather to endanger himself for their sake than to reap the first honors at his court, loathing the communion of wicked deeds. He openly engaged in war against him, while all the others hesitated and trembled at his power; and he reduced him to such straits that he first sought the aid of the Triballi, and at last, now, of the Persians. But he, with great zeal and sagacity, had turned everything against him and shown all his enemies to be allies, and now he had brought him to such a plight that he pledged to lay down the empire and live the life of a private citizen. But when, after having toiled much and fought and endured such dangers, he had brought the enterprise to a good end, they themselves, through their own lack of judgment, overturned everything. For he, upon learning that they had deliberated about fixing a peace and truce with him, on the condition that he remain emperor, concluded that he must abandon everything and come hither, and, once at home, consider the future. For he feared to come to her, lest what they had decreed in his absence by words, they might fulfill in his presence by deeds, and he, holding the contrary opinion, might perish. “If, therefore,” he said, “you yourselves have refrained from such most unprofitable things, and have chosen to continue the war against Cantacuzenus, as at the beginning—for this is most profitable for us—I am prepared, having received assurances from them that nothing untoward will befall me, to act with the others in whatever they deem advantageous. But if she has thought otherwise and prefers peace, which will be the seed of many and great calamities for us, he should consider and act upon whatever seems profitable; but in any case, he is able, more than the others, to provide well for his own affairs.” Such things were relayed to the empress through the patriarch. ^B And when the great logothete Gabalas also visited him, he said that he was wonderfully deceived in him, having thought that he surpassed others in the acumen of his understanding and in the experience of dealing with great affairs. For to think now, when he had been bound by such great merits to Cantacuzenus, that he had plotted war and ambushes against him, and had caused him the most and gravest inconveniences—more than anyone else—that he would now experience him, thanks to a peace, as mild and clement, and not rather that he himself and his family would perish in some unheard-of way, and as is fitting for the insults done to him, was not to be wise, nor to reason well; for war would benefit them far more than peace. For if they wage war, they will always be safe and continue to rule. But if, because of that, they suffer a diminution of the empire, one should not therefore neglect safety, since it is better to command a few than, through the amplification of it, to be subject to others and die an inglorious death. For if they make peace with him, there is nothing that will keep them safe and unharmed from the danger. He therefore urged Gabalas to join himself to him again, to rekindle the war, and to renew their mutual oath; and he would take his daughter as his wife, and together they would apply themselves to the war and administer the Roman empire. With these words he ensnared him, and by common accord they decreed war. They swore, moreover—Gabalas, for his part, to bring aid to the grand duke for the war and never to think of peace in any way, nor to assent to others discussing it; and Apocauchus [truly], to give his daughter to him as a wife, and to be hindered by no pretext from the marriage, although [the priest]

sacred disease, or by epilepsy, or by melancholy, or by whatever other infirmity that might come upon him, none of these should be an impediment to the marriage.

CHAPTER LXXIII.

^B When matters involving Gabalas also proceeded according to his wishes, Apocauchus commended him to the patriarch and sent them both to the empress. Having arrived, they first delivered the words of Apocauchus to the empress; next, they advised that the request was just and that war was to be preferred to peace. For it had become clear from events that no one else was able to stand against Cantacuzenus except the Grand Duke. Wherefore it seemed right that she should have him as her friend and ally in the war. But this could not happen in any other way than if war were decreed once more. For he asserted that he had determined that peace would never exist between himself and Cantacuzenus. Therefore, if she herself were to comply, it would go well; if not, she must take care lest Cantacuzenus appear inside Byzantium with all his forces at the invitation of the Grand Duke. For in this way alone, he claimed, could he compensate for the insults toward him and the other evils which he had displayed against him during the time of war. The empress, however, who even before this had conjectured from many signs the perversity and evil arts of these men, and that the Grand Duke cared for nothing else but ^C that he alone might rule over the state, recognizing his insolence most clearly from these words, and possessing no others with whom she might share her thoughts (for the other nobles and those related by blood to Cantacuzenus were all held in the emperor’s prisons or were shut up in their own homes, and she did not trust that they would be kindly disposed toward her if they were released from their bonds), she added her consent to the war once more, though against her will. But she was moved to assent gradually, and was especially led into deception, because she had heard that Cantacuzenus had been forced by the Grand Duke to abdicate the empire and resume the habit of a private citizen. Thus war is undertaken again, and the Grand Duke takes up the reins of power once more; yet not in monarchical fashion as before, but somewhat more moderately. For he already feared to offend his colleagues, seeing that ^D affairs were gradually being submitted to them, and that Cantacuzenus was growing in power, lest, if he acted more harshly...

toward the government, he might become a burden, and they would prefer to be ruled by the Emperor rather than by him. ^A But he, seeing that he had been stripped of no small part of his former authority, and fearing that if he were completely condemned and destroyed, either by a peace being made with the Emperor or by other leaders being set up in his place, he decided to persuade the Empress, the Patriarch, and the others to send an embassy to the Emperor regarding the laying down of the Empire (which, as it happened, he had promised to do). In the meantime, while a sort of truce was in effect ^B as if he were negotiating terms with certain men who were bound to the Emperor, he wished that if, after the embassy, the conduct of affairs and the war were once again entrusted to him (for he knew that he had offered nothing sound), none of the things that had been established would be changed, but he would attend to the war as from the beginning; but if he were made a mockery and stripped of the administration of the Empire, he would support the Emperor. By such counsel he confirmed what had been said, and swayed the Empress and the nobles to send an embassy to the Emperor. And there were chosen as envoys, from the Empress and the senate, ^C George Pepagomenus and Synadenus, who had previously been sent by the Great Duke to Cantacuzenus at Didymoteichon; and from the Church and the Patriarch, the Metropolitan of Philippopolis and the guardian of the sacellium, Cabasilas. They also wrote down the terms of the embassy in letters, the colleagues together with the Great Duke writing separately, and the Patriarch writing separately. And they signed the letters with their own signatures, so that they might be credible. The content of the nobles' letter was as follows: "Since, by doing well, you have judged yourself and recognized the magnitude ^D of the ruin brought upon the Romans through you, as you undertook things impossible and unlawful, you have asked to lay down the Empire and to change into the habit of a private man, just as the most beloved and truest friend to our most excellent and holy Emperor, the Great Duke, has clearly informed us. We, judging these things to be just, and at the same time advantageous both to yourself and to the others, have praised your good counsel, and have performed this embassy so that what you yourself have asked for may reach its end. Moreover, so that you may have no suspicion that any difficulty or troubling matter will befall you after the private condition, we have sent these letters, and have affixed our signatures thereto for the sake of security, and so that you may trust them to remain immutable." Afterward, they also wrote down the pensions which he, with his children and relatives, would receive from the public revenues. And these things were contained in the letters of the nobles. The Patriarch's letter was written in this manner: "Blessed be God, who does not wish for the death of the sinner, but rather that he should convert and live. How badly you have deserved of yourself and others, by inciting war in this one and the same nation, by violating the oath given to the late Emperor, and by...

plotting against his children for the throne; and you are not yourself ignorant of the fact that you have been the cause of many great calamities for the Romans, the magnitude of which even those inhabiting the furthest ends of the earth have heard. But since, having come to an awareness of your audacious deeds and having condemned your own strange enterprises, you have repented and are rightly turning back—whence you went out wrongly—desiring to strip yourself of the empire and change into the guise of a private citizen, just as I was able to learn precisely from that most beloved and most genuine great duke of the most excellent and holy Emperor, I myself was filled with as much joy as was fitting for me to be filled with in a matter of this kind; and the Church of God, opening her arms with all spiritual charity and joy, receives you; and we await your arrival to us day by day, so that both the lifting of the sentence to which you were subjected may take place, and we may delight in one another by conversing according to the ancient custom." ^B Such were the things the patriarch wrote.

When the envoys reached Pamphilon, they sent word to the Emperor that they had come on an embassy, but had been instructed by those who sent them not to address him as Emperor in their colloquies. If this were tolerable to him, he should make it known, so that they might approach and declare the business of their embassy; but if, on account of such arrogance, he were likely to drive them away in anger, they would not arrive at all, but rather turn back from Pamphilon. But the Emperor, considering it of the utmost importance to meet with certain notable men from Byzantium and to speak with them about all the matters touching him—namely, that he had been slandered by false accusers, and that he himself had provided no pretext for the war, but that from the first day until now he had out of necessity been defending his own safety and that of those with him—and hoping at the same time that they had come for the sake of peace, ordered them to arrive at him, as he would make no account of the mode of address. ^C For the sake of the common benefit, he was prepared to endure not only such things, but also insults and anything else that might seem more grievous. For if any profit were to come to the Romans from such things, he would return much thanks to them for it; but if, on the other hand, the worst were to prevail and they were to depart with the peace unachieved, not even thus would some disgrace from the simplicity of the address remain for him. The envoys arrived on these terms, and they reported the matters regarding the embassy; at the same time they presented the letters, and they were careful not to address him as Emperor during their conversations.

CHAPTER LXXIV

^A When the Emperor had heard these words and read the letters, he burst into laughter at the trivialities written therein. For the moment, he dismissed the envoys to take food and rest at the lodging where they were staying; but on the following day, having held an assembly of those present, he summoned the envoys as well. Before offering any defense regarding the matters for which they had been sent as envoys, he placed his own conduct before the assembly for examination. Everything was scrutinized since the death of the Emperor Andronikos, whereby he demonstrated to the envoys that he had acted rightly and justly, and in a manner most beneficial to the Emperor's children and to all the Romans. He also bade the envoys to speak fearlessly if they had any accusations to make, as he was prepared to render an account for everything. When they objected and leveled charges regarding certain points, he responded to each one. This process occupied the following six days; and through many arguments and proofs, it was demonstrated that the Emperor had suffered injuries of the most unworthy kind, and that the Grand Duke and the other instigators of the war were not merely sycophants and horribly ungrateful toward him, and scoundrels beyond what can be expressed, but that they had also been the primary cause of the murders, the enslavements, and the immense calamities that had overwhelmed the Romans during the time of the war. After the sixth day, preparing to give his response to the envoys concerning their mission, he began as follows: “Nothing can so easily destroy both a city using democratic rule and a kingdom, or monarchy, as the absence of men who are prudent and who take counsel on what is necessary. For if a city has such citizens, or a kingdom has such leaders, even if they should happen to stumble by some chance, they could easily recover their former fortune; but if they were once deprived of such men, there will be no obstacle to prevent them from arriving as quickly as possible at the final state of wretchedness. I now greatly lament the Roman Empire, because, though it formerly abounded in many wonderful men, time, which consumes and destroys all things, has now brought it to such a pass that those who hold the highest authority are no better than the common people. For as for these men—who are sent on an embassy, and sent to me, who have already ruled over them for a long time, and whom they, if it be not invidious to say so, deemed it a great piece of good fortune to behold even with a mild expression—that they should, without having inquired into or investigated anything, write down so recklessly and boldly whatever came into their mouths, one would not blame them so much for doing what is worthy of themselves, as for the fact that the formerly illustrious and blessed Roman Empire has now been brought to ruin, O immortal God, by being governed by such slaves. But I shall say nothing more about them, for such a state—and one even worse—befits them; but I marvel not only at the wickedness, the lust for lying, and the rashness of Apokaukos, the Grand Parakoimomenos, but also at his shamelessness; for although he can be convicted of lies by not a few very clear examples, yet lest he appear to have stirred up war in vain and without cause, and to have labored fruitlessly, he [seeks to cover his] fleeting glory with dishonor in all...

^A. However, one ought not to consider his action as something very marvelous. For his whole life is nothing but craftiness, perjury, and imposture, and since he could more easily draw breath without air than without these, it is no wonder if, by lying to God continually, he should resolve to practice falsehood toward men as well. But as for me, being a lover of truth from my youth, and holding it even to this day as of the greatest importance, and preferring it to all other human prosperity, I will speak what is true. And this Synadenos will bear witness to me, being privy to my words and a witness worthy of trust, who came to me from him. ^B For while he was besieging the fortress of Empythium, he sent this envoy to me, and he affirmed that he desired to meet me for the sake of conversation—wickedly and in a manner worthy of his own character, as he was simulating, which the deed itself clearly showed. But when I consented (for I thought that he intended to discuss peace, of which I was most desirous, and I confess that I was a scant investigator of the discussions concerning it, even if they were concocted for fraud) and gave myself over to joy, he said that he could not speak with me in imperial attire; to me, however, it would be much more difficult to set aside this adornment, and therefore he desired that some new method be discovered by which we might meet. Then I, inflamed by the desire for peace, said, "But this difficulty, I said, I would resolve quite easily: we shall ^C come together armed, so that it may be unknown whether we are covered within by imperial or private clothing." Whether, therefore, this was some agreement to live in the manner of private citizens after laying aside the empire, as he lies, judge for yourselves. But if it is otherwise than as I say, let Synadenos, who is present, refute me, which he cannot do. As for those who are called "archons" (though they would more justly be called slaves and bondsmen) and the mendacious prefect of the bedchamber, and for the refutation of their stupidity and ignorance, and this man's perversity, enough has been said. ^D I shall now turn to the apology before the patriarch. But if he is convicted by these words of being a liar and a perjurer, and the cause of the blood and the murders and the thousand evils that have now held the unhappy Romans for so long, of which he himself in his writings asserts that I, through desires for the empire, have been the cause, let him not count against me the conviction and the shame resulting from these words, but [let him feel wrath] against the one who brought him to this point. He says, therefore, that I, failing in the oath taken to Emperor Andronicus, and breaking that marvelous friendship from which, as long as he lived, I obtained many and singular goods, plotted against his children and his consort after his death. If he were accusing me of intemperance, or stupidity, or cowardice, or anything of those things that have a passing reproach, and whose insult reaches to the body, I would have borne the accusation in silence out of reverence for him; but since he accuses me of perjury, which differs in no way from impiety (for perjury, he says, is a denial of God), what remains but—

Jacobi Pontani note

ry, he says, is a denial of God), what remains but—with boldness to dismiss the accusations, and to show that he himself is as involved in perjury as I have been most notably averse to it? As regards that blessed emperor of ever-memorable memory, who was dearest of all to me and more precious than my own life—whom even while he lived I cherished, and whose every labor I deemed a delight, and whose indelible memory I carry with me after his death—I would say that I neither swore to him nor perjured myself; for he never required oaths of me, suspecting nothing evil on my part. My daily actions, indeed, were stronger than a thousand oaths, demonstrating my pure faith and love toward him. For we are accustomed to force oaths not upon those from whom we fear nothing, but upon those whom we most mistrust. ^B Yet I do not wish to be absolved of these crimes on that account, if I should appear to have plotted against his children after his departure from this life. For one is equally held guilty of injustice whether one acts unjustly while unsworn or while under oath. But we shall examine this matter after the refutation of the oath that has been brought against me. Now, however, I say that the patriarch himself is lying calumniously when he asserts that I rendered the oath given to the emperor void. If he means the oaths that I swore to the empress and to the emperor, his son, I first reply that I did not swear to them either; for no necessity required it. I say that the same argument I used regarding the emperor ought to hold for them: namely, that even without an oath, no one can plot against them or remove them from power, unless he wishes to commit a manifest crime. But if he speaks of the oaths which I later gave to him (to the patriarch, I mean), I once, out of reverence for the man, had resolved to say not a word concerning them. ^C But since he himself forces them to be brought into examination, if I show that he himself is the one who has perjured himself, let him take it in good part. For shortly after the recent death of the emperor, when I saw him attempting to manage public affairs, and itching with ambition and a desire for power; and knowing how profitless it would be to indulge such an appetite (for I foresaw that from this a great mass of discord and causes for sedition would arise), while to openly thwart his attempt appeared invidious and like a tyrannical affectation, I wrestled for a long time with such uncertain and wavering thoughts. Finally, I decided that, if not for the sake of the state, then certainly for my own, I should look to my own interests, and I resolved to consign my life, removed from the clamor of public affairs, to honest leisure and tranquility, lest I should be thought to have been the head and source of terrible calamities for the Romans. ^D Wherefore, using the same envoy to the empress, I abdicated the administration of the empire. She, struck dumb by the unexpected news, and believing that my withdrawal from affairs was no less a calamity than that which then held sway, turned to every means—reproaching, entreating, and moving every stone—so that...

Jacobi Pontani notes: The way and manner of trusting the argument, Perjury is a denial of God. Cantacuzenus used "for" differently than the verse required; and it is the same.

^A to persuade them to take up affairs again. And he himself was the emissary for both sides in all these matters. But when I was swayed by her many arguments, and looked to the orphancy of the Emperor’s children, and her widowhood, and how much they especially needed the protection which it was right for me to show, returning the favors of my friendship for the Emperor by providing guardianship for the children, even if I were to fall into dangers, I was persuaded; yet not so thoughtlessly as to be able to accuse myself of imprudence later. But also, with the Patriarch present, I had discoursed many times beforehand with the Empress about the need not to pay heed to slanderers, who would sprout up in great numbers, stitching together accusations and calumnies against me. For envy will not allow one to remain quiet, but if they were to accuse me of something such that she herself could perceive from what was said that it was a lie, she should dismiss it with anger and hate the slanderers. But if it should touch her soul and create doubt whether the accusations were true, she should not condemn me immediately, nor move toward retaliation, but call me to trial and grant time for a defense. And if I were proven to be acting unjustly and violating my oath, I would pay the penalty; but if I were cleared of the charges, she should deem the accusers to be what they are—that is, slanderers. The Empress, however, was not persuaded by these words, nor did she say she would have need of trials and proofs against me, but she presented the authority as unaccountable. But as I did not desist, but rather insisted on the promise of a trial, she yielded, having been compelled, and we provided oaths to one another in the presence of the Patriarch: she, ^B that she would never issue a verdict against me having been persuaded by slanderers, but would call me to trial and make inquiries into the offenses; and I, that I would never act with ill intent toward her, nor plot against her and the children in regard to the government, but would perform whatever was for their benefit and for the common good of the Romans. ^C And when matters had been thus arranged, still fearing the weakness of a woman—lest, not being capable of showing such greatness of mind and abundance of judgment, she might be misled by deceitful and captious words and by calumnies and be driven to a war against me—I took aside the Patriarch alone and, having reminded him of many of the good deeds performed by me, I then begged him to uphold my rights; and to advise the Empress, since he was always going to spend his time in Byzantium, not to believe the slanderers, nor to condemn me before a trial, since the benefit from this would accrue not to me alone, but to all the Romans in common. For all of them it is just that he should provide, as he was ordained by God to be a shepherd, a guardian, and a teacher. And he, rising up, immediately swore that he would take thought for me no less than a father for a natural son; and that he would so defend my rights, just as if he himself were present, and that he would—if any were to emerge—most especially expose the slanderers as lying, and would preserve me with all his might from any harm resulting from them. But if, ^D

^A however, this must nonetheless be protected for me: that I should not be condemned without a trial. And since it was necessary to converse about the same matters twice and three times, he swore so many times—and not only with oaths becoming a priest, but even a layman. This marvelous protector and guardian of justice, therefore, before ten days had passed after my departure from Byzantium, persuaded by the chamberlain who slandered me (that I wished to cast him down from the throne and introduce Palamas in his place), started the civil war himself; knowing most clearly that he was slandering. And in order to avenge himself against me for the hostility he thought I bore him, he deceived even the empress—a thing no other could have done—and stirred up war. Alas, he who provides peace for others, the disciple of the peaceful and meek Master, ^B neither reverenced the oaths which he had sworn just yesterday and the day before, nor did he come to any realization of the misery of the Romans that they were about to suffer because of the war; but looking only to one thing, how he might remove me, who had done no wrong, from the midst. And not even until today has he had his fill of plots and slanders; rather, even after such bloodshed, after the enslavement of the wretched Romans, and the pillaging, the plundering, and the universal destruction, so to speak, he was not moved to pity; nor did he take any compassion upon those suffering, but everything was more endurable to him than peace with me. But perhaps he will say—just as I hear him say, in order to spur the empress on to war—that as long as he saw me using upright ^C and just reasonings, and planning what was beneficial for the emperor’s children, he was well-disposed and kept his oaths; but since I turned away from what was necessary and chose to do wrong, he himself, acting justly, defends the emperor's children. And what is the proof of this, my good man? For if it suffices merely to say so, and this must be considered enough to prove the matter, then you are a brilliant and most fortunate man, to triumph over your enemies so easily without labor. But your daily inventions and perverse actions, in which you have been caught, will not allow many to hold this opinion of you. But if such a thing is not only to be spoken, but also to be considered a mark of madness, it remains that proofs must be brought forward. Wherefore, if he knows anything of this sort about me, let him openly convict me: if he says he heard it from someone else, let him produce the witnesses—which he will not be able to do, unless he wishes to slander again ^D without proof. But I, for my part, shall provide the most manifest testimony from the deeds themselves. For neither before the war was stirred up by them, nor immediately after it was stirred up, could it be shown that I had meditated or done anything to plot against the emperor’s children, nor even when it had commenced; but after the imprisonment of my mother and son, and the deprivation of my property, and the proscription of my friends and kinsmen, I did not turn to seek vengeance, but seeing to what evils the war between us would lead, I was grieved that it had begun, and I believed that those who stirred it up like a flame were sinning grievously, and I myself, as much as was in me, hastened to dissolve it, and I was making an embassy for the sake of peace. And I demanded justice,

^A and did not refuse to pay the penalty if I should be convicted of perjury. But they cared so little about doing what was just, or taking any thought for the termination of the war, that, after having heap insults upon me over past events and reviled me in the assembly, they then insulted my envoys and sent them away without a hearing. After this, as if wishing to make it clear by their very deeds that they held the law in no account, and that they had not chosen the war for any decent pretext, but were resolved to kill me by any means whatsoever, they made their zeal for "protecting the Empress" a pretext for the war. They sent decrees everywhere throughout the cities, forbidding me any access to them and declaring me a common enemy. And their wickedness did not stop at these limits; but even here, while I was sojourning, they ordered me not to go outside the gate, but to sit at home and wait for the death sentence. What, then, I ask you by the truth itself, was I supposed to do in the face of these things? To lurk within walls and await my slaughter? Who would not count me a fool if I were to die in such a way, with no glory, but rather with disgrace? Or to bear a servile and unfree spirit, struck by the sudden turn of events, and to surrender myself to the chamberlain, so that he might have the power to do me harm and cast me into dungeons, just like those other slaves ^B who have surrendered themselves to him—some of whom inhabit dungeons after first having their goods subjected to the auctioneer’s call and being afflicted with various cruelties, while others are driven and carried about like Carians, having the necessity to do whatever he may command? To which, indeed, these things are not to be compared, nor even to a thousand deaths? Or when has the sun ever seen greater or more paradoxical insolence, that a man from the dung-heap, as they say, my own servant—who would boast greatly if he were deemed worthy of a calm look from me, or addressed with some friendly word—should now be able to insult me petulantly and vent his pride and malice? For these reasons I wished to save myself and my own people, and to do what that truly blessed Emperor often urged, and what everyone knows, especially since my enemies were driving me to such a necessity, and thus to combine my private safety with the safety and wholeness of the entire republic. And from that time until now, I have never ceased ^C beseeching them for peace. But it seems I am "reaping the asphodel" (37); for everything is easy for them and can be borne, only peace they cannot endure. Let us inspect, therefore, which of us appears to have committed injury and perjury: he who from the beginning kept his oaths until the enemies broke faith by force, and even now seeks peace, and is prepared to lay down his arms; or he whom ^D [NOTE: The Greek text here terminates at the bottom of the column. The Latin continues: *...quem nec*]

patriarch also casts upon me the destruction that has been wrought by the war, let us consider who is the author of it. For first, I suppose that anyone at all will lay the blame for what has happened on the leader of the war; for no one ever accused a man defending himself for the reason that he was saving his own life. Then let us examine things in detail; from whom come the confiscations, the slaughters, the exiles, the prisons, and the tortures? Are they not from them? Have they not filled all the cities with tears and blood? Do they not, like common enemies of the Romans, fly about everywhere and destroy the best of men? Have they not squandered both public and private Roman money on things that are worthless? For I let pass our own—so vast a sum that, had they not themselves stirred up the war, I had intended to devote it (and I invoke God, the witness of all hidden and secret things) to the common good, just as I was prepared to do. Have they not betrayed some cities to the Mysians, and willingly abandoned others to the Triballi? Did they not themselves first bring the Barbarians upon the Romans, overrunning Macedonia and dragging many into slavery as if it were an enemy land? Did they not, by their frequent expeditions, prove all of Thrace to be unconquerable and turn it into a wasteland? Did they not, just recently, mangle Morrha because it was on my side? Did they not carry off all the common revenues? Did they not crush part of the army as if it were an adversary, and neglect another part as if it were suspect? And as for what still remains, is it not weak both in number and in kind? What have I done that is similar? Unless it be that I repel the Mysians and Triballi who are invading, and, being unable to oppose their forces with the remaining Roman power, I am compelled to invite the Barbarians as allies, just as I was taught by them. Which of us, then, has been the cause—or rather the perpetrator—of these destructions and plunderings ^B and the plague? Was it not they? It happens to them just as if someone, shooting arrows into the sky and then being wounded by the arrows falling back down, were to attribute the cause of the wound not to himself, but to the sky. That they themselves, therefore, brought about the unspeakable misfortune of the Romans in the cities, and that they are in the highest degree guilty of the enslavement and the pillaging of the rest of the land, while refusing to listen even with the tips of their ears to peace, so that they might destroy me alone, is clear from these facts. ^C But it occurs to me to marvel at the wickedness—for that is what I should rather call it than lack of concern—of the patriarch in these matters; for though I have often and much entreated him for peace, and especially him as the president and patron of peace, and him who daily invokes peace for all, he never yielded to those entreaties, nor did he say that the Church would open her bowels of compassion, but they were harder than bronze. Now, however, when he has heard the fabrications and lies of the prefect of the bedchamber—to which nothing is more pleasing to him—he has suddenly appeared mild and gentle. And yet I would willingly ask him which Church he means. For if he means the universal brotherhood of bishops, he should know that they have never closed their bowels of compassion to me, but have kept them open to me from the very beginning; and the majority ^D

^A of them think as I do, and condemn his cruelty because of the wars and slaughters. But if he means himself and his associates, first of all, not even they themselves all approve of what is happening; rather, they weep for themselves, as being deceived and caught up in vile deeds. Furthermore, they are not the Church; for the common assembly of those who have believed is called the Church, of which the bishops and the elite of the monks are the principal and most excellent parts. Each of these, being the best and holding to the most upright principles, thinks exactly as I do, as I show myself, from the very beginning, to be a man of good will and useful action towards the Christian Church. Therefore, the Church has not previously closed its bowels ^B to me, nor is it opening them now; but he himself, a perjurer and slanderer, and the instigator of war—who was previously unable, through many slaughters and irreparable evils, to achieve his goal of destroying me—now trusts that through his friend's lies he will succeed, and he opens his bowels, as he says, not to receive me humanely (for I have long begged for this myself and have not been heard), but that he might devour me. These things, then, even if they seem to have been said somewhat sharply, the emotion deserves pardon. For a soul pressed by many injuries and ulcerated by wrongs is accustomed to utter such things and much harsher ones. Beyond other things, he even promises that he will pardon me the penalty of excommunication. If, therefore, he knows the facts about penance as he should and is merely feigning this, hoping to deceive me, I forgive him for wanting to obtain what he already holds. But if he is ignorant of the power that he has regarding such things—which I truly believe—I will teach him. Some men lead their lives holily and in accordance with the divine laws, and are firm and stable in their faith; while others go the exact opposite way. Thus, as many as commit ^C perjury, or murders, or any other forbidden acts, or who are led astray in the doctrine of the faith by adhering to evil and corrupt dogmas, these have estranged themselves from the portion of Christ. For there is no communion between light and darkness. But the bishops are the interpreters of the divine will and are teachers and providers for the others. Therefore, they are the first to be taught by the Spirit, and they teach others who have been cut off from God through their persistence in evil not to mix with them, nor to eat with them, nor to pray with them, as they are separated from God; so that either they might repent of their evil ways, ashamed of the separation, or that the others might not be harmed by association with them. For it is easier for one to take on vice than to impart virtue. But if he objects, saying, "Why then did Christ say, 'Whatever things you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven'?" (Matt. xviii, 18), let him listen to the blessed Peter himself, to whom the power was given. He ^D clearly instructs Clement, his successor, in this way: "You shall loose and bind what is right."

