Defense Against the Arians

that it had been passed over in silence; for the more shameful it was, the more it would have served to demonstrate the equity of the synod in deposing its authors. There are indeed many such histories in Rufinus, of very doubtful credibility. This one, however, seems to have been suspected by Socrates himself, who otherwise follows Rufinus almost everywhere, since he did not mention a word of it. This matter has also been treated in the Life of Athanasius. XVIII. Some things remained to be said concerning the case of Marcellus, but the matter will be more conveniently examined in the *Epistle to the Solitaries*, where there will also be much to discuss regarding Paul of Constantinople and Lucius of Adrianople.

OF OUR HOLY FATHER ATHANASIUS, ARCHBISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA, APOLOGY AGAINST THE ARIANS

^A 1. I had indeed thought that after so many arguments brought forward in our defense, our adversaries, out of shame, would have hidden themselves, and from the consciousness of their own calumnies would have condemned themselves. But since, even when they are convicted, they do not blush, but because of the dullness of their minds they attack us with detractions, I thought that it would be necessary to call everything into judgment once again—not that they might be judged, for they shrink from that—but that we might not be vexed by their complaints, and that you might recognize their malice and calumnies. For I render an account to you, as to sincere men; but against the contentious, the arguments by which they are convicted give me boldness of speech. Indeed, as far as we are concerned, there is no need for any judgment; for it has already been judged, not once or twice, but very often. First of all, [it was judged] in our own province, when nearly one hundred bishops were gathered together. Secondly, at Rome, when, after letters had been sent there by Eusebius, both they and we were summoned to judgment, and more than fifty bishops were gathered there ^B.

^A in the great synod assembled at Sardica, by the order of the most religious emperors Constantius and Constans, where our adversaries were condemned and deposed as calumniators. To the decrees which were passed in our favor, more than three hundred bishops gave their suffrage, from the provinces of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, Palestine, Arabia, Isauria, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, Galatia, Dacia, Mysia, Thrace, Dardania, Macedonia, the provinces of Epirus, Thessaly, Achaia, Crete, Dalmatia, Siscia, the Pannonias, Noricum, Italy, Picenum, Tuscia, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Bruttia, Sicily, all of Africa, Sardinia, the Spains, the Gauls, and the Britains. ^B Their judgment was confirmed by the testimony of Ursacius and Valens, who had previously maligned me, but afterward repented. For not only did they approve what had been decreed in our favor, but they also confessed that they themselves and the others who had been our adversaries were calumniators. For those who thus repented and wrote in this manner are clearly also convicting those around Eusebius, for together with them they had plotted the conspiracy against us. That these things have been examined, decreed, and clearly declared by so many and such bishops, everyone will acknowledge it is superfluous to bring back into judgment; lest, if it be examined now, it be judged again later, and the matter be called into question anew, and so it proceed into infinity in a vain search.

2. ^C Such, indeed, were the suffrages of so many bishops, sufficient to shame those who even now wish to imagine something against us. But when even enemies bear witness in our favor and against themselves, declaring that the things done against us were a conspiracy, who will not be ashamed to doubt any longer? For since the law commands that judgments be established on the mouth of two or three witnesses, behold, there is such a multitude of witnesses in our favor, to which the very declaration of our enemies is an addition; so that the remainder of our adversaries should no longer attend to what they judged according to their own caprice, but should be compelled at last, in place of reasonable arguments, to visit with injuries those who convict them. ^D For this is what most annoys them, that what they performed in secret and plotted by themselves in a corner, these things Valens and Ursacius have brought to light and revealed; and they know full well that by their repentance the others are condemned, while those who had been injured by them are declared innocent. For this reason, therefore, they were deposed in the synod of Sardica, as I said before, and with good reason; for so, too, did the Pharisees of old, when defending Paul, expose their own and the Jews' conspiracy against him. Thus blessed David

^A was shown to have been persecuted in vain, when his persecutor confessed, saying: "I have sinned, my son David." Thus, too, these men, being overcome by the truth, begged for pardon, and delivered a document on this matter to Julius, bishop of Rome. Those who had spread so many reports about us also wrote to us, asking to have peace with us; and perhaps they are now blushing, because those whom they sought to destroy, they see living by the grace of the Lord. And they also anathematized Arius and his heresy, doing this consistently; for they knew that the party of Eusebius had plotted against us for no other reason than their own impiety; and having once decided to confess the slander they had constructed against us, they immediately denied the Christ-fighting heresy for the sake of which they had invented the accusations against us. Now, the documents written on our behalf by the bishops in various synods, and first those of the Egyptians, are these:

THE HOLY SYNOD

We were able, beloved brothers, even from the beginning of the conspiracy stirred up against our fellow-minister Athanasius, or after his entry into Alexandria, ^B to refute the crimes which the Eusebians had maliciously heaped upon him, and to expostulate with them regarding the calamities they had inflicted, and to expose all the slanders they had constructed against him. But because the affairs of the time did not allow it, as you yourselves know, and because we now think that after the return of Athanasius the bishop, they would feel shame and blush at their own such manifest injustices, we therefore decided to remain silent. But when, after the man had suffered so many things, after his departure to Gaul, after a life lived far away from his homeland among strangers, and after he had almost escaped death due to their slanders—had he not found a humane emperor, by whose kindness even any enemy, however cruel, would have been satisfied—they still do not blush, but once again rage against the Church and against the man, ^C and, being indignant at his release, wickedly attempt more serious things; and they accuse him easily, nor do they fear that which is written in the Holy Scriptures: A false witness shall not go unpunished (Prov. XIX, 5), and, The mouth that belieth slayeth the soul (Sap. I, 11); therefore, we can no longer remain silent, and we marvel at their wickedness and their insatiable contention in constructing slanders. For behold, they do not cease to stir up... ^D

^A the emperor’s ears against us, nor do they cease to write bloodthirsty letters, so that they may remove from the midst a bishop who is the enemy of their impiety. For they have sent letters again against him to the emperors, and again they wish to conspire against him, charging him with homicides that were never committed; again they are eager to kill him, imputing to him murders that never took place. For they would have killed him with their slanders at that time, had we not found a humane emperor; and again—to say the least—they are eager to drive him into exile, pretending to weep for the calamities of the exiles, as if he himself were the author of them. And they bewail things that were never committed by us, nor are they satisfied with the calamities they have already inflicted upon the man, but they desire to add new and more atrocious ones to them; so "meek," "humane," and "equitable" in their conduct are they—or rather, to speak the truth, so wicked and savage, for they ^B seek to be honored by terrors and threats rather than by the piety and equity which become bishops. For they have dared to pour out in the letters they wrote to the emperors words of such a kind that no litigant of the outside world would ever have spoken them. And they accused him of so many murders and slaughters, not before a governor, nor before anyone superior to him, but before the three Augusti; nor did the lengths of the journeys deter them, only so that they might fill all the greater tribunals with their accusations. For the things they bring forward are truly accusations, my beloved, and indeed the gravest of all accusations: since those tribunals are the highest of all human ones; for what is the end of such an examination, if not that a man should be punished by death through the motion of the emperor?

4. It is, therefore, not the deeds of Athanasius, but theirs, that are worthy of lamentation and groaning. Wherefore, one would more justly lament them; for it is they who ought to be wept for, since it is written: "Weep not for the dead, nor lament him; but weep for him who goes away, for he shall not return anymore." ^C For their whole letter contemplates nothing else but death; their endeavor is to kill, if they are allowed, and to make men exiles. For they were allowed, and the most religious father of the emperors, instead of the death which they demanded, satisfied their anger with his exile. That these things are not the deeds even of simple Christians, and ^D indeed rarely of pagans, much less of bishops, upon whom it is incumbent to teach others justice, we believe your conscience in Christ perceives. For how can those who deter others from slandering show themselves to be slanderers, even before emperors? How can those who teach men to pity the calamities of others not rest even after our exile? For the exile was clearly common to all of us bishops, and we esteemed ourselves all to be exiles, and now we consider ourselves, along with Athanasius, to have been restored to our homelands; and in place of the former tears

^A and lamentations for him, we have received great joy and favor, which may the Lord preserve, and may He not allow those around Eusebius to overturn it. These things, even if what they laid to his charge were true, were certain accusations, given that they are making charges of murders, slaughters, and other crimes against the ordinance of Christianity, and after the ^B trial of exile, they again attack him and proclaim these things into royal ears against the bishops. But since they utter nothing but lies and nothing but slanders, and since neither truth is in their mouths nor in their writings, how great is the evil among them? Or what kind of men do you suppose them to be? Let us therefore now proceed to the matters themselves and meet the accusations which they are currently making. For indeed from these it will be proven that the previous things which they bandied about in synod and in judgment were neither rightly done nor truly spoken, and they will be convicted of lying in these matters as well which they now allege.

5. We are certainly ashamed to be brought to this defense; but because our rash detractors intrude themselves into all things, and after the return of Athanasius, they falsely claim that murders and slaughters have occurred, we ask you to bear with our defense, even if it be somewhat long—for the circumstances demand it. No murder has been committed by Athanasius, nor on account of him since, as we said before, the accusers are forcing us into this base defense; but slaughters and chains are foreign to our churches. Athanasius has handed over no one to the executioner, and the prison, as far as it depended on him, has never been troubled by him. ^C Our sanctuaries, as they have always been, are in the present also pure, adorned only by the blood of Christ and by piety toward Him. No presbyter, no deacon has been killed by Athanasius; the man has committed neither murder nor banishment. But would that they had not performed such things against him, nor compelled him to experience such things! For no one here has been exiled on his account, except for Athanasius himself, the bishop of Alexandria, who was driven out by them; and now they attempt to involve him, though restored to his homeland, in the same or even worse crimes, inciting their tongues to all vain and deadly words. For look, they are now even attributing the acts of the judges to him; ^D and while in their letter they openly confess that the prefect of Egypt has pronounced sentence against certain persons, they are nevertheless not ashamed to impute these same sentences to Athanasius, even though, when these things were being done, he had not yet entered Alexandria, but was still returning from exile, and was in Syria—if indeed it is necessary to bring forward a long journey for the sake of defense, so that no one should have to render an account of the things which a leader or the prefect of Egypt has committed. For even if Athanasius had been in Alexandria, what, I ask, do the actions of the prefect have to do with him?

But yet he did not reside in those places; nor did ecclesiastical matters give occasion for those things which were done by the prefect of Egypt, but some other things which you shall learn from the records, ^A which, after having learned what was written by them, we have diligently investigated and sent to you. Since, therefore, they proclaim as though they were deeds things which were done neither by his authority nor for his sake; and since, as if they had been made certain of so many and such great evils, they bear testimony—let them say from what ^B synod they learned these things? From what proofs? From what judgment? But if, having nothing of that kind, they assert this rashly, we leave it to you to consider how the earlier events took place, or why they speak thus. For it is nothing else but calumny, and the treachery of enemies, and a mind harboring unbridled anger, and impiety raging against piety on behalf of the Ariomanites, so that the Orthodox might be removed from the way, and the patrons of impiety might, from then on, preach what they please with security. For the matter is indeed so.

6. From the time that Arius, the author of the impiety from whom the heresy of the Ariomanites has been named, had been cast out of the Church by the bishop of blessed memory, Alexander, those around Eusebius, being disciples and partakers of his impiety, thinking that they themselves had been cast out, wrote many things entreating Alexander the bishop not to leave the heretic Arius outside the Church. But because Alexander, on account of his piety toward Christ, did not receive the impious man, they were angry with Athanasius, who was then a deacon, because they heard that he was most frequently with bishop Alexander, busily occupied in affairs, and was held in esteem by him. But when they had gained experience of him and of his piety toward Christ ^C from the synod which was assembled at Nicaea, in which he spoke boldly against the impiety of the Ariomanites, they burned with even greater hatred. And when the Lord raised him to the episcopate, they rekindled the malice which they had long harbored; and fearing his orthodoxy and his championship against impiety (and Eusebius especially, being struck by the conscience of the things which he knew), they laid snares for the man in every way and conspired against him. They stirred up the emperor against him, threatened frequently that they would gather synods; and at last they met at Tyre, and to this day they do not cease to write against him. And they are so implacable that they even rebuke his promotion to the episcopate, showing themselves everywhere to be his enemies and hating the man, and saying false things, only that they might disgrace him with their fabrications. But from these very things which they falsely assert, those earlier matters are proven to be false and full of conspiracy. For they say: After the death of ^D bishop Alexander, when some few were making mention of Athanasius, six or seven bishops secretly and in an obscure place ordained him. These things they

wrote to the emperors, even though they refused to write anything false. But we, together with the whole city and the entire province, are witnesses that the whole multitude and all the people of the catholic Church, having gathered together as if of one soul and body, cried out, shouted, and asked for Athanasius to be bishop for the Church. This they prayed for publicly to Christ, and this they adjured us to do for many days and nights, neither themselves departing from the Church, nor allowing us to depart from this request. And we are witnesses of this, as is the whole city and the province; they said nothing against him, as those men wrote, but spoke of all the best things, calling him high-minded, devout, a Christian, one of the ascetics 94, and truly a bishop. And that the majority of us ordained him under the eyes of all and amidst their shouts, we are witnesses again, more trustworthy than those who were absent and are lying—we, who ordained him. Yet Eusebius finds fault with the appointment of Athanasius, a man who perhaps has not even had an appointment at all; or if he ever did have one, he himself invalidated it. For he was bishop of Berytus from the beginning; but having left Berytus, he came to Nicomedia, leaving the one contrary to the law and entering the other contrary to the law. He abandoned his own unlovingly, and took possession of another’s absurdly; having disregarded the affection for the first because of the desire for another, he did not even keep the second one, which he obtained out of that desire 95. For look, having departed even from there, he again occupies another’s, everywhere casting eyes of greed upon strange cities, and thinking that piety consists in wealth and the size of cities, and regarding as nothing the lot of God in which each person has been placed; not knowing that even where two or three are gathered in the name of the Lord, there is the Lord in the midst of them. He does not consider what was said by the Apostle, that "I will not boast in another's labors 96," nor does he observe his commandment: "You are bound to a wife, do not seek a release [*]." But if this is said regarding a wife, how much more so regarding the Church and the same episcopate 97, to which he who is bound ought not to seek another, lest he be found an adulterer by the holy Scriptures.