, 18), let him listen to the blessed Peter himself, to whom the power was given. He clearly instructs Clement, his successor, in this way: "You shall loose and bind what is right." ^A Likewise, Christ spoke the word to him absolutely, knowing precisely that he would bind nothing among those worthy that had not already been bound. But Peter, in turn, being inspired by the teacher himself, added the definition of what things are necessary, fearing, as it seems, lest such a disease might later arise, and bishops might think they have the authority to separate from God whomever they wish on account of their own private grievances and passions; a condition which this man suffers now, being ignorant of his own power. It is clear, therefore, that if one commits acts worthy of separation from God, even before the bishops make it manifest to others, he is already separated from God—just as it was revealed by God to Peter, the ruler of the Church of Alexandria, that the blessed Arius, who had raged against Christ, was—even before the holy synod and the shearing away of the rest of the body of the Church—cut off from God, and deserving of hell and the punishment of the underworld. But if it should appear that he has committed no such thing, but performs the laws of God and observes the commandments, which most especially cause one to be numbered among the members of Christ, he surely would not be separated from Him if bishops, because of some turbulent impulse and aversion to reason, should prohibit him from the communion of the faithful. For the great beacon of the world, John of the golden tongue, unjustly driven from his flock by the bishops, having encountered many evils and been subjected to excommunication and anathema, ^B lost nothing of his glory; rather, he lives forever with Christ and is honored with Him, while those who cut him off have alienated themselves rather from the glory of God, having given themselves over to envy, sycophancy, slander, and countless other passions. If, therefore, he has anything of this sort to accuse me of, such that it would be worthy of separation from God, let him speak and show it, and I will bear the reproof meekly and will show every diligence for the correction of my sins. But if, incited by his own madness, envy, and sycophancy, because I did not wish to surrender myself to be slaughtered by him, he has decided to separate me from God, let him watch that he has not rather driven the sword into himself than into me. For ^C

Notes by Jacobus Pontanus

(Clemens relates, in what words the holy Peter, near the time of his death or martyrdom, commended his office to the Church standing by): Therefore I pass on to him the power of binding and loosing entrusted to me by the Lord, so that whatever he shall determine on earth, this decree shall be in force also in heaven. For he shall bind what ought to be bound, and he shall loose what is expedient to be loosed, as one who clearly knows the rule of the Church.

(40) The history is read in the account of the martyrdom of the same holy Peter of Alexandria, concerning whom Eusebius wrote in book 10 of his *Ecclesiastical History*, as well as the authors of the *Tripartite History*, and others. In the additions of Joannes Molanus to the *Martyrology of Usuard*, it is word for word as follows: "The sentence of Maximinus against Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, having become known, the wretched Arius, who was considered excommunicated and degraded by him on account of the dogma of his error, arrived in haste at the church, beseeching the clergy and the people to intercede with the bishop for him, thinking that after his passing he himself would be raised to the bishopric. To which requests the bishop, with a great sigh, replied that Arius was already dead to God and cast out from the face of God. And taking two presbyters ^D aside from the crowd, he said to them: 'I, although I am a sinner, nevertheless know that I am called by a heavenly vocation to the struggle of martyrdom. You are to succeed to my see and bishopric after my martyrdom. And you, Achillas, first, and after you, Alexander. For in this hour of the night, that I may reveal to you the whole truth about Arius, when I had finished the solemn customary sacrifice of prayers to God, behold, suddenly the Lord Christ appeared to me, clothed in a white tunic, which, torn from the top to the bottom, He fastened around His chest, in a way covering His nakedness. When I saw Him, I said, "What is this, Lord, that I see Your tunic torn from top to bottom?" He said, "Arius has done this, who has separated from Me the people of My inheritance, purchased with My blood. I command you now, and I warn you, not to receive him into communion, nor at the request of those who will come to you, whom he shall have directed. These things which I have revealed to you, you shall make known to the two presbyters, that they, after you, may reject him by anathema, so that the people may not be deceived by his error."

ri sunt ad te, quos ille direxerit. Hæc quæ tibi manifestavi, duobus presbyteris tu nota facies, ut ipsi post te eum anathematizando abjiciant, ne populus illius errore decipiatur. ^A For it is well written by the great Dionysius, that the divine power does not follow the irrational impulses of bishops. If anyone should say that, whatever the state of the matter might be, the ecclesiastical penalty is not to be held of small account, but that much effort ought to be expended to resolve it, I say that I have left nothing undone on my part; but having often and earnestly requested this, I have never yet received a fair or reasonable answer. How, therefore, I have never swerved from justice from the very beginning, and have done those things which pertain to the common welfare, while they, on the contrary, have stirred up war by fabricating many slanders and calumnies, and have caused many evils to the Romans—nay, have themselves become the fonts and roots of all evils, some things having been performed by their own hand, and others they have forced me, unwilling, to commit—anyone may see most clearly from what has been said. ^B And that even now they do not desire peace, nor are they touched by compassion for those who perish daily, but desire—among other injuries—to take me into their power so that they themselves may rule over the entire Roman Empire (for this is what they are striving for above all else, and nothing else), is evident from their own embassy. For if they were meditating anything moderate and fruitful for the commonwealth, they would not have been so prompt to obey that vain slanderer and to attempt to subject me to themselves, and to subjugate me like a slave; I who, if nothing else, have at least for so long a time administered the Roman state, and would discharge this office better and more usefully than they. ^C The Patriarch and his associates, therefore, cared for nothing else than what they had proposed from the very beginning: to deprive me of this light, so that they might rule more securely themselves. But I, for the sake of the common good, which has always been my objective, am most anxious for peace, and I hold it in the highest regard, provided that they too would desist from the fabrications and lies of the chamberlain and be willing to embrace it. If, however, they choose to stir up war again, let them not attribute the evils that will arise from the war to me, but to themselves; for, as I foresee, they will be far more grievous than those that have preceded them. ^D For they indeed, by abandoning cities and regions to the Mysians and Triballians, made them allies whom they intend to use against me; and against these, I cannot resist with the Romans whom I lead. It remains, therefore, that I also procure an alliance for myself that will withstand and defeat those who are waging war. For I will not willingly betray my own safety and that of those who are with me. And these aids will come from nowhere else but from the Persians in Asia; and being Barbarians, and opposed to us in their worship, they will not spare any who fall into their hands, but will slaughter some and sell others into slavery. Wherefore, if, moved by pity for those who are to perish, they wish to consent to peace, I myself would also most zealously and vehemently desire this, and let them send within fifteen days those who may inform me of their consent in this matter, so that I in turn may send, and prevent the Barbarians, who are already prepared, from crossing over into Thrace. Regarding the terms, we shall agree later among ourselves. But if they prefer to renew the war and will reply nothing, then truly, after the appointed day,

^A I shall not refrain from anything that I judge to be of advantage to myself, calling God and men to witness that I proceed to war against my will, and that as far as I am concerned, I am in no way responsible for the evils that will follow. But they, at the very least, should they do nothing else, ought at least to provide for the cities that acknowledge them, so that they might not be utterly destroyed by the Barbarians; for I hold the calamity of those people in as much concern and anxiety as I do those under my own rule." Such was the reply the emperor made to the envoys regarding the accusations of the patriarch. Afterward, having written similar letters both to the patriarch and to the others, he sent John Chrysoberges away along with them as an ambassador to the Empress.

CHAPTER LXXV

^A and considering the mutability of human fortune (for those who before were puffed up with pride and would not hear a word of subjection, but had even cruelly and inhumanly cut to pieces the envoy, and showed great arrogance and insolence, now came humble and bathed in tears, pressed by great calamities, and begging for those things which, had they at that time obeyed his advice, would never have brought them into such straits), and then reflecting upon what kind of city—a city in every way most excellent—the Roman empire was about to lose, could not restrain his tears. Then, responding to the envoys, he granted pardon for their transgressions, and bade them be of good courage, promising to do everything for their sake. With such words he soothed them, and revived them from their great anguish and despair.

He summoned the envoys from Byzantium once again ^B and said, "Do you see what calamities this war has brought upon the Romans? For the Triballi have made all the western cities their own and under their power; and I fear lest they take possession of all of Macedonia as well, since they already hold no small number of its towns. But the people of Pherai, as you have heard from the envoys, unless help is provided to them by us, will not be able to defend themselves any longer, being pressed by famine and siege. It is permitted to you, therefore, now to see what profit the war has brought. For my part, I marvel whence you think you can retain the empire, when you have no one who can defend and preserve it; for there is no one among you who knows how to have authority over others and provide for the common good, ^C unless, perhaps, you might name the chamberlain. For neither can the emperor, on account of his tender age, govern the Roman principate, and the Augusta, his mother, is not only unequal to the burden of such great affairs on account of female infirmity, but she is also stripped of power by the archons, and lives in the palace no differently than in custody, differing little from those who live in prison. For what, pray, would be the difference, if she is permitted neither to deliberate nor to do what is necessary, but is compelled to approve and follow the decrees of those men? You have lost the cities; for some you yourselves gave to the Mysians as the price of their alliance against me; others the Triballi have subdued; and with the rest divided between me and you, some are agitated by internal strife and are ^D becoming their own destruction, while others, besieged externally by us and enslaved, and enduring the most terrible things, have been driven into supreme destitution and differ little from those who have fallen under the power of the enemy. There is no source of funds: for the treasury is exhausted, the hoards are spent, and the imperial ornaments have been sold off 45 and spent on those glorious fleets from which no utility has returned (for I say nothing of our own such immense wealth).

^A Moreover, our public revenues have failed, the region having been laid waste. Add to this that the men of great power who conspired with the emperor for control—some because of their goodwill toward me were deprived of their money and, having previously had a taste of many evils, now inhabit prisons; others, because they made mention of peace, seeing how the war would result in evils (although they themselves had been the primary authors of it), now sit inactive in their houses, as it was commanded by the master of the wardrobe; just as I hear the protostrator Synadenos has now also suffered. And as for the army, one part has been destroyed because it was thought to favor me, and the other is neglected because it is suspected. The remainder is small. ^B From where, then, do you think you will be able to sustain your rule, when you possess nothing capable of preserving it? You must consider all these things, and report them to the empress, the patriarch, and the others, and vote collectively for peace, and not through bad counsel destroy these small remnants that are left of the Roman empire." The ambassadors, having spoken no objection to what was said, other than to reply that the empress, contrary to what had been reported to him, was not under the necessity of following the decisions of the archons, but was herself the mistress of affairs and did what seemed best to her, while everyone strictly served her: "I," he said, "would not have spoken rashly or in vain, if I had not known most clearly that it was just as I have said. But if you yourselves are ignorant of it, I shall make a test of the matter, from which it will be clear to you as well that it is as I have spoken. ^C For I shall entrust certain words to Chrysoberges, my ambassador, so that he may report them to the empress alone, just as I am accustomed to do. If he is permitted by the archons to do this, it will be certain that she is free to do as she wishes. But if they order him to report to them, no other proof will be required for you to know that I spoke the truth regarding her." Having said these things, he sent Chrysoberges away with them, setting a term of fifteen days for deliberation. He himself designated a governor for Pherae, and sent an embassy to Crales to remind him of the oaths and treaties between them. He explained that he was observing them and requested that Crales not violate his, but rather that he cease the attack on the Pheraeans who had already surrendered to him, and that he assist those worn out by war as much as he was able; ^D he filled the Pheraeans with good hope, promising that he would soon come to them and consult for their needs as far as possible. With this pledge he dismissed those ambassadors. However, the soldiers of Momitzilus, encountering them as they were leaving, captured some of them and, after taking their belongings, later let them go naked; the other part, leaving all their baggage behind, after barely escaping, returned to the emperor. He, being angered all the more because he saw the danger to the city, sought how he might avenge the great injury from Momitzilus. The Byzantine ambassadors returned to the Augusta, reported the embassy to the archons, and also delivered the letters to the patriarch. They were grieved, having been frustrated of the success they had hoped for. Furthermore, they questioned Chrysoberges as an advocate, asking if he brought any other messages. He replied that he had nothing more to report regarding their common embassy than what was set down in the letters: that he had separate matters to say to the empress, which he had been commanded to speak to her alone, with no one else present. They insisted that he reveal those secrets to them: and

when he asserted that he would communicate them to no one else, they threatened to extract those secrets by the lash. ^A Since he stood undaunted by these threats, they inflicted blows upon him. He, nonetheless, even though they dared even harsher things, affirmed that he would keep the secrets hidden; for he knew well what they had previously assigned as a legate to Brula for the sake of peace, and he had come prepared for any vexation or insolence from them that he might have to suffer. Chrysoberges appeared so intrepid and prepared to endure any horror. When the archons saw that they were laboring in vain, they tore into him and the one who had sent him with many reproaches; and having cast him out of the city that same day, they did not even mutter a word about that mission to the empress. He returned to the emperor and recounted what had befallen him. The emperor, having abandoned hope for peace, marched with his troops against Garella. Contostephanus, the commander there, voluntarily went over to the emperor and surrendered the city; in which also John Cantabolenus, one of the Augustas's household ministers, was brought to the emperor. The emperor immediately sent him to Byzantium, stripped of nothing that he possessed, and requested again that the war be brought to an end, and that the Romans not suffer irreparable harms through their mutual contention. But the patriarch and the others preferred, as always, to wage war.

CHAPTER LXXVI.

^C The emperor acquired a certain great fortress, Caryam, by surrender. While he was staying there, the chief huntsman Batatzes came over to him with his kinsfolk, who were not few; and at that time he brought Polybotum, a Thracian city occupied by his own kin, into the emperor's allegiance, and also the small fort of Teristasin, which he himself had earlier, while the Emperor Andronicus was still alive, fortified with walls at his own expense. This Batatzes confessed that he had defected from him at the beginning of this war, thinking him most ungrateful towards the late emperor, and that he was wickedly plotting against his sons and snatching the empire from them, and that he had fought against him with all his might. But as time went on, and the Romans were perishing in the war to no acclaim, he observed that the emperor had at heart and as his study the common interests of the Romans and of the emperor's children; ^D while for the chamberlain and the others in whose hands the empire rested, there was nothing so desired as for them to rule themselves once all others were killed, and they held the safety of the emperor's children and the others in little or no regard. And when he observed from their actions that they were wicked men, and were destroying the Roman empire through their depravity of character, he had defected from them and gone over to the emperor, even though he had not light causes to favor them. For he had betrothed his own daughter to the patriarch's son.

and had given his own daughter to the great duke’s son before the marriage; yet, having such ties of kinship and familiarity with them, he still detested their ways and chose rather to spend his time with the emperor. The emperor received him gladly, and thanked him for his words and his judgment. In return for his goodwill and for having changed sides, he bestowed upon him the rank of Grand Stratopedarch, and to his other kinsmen he gave honors and annual stipends according to the rank of each. ^A Afterward, arriving with him at Teristas, he occupied that fortress, which he surrendered. The neighboring castles and small towns also surrendered. But Calliopolis and Examili resisted, preferring to endure any siege whatever rather than surrender to the emperor.

While he was still staying in the Chersonese, Suliman, one of the satraps of Asia, having crossed over into that peninsula with an army, met the emperor at Aegospotami; he presented him with horses, weapons, and a considerable body of troops to assist him. Having been treated graciously by the emperor, he returned to Asia. The emperor brought the remaining towns under his power, and upon arriving at Myriophyton, he passed the night in a large, two-story house. It had been his custom, because of the shortness of the days—for it was winter—and because of the necessity of remaining on horseback until nightfall (since there was nowhere to dismount and take a meal, as the whole of Thrace, save for the cities, had been reduced to solitude by the war), ^B to have his meal at daybreak and so spend the day. When his companions urged him to observe his custom, he did not comply, saying that while he indeed needed food, he was urged to depart immediately of his own accord. They immediately mounted their horses at his command, and came to another small town not far from Myriophyton, called Chora, which had not yet surrendered.

The emperor, through a herald, greeted the citizens and exhorted them to surrender. But they, instead of returning the greeting, said that he had come at an evil fate, and that if he attacked them, they would defend themselves most energetically from the walls. When the herald reproved them for responding so imprudently and boldly to the emperor who was greeting them, they said that they had another emperor, and that they regarded Cantacuzenus as of no account, and they immediately heaped many insults upon him. While they were still pouring these forth, ^C the earth shook horribly; by that tremor the walls of the town collapsed, and more than two-thirds of the houses, and more than three hundred were buried beneath the ruin of the buildings and walls. Those who remained safe ran outside the town and besought him not to abandon them and their children to be carried off into slavery by the Barbarians. At the same hour, by that same earthquake, the house in which the emperor had passed the night collapsed from its foundations, and the providence of God regarding the emperor became manifest, having saved him from such an evident danger. For if he had listened to his companions and had refreshed his body there with food, he would undoubtedly have perished, crushed, along with not a few of his own men; so short a time had passed. ^D Now, when his soldiers wished to plunder the town of Chora as a hostile place, and the Persians were preparing to take captive whatever remained of the citizens, the emperor arrived and forbade it, and kept the town intact.

^A And he offered double thanks to God, both that his house had saved him and his companions from the collapse, and that he had been able to save the region, which had been so readily exposed to plunder. ^B Afterward, having granted them pardon for the insults against him, and having appointed officials who would rebuild the walls, he departed from there toward other cities. Those assigned to the fortification, according to the emperor’s order, applied great diligence and in a short time restored things better and stronger than they were before. But when nothing was lacking for their completion, the inhabitants of the small town plotted, drove the emperor’s men out again, and defected to the Empress. Having come into many difficulties until the emperor captured Byzantium, they remained under siege and suffered badly from the neighboring cities.

Chapter LXXVII.

^C But Empress Anna and the patriarch, seeing that the resources of Cantacuzenus had already grown through the accession of many towns and no small army, and thinking that this had happened because there had been no one to hinder his growth, again appointed the Great Duke as general and entrusted the conduct of the war to him. He, without delay, marched with his entire force to Heraclea. Hearing, however, that the emperor was at Chariopolis, which had recently surrendered to him, he brought a certain Longinus out of prison (where he had been cast as a friend of Cantacuzenus), and, having excited him with many promises, if he could take the emperor’s life, he also provided him with a letter to carry to him under the pretext of honesty. The contents of the letter were these: ^D That at another time, when he was marching against him while he was staying at Didymoteichon, he had agreed to have a meeting with him, but because time did not allow for the meeting, he had returned home. Meanwhile, he [the emperor] had seized the opportunity and had unjustly invaded with arms the cities subject to Emperor John. Whence, although he otherwise wished to remain at home, he had been obliged to set out for Heraclea with a military force. Therefore, if he would obey him and return home, he would act most rightly, and he himself would also cease to weary his soldiers with useless efforts. If he thought otherwise, he would say nothing more, for he knew well whom he was deciding to oppose; for it was the same

person he had known of old. ^A When the Emperor had read the letter, he sent it to the governor of Apri, who happened to be with him since the city had already surrendered, with the following reply: "I have read your letter, Master of the Bedchamber, and I was greatly astonished at the ostentation and arrogance shining through it; for you do many things entirely unbefitting your age. For though you ought to have slackened in your daring and your spirit for battle because of your old age, you, who were a youth more timid than a hare, now that you are mature in years, have violent and wild impulses like a boar. Unless you say this, that as a young soldier you had, as was to be expected, the pride and confidence of youth. Well done for your virtue regarding the truth. For since you are accustomed to living your life in falsehoods and are built of lies, by saying now that I know who you are, you have spoken the truth most clearly, and nothing beyond that. ^B For I know well from what condition I raised you, and that I bestowed upon you merits much greater than were deserved. But when the Emperor, angered by your wickedness and corrupt ways, had shut you in prison, I, having obtained a pardon, took you out and restored you to your former state; and not once, but frequently afterward, when he wished to inflict the punishments due to your crimes, I mitigated his anger and turned them away from your head, and I adorned you with many and not ordinary honors. And although you offended me so often while the Emperor was alive and after his death (which I suppose you have not forgotten), I regarded all these offenses as nothing, and just as one uses a beast of burden only to carry loads, I did not concern myself if you showed any perversity in other matters. But that you would turn out to be so remarkably wicked, this alone I did not know for certain. For I imagined that if the occasion arose, mindful of so many and so great benefits, you would not spare even your own body for my sake. ^C But you have taken the opposite path in every way, and, by creeping in with deceitful and cunningly meditated words to wicked and pernicious men, and by deceiving them with the greatest promises, you have brought this war upon the Romans no less for their common destruction than for my own; whom, as their senselessness and your infidelity toward friends made most worthy, you have rewarded, casting them into the darkness they deserved. Therefore I know you, as you say, and I indeed know you as no one else does. You, on the other hand, seem to know me very little. For if you knew who I am, you would not be so hostile toward me. And since among other things you also urge me to return home, because of our old friendship it is decided that I shall obey you, and I shall not rest until I am within the house. But for him who is Emperor of the Romans by divine command, no house is more fitting than the Roman Empire itself; and to enter it, as you, my friend, rightly advise, I shall strive with my whole heart, and, seized by much regret that I have caused you, being an old man, to travel so laboriously to Heraclea, I judge that you must be relieved of your toils, and on the fourth day from now I myself shall come to you. Then, if it pleases you after a long rest to do battle with me, I shall not delay this favor to you either.

Such was the reply the Emperor sent back. On the fourth day after that, he arrived at Heraclea ^A and remained standing before the gates for a considerable time. But since no one came out to engage him, he spent the remainder of the day on the march, and at night encamped by the river called the Halmyros, between Selybria and Heraclea. The next day he marched to a place called Daphnidium, where the Emperor remained in camp with a few Romans, while the rest of the army, together with the Persian auxiliaries, ravaged all the country bordering on Byzantium as far as the Propontis, causing extreme devastation. For the barbarians killed a great many people and carried them off as prisoners; they also drove away a vast quantity of cattle and burned a large number of villages. Those who fled to the sea, since more people kept leaping into the boats than they were able to carry, and because there was no order kept due to the tumult and terror, were drowned when the boats capsized. ^B Indeed, it was possible to witness all sorts of images of the cruelest calamity during that incursion. The blame for such great destruction lay with the Grand Duke. For when he left Byzantium, swelling with pride, he uttered boastful words, ordering everyone to be confident, assuring them that no enemy would stand against him, but that at the mere sight of him they would all be destroyed to a man. But when matters turned out otherwise than he had promised, he hid himself behind the walls of Heraclea (though he was in a position to provide properly for the region and give warning of the enemy's approach), and he did nothing at all of what was required, for fear that he might appear inferior to the enemy; and through such folly he became the cause of great disasters to many people. ^C Believing, however, that his return to Byzantium was necessary, and fearing the mainland as being full of danger because the enemy held sway, he left his forces there and returned by sea in a trireme—a departure that seemed most shameful and far removed from those threats of his.

The Emperor, having spent eight days around Byzantium and caused the utmost damage, turned back into Thrace, and all the cities immediately submitted, despairing of any help from Byzantium, with the exception of Aenus, Hexamilium, and the city of Calliopolis. He gathered together the governors who were in all these places, those who had been appointed to office by the Empress, and showing great mildness and kindness towards them, he commanded that they should not be deprived of any of their possessions. To some who were in need, he even provided travel expenses and horses, and sent them off to Byzantium. ^D He was again soliciting peace, not only from the Empress, but also from the Patriarch and other lords, striving with great earnestness to act in the way most opposite to the rulers there. For while they not only punished bitterly and inhumanely those who openly favored the cause of Cantacuzenus, but even those who showed the slightest sign of distress at what was happening, he, on the contrary, even bestowed gifts upon the captives who were on the side of the Empress. And while they resorted to foul and base abuse, and incited all others to do the same, if anyone had spoken even somewhat insultingly against the Patriarch, the Grand Duke, or any other of the lords, this one [the Emperor] would show them the utmost severity. He also, at his own command, always treated the Empress and her son, the Emperor, with honor

just as if he were not at war with them, but were instead positioned under their command.

Chapter LXXVIII

The Emperor, having brought under his control all the cities of Lower Thrace except for a few, proceeded toward Adrianople, Byzia, and those extending to the Pontus, raiding and plundering as many as refused to surrender. Having sent messengers privately, he conducted his business with his friends—of whom there were not a few previously in Adrianople, and even more at that time, seeing that the Roman Empire was inclining toward him. Indeed, they even summoned him, [claiming] that if only he would appear, they were able—once one of the gates had been seized and opened—to bring him into the city. The Emperor, praising their zeal and the goodwill they held toward him, instructed them not to undertake any action ^C before they saw him standing at the walls. For he feared that, if they were discovered, they would ruin both themselves and the enterprise. At the same time, he also agreed upon a day on which he would be present, and on which those who were taking action regarding the capture of the city would be ready to move to the work.

Yet, before the Emperor arrived, they were walking about in groups, and when some of them happened upon Branus—to whom, from the very beginning, the guard of the city had been entrusted by the Empress on account of the aristocrats who had been slaughtered (for he had been the leader of the sedition, having incited the populace against the aristocrats)—seeing him approaching and unable to restrain their anger (for they felt an intense hatred for him on account of the insults and slaughter that had been committed against them), they disregarded the Emperor’s exhortations and attacked the man. Since the betrayal was now manifest, the others also joined in out of fear of the danger. As they were numerous, and the populace—being oppressed by the war—condoned it, they prevailed over their enemies; some they captured, while others escaped the danger, fleeing secretly.