7. Now, even though he was conscious of such things for himself, he nevertheless dared to slander the promotion of Athanasius, which was attested to by the witness of everyone for its goodness, and he did not fear to reproach him with deposition, although he himself had been deposed, and has in the person of the one who succeeded him a witness to his own deposition 98. How then were either he or Theognius able to depose another, having been deposed themselves, and being proud of the labors of others, and having the same episcopate?

94 That is, Athanasius, who had been an ascetic, as he had spent no small amount of time in the desert with Antonius, which will be evident from the restored passage in the *Life of Antonius*. 95 By order of Constantius, when he was forced into exile, Eusebius of Nicomedia invaded his see. On this matter we shall speak more fully in the *Epistle to the Solitaries*. 96 II Cor. x, 15. The text stands thus: "not boasting in another's labors." 97 Such is his reading. But the royal copies are read incorrectly. Nannius misunderstood this passage, who translates it: "so that he might show his own exauctoration as testimony and proof in the very constitution of his successor." Nor is it any better below. 98 See the Royal edition. [*] I Cor. vii, 27.

^A For you know accurately that Amphion in Nicomedia and Chrestus in Nicaea were appointed in their place because of their own impiety and their communion with the Ariomaniacs, who were rejected by the ecumenical synod. Desiring to destroy that synod which is truly such, they even attempt to call their own unjust constitution a "synod," and not wishing for the decrees set forth by that one to hold, they wish for their own to hold; and they who do not obey such a great synod call themselves a synod. Thus, they do not care for a synod, although they pretend to care, so that, having removed the orthodox, they might make void what was decreed by the great and true synod against the Arians. Being leaders of these both always and now, they dare to lie against the bishop Athanasius. For those things which they now lie about are similar to the former things, that at his entry there were seditions, and lamentations, and wailings, as the peoples were distressed at his reception. For not one such thing happened, but quite the contrary: joy and cheerfulness, and the running of the peoples, who were hastening toward the desirable sight of him; and the Churches were full of joy, and thanksgivings were being offered up to the Lord everywhere. All the ministers and clergy beheld him in such a way that their souls were gladdened, and they believed that they had experienced that day as the most cheerful of all their days. For what need is there to write of ^B the ineffable joy of us bishops? For we have said before that we thought we were suffering his calamities along with him.

8. Since these things, then, are confessed, yet they report them in a contrary way, what credit has the synod or judgment which they noise abroad? For how can those who dare to proceed in this manner against things they did not see, which they did not judge, and at which they were not assembled, and who do not fear to write as though they were fully informed, be worthy of belief in the matters for the sake of which they say they assembled? Or will it not be believed that they performed those things and these things out of enmity? For what synod of bishops was there then? What council was there holding to the truth? Which of the majority among them was not our enemy? Did not the Eusebians launch an attack against us because of the madness of Arius? Did they not bring in others who agreed with them to do the same? Did we not always write against them as holding the views of Arius? ^C Was not Eusebius, the bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, accused by the confessors who were with us of having sacrificed to idols? Was not Georgius, as one who had been deposed by the blessed Alexander, refuted? Were not others accused by others of various crimes? How, then, were these men willing to deliberate against us? And how do they dare to call it a synod, ^D over which sat one, and present was an executioner, and

^A into which the Commentarius introduced us instead of the deacons of the Church? He spoke, and those who were present were silent, or rather, they obeyed the Count. And the movement of those who were thought to be bishops was hindered by his counsel. He commanded, and we were led by soldiers; or rather, those around Eusebius commanding, he served their designs. But the whole affair, beloved, what kind of a synod is it where the end was exile and murder for the glory of the emperor? And what of the accusations? For in these things they are worthy of greater admiration. There was a certain Arsenius, whom they complained had been murdered, and they calumniated that a mystical chalice had been broken. But Arsenius is alive, and desires to be joined in communion with us, and does not await other testimonies to be shown as living, but he himself confesses that he is alive, writing with his own letters to our fellow-bishop Athanasius, whom they asserted was his murderer. And the impious were not ashamed to accuse a man who was at so great a distance, by land and sea, of having been murdered by him, when at that time no one knew where he was. Yet they even dared to hide him, and to render him invisible, though he had suffered no harm. And if it could have been done, they would have carried him off to another world, or rather, they would have killed him, so that by falsely alleging either a true or a fake murder, they might truly kill Athanasius. But thanks be to Divine Providence for this also, which permitted no injustice to prevail, but brought forth the living Arsenius before the eyes of all, and publicly refuted their conspiracy and calumny. For he does not shun us as murderers, nor does he hate us as having done him injury; for he has suffered absolutely nothing. But he asks to be joined in communion with us, and wishes to be numbered with our company, as his letters testify.

9. Moreover, Athanasius was attacked as if he had killed him who was then living: he was indeed sent into exile by them. For the father of the emperors did not make him an exile, but it is to be ascribed to their calumnies. Observe, for, whether the matter is not so: when no crime could be found against our fellow-minister Athanasius, and the Count, using supreme force, was zealously acting against him; Bishop Athanasius, fleeing the violence that was occurring, went up to the most religious emperor, at once deprecating both the Count and their conspiracies, and asking that a legal synod of bishops be convened, or that the emperor himself hear his defense regarding the charges brought against him. The emperor, taking the matter ill, wrote letters by which he summoned them, promising that he himself would hear the matter, inasmuch as he had ordered that synod to be gathered. But the Eusebians, when they had arrived, slandered Athanasius, no longer concerning the things rumored by them at Tyre, but concerning grain and the detention of ships, as if Athanasius had promised to [prevent the transport of grain from Alexandria to Constantinople…]

^A These things some of our companions who were inside with Athanasius heard the emperor threatening. Then, when Athanasius lamented this calumny and asserted that it was not true—for how could a private man and a poor one be capable of such things?—Eusebius, not even attempting to deny the calumny publicly, swore that Athanasius was rich, powerful, and capable of anything, so that from these charges Athanasius might be thought to have said those things. Such were the accusations made by these venerable bishops; but the grace of God has proven stronger than their malice. For it moved the emperor’s piety to clemency, and instead of death, he decreed exile. Therefore, the calumnies, and nothing else, were the causes of these things. ^B For the emperor, writing before this, had blamed the conspiracy, had accused them of treachery, and had condemned the Meletians, calling them in his writings nefarious, worthy of curses, and the worst sort of men. For he was moved upon hearing that a man was dead who was among the living; he was moved, having heard of a murder committed against one still living and not deprived of life; and we have sent [a copy of] the letter.

10. Those wonderful men around Eusebius, so that they might appear to vindicate the truth and the matters written, fashion for themselves the name of a synod and receive its warrant from the emperor. For this business, a count was present, and soldiers as guards for the bishops, and imperial letters forcing those they had requested to assemble. ^C Here, reflect upon the strangeness of their conspiracy and the inconsistency of the things they dared, so that they might by any means snatch the man from us. For if they had left the judgment to themselves alone as bishops, what need was there for a count and soldiers? Or why were they gathered together by imperial letters? But if they needed the emperor and desired to receive authority from him, why did they make his judgment void? Or how, when he in his letters judged the Meletians to be sycophants and nefarious, but Athanasius to be most innocent, and vehemently assailed the fabricated murder of a man who was still living, could they define the Meletians to be telling the truth and Athanasius to be guilty? And, without any shame, they pretended that a living man was dead: a man who, even after the emperor’s judgment, and when they were gathering, and even until this day, is with us among the living. These things, then, concerning Arsenius.

11. But about the mystical chalice, concerning what or where it was broken by Macarius—for this is what they keep repeating over and over again. Although even his accusers would not have dared to accuse Athanasius had they not been prompted by them; nevertheless, they... ^D

^A impute to Athanasius things that ought not to have been imputed even to Macarius, who has not even been convicted. Nor are they ashamed to parade these mysteries before catechumens, and, what is worse, before heathens; whereas it is fitting, as it is written, to hide the mystery of a king, and as the Lord commanded: "Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine." For it is not permitted to parade the mysteries before the uninitiated, lest the heathens, being ignorant of them, mock, and the catechumens, being led to curiosity, be scandalized. But yet, what cup, and where, and before whom was it broken? For those who accuse are Meletians, to whom no faith should be given, inasmuch as they have been schismatics and enemies of the Church not just now, but from the time of the blessed Peter, bishop and martyr; they who laid snares for Peter himself, ^B and slandered Achillas his successor, and accused Alexander before the very emperor. For after they had labored at such things, they finally attacked Athanasius, doing nothing alien to their own wickedness; for just as they had concocted calumnies against his predecessors, so too they did against him. But now, and not before, their calumnies and slander have gained strength, because they obtained Eusebius and his associates as partners in crime and patrons for the sake of their own Arian impiety, for which they laid snares against Athanasius, just as they had against many other bishops. For indeed, that place where they say the cup was broken was not a church; there was no presbyter dwelling in that place; the day on which they claim Macarius did this was not the Lord's Day. Since, therefore, there was no Church there, nor one performing sacred rites, nor did the day itself require this, of what nature, or when, or where was the mystical cup broken? For it is evident ^C that there are many cups in houses and in the midst of the marketplace, and if anyone breaks one of these, he in no way acts impiously. But the mystical cup, which, if anyone should voluntarily break it, makes the one who attempted such an act impious, is found only among the lawful presidents of the Church; this is the only way in which this cup is used, and no other. This you lawfully dispense to the people; this you have received by ecclesiastical canon; this belongs only to those who preside over the Catholic Church. For it is yours alone to dispense the blood of Christ; it belongs to no one else. But as he who breaks the mystical cup is impious, so much the more impious is he who treats the blood of Christ with insult; for he treats it with insult who does this contrary to ecclesiastical law. (We say this however, not as though a cup of the schismatics was broken by Macarius, ^D but because there was none at all there: for how could it have been present, when there was no church, nor anyone there, nor was it the time for the mysteries?)

^A This is that infamous Ischyras, who was neither ordained by the Church, nor, when Alexander received the list of presbyters ordained by Meletius, was he numbered among them; and thus he could have had no ordination from that source either.

12. Whence, then, comes presbyter Ischyras? By whom was he ordained? By Colluthus, perhaps? For that is the only remaining possibility. But it is known to all, and doubtful to no one, that Colluthus died a presbyter, that both his hands remained without authority, and that all who were ordained by him during the time of the schism became laymen, and that it is in that capacity that they attend the assemblies. How, then, could a private individual, living in a private house, be believed to possess a mystical cup? But at that time they called the private individual a presbyter, and they bestowed this title upon him in order to harass us unjustly; and now, as a reward for his accusation, they grant him the building of a church. Thus, ^B the man did not have a church, but he received one as a wage for his malice and for his obedience in bringing the accusation—something he did not have before; and perhaps they even conferred upon him the reward of a bishopric. For he goes about repeating this everywhere, and in this way conducts himself arrogantly against us. So great, indeed, are the rewards offered by the bishops to false accusers and slanderers; and rightly so, for having found in him a collaborator for their own purposes, as a partner in their business, they have deigned to favor him with a like episcopate. But the matter does not end there; lend your ears further to what was done by them at that time.

13. Even though they could not prevail against the truth, ^C and though Ischyras, when at Tyre, was able to prove nothing but was exposed as a slanderer—his very calumny overturning their conspiracy—they nevertheless suspended the proceedings in order to procure new arguments, promising to send from among their own number some who would investigate the matter at Mareotes more diligently. But those whom we openly refused for many reasons—and because they held the views of Arius and were therefore our enemies—these same men, using tyrannical power, sent in secret: Diognius, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, and two others younger in age and character, Ursacius and Valens from Pannonia. And these men, ^D after such a long journey which they endured in order to sit in judgment upon their enemy, again [departed] from Tyre toward Alexandria.