Manuel Apocauchus, son of the Grand Duke, who held the government of the city, when he saw that the supporters of the Emperor had achieved victory, abandoned the city and fled to a fortress not far away, named Bucellum. Branus, having been captured, handed over the keys to the city and began to beg that he not be killed. The others, now having indisputable control of the city, turned to pillaging, and began to plunder the houses of Branus and of others. Afterward, they gave themselves over to drinking and celebrating on account of their victory. But the defeated, seeing them drunk and staggering in their gait, taking heart again, attacked the unarmed and drunken men with weapons, and very easily defeated them; many they sent to Hades, some they drove from the city, and the rest they threw into prison in collars; and the city returned again [to the control of those who were loyal to the Empress and to Branus]. When the Emperor heard these things,

^A he was distressed not only for the failure of his hopes for the city, but also for those friends who were perishing through their own lack of judgment. Now Manuel Apocauchus, the son of the Grand Duke, sent secretly to the Emperor. First, he claimed that he, too, had been listening to his father and others as they brought many grave accusations against him, and that he had believed and deemed them to be telling the truth. But after having examined the causes of events with great care for a long time, he had discovered that the Emperor was being provoked into war through no fault of his own, while those others were the most iniquitous of men, who, because of their love of power and their own wickedness, were endeavoring to cast not only the Emperor but all the Romans into slavery and ultimate destruction. Because of this nefariously wicked attempt of theirs, he was moved to the greatest indignation. However, because he had trusted that there would soon be an end to these evils, he had continued in their company. Now, however, because he perceived their lack of understanding—for while evils were already hanging over their heads, they had not decided to take counsel for themselves or for others, but were rejecting peace, especially when invited by him who offered to consign to perpetual oblivion so many and such grave injuries that had been inflicted upon him until now—he now abhorred their lack of judgment, and, admiring the Emperor’s great-mindedness and endurance, and the fact that he was so readily casting aside his own affairs for the sake of the common good, he could no longer side with them. Instead, he had chosen the Emperor’s cause, and from this hour forth wished to act accordingly and to risk his life for him and for justice above all else.

Such were the things that Apocauchus, son of the Grand Duke, spoke of secretly to the Emperor. The Emperor, in turn, praised his resolution for what was good, thanked him for his goodwill toward him, and provided him with opportunities to exert himself zealously for his sake. A few days later, when he came over to the Emperor’s side—though he could not deliver the city, as he lacked the agents for such an undertaking (for, as noted earlier, all the Emperor’s friends had perished through their own folly)—the Emperor received him gladly and deemed him worthy of great honor and favor.

After this, since Adrianople seemed impregnable, the Emperor marched against Bizye and ravaged the countryside. He sent an embassy to the city, exhorting them to surrender, and not, for the sake of empty hope, to endure such great damage while their fields were being destroyed; for he said that they would be compelled to surrender even after the devastation. The people of Bizye did not promise ^B to surrender the city, nor did they turn to their usual impudence and insults; instead, they rejected the embassy with fair-spoken and prudent words. The Emperor, however, considering their reasonableness to be the beginning of a surrender—for he observed that they were gradually relaxing their stubbornness and giving way on account of the constant raids and distress—decided that he must lead his army away as quickly as possible, so that the region, which would shortly come under his own rule, might not be devastated, and so that they, having obtained security, might deliberate upon what was necessary for themselves; and he turned back towards Apros.

CHAPTER LXXIX

^A A certain man named Amzas, staying at Apros, approached and reported that he had fled from Byzantium a little earlier with another man called Scaranus. He declared that he himself had come without guile or craft, but not so Scaranus; rather, he had been persuaded by the Grand Duke with many promises and gifts to kill the emperor himself. Thinking that Amzas, because of their shared race (for Amzas was also a Persian), would be a helper to him in undertaking the murder fearlessly, he had revealed the secret. Amzas, judging it dangerous to keep silent about the plot intended against the emperor, wished to denounce the man and his intent. ^B Scaranus was immediately seized by order of the emperor; and as he was being led away, those who stood by rushed to kill him. Then the emperor threatened to treat the slayer as an enemy of his own, for that would be proof of having shared in the counsel with him, and of killing the wretch to prevent himself from being betrayed by him. Fearing these threats, they let the man go; and thus Scaranus escaped death. When he was brought into the midst, the emperor asked if what Amzas had reported against him were true. The culprit confessed that he had been evilly spurred on by the Grand Duke with many promises and gifts to kill him, and that he had come for this purpose; for he was of a noble and military spirit, and excelled others in strength. The emperor ordered him to be guarded, intending to inquire more diligently about him the next day. Meanwhile, during the night, he gave instructions to the most faithful of his servants to lead him out of the camp and release him. He honored Amzas generously for exposing the plot. ^C When he was ready again to march on Bizya, it seemed best to send an embassy to the inhabitants first, and he exhorted them to surrender voluntarily and not wait for necessity; for then he would show gratitude not to them, but to the necessity of their subjugation. For previously, when he marched against them, because they had responded with good words, he had quickly withdrawn, granting them time to take salutary counsel; and now, if they surrendered voluntarily, the territory would suffer no harm; but if they foolishly persisted in refusing, let them not later ascribe to anyone but themselves the calamity they were about to experience. When the Bizyensians heard the orators, they came together in an assembly to deliberate on what they should do. ^D Their unanimous and single decision was to defect to the emperor, who was being attacked with arms against law and right, and had been driven from the Roman Empire, and who was capable of doing harm to his adversaries. They ordered George Palaiologos, their commander, if he did not wish to come with them to the emperor, to depart for Byzantium with all his household goods. He, unwilling to submit himself to the emperor, followed up such humanity with many expressions of gratitude and departed; the metropolitan joined him, fearing the patriarch. The Bizyensians chose two from the nobility, and as many from the people and the ecclesiastics, six in number, whom they sent to

^A the emperor as ambassadors, and surrendered the city. They confessed that they themselves had previously been deceived by those who accused him of being wicked, a plotter, and a traitor to the emperor's sons. But when, as time passed, it became apparent that those people were most wicked slanderers, and that he himself had been treated unjustly and treacherously and pierced by slanders; and when they saw the common plague by which almost all the Romans were perishing, and heard the emperor himself continuously demanding peace while those persons preferred war—the cause of such great evils—to peace, they had considered the things being done terrible, and were eager, if any power were in them, to find some solution to the evils. Since this was not possible for them, they pitied all the others in their misfortune, and, planning what was profitable for themselves, they decided to offer themselves ^B and the city to his authority, lest they pay the penalty for the madness of others. Thus did the Bizyensians plead. The emperor, having praised their service, presented gifts to the ambassadors and traveled to the city, with the ambassadors following; the entire populace along with the nobles went out to meet him. When he was near the gates, he first commanded that an acclamation be made for the Empress Anna, then for her son the emperor, and lastly for himself and for Empress Irene his wife; and the acclamation was performed according to his orders. He commanded that the same thing be done in other cities as well, and that after the holy mysteries the mention of the emperors be celebrated in the same way. Immediately, therefore, not a few ^C towns in the vicinity joined him, and the emperor appointed a governor over them all and administered them as he thought best. For Bizye he appointed the brother of his wife, Manuel Asanes, as governor, for he had an ancient connection with that city. For the Protostrator, his father-in-law, had had his home there from the beginning and possessed most great estates, and many of his relatives and household members lived there, by whom the city was almost entirely governed. Because of this connection, he appointed to govern, as we were saying, the brother of his wife, Manuel Asanes. For the Protostrator, after his withdrawal from the ^D emperor at Gynecocastrum, had been greatly deceived by the grand duke; having been ranked among the foremost of his friends and a little later declared Protovestiarius, he was thereafter shut up in his own house and condemned to darkness like the other friends of that duke; and having spent a long time thus under guard in his house, he later died poor and disgraced, having previously been wealthy and illustrious. To the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who had recently fled to him from Byzantium, being suspected and about to suffer evil, and had arrived before him, the emperor entrusted the governance of the Church of Bizye, in accordance with the permission of the holy canons, since its bishop had fled, shunning his arrival.

^A Since everything in the city had been arranged by the emperor, he returned once more to Charioupolis, and he pressured the cities that had not yet submitted to either submit by force of arms or urged them to yield to him by persuasive words. The Grand Duke, however, since staying outside the walls was causing many to complain—for some cities had yielded to the Emperor Cantacuzenus, while others, being besieged and suffering daily miseries from the attacks, were now wavering, as they received no aid from him, and kept sending embassies and lamenting their plight—not wishing to seem like one who had abandoned the helm of the state in a great storm, and declaring himself idle in such a crisis, deliberated on something more elaborate, so that to the many it would seem that he was detained by certain necessities in Byzantium. And he, who before that time had never once cared a whit for what was good and just, proclaimed justice and uprightness concerning legal disputes; and sitting in the monastery of Christ the Savior and Benefactor, he spent the whole day judging, occupied with contracts and private disputes. ^B He fancied himself no less a Rhadamanthus in these matters, and it was even said that, because of his justice, he had been entrusted with the judgment of the dead; the wretch was unaware that nothing is more ignoble and ridiculous than a general, with such a great war pressing upon him, having leisure for the hearing of lawsuits, and while wanting to be of service to private individuals, neglecting the common interest.

CHAPTER LXXX

Gabalas the Grand Logothete, since much time had already passed and the Grand Duke did not fulfill his promise in accordance with his oaths to give his daughter in marriage, was not moderately vexed by the delay, and he pleaded with the Grand Duke about the marriage, asking him to act in accordance with his oaths. He replied that he too was very eager for it, and that he held nothing more important, but that[his] daughter and her mother were recoiling due to his corpulence. He advised him to use certain medications, if somehow, by the shrinking of his inner parts, he might appear slimmer and more desirable to the bride; for they were very repulsed by the asymmetry of his flesh. ^D He suspected that these things were mere pretexts and excuses, and sheer mockery; but having been utterly conquered by his love for the maiden, which even a person of little sense would have understood, he himself wished not to know, and decided that one must attempt even the most ridiculous things for the sake of the girl; having spoken to a certain doctor who had arrived from Italy concerning the obesity...

he won him over with a huge fee, and he promised he would reduce his body to elegance and slenderness by means of certain medications. ^A Once he had neglected everything else, he applied himself to the doctor's prescriptions—baths, emetics, and frequent purgings of the bowels—took little food and drink, and practiced everything else conducive to thinness. From these, he became weak and listless, and his strength wasted away, but his belly gave way to the bulk very little. The Great Duke, fearing that, after eventually refusing the medications, he would clearly perceive the deceit, and fearing that—because he had been treated with contempt—he might again take up arms against him and compel the Empress to conclude a peace treaty with the Emperor Cantacuzenus, which was the danger he feared most intensely, he conceived a plan to destroy him as well. He sent certain privy counselors of his own to the Great Logothete, who were to inform him, as if out of good will, that the Augusta was extremely angry with him, though they knew not the cause. With such reports, they terrified the man. Then they even demanded an oath that he would divulge the revealers of these secrets to no one. In this way did they carry out their malicious fabrication regarding the secrets. ^B Gabalas, thinking what was said to be true, was tossed on all sides by waves of thought, appearing pensive, pale, and wasting away with anxieties. The Great Duke, feigning ignorance of what was happening, kept asking the cause of his distress and pallor. ^C Then Gabalas, candidly, as to a father-in-law who would sympathize with his plight, revealed the secret as it was, and implored him for some help and counsel by which he might use it to escape the danger; for at that time there was no middle ground between being suspected and being put to death. The Great Duke replied that he himself had heard such things about him too, but believed them to be untrue. Nevertheless, he advised him to entrust his assets to friends, saying that one ought to beware of the sycophancy and slander that now held sway among the Romans, for everyone. For he himself—the head and prince of the entire republic, and preeminent among the Romans in honors and success—did not trust them at all, but had hidden the greater and more precious part of his own possessions in the fortress of Epibatai and the tower in the Mangana. Since he himself, he added, lacked a fortress to use in such political upheavals, he should safeguard his assets in some other way, so that if any difficulty should arise (for it was not in vain that he had fallen under suspicion with the Empress), at least he might retain his property and not be deprived of both his goods and his high office at the same time. The Great Logothete, not perceiving the snare, obeyed and entrusted his assets to his friends. ^D The Duke immediately sent men to inform the Empress of what was being done, as if he himself were entirely unaware of it. Those who reported it further urged her not to overlook the matter; for the Great Logothete was not, they claimed, placing his assets with his friends with any sincere purpose, but was either plotting a sedition to receive the Emperor Cantacuzenus, or was planning to defect to him. The Empress, examining these claims as…

friends with any sincere purpose, but was either plotting a sedition to receive the Emperor Cantacuzenus, or was planning to defect to him. The Empress, examining these claims as she heard them from many—for the secret had been spread ^A clandestinely by the accomplices of the Great Duke, just as he had arranged it—was angered, and she considered the situation to be an open defection; she deliberated as to what ought to be done with the Great Logothete. When the plot had finally reached its conclusion, and the Great Logothete, having liquidated all his property, was sitting waiting for the prison, and the Empress was growing angry at the defection, the Great Duke, feigning some public necessity, sailed on a trireme to Hieron, which is a town at the mouth of the Pontus.

He left behind those who had first pretended to report the Empress's anger to the Great Logothete, so that they might bring the plot to its end. For those men approached him once more, tearful and downcast, informing him that on that very night he would reach the final extremity of danger, as the Empress was particularly enraged, and they urged him to look to his own safety. Meanwhile, they had instigated others from a different conspiracy to come to his house at the same hour and, without giving their names, to inquire whether he himself were inside, as though these words were a sign of something terrible. For the Romans were not accustomed to treating him thus before, but had always extended to him great deference and flattery. ^B Gabalas, conjecturing from all these signs that his death was at his door, and fearing that he might perish miserably by the hands of those who were rushing against him out of hatred, fled in great trembling and terror into the church of God's Sophia, as if to a sanctuary. Yet, not even then did he trust that he would be safe, and since he desired to prolong his life not a little, he put on the habit of a monk, scarcely hoping even in this way to be saved; so stunned and shaken to his core was he by the threats.

When the Great Duke learned that the entire wicked scheme had turned out according to his wishes, he returned from Hieron and immediately went to the church of God's Sophia, and finding the Great Logothete dressed in the monastic habit, he lamented in a wondrous manner, and bewailed the widowhood of his daughter, and grieved with an inconsolable grief. The Great Logothete attempted to lighten his sorrow with many words, saying that nothing new had happened if, in human affairs, which are always turning differently and are unstable, he himself had experienced now better things, and now worse. And Apocauchus appeared to be somewhat calmed by these words. ^C A little later, the Great Logothete was summoned by order of the Empress to the monastery of the most holy Virgin. In the course of his flight, however, having cast off the monastic dress, he was caught attempting to adorn himself and was cast into prison. ^D Thus, the Great Duke removed from his path this man too, who had promoted the war against Cantacuzenus in no ordinary way: repaying him, indeed, with a reward worthy of the pestilential disasters he had brought upon the Romans in that war.

CHAPTER LXXXI

When the Emperor Cantacuzenus learned that the Empress was sending an embassy to Orchanes to solicit an alliance, he himself sent envoys to ensure that Orchanes would commit his forces to him, rather than to the Byzantines. Orchanes chose the alliance with the Emperor Cantacuzenus. Having sent the eunuch Chalzes, he concluded the treaty. Since Orchanes did not dwell far away, but held power from the coast of Paphlagonia as far as Phrygia, Cantacuzenus easily summoned the Persian contingent whenever he had need. They ^A devastated the Roman regions greatly; for often, even without the Emperor’s request, they would cross over and afflict those cities which had not yet surrendered, treating them as hostile and subjecting them to plunder. At that time, however, having received reinforcements from the army of Orchanes, the Emperor marched against the cities situated on the shore of the Euxine and captured all of them except Sozopolis. He also took the town in the marsh of Derce and a certain fortress not far from Byzantium, called Empyrites; he then returned to his own province.

About the same time, Manuel, the younger of the Emperor’s sons, who was residing in Berrhoea, wrote of a vision that appeared to him in a dream. He dreamt that he was sitting on a bed ^B and that his father, the Emperor, approached him wearing a toga and a tunic bordered with purple, and bearing a golden priestly stole hanging from his neck. He was flanked on either side by two men. One of these was unknown, but held the open book of the prophet Isaiah; the second, Lantzaretus, carried the Emperor’s sword in his hands. The Emperor offered him wax and a seal, both red, saying to his son, “Seal it.” When he had sealed it, a living lion appeared impressed in the wax; it held a very bright star in its right foot, and near its shoulder it had another small star, as if engraved. The Emperor then said, “Wake him.” ^C When his son had done this, the one who held the book of Isaiah appeared to read from it: “God brought him out of Egypt, as the glory of his unicorn is like; he shall eat the nations of his enemies, and shall pierce them with his darts, and shall marrow out their fatness. He lay down and rested as a lion, and as a lion’s whelp: who shall raise him up? Blessed are they that bless thee, and cursed are they that curse thee” (Num. XXIV, 8, 9). These words he appeared to read as they were inscribed in the book. The Emperor again ordered his son to seal. When he had sealed it, a living leopard emerged, holding in one ^D of its feet a paper with this inscription: “Behold, another beast like a leopard, and power was given unto it” (Dan. VII, 6). And when the Emperor had commanded the one who held the book to read the prophecy of the beast, he read the same. He commanded him to seal a third time; and when he had sealed, a cat also emerged alive, which

^A having its tongue thrust out beyond its teeth, seemed to lick the ground; as the emperor’s son lifted it up on high, the tongue of the cat seemed to stretch out and likewise to lick the ground. The one holding the book, at the emperor’s command, read the prophecy: "Behold another beast," he said, "and I said to it, 'Arise, eat much flesh.'" After this, the emperor provided another green seal to his son and bade him seal the wax therewith, and when he had sealed, a stork came forth alive, holding a glass cup in its foot. The cup seemed to contain vinegar; and he who held the book said, "They gave me gall for my meat, and in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink; they shall look on him whom they pierced." Again the emperor’s son, being commanded, sealed; and a hippocentaur came forth, holding a spear in its right hand. And he who read the prophecies said, "Behold also another beast," he said, "terrible and ^B exceedingly strong." After this the emperor said, "Blessed is our God always, now and ever, and unto the ages of ages. Amen. Glory to thee, O God, that while yet alive we have seen these prophecies come to pass." He seemed then to command his son to hide the animals. The animals immediately seemed to have turned into wax seals, which he hid in his hands as best he could, and departed with his father, who had laid aside his priestly stole; and at this, he awoke from his sleep. Such was the vision that appeared to the emperor’s son as he slept. To whom, however, it pertained, remains hidden even to this day. And these things he wrote to his father that he had seen in his sleep. The emperor, having stayed a little while at Didymoteichos, after gathering all the Roman forces he had, and taking a few Persians with them, invaded the territories of Byzantium again, and halted at the gate called Gyrolymnes for a good part of the day. No one went out from the city; nevertheless, men were seen drawn up on the walls to repel the approaching enemy. The Great Duke alone went out with a few men and stood before the gates. When the emperor recognized that it was he, he sent heralds. Knowing that he had been recognized, he retreated back into the city, and those who had been sent returned empty-handed. ^C The emperor, because it was growing toward evening, made camp at the Gate of the Camel; and the next day, though a small number remained with him in the camp, the greater part of the Romans and Persians scattered to forage. And the Romans indeed drove off and carried away livestock and other things; the Persians also led away captives. Nor was this matter to them, who suffered it, the most bitter grief. ^D

It brought grief also to the emperor and to all the Romans with him, as a terrible pity entered their hearts to see men of their own race oppressed by such misfortunes. But they were compelled by the necessity of war. For it was not possible to act otherwise, seeing that those in Byzantium did not accept the peace.

CHAPTER LXXXII.

Verily, the Latins in the town of Galata, when they saw that the Romans had suffered incredible calamities during this civil war, and did not know whether the beginning of it had been given by the Byzantines or by the Emperor Cantacuzene, and since they had daily dealings with them—at which time they heard them accusing Cantacuzene of many things (saying, to wit, that from a desire to reign he was plotting against the emperor’s children: that the patriarch and the others were resisting him, lest as victor he should kill the boy in the war, whereas otherwise he would have been killed long ago); furthermore, when they considered not only the harmony of wills and purposes between Cantacuzene and the deceased Emperor Andronicus, but also his most placid character, and how he showed himself pleasant to everyone in discourse, and eager to do good, and mindful of the goodwill of his friends toward him; and when they judged that it would not have been so easy to find someone who would be ungrateful and wicked toward his friend the emperor—when they contemplated these things, I say, they could neither give full credence to his accusers, nor could they entirely disbelieve what was bruited about by so many. Wherefore, desiring most eagerly to know something certain about the cause and the beginnings of the war—since he had his camp nearby—they decided to send certain men to question him, that they might learn accurately what they wanted.

They send therefore two monks of the Minorite order, who were prudent in other respects, and most cultivated in Latin letters, and deeply versed in the Aristotelian philosophy. One of them was a Savoyard, related by paternal kinship to the Empress Anne, and superior of the Minorite monks. On this account, he too was sent by those of his own race to the emperor, that he might accurately investigate the origin of the war, and by reason of his kinship with the empress, not only yield nothing to the emperor, but even contradict him and refute him as much as he could. The other came only to be a listener and witness of this inquiry, lest the former, through later ingratiation with the emperor, should conceal the truth. Having entered the camp, therefore, they said that they had come for the sake of meeting and speaking with him, since he was encamped so near. But they had come for this reason chiefly: because this war among the Romans had now lasted for a long time, and the cities of those in conflict with one another were being devastated daily, as well as the remaining region by the Romans and the barbar

barbarians who were raiding it. Since countless and incurable evils were being brought to pass, and many were being killed or enslaved every day, no end to these evils could be discovered, nor was it even possible to learn the truth regarding where the war first began or the causes for which it could not be quenched to this day; rather, it was sweeping over everything like a consuming flame. ^B Although they had heard many different accounts from many different people, as each person recounted them according to their own enmity or goodwill toward the emperors, they had determined it was not right to trust them, since those people were accustomed to shifting the facts according to their own personal prejudices. Therefore, they were especially requesting that he himself explain it, as one who knew the details most accurately above all others, and, as we hear, as one who, from the beginning, would not wish to conceal the truth, being a man who cleaved to the truth; and furthermore, because there were many who could refute him if he appeared to have chosen not to speak the truth.

The Emperor ^C praised them, not only for their arrival, but also for their request, and expressed his profound gratitude. He asserted that he had long desired to meet such people, who would wish to listen for the sake of the truth, rather than for the sake of strife and contention. Among the other evils that this war had inflicted upon him, he considered this to be the most burdensome: that he had never yet encountered any prudent men who could pass a just judgment upon these hostilities. Now, since they had arrived unexpectedly and were asking for the matter to be explained—men whom he had prayed with his whole heart to find, and who, moreover, were capable of fulfilling the role of judges before him, not only because of their wisdom and discernment, but because they had come for this very purpose, so that they might learn the truth about the war from his own lips—he was most ready to explain everything and would hold this petition in his memory. ^D At the same time, he prayed that they would not refrain from reproving him if they were to discover that he had perjured himself, or had been unjust, or had conspired against the sons of the Emperor, his friend, or had brought inexplicable calamities upon the world by stirring up the war.

Beginning, therefore, from the start, he related each detail in order: how perfectly he and the Emperor Andronicus had loved one another; how, after his death, not only had his children, his consort the Empress, and the state been his primary concern, but he had been prepared to sacrifice not only his own wealth, but his very life, should the occasion demand, for their sake; how he had undeservedly suffered plots from the Prefect of the bedchamber, who out of envy had sought to bring about his death so that he might obtain the rule of affairs; how, by his fabrications and slanders, that man had imposed upon him [the blame for] things he had never even contemplated, and had deceived the Patriarch and others; and how they, although they knew most clearly that they were lying and slandering, had stirred up the war with much deceit—nominally on behalf of the Empress and her children, but in reality for their own advantage, as they supposed; and how wicked and inhumane they had been toward him, as well as toward his mother and his kin, harassing them insolently, ignobly, and nefariously with injuries, and squandering their wealth, which had been heard of even among the furthest nations of the world, to no useful purpose and with utter recklessness; but even...

^A regarding his friends, and those who were in any way connected to him, and as many of them as they had killed, while holding others in prison even until now, causing them to suffer greatly in wretched circumstances and inescapable bonds; and how they had appeared as common enemies both to him and to all the best men among the Romans—not only those of noble birth, but also monks, bishops, and furthermore soldiers, and those who held positions of prominence in every state. All of these things, he said, were because those men, oblivious to the calamity which had overcome the Romans, and holding it in no account, had not once, nor twice, nor three times, but many times—from the very beginning right up to the present—when embassies were sent and peace was requested, not only offered no reasonable answer, but actually abused and insulted the envoys, held them in chains, and heaped many insults upon him himself. And ^B through such means they conducted their defenses against the envoys, deeming all else more endurable than to discuss or even hear of peace. As for his bringing in of the barbarians to act against his own people, he claimed that it was not he who had initiated this, but they who had first brought it against him; and not only for this reason, but because they compelled him to use the barbarians in other ways as well. For by providing them with money, by betraying cities, and by despoiling the great Roman empire of certain wondrous goods, they persuaded not only the Cral, the ruler of the Triballi, but also Alexander, the king of the Mysians, to be his enemies—each of whom was, by himself, a match for all the Romans put together—by which he was forced, under necessity, to use barbarian alliances; knowing clearly, moreover, that if he himself were to reject them, those men would use them against him. For it was not because they did not wish to use the barbarians that they did not do so now, but because they were ^C unable to persuade them, as the barbarians preferred to fight on his side. For not even yesterday or the day before, having sent an embassy to Orchan the Persian, had they begged him to join them as an ally, promising to provide much money? But he had preferred rather to be an ally to him [Cantacuzenus] for nothing than to receive much money from them. Indeed, even a little earlier, Asan Isaacius the Panhypersebastos had gone to Suliman, the satrap of Ceras in Phrygia, and begged him, by accepting a great sum of money, to bring aid against him; yet neither was he persuaded. And again the Parakoimomenos had gone to the same man for the same reason; yet so far was he from being persuaded by him that he did not even deign to grant him an audience. That day, and no small part of the night, as well as the following day and night ^D were spent in such matters, with the Emperor explaining and demonstrating that he had been driven to arms by necessity, and the Latins countering on certain points, and bringing forward charges which they made in Byzantium, and exercising their eloquence, so that the truth might be understood more clearly.

Chapter LXXXIII

^A A common starting point for Aregus the monk: that a sentence should not be passed while one side remains unheard. He declares that he once hated the Emperor because of what he had heard, but later became his greatest friend, and that he would proclaim his praises even in Italy. He asks what he thinks about peace. The Emperor shows that he is a lover of his person. He complains about the wickedness of his adversaries, and what he would do if they would allow him to be Emperor and a colleague of the Emperor. His wonderful love for the common good. On what condition he would be willing to abdicate the empire.

This colloquy being finished, the rector of the Minors, Aregus by name, said: It is right that he who has proposed a life joined with virtue for himself, and who has even a moderate concern for truth and justice, should never condemn anyone before he has heard his reply to the accusations. And one of the ancient kings used to say that one ear should be kept whole for the accused, which I consider to be a precept for mortals in general, and one especially conducive to human life. For since many things of a most evil example are objected to you—namely, that, forgetting that admirable friendship which you had with the Emperor, you laid traps for his sons, by whom you were never harmed, and that when you administered the Roman Empire in the status of a private man, you did not think it sufficed for your glory unless, after they were killed, you drew everything to yourself; and that, because of the refusal of the Patriarch and others opposing your attempt, you were maddened and wove this war, and brought barbarians into Roman territory, ^B and would not endure to hear even a word about peace, but because they did not immediately yield to you from the beginning, you determined to overturn and destroy everything, and consider slaughter and servitude as nothing: having learned all these things, I was kindled with such hostile hatred toward you that I would have esteemed him a savior of many and one who had deserved well of the republic, and would have kissed the hand of him who could have slaughtered you: not only because of the ruin and plague brought upon the Romans during so long a time of war, of which they believed you to be the primary cause, but because I myself, being a Savoyard, out of the paternal principality of the Empress, because of the communion of my lineage, love her and her children, and similarly grieve at their misfortunes. Although I have heard many and excellent praises of you, not only from friends but even from most bitter enemies, as they extolled in you both the excellence of your nature and your practice of noble things, in which you surpassed all Romans by a long interval. To these, nevertheless, I did not assent, because I thought that both sides—those from love and these from hatred—were lying. For there is a time when even enemies bestow an illustrious proclamation upon enemies, so that either they may be held blessed and happy who were conquered by great men, or the victors of great men (49). Now, however, it happens quite the contrary for me: for I am not moderately angry at those who praise you, keeping silent about so many good things that are in you, and I judge my own inexperience and rashness ^C just to be...

^D (49) Why does he say that being conquered by great men is an honor? Because they themselves appear not to have been just anyone, who could not, or should not, have been conquered and killed by just anyone. Therefore he thinks it will be a glory to Lausus among posterity that he was killed by Aeneas, in book X of the Aeneid: *Yet you, unhappy one, will console your miserable death: You fall by the right hand of great Aeneas.* Regarding which verse, read what many things we have noted in our symbols.

^A But now, the exact opposite has happened to me. For I reproach those laudators of yours not a little, inasmuch as they largely conceal your good qualities, and I reproach myself for my lack of discernment. And indeed, having changed from an enemy and an accuser into one who loves you most dearly, and judging you worthy of many wondrous praises, I shall declare openly to all, not only while I remain among the Romans but also when I go to Italy—which I think I shall do shortly—your inherent nobility, your prudence, and your aptitude for noble things. Regarding, then, all the events of the war, I am fully persuaded that you yourself have from the very beginning until now provided no pretext, but have been thrust into these things against your will by those you are fighting; and I myself would gladly speak to others on your behalf. Since, however, you have yourself bidden us to inquire freely of you concerning all things, what is your present sentiment regarding peace? Are you ready for it, if you should receive some reasonable apology, or have you, because of their intransigence, entirely despaired of reconciliation? ^B The Emperor, praising the man’s candor and his upright and sincere judgment of affairs, and testifying that he loved the man in return for his virtue and his natural aptitude for noble things, replied that the choice of war and peace rested with those warring against him. For his own part, he would most easily agree to a settlement if they only wished it, and would fight with all his might if they continued to despise justice and divine law. For they, he said, being addicted to calumnies and lies, had initiated the war, had deemed their mother, who was ill in prison, worthy of no care, and had all but killed her with their own hands; and had, out of hatred for the father, kept the son, then not yet twelve years old and having done them no wrong, in chains for so long a time; and had destroyed all his friends and kinsmen; and had left no manner of insolence or outrage uncommitted. "I pass over," he said, "the plundering of so much wealth, both mine and my relatives'." ^C And those who ought, by the sting of conscience for such crimes and by pity for the Romans suffering incredible calamities brought on by their actions (for due to their wickedness and depravity, people are slaughtered every day), to be the first to embrace peace and to strive to bring the war to an end—since they think of nothing else but to be sole masters of affairs (if indeed anything of affairs remains) and hold their subjects in no account—I, just as from the beginning I have directed all my study and labor toward the common safety, so too now declare all things that will profit all alike. From these things, it will be in their power either to choose the better course, if they wish to consult the interest of the whole, or to accept war, if they believe it should be preferred to all their own private advantages. I say, therefore, that if they desire to accept me as Emperor and colleague of the deceased’s children, I will not ^D anxiously inquire into what has been committed during the past war, but will consign those injuries to eternal oblivion; and I will deprive no one of plunder, whether it belongs to their own household, friends, or kinsmen; nor will I take away what may have been bestowed upon them by the Augusta while the war was raging, or any honors, even if they appear to have been conferred beyond their dignity and merit, or any possessions, whether they were public or belonged to me privately; but I will deem everything to be just and equitable, and will never avenge the offenses of war to their detriment. But if this is neither just nor tolerable—

we shall submit everything to the judgment ^A of justice. I will use as judges not some others, but the Empress herself and the Patriarch, and the chosen ones among the monks and the bishops, and the best among the Romans, if any still remain, and not only these, but also the more prudent men from every civic community. And if I myself am proved to be unjust and a perjurer, and plotting against the children of the Emperor, as they have accused, let there be no other penalty for the injustice than an unhonored and shameful death. But if they themselves shrink from such a sentence, thinking it cruel to decree the death of a man, I myself, even before the trial takes place, will cast my own vote, so that after they are convicted of their injustices, they may have no complaint concerning the punishment. But if all ^B things are shown to be contrary—not simply or groundlessly, but with me producing clear testimony of what is spoken, and not from those who have chosen my side, lest they be thought to be currying favor with me, but from those whom they themselves used as their assistants throughout the whole war, or rather, from the Empress and the Patriarch themselves, who will bear witness for me together with many others (for they cannot deny what they have clearly commanded me)—it will be consistent with justice that those who have wickedly attacked me with accusations and plots receive the same penalties if they be defeated. For my part, just as I show a certain ambition in other matters, so in this too I declare that if I am defeated, I am to be put to death; but if they should lose the suit, I demand that they suffer nothing grievous, except for this one thing: that they be recognized as sychophants and calumniators, and that I be acquitted and publicly proclaimed by the Romans as Emperor and co-ruler with the children of the deceased. But if they fear that I will come to the judgment wearing imperial robes, or suspect that I will enter Byzantium with an army, I will relieve them of this anxiety. For I will enter with no more than ten companions. ^C And I will lay aside the imperial insignia which the Empress has bestowed upon me, and will change into the attire of a private citizen. For on account of the common good, and that the Romans might be delivered from the calamities of the war, whom I love most dearly—even if these sycophants also slander me regarding this, claiming that I hate them and wage war against them and destroy them—I have resolved to endure not only such things, but even far more burdensome ones with a ready mind; especially since this will not harm my reputation in the slightest. For if I am defeated and killed, no benefit will come to me from having held the imperial office. But if I overcome my accusers, nothing will be sad about having laid it aside for a short time, when I am to receive it again a little later with greater honor and applause and the votes of all. Nor indeed ^D do I, when I go to bed each night, feel any sadness or disgrace from its deposition. Therefore, I will not speak more about my attire now, for I am prepared to do whatever may please them. But if, being once hindered by envy and hatred of me, they think that none of these things is sufficient, and do not allow me to be Emperor by any pledge or condition, but have once decided to reject me and to destroy everything rather than be subject to me: although it would be right to despise such madness, yet, lest I should seem to have neglected the common salvation for the sake of preserving my own life,

^A I willingly choose to die. For to lay down the entire authority which I hold, and to surrender the cities and the army, and to live myself in a humble, private status, unknown and hidden away in some remote corner, does not fall too far short of this. Yet I do not simply do this, nor without appropriate conditions, so that it might seem to the Romans, and to the other Greeks and barbarians, that I abandoned the authority to them not because I was acting unjustly, or perjuring myself, or unable to withstand the war, but out of fear or having preferred an inglorious life to a glorious death. But first I wish for a decree and a public proclamation to be made in the name of the Church ^B and the senate, and of all the Romans in common, that I did not abdicate the authority because I was unjust, or perjured, or proved to be evil toward the children of my friend, the Emperor, but for the sake of the common salvation, and so that the civil wars by which they are being destroyed might be brought to an end. Next, that all those in prison because of the favor they bear toward me be released from their bonds, and that the property of which they have been deprived be restored to them, and that the same be done for the children of those who have died. For it is absurd that they should be held to be the cause of the calamities and misfortunes, and yet that one should have no care for their return to their former state. In addition to this, that guarantees by oath be given to those who are with me, ^C as well as to the senators, soldiers, and others who are related to me by blood, that they will suffer no harm in retaliation for their loyalty to me. Then, that the money and property of which they have been deprived also be restored to them. Moreover, that each one be provided for according to his dignity. For if I myself were to be Emperor, I would reward them according to their labors, and I would not need to ask others to provide for them; but since I am willingly resigning, it is just that I leave them in safety and with an abundance of the necessities of life. If these things are done—and I judge it just that they be done—having laid down the empire and the administration, and having surrendered the cities, I shall spend the remainder of my years either on the holy Mount Athos or in some other part of Roman territory (for I do not choose to be an exile in a foreign land), living in obscurity and unknown, for myself alone, as much as I am able. ^D Such were the things the Emperor discussed with Aregus regarding peace. He, looking down at the ground for a long time, silently admired the nobility of the Emperor, and as if struck by the magnitude of what had been said, he then opened his mouth and said: "While no aspect of either humanity or justice was lacking in this speech of yours,

CHAPTER LXXXIV.

^A nor could one who is utterly shameless believe he could gainsay it. But concerning what has been said to him about peace, he wishes to know: did you speak to them merely as friends, or do you wish the message to be conveyed also to those in Byzantium, so that perhaps, if they too reflect on what is necessary, they might relieve the Romans of their great calamities?" The Emperor ordered him to report it, and as a matter of top priority; and so that what had been stated might seem more certain and reliable, he ordered that it be committed to writing. And when everything that had been discussed was written down, it was marked with red ink signatures, and he ordered a golden seal to be appended, as proof that he would keep what was written firmly and without ambiguity.

When Aregos had the documents in his hands, he expressed many thanks to the Emperor, as one who had been honored with the greatest of favors, and as he was already intending to leave, he asked the Emperor to lead away his army; for peace would require not a few days for consideration, while the army could not remain idle, but would overrun and devastate everything in its path. If he himself were to sit there waiting for a reply, there would be a danger that, once peace was concluded, nothing of those things for the sake of which he had desired peace would remain. The Emperor replied that he was ready to do this, and even if he asked for something greater, and promised that on the third day, once the army was gathered into one place (for it was dispersed to collect plunder), ^B he would move the camp.

Thus Aregos took leave of the Emperor and departed with the letters, which he delivered in the palace to the Patriarch and the Great Duke; and having spoken to them about peace, he warned them that it would be most unjust to the Emperor and the Romans if they were not moved to a settlement on some condition. But they cleverly brushed the man aside, claiming they would answer his embassy a little later. The Great Duke, however, learning through Aregos that the Emperor would lead away his forces on the third day, proclaimed war against Cantacuzenos to all the Byzantines, and he himself began to prepare and enroll soldiers. He also gave orders to all sacred houses and monasteries, and to every rank and grade of priesthood, to offer prayers to the divine Power to appease It, as they were about to clash with the perfidious deserter. And he spent that day and the whole of the following one in preparation.

On the third day, at the hour of lunch, when he heard from his scouts that the Emperor was departing, as he was in despair (for he stood by his promises), he threw open the gates, ^C and pouring forth with a certain unrestrained and reckless impetuosity, he drew up both his cavalry and infantry forces before the walls. But when the scouts he himself had sent out to spy on the enemy returned, and reported at dawn that they were gone, he was vexed at the failure, and reproached himself greatly for the slowness and the delay, and was uncontrollably indignant. He sent a message to the Patriarch, informing him that Cantacuzenos, having learned of the assault and judging that he could not withstand the force, had fled, having gone away at daybreak, ^D and asked what it pleased them to do, since the enemy had taken to flight. The Patriarch answered: "The impious man has fled, with no one pursuing; conquer, and conquer further," and commanded him to return, as they were far superior to the enemy. And he, sorrowful because he had missed the engagement, returned. The Emperor, because what was happening could not remain hidden from him, with many reporting daily from Byzantium—Rhegium and Allyra [Atyra], and Damocrania, and

Selymbria. He ordered an Apamean fortress that had been razed to be walled up, and having left a garrison in Rhegium, Apamea, Empyrita, and the city near Lake Derkos, so that they might guard these places, which were closer to Byzantium than the others, and might make constant incursions and raids against Byzantium, he departed with the rest of his army to Didymoteichon. ^B The army in these garrisons ravaged the Byzantines most severely, even though it was small. For almost night and day they destroyed and plundered everything, having with them a few units of Persians intermingled, who killed many and enslaved many, and sold them off into the East for servitude; and in a short time the whole region surrounding Byzantium was rendered desolate by them. The Patriarch and the Grand Duke, knowing that ^C Aregus would demand an account regarding the embassy, and fearing to openly refuse peace but having devised a way to deceive the Latin so that they might not appear to be willingly and knowingly causing such great calamities to the Romans, wrote as follows to the Emperor Cantacuzenus: "Since it is a matter of great concern and anxiety to us that the Romans suffer as little detriment as possible in the war, we lately sent an embassy to you, promising to fulfill what you had requested from the Grand Duke, the Emperor's most beloved and faithful servant. Now these things were: that you should lay aside the empire and be safe, and fear no punishment for having been so unfaithful to the Empress and for having afflicted the Romans so greatly by war. But you, as it appears, still desirous of shedding blood and increasing the calamities of the wretched Romans—in order that you might seem to have brought to a close what you had determined from the beginning by your own impulse—sent back the envoys with a change of mind, denying what you had said, and leaving the affair unfinished. At that time, therefore, with an improbable lie, you affirmed that the Grand Duke had not spoken the truth about you. But now, such an evasion and further postponement of what was said is not permitted to you. ^D For your letters to us and the Latin envoy, worthy of credit, will refute you. Therefore, we approve of what you wrote—that you will depart from the empire and the administration, and will return the cities occupied unjustly and tyrannically, and will live the life of a monk in the Holy Mount Athos, or wherever else it may please you. And nothing remains except to set a day for you on which you will restore the cities. As for the republic, and the judgment to be established, and the care of your own people, be without care; for we are quite capable of perceiving and doing these things insofar as they are advantageous and just." Having written this letter and added signatures, having summoned the Latin, they related that they had fulfilled all those things which he had wished and which Cantacuzenus had prayed for, and they handed over to him the letters in which the entire peace negotiation was contained. He, being entirely ignorant of Greek letters and speech, by the words of these...

^A agreements and by the signatures, having rendered them many thanks for their goodwill and for the care of the Romans, departed, and with great speed came to Didymoteichon, having the letters. Meeting the emperor and greeting him, "Behold," he said, "I have come bringing you good tidings concerning the peace. For all things that you yourself requested, the patriarch and the grand duke, together with the others of the senate, have eagerly accomplished, and they themselves have also made the peace of the war firm by letters." And he immediately presented the letters. When the emperor had read them, smiling slightly, he said: "Have you read the letters with which you have made such a journey, or did you, in your candid and carefree way—using the simplicity implanted in you by nature—bring them to me without knowing what they contained?" When he replied that he had not examined the matter more deeply, nor had they been suspicious to him, but that, without curiosity, he had simply believed the words of the patriarch and the signatures of the grand duke and the other leading men (as one would also rightly do for the Pope), and had come to him very eagerly and joyfully, thinking that all things he had most ardently desired had already been concluded and completed, the emperor ^B related everything in detail, and interpreted the sense of the writings. While the monk was fuming at the deceit and was stunned by their impudence and malignity, "It is not fitting," the emperor said, "to marvel, nor to grieve, that you have been deluded; if on the one hand you have determined to live your life in the truth, while they study throughout their whole life to lie, to slander, and to compose frauds; but rather from these few things, know also what the nature of the other things is that have happened during the time of the war. For they have not refrained from any excess of trickery and falsehood from the passing of the emperor until now, whereby they both persuaded the Empress to take up the war from the beginning, and to this day, smearing her face, they do not suffer her to make peace with me. Therefore, to those thus minded, ^C and who kindle war, God will bring forth rewards worthy of such a purpose; and all the Romans will find that the war, the destruction, and the enslavement did not flow from me, but from them. Moreover, I have thanks for those old rogues, since they sent you to us." These things the emperor spoke to Aregus regarding the letters. Then, time was given to matters that are for friends among themselves.

Chapter 85

^A his purpose in retaining the empire. They pledged their faith by oath. The three prefects, though they had been liberally granted the power of departing, swore faith to him and received their commands.

Meanwhile the grand duke invaded the fortress of Empyrites, but when he had besieged it for three days and made an attempt on the walls with no success, as those within were vigorously defending themselves, he returned again to Byzantium. And arriving at Hierum, a city situated at the mouth of the Pontus, he attempted, as he claimed, to exact customs duties from all merchants sailing into the Pontus. But this was impossible unless he held naval supremacy. For he, already perceiving that the emperor had brought all the cities on the mainland under his control, except for a few, and that he would soon subdue those as well—and that Byzantium itself was, in a manner, being besieged by him through frequent sorties—and fearing lest the empress and the council, upon perceiving the necessity, since they could neither have troops nor money with which to use against him, might incline toward peace, he devised a method by which to lead them around and deceive them. ^B For he publicly declared in a speech that he had discovered a most convenient method of raising money, by which they might resist not only Cantacuzenus, but all their enemies. For he would impose necessary tributes on all merchants from everywhere, from which the Romans would receive revenues many times greater than ever before. Journeying to Hierum, that no one might be allowed to sail across unless they paid the toll, he anchored a large grain ship and stationed many heavy-armed soldiers in the middle of the current, and ordered them to take money from the merchants. But they received no more than before. For the enterprise required great expense and many triremes in order to be masters of the sea and stronger than those who sailed; and because of the difficulty of such preparations, those wonderful revenues and customs duties vanished. ^C Furthermore, many of the senators who did not believe, because of their hatred for the emperor, that wealth would flow to him as in a dream, knowing that he was attempting the impossible, admired his greatness of mind in a spirit of irony; and they reproached the former emperors for great levity and thoughtlessness, for not having known that they held such great treasures in their hands.

The Emperor Cantacuzenus sent away Aregus, who had stayed with him for not a few days, having instructed him to answer nothing to those who had sent him; but only to say to the grand duke that he could neither forget his familiar imposture, craftiness, and crookedness in the past, nor now; and that he thought because of his own excellence in these matters, he could even deceive God himself. ^D For though he had anything else in mind rather than to engage with him in pitched battle, he had nevertheless ordered the priests to offer supplications and propitiations for him to God, as if he were about to fight. But he should know clearly that neither does God ignore what he does and thinks, and that men, if not before, at least later, will perceive all his frauds and craftiness. For why did he not lead out his army to battle the day before, instead of after he heard that his adversary was leading his army away? He said that he was grieved at that time by his flight, when in fact he himself was vehemently shunning battle. Therefore, so that he might not be grieved longer by his [feigned] flight, at the first opportunity once again

^A he might make it known, so that he might not be more distressed and might prepare himself for battle. Aregus, then, arrived among the Galatians, and did not deign to address a single word to those who had sent him. But when the Grand Duke learned that he had returned, he sailed back from Hieron, and summoned Aregus to question him about his embassy. He neither appeared, and he openly accused them, claiming that they had cast off all fear of God and all reverence for men, and were committing such deeds as anyone would loathe to behold. He said that to such apologies as they were impudently making for themselves, the Emperor alone was the fit person to make a proper reply, and therefore he would arrive shortly to give his answers in deed. And he warned them to prepare themselves, as they would be fighting before the very walls. They, however, as they had done what they were accustomed to do, thought they had done nothing unusual.

The Emperor ^B once again came to Byzantium with his entire army, and stood for a significant length of time before the Charsian Gate. But since no one came out to fight, he turned back and camped in a place called Petrogephyra, where a river flowed past and provided an abundance of fodder for the horses. And the army harassed Byzantium as much as it could. Aregus, having returned to the Emperor, was exonerating the Empress, claiming that the war had in no way originated from her, but from the Patriarch and the others who, though she wished to embrace peace, would not allow her to do so, while persuading her that if Cantacuzenus were to prevail in any way, he would immediately kill both her and her children. Hearing this, although she was not otherwise her own mistress in such a way as to be able to execute what she approved, she was forced to place everything at their discretion.

The Emperor, having spoken secretly with his friends whom he had in Byzantium—since they lacked the opportunity to assist him and there was nothing outside ^C the walls to be occupied—departed from there again. As he came to Adrianopolis, that city also surrendered itself, with Paraspondylos, who served as its governor, acting as intermediary, as did the other fortresses situated around it as if around a mother city. The fortress of Tzernomianos also surrendered, being unable to withstand the war; it was governed by Hierax, a servant of Emperor Andronikos, who had contributed no small amount of effort to the war against Emperor Cantacuzenus through both his words and his deeds. There was also at Adrianopolis another of the servants of Emperor Andronikos, named Mancaphas.

The Emperor, having summoned these three—Mancaphas, Hierax, and Paraspondylos—said that he was not unaware that, throughout the duration of the war, they had fought against him with all zeal and ardor on behalf of the young Emperor, yet he was not angry with them for this reason; indeed, he even praised them, for having shown the diligence toward him that was appropriate for servants. For he was not angry, he said, because the Master of the Bedchamber and the others had fought, but because from the beginning until now they had been fabricating slanders, stitching lie upon lie, and preventing the peace from being resolved. Nevertheless, if they, who had been so wicked toward him, were willing to abstain from their deceits and calumnies and enter into accord with him, he would display no acrimony ^D toward the common good or toward them personally, and would not dwell upon so many miseries brought upon the state by the war, but

^A he would look upon them with friendliness and a pleasant disposition, and judge them worthy of his ancient friendship and intimacy. Against them there remained not even a trace of enmity or wrath, nor did he believe that they had offended him because they had fought in such a manner on behalf of the Emperor; for they had done what it was just and proper for honest and faithful servants to do. Especially so, as he himself was not an enemy of the Emperor’s children, nor was he determined to destroy them by any means; rather, he had always been eager to do what was most advantageous for them and for the Romans, and he was no less so now, after such a war and the unspeakable ingratitude and madness which those who fought the war ostensibly on their behalf, but in reality against them, had displayed. ^B For he would now reveal his secret to them—that he had resolved, if it were God’s will and he should gain the upper hand over those who were making war and come to be master of the Emperor’s children, that he would make the entire Roman Empire subject to himself, not to deprive them of their paternal authority, but to manage affairs until the young Emperor John had reached his prime and could lead the government himself, and then he would hand over the reins of power to him. Since he had truly determined this in his own mind, he was neither angry at those who had previously taken up arms against him, nor did he believe that those who were with him and were helping him acquire the Empire were wrong to serve the young Emperor in this way, if they were rather preserving the Empire for him. On this account, he held no grudge against them for what had happened before, nor did he consider them to have become his enemies if they wished to remain with the young Emperor in the time to come; rather, the choice remained with each of them. For if they wished to remain with him, he would be pleased; but if they wished to withdraw to Byzantium, he would place no obstacle in their way and would even send them off with gifts and goodwill. ^C Such were the things the Emperor spoke to them, and he granted them a delay of three days, so that they might reflect and choose what they judged to be in their own interest.

They expressed many thanks to the Emperor for his kindness and for his concern for them, and having reflected, they decided it was better to stand with Cantacuzenus. On the third day they approached him and announced their decision, namely, that they preferred to stand by him and to endure any danger or labor for his sake, since they knew that those who held the reins of government in Byzantium, both for the Romans in general and for the Emperor's children, contemplated nothing worthy of praise, but rather directed everything they did toward public ruin and destruction. And so that they might not fall under suspicion with him, they asked that they be permitted to pledge their faith under oath, that they would never defect from him nor plot any treachery, but would pursue every course with benevolence and zeal toward him. The Emperor gave them the choice ^D again, saying that he would not prevent them from withdrawing to Byzantium with their wives and children if they wished. But if they desired to leave them behind and depart for Byzantium alone, he would take away none of their property or possessions, but would allow them to keep everything for their wives; to them the same as before

behind and depart for Byzantium alone, he would take away none of their property or possessions, but would allow them to keep everything for their wives; to them the same as before, he commanded them to swear, knowing well that if they swore falsely, they would not depart without punishment; for they had chosen to serve him not under compulsion, but of their own free will. And so they did as they were ordered. Since the Emperor had their pledges and was relieved of his suspicions concerning them, he restored the governorship of Tzernominiano to Hierax, along with an established garrison, for he was a warlike man who was second to none in experience and daring. He also confirmed Paraspondylos as governor of Adrianople. These things were thus brought to pass, and the Emperor brought almost all the cities in Thrace under his own control. ^A

CHAPTER LXXXVI

Amurius, the satrap of Ionia, wishing, as he had promised, to join the Emperor again, was unable to do so because the Latins had burned his naval arsenal along with his ships at Smyrna; having occupied the fortress by the lake and keeping triremes patrolling there, they prevented him from building and equipping a fleet, and from transporting an army to Thrace by sea. Furthermore, transit by land to the Hellespont was not granted, as Sarchanes, the satrap of Lydia, was planning war against him over certain territorial borders and intended to stop him if he attempted to pass through his province. Therefore, regarding the journey to the Emperor, which he felt he absolutely had to undertake, he reckoned that he must appeal to Sarchanes through envoys and yield the territory over which they were in dispute, provided only that he would allow him to pass through to the Hellespont. Sarchanes received the envoys graciously and, reconciled to Amurius by that concession alone, granted him safe passage; at the same time, he commended his own son to him to serve with the Emperor. Thus, having arrived with twenty thousand cavalry by way of the Hellespont into Thrace, they came to the Emperor at Didymoteichon and offered him gifts. Amurius asked the Emperor not to delay, but to march against Momitzilos; for the barbarian hated him bitterly on account of the most audacious things he had committed against the Emperor. But because the Roman army was not yet prepared, the Persians marched into Moesia, promising they would leave as soon as the Emperor's forces had been equipped. When he attempted to restrain them, saying that he had reached peace and an alliance with Alexander, they would not listen, claiming that they themselves were enemies of the Moesians. And having raided the countryside, they returned with a rich booty of slaves and livestock. After this, when the Roman army was finally prepared, they marched against Momitzilos. He, by this time having a great force and seeking to establish a lordship of his own, had attacked and captured Xanthia, and held all the small towns of Meropi, having advanced as far as the borders of Morra. Hearing, however, that the Emperor, with the aid of the Persians, was preparing an expedition against him, ^D

^A he sent envoys and tried to lead him astray, as he had done before, by deceiving him with the claim that he felt great remorse for his hostility toward him: that having received so many favors, he had acted like a wicked man, unmindful of past kindnesses, and that if the Emperor would grant him pardon, he would never again act ungratefully but would serve him with precision. But since nothing was achieved for him by these means, and he learned for certain that the army was approaching, he gathered all the force he had around him and set out himself, intending to fight against them all at once—both Romans and barbarians; for such was the derangement and rashness to which his folly had brought him.