^A And not only did they not refuse to be witnesses though they were judges, but they openly embraced every method of conspiracy, and underwent every labor and journey, so that they might fulfill the plot they had fabricated. And while they left Bishop Athanasius detained in a foreign land, they themselves entered into the city of their enemy as if to revel against the Church and the people. Nay, what is more absurd, while they brought Ischyras, the accuser, along with them, they did not permit Macarius, who was being accused, to follow, but left him in custody at Tyre. For Macarius, the presbyter of Alexandria, was being dragged up and down by them on account of the charge.

14. So when they had entered Alexandria with the accuser, and had him as a companion of their house and table and a fellow-drinker, and having taken along Philagrius, the prefect of Egypt, they went off into the Mareotis. And there, truly, they alone conducted the inquiry according to their own desire together with the aforementioned individual, not permitting the presbyters to be present, though they earnestly requested it. Now the presbyters of the city and of the whole region were demanding to be present, so that they might refute the witnesses suborned by Ischyras, [to show] who they were and from whence they came. And they forbade the sacred ministers to be present; but in the presence of heathens they held an inquiry concerning the Church, concerning the chalice, concerning the table, and concerning the holy things. And ^B what is more grave, they called heathens as witnesses when inquiring about the mystical cup; and those whom they had asserted were snatched away by Athanasius at the summons of the Catholic [bishop], and of whom they professed not to know where in the world they were, these very men they introduced privately to themselves and to the prefect. Nor were they ashamed to say that those were done away with by Bishop Athanasius, whose testimonies they were seen to be using. But since they look only to the end that they might kill him, they pretend again that those who are still among the living are dead, just as they did in the case of Arsenius. For those men who are still surviving and who dwell openly in their own region, they mournfully deplore to you who are far away as though they had been done away with, so that, because the proofs must be sought from afar, they may be able to slander our fellow-minister, as though he had used force and power—even though they themselves act in all things relying on power and patronage. And indeed the things which were perpetrated in the Mareotis were very similar to the things done at Tyre: for just as there a Count was present with a military force, permitting no one to say or do anything contrary to their intent, so also here the prefect of Egypt was present with his staff, ^C terrifying all those belonging to the Church, and permitting no one to testify according to the truth. And what is most paradoxical, in that very place and in the house of the accuser, they both feasted and thought they were conducting an examination as they pleased.

being either judges or witnesses, or, what is more true, ministers of their own and Eusebius's own will who had gathered themselves there.

15. We assume you are not ignorant of what they dared to commit at Alexandria; for it has been spread everywhere. Naked swords were brought against the holy virgins and the brethren, and scourges were inflicted upon bodies honorable in the sight of God, so that they limped from the blows—those who in their minds were devoted only to chastity and all good works. Shameful deeds were also practiced against them; even the heathen mobs were inciting them to strip them, to beat them, to act licentiously against them, and threatening them with altars and sacrifices. And a certain lewd man, as if power had now been given by the prefect to favor the bishops, seized a virgin by the hand and dragged her to whatever altar was nearby, imitating the force once used for sacrificing and the fury of persecution. Amidst these crimes, the virgins were fleeing, and the heathen were laughing at the Church, while the bishops were inside, and were living in that very house in which these things were being perpetrated, and from which, because of the favor shown to them, the virgins experienced naked swords and every kind of danger, injury, and outrage. And these things they suffered during a fast from those who were feasting inside with the bishops. ^A

16. Foreseeing that such a hostile incursion would mean no trivial harm, we rejected such legates. Alexander, the bishop of Thessalonica, when he observed this, sent letters to those who were staying there, convicting them of the conspiracy and bearing witness to their treachery. Even if they number him among themselves and boast of him as an accomplice in their conspiracy, they demonstrate nothing other than that they have offered violence to him. For neither did the notoriously wicked Ischyras approach this matter without fear and violence, but he undertook the office of accusing Athanasius under compulsion. The proof of this is that Ischyras himself wrote to his fellow bishop Athanasius that nothing of the sort had happened there, but that he had been suborned to fabricate these things. And he wrote this when he had neither been received by him as a presbyter, nor had obtained such a title of grace, nor had received an invitation to build a church as a reward, nor was expecting the reward of a bishopric—all of which he obtained from them as a reward for his accusation. Moreover, all his kinsmen were convening with us, which they certainly would not have done if they had suffered even the slightest injury from us. ^B

17. Now, that these are not mere words but events that occurred, the witnesses are all the presbyters of the Mareotis, who always accompany the bishop on his visitations. ^C These are they who also wrote against Ischyras at that time. And those of them who came to Tyre were not permitted to speak the ^D truth.

^A And the copies themselves of the letters of Alexander and of the presbyters and of Ischyras are evidence of this matter. We sent also the letter of the father of the emperors, in which he testifies that he not only takes it ill that they accused him of the murder of Arsenius, who was alive, but that he was also astonished at the variety and inconsistency of the accusation concerning the cup; for they falsely accused now Macarius the presbyter, now Athanasius the bishop, of breaking the cup with their hands. And he declares the Meletians to be sycophants indeed, but Athanasius, on the contrary, most innocent. For who are not sycophants among the Meletians, and above all John, who, when he had entered ^B the church and communicated with us, had condemned himself and had moved nothing yet concerning the broken cup? When he saw those around Eusebius showing zeal for the Ariomanites, yet not daring to assist them openly, but seeking to use other persons, he cast himself down like a player in the secular theaters. The subject of the plot was an Arian struggle; the original intention was for those men to succeed, and John and his associates were the suborned actors and appendages. The object was that the supporters of the Arians, under their pretext and in the guise of judges, might overthrow the enemies of impiety, establish impiety itself, and introduce the Arians into the Church; and they who wished to eliminate piety strive to conquer through impiety. And those who have embraced impiety against Christ have set themselves to remove the enemies of impiety as if they were impious. And they bring forward to us the broken cup, so that Athanasius also might appear to them to act impiously against Christ. For what concern has there been among them for the mystical cup? Whence could there be a pious mind concerning the cup in those who are the patrons of impiety against Christ? Whence is the cup of Christ known to those who do not know Christ? How do those who pretend to revere the cup dishonor the God of the cup? Or why do those who mourn for the cup seek to kill the bishop who celebrates the mysteries therein—nay, indeed, so far as in them lay, they did kill him? Why do those who lament for the episcopal throne, ^C adorned as it is, seek to kill the bishop who sits therein, so that the throne might seek the bishop, and the peoples might be deprived of pious doctrine? Therefore, neither the cup being broken, nor murder, nor any of the unheard-of crimes which they have alleged, compelled them to do these things, but the aforesaid impiety of the Arians. For the sake of which, after they had laid snares for Athanasius and other bishops, even now they wage war against the Church. For who are the authors of the murders and exiles? Are they not these men? Who are they that have used the patronage of secular powers and lay snares for the bishops? Is it not the Eusebians, and by no means Athanasius, as they themselves write? For he and others have rather been vexed by them. For, indeed, at that time ^D they were moved by impiety.

^A And, at that time, four Alexandrian presbyters, although they had not even gone to Tyre, were driven into exile by them! Who, then, are worthy of lamentations and tears? Are they not those who both performed those prior deeds, and do not refuse to add second ones, and who use every kind of calumny, so that they might destroy a bishop who does not yield to their heresy of impiety? That is the cause of the hatred of the Eusebians; this is the origin of what was set in motion at Tyre; hence those feigned trials; hence those letters of theirs, which they write without a prior trial, as if they were better informed about the matters; hence those slanders against the father of the emperors and against the most pious emperors themselves.

18. ^B It is necessary for you to know what things have been falsely reported against our fellow-minister Athanasius, so that from this you may also detect and recognize their malice, and know that they seek nothing else than to murder the man. Grain used to be provided by the father of the emperors for the support of widows, partly in Libya and partly in certain parts of Egypt. All have received this up to now, with Athanasius obtaining nothing from it except the labor and effort of distributing it to them. But now, though those who are accustomed to receive it do not complain, but rather admit that they do receive it, Athanasius has been slandered as though he were selling all the grain and diverting it to his own affairs; and the emperor wrote about this, complaining because of the slanders that had occurred. Who, then, are the ones who have slandered him? Are they not those who performed those first deeds, and do not refuse to stir up second ones? Who are the authors of these letters which are said to be from the emperor? Are they not the Arians, who are most eager for these things, and who refuse to say or write nothing against the man? ^C For no one, having left aside the authors of so many and such great crimes, would suspect others. And indeed, the most manifest proof of their slander is evident; for they are eager to deprive the Church of the grain under the pretext of slander, and to provide it to the Arians. This is to be attributed most of all to the authors of this plan and their leaders, who were not afraid to incite murders against the man—on account of which they have falsely slandered him to the emperor—nor did they fear to deprive the clergy of the Church of their sustenance, so that it might in reality turn to the profit of the heretics.

19. ^D We have also sent to you the testimony of our fellow-ministers from Libya, the Pentapolis, and Egypt, so that from this you might learn of the slander that has occurred against Athanasius. They do these things so that, with those who hold the views of piety henceforth keeping quiet out of fear, the heresy of the impious Arians might be introduced in its place. But thanks be to your piety, beloved, that you have often written condemning the Arians with anathema, and have given them no place in the Church. The malice of Eusebius and his followers, moreover, is easily refuted; for, after those earlier letters of theirs on behalf of the Arians—though all the editions and manuscripts have [them]—

of which we sent you copies, are now openly inciting the Ariomanites, who have been condemned by the whole Catholic Church, against the Church; they even appoint a bishop ^A for them, and by threats and fears they divide the Churches, so that they may everywhere have auxiliaries for their impiety. Indeed, they even send deacons to the Ariomanites, who openly assemble with them and write to them, and receive copies from them, and so cast the Church into schism; they also communicate with them, and everywhere recommend their heresy in their own letters, while they reject the Church, as you will be able to learn from the letters which they themselves wrote to the Roman bishop, and perhaps also to you. That these things ought not to go unpunished, you too, beloved, perceive; for they are atrocious and foreign to the doctrine of Christ. For this reason, therefore, we have gathered together and sent these letters to you, asking your prudence in Christ to receive this confession, to grieve for the lot of our fellow-bishop Athanasius, and to be indignant at those around Eusebius who attempt such things, so that such depravity and malice may no longer prevail ^B against the Church; for we implore you to be avengers against such injustice, reminding you of the apostolic word: "Put away the wicked person from among yourselves." 1 Cor. v, 13. For the things they have perpetrated are truly evil and unworthy of our communion. Do not, therefore, lend them an ear if they write to you again against bishop Athanasius; (for everything that proceeds from them is false;) not even if they should inscribe the names of Egyptian bishops in their letters. For it is plain that it is not we who write such things, but the Meletians, who are always schismatics, who even until now disturb the Churches and stir up seditions. For they make absurd ordinations ^C and of men who are almost heathens; and they perpetrate such deeds as we are ashamed to write of, but which you will be able to learn from our legates who will deliver the letter to you.

20. These things, indeed, from Egypt to all the bishops and to Julius, the bishop of Rome. Furthermore, those around Eusebius also wrote to Julius: and hoping to strike terror into us, they requested that a synod be called, and that Julius himself, if he wished, should be the judge. When, therefore, we had arrived at Rome, Julius, as was fitting, wrote letters to those around Eusebius, and sent two of his presbyters, Elpidius and Philoxenus. But they, when they heard of our arrival, were troubled, not expecting us to go thither, [and they hesitated, ^D inventing unconvincing excuses...]

or rather, they were fearful lest those things which Valens and Ursacius afterwards confessed should be proved against them. In the end, therefore, more than fifty bishops assembled where Vito the presbyter was holding a meeting ^B. They received us as we delivered our defense, and they confirmed our communion and charity. But they were indignant against those others, and they requested Julius to write to the party of Eusebius concerning these things, as they themselves had written to him. And he wrote himself, and sent the letter by Gabianus the count.