When he reached Peritheorion, the Persian army was seen approaching. ^B Since he had previously been oppressive to the people in Peritheorion and had at that time forced them to receive him, they would not receive him now, but closed the gates against him, pointing toward the barbarians and inviting him to join battle with them, as the city would be the prize of excellence for those who prevailed. However, so as not to appear to be completely abandoning him—for they feared that if he escaped safely, he would exact cruel punishment for this betrayal, as he was unyielding in his anger and would kill those who offended him with cruelty and inhumanity, condemning them to capital punishment for both minor and major offenses—they let in his nephew, Raikos by name, accompanied by only fifty soldiers, so that if he should win, the reception of the nephew might serve as a pretext for forgiveness, but if he were defeated and killed, those few would be no obstacle to them serving their own interests.

Momitzilus drew up his army before the rampart in front of the city, thinking he would hold out and that the rampart would contribute no small amount to his efforts. ^C But when the Persians mounted their first charge, they drove back Momitzilus’s army—which numbered about four thousand men—tore down the rampart, and the greater part of the army scattered for plunder, overrunning everything that same day as far as Mygdonia. The Emperor, following behind with Amur and the rest of the army, saw that the force under Momitzilus had not been defeated, but had merely given way to the passage of the barbarians; for he saw them arrayed in good order and with discipline. ^D Therefore, it seemed that the struggle still remained to be decided. He drew up his army, both Romans and barbarians, in three divisions. He entrusted the right wing to Amur and the Persians, so that they, being archers, might strike the enemy by launching attacks on their unarmored men. The left wing he gave to John Asanes, brother of the Empress Irene, with the Roman heavy infantry, who were accustomed to fighting with pikes; while he himself held the center, leading the picked troops of Romans and Persians. Momitzilus, for his part, similarly drew up his line and advanced toward the battle. When they came to close quarters, a very fierce fight broke out, and the camps held their ground against each other for a long time.

^A Nevertheless, Momitzilos’s men were being defeated, and many of them were falling. As they were being driven toward the city walls, since there was no route for escape or counter-attack for the cavalry—with very little space left between the enemy and the walls—and those within Peritheorion were not expecting to receive them, he himself was the first to dismount from his horse, and then all the others followed, and they abandoned their position to the enemy. They fought on foot, struggling with all their might and holding out for a long time, both because of their own courage and because the city prevented them from being surrounded; many were falling while fighting. As long as he was still alive, they did not relax their boldness, nor did they surrender their weapons. But once he himself fell in the battle, those who were left immediately surrendered their weapons and were enslaved by the Romans and Persians, with not one of them being able to escape. ^B And just as the saying goes regarding great catastrophes, that not even a fire-bearer was left behind, the very same thing happened to the army of Momitzilos. For some fell in the battle, while others were captured. Those who were standing on the walls in Peritheorion neither defended Momitzilos nor did they emerge themselves; rather, they sat on the walls as mere spectators of the struggle.

The Emperor wept at the calamity of the enemy, not only because of the change of fortune—that a man who, but a short time before, thought great things of himself, who appeared to be an excellent and invincible commander, was, in one moment of time, lying there in contempt and being trampled under the feet of his enemies—but also because those who had fallen, being so many and displaying such virtue and bravery, were Romans, whom this civil war, the cause of many tears, had consumed like some added measure to the sum of calamity. Thus did Momitzilos flourish for a short time and seem to have achieved great fortune, only to wither and fade all the more quickly.

After the battle, the Emperor proceeded to Xanthia, where the home of Momitzilos and his wife was. The Xanthians, at first knowing nothing about Momitzilos, were inquiring where he might be. When they learned that he and his entire army had been routed, they lamented the death of their relatives and acquaintances, and surrendered the city to the Emperor. The Emperor showed great clemency toward the wife of Momitzilos; he ordered that none of her possessions should be taken from her, and told her that she might either remain on Roman soil henceforth, if she wished, or return to her own homeland (for she was from Moesia). She did indeed choose to leave for her homeland, and having taken all her belongings with her, ^C she departed for the Mysians.

HISTORIARUM LIBER III. CAPUT LXXXVII.

^A Having now removed Momitzilo, the Emperor decided that he must also take vengeance upon the Kral for his injustice and breach of faith. For the latter, seeing that the war among the Romans was laying everything of theirs to waste, and caring little for the treaties he had made with the Emperor, had taken other cities subject to the Romans and, by besieging Pherae for a long time, had reduced it to miserable want, confident that he would soon possess it. At the same time, some among the people inside were working to have the citizens abandon the Romans and defect voluntarily to the Triballi; to such, the Kral had promised offices in the city if they persuaded the citizens to this course. The chief of these was Manuel Asanes, uncle on his father’s side to the Empress Irene. But Constantine Palaiologos, uncle of the Emperor Andronicus, and Demetrius Zamplaco, the grand stratopedarch and his son-in-law, being of the Roman party, opposed those acting for the Triballi and exerted every effort to ensure that such a city should not be lost to the Roman empire, ^B and they sent to the Emperor begging for help.

Knowing this, the Emperor judged that an embassy should be sent to the Kral; if he would desist from Pherae, he himself would also keep the oaths and treaties, but if he were the first to break them, he would march against him with his Persian army. And as it was now evening, he sent John Bryennios, ordering him to depart from Pherae, given that the city belonged to him, and for the future to cause no further trouble, neither to it nor to any other city subject to the Romans. He should remember, he said, the goodwill and honor he had received while staying with him, and it was right to think of returning the favor. Therefore, even though he had rejected the treaties at Berrhoea, and later openly taken up arms and clearly violated the agreed-upon covenants, he (the Emperor) had not been inflamed with anger nor wished for vengeance, but had desired to renew the treaties and show as much gratitude for the friendship as possible. But if he refused to comply and continued to act against the treaty and inflict harm, ^C and persisted in besieging the cities, he should not hold him responsible for any penalty exacted by arms, as though he were a breaker of treaties and ungrateful to one who had treated him well at a time when he most needed help.

Such was the message the Emperor sent to the Kral. At the same time, taking his army, he proceeded toward Christopolis and camped in a village called Gabriel’s, intending to come to Pherae and provide for the other cities that were faring badly due to the Triballian war. While these things were happening, the Great Duke Apocauchus, seeing that all the cities of the mainland had already transferred their allegiance to the Emperor Cantacuzenus, and that he held almost the entire Roman army, and nevertheless also had no small amount of help from the barbarians, and that he could not be resisted at all on the mainland, ^D first of all through diligent...

^A attention to justice and fairness, he deliberated on how to persuade the Byzantines to be obedient to him; then he misled them with empty hopes, promising, as if in a dream, to make them extremely wealthy from their current poverty, if he were to establish a merchant vessel to collect payments from the merchants. But when everything was exposed as deception and trickery, and he had already become a fable among the common people, fearing lest some innovation should arise against him, he considered transferring all his power to the sea and changing the government into a tyranny. First, he intended to organize a fleet and armored soldiers, using them both for the triremes and as his own bodyguard, so that he might not be plotted against; he would completely neglect the mainland, take hold of the islands and the sea, and arrange for the Byzantines to be fed from the sea by carrying on trade with ships. In addition to these things, he also planned to shut up in prisons those in Byzantium who had money and as many of the senators as still remained, so that he might be free from fear (for he feared lest they might wish to make peace with the emperor Cantacuzenus) and might have an abundance of money for the armored soldiers and the triremes by despoiling them of their goods. ^B Moreover, he intended to take away the property of all others who, having previously mentioned peace, had been confined by him in their own houses, or were kept without access in the precincts of monasteries, after first having them brought to prison; for he had previously deprived them of only a few things from their estates. Furthermore, he intended to prescribe annual payments for all the others, from which, collecting profit, he might maintain the fleet.

He also devised to build a common prison in the palace of Constantine the Great. For since there was a large building there called the Justinianic, its roof having been destroyed by time, he intended to wall up every entrance, and to divide the interior into many small cells on either side, and to shut up the prisoners inside them by lowering them from above with ropes, so that at night they might use the cells, and by day they might use the space left in the middle for moderate relief, and that guards being stationed upon the walls above, they might be watched all day and night. ^C And if those guards needed anything, they were to speak clearly and openly to the guards below, in the hearing of all, so that any suspicion of intrigues might be avoided, such as if they were to speak secretly with any of the prisoners.

After this, those who were in his confidence said that he even intended to approach the Empress and tempt her, to see if she would be willing to betroth her daughter to the emperor her son, provided that he himself was prepared, as if struggling for his children, to spend all his own wealth on the war against Cantacuzenus. For he had previously shown himself to be in no way lacking in enthusiasm, and had applied all his effort to overthrowing him; and he had spent both all the public money and what he had taken from the friends of Cantacuzenus on that cause. ^D Now, since matters had turned out entirely otherwise than expected, and he [Cantacuzenus] held the whole mainland, he thought that he would hold dominion over the sea, furnish the expense from his own pocket, and securely retain the empire of Byzantium and the islands. And if she would agree to the marriage, he would wish to be the father of the emperors, and have the whole empire in his hand, and do whatever he pleased. But if, on account of his ignoble status, the condition...

^A should be rejected, he would attack her; for there would be no doubt that she was plotting evil against him. He therefore wickedly and deceitfully devised a snare of this kind against her. He wrote letters in her name to the Pope, to this effect: That she, having been reared in the customs and laws of the Romans, held and revered the same dogmas as the Roman Church. ^B But, having been given to the emperor by her own relatives, she was forced, whether she would or no, to feign his religion. Nevertheless, the religion, faith, and concord which she had imbibed from infancy, she had kept whole and inviolate in the Roman Church, and acknowledged him [the Pope] as her parent, master, and leader of her faith; and it was her desire, soon after the death of her husband, to explain to him her own state, and to strive that the whole empire, whether voluntarily or under compulsion, might profess the same religion with her, but she had been hindered by the wars, which were urgent and still continue today, in which those who were most powerful among the Romans were fighting against her for the empire. Wherefore she besought him, first, that God might be propitious to her for the fact that she appeared to follow such a perversion of dogmas; and next, that he might aid her against her enemies with all his might, so that, once they were overthrown, she might immediately and openly celebrate the doctrine of the Roman Apostolic Church and its rites, and lead others by her example. ^C The Empress's letters to the Pope, who at that time was Clement (the sixth of that name), were of this kind. Apocauchus, having entrusted them to a certain painter named Praepositus, sent them to the Pope, commanding him not to reveal the Augustae’s secret to anyone. He knew nothing more than that he was being sent to the Pope. Pope Clement, having received the letters, was filled with all manner of joy, and wrote back that the Empress was in communion with him, and that if she were delivered from the war, she would do this openly. At the beginning, he praised her for her constant will, that although she was under an iniquitous lord, she had not departed from the legitimate dogmas, but was in agreement with the Roman Church. Then, he instructed her how she ought to adhere to them perpetually, and how she ought to bring back others who were led astray and had fallen from the truth. Finally, having prayed well for her, and bidding her hope for the best, he promised that he would bring aid as much as lay within his power. ^D When Praepositus had brought these letters, Apocauchus himself kept them in secret, in order that if the things he sought should be granted to him, he would stir up nothing; but if not, he would, by having them read in an assembly, incite the people to destroy her along with her children. For he knew that they would bear this with the greatest difficulty, and would most easily oppose anyone if they understood that she had embraced the decrees of the Latins: thus he would seize the whole empire of Byzantium and the islands. But if this did not turn out as intended, and the Byzantines could not be brought to slaughter the empress and her children, then, with matters desperate, he would either shut himself up in the most fortified tower of Manganes, which could resist the whole of Constantinople, or withdraw by trireme to Epibatae, and there, free and his own master, pass the remainder of his life.

^A Such were his thoughts, and he already begun to act upon them; first by surrounding himself with an armed guard, which always accompanied him whenever he went out of his house, such that no one among the others dared approach him unless called by him. Furthermore, for this same purpose he had a trireme, fully equipped, stationed at all times by the gate called the Lignean, where his dwelling had been built for this very reason. For he made it his concern to be near the walls, especially those facing the sea, so that if any shift in affairs threatened him, he might easily escape and save himself. At that time, however, he was especially anxious regarding both his personal guard and his ready escape, should he perceive any evil impending; for he saw that all men now were evilly disposed toward him and hated him for his wickedness and for such great ruin of the Romans: not only strangers, but even those most closely related to him. Indeed, two of his sons, detesting their father’s folly and most wicked character, had deserted to the Emperor. So that even to certain men to whom he used to confide his secrets, he would say—not once or twice, but often—"I see that Cantacuzene is now very powerful, and I fear he may win over Byzantium; but even if that should happen, he will only possess the earth and the sky. As for the rest, I will destroy it by fighting him with all my power, even if I myself must perish with them." Therefore ^B he provided diligently for his guards, and in the palace of Constantine he was constructing a prison, as he had planned, having hired workmen for the task; he himself would go frequently to inspect the work and urge on the builders. The prisoners, however, upon seeing the prison being built, so terrible and barely different from a tomb, and in no way ignorant of his purpose, resolved to kill him whenever he should come there, thinking that his murder would be to their advantage in either case. For if they succeeded, they would be free from so great an evil and live in liberty; but if they failed and were to pay with their deaths, they would at least be spared the even greater evil of being buried alive. This was the plan they formed, and they watched for an opportunity when they could attack him and carry it out. Now, the Great Duke, whenever he was about to enter the palace of the great Constantine, usually took precautions for his safety (for a band of armed guards always followed him, and he ordered the prisoners to be locked in the dungeons until he should depart); but at this time, he neglected the precaution he was most accustomed to take, deprived of his senses by God, as we surmise, and abandoned to his slaughter. ^C But the captives were scattered about the palace courtyard...

JACOBI PONTANI NOTA.

^A For he was always ^B followed by many of his armed guards, and he would send the prisoners and lock them in the cells until he departed from there. He himself did nothing that he ought; for he seemed to have been deprived by God of the ability to think, and left to perish. But if the prisoners were scattered about and walking in the courtyard of the palace, he would leave his own guard outside and go in with only one attendant following him. When the prisoners saw him entering so unguarded, and thinking it an opportune time for an attack, they rushed upon him—a few of them at first, who happened to be in the same place. Among these was his nephew, Alexius, the Duke, who had also been condemned to the prison by his uncle, the Emperor Cantacuzenus. At first, they used stones against him, for they did not have any iron at hand. Then one of them happened to find a club and struck him on the head many times and brought him down. After this, using an axe belonging to the carpenters who were building the prison, they cut off his head. ^B The guards around the Great Duke, and all the others who followed him, when they realized he was dead, did not turn to defend him, but, struck with fear at the daring act, they scattered in different directions. The prisoners, at first, all ran together at the disturbance, as most of them did not know what it was. But when they knew that the Great Duke was dead, some of the bolder ones hung his body from the walls, and having fixed his head upon a spear, they similarly set it up on the walls so that it might be clearly seen by all. For they thought that they would be making themselves more acceptable to the people, who held the Great Duke to be a common enemy, as he was indeed the primary cause of the civil war. For by now, everyone knew what had happened. They prepared themselves, from whatever they had at hand, to defend themselves if anyone should attack them, trusting especially in the high walls of the palace; at the same time, a hope was also dawning upon them that no one would defend him, since all had become his enemies. And the Empress, too, fearing lest they should cause some further disturbance, decided to provide not only oaths of amnesty and immunity, but also to yield to some other requests. The Empress, therefore, as soon as she heard, commanded the Panhypersebastos Isaac Asanes (for he was the one who immediately took over the direction of affairs) to take every precaution and to provide the prisoners with oaths that they might leave the palace. For she feared for them just as they themselves were suspecting. But he, being overwhelmed by a multitude of matters, neglected the prisoners; and they spent that day and the following night without anyone attacking them. At this time, if they had wished, they could have saved themselves by scattering and fleeing, either to the Church of Sophia or to some other place, as they were not being guarded. But because they foolishly hoped for great rewards, they also lost their own precious lives. On the following day, indeed, Zephraetes, one of the servants of the Great Duke—a bloodthirsty, cruel, and savage man (for he used to carry out the executions for his master)—incited the people to avenge the slaughter of the slain man. ^{C D}

^A And especially the navy, which possessed no small favor toward him, inasmuch as he was always occupied with their affairs, took up arms and proceeded against them. But they, being supplied with none of the necessities—for they had neither arms with which to entrench themselves against the walls, and the size of the fortress was too great to be defended by them, as they were fewer in number and were surrounded and besieged on all sides by innumerable attackers—when they perceived that the walls were being tunneled through and that they were on the point of being captured, abandoned the fortress and fled for refuge to the nearby church known as that of the Nine Orders. ^B And some of them entered the inner sanctum, while others hid themselves in the underground passages, which were very numerous and winding there. The people, coming upon them with a certain uncontrollable and frenzied rush, slaughtered some of them inside the very inner sanctum, and others wherever they caught them; and very few escaped the danger, and especially those who had murdered the Great Duke. But all the rest were slaughtered, and they were not few; for it was impossible to learn their precise number, since they had been collected from different cities. They, therefore, having set upon the Great Duke, killed him in this way, and they themselves perished in turn through their own imprudence. ^C Furthermore, the friends of the emperor who were in Byzantium, as soon as the rumor of the Great Duke’s murder spread, wrote to the emperor concerning what had happened, and advised him, laying aside all else, to come to Byzantium with the greatest speed, since the prisoners were going to take possession of the palace of Constantine the Great, and he would occupy the city if he arrived most quickly. These letters reached the emperor while he was encamped at the village of Gabriel, and the same was reported from Didymoteichon by the wife of the Empress.

CHAPTER LXXXIX.

On the same day, the envoys who had been sent to Kral ^D returned, and reported that even before they had arrived, Kral had departed from Pherae to his own territory, fearing the incursion of the Persians, as it was reported that they were advancing. When they had arrived where he was and had delivered the embassy, he had replied that he himself knew what was just, and that it was for this reason that he had departed from Pherae, so that the emperor might use it as his own. The envoys also said that Pherae otherwise required no small care and foresight, and that the faction of Kral must be expelled, for the common people would not allow them to remain quiet; but when they found the opportunity, they would incite them to surrender to Kral. The emperor judged that both matters required much

effort and that both were most necessary, and he was divided in his reasoning. Having convened the leading men, and with Amurius the satrap and Suliman the son of Sarchan also present, he brought the matter into public deliberation and commanded each to state his opinion or what seemed to him in the present circumstances more advantageous. It seemed best to all, unanimously, that Byzantium should be sought without delay; for affairs would not wait for them if they should waste time and procrastinate. But the emperor showed that the things said did not rest upon sound reasoning. For he said their friends had written that, having killed the chamberlain, the prisoners were holding the palace of Constantine; but it was uncertain whether they were still holding it. "For if," he said, "the whole city is ours, and because of their good will toward us they are suffering no harm from those, why must we hasten toward them, when they themselves fear no danger, and we incur no loss from a delay? But if, as before, they are again at war, and the populace is attacking them as they assault the palace, I do not see by what force they will be able to preserve it; for they have no facility of arms, being unarmed and in chains, nor of the provisions that the guards were scarcely and meagerly supplying for their necessity." Add to this that the few who are there are not sufficient to guard the size of the palace, which has long been neglected and deserted; those who are inside will most easily betray it, so that to me, looking at it however I may, it seems difficult for them to be able to resist against such force. "But if they have secured aid from some quarter, and having obtained the necessary supplies have resisted until now, and will be able to defend themselves for a long time, it is surely not right to discard the certain things in one’s hands for an uncertain hope. ^B For Pherae is no mean city or one to be despised, but is great and illustrious, and one upon which the Roman Empire strongly depends. Wherefore, it is necessary for the rest of the army to proceed to Byzantium without any delay intervening, but for me to take three thousand soldiers and arrive at Pherae; and I think that after spending one day with the citizens, and having provided for them some foresight, and then having driven out those who have chosen Kral, I shall return. The rest of the army, because of its weight and multitude, making its camps more frequently, we, being few, lightly armed, and therefore traveling expeditiously, will easily overtake; and thus we shall provide for Pherae, so great a city, and we shall not delay the march to Byzantium at all. But if, failing in some necessary thing, we do not obtain Byzantium now, yet it may be permitted to hold a noble hope of obtaining it later. But if, through our negligence, Pherae should come under the power of Kral, there will remain no hope of recovering it, nor the other cities of Macedonia, between which it is situated as a boundary and divides them from the rest of the Roman Empire. These things must be weighed, nor for the sake of the uncertain should the certain be abandoned." Such were the things the emperor urged in the council of the nobles, and he persuaded most of them. Amurius, however, and Suliman, and other Persians, openly contradicting him, affirmed that he had counseled them with little utility: since it was a matter concerning Byzantium, and so great a hope was shining forth, to neglect that and turn to something else, however good, [was wrong]. For they [the Romans] were not dealing ^C with the rest of the Romans about one or two cities, but about the whole Empire at once.

of which Byzantium is, as it were, the head; and if he does not gain control of it, he will never firmly possess the sovereignty. And if Pherae now defects to the Triballoi, it will not be long before they recover it ^A by marching against them and bringing them into subjugation as both slaves and allies. The leaders of the Persians, having spoken against this, implored the Emperor to yield to them; at the same time, the army had already begun to move. The Emperor, since he could not act otherwise, gave his consent. When they arrived, they found those prisoners dead, and the other matters in the city in a state of quiet. For after the death of the Great Duke, for two or three days there had been turmoil and confusion, but then it settled down, with Isaac the panhypersebastos taking over the administration of all public affairs, and the mystic Cinnamus serving as his colleague; and they, along with the Patriarch, who was participating in the administration as he had been before, did everything. After the death of her husband, the wife of the Great Duke, having all the wealth, which was not insignificant—the Empress also being privy to this and not troubled by it at all—withdrew to Epibatai. It was said that a little before his death, he had brought everything he possessed from wherever it was to Byzantium; and his purpose was to reveal his wealth to the Empress so that, by showing how much he would spend on her behalf and for her children, he might persuade her ^B to unite her daughter with his son in the bond of marriage. The Emperor Cantacuzenus, since nothing was turning out according to his expectations from Byzantium, was distressed not in a moderate degree, and held the leaders of the Persians and the officials in suspicion, believing that because of their poor judgment and lack of spirit, he was being deprived of Pherae and the cities in Macedonia. For he suspected that after their departure, the Kral, having already despaired of help from the Emperors, would easily subdue the region. He therefore advised the Persian leaders that it was necessary to return again to Macedonia. Seeing then, that even they themselves [realized] that no further advantage would come from Byzantium. For everything was already settled and peaceful within, and although they were somewhat ^C saddened to set out again with the Emperor for Macedonia, nevertheless they agreed to his opinion. When they had gathered to set out once again for the West, they came to Apamea, where, after the camp was pitched, Suliman, the son of Sarchan, was suddenly seized by a most rapid fever. His companions, trying to cure him with very cold diet, created the opposite condition for him; and when the fever ceased, he was left extremely chilled and was about to succumb to a syncope ^D (55), as his blood was weak around the heart and unable to fend off death. Amurius, having conjectured the cause, did what he could to dispel the malady. For he gave him both theriac and aged, unmixed wine to drink (56). As the fevers...

[alt-version omitted]

(55) Ex Gorraeus, in his *Thesaurus*, reports that an illustrious physician says this. Syncope is a sudden collapse of all the powers, as Galen handed down before him, stated by the ancient physicians. Therefore, since the essence of the powers by which the body is governed consists both in the spirits and in the temperament of the solid bodies, it is clear that none of these remains intact during a syncope, but all things collapse and are dissipated: since the spirits indeed [possess] the native heat, so mixed and confused with it that they can never be separated from one another; while [it consists in] the temperament of the solid bodies, both with that heat implanted in individual parts by nature, and with that primordial and radical moisture, by which one, as it were, like a glue, the strength of those [parts] is held together. And that this is so for many reasons, physicians teach, and common sense judges, and all peoples have always judged. From which sense it was said by the Savior in Luke 5: "No one, after drinking old wine, immediately wants new; for he says, 'The old is better.'" Hence also Plautus in the *Casina*: "Those who use old wine, I think are wise."

(56) That old wine is better than new, many doctors judge, and common consensus supports; and all people always judge this. From which sense it was said by the Savior in Luke 5: "No one, after drinking old wine, immediately wants new": for he says: "The old is better." Hence Plautus in the *Casina*: "Those who use old wine, I think are wise."

^A ...seeing also for themselves that nothing more would come of it from Byzantium, since everything there was already in order and nothing inside was in turmoil, and that it would be more profitable to campaign again with the Emperor for Macedonia, they were persuaded, although they were distressed by the return journey. And since it had been decided to campaign again towards the West, they came and camped at Apamea. But while they were camped there, the son of Sarchanes, Suliman, was suddenly seized by a most intense fever; and his attendants, ^B having used a very cold diet to the extreme, turned the illness to the contrary. And as the fevers left him, being cooled to the extreme, he was about to perish from heart failure, since the blood around the heart was insufficient to withstand the necrosis. Amur, guessing the cause of the danger, did whatever was possible against the evil; for he provided theriac to drink, and unmixed old wine. But when the fevers regained strength, those around Suliman returned to their former methods, having condemned Amur for great inexperience. When his heart was again deadened, he died immediately. Those around him, however, did not think themselves the cause of the death, but openly accused Amur of having killed him with poison when he provided the wine. Upon hearing this, Amur feared for his rule, lest Sarchanes his father, upon learning of his son's death and trusting the slander that he had been destroyed by him, might attack while he was away with his army, and might win over the cities in retaliation. For this reason he thought he needed to withdraw home as quickly as possible, before the events concerning Suliman became public knowledge. Amur therefore withdrew back to Ionia for such a reason, although he had the intention of remaining with the Emperor until the war was concluded. And with difficulty he persuaded Sarchanes, by offering great oaths, that he had done no evil to his son, but was being slandered by those who said so. The Emperor came to Didymoteichon, ^C grieving heavily over Pherae and the other cities in Macedonia. For he feared lest they be captured by the Triballi, which indeed happened a little later. For when the Crales heard that the Persians had crossed to the East, he attacked Pherae again and took it, those inside who favored his side having acted when they had the opportunity. And after this, he, already thinking grandly and having seized the greater part of the Roman Empire, proclaimed himself Emperor of the Romans and Triballi, and assigned the title of Crales to his son.

CAPUT XC.

Batatzes, however, the great stratopedarch, left behind by the Emperor with an army to raid and harass the Byzantine territory, at first indeed did this frequently. When the Byzantines marched against him, led by Aplesphares, he was victorious in the clash, and he captured many alive and killed many in battle, and the general himself was also captured. After the defeat of the Byzantines, Batatzes, thinking that if he attached himself to the Empress, he would obtain the first place, and a firm command over everyone and everything... ^D [marginal note: The children of the doctors, however, being unwise, while they wished to drive out heat with cold and cold with heat (for wine heats, and the more unmixed it is, the more), they destroyed their miserable patient (as they call the sea-dwellers).]