THE EPISTLE OF JULIUS

21. I have read the letters brought to me by your presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I marvelled how we indeed wrote with love and a conscience of the truth, while you replied with contentiousness and not as was fitting. For the pride and arrogance of the writers was shown through the letter; yet these things are foreign to the faith in Christ. For those things written with love ought to have met with an equal return in love, and not with contentiousness. Or is it not a sign of love for presbyters to have sent, in order that they might help the afflicted— >

^A and exhort those who had written to come, so that all matters might the sooner be settled and brought to a resolution, and so that our brethren might no longer suffer, nor any men slander you? But I know not what it was that caused you to be so disposed, as to lead us to suspect that even those words which you seemed to speak for the sake of honoring us were spoken with a certain dissimulation and irony. For the presbyters who were sent, who ought to have returned with joy, returned on the contrary sorrowful at what they had beheld taking place there. And I, for my part, after reading the letter and turning many things over in my mind, kept the letter by me, hoping that at least some of you would come, and that there would be no need for the letter, so that it might not, by coming into the open, cause pain to many here. But since no one came, and it became necessary to produce it, I confess to you that all were struck with wonder and were close to disbelief that such things could have been written by you; for the letter revealed contentiousness rather than charity. ^B If, then, the one who dictated it wrote it for the sake of a display of eloquence, such a practice belongs to others; for in ecclesiastical matters there is no place for a display of eloquence, but rather for the apostolic canons and a concern not to scandalize even one of the little ones in the Church. For it is better, according to the ecclesiastical word, for a millstone to be hung about one’s neck and to be cast into the depths, than to scandalize even one of the little ones. But if the letter was written as some, moved by mutual irritation (for I would not say that such was the mind of all), indeed thought, it would have been fitting not to be offended at all, nor to let the sun set upon an offense; but even so, one ought not to have been carried to such a point as to manifest it in writing. ^C 22. For what has been done that is worthy of complaint, or for what expressions in my letter were you justified in being angry? Or is it because we exhorted you to meet in synod? But this should rather have been received with joy. For those who have confidence in the things they have achieved or, as they say themselves, judged, do not take it ill if their judgment is examined by others; but they have confidence that what they have justly judged can never be proved unjust. Therefore, the bishops gathered in the great synod of Nicaea did not, apart from the counsel of God, permit the acts of a former synod to be examined in another, so that those who judge, having before their eyes the fact that a second judgment is to follow, might examine the matter with every caution; and those who are judged might believe that they are not being judged ^D out of the hatred or enmity of those who judged them before, but are being judged justly. But if you are unwilling for such a custom, which is truly ancient and was remembered and recorded in the great synod, to have force among you, such a refusal is unseemly; for a practice that has once established a custom in the Church, and has been confirmed by synods, deserves to be followed.

^A It is not reasonable that it should be abrogated by a few. Furthermore, they would not be right to appear aggrieved in this matter; for those who were sent by you, the Eusebians, with letters—namely, Macarius the presbyter, and Martyrius and Hesychius the deacons—upon arriving here, when they could not withstand the presbyters of Athanasius who had betaken themselves here, but were in all points refuted and convicted, then requested of us that a synod be convened, and that letters be sent to Bishop Athanasius at Alexandria, as well as to the Eusebians, so that a just judgment might be rendered in the presence of all. They promised that they would then prove all the crimes alleged against Athanasius; for Martyrius and Hesychius were openly convicted by us, while the presbyters of Bishop Athanasius stood up with confidence. Martyrius and his fellows, to speak the truth, were refuted in all things, and hence it came about that they were forced to request a synod. If, therefore, even had Martyrius and Hesychius not requested a synod, I had been the author of causing those who had written to be troubled, for the sake of our brethren who complained that they had suffered injustice—even in that case, the exhortation would have been equitable and just, for it is both ecclesiastical and pleasing to God. But since the very persons whom you Eusebians deemed worthy of faith have themselves requested us to convene a synod, it was proper for the summoned parties not to take it ill, but rather to respond ^B eagerly. Therefore, the indignation of those who take this ill is wanton; and the refusal of those who were unwilling to attend is shown to be unseemly and suspicious. Can anyone complain if he sees that what he thinks he has done rightly is being examined by others? If, as you write, every synod has firm, immutable authority, and if it is an insult to the judge if his judgment is examined by others, consider, I pray you, beloved, who are those that dishonor a synod, and who are those that rescind the judgments of those who have already passed them? And that I may not seem to burden some by examining each matter in detail, the final event, at which one might shudder to hear, suffices to prove all that is omitted. ^C

23. Those of the heresy of the Ariomaniacs, who were cast out for impiety by Alexander, of blessed memory, the bishop of Alexandria, were not only excommunicated by the individual cities but were also anathematized by all who gathered together in the great synod at Nicaea. For their offense was no ordinary one, nor had they sinned against a man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ himself, the Son of the living God. And yet those who were rejected by the whole world and branded by the entire Church are now said to have been received, at which I deem it right that you, hearing it, should also be indignant. Who, then, are those who bring a synod into disrepute? Is it not those who hold the votes of the three hundred for nothing, and prefer impiety to piety? Since the heresy of the Ariomaniacs is [rejected] by all... ^D

the bishops everywhere and condemned; but Athanasius and Marcellus are bishops who have many to speak and write on their behalf. For Marcellus was borne witness to by us, as having spoken against those who hold the opinions of Arius at the Council of Nicaea; and Athanasius was borne witness to as having been neither convicted at Tyre, 62 nor present at Mareotes, where it is said the records against him were made. You know, beloved, that matters decided ex parte have no force, but are held to be suspect; and yet, such being the case, for the sake of precision, preferring neither you nor those who wrote on their behalf, we urged those who sent the letters to come here, so that, since there are many who have written on their behalf, all things might be examined in a synod, so that neither the innocent be condemned, nor the guilty held as pure. Therefore, the synod is not dishonored by us, but by those who rashly and light-mindedly receive the Arians who were condemned by everyone and against the judgment of those who passed sentence. For the greater number of them have already departed to be with Christ; but those who are still in this life are currently under investigation, ^B indignant that some have overturned their judgment.

24. We learned this from the events that took place in Alexandria. For a certain Carpones, 63 having been cast out by Alexander on account of the Arian heresy along with some others, and they too having been cast out for the same heresy, came here, having been sent by a certain Gregory; yet we learned this also from Macarius the priest, and Martyrius and Hesychius the deacons. For before the priests of Athanasius arrived, they were urging us to write to a certain Pistus in Alexandria, at the time when ^C Athanasius the bishop was also in Alexandria. This Pistus, the priests of Bishop Athanasius, upon arriving, proved to be an Arian, having been cast out by Bishop Alexander and the Council of Nicaea, 64 and having been appointed by a certain Secundus, whom the great synod had cast out as being an Arian. This, not even those around Martyrius gainsaid, nor did they deny that Pistus had received his appointment from Secundus. Observe, therefore, from these things whose actions are justly open to blame: is it we, who could not be persuaded to write to the Arian Pistus, or those who advise us...

to dishonor the great synod and to write to the impious as if they were pious? For even Macarius the presbyter, who was sent by Eusebius with those around Martyrius, as soon as he heard that the presbyters of Athanasius were approaching—and we were awaiting his arrival along with those around Martyrius and Hesychius—departed by night, although he was ill in body; from which we might reasonably conjecture that, being ashamed of the refutation against Pistus, he withdrew. For it is impossible for the ordination of the Arian Secundus to hold good in the Catholic Church. ^A For it would be a true dishonor to the synod and to the bishops gathered therein if those things which were done with such zeal and reverence, as if God were present, should be rendered null and void.

25. If, therefore, as you write, the dogmas of the synods ought to hold good ^B following the example of Novatus and Paul of Samosata, much more does it behoove us that the decrees of the three hundred bishops should not be made void, nor the universal synod be contemned by a few. For the Arians are heretics just as they were, and the decrees issued against these and against those are of equal force. Since we have seen such things dared, who are they who have kindled the flame of discord? For you have blamed us in your letters, having written that it was we who have done this. Have we, therefore, caused discord, we who sympathize with our suffering brethren and who have done everything according to the canon? Or is it those who contentiously and contrary to the canon have dissolved the vote of the three hundred, and in all things dishonored the synod? For not only were the Arians received, but bishops also have made it a practice ^C to move from place to place. If, therefore, you truly believe that the honor of the bishops is equal and the same, and do not judge the bishops by the magnitude of their cities, as you write, he who has been entrusted with a small one ought to have remained in the one entrusted to him, and not to have despised that which was entrusted to him, moving to one not committed to him, that he might despise the one given by God and love the vain glory of men. Therefore, beloved, you should have come, and not refused, that the matter might reach its end; for reason demands this. But perhaps the time limit hindered you; for having written, you complained ^D that we had set a narrow time limit for the convening of the synod; but this, too, beloved, is a pretext. For if the day had overtaken some who were already on their way, the shortness of the time limit would have been proven; but if those who were unwilling to come have detained the presbyters even until the month of January, the pretext is that of men lacking confidence; for they would have come, as I said before, if they had been confident, not looking to the distance of the journey, nor regarding the time limit, but to what is just.

But perhaps it is on account of the state of the times that they did not come; for in your letter you indicated as much, that we should have considered the state of affairs in the East and not urged you to come. If, therefore, it was on account of the state of the times that you did not come, as you say, you should have been the first to take note of this time, and thus have avoided causing schism, or wailing and lamentation in the Churches. But now, those who have acted in this way have shown that it is not the condition of the times that is the cause, but the intent of those who did not wish to come.

^B 26. I wonder also at this part of your letter, in which you have even dared to write that I wrote only to the associates of Eusebius and not to all of you. You would find levity in those who make such complaints rather than truth. For since I had received the letters against Athanasius from no one else but Martyrius and Hesychius, it was necessary for me to reply to those who had written against him. It was necessary, therefore, either for the Eusebians not to have written alone, apart from you all, or for you, to whom I did not write, not to take it ill if a reply was sent to those who had written to me. For if it was proper that letters should be sent to you all, it was also fitting that you should have written together with them. But now, looking to what was appropriate, we wrote to those who had informed us and had sent letters to us. But if you were agitated because I wrote to them alone, it is logical for you to be angry that they wrote to me alone. But even in this, there is a plausible and ^C just cause, beloved. Yet it is necessary for you to know that, even if I was the only one who wrote, this is not my own opinion alone, but that of all the bishops who are in Italy and who dwell in these parts. And indeed, I did not wish to compel everyone to write, so that it might not be burdensome to the many. Certainly, the bishops have already assembled at the appointed time, and they have held the same opinion, which I signify to you again in these letters; wherefore, beloved, even if I write alone, recognize that this is the opinion of all. These things, then, are sufficient to show that some among you are putting forward not fair, but unjust and suspicious excuses. ^D

27. And as to why we have not unreasonably or unjustly received our fellow-bishops Athanasius and Marcellus into communion, although it is sufficiently clear from what has been said above, yet it will be worth the effort to demonstrate it to you in a few words. The associates of Eusebius had already written before against those associated with Athanasius; and now you yourselves have written; those associated with Eusebius wrote...

^A that you have sent letters; nonetheless, many bishops from Egypt and from other provinces also wrote in favor of Athanasius. Therefore, the first thing to observe is that your letters against him war with themselves, and the secondary letters in no way agree with the primary ones; but in many respects, the first are refuted by the second, and the second are proven false by the first. Since the letters do not agree among themselves, no faith at all should be placed in what they say. Furthermore, if you demand that faith be placed in what you have written, it is consistent not to deny faith to those things written in his favor; especially since you write from a distance, whereas they, being in the very places where they have seen the man himself and the matters transacted there, attest by writing to the probity of his life and affirm that he has suffered false accusation in every respect. And ^B again, a certain bishop named Arsenius was once said to have been killed by Athanasius, but we have learned that he is alive, and indeed that he is his friend. Therefore, he (Athanasius) asserted that the records drawn up in Mareotis were made unilaterally, for neither Macarius the presbyter, who was being accused, was present there, nor the bishop himself, Athanasius. And we discovered this not only from his own words, but from the records themselves, which Martyrius and Hesychius brought to us; for by reading them, we found that the accuser Ischyras was present there, but neither Macarius nor the bishop Athanasius was; moreover, that when the presbyters of Athanasius requested to be present, they were not permitted. And yet, beloved, if the trial had been conducted with truth, it ought to have been that not only the accuser but also the accused was present. For just as in Tyre, Macarius the accused was present, and Ischyras the accuser, and nothing was proven; so too in Mareotis it was fitting that not only the accuser, but also the accused, should have arrived, so that by being present he might either be convicted, or, if he could not be convicted, he might expose the calumny. Now, however, as this has not happened, but only the accuser went together with those whom Athanasius had rejected, those proceedings appear suspicious.

28. He (Athanasius) also complained that those who set out for Mareotis had done so against his will. For he said that they had sent Theognius, Maris, Theodore, Ursacius, Valens, and Macedonius, who were under suspicion by him. And he proved this not only from his own ^D words, but also from the letter of Alexander, formerly bishop of Thessalonica. For he produced his letter written to Dionysius, the count at that synod, in which he indicates that a manifest conspiracy had taken place against Athanasius.

^A Indeed, he even produced a document written by the accuser Ischyras himself, in his own hand, in which, invoking God Almighty as witness, he declared that neither had a chalice been broken nor a table overturned, but that he had been suborned by certain persons to fabricate this accusation. When the presbyters of Mareotis arrived, they affirmed that Ischyras was neither a presbyter of the Catholic Church, nor had Macarius committed such a deed as he imputed to him. The presbyters and deacons who came here testified not a few, but many things in favor of Bishop Athanasius, affirming that nothing of what was alleged against him was true, but that a conspiracy had been forged against him. Moreover, all the bishops of Egypt and Libya, writing in their own letters, testified both that his ordination was free and ecclesiastical, and that all matters brought against him by you were false: for neither was there a murder, nor was anyone killed on his account, nor was a chalice broken, but all these things were lies.

^B And from the records of the inquiries that were made, in one part only, in Mareotis, Bishop Athanasius demonstrated that a certain catechumen had been examined and had said that he was inside with Ischyras at the time when they say Macarius, the presbyter of Athanasius, entered the place; and that others had been examined and one had said that Ischyras was lying in a small cell, and another that he was lying behind the door, sick at the time when they say Macarius arrived there. Now from these things which he said, we also consequently conclude: for how is it possible that he who was lying sick behind the door could then have been standing, celebrating the liturgy, and making the oblation? Or how could the oblation have been set out when catechumens were inside? For if the catechumens were inside, it was not yet the time for the oblation. These things, as was said, Bishop Athanasius stated, and he demonstrated them from the records themselves, while those who were with him also affirmed that he had never been a presbyter in the Catholic Church at all, nor had he ever been gathered in the Church as a presbyter; for not even when ^C Alexander, by the indulgence of the great synod, received those from the schism of Meletius with kindness, did they affirm that he was named by Meletius among the number of his presbyters; which is also the greatest proof that he was not even one of the Meletians. For if he had been, he would certainly have been numbered among them. Furthermore, Athanasius showed from those same records that Ischyras had lied in other matters as well: for having accused them regarding the burning of books, when, as they say, Macarius arrived, he was refuted by the very witnesses he himself had brought, and was convicted of falsehood.

29. Since these things were being said, and so many witnesses were standing in his favor, and he himself was bringing forward so many arguments for his innocence,

what, I ask, were we to do? Or what else did the ecclesiastical canon require, than that we should not condemn the man, but rather receive him and acknowledge him as a true bishop, just as we did? For in addition to all this, he remained here for one year and six months, awaiting your arrival or the arrival of those who wished to come; and by his presence he filled everyone with awe, as he would not have remained if he had not been confident in his cause. For he did not come of his own accord, but was summoned and had received letters from us, as we have written to you. And yet, after so much that we have done, you have blamed us as having acted against the canons. Consider, then, who they are that act against the canons: we, who after so many proofs have received the man, or they who from thirty-six stations away at Antioch named some stranger ^B as bishop, and sent him to Alexandria accompanied by military force? This, which did not happen even when he was relegated to Gaul—though it would certainly have happened at that time if he had really been convicted. In any case, upon his return he found the Church at rest and awaiting him.

30. But now I do not know how what has happened came to pass. First of all, if the truth must be told, when we had written that a synod should be held, it was not right that some should anticipate the judgment of the synod; and furthermore, it was not fitting that such an innovation should be made against the Church. For what ecclesiastical canon, or what apostolic tradition is there of such a kind that, while the Church is at peace and so many bishops are in agreement with the bishop of Alexandria, Athanasius, a Gregory should be sent—a stranger to the city, not baptized there, not known to most, not requested by the presbyters, nor by the bishops, nor by the people; but appointed ^C at Antioch and sent to Alexandria, not with the presbyters, nor with the deacons of the city, nor with the bishops of Egypt, but with soldiers? For this is what those who came here said and complained of. For even if Athanasius had been found guilty after the synod, it was not

it was not right that the appointment should be made so illegally and contrary to the ecclesiastical canon; rather, it should have been made within the Church itself, by the priesthood itself, and by the clergy themselves, by the bishops of the province, and not for the canons of the apostles to be violated now. For if such a thing had happened to one of you, would you not have cried out, would you not have demanded vindication, as ones whose canons had been violated? Beloved, we speak with truth as if God were present, and we declare: this is neither pious, nor legitimate, nor ecclesiastical. For the deeds committed by Gregory at his entry reveal the order of the appointment. For in these times of peace, as even those who came from Alexandria reported, and as the bishops also signified in their letters, the Church suffered fire, virgins were stripped, monks were trampled underfoot, presbyters and ^B many of the people were mangled and suffered violence, bishops were thrust into prison, and many were dragged about; and the holy mysteries, concerning which they accused the presbyter Macarius, were snatched away by heathens and cast upon the ground, in order that some might accept the appointment of Gregory; but such things show who they are that violate the canons. For if the appointment had been legitimate, he would not have compelled through lawlessness those who refused to obey him legitimately. And yet, with such things having occurred, you write that there was great peace at that time in Alexandria and in Egypt—unless perhaps the meaning of peace has changed, and you now call such things peace.

31. I also thought it necessary to point out to you that Athanasius maintained that Macarius had remained in Tyre under the custody of soldiers, and that the accuser alone had gone off with those who were setting out for the Mareotis, and that when the presbyters requested that they be allowed to be present at the inquiry, it was denied; and that the examination concerning the chalice and the table was held before the prefect and his cohort, with heathens and Jews also present. ^C This seemed at first glance incredible, had it not been demonstrated by the very records of the proceedings, which was a source of wonder to us, as I believe it must also be to you, beloved. For while the presbyters, who are the ministers of the mysteries, are not permitted to be present, the examination concerning the blood of Christ and the body of Christ takes place before an outside judge, in the presence of catechumens, and, which is the most shameful thing of all, ^D before heathens and Jews who are known for their hatred of Christianity. For if any crime at all had been committed, this matter ought to have been examined lawfully in the Church by the clergy, and not by heathens.

I trust that you and everyone else can perceive how great and of what sort this offense is. These are the things regarding Athanasius. ^A

32. Regarding Marcellus, seeing that you wrote concerning him as one who is impious towards Christ, I thought it necessary to signify to you that when he came here, he affirmed that the things written of him by you were false. Nevertheless, since we required him to explain his faith, he answered for himself with such confidence that it became clear to us that he professed nothing alien to the truth. For he confessed that he holds such pious sentiments regarding our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ as the Catholic Church itself holds; ^B and he affirmed that he held these views not only now, but has done so from long ago—as our own presbyters, who were present at the Council of Nicaea, confirmed by their testimony to his orthodoxy. For he affirmed that he held then, just as he does now, against the heresy of the Arians. Therefore, I wish you to be cautioned so that no one may receive such a heresy, but rather may loathe it as alien to sound doctrine. Since, therefore, he holds the right position and is testified to as being orthodox, what else were we to do regarding him, except to receive him as bishop, as we did, and not cast him out of our communion? ^C I write these things, not as one pleading their cause, but in order to assure you that we have received these men justly and canonically, and that you are stirring up strife in vain. It is right that you should strive and labor in every way so that acts done contrary to the canon may be corrected, and that the Churches may enjoy peace, so that the peace of the Lord which was given to us may remain, and the Churches may not be torn apart, lest the charge of being the authors of a schism be laid against you. For I confess to you that what has been done is an occasion not for peace, but for schism. ^D

33. For it is not only Athanasius and Marcellus who have come here as bishops, complaining that injustice has been done against them; but very many other bishops from Thrace, from Coelesyria, from Phoenicia, and from Palestine, and a not inconsiderable number of presbyters, and some others from Alexandria, and others from different parts, have met at the synod gathered here. Before all the bishops who have assembled, among other things which they stated, they complained that the Churches have suffered violence and injustice.

^A They protested that the same things as had occurred at Alexandria had also taken place in their own Churches and in others, and they affirmed this not just in word, but in actual deeds. Presbyters recently arrived from Egypt and Alexandria, bearing letters, lamented that many bishops and presbyters who wished to come to the synod had been prevented. They declared that, even after the departure of Bishop Athanasius and continuing to the present time, bishops—confessors at that—were being torn by scourges, while others were being held in prison; that aged prelates, who had passed many years in the episcopate, were being handed over to public service; and that almost all the clergy and people of the Catholic Church were being ambushed and enduring persecution. They reported that some bishops and certain of the brothers had been driven into exile for no other reason than to force them, even against their will, to communicate ^B with Gregory and the Arians with him. We also heard of no small number of similar events occurring in Ancyra of Galatia—indeed, the same deeds as those committed at Alexandria—reported both by others and by Marcellus, who confirmed it with his own testimony. Furthermore, such atrocious crimes were reported to me by those who arrived against some of you—I will not mention their names—that I was afraid to put them in writing; perhaps you may have learned of them from others. This was, in fact, the main reason I wrote to you, urging you to come here so that you might hear these things in person and that everything might be corrected and healed. Therefore, those summoned ought to have come more readily and not refused; otherwise, by not appearing, they would be suspected regarding what has been stated, as if they were unable to refute what has been written.

34. Since these things have been reported in this manner, and the Churches are so oppressed by grave evils and beset by snares—as those who brought these reports have affirmed—who are those who kindle the flame of discord? Are we, who grieve over such things and sympathize with our afflicted brothers, or are those who commit such crimes? For I marvel how, when there is such a great disturbance of affairs in every Church—the very cause for which those who arrived came here—you, nevertheless, write that harmony has been established in the Churches. Such things do not tend toward the edification of the Church, but toward its ruin; and those who rejoice in these things ^C are not sons of peace, but of disorder.

for our God is not a God of disorder, but of peace. ^A Therefore, as God and the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ knows, since I care for your reputation and desire that the Churches may not be in disorder, but may remain as they were regulated by the Apostles, I deemed it necessary to write these things to you, that you might at last shame those who, because of their mutual hatred, are reducing the Churches to this state. For I have heard that there are a few who are the authors of all these things. Strive, as having bowels of compassion, to correct, as I have said, what has been done against the canon, so that if any evil has been anticipated, it may be amended by your zeal. And do not write to me that I have chosen the communion of Marcellus and Athanasius rather than yours; for such things are not signs of peace, but of contention and hatred of the brethren. ^B For this reason, therefore, I have written the things aforementioned, that, having learned that we did not receive them unjustly, you may cease from such strife. For if, upon your arrival, they had been convicted, and if they appeared not to have reasonable proofs for their own defense, you would have been right to write such things; but since, as I said, we have joint communion with them canonically and not unjustly, I beseech you by Christ not to allow the members of Christ to be divided, nor to trust in preconceived rumors, but to prefer the peace of the Lord; for it is neither holy nor just, because of the pettiness of a few, to cast out those who have not been convicted and to grieve the Spirit in this. But if you think that you can prove anything against them, and convict them face to face, let those who so desire come. For they themselves have promised that they are ready ^C to both prove and refute those things which they have reported to us.

35. Inform us, therefore, beloved, about this, that we may write both to them and to the bishops who are to assemble here again; so that, with all present, those who are responsible may be convicted, and there may no longer be disorder in the Churches. For what has passed is enough; it is enough that, in the presence of bishops, bishops were banished. On which account there is no need to be long-winded, lest those who were present then should seem to be burdened. For if one must speak the truth, it ought not to have reached this point, nor should these petty grievances have gone so far. But suppose Athanasius and ^D Marcellus, as you write, were removed from their own sees; what, then, is one to say about others of the bishops and presbyters who, as I said, came here from different places? For they too testified that they had been snatched away and had suffered such things. O beloved! The judgments of the Church are no longer instituted according to the Gospel, but are now directed toward banishment and death.

^A If there was a fault in them, the judgment ought to have been rendered according to the ecclesiastical canon, and not in this way; for it was necessary to write to all of us, so that the just decision might be determined by all. For those suffering were bishops, and not just any churches that were suffering, but those which the apostles themselves had governed in person. Why then was nothing written to us specifically concerning the Church of the Alexandrians? Are you ignorant that this was the custom, that we should first be written to, and thus the just course be decided from here? If indeed any such suspicion fell upon the bishop of that place, it should have been written to this Church here. But now, without reporting the matter to us, and after doing what they willed, they desire that we, to whom these crimes have not been explored, should be their fellow-voters. Not so are the ordinances of Paul, not so have the fathers handed them down; this is another form, and the practice is novel. I entreat you, bear with me readily; for what I write contributes to the common good. For what we received from the blessed apostle Peter, these things I also declare to you; and I would not have written, thinking these things to be known to all, had not the events that occurred disturbed us. ^B Bishops are snatched away and sent into exile; others are brought in from elsewhere to take their places; and others are targeted by plots; so that the people grieve for those snatched away, and are forced to receive those who are sent in, so that they might not seek those they desired, and might reluctantly receive those whom they do not want. I ask you that such things be done no more; but rather write against those who contrive such things, so that the Churches may no longer suffer such things, and that no bishop or presbyter may suffer insult, or be forced to do something against his own will, as has been reported to us, so that we may not incur mockery among the heathens, and above all, that we may not provoke God to anger. For each of us will render an account in the day of judgment concerning what he has done here. May all think according to God, so that the Churches, having received back their own bishops, may rejoice forever in Christ Jesus our Lord, through whom be glory to the Father for ever and ever. Amen. I pray that you be well in the Lord, most beloved and most desired brothers.

37. After the synod gathered in Rome had written through Julius, the Roman bishop, since the Eusebians were again behaving impudently, disturbing the Churches and preparing snares for many, the most religious emperors Constantius and Constans, having been informed of these things, ordered the bishops of the West and the East to assemble in the city of Sardica. Meanwhile Eusebius met his death. ^D Furthermore, as very many were gathering from everywhere [the account continues on the next page].

associates of Eusebius to judgment. But they, having their own wicked deeds before their eyes, and seeing their accusers who had arrived, were afraid of the judgment. For although all had come together quite clearly, they again brought with them counts 20, Musonianus and Hesychius the Castrensian, so that, as they were accustomed, they might accomplish what they wished through their power. But since the synod was held without counts, and no soldier was present in the midst, they were disturbed, being struck by their own conscience. For they were no longer judged according to their own desire, but as the reason of truth required. Therefore, while we called them repeatedly, and the synod of bishops called them ^B and said: "You have come to be judged; why then, having come, do you shrink away? For you ought either not to have come, or, having come, not to hide; for this brings upon you the greatest condemnation. Behold, Athanasius and his companions are present, whom you slandered while they were absent, so that if you think you have any valid case 23, you might refute them face to face; but if you cannot, and yet pretend that you do not wish to, you are clearly informers, and the synod will pass this judgment upon you." Hearing these things, and condemning themselves (for they knew what they had done and what they had fabricated against us), they were ashamed to appear, having proven their own slander to be great and unseemly. Therefore the holy synod, observing their unseemly and suspicious flight, admitted us to our defense. But when we had narrated through witnesses and proofs the things done against us, they were amazed; and all perceived that for this reason they had reasonably feared the synod, so that they might not be convicted in person. And they said: ^C "Perhaps they came from the East thinking that Athanasius and his friends would not arrive; since, seeing them confident and calling for judgment, they take to flight." We, therefore, they received as having been wronged and falsely accused, and they confirmed all the more our communion and love 24. But those who had become associates and even more shameless agents of the mischief of Eusebius they deposed: Theodore from Heraclea, Narcissus from Neronias 25, Acacius from Caesarea, Stephen from Antioch, Ursacius and Valens from Pannonia, Menophantus from Ephesus, and George from Laodicea. And they wrote to the bishops everywhere in the world, and to the parish 26 of each of those who had been wronged, these things:

LETTER OF THE SYNOD CONVENED AT SARDICA

THE HOLY SYNOD, by the grace of God convened at Sardica, from Rome, and from Spain, the Gauls, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, the Pannonias, the Mysias, Dacia, Noricum, Siscia, Dardania, the other Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, Epirus, Thrace and Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete, and Egypt, to the presbyters and deacons and to the entire holy Church of God residing in Alexandria, beloved brothers in the Lord, greeting.

37. ^A And even before we received the letters of your piety, it was not unknown to us, but indeed manifest, that the sponsors of the ill-omened heresy of the Arians were plotting many and grievous things, directed rather to the ruin of their own souls than against the Church. For this was their artifice and craftiness, and they have always maintained this deadly intention: to endeavor to drive out and persecute all who everywhere hold the orthodox faith and keep the doctrine of the Catholic Church, which was handed down to them by the Fathers. For some they burdened with fabricated accusations, others they sent into exile, and others they destroyed in the very punishments ^B they inflicted. Assuredly, they also strove to seize the integrity of our brother and fellow-bishop Athanasius by force and tyranny; and for this reason the judgment by those men was neither diligent, nor in accord with faith, nor in any way just. Wherefore, not even trusting in the fables they had concocted, nor in the rumors they had spread abroad about him—nay, rather, perceiving that they could produce no true proofs of these matters—although they were in the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to come to the synod of all the holy bishops. And from this, the equity of the judgment ^C of our brother and fellow-bishop Julius has clearly appeared; for he did not decide with rash counsel, but gave his opinion with due accuracy, so that there is nothing left to doubt concerning the communion of our brother Athanasius, inasmuch as he had eighty bishops as truthful witnesses for his cause. Regarding him, it was also acted upon with equity that, through our beloved brothers his presbyters, and through his letters, he wisely eluded the Eusebians, who relied not on judgment but on force. Therefore, all bishops everywhere have made the communion of Athanasius firm and established, as that of an innocent man. ^D Your love should also observe this: that when he had arrived at the holy synod convened at Sardica, then, as we have said above, the Eastern bishops were summoned and called by us, both by written letters and by unwritten mandates, that they might present themselves for judgment. But they, by their own self-condemning conscience, began to use base evasions to shirk the judgment. For they demanded that we cast out the innocent as if he were a criminal from our communion, not heedin

^Ag that this was unbecoming, or rather, impossible. Moreover, the records compiled in the Mareotis by certain most wicked and depraved youths, to whom no one would have entrusted even the lowest rank of the clergy, were established to have been executed in a one-sided manner. For neither our brother, Bishop Athanasius, nor Macarius the presbyter, who was accused by them, were present. And indeed, the questioning conducted by them—or rather, the subornation—was full of all manner of shame; for Gentiles and even catechumens were interrogated, not so that they might speak what they knew, but so that they might falsely utter what they had learned from them. For although you, the presbyters, who were attending to the matter in the absence of your bishop, desired to be present at the examination to reveal the truth and refute the lies, no account was taken of you; for they did not permit you to be present, but even cast you out with insult. And although their calumny is rendered manifest to all from these facts, yet, when those records were read, we found that the most wicked Ischyras himself—who, for the sake of the reward of his calumny, was gifted by them with the empty name of bishop—confuted his own calumny. For Ischyras himself, in those very records, related that at the hour when he affirmed that Macarius had come into his cell, he himself was lying sick; although, on the contrary, the Eusebians dared to write that Ischyras, when Macarius arrived, was standing and offering the oblation.

38. Furthermore, the sycophancy and slander which they concocted afterwards is manifest to all. ^B For they said and proclaimed with great clamor that Athanasius had committed murder, and that he had slain a certain Meletian bishop named Arsenius, a matter which they deplored with feigned groaning and false tears, demanding that the body of the living man be delivered to them as if he were dead. But the craftiness of these men did not go unnoticed. For all understood that the man was alive and was numbered among the living; and since those men, who were ready for every crime, saw themselves convicted of their lie (for Arsenius himself, being alive, showed himself not to have been slain nor to have died), they did not rest, but sought to add other calumnies to the former, so that by using any machinery they might again slander the man. What then, beloved? Our brother Athanasius was not troubled, but again, using great boldness, he challenged them; and we also requested and exhorted them to present themselves for judgment and, if they were able, to prove the man guilty. O great arrogance! O immense pride! Or rather, if the truth must be spoken, O wicked and self-condemning conscience! This has been made clear to all.

^A Wherefore, beloved brethren, we remind and exhort you above all to hold fast to the correct faith of the Catholic Church. For you have indeed suffered many things, both grievous and severe, and the Catholic Church has endured many insults and injustices; but he who has persevered to the end, he shall be saved. Therefore, even if they dare to act again against you, let that tribulation be to you instead of joy; for such sufferings are part of martyrdom, and such confessions of yours and torments shall not go unrewarded, but you shall receive the prizes from God. For you struggle most on behalf of the sound faith and the purity of your bishop, Athanasius, our fellow-minister. For we have not remained silent, ^B nor have we neglected what was conducive to your security; but we have taken care and have done what the principle of charity demands. For we suffer with our afflicted brethren, and we consider their sufferings to be our own.

39. Therefore, we have approached and entreated the most pious and God-loving Emperors, so that their humanity might order that those who are still burdened and oppressed be released, and that they might command none of the judges—whose duty it is to concern themselves only with public affairs—neither to judge clerics nor, on the pretext of Church matters, in any way to attempt anything further against the brethren; but that each may live, without persecution or violence or fraud, according to their own vow and will, and with quietness and peace may follow the Catholic and apostolic faith. Gregory, however, who is said to have been ordained contrary to law and right by the heretics ^C and sent by them into your city—let your unanimity also know this: that he was deposed by the judgment of the entire holy synod, even though he was never at all held to be a bishop. Joyfully, therefore, receive your bishop Athanasius who is returning; for that is why we have dismissed him with peace. Wherefore, we also exhort all those who, whether through fear or deceived by the guile of certain men, have communicated with Gregory, that now, being admonished and stirred up and persuaded by us, they may desist from his detestable communion, and henceforth attach themselves to the Catholic Church. ^D

^A and Athanasius, son of Capiton, and Paul, and Plution, our fellow presbyters, have also suffered a conspiracy at the hands of those around Eusebius, so that some were tried by exile, while others fled from threats of death. For this reason, we have thought it necessary to declare this to you, and we have acquitted them, knowing that everything done by the faction of Eusebius was a conspiracy against them. It was indeed fitting ^B for your bishop, our fellow minister Athanasius, to inform you about them as his own people, but because he desired that for the sake of stronger testimony the holy synod itself should write to you, we have not delayed, but have been eager to signify these things to you, that even as we have, you also may receive them; for they are worthy of praise, in that they too were deemed worthy to suffer insult from heretics on account of their piety toward Christ. As to what has been decreed by the holy synod against the leaders of the Arian heresy, who have treated you and other Churches with outrage, you shall know from what is appended below; for we have sent it to you so that you might also know from these things that the Catholic Church does not overlook those who commit offenses against her.

THE HOLY SYNOD

^C 41. Before we received the letters of your piety, it was not unknown to us, but indeed evident, that the leaders of the detestable Arian heresy were plotting many and terrible things, directed rather to the destruction of their own souls than against the Church. For this was their art and cunning, and they have always been of this deadly intent, to endeavor to drive out and persecute all who everywhere hold to the right faith and possess the teaching of the Catholic Church delivered to them by the Fathers. For some they subjected to fictitious charges, others they sent into exile, others they exhausted with the torments themselves. Indeed, even regarding our brother ^D

^A Athanasius, they were eager to lay hands upon his purity through violence and tyranny. Consequently, the judgment given by them was neither faithful nor righteous at all. Hence, they did not even have confidence in the things they had fabricated, nor in the rumors they spread about him, but, seeing that they could not provide true proofs of these matters, although they were in the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to attend the synod of all the holy bishops. From this, the fairness and justice of the judgment of our brother and fellow-bishop Julius have become manifest; for he did not decide without careful consideration, but determined with due diligence that not even a shadow of doubt should remain regarding the communion of our brother Athanasius. For he had eighty bishops as truthful witnesses; and he also had this point of justice, that through our beloved brothers, his presbyters, and through his letters, he wisely thwarted the Eusebians, who were relying not on judgment, but rather on violence. ^B Therefore, all the bishops everywhere have confirmed the communion of Athanasius, because of his purity. And let your love observe this as well: since he arrived at the holy synod gathered in Sardica, then, as we said before, the Easterns were both by written letters and by unwritten instructions summoned and called by us, so that they might present themselves for judgment. But they, being condemned by their own conscience, and using shameful evasions, began to flee from the judgment. For they demanded that the innocent man be cast out of our communion as if he were guilty, failing to observe how indecent, or rather, how impossible that was. And as for the records made in the Mareotis by certain most wicked and depraved youngsters, to whom no one would have entrusted even the smallest grade of the clergy—it is evident that they were fabricated ^C ex parte, for neither our brother Athanasius the bishop, nor the presbyter Macarius who was accused by them, was present there. And otherwise, their inquiry, or rather their fraudulent subjection, was full of every vileness; for both pagans and catechumens were questioned, not so that they might speak what they knew, but so that they might falsely state what they had learned from them. Indeed, no account was taken of your presbyters, who, in the absence of the bishop, were in charge of the matter and wished to be present at the examination, to show the truth and refute the lies; for they did not allow you to be present, but even cast you out with abuse. And although their sycophancy is abundantly manifest to all from these things, yet, as those records were being read, we found the most wicked Ischyras himself—who was gifted by them with the empty name of episcopacy as a reward for his ^D sycophancy—convicting himself of his own sycophancy. For Ischyras himself stated in those very records that, at the hour when he affirmed Macarius had come into his cell, he himself was lying ill; although, on the contrary, the Eusebians dared to write that Ischyras was standing and performing the offering when Macarius arrived.