^A Since others were powerless in war and battle, and especially because the patriarch also—on account of their family tie (for his son had married the patriarch’s daughter)—would be of great assistance for this high purpose, he sent to the empress and treated with her concerning terms, promising that he would tame Cantacuzene, since he himself was able to lead the Persians against him. For he had a friendship with certain of the satraps, both because he knew their language and could converse in Persian, and even more because the emperor, throughout the time of the war, had for this very reason wished him to be constantly with the Persians—from which it came about that he was in close association with them. The empress received the proposal gladly and promised to do everything with readiness that Batatzes requested; for she deemed it of the highest importance that those who were resisting the emperor should be brought over. For the patriarch and the other prominent men of the state were terrorizing her to the utmost, telling many lies about the emperor and persuading her that, if he should by any means subdue Byzantium, he would immediately kill her and her children, taking revenge for the insults and other evils that had been inflicted upon him and his relatives. For this reason, she herself was now afraid of making peace, even though the emperor was always requesting it and sending letters to the patriarch concerning peace. Those who carried these letters, at first, would secretly cast them down near the patriarch’s throne, or elsewhere where they could least be hidden; for as they expected scant mercy, they dared not deliver them openly. He, I say, always writing to the patriarch, kept asking for peace, even though the latter was working against him perpetually and fanning the flames of war as much as he could.

Batatzes, therefore, having flared up at such great expectations and resolving to contend with the emperor in arms again, sent to the satrap of Lydia and requested troops as an alliance. The emperor, since he was not ignorant of what Batatzes was plotting—as many were reporting it—sent Calothetus the protosebastos to reproach him for his ingratitude and defection, and to try to deter him from his wickedness, exhorting him to keep to what he had sworn and to come to him, promising to do whatever he might ask. Batatzes excused himself, saying that he feared to come to him inconsiderately and without a guarantee of an oath; for he did not deny that he had treated with the empress about his going over to her, and he promised that a little later he would send to the emperor to request an oath of amnesty for his desertion. But this was only a pretext; ^B for he was trying to deceive him until he could procure troops from Lydia, so that when he had gathered a reliable force, he might openly make war against him. The emperor, however, [holding] Batatzes in great esteem—for the man was worthy of note, not only in wisdom but also in experience and boldness in battle—thought that he must show every diligence not to let Batatzes defect to the enemies. For he knew the authorities who were in Byzantium to be very faint-hearted ^C and ignorant of military affairs; and so he sent again Nicephorus Metochites, who afterwards obtained the dignity of grand logothete, promising him the oath and other things which he had confirmed he would request. But Metochites, because he clearly knew ^D

^A that Batatzes had defected from the emperor—for already the Persian army, which Batatzes had summoned for an alliance, was crossing over from Asia at Teristasin—returned with great speed and reported the defection to the emperor; and that, having now obtained the Persian alliance, he was preparing to engage in war.

To the emperor, it seemed that terrible things were appearing once again; for many Thracian cities, whose governors were kinsmen of the emperor to whom he had entrusted the administration, immediately defected along with Batatzes. Nevertheless, he was necessarily preparing himself also for battle, and by sending heralds, he was recalling soldiers from the cities in which they were established. He himself, meanwhile, was considering how he ought to manage the war against Batatzes, and he was conversing with Nicephorus Metochites, who had fulfilled the mission to him, reclining on a couch. Then, having dozed off for a short while, he was overtaken by sleep in the midst of the discussion concerning Batatzes. ^B He seemed to see in his sleep two youths, most beautiful in their appearance, holding a bedspread of a Phoenician color, upon which was woven a golden cross reaching to its four corners. It was written around the cross in golden letters as well: "Jesus Christ conquers." Carrying this garment, the youths covered the emperor. This, therefore, was what the emperor saw in his sleep; and becoming awake, he recounted it to those who were present; and it seemed to them, as it did to the emperor, that the dream was a portent of some good thing. And it was reported that at that very hour Batatzes had been killed by the Persians, as was signified to the emperor later when he investigated.

For when the Persians arrived, Batatzes did not declare that he was raising war against the emperor Cantacuzenus; he said only this, ^C that he intended to lead them for the sake of pillaging. He thought that if he brought them to the emperor's cities and displayed scattered people and many herds, the Barbarians, through a desire for profit, would also choose to fight against the emperor. In this matter, however, his opinion deceived him. For when he yielded to them at Garella a rich booty of men and livestock, the Persians asked if that region were under the emperor Cantacuzenus. When Batatzes disclosed what he had concealed and urged them not to be curious, but to seize as many captives as they pleased, the Barbarians, flaring up with anger at the deception—because he had led them, unknowing, against the emperor—and indignant on his account, immediately took the man’s life with the sword. Taking as prisoners the other Romans who were with him,, ^D and his son as well, they returned home, having done no damage to the cities subject to the emperor. Thus did Batatzes pay the penalty for his treachery. The cities that had apostatized earlier, however, did not submit to the emperor even after his death, but resisted and fought for a long time. Among these, those who held the fort of Empyrites apprehended their own prefect, named Archontitzes, and delivered him along with the fortress itself to the empress, and having obtained immunity, they departed for their homes. But John Apocauchus, the brother of the grand duke, arriving by night unexpectedly, took Rhegium by treachery and drove out the emperor’s garrison. The same man, having gathered the army that was already being assembled against Batatzes, decided to attack the Byzantines. He was followed by Hierax, leading the garrison cohort from Tzernomianos, and by Paraspondylus, to whom the emperor had given orders that he should lead whatever soldiers there were in Adrianople, except for Branus, Mugduphas, and Phrangopoulos, the chief authors of sedition there, many of

^A whom were soldiers in name only, as they were entirely untrained in war, and little different from those who do not even know that arms have ever existed. With this in mind, the Emperor ordered Paraspondylos to leave those three behind. Paraspondylos, although, as he claimed, not knowing what had prompted him, compelled Phrangopoulos to follow, even though he was suffering from a severe illness, namely erysipelas. When the Emperor saw him in the camp, he rebuked Paraspondylos, not only for insubordination but also for cruelty, in that he had brought into the camp a man so violently ill, and that too after he had been ordered to cause no trouble. Paraspondylos confessed his disobedience and begged for pardon, saying he did not know how such a thought had been injected into his mind, but that he had compelled him to follow even though he begged off from the expedition for many reasons. The Emperor, feeling pity for Phrangopoulos on account of his illness, ordered the physicians present to provide for his care; he himself, proceeding to the bridge of Camelus, encamped there once more, and secretly consulted with friends in Byzantium regarding the surrender of the city to him, if it were possible. They promised that they would dig through the gate called Xylocercus ^B (which had been blocked up for many years) and bring him in. After an interval of time, Phrangopoulos, seeing a certain Byzantine acquaintance of his passing time in the camp, asked him the reason for his arrival and how long a time had passed since he had departed from Byzantium. The man, knowing both Phrangopoulos's former hatred for the Emperor and his remarkable fidelity to his own party, and thinking that he would strive with hands and feet to assist his efforts, immediately shared the secret with him. He said that, enticed by most generous promises from the archons who were in Byzantium, he had come there, and that he possessed a poison with which, if he could administer it to the Emperor, he would kill him. He had been laboring wretchedly at this for the sixth month now, and had never found an opportunity to complete it. But now, his perseverance and endurance—which had caused him to be selected for the Emperor’s cooks—offered an opportunity to finally carry out the affair so eagerly sought. Therefore he congratulated himself vehemently that it had fallen out so, that he could serve his own interests and earn equal benefits from the archons, and that he was prepared to mix the drug into the Emperor’s dinner that very evening. He then wished to take flight to Byzantium and advised him to flee with him. Thus he revealed his secrets, because he believed that Phrangopoulos was affected by hatred for the Emperor. Phrangopoulos feigned agreement and asked that he show him the poison; not suspecting anything treacherous, he showed it to him immediately. When Phrangopoulos had the drug in his hands, he did not return it when requested. The poisoner, realizing what the situation was, that he had been deceived, and fearing that he might be captured, immediately took flight. Phrangopoulos ^C took the poison... ^D

^A to the Emperor, and both showed it to him and related what had happened regarding the matter; he asserted that, while he was occupied with the poisons, the one plotting against him had slipped away. The Emperor, marveling at the providence of God regarding himself—that even what Paraspondylus had seemed to have done had been providentially ordered by God for the sake of His care for him—gave many thanks for his salvation, and ordered the poison to be buried in the earth, lest it cause harm to any human or beast. And Phrangopoulos was rewarded worthily for his goodwill.

CHAPTER XCI.

^B But Hierax, suffused with a perpetual malevolence toward the Emperor, when he had been entrusted with the watch of the camp, since he was passing the night near Byzantium with his own division, left the other soldiers to keep watch, and himself, with one servant who was privy to his secrets, entered the city and, having spoken with the archons and promised that he would kill the Emperor, returned thence to the camp with his other soldiers. The Emperor’s friends from the city immediately signaled to him ^C what Hierax had done—namely, how he had held a conversation inside with the archons the preceding night—warning him to be on his guard against the man. The Emperor, thinking they were mistaken, told those of whose loyalty in such matters he had verified, that the rumor had been craftily spread by the archons so that, upon hearing it, he might set an example against him, or that he, fearing for himself, might cross over to their side. But after his friends confirmed the same, the Emperor, having summoned Hierax, admonished him regarding the words, the pact, and the oath he had given that he would commit no wickedness in the future, and proposed the same option as before, exhorting him that if he wished to serve ^D the Empress, he should not depart from him secretly, but by taking open leave; for he would not hinder him in any way. But he immediately swore terrible oaths that he was guilty of none of the things alleged against him, but that he was remaining strictly by his former oaths and pacts, and that in sticking with him lay his all. Immediately, an image of the glorious martyr of Christ, George, [the notes of Jacobus Pontanus].

(58) Note the rite, and at the same time the veneration of Saint George, which is held in great honor among us Germans.

s martyr of Christ, George, [the notes of Jacobus Pontanus]. (58) Note the rite, and at the same time the veneration of Saint George, which is held in great honor among us Germans. ^A

Hierax not long after, seizing another opportunity, entered Byzantium again for the sake of conversing with the archons. On the same night, another man, Paraspondylus, sent by the prefect of Adrianople, also came into the city to speak with the same men for similar reasons; for he had previously dealt with them clandestinely regarding the bringing about of the emperor’s death. And when by chance Hierax also arrived while the gates were still closed, he did not recognize Paraspondylus among the many others present. But the latter, envying Hierax for working on similar matters and deciding to betray him, approached secretly and cut hairs from the tail of his horse, so that by producing those hairs he might openly convict the man before the emperor by a manifest sign of his crime. He thought that this betrayal would be profitable to him in two ways: namely, that he would no longer have Hierax as a rival in so great a matter, since he would be done away with by the emperor; and that by offering such a signal proof of his own benevolence, he might approach the emperor more freely and securely, and thus be able to slaughter him more easily; for he was meditating, as they reported, to rush upon the emperor with a drawn sword while he slept.

At first light, the friends again informed the emperor that Hierax had entered Byzantium by night and had engaged in conversation with the archons. Paraspondylus himself also reported the defection and the plots of Hierax, and showing the hairs of the horse’s tail, asserted that he had suspected him even before: but that he had feared to lie out of a false suspicion, and therefore had gone to the gate of Byzantium and hidden himself unknown among others. He said that Hierax had come at that same time, and that he had taken the hairs of his beast’s tail as evident proof—so that he would not be noticed—after the gates had been opened and he had been inside, and then had gone out again.

Having heard these things, the emperor deliberated in his mind what he should do regarding Hierax. While he was investigating, it was reported that a company had erupted from Byzantium and was clashing with some of the emperor's troops. For certain few Latins from among the Germans, staying in Byzantium, had gone out and encountered some of the imperial soldiers, among whom was Hierax. And when battle was joined, neither from among the Romans nor the Latins did anyone fall, nor was anyone wounded, except that Hierax, having received two wounds, lost his horse and nearly was captured, which the imperial soldiers who came up later saved and led, wounded, to the camp. ^B

Approaching his tent, the emperor warned him to consider whether perhaps George, the martyr of Christ, had allowed him to be wounded, chastising his insolent temerity toward him (because, having given him as a sponsor, he had again bound himself to wicked and base deeds). The same man continued to affirm what he had said before: that the suspicion was unjustly brought upon him. The following night, since he saw that he was manifest in his betrayal, he fled to Byzantium; where, being asked why he had not fulfilled what he had promised, he replied that he had never lacked the attempt, but had always lacked the opportunity, as the emperor guarded himself no differently than if he could see his thoughts: and he had feared that, if caught, he would pay the penalty in blood. ^{C D}

^A However, the empress received him most gladly, and appointed him governor of the Thracian cities that had revolted from the emperor along with Batatzes. Not much time passed before Paraspondylus was also caught plotting against the emperor and fled to the empress. As for those who were inside, the emperor kept watch over them, and their machinations having been uncovered in turn, they were struck with terror and fled to the empress. When the emperor learned that the plot inside had been discovered, and there was nothing left outside that could harm the Byzantines, he set out for Selymbria. Having prepared himself there, and taking with him three hundred picked soldiers, he arrived by night at Hieron, a city situated at the mouth of the Pontus. Using ladders, and with no one inside helping them, they attempted to capture the city by themselves. Having escaped the notice of those inside, they applied the ladders to the walls, and not a few of them climbed up. But when they were inside, ^B they ruined their victory through foolishness. For they did not hold their ground on the walls to provide security for the others to climb up, nor, when they had descended inside the city, did they strive to open the gates for the rest of the soldiers; instead, neglecting their duties, they turned to looting, thinking they already held the city for certain. The natives, perceiving the small number of the plunderers, regained their courage for defense; they climbed the walls, threw down and broke the ladders, and, being more numerous than the few intruders, the inhabitants rushed upon the strangers, driving them into immediate peril. Nevertheless, the emperor’s men resisted bravely and reached the walls to drive back those who were pressing them; from there, each escaped where chance offered, not without danger. The city was saved in this way. Of the imperial troops, one fell fighting inside; ^C another, leaping down with the others, broke his leg and died; all the rest escaped unharmed. The emperor, seeing that the city, though almost captured, could not be taken, turned back from there and returned to Adrianople.

CHAPTER XCII

^D Now, it pleased him also to be crowned according to the custom of emperors, since the Patriarch of Jerusalem and several other bishops were present. And after he had ordered craftsmen to make the crown, and others to prepare the things necessary for the ceremony and ritual, when everything was ready, he was crowned in the month of May by Lazarus, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, at the time when [the memory] of the great emperors and equal-to-the-apostles, Constantine and Helena, is observed. (He who beheld the form of your cross in the heavens, and like Paul, who did not receive his calling from men, who was your apostle among emperors, O Lord, entrusted the imperial city to your hand. Keep it safe in peace for all time, through the intercession of the Theotokos, only lover of mankind.)

He himself also, following the custom, crowned the Empress Irene, his wife, and all things that were accustomed to be performed were carried out as far as possible. For silver and gold coins were scattered, and banquets and invitations to drink continued for very many days. ^B With the bishops gathered there because of the feast, inquiry was made concerning the Patriarch John, whether it was necessary to revere his priesthood and to communicate with him, given that he had acted so wickedly, and that the power to abstain from his communion had already been granted even by the bishops who were confined in their houses in Byzantium by interdict; for it seemed right to all to depart from him. And the Emperor also gave his vote, and his name was removed from all sacred rites, and a decree was made that no one should henceforth acknowledge him as patriarch. Likewise, his memory was banished from the palace. ^C Upon these things being done, the nobles and all the commanders, and indeed the whole army, approaching the Emperor, besought him to designate his son Matthew as emperor, so that if anything human should befall him, they might be governed by him; for they said not to trust the enemies, who from the beginning had shown no common hatred toward him, and even now were of the same mind. The Emperor offered thanks for their friendly disposition toward him, and said that their request to have his son declared emperor was neither just nor appropriate, and that such a thing was far from his thoughts. For he said he had not taken up arms from the beginning because he was plotting against the Emperor’s sons, nor even up to that day, although he had suffered such dire things from his enemies, had he cast off a benign spirit toward them. ^D But at that time indeed, when they were inventing many lies and slanders, and stirring up the Empress to war, and were seeking to destroy him, though he was innocent, he had not come to the imperial power out of a desire for royal majesty (which he could have enjoyed while the Emperor was still alive, had he wished), nor out of an insatiable greed and lust for rule; but rather because they themselves had urgently begged him not to abandon the administration in dangerous times, nor, like a faithless pilot, to let go of the rudder amidst waves and surge; he had undertaken this task not more for his own sake than for their salvation, when he understood that they could not be saved otherwise. Now, since by divine concession He had conquered the enemies, it was necessary to preserve his ancient loyalty toward the Emperor’s children, lest he seem to have used fraud, when at that time he had professed that he was not waging war against the Emperor's sons, but was willing to rule rather for the common benefit of them and of the Romans, when the hope of victory was still uncertain, but now when the opportunity exists, he would manifest this purpose in deed.

Notes of Jacob Pontanus

^A to bear witness, contrary to what he has promised. Therefore, he had neither intended before to deprive the emperor's son of the empire, nor would he do so now; rather, he would preserve it for him in every way. For whether he should take Byzantium by force of arms, together with the emperor himself, or whether they should reach a peace agreement and allow themselves to be the emperor’s colleagues by fixed conditions, or whether he should prevail in some other way, he would not deprive him of his paternal rule; but he would once again establish him as Roman emperor after himself, giving his daughter to him in marriage. And not only this, but even if it should happen that he were to marry another (in the event that the war dragged on longer, that is) or that his daughter should die before the wedding, he had decided not to act otherwise, nor, because of the wickedness of others, to show himself base and ungrateful toward the late emperor, who was most dear to him, and toward his sons. ^B With these things fixed in his own mind, they might be able to understand how they could ask for things that he himself could not provide. For surely emperors were not to be created like crops, but there had to be either no other emperor or, if there were one, the one existing already had to be killed. But that he himself could not do this stood in no need of proof. For they should know clearly that if all those who hold rule over Greeks and Barbarians throughout the world were to come and unanimously promise that they would be subject to him and hail him as the common king of all mortals, on the condition that he kill the young Emperor John, he would choose rather to live in the most extreme poverty and deep obscurity than to bring his soul to commit such a wicked and criminal act, and then to give laws to all mankind; and this not only for the sake of his father the emperor, ^C but also for the sake of the youth himself, who had in no way been the cause of the war undertaken against him. For on account of his age, he was still too weak to have administered any public office, such as might have given cause for it. Since, therefore, he had so determined, they should not try to turn him from his purpose; and if they themselves thought otherwise, and no longer wished to be subject to the legitimate heir in the future, but sought someone else to rule over them, they would not easily—or rather, not at all—find such a person among his followers. If they should desert him, they would have the power to do what they pleased, yet he himself would not only not follow their scheme, but would, as much as in him lay, even prevent it. Such were the things the emperor ^D spoke to the notables and the army, when they asked that his own son be designated emperor. When they could not persuade him, they ceased their petition, admiring the emperor’s modesty and the excellence of his spirit, in that after so many misfortunes and dangers, he desired to hand over the empire not so much to his own kin as to the children of the deceased emperor.

Caput XCIII. The cause of the slaughter of the Thessalonians is explained, which Palaiologus offered as a colleague in the prefecture to John Apokaukos, while abusing his power; whom Apokaukos kills. The wickedness and impiety of the Zelotes. Certain men are slaughtered by the people. One is dragged through the forum, and is killed after being pelted with stones and sticks. Apokaukos conducts himself as a supporter of Cantacuzenus, punishes the Zelotes, feigns defection to the Empress, and when his father has been killed, openly professes his support for Cantacuzenus, and surrenders Thessalonica to him with the council’s approval. George Kockalas and Andrew Palaiologus are commended.

At the same time, the people of Thessalonica killed many citizens for the following cause. John Apokaukos, son of the Grand Duke, being in rank a grand primicerius and prefect of Thessalonica, was not so disposed that he would rage against those who were seen to be of the party of the Emperor Cantacuzenus, nor yet did he openly support their interests. Furthermore, seeing the power of the Zelotes—which was by no means small—and that they governed the whole city by themselves, while leaving him only an empty title of authority, he took it badly and was filled with no little indignation. For Michael Palaiologus, the head of the Zelotes and appointed as his colleague in the prefecture, was displeasing to him, especially because he used his power unequally and, not content with the equality of the magistracy, arrogated more to himself. ^A He did not think it possible to resist him with force and arms, since he greatly feared the Zelotes—who were so numerous—and the populace which was ruled by them. ^B Additionally, his father was still alive. Therefore, he looked for another way by which, having destroyed him, he might obtain the prefecture alone. On account of this, he attracted to his authority the optimates of the city and those who seemed to favor Cantacuzenus, and joined them to himself as allies, conversing with them pleasantly and insinuating that he was of the same party. When they had easily surrendered to his trust and surrounded him with an honored retinue, he immediately plotted to effect the slaughter of his colleague by treachery. His friends, pursuing Palaiologus with capital hatred, strongly incited him to this, because during the time of war he had poured out against them all the venom of his bitterness and insolence, confiscating their property, casting them into prison, driving many into exile, and finally exceeding every measure of wickedness. For he was born to do evil, and for light causes, and on mere suspicion, he would exact atrocious punishments. ^C After it was agreed to kill him, and a certain man among those whom he had wondrously harassed took this task upon himself, Apokauchus withdrew to a more deserted region of the city with his guards—all provided with weapons hidden underneath, so that they might not be discovered as if they were plotting a revolution—fearing the movement and tumult of the people that would arise from the slaughter. Pretending a deliberation concerning the republic, he summoned his colleague to confer with him on the matter. He, ignorant of the death planned for him, arrived with a few companions. ^D When an ambiguous conversation was stirred up, Palaiologus, who had previously been the more haughty in their association on account of his magistracy, then also answered more harshly. The others, on purpose, irritated the man even more with insults. Then, grasping the situation by suspicion—namely, that they were plotting some new thing—he was carried away toward flight with the most dire threats. The man who had undertaken the slaughter, anticipating him, drove a sword into his vitals and killed him. The Zelotes suddenly...

^A immediately retreated and hid themselves in crannies; the populace did not grieve at all for the one who had fallen. For it had not even previously been well-disposed toward the Zelotes; they were, in fact, acting insolently toward divine things just as they were toward human ones, and were displaying much wickedness. For not only were they doing injustice without fear, and plundering the country as they went, and using public misfortunes as excuses for their own profit, but also, in the streets, having filled basins with water and then lit candles, they would seize some of the commoners who were thought to favor the Emperor Cantacuzenus, and would rebaptize them as if they had renounced their baptism through communion with him; and they would order those passing by to pay a fixed sum of money for the festival. And there was a necessity to act according to their command, or else one would immediately be suspected of favoring the Emperor Cantacuzenus, and of being vexed by their insolence. After this, getting drunk in taverns, they danced in mockery of the rest of the Christian mysteries, while divine justice bore with it and restrained its thunderbolts. The populace, hating this absurdity, and having already been stirred by certain causes, slaughtered some of the Zelotes without mercy in the temple of the Theotokos of the Unmade-by-Hands, ^B and dragged one of them through the marketplace, striking him with stones and whatever sticks they could find, until he expired while being dragged. And then they were not even angry about the murder of Palaiologus, but were clearly rejoicing that they were being rid of the Zelotes. Apocauchus, now having all authority himself, granted no small freedom of speech to those who supported the Emperor, and he himself was openly seen to have chosen his side, and he sent the more prominent of the Zelotes to Platamon and the other small towns that were under his authority, and threw them into prison, and drove the rest of the rabble out of the city. Then, whether fearing his father or distrusting his own men, he entrusted himself to the citadel. And the Thessalonians, as many as from the beginning had favored the Emperor, no longer fearing anything, safely joined him; by his authority and efforts, he showed publicly what each person felt about the Emperor. But when he knew everyone accurately, having changed suddenly, he exacted money from the wealthy, accusing them of Cantacuzenism. And they, since they were unable to deny it—for they had been convicted by their own selves ^C—paid a set amount of money so that they might be absolved of the guilt; he was not troublesome to the lower classes. And although he seemed only to have changed his former opinion regarding the Emperor, the situation was otherwise. For, fearing his father—lest, being angry because of the Zelotes who had been killed and the Emperor's faction that he was following, he might be driven from the city by someone sent by him, or might suffer some dire fate—he again pretended to be devoted to the Empress, in order that by that same means he might acquire money ^D and recover...

from his anger regarding the matters in which he appeared to have given offense. But when, as time passed, he was informed that his father had been killed in the palace of Constantine by his guards, he no longer pretended anything, but publicly carried out the Emperor’s will; and he sent messengers to him to declare that he had long since chosen his side, not only because of the equity of his character, his mildness, and his being the only one considered worthy to rule the Romans, but also because he knew that his father had slandered him in many things and had waged war against him unjustly; and that he had long wished to defect to him together with his father-in-law the Protostrator, who held the same opinion, but had been prevented by his father, who suspected this and for that reason had sent him to Thessalonica. Now, however, since the occasion had auspiciously presented itself, he ^B intended to carry into effect what he had long purposed in his mind, with an excellent and marvelous addition: for he was bringing with him Thessalonica, the first city among the Romans after Constantinople, and placing it under his control, as it was no small part of the Roman Empire. For this reason, he had informed him so that he too might rejoice, since he would be receiving so great a city without trouble or war. Furthermore, gathering the army and the leaders of the principal citizens in an open assembly, he asked whether they should defect to Cantacuzenus, and he himself stated his opinion first: that it was better to be subject to him than to obey the Byzantines, who could not even defend themselves. As all agreed with one mind, George Cocalas, who himself had experienced varying fortunes in this war, yet still adhered more to the Emperor, confirmed this consensus with his vote; similarly, Andreas Palaeologus, who had previously been counted among the Zealots, and had aided them as much as he could—but because he appeared more moderate, a lover of virtue, and averse to slaughter and plunder, he had therefore obtained forgiveness when the others were expelled—on account of the intelligence and human character he possessed, subscribed to the common decision without opposition. Yet it was not doubtful that he was distressed by what was being done.

CHAPTER XCIV

When it had been decided by all in common to submit to the Emperor, they chose as ambassadors to Cantacuzenus, Manuel the son of the Emperor who was staying at Beroea, ^D as well as Nicolaus Cabasilas and Pharmacen. For the Emperor had given his son the authority that if any of the cities should surrender and should request some favor from him,

^A he should provide whatever he deemed appropriate and possible, and that he himself should be satisfied with this, and in no way seek to subvert it. The Thessalonians, knowing this, sent ambassadors to him and requested not only immunity from taxes for the city in general, but also, for the Grand Primicerius and the other more powerful men, the honors and revenues that were due to them individually, and likewise for the military and for those others after them, each in proportion. The Emperor’s son, thinking it right not to be parsimonious when he was about to win over such a great city for his father the Emperor, granted all that the ambassadors requested and showed great generosity regarding these benefits. When the ambassadors had returned to Thessalonica, bearing the Emperor’s good deeds, the whole city now openly praised the Emperor and celebrated him in every tongue; the military and all the others were content with the honors granted. ^B Andreas Palaiologos alone was troubled that others had been preferred to him, to whom he thought he himself had a right to be preferred; he spoke against them openly while they were all gathered in Apokaukos’s house, and upon a division arising, he departed in disarray. Those who were left behind merely made a commotion and did nothing of what was necessary. Palaiologos, fearing that the difference between them might result in his own miserable death, immediately occupied the gate toward the sea, as if it were a tribe—the area where the entire naval force lives, they being the most numerous and ready for slaughter; furthermore, they were all armed, as they were the strongest part of the people, and in almost all uprisings they lead the entire multitude, who follow them eagerly wherever they may lead. They also have their own distinct authority, apart from that of the rest of the city, which he then commanded. ^C Therefore, because of this command and the other goodwill they had toward him, they eagerly took up arms on his behalf and were prepared to finish off anyone who came against them. Cocalas, for his part, did not even think to remain quiet in the present circumstances, but was plotting against Apokaukos regarding the leadership, for he thought it belonged to himself rather than to him. It was said, moreover, that he suspected he had been wronged by him because of a marriage, for which reason he wished to kill the man if he could. Apokaukos, therefore, not thinking it possible to resist in open warfare, by sending to both sides regarding an agreement, instead incited and inflamed the war all the more. Palaiologos called together the Zealots, as many as were in Thessalonica; some even, who had been hiding in inner chambers, suddenly appeared, and the whole populace was stirred up by them like waves, and it was clear that they were going to turn back against the aristocrats. The Great Primicerius and the other citizens and the garrison (their number, ^D as it was said, amounting to over eight hundred) considered it a disgrace if they, being so many, were to be defeated by Palaiologos alone with the men from the seaside (for the rest of the populace did not yet clearly belong to either party). Nevertheless, Apokaukos, not neglecting the agreements, sent Theanitzen, the commander of the garrison, to negotiate peace. Before he could begin his speech, the Zealots, to whom peace seemed to be of little advantage, rushed upon him and attacked him with swords and spears, and dealt him many blows; however, they could not lay him low, as he was protected within by an iron breastplate.

^A Before he could say anything to him, the Zealots, for whom peace did not seem advantageous, rushed upon him and inflicted many wounds with swords and spears, but they could not strike him down as he was armored within. He escaped, however, having been wounded only in the hollow of his hand. When Apocauchus learned of this insolence, he determined to launch an attack against those by the sea and the Zealots who were serving under Palaeologus, and he could easily have struck them while they were still unprepared and before the entire populace had been organized against them, had not Cocalas restrained him by deceiving him under a pretext of counsel. For he promised that he himself, without bloodshed, would persuade Palaeologus to come to them and reach an accord. But night having already fallen, Apocauchus, with his soldiers and the other citizens, spent the night in arms before the acropolis. Palaeologus, for his part, spent the night again at the sea-gate with the maritime forces and the Zealots, and a terrible confusion and disorder gripped the city, and the mention of the Emperor Cantacuzenus was once again stifled; fear surrounded those who had chosen his side from every quarter. And one could see, towards the sea, many torches being raised, and a terrible din, and an indistinct clamor being heard, and a trumpet sounding throughout the whole night and calling the populace together against the nobles. The latter, however, were sitting quietly and in good order before the acropolis, eager to engage in battle with the populace; for they hoped that some portion of the populace would also be of assistance to them. Furthermore, since they held the acropolis, they trusted strongly that even if they succumbed to their adversaries, they would suffer nothing extraordinary, but would take refuge within it. They were also expecting reinforcements from Berrhoea. ^B For as soon as Palaeologus had begun the war, they had sent to the Emperor’s son, requesting that either he himself come with a military force, or send reinforcements to help them. Thus the night passed, with both sides drawn up against one another and preparing for battle. When it was already day, Apocauchus descended with his army to fight; but Cocalas, going back and forth again between both sides, spoke of peace in appearance, but in reality, he was inciting them to combat. He also addressed the leaders of the companies and secretly subverted them, urging them not to fight, but once the engagement began, to be the first to turn their backs. When these matters had been thus arranged, he led the populace against them, it not yet having been made manifest to them that he was fighting. When they were near and skirmishing, the soldiers said that it was not necessary to fight against fellow-tribesmen, nor to kill their own kin, but to withdraw to the acropolis, where it was possible to be saved without danger, and at the same time they retreated, and the others followed of necessity. When they arrived at the acropolis, Apocauchus begged them to stand firm and defend themselves from the walls; for the place was suitable for cavalry combat. But the army refused ^C and insisted on entering, and that having ascended the walls, they should drive the enemy back from there; once they were inside and were asked to mount the walls and drive back the hostile attack from there, they would not do so, saying that they did not know how to fight from a wall, nor did they wish to kill their fellow-citizens without any cause, or to be killed by them. Apocauchus and the others, when they perceived the treason and observed the immediate danger, thought of taking flight outside the acropolis. By good fortune, the keys of the acropolis were with a Zealot who, when he saw the dissension and that they were inclined to flee, being provident of the future, hid them. But as there were two gates of the acropolis at a great distance from one another, Apocauchus escaped with others, having been wounded. ^D

^A Since the gate was closed, they attempted to break it open. But the people of the acropolis (for it is like a small city and has its own inhabitants) would not allow them to escape, and they would not allow themselves to be betrayed to the urban populace whom they had brought in, but rather wished for them to remain inside and resist the attackers with them. While these things were being done, the urban populace outside set fire to the gates of the acropolis facing the city, since no one was defending them. Strategius, who held the keys—for that was his name—came up and opened them; the people poured in, and immediately at the entrance they slaughtered two of the citizens, then turned to plundering arms and horses. For Apocauchus and the others, seeing that they were captured and that there was no way to escape, dismounted from their horses and, having laid aside their weapons, hid themselves; a few remained unnoticed, but the majority were despoiled of their arms by the enemy and left naked. Cocalas and Palæologus protected the soldiers and forbade them to be stripped; and just as they found the horses, they gave one to each, repaying them for their betrayal, and also because they had previously sworn oaths to them that they would suffer no harm if they betrayed the others. Thus, then, the faction of the King Cantacuzenus, having been betrayed by the army, was completely defeated. Cocalas and Palæologus drove the people out of the acropolis, for they were already plundering the property of the inhabitants as well; they themselves waited until nightfall, then sent all the soldiers home, and they themselves rescued some of their own friends, but Apocauchus and a few less than a hundred of the citizens they shut up in a prison near the citadel and set a guard over them. ^B At dawn on the following day, the army from Berrhoea also arrived. When they learned that those for whose sake they had come were captured, they raided and plundered a few things, and returned home. Around midday, a rumor spread through the city that the prisoners had again seized the acropolis and were admitting the Berrhoean army. It was said that certain of the Zealots had fabricated these reports in order to have the prisoners killed. The people, having taken up arms again, marched toward the acropolis, led by both wrath and wine. Those in the acropolis, fearing the assault of the people and that they might plunder what was inside, closed the gates; and climbing onto the walls, they begged them not to destroy them, saying they would do whatever was commanded. ^C They were ordered to bring the prisoners out and throw them down headlong. Immediately, they were led out naked. And first of all Apocauchus was thrown, who by some chance stood upright, and since no one dared to touch him, he remained that way for a long time. ^D Afterward, one of the Zealots, reproaching the others for their softness, approached and severed his head from his neck with a sword. Then the others also crowded around and mangled his whole body with wounds. After this, the rest were not in one place, but, as the Zealots specifically demanded, cast headlong from the wall: the people standing around them pierced them with arrows with a kind of beastly savagery, and they even cut off the heads of some. Thus all of them perished in a cruel manner, except for those few whom the inhabitants of the acropolis had hidden; Cocalas and Palæologus were present at their slaughter, pretending that they took the matter hard, but that they could not suppress or restrain the fury of the people, who then rushed into the houses and slaughtered yet other citizens. When, with the Zealots in the lead, they reached the house of Cocalas...

they demanded Pharmacen, whom he had hidden there; he was married to the sister of Cocalas’s wife, had possessed great influence under the governor Apocauchus, and had ^B caused the Zealots much misery. Fearing that he might be destroyed by the people, Cocalas surrendered his relative, who was immediately killed by the people. It was even said that some of the commoners at that time touched human fat. For when the bodies of the slain were cut open and their entrails spilled out, someone, in extreme senselessness and apathy, gathered up the fat and carried it home. His wife, not knowing where it came from and thinking it belonged to some other animal, put it into the pot as a tasty seasoning. After the meal, she learned from her husband that she had eaten human fat. Thus Thessalonica voluntarily joined the emperor, but turned back to war again through the instigation of Palaeologus and Cocalas; such deeds were dared, exceeding every cruelty, and the ship of the emperor Cantacuzenus sank with all those on board. After the festival of his own coronation at Adrianople, he left his son Matthew in Thrace with forces to besiege the cities that had defected with Batatzes, and to oppose Hierax who was coming to them from Byzantium with a small band. Matthew met him and defeated him, his soldiers all being part cut to pieces or captured; and the leader himself narrowly avoided being taken. Furthermore, he compelled the towns to surrender through the terror of arms and brought them into subjection to his father.

CHAPTER XCV

^A triremes, arrived at Smyrna, which the Latins had previously possessed. The patriarch deemed it necessary to enter the church in Smyrna, which had formerly been the cathedral, and perform the divine liturgy there, and he ordered the soldiers to follow him in arms. Martin and the other fleet commanders discouraged this action, maintaining that it was fraught with danger. Since he would not yield to necessity and was performing the sacrifice in the sanctuary, Amurius arrived with his soldiers. The Latin soldiers, seeing the Persians attacking, fled to their castle and escaped death, but the patriarch, vested in his sacred robes, was slaughtered by the Persians, along with Martin and a few other notables.

At this same time, some thirty-two nobles from Genoa, having equipped triremes at their own expense, sailed to Chios and besieged it for no little time, and they made many strong assaults on the walls and brought up siege engines. However, they achieved little or nothing from such efforts. For the Chians defended themselves against the Latins stoutly, but being pressed by a lack of supplies and suffering from famine, and since no aid reached them from the Romans, they submitted to the power of the Latins and were forced to hand over the city. ^B The empress, although she was terribly distressed that Chios was being besieged, was unable to bring any help; for she had neither money in readiness to withstand such forces—so as to equip a fleet equal to the Latin fleet—nor did she have a capable and skilled leader for it; for all those of the Romans who had distinction were kept in prisons. Nevertheless, the leaders armed a few triremes and appointed Placeolatus as a colleague for the others (he had as wife the sister of the wife of Cinnamum the *mystikos*), not so that he might engage the Latins, to whom he was far inferior, but so that he might introduce provisions into the island if he could by any means.

Placeolatus, upon hearing that Chios had been captured as he was sailing down, immediately turned back; and coming upon a large Genoese transport vessel, he defeated it in a sharp battle, killed many of the Latins, and seized their money. When the report was brought to their fellow countrymen in Galata, they issued a public decree offering immunity to anyone who might kill him wherever they found him, and they hated him as an enemy until his death. The Augusta, seeing that only Constantinople was left to her (for almost all the other cities ^C were under the authority of the emperor Cantacuzenus), sent an embassy to a certain Mpalikes, the prince of Carbona, and begged for help. He welcomed the embassy kindly and sent his brothers, Theodorus and Tomprotitzas, with a thousand select soldiers to bring aid; they, while passing through the maritime cities by the sea, tried to turn them back from the emperor to the Augusta by their warnings and counsels; for they hoped that these men would accomplish something great with a fortunate outcome. The empress received them quite kindly and honorably, and having joined the daughter of the Great Duke Apocauches to Tomprotitzas in marriage, she appointed him leader of the Roman army, intending for him to unite his forces with the Romans while the emperor was at Didymoteichon.

^A Facrates the protostrator, however, having been left behind in Selybria by the emperor with a military force, and having added the Selybrians to his ranks, sallied forth from the town and defeated Tomprotitzas with great courage. For the latter, being inexperienced in the terrain, managed his tactics poorly, leading his cavalry into trenches, narrow defiles, and vineyards; wherefore, being defeated, although few died in the battle, many were captured, and only a few were able to escape. The more distinguished of the captives were bound and placed in custody, while the others were stripped and released. Tomprotitzas himself came close to being captured, yet he managed to escape and returned in disgrace. After that defeat, Tomprotitzas remained in Byzantium, already having an ^B alliance through his Roman wife, and he enjoyed the honor due to him from the empress; but Theodore, his brother, returned to his home, leading the remnants of the army. After this, Orchan sent an embassy to Emperor Cantacuzenus, requesting to be given his daughter in marriage; and he promised that if he were to grant this request willingly, he would readily fight as an ally against any enemy of the Romans whatsoever. For he would no longer act merely as an ally and a friend, but [would become] a son, and would readily serve him with all his troops wherever he might command. The emperor neither rejected the embassy nor immediately agreed to the marriage; but having addressed the envoys in a mild and gentle manner, and having presented them with gifts, he promised that he would give his answer after a short time by sending an embassy of his own. The envoys of Orchan then returned ^C to their home. The emperor then consulted with his own household and with the dignitaries regarding the marriage—whether he ought to give his daughter to Orchan—and everyone, as if by prior agreement, said that it was of the greatest importance to have Orchan as a secure ally and friend. The emperor also sent an embassy to Amur seeking to know if he thought it better for him to marry his daughter to Orchan. He judged it to be excellent and advised [the emperor] to accept the connection. For he reasoned that the friendship and relationship of the barbarian would be most profitable to him, as he was powerfully capable of benefiting him against the enemies of the Romans. For even if he did not require the help of barbarians at present for the war against those of his own race, who were already humbled and unable to resist him, yet if the entire Roman empire were once again under his authority, ^D he would need the power of the Persians against the neighboring dynasts who had unjustly committed many wrongs and torn away many cities and regions from the Roman principate. He stated that he knew, therefore, that Orchan could not reasonably be expected to show as much benevolence toward the emperor as he himself had shown; otherwise, that he could not easily bring him assistance, since for him—coming through foreign territory—the journey was difficult, whereas for one who had subjugated the mainland bordering Thrace, it would be no labor to bring aid whenever he wished. For these reasons, although it was not otherwise greatly to his liking, he advised that the alliance be concluded with him as being most useful to the Romans, adding that he would in no way be guilty of a crime thereby, for not a few emperors of previous times, in order to provide for the interests of their subjects, had betrothed their daughters to Scythians and certain other barbarians. This was the counsel of Amur. The emperor admired the modesty of his spirit, in that he advised that Orchan would be of more benefit than he himself...

^A regarding that which he thought was profitable, and he would not have kept silence. And so, embracing his opinion, he betrothed his daughter to Orchan by envoys, and exhorted him to send a military force which would escort the bride. He immediately sent thirty ships, and a great force of cavalry, and the most noble men from his province. The emperor, with the entire Roman army and with his wife and daughters, set out for Selymbria, and in the plain before the city, he ordered a wooden platform to be erected, on ^B which the daughter who was to be wed might stand so as to be seen by all. For this was the custom the emperors followed with their daughters when they were to be led away to marriage. Then he also ordered the imperial tent to be pitched near by. When these things were prepared, the empress and the daughters remained there, and the emperor spent the night in the camp. The next day, as the empress remained in the tent with the two other daughters, the bride, Theodora, ascended the platform, with only the emperor sitting on horseback, while all others stood on foot. Then, when the screens around were removed (for the platform was decorated on all sides by silken and gold-interwoven curtains hanging down), the bride was seen, ^C with lamps on either side, which eunuchs kneeling on their knees held. Trumpets and flutes and pipes sounded most loudly, and whatever musical instruments have been devised by men for the pleasure of the ears. When these fell silent, singers chanted praises of the bride composed by poets. When all things were completed which were customary for the daughters of emperors when they were being given in marriage, the emperor gave a banquet for the soldiers, and for all those in authority, both Romans and Barbarians, for no few days. And then finally he sent off his daughter to the husband who was to receive her with great joy, who, although wedded to a Barbarian, ^D so ordered her own life that she did not degenerate from the glory of her ancestors. For not only did she suffer no harm in her religion from the daily association with those people—even though they often attempted to persuade her otherwise—but she even recalled many who had been led off into the byways of impiety back to the path of truth by the power of her arguments. Moreover, as to what pertains to the mysteries of the faith, as she behaved so steadfastly, and for her part frequently championed it at the risk of her own safety, meanwhile she did not neglect other ornaments of virtue, but bidding farewell to all luxuries and magnificence, she distributed her wealth to the needy; and many who had been sold into slavery to the Barbarians she redeemed herself at her own expense; and for all Romans suffering from the inconveniences of fortune and reduced to slavery by the Barbarians by God’s permission, she was a harbor of safety. Thus, therefore, for as long as she lived among the Barbarians, she fashioned her life according to every kind of virtue.

CHAPTER XCVI

^A Shortly after this, from the cities of the Romans by the Pontus, Heraclea and Amastris, a certain priest and a monk were sent to scout the emperor’s army, to see how large it was and if it could so tightly besiege Byzantium. When they came to Selymbria, they were accepted as guests by Contophres, who had a friendship with the protosebastos, and he brought them to the emperor and explained why they had been sent by the citizens. When the emperor had answered them kindly and bestowed favors upon them, as they were leaving the palace to return home, they saw someone lingering there whom they had once seen in Byzantium talking secretly with Cinnamum, one of the archons, and ^B they immediately told Contophres about the man, urging him to inquire the reason for his arrival. Contophres, wishing to terrify the man, immediately and rather boldly grabbed him by his cloak and dragged him here and there. And behold, beneath his garment was found a dagger—in its edge and point far sharper than any other, and having certain cavities and loops on its sides in which poison had been smeared, by which whoever touched it would perish most quickly. Being examined, however, as to what he intended with the dagger, he replied that he had been induced by a certain archon of Byzantium to come and wound the emperor with it. He said fifteen days had already passed since he arrived: during which time he had once found an opportunity to commit the deed, but had refrained out of fear of the emperor’s threats. For he said that in the middle of the night, when the emperor was present in the palace and the winds during a stormy season had extinguished the lights, while others were busy and noisy attempting to relight them, he thought the time had come because of the darkness and approached; but the emperor had exclaimed that no one should approach him, for he too had a dagger. When he heard that voice, he was terrified and abandoned the plot. ^C When the emperor was asked whether he had suspected anything of the plot at that time, he said, "Nothing; but as the others were in an uproar and as if fearing on my account, I spoke jokingly, telling them to take heart and not to be afraid, for I too had a dagger." The plot was thus revealed, and the emperor and his retinue gave great thanks to God, who had delivered him from such grave danger. Moreover, Empress Anna, and those who were the administrators with her, after the Moeso-

-^A-Bulgarian as well as other alliances proved of no avail, and seeing that it was impossible to persuade Orchan to wage war against the Emperor Cantacuzenus—on account of the kinship—they turned to persuading another of the barbarians to ally with them. They sent George Tagaris, the Great Stratopedarch, to Sarchanes, the satrap of Lydia—for, having spent much time with the father of Sarchanes at Philadelphia, he was a familiar acquaintance of his—and they requested him to help them and to send an army against the Emperor. He was immediately persuaded and sent his forces along with Tagaris.

Amurius, when he heard that the army of Sarchanes was marching against the Emperor, was greatly perturbed and devised a plan by which it might be possible to help his friend. Selecting two of his illustrious men, whom he knew would be most obedient to him, and assigning them two thousand soldiers, he ^B sent them off as if they were going to cross over into Thrace along with the army of Sarchanes. For it is the custom among these barbarians that, when they go out to ravage, if any from another satrapy wish to follow along, they do not prevent them, but rather consider them friends and allies. Amurius ordered the leaders sent from his own side that, if the army of Sarchanes were to come to an understanding with the Emperor—for they thought that they would persuade the Emperor to lay down the war against them and to enter into alliance—they should not divulge his secret, but should go to the Emperor along with the others. But if they really wished to wage war, they were to send secretly to the Emperor and advise him to stand ready for battle against the barbarians. Then, when they were in battle array and were about to engage, they were to defect to the Emperor and attack the barbarians along with his army. ^C Such were the orders Amurius gave the leaders of the army, and no one else knew the secret. He ordered the soldiers to obey the leaders in all things and not to be meddlesome, for if any did not obey, he and his family would be destroyed. Having made such arrangements, Amurius sent the army off along with the others.

Tagaris, the Great Stratopedarch, taking them all together, crossed the Hellespont. When the Emperor heard that the army had crossed, and also that the generals leading them were his friends and acquaintances, he sent Lodorites and Athianus to them, and advised them to lay down the war against him; he attempted, in every way, to persuade them to desist from marching against him. The other leaders, however, did not desist from fulfilling the will of their own satrap; for, in truth, they had been sent against him. ^D Nevertheless, they offered some better hopes. Those who led the army of Amurius revealed the secret to the Emperor and advised him to be of good courage and to prepare for battle should they advance. The envoys, having returned with great speed, reported on the state of affairs among the Persians. Then the Emperor himself prepared for the conflict, should it be necessary, paying little heed to the others, since those of Amurius were to cross over to his side from the very battle line. Shortly thereafter, the Sarchanians also conspired and sent a joint embassy to the Emperor, bidding him to be of good cheer: they would henceforth be his partners and friends. They requested, however, that for the present he not compel them to come to him, but allow them to depart for Byzantium, where, having accepted gifts and promises for their satrap, they would return and accomplish everything the Emperor commanded. With this intent the barbarians came to Byzantium, and the leaders, having entered before the Empress, did her homage and accepted honorable gifts. It was further agreed...

between the archons and the Persians, that the former might send triremes from the sea to prevent Orchan from assisting the emperor, while the latter, from the mainland, should besiege Selybria as long as necessary, until they could take it along with the foreign troops. They hoped that the Selybrians, once they saw large forces on land and sea, would break with the emperor and surrender the city to them. Triremes were fitted out without delay; the Persians, in case Roman cavalry should follow them, planned to enslave everyone they encountered. They informed Cantacuzenus of this, asking if he approved of the plan; he forbade it as if it were a wrong against himself, since those Romans would shortly become his own soldiers. They therefore refrained from that act, nor, although prepared, could they bear to have them ^B set out with them; and returning from Byzantium to Selybria, they captured everyone they met and punished them in no small measure, because they had trusted as allies and friends those who lived near Byzantium. When they arrived at Selybria, leaving the army outside, centurions, tribunes, and not a few commanders met the emperor, by whom they were received and entertained with splendid equipment. The house in which the emperor was staying was so constructed that those sitting could see the sea and be seen by those sailing past. The Persians were therefore feasting, and behold, there were present from Byzantium not a few triremes, together with fifty-oared pirate ships, and as they sailed past (for they knew the emperor lived there) they cast verbal insults in abundance, along with threats. The Persians, rising immediately, redoubled volleys of arrows against the rowers from the house, and wounded some. The ship captains, seeing the Persians taking up arms, at first wondered and doubted what this could be. But when they learned that the Persian force had joined with the emperor, they returned immediately, all hope having been lost. The emperor, having given gifts to the commanders, sent the Persians home, because he did not need their services at that time. They, considering it no small loss to depart empty-handed, made an incursion into Moesia, slew many, carried off many captives together with herds of cattle, and laid waste to Moesia as never before. A rumor was spread that the emperor had permitted this incursion as a favor in return for their alliance: but those architects of fables were spinning a most pure lie. For the emperor not only at that time, but never before ^D that date wittingly and willingly brought the Barbarians into Moesia, but because they were more numerous than the Romans had need of, they broke in by themselves for their own profit. For it was not permitted to take anything from the Romans: some of whom had already been reduced to a standstill, while others obeyed the emperor, whose allies and friends the Persians proclaimed themselves to be. Indeed, he always took the greatest care to warn them about the incursions of the Barbarians: and often by this means they were saved, moving into the towns from the fields, or hiding in dense forests. And not only this, but often among his friends he spoke much concerning the Roman captives, taking it indignantly, because things which he least desired, and which he mourned not a little, were being done by the ho—

^Astiles and he was compelled to fight against them. And indeed he thought it just to fight them, not only because they rejected peace, but also because, if by any way they were to emerge as victors, they would (as it was possible to infer the future from the past) cruelly slaughter everyone. For this reason, he also sought the arms of the Barbarians as allies, so that they, having used them against themselves, might not—as they had often attempted—destroy him and his own people. But that they killed, captured, and most cruelly tortured so many, he said they could defend by no honorable name. For what had the farmers, women, and infants harmed them, who were daily slaughtered and sold for a price into slavery, and living according to barbarian laws and customs, were impelled to abandon God their creator? Or the virgins, from whom modesty was snatched, or the temples overturned, and holy things most unworthily trampled underfoot and most iniquitously handed over to the hands of the impious? Among these words tears flowed from him, as he pondered the examination of the just Judge concerning these things and that formidable tribunal which cannot be deceived. Nevertheless, he was again necessarily driven to the same things, attributing the cause to those who were unwilling to end the war, but were constantly plotting against him, pitying none of those who were being slaughtered, even though they were under their own rule. ^B Therefore, the Barbarians, laden with the Mysian booty, sailed back into Asia.

Chapter XCVII

Those in Byzantium, since they despaired of fighting openly against the emperor, plotted again in secret, and commanded a certain Monomachus, who was a nephew of Tagaris, the great stratopedarch, to desert to the emperor carrying poison, and then to reveal the plot, as it were, and to expose the drugs. Once he had obtained safety and freedom to speak on account of the assumed goodwill, he was then to use the plot without fear, and to administer the poison he had to the emperor. The plot, therefore, was such. And Monomachus did as commanded, and revealed the plot, stating that he abominably loathed the inhumanity and wickedness of those who had sent him, and that he preferred to be with the emperor on account of his gentleness and ^C humanity, and ^D that by the goodness and gentleness of his character he held him; at the same time, the poison in a glass vessel.