42. Moreover, that sycophancy and slander, which they alleged afterwards, has been made manifest to all. For they said, and affirmed with loud outcries, that Athanasius had committed murder, and that a certain Arsenius, a Meletian bishop,

^A had been slain; and with this assumed groaning and feigned tears they acted their part, and demanded that the body of the living man be delivered up to them as though he were dead. But their craftiness did not remain unknown; for it became clear to all that the man was alive, and that he was numbered among the living. And when those men, ever ready for any wickedness, perceived that they were convicted of lying—for Arsenius himself, while still alive, made it manifest that he had neither been slain nor had died—they nevertheless did not remain quiet, but sought for other calumnies to add to their previous slanders, so that once more, by contriving some plot, they might falsely accuse the man. What then, beloved? Our brother Athanasius was not struck with fear, but again, using great boldness, he challenged them on these very matters. We also have requested and urged them to come to trial, and if they are able, to prove their charge. O the great greed! O the terrible arrogance! Or rather, if one must speak the truth, O the evil and guilty conscience! For this has been made manifest to all. Wherefore, beloved brethren, we remind and urge you, before all things, to hold fast the correct faith of the Catholic Church. For you have suffered many, and grievous, and severe things, and the Catholic Church has endured many insults and injustices; but he that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved. Therefore, even if they should still dare to act against you, let that tribulation be to you instead of joy; for such sufferings are a part of martyrdom, and such confessions of yours and these torments will not be without reward, but you shall receive the prizes of the contest from God. For you are struggling above all for the sound faith and the purity of your bishop, Athanasius, our fellow-minister. And indeed, we ourselves have not kept silence, nor have we neglected what concerns your peace of mind; but we have cared for and done those things which the principle of love requires. For we suffer with our afflicted brethren, and we count their sufferings as our own, and we have mingled our tears with your tears. You are not the only ones who have suffered, brethren, but many others of our fellow-ministers, when they came here, lamented these things.

43. Therefore, we have also approached the most pious and God-beloved emperors, ^B [43.] praying that their humanity might command that those who are still being vexed and oppressed be given relief, and that they night command that no judge—whose duty it is to care only for public matters—should judge the clergy, or in any way for the future, under the pretext of caring for the Churches, attempt anything against the brethren; but rather that each one, without any persecution, without any force or greed, might live as he prays and wishes, and with quiet and peace follow the Catholic and Apostolic faith. Moreover, your unanimity ought to be aware ^D of this: that Gregory, who is said to have been illegitimately ordained by the heretics, and sent by them into your city—know this, even this for your unanimity: that by the judgment of the holy synod he has been condemned and deposed; even though in reality

he was never considered as having been a bishop at all. Therefore, rejoice in receiving back your own bishop, Athanasius; for it is for this reason that we have dismissed him with peace. Hence we also exhort all those who, whether through fear or trapped by the deceit of certain men, have communicated with Gregory, that now, being admonished, urged, and persuaded by us, they should cease from that abominable communion with him and henceforth join themselves to the Catholic Church. As for what has been decreed by the holy synod against Theodorus, Narcissus, Stephanus, Acacius, Menophantus, Ursacius, Valens, and Georgius, the leaders of the Arian heresy who have raged both against you and against other Churches, you shall know from what is subjoined. We have sent this to you so that your holiness may concur with what we have decided, and that from this you may know that the Catholic Church does not overlook those who offend against her.

THE HOLY SYNOD

44. Many things have the Ariomanites frequently dared to perpetrate against the servants of God who hold fast to the right faith; for while they were introducing a spurious doctrine, they have attempted to cast out the orthodox. And they rose up against the faith with such force that this did not escape even the piety of the most religious emperors. Therefore, with the grace of God cooperating, the most religious emperors themselves gathered us together from various provinces and cities and granted that this holy synod should be held in the city of Sardica, so that every discord might be removed, and all evil belief being driven out, only the piety toward Christ might be preserved by all. For indeed, the bishops from the East also came, urged by the most pious emperors—[those sent] from Rome and Spain, and Gaul, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Africa, Sardinia, Pannonia, Mysia, Dacia, Dardania, another Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, the Epiruses, Thrace, Rhodope, Asia, Caria, Bithynia, Hellespontus, Phrygia, Pisidia, Cappadocia, Pontus, another Phrygia, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lydia, the Cyclades islands, Egypt, Thebais, Libya, Galatia, Palestine, Arabia—to the bishops and fellow-ministers everywhere of the Catholic and Apostolic Church.

^A most pious emperors, especially concerning what they have often gossiped about our beloved brothers and fellow-ministers, Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, and Marcellus, bishop of Ancyrogalatia. For perhaps their slanders have also reached you, and perhaps they have attempted to unsettle your ears, so that you might believe what they say against the innocent, and meanwhile conceal the suspicion of their own wicked heresy. But they were not permitted to do this for long. For the Lord, who presides over the Churches, is the One who endured death for them and for all of us, and through Himself has granted to all of us the ascent to heaven.

When, therefore, those around Eusebius had long ago written to Julius, our fellow-minister and bishop of the Church of the Romans, against our aforementioned fellow-ministers, we mean Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, bishops ^B from other regions also wrote, testifying to the purity of our fellow-minister Athanasius, and declaring that the actions of those around Eusebius were nothing but full of lies and slanders; and even if their slander was made manifest to all—principally from the fact that, although called by our beloved fellow-minister Julius, they did not appear, and from what was written by Julius himself—for they would have come, if they had had confidence in what they had done and perpetrated against our fellow-ministers; nevertheless, they demonstrated their own conspiracy to be even more manifest by what they did at this holy and great synod. For having arrived at the city of Sardica, ^C and having seen our brothers Athanasius, Marcellus, Asclepas, and the rest, they were afraid to come to judgment. And not once, nor twice, but many times were they called, and they did not obey the summons; even though all of us bishops had come together, and especially the most aged Hosius, who is worthy of all reverence for his years, his confession, and the great labor he has endured. While we were waiting and urging them to enter into the trial, in order that they might prove the very things that they had gossiped and written against our fellow-ministers while they were absent, ^D they, although often called, by no means approached, as we said above, and hence they betrayed their own slander: indeed, by their very refusal, they all but proclaimed their own deceits and machinations. For as for those who have...

^A confidence in what they say, they are able to stand face to face with their opponents. But since they did not appear, we think that from now on no one is ignorant, even if they wish to act maliciously again, that, having nothing to prove against our fellow-ministers, they slander them while they are absent, but flee from them when they are present.

45. For they fled, beloved brethren, not only ^A because of the slander against them, but also because they saw present those who were accusing them of various crimes. For there were chains and iron brought forward; there were men appearing who had returned from exile. And from those who were still detained in exile, some of our fellow-ministers were sent, who were their kinsmen; likewise, there came friends of certain ones who had been killed at their instigation. And what is most grave, there were bishops present, one of whom brought forward the iron and the chains with ^B which he had been burdened by them: others testified to the deaths brought about by their slander. For they had arrived at such a degree of madness that they attempted to kill even bishops, and would indeed have killed them, had they not escaped their hands. Our fellow-minister of blessed memory, Theodulus, certainly died while fleeing their slander, for he had been sentenced to death ^C on the basis of their calumny. Others showed wounds inflicted by swords: others lamented that they had suffered famine by their doing. And of these deeds not ordinary men were witnesses, but entire Churches, regarding which those who came as delegates informed us, telling of soldiers armed with swords, of mobs carrying clubs, of the threats of judges, and of the substitution of forged letters. For letters were read, forged by those around Theognius against our fellow-ministers ^D Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, so that they might incite the emperors against them; and their forgery was exposed by those who were at that time the deacons of Theognius. To these must be added the stripping of virgins, the burning of churches, and the imprisonment of ministers: and all these things were done for no other reason than for the ill-famed heresy of the Arianomaniacs; for...

those who refused communion with them were compelled to experience these things. ^A Observing these things, they were in a tight spot regarding their own resolution; for they were ashamed to confess what they had perpetrated. But because they could no longer hide these things, they appeared in the city of Sardica, intending, by their arrival, to appear to have departed [from their previous ways] with the assumption that they had not committed any offense. But when they saw those who had been slandered by them, those who had suffered at their hands, the accusers, and having the proofs before their eyes, they did not wish to come even when called, although our fellow ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas were using great boldness, lamenting, pressing them, and challenging ^B them, and promising not only to refute the slander, but also to show how many things they had offended against their own Churches. But they were seized by such fear of conscience that they fled, and by their flight, they refuted their own slander, and confessed what they had offended by their escape.

46. Therefore, even if it is very clear not only from previous events but also from these that their malice and slander are manifest, nevertheless, so that they might not be able to snatch an occasion for some other mischief from their flight, we thought it right to examine according to the word of truth the things that had been dramatized by them. And having set this before ourselves, we found them to be slanderers even from the things that had been done, and that they had done nothing other than to contrive a plot against our fellow ministers. For to say that Arsenius, who they claimed had been murdered by Athanasius, ^C is still surviving and is numbered among the living—and from this, it is clear that everything else rumored by them appears to be fabrications. And since they were also whispering about a chalice broken by Macarius the presbyter of Athanasius, those who arrived from Alexandria, and Mareotis, and the other places testified that nothing of the sort had been committed. Furthermore, the bishops of Egypt, writing to our fellow minister Julius, bore witness that not even a suspicion of this matter had existed there. And yet, the records which they claim to have against him were constructed by one-sided testimony. And yet, even in these records, ^D heathens and catechumens were questioned; from whom one catechumen, being questioned, said he was inside when

^A Macarius arrived at the place. And another, being asked, said that Ischyras, who is spoken of by them, was sick at that time and lying in his cell; so that it is clearly manifest from this that no mystery at all had been performed, since the catechumens were inside, and Ischyras was not present, but was lying sick. Indeed, that scoundrel Ischyras himself, having lied in saying that Athanasius had burned one of the holy books, and having been convicted of this, confessed that he was sick at that time when Macarius was present, and was lying down, so that from this fact also he must truly be held to be a slanderer. Certainly, as a reward for this calumny, they gave to this Ischyras the title of bishop, though he was not even a presbyter. For two presbyters who had once been followers of Meletius, but were later received by the blessed Alexander of happy memory, ^B who was bishop of Alexandria, and who now are with Athanasius, came here and testified that he had never been a presbyter of Meletius, nor had Meletius ever had a church or a minister in the Mareotis. Nevertheless, they produced him, who was not a presbyter, now as a bishop, so that by using this title, they might strike the hearers with their slander.

47. The book of our fellow-minister Marcellus was also read, and the deceitful craftiness of the Eusebians was detected. For they slandered the things which Marcellus had said by way of questioning as if they had been stated categorically. Therefore, when the subsequent parts and those things which were placed before those questions were read, the man's faith was found to be orthodox. For he neither attributed a beginning to the Word of God from the holy Mary, as they asserted, nor did he write that His kingdom ^C would have an end; but he had written that His kingdom is without beginning and without end. Asclepas, our fellow-minister, also brought forward documents made at Antioch, in the presence of the accusers and of Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, and from the decisions of the bishops who judged him, he demonstrated himself to be innocent. Therefore, not without cause, beloved brethren, being called often, they did not obey, but took counsel for themselves in flight. For driven by their conscience, by their flight they confirmed that they had indeed fabricated slanders, and caused belief to be placed in the things which their accusers, when present, alleged and demonstrated. Nay more, over and above all these things, they not only received those who had previously ^D been condemned and cast out for the heresy of Arius, but even promoted them to a higher rank, deacons to the presbyterate, and from presbyterate to episcopate, for no other reason than that they might, by spreading and extending their impiety...

corrupt the holy faith.

48. The ringleaders among them, after Eusebius, are Theodore of Heraclea, Narcissus of Neronias in Cilicia, Stephen of Antioch, George of Laodicea, Acacius ^A of Caesarea in Palestine, Menophantus of Ephesus in Asia, Ursacius of Singidunum in Mysia, and Valens of Mursa in Pannonia. For these men would not permit those who had come with them from the East to approach the holy synod, nor in any way to resort to the Church of God. And when they came to Sardica, they held private synods in various places, and entered into compacts with threats, so that when they arrived at Sardica, they might not present themselves for judgment at all, nor join with the holy synod ^B in one place; but having merely manifested their arrival, they might make a swift escape. For we have been able to learn these things from our fellow-ministers Macarius, a bishop in Palestine, and Asterius from Arabia, who, after having come with them, withdrew from their infidelity. For these men, when they reached the holy synod, complained of the violence they had suffered, and said that nothing was being done by them rightly or sincerely. They added, moreover, that there were many with them who were true believers, who were being hindered by them from coming here; for they terrified with threats those who wished to leave them. Therefore, they took pains to see that all remained in one house, and did not permit them to spend even the least amount of time apart.

49. Since, therefore, it was not right to pass over their sycophancies ^C in silence, nor to leave untold their bonds, murders, blows, conspiracies plotted through forged letters, injuries, the stripping of virgins, exiles, the destruction of churches, acts of arson, the transfers from smaller cities to larger dioceses, and, above all, the ill-omened Arian heresy which rose up against the true faith through their instigation; for this reason, we have declared our beloved brothers and fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, and those who serve the Lord with them, to be innocent and pure; and ^D we have sent letters to each diocese, so that the people of every church may acknowledge the innocence of their own bishop, and may regard him as their bishop and await his return. As for those who, like wolves...

have invaded their churches—Gregory of Alexandria, Basil of Ancyra, and Quintianus 88 of Gaza—you must not even call them bishops, nor have any communion with them at all, nor receive any letters from them, nor write to them. As for those around Theodorus 89, Narcissus, Acacius, Stephanus, Ursacius, Valens, and Menophantus, and indeed Georgius—even though he, through fear, did not travel here from the Orient—nevertheless, because he was deposed by Alexander of blessed memory, and because both he and these others are followers of the madness of Arius, and because of the crimes brought against them, the holy synod has unanimously deposed them from the episcopate. ^B And we have decided not only that they are not to be bishops, but that they are not to be counted worthy of communion with the faithful. For it is right that those who divide the Son and alienate the Word from His Father should be separated from the Catholic Church and considered unworthy of the name of Christians. Therefore, let them be anathema to you, because they have corrupted the word of truth; for it is an apostolic commandment: If anyone preaches to you a gospel other than that which you have received, let him be anathema 81. You must command no one to communicate with them, for there is no communion of light with darkness; drive all these 91 far away, for there is no harmony of Christ with Belial. ^C And take heed, beloved, neither to write to them nor to accept letters from them. Rather, strive even more, brothers and fellow ministers, as if you were present in spirit 92 at our synod, to add your own vote by your own subscription, so that harmony may be preserved by all our fellow ministers everywhere. May Divine Providence keep you sanctified and joyful, beloved brothers. I, Hosius the bishop, have subscribed, and so have all others. The Council of Sardica sent this its rescript to those who had no opportunity to attend, who also themselves approved the decrees of the synod by their own votes. The names of those who subscribed in the synod and of the other bishops are these:

^A

50. Hosius from Spain, Julius of Rome by Archidamus and Philoxenus presbyters, Protogenes of Sardica, Gaudentius, Macedonius, Severus, Praetextatus, Ursicius, Lucillus, Eugenius, Vitalius, Calepodius, Florentius, Bassus, Vincentius, Stercorius, Palladius, Domitianus, Chalvis, Gerontius, Protasius, Eulogus, Porphyrius, Dioscorus, Zosimus, Januarius, Zosimus, Alexander, Eutychius, Socrates, Diodorus, Martyrius, Eutherius, Eucar- pus, Athenodorus, Irenæus, Julianus, Alypius, Jonas, Aetius, Restitutus, Marcellinus, Aprianus, Vitalius, Valens, Hermogenes, Castus, Domitianus, Fortunatius, Marcus, Annianus, Heliodorus, Musæus, Asterius, Paregorius, Plutarchus, Hymenæus, Athanasius, Lucius, Amantius, Arius, Asclepius, Dionysius, Maximus, Tryphon, Alexander, Antigonus, ^B Ælianus, Petrus, Symphorus, Musonius, Eutychus, Philologius, Spudasius, Zosimus, Patricius, Adolius, Sapricius;

Galliæ, Maximianus, Verissimus, Victurus, Valentinus, Desiderius, Eulogius, Sarbatius, Dyscolius, Superior, Mercurius, Declopetus, Eusebius, Severinus, Satyrus, Martinus, Paulus, Optatianus, Nicasius, Victor, Sempronius, Valerinus, Pacatus, Jesses, Ariston, Simplicius, Metianus, Amantus, Amillianus, Justinianus, Victorinus, Saturnilus, Abundantius, Donatianus, Maximus;

Africæ, Nessus, Gratus, Megasius, Coldæus, Rogatianus, Consortius, Rufinus, Manninus, Cessilianus, Herennianus, Marianus, Valerius, Dynamius, Mizonius, Justus, Celestinus, Cyprianus, Victor, ^C Honoratus, Marinus, Pantagathus, Felix, Baudius, Liber, Capito, Minervalis, Cosmus, Victor, Hesperio, Felix, Severianus, Optantius, Hesperus, Fidentius, Salustius, Paschasius;

Ægypti, Liburnius, Amantius, Felix, Ischyrammon, Romulus, Tiberinus, Consortius, Heraclides, Fortunatius, Dioscorus, Fortunatianus, Bastamon,

Datyllus, Andreas, Serenus, Arius, Theodorus, Evagoras, Helias, Timotheus, Orion, Andronicus, Paphnutius, Hermias, Arabion, Psenosiris, Apollonius, Muis, Sarapampon, Philon, Philippus, Apollonius, Paphnutius, Paulus, Dioscorus, Nilammon, Serenus, Aquila, Aotas, Harpocration, Isac, Theodorus, Apollos, Ammonianus, Nilus, Heraclius, Arion, Athas, Arsenius, Agathammon, Theon, Apollonius, Helias, Paninuthius, Andragathius, Nemesion, Serapion, Ammonius, Ammonius, Xenon, Gerontius, Quintus, Leonides, Sempronianus, Philon, Heraclides, Hieracys, Rufus, Pasophius, Macedonius, Apollodorus, Flavianus, Psaes, Syrus, Apphus, Serapion, Isaias, Paphnutius, Timotheus, Elurion, Gaius, Musæus, Pistus, Heraclammon, Hero, Helias, Anagamphus, Apollonius, Gaius, Philotas, Paulus, Tithoes, Eudæmon, Julius; ^B In Canali Italiæ, Probatius, Viator, Facundinus, Joseph, Numedius, Sperantius, Severus, Heraclianus, Gastinus, Antoninus, Heraclius, Vitalius, Felix, Crispinus, Paulianus; ^C Cypri, Auxibius, Photius, Gerasius, Aphrodisius, Irenicus, Nunechius, Athanasius, Macedonius, Triphyllius, Spyridon, Norbanus, Sosicrates; Palestinæ, Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodosius, Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Claudius, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Petrus.

134. These, then, are those who subscribed to the decrees of the synod. And there are many others extant who wrote on our behalf even before this synod, from Asia, and Phrygia, and Isauria, and their names are in their own letters; but there are others very many who also wrote on our behalf before this synod, from— ^D These are they who subscribed; but there are very many others who also wrote on our behalf before this synod.

From Asia and Phrygia and Isauria, whose names are carried about in their own letters—nearly sixty-three; in all, three hundred and forty-four.

51. ^A Since the most God-beloved Emperor Constantius had become more certain of these things, he sent for us, and wrote letters to his brother of blessed memory, Constans, and also wrote to us once, and a second, and a third time, in these words:

CONSTANTIUS VICTOR AUGUSTUS TO ATHANASIUS.

Our clemency’s humanity has not permitted you to be tossed and buffeted for too long by the savage waves of the sea; ^B indeed, our tireless piety has not disregarded you, stripped of your ancestral home, despoiled of your own possessions, and wandering in the untrodden haunts of wild beasts. And although for a long time I delayed signifying my intention to you by letter, expecting that you would come to us of your own accord and ask for a remedy for your hardships; yet, because perhaps fear was a hindrance to your fulfilling your intention, I have therefore sent letters most full of our munificence to your steadfastness, so that, without fear, you may hasten to present yourself before our presence as quickly as possible, ^C whereby, having obtained the object of your wish and experienced our humanity, you may be restored to your own. For this very reason, I also requested my lord and brother, Constans Victor Augustus, on your behalf, that he might give you the authority to come, so that by the nod of us both you might be restored to your country, and secure this pledge of our grace.

Letter the second.

Although we signified in our former letters that you should come to our court without fear—for we desire above all things to send you back to your own possessions—yet now, too, we have given these letters to your steadfastness, by which we exhort you, without any distrust or fear, to board public carriages and hasten to us, ^D so that you may be able to enjoy what you desire.

Letter the third.

When we were staying in Edessa, in the presence of your presbyters, it was decided that, having sent a presbyter to you, [he might lead you] to our

hasten to our court, so that, having seen our face, you might travel at once to Alexandria. But because a great deal of time has passed since you received our letter and did not arrive, for this reason we have made haste to remind you now, ^A so that you may also hasten to make your coming to us swift, and thus be able to be restored to your homeland and attain your desire. For a more complete account, we have sent the deacon Achitas, from whom you will be able to learn the intention of our mind and that you can attain the things you desire.”

The emperor, then, wrote such things. But I, upon receiving them, went up to Rome to take leave of the Church and the bishop; for I was staying at Aquileia at the time when these things were written. Then the Roman Church was filled with great joy; and the bishop Julius, congratulating us on our return, wrote to the Church. And as we passed through, the bishops in succession sent us on our way in peace. And these are the things that were written. ^B

JULIUS To the presbyters, and deacons, and the people dwelling in Alexandria.

52. I congratulate you, beloved brothers, because you finally see the fruit of your faith before your eyes; for it is indeed manifest to everyone that this is truly the case regarding my brother and fellow bishop Athanasius, whom God restores to you on account of the purity of his life and your prayers. From this, indeed, it is possible to perceive that you have always offered to God prayers that are pure and full of love. ^C For, being mindful of the heavenly promises and of the discipline leading to them, in which you were instructed through the teaching of my aforementioned brother, you have truly known and, according to the upright faith that you possess, grasped that he would not be permanently separated from you, he whom you have always held in your most pious souls as if he were present. Therefore, there is no need for many words from me as I write to you. For whatever might be said to you by me, that your faith has anticipated, and through the grace of God it has fulfilled the desire of us all. I congratulate you, therefore—for I love to repeat it—because you have kept your souls unconquered in the faith. And ^D I no less congratulate my brother Athanasius himself, because, although he has suffered many hardships, yet not for one hour

has he been unmindful of your love and your longing. For even if he seemed to be withdrawn from you for a time in the body, yet in spirit he has continually lived with you. ^A

53. He returns, therefore, to you now more glorious than when he departed from you. For if fire tests the purity of precious materials, gold, that is, and silver, what could anyone say, in keeping with the dignity of such a man, who, having overcome the dangers of so many afflictions, is restored to you innocent, having been declared so not only by us, but also by the whole synod? Receive him, therefore, beloved brothers, with all the glory and joy that is in accordance with God, your bishop Athanasius, together with those who have become companions to him in so many labors; and rejoice, having obtained your prayers, you who have nurtured and watered with saving scriptures your shepherd, who, if I may so put it, longs for and thirsts after your piety. For you have been a comfort to him during his sojourn in a foreign land, and you have warmed him, even while he was being persecuted, with your most faithful souls and minds. As for me, it already brings me joy to contemplate and foresee in my mind the joy of each of you at his return, and the most pious gatherings of the multitude, and the glorious celebration of those who flock together. ^B And what and how great that day will be for you, when my brother returns, and the former things cease, and the most precious and longed-for return brings everyone together into a kind of joy most full of gladness! Such joy reaches even to us in great measure, if it is established that this also is granted by God, so that we were able to come to the knowledge of such a man. It is good, therefore, to conclude the letter with a prayer. May God the Almighty, and his Son, our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, grant you his perpetual grace, giving as a reward for your wonderful faith, which you showed by your glorious testimony concerning your bishop; so that he may bestow upon you and those with you here ^C and in the world to come the better things, which eye

has not seen, and ear has not heard, and which have not entered into the heart of man, which God has prepared for those who love Him, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to the Almighty God be glory for ever and ever. Amen. I pray that you may fare well in the Lord, beloved brothers. ^A

54. The emperor looked upon him with humanity, and sent him to his fatherland and to the Church, having written these things to the bishops, presbyters, and peoples:

VICTOR CONSTANTIUS Maximus Augustus to the bishops and presbyters of the Catholic Church.

Athanasius the most reverend has by no means been abandoned by the grace of God; but although he was for a short time subjected to human trial, he nevertheless received the due accounting from Divine Providence, which inspects all things, and by the will of God and our judgment has been restored to his fatherland and at the same time to the Church, over which, by divine command, he presided. It was fitting that he should obtain what follows from our humanity: so that all decrees previously issued against those who communicated with him should now be consigned to oblivion, ^B and that every suspicion against them should cease for the future: and that the immunity which the clergy who were with him formerly enjoyed should be duly confirmed for them. Furthermore, we have also thought fit to add this to the grace shown him, that all who are enrolled in the sacred catalogue should be assured that security has been given to all, whether bishops or clergy, who have adhered to him. For that will be a sufficient proof of the upright purpose of each, if he has joined himself to Athanasius. For as many as have by a better judgment and lot joined themselves to his communion, we have ordered that all these, according to the likeness of the previous providence and now the grace granted by our will by the command of the Most High, ^C should enjoy it. May God preserve you. ^D

*Second Epistle.* Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus to the people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria.

55. Being concerned for your tranquillity in all things, and knowing well that you have long been deprived of the providence of your bishop, we have deemed it right to send back to you Athanasius the bishop, a man known to all for his innate equity and for the probity of his character. Having received him in your usual manner and as is fitting, and having established him as an assistant in your prayers to God, strive to keep constant, according to the law of the Church, the concord and peace that is appropriate for you ^D and most pleasing to us. For it is not right that discord should exist among you.

^A And we wish this vice to be altogether absent from you; we exhort you that, as we have said before, you should perpetually employ him as your patron and helper in your customary prayers to God; so that, with