^A The emperor praised Monomachos ^B for his gentleness and immediately rewarded him with gifts for revealing the plot; and he intended yet further to do him good. He ordered Potamiates, however, to take the poison and bury it, and he went outside the city and buried it. Upon returning, he took food without having washed his hands; for he did not suspect that it possessed such power that, even enclosed in glass and wrapped in many other coverings, it could cause harm by mere contact. But it was so active and potent that Potamiates was only just able to escape the danger coming from it. For he was seized by continuous diarrhea of the bowels, and violent pains in the stomach, and his whole mouth broke out in blisters. His teeth even seemed to be falling out, the surrounding membranes having become necrotic. By using theriac and other antidotes, he indeed saved his life, though only with great difficulty, and he was ill for no small amount of time; the area around his mouth was so numbed that for a long time he could perceive no flavor in food or drink. Such was the power of the poison. Friends from Byzantium warned the emperor not to trust Monomachos, but to avoid the man; for he had been instructed by those who sent him in wickedness and deceit, so that he would at first offer the poison of his own accord, in order that he might be thought well-disposed, but later would apply another that was more deadly. The emperor immediately summoned him and asked if what was written about him by his friends was true. He denied it, but offered flimsy excuses of the sort that are to be suspected. The emperor did him no harm, but only ordered him to leave and not to associate with him, and he left at once. The emperor spent most of the time in Selybria, so that he might communicate with his friends in Byzantium. Now one Tzyraces, from the attendants of the empress, being distressed at what was happening and pitying the Romans in such great misery, and perceiving that the archons in Byzantium were neither able to resist the emperor nor to make any mention of peace, but had resolved only on this one thing—to rule over affairs themselves, while caring for nothing else—and thinking that if in any way the emperor Cantacuzenus were to obtain the principate, the Romans would become oblivious to past calamities and the empire, which had been so worn down and harassed by continuous wars, would eventually be restored—this man, I say, perceiving these things, and having bound a few others to himself with this same opinion, set about working to bring Byzantium under the power of the emperor, and sent to signify his mind to the emperor, who was staying at Selybria. He approved of what they were doing and promised that he would fulfill everything that they asked. The Latins at Galata in Phaceolatus, as we have said, were burning with a capital hatred because he had killed their fellow-tribesmen, and, desiring to deprive him of life, were frequently demanding him from the empress, [threatening to be] enemies if they did not obtain their request. The Augusta, not wishing to cast off Phaceolatus ^{C D}

^A (for he himself was also one of those chosen to rule at that time, and he was working with the mystic Cinnamus and the panhypersebastos Asanes in the war against the emperor), and thinking that warring with the Latins would not be profitable for her authority, neither dismissed them openly, as if they were making unjust requests, nor did she yield anything to act against Phaceolatus, but rather wished to settle the disagreement in some gentle and mild way. To the Latins, she said that she would answer them well once she had first carefully considered what they were demanding, while she ordered Phaceolatus to take care of himself lest he be plotted against by the Latins, who were attacking him by day or night. He therefore immediately set a guard around himself, and, as he walked about the palace and the rest of the city with armed men surrounding him, he was not suspected by anyone. But as he had long been groaning over the evils resulting from the war, and was not ignorant of the great wickedness and slander with which the Grand Duke and the Patriarch had brought Cantacuzenus ^B to such extreme misery—he who by right ought to have held the supreme command over others—at that time, especially because of the fears that beset him, he saw more clearly what could be of advantage to the common interest and to himself privately; and he too, considering that this was the one and only way to emerge from many evils, thought of receiving the emperor into the city. Furthermore, when he learned that Zyraces was attempting the same thing, he spoke with him and agreed that they should together surrender the city to the emperor. They sent word again, informing the emperor that Phaceolatus had also joined those working on his behalf. Since it was necessary that some worthy person should go to the emperor in order to fix the time at which he should arrive and at which they should effect the capture [of the city], they decided, after deliberation, to send a certain Microcephalus. After summoning him and making him a participant in their secrets, they urged him to desert, as it were, to the emperor, to reveal everything, and to settle the time at which he ought to arrive. Once he agreed to the enterprise, ^C they entrusted the transport of Microcephalus by sea to a certain Petrogurgurus, who was engaged in naval matters and was most friendly to Phaceolatus. For there was a truce between the Selybrians and the Byzantines, and they would pass back and forth to each other for the sake of trade, equally whether the emperor were present or absent. On the land, however, there were constant raids and incursions of barbarians, and no evil was absent, which made the crossing completely impassable. Thus were matters arranged for Microcephalus to go to the emperor. Nor, however, were the archontes in Byzantium idle; but it seemed necessary to them as well to send [someone] to destroy those who were with the emperor, ^D and to use the empress's name to offer substantial rewards, and to deliver some of the emperor's associates to death; for this task, having examined the matter, they judged Microcephalus to be most suitable. Calling him, they explained their thoughts to him and promised him exquisite benefits. At first, he was afraid at this summons, and surmised that he had been caught working to surrender the city. But when he perceived that they were ignorant of the matter, he undertook to perform what he was ordered most readily. Then they wrote letters to whomsoever they wished, and with them [Microcephalus]...

^A to whom Phaceolatus had surrendered the same, set out to be conveyed by a small boat to Selybria. This even seemed to those around Phaceolatus to have been contrived by Divine Providence; and they were more eager to act, inasmuch as the Divine was aiding them. Thus, then, Microcephalus arrived before the emperor with the message, and did everything according to the instructions of Phaceolatus. The emperor, having agreed upon the day on which he ought to be at the gate called the Golden at night, for from there it seemed easy to gain entry, set out for the city of Hadrian, so that he might not provide any suspicion to the lords in Byzantium.

CHAPTER XCVIII

The cause why the empress has become alienated from the patriarch. The matter is followed from the beginning. The fury and insanity of the patriarch in condemning and punishing those who think rightly concerning religion. He is accused before the empress by the bishops concerning his way of life and religion. The diligence of the same empress in protecting the Church, and a synod is indicted.

Meanwhile also, the empress ^B of her own accord began to feel ill toward the patriarch, although during the whole time of the war she had acted with singular zeal and inclination of mind so that he might be the prince of the lords. The cause was this, that as soon as the war had arisen, the patriarch, suspecting that Palamas was lying in wait for him for the patriarchal throne, had contended to harm him out of envy. For at first he demanded that he should persecute Cantacuzenus together with him, and that he should assent to the excommunication of the same. Since he rejected such a wicked assent and communion, and the patriarch, perceiving that the man, conspicuous for virtue and wisdom, would be harmed in nothing by public accusations, having changed his plan, brought a charge of impiety against him. For the patriarch consented ^C to a certain monk, Acindynus—after Barlaam had been convicted by every reckoning and by the decrees of the holy fathers of teaching and thinking things contrary to the right and sound faith—who was bringing his cause to trial again, and asserting that he had been condemned unjustly, when he had been thinking rightly and truthfully; while he was accusing Palamas and his associates of depraved religion. (Nor indeed did he spare even God, on account of the hatred with which he burned against Cantacuzenus; although he himself—I mean Palamas—had repelled Barlaam as a plague and destruction of the flock, and had brought an action against him while the Emperor Andronicus of blessed memory was still alive, and had not only condemned him, but had also refuted his perverse error by proofs from holy Scripture, and conclusions of reason, and necessary demonstrations.) The patriarch kept Palamas, and all who thought the same as he did concerning the faith, in prison, and harmed them as much as he could; and he moved a war ^D against the Church similar to the imperial one. For, requiring neither judgment, nor support of arguments, he condemned many bishops and the chief of the monks without a hearing, and through the whole time of the war he breathed fiercely against piety, with his lords not a little assisting his insanity, because they perceived that this would also be of no small moment for the war against Cantacuzenus.

^A For it seemed to all alike that King Cantacuzenus was being treated unjustly, and they were eager to see the civil war, which had been stirred up as the source of many evils, brought to an end; this, the archons thought, was not to their advantage, nor did they believe it should be heard of by the Empress or other Romans. During those years of war, therefore, the Patriarch manifested great madness against those who did not favor Acindynus, acting equally against monks and bishops. The Empress was not entirely unaware of what was being dared, but she supposed that the monks were suffering such things because they had chosen the side of Cantacuzenus. But when the evil had grown to a great magnitude, as many of the bishops as were not themselves corrupted in their dogmas made known the things regarding the Patriarch to the Empress by letter, and accused him of great malice and the subversion of the correct dogmas. As soon as she learned of this, she did not proceed to delays, nor did she deem the things concerning God to be worthy of little care; but, setting all other concerns in the second place, she focused on this one thing alone: to set right the evil of the Church, which was suffering badly and being warred upon. Having sent for the bishops who delivered the report, since she heard fearful things from the accusers, she determined it necessary to assemble a synod from those present and to call the Patriarch to his defense. ^B The bishops indeed came to the palace at the Empress's command, except for those who were clearly chosen for the side of King Cantacuzenus; for they were shut up in their houses, inaccessible. Nevertheless, even while absent, they made known their opinion regarding the matter in writing. The synod, with the Empress and the son of the Emperor presiding, conducted the examination of the dogmas. While these things were being carried out, someone coming from Selybria announced ^C that on this night he would be near Byzantium.

CHAPTER XCIX

Interim a messenger comes from Selybria, announcing that Cantacuzenus would be before the walls of Byzantium that night, to whom ^D [Jacob Gretscher's notes continue below, describing the historical impropriety of a woman and a child presiding over a synod, citing the norms of ecumenical councils.]

^A of the walls, Cantacuzenus, whom it behoved to guard the Empress; and he insisted that he knew it most certainly from those who communicated their secrets to him. But the Empress, when she heard it, thinking it a plot fabricated by the friends of the Patriarch, so that she, being thrown into a state of alarm at the report, might allow him to escape punishment for the impiety he had dared against God, said that she would not depart from the place, even if she knew clearly that Cantacuzenus would be within the walls that very night. Such things she spoke, thinking the report to be untrue. But it was, in fact, true; for as he had departed from Selymbria after setting a deadline with those who were plotting the capture, on which day he himself was to be present and they were to dig through the Golden Gate, which had been walled up, he set out for Adrianople, ^B having chosen the best of his army, numbering over a thousand, lest he be discovered by leading a great multitude; and traversing by desert and trackless paths, he was delayed from the deadline by one day, hindered by some necessity: and he was tormented by many thoughts, fearing that if those acting for him dug through the gate according to the signal, he might himself be absent, and they might be destroyed, being caught in the act by the populace. And he was distressed beyond measure, not only because he would be frustrated in his attempt on Byzantium, but also because he would lose no small number of his friends. Yet, not having altogether abandoned hope, he proceeded toward Byzantium by night. But those who were betraying the city, having themselves been hindered by some necessity from attacking the walls at the appointed time, gathered on the following day—when the synod against the Patriarch was being held in the palace—and dug through the Golden Gate, they too being in great turmoil and confusion. For they feared ^C that the Emperor, having come the night before and finding nothing of the agreed-upon actions completed, might have returned again, and that they themselves, having been betrayed by their own actions, might be destroyed. Nevertheless, not even they abandoned hope of safety, and they dug through the gate; for there was a force of no mean size of both infantry and cavalry, and they trusted in themselves to be able to defend themselves if any force came upon them; and if, having dug through, they did not find the Emperor present, they intended to withdraw to him. With such a purpose, then, they were digging. But the synod in the palace, since it showed from many things that the Patriarch himself held unsound views regarding the true dogmas of the Church, and was forcing others to agree with him, by unanimous judgment voted for his deposition. On account of this, most of all, it was later judged that the Emperor and those working for the capture of the city had been prevented from meeting at the appointed day, so that the Emperor might not seem to be deposing him from the throne mindful of his own wrongs; but rather that all might ^D clearly understand that he was paying these penalties on account of the corrupted truth of the doctrine. When the bishops, along with the votes of the other bishops who, being suspect, had not been admitted to the council, had finished these things, they returned each to their own homes, when it was already deep into the night. When the Emperor arrived, and his faction inside had opened the way through the Golden Gate, he entered the city with no one resisting, but rather with the applause and rejoicing of the entire populace, and he forbade the soldiers to run about and pillage the citizens; and as much as he could, he forbade the same to the common people. Thus they were in peace, those who stood by the Augusta, unless perhaps some were harassed by their neighbors.

A few of the soldiers, however, went to the houses of the enemy without the Emperor’s knowledge and committed some minor plunder. The Emperor, having advanced as far as the house called the Porphyrogenitus, first ordered that no one should proceed against the palace, but that they should remain quiet, as he himself would decide what was best concerning the Augusta. When day had already dawned, he walked through the middle of the forum to the church of the Theotokos of the Hodegetria, intending to perform the customary adoration and offer thanks for the victory to the Mother of God. Returning by the same way, he diverted to the house of the Porphyrogenitus. ^B The Augusta, as best she could, fortified the palace, entrusting its guard to her own people and especially to those in whom she placed the greatest trust, and she called for help from those in Galata. They, immediately arming themselves, eagerly prepared to bring aid, and in that same hour they filled whatever triremes and armed skiffs were at hand and crossed over to the palace. But some of the Emperor’s soldiers, with the people assisting them, prevented them from landing by pelting them with frequent missiles. The Galatæans, seeing that they were too weak against such a multitude (for they had hoped that the people would come over to them for the protection of the Augusta), turned back and did not venture to come to their aid thereafter. ^C The Emperor on that day neither did nor said anything further. On the following day, he summoned the bishops who were in Constantinople, along with the foremost among the clergy of the Church, and spoke first of the events that had occurred during the war, affirming that he had not initiated it from the beginning, nor had he plotted against the Emperor’s children, as his detractors gossiped. Rather, because they were plotting against his own life, moved by envy, he had been under the necessity of defending himself for the sake of his own safety and that of those with him. He had been forced to use barbarians as allies—the Mysians and Triballians—even though they themselves had brought those same barbarians in. He showed them to be the cause of the destruction and capture that had befallen the Romans. Then he provided testimony from the very events themselves, that he had not previously, nor did he now, harbor any hostile intent against the Augusta and her children, but only whatever was foremost for the safety and benefit of the empire. ^D Should she, however, still display her former ill-will and attempt to resist, defending herself and her children through war, let her not hold him responsible for any misfortune that might befall her and her children. For he believed it to be neither advantageous nor wise to leave her sitting in the palace, rekindling the internecine war and watching the remaining Romans destroy one another; but that if she would not agree to conditions, he would decree nothing harsher against her himself, yet he would fear that if all his men rushed upon her and those with her, he might be unable to restrain their assault, and something might happen to her that would leave no room for remedy. Having said these things, he sent to her with proposals for peace the metropolitan of Philippopolis and the keeper of the sacellium, Cabasilas (who had also previously come as an envoy to Didymotichum). And first indeed he offered immense thanks to God, that he had seen the day

^A which can make manifest to all, more brightly than the sun, both the baseness of those who had slandered him and their hatred for the good, and his own equity preserved from the beginning until now toward the children of the Emperor, and that, after the death of the latter, he had done nothing ignoble or unworthy of the Emperor's friendship toward him. Then he advised her to proceed to terms of peace, and, not being held in suspense by empty hopes or deceived by those around her, to think that she could still hold out against the war; for it was not necessary to expect help from outside at all. For there is not, there is not anyone who will arrive to help, and from the present situation there is no hope of being saved, since the fortress requires some time, expenses, and materials for repairs, which it is not possible to procure; and those who are with her are neither equal to such a force nor well-supplied with provisions, so as to bear the siege easily. ^B For these reasons he advised her to proceed to terms, and not to bring irreparable evils upon herself and her children out of foolishness, and to take away from him the greatest opportunity for glory. For he had always wanted and prayed to God the Best and Greatest, during the time of this war, that He would provide him some opportunity from which he could demonstrate his kindness and clemency toward the living, and his love for the deceased, which he preserves whole and sincere even now; and that he was thinking no less now than before about the care of his [the Emperor's] children, regarding as nothing the things he had impiously suffered against himself during the war. ^C So the envoys and the others who were present, hearing the Emperor's words and request, were almost unable to believe it because of its extravagance. For it seemed something more excellent than human nature that one who had previously suffered so many things from his enemies, and had stood ten thousand times on the razor's edge of danger, and then having won the victory with weapons and gained the upper hand over his enemies, did not proceed to slaughter and massacre, and return like for like to those who had been the first to provoke him, but after the victory invited the defeated to a covenant of peace, even though he could have destroyed them entirely in a short time. Therefore they rejoiced both at the Emperor's kindness and admired his greatness of soul. But the Empress did not receive the embassy at all, but dismissed the envoys without success, being persuaded by those around her. And the Emperor was grieved and complained not tolerably, struggling with a myriad of thoughts. ^D For he foresaw that this persistence would not end well, but for them

the greatest of evils, and a sorrow greater than any they had experienced during the entire war was to be born. For all who were with the Emperor, having suffered many adversities, and likewise those who had been in the prisons of Byzantium and remembered how extremely they had been vexed by the Empress’s nobles, were seething with anger and inciting the people; and it was apparent that, even against the Emperor’s will, they would attack those in the palace. Moreover, he feared lest something atrocious should happen to the Empress and her children, and all who were with her should be slain by the swords of the enemy: a thing which very nearly happened shortly after. For when they understood that the Empress had rejected the envoys and did not want peace, they stormed and plundered, without the Emperor’s knowledge, the fortress called the Blachernae—which was itself part of the fortification and bulwarks that surround the palace—although those inside defended ^B themselves bravely from the walls. And those who had previously been thought to be well-disposed toward the Empress, and to whom the1 guard of the palace had been entrusted, when they saw the danger threatening from every side and that she was recoiling from pacification, but rather choosing to die herself and to destroy them with her, taking counsel together for the sake of their own safety, decided to abandon them and to surrender the fortress to the Emperor. Indeed, by sending certain very honorable men to him, they even sought gifts and honors if they should surrender the royal residence together with the Empress and her children. But the Emperor rejected these things with his ears, dismissing them, having testified that he wanted the Empress and her children preserved above all else. But the young Emperor John, being then fifteen years of age, appeared to be wiser ^C than his years and to be considering things appropriate to the time. For when he perceived that those who were in the palace were in an uproar, and were already starting to dissent, and were harboring no equitable intentions toward his mother and his brothers, he ran to his parent, reported the uproar and the treachery, and begged that an embassy be sent to the Emperor with all speed, and that an agreement be reached concerning peace; affirming that there was nothing grave to be feared from him. But if the matter should turn out otherwise, it was better to experience his cruelty than to fall victim to the madness of the people and the fury of the soldiers. The mother was immediately persuaded, and she ordered that Andronicus Asan, the father-in-law of the Emperor, and Gregory Palamas, who were detained there in the prisons inside the palace, be brought to her; and having spoken ^D with them concerning peace with the Emperor, she sent them as envoys to him. They, thinking that the Emperor was swelling with rage, and was prepared to exact vengeance for what had happened during the war, first turned to entreaties and supplications, that he would be appeased toward the guilty, and would be content to have overcome his enemies and rendered them completely subject; and that just as he had conquered them with arms, so too by contempt for injuries and by nobility of spirit he might conquer himself: which, of course, would be the greatest victory for him and most becoming. Then, setting forth their embassy, they demanded that acting with piety toward the children of the late Emperor, he might leave behind an eternal monument of his clemency, lofty mind, and prudence. But indeed—

while they were doing this, they were sharpening a razor and challenging a swift horse to race across a plain. For as soon as the Emperor heard their words, he was prepared to do everything possible for the children of the Emperor, as if he himself were the one receiving a benefit, rather than the one providing it. As for the envoys, the Emperor gently reproached his father-in-law for his ingratitude toward him, seeing that he had not been wronged by him in anything, but—if one must tell the truth—had received infinite benefits, yet he had traded them for enmity and incited war against him. On the other hand, he praised Palamas and expressed much gratitude, because, having suffered severely for the sake of justice and the truth, he had done and said nothing base to the very end. Then he ordered the oaths to be written up for the Empress and the young Emperor. They were drafted on these terms: that neither he himself would take revenge against those who had harmed him, even those residing in the palace with the Empress, nor would he punish them in any way; but he would bury all past events in oblivion. Neither should the Empress or the Emperor's son retain hostile feelings toward those by whom Cantacuzenus himself had been supported in the war, nor should they attempt to harm them by any craft or guile. Instead, the hatred held by the partisans of both sides was to be laid aside, and all were to retain their fortunes which they had possessed from the beginning. Both would rule as emperors—Cantacuzenus and the young Emperor John Palaeologus—and they would embrace one another with the affection appropriate to fathers and sons. The young man was to defer to his senior in all things and, on account of his age not yet being settled, was to cede the administration to him for ten years; when these had passed, he would rule with equal authority alongside him. The Emperor himself, and Anna the Augusta with her son the Emperor, swore to preserve these conditions in perpetuity. In accordance with the oaths, those who were in the palace opened the gates and received Emperor Cantacuzenus on the eighth day of the month of February, in the year of the world six thousand eight hundred and fifty-five, in the fifteenth indiction. ^{B C}

ORDER OF SUBJECTS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME

Notitia. 9 JOHN CANTACUZENUS EMP. 17 BOOKS IV OF THE HISTORIES OF JOHN CANTACUZENUS. ibid.

Prolegomena. 41 BOOK ONE. 41 NILUS TO CHRISTODULUS. 59

^A CAP. I. — The death of Michael Palaeologus, his impiety toward his grandson, and his most prone disposition toward his illegitimate son. 65

^B CAP. II. — The origin of the discord between the two emperors named Andronicus. Cantacuzenus’s freedom in refusing the oath. The grandson’s colloquy with Syrgiannes regarding health and the preservation of dignity, and the mutual love between the grandson and Cantacuzenus. The consultation of the latter and Syrgiannes in Thrace. 69

^C CAP. III. — Cantacuzenus’s speech to Syrgiannes. He laments that he must give an opinion on a matter so uncertain and dangerous; he praises and pities his grandson: he forebodes future calamity: he declares that he will not prefer friendship to justice: he affirms that they should rather slip away somehow than fight with arms, short of final necessity. 75

^D CAP. IV. — Syrgiannes approves the Grand Domestic’s plan. Two cities are chosen for flight: Christopolis is preferred to Adrianople. Cantacuzenus, leaving his wife at Calliopolis, comes to Byzantium, and announces to Andronicus the Younger what they have decided: he commends to him Alexius Apocauchus, an obscure man but prudent, for Syrgiannes’s favor. Andronicus embraces these proposals and shows his magnanimity and equity. 77

CAP. V. — A dire message from the grandfather. Another and ancient cause of the discord between the emperors, namely the grandson’s overly loose life, and the grandfather’s insults toward him. 81

CAP. VI. — The grandson sends an envoy to his grandfather: that man’s virtue is lauded. The substance of the embassy: that he is being treated more harshly than his offenses deserve; and that he forgets he is a father. If he continues to hate him, let him designate another emperor. The grandfather, remembering with how much love he loved him even before he was born, excuses his severity and rigor. It returns to the preceding narrative, and the interrupted matters are woven together. 87

CAP. VII. — The grandson clears himself regarding his word; saying he spoke while pained and troubled, and hoping the paternal mind could be so moved to mercy. He asks for pardon. The Grand Domestic, having returned from Thrace, learns the events and pledges his faith and service even to the altars. Deliberation is held concerning a place of refuge. An embassy from the Cral, prince of the Triballi, and the craftiness of the envoy Callinicus. 93

CAP. VIII. — Callinicus, sent as envoy to the Cral about an alliance, brings the matter to a happy conclusion. Andronicus the Younger’s proposal to take Theodore Synadenus, the protostrator, as a companion in his counsels and dangers. Regarding the faith and promises of the three Genupenses. Adrianople is chosen again for flight. The grandfather’s inhumanity and importunity toward his grandson. Solace from the Grand Domestic. The recall of Syrgiannes from Thrace. Consultation on the method of leaving Byzantium. 99

CAP. IX. — The protostrator suggests the elder emperor should be placed in custody, and Syrgiannes killed; the Grand Domestic persuades them to stick to the former opinion. Reproved by Syrgiannes for stubbornness, he defends himself wisely and refutes both. 107

CAP. X. — The grandson shows remarkable observance toward his grandfather, and is prepared to suffer cruelties from him himself rather than inflict them upon him. By whatever fortune is given, he will use it. If his associates desert him, he will take it bitterly. His will being praised, the protostrator and Syrgiannes decide to depart from Byzantium while it is still possible. It is inquired whether the empress should be brought along or left at Constantinople. 111

CAP. XI. — Cantacuzenus’s reasons why the empress should be left at Constantinople. Syrgiannes is sent away to his prefecture in Thrace; the others remain in Byzantium. The grand contostaulus and the grand logothete Metochites, most learned men, attempt in vain to deter the old emperor from his undertaking. 115

CAP. XII. — The grandson is summoned by his grandfather, and is warned by the protostrator about his craftiness. Summoned again, he goes into the palace, while the protostrator follows and waits outside. The Grand Domestic arrives; he learns what has been done; he declares his own counsel. The custom of the Genoese and Venetians of venerating the emperor on the Lord's day. The Genoese quickly arm three triremes. The protostrator’s eagerness for battle. 123

CAP. XIII. — The junior emperor having gone out, he searches for the Grand Domestic. They mutually indicate what was done on either side. A history is inserted regarding the delayed counsel of the senior. The grandson is summoned again through a eunuch, and indeed to judgment, with great pity and tears from the one calling him. He exhorts his associates to the duty to be performed by him at such a time. They promise everything and accompany him to the palace. 129

CAP. XIV. — The assessors of Andronicus the elder in judgment are enumerated. His accusation against the junior is set forth, and the latter’s defense. His status is absolved; for he denies having been privy to the crimes alleged; he admits having committed lesser ones. He reproaches his grandfather for excessive bitterness against him. The latter bursts into an insult, which the grandson repels. 133

CAP. XV. — The Grand Domestic and the protostrator wish to bring aid to the grandson, and are placated in vain. The grandfather is warned of the imminent danger; he proposes four conditions to the youth if he wishes to obtain pardon; he refuses all except two. 139

CAP. XVI. — The old man inveighs against his grandson with threats. The grandson asks for pardon for his offenses; he kisses his feet, though he is resistant, and receives a kiss from him. A feigned reconciliation, and for that reason, empty joy. The Grand Domestic, ordered to go into the Peloponnese, informs the grandson and the protostrator. They consult about this matter. 145

CAP. XVII. — The grand logothete refuses the impunity of the grandson’s associates: he adds a reason, which the grandson, thinking better (as was understood later), refutes. The Grand Domestic, lest he seek the Peloponnese, asserts a made-up and empty cause. Reproved by the emperor for small-mindedness, he is ordered to go into Thessaly: he demands sufficient forces and money. The prefecture of Prilipus is entrusted to the protostrator. 151

CAP. XVIII. — The Grand Domestic hesitates to leave Byzantium, and remaining afterward at the city, he awaits money and soldiers. The protostrator is also forced to depart. A booklet is found at the bedside of the junior emperor. His departure from the city; his auspicious entry into Adrianople. The senior orders his leader, having pursued the fugitives, to bring back the grandson in chains. He teaches that the persecution will be vain. 159

CAP. XIX. — Andronicus the younger is deprived of the emperor’s name and judged an enemy; his power grows. Envoys are sent to him regarding peace. The soldiery becomes tumultuous. An excellent example of fortitude and of a lofty spirit in Theoleptus the bishop. He testifies to the truth. The youth, asserting his innocence, dismisses the envoys with hope for peace. The old man’s power is weakened. 163

CAP. XX. — The grandson complains in council about yesterday's tumult; he proposes the grandfather's petition, which all reject with one voice. And since the grandfather pledges he will do what the grandson wishes, he asserts he ought to wish that he yield the empire to him, or that they attack Byzantium with arms. The assembly is dismissed, and they deliberate further with three friends. It is decided to give the old man space whereby he may prepare himself for resistance, lest he be overcome unexpectedly. The junior is unable to persuade the army to march to the west. 169

CAP. XXI. — The Grand Domestic also, dissuading the attack on Byzantium, urges the western expedition. Why each of them feigned this is discussed in the final chapter. The army shows it will prepare itself in some part, but unwillingly. They are permitted to go to Constantinople. A purgatory letter is sent secretly to the grandfather from the grandson, by which he also warns him to protect himself. 175

CAP. XXII. — Treachery against Andronicus the younger by Sphentisthlabus, king of the Mosians (Bulgarians). An embassy of the grandfather about delaying his arrival at the city for a little while. The grandson’s speech to the army about laying down arms and embracing peace. The assent of all.

CAP. XXIII. — The response of the grandson to his grandfather, full of duty. He asks for a portion of the empire from him, and an oath. He swears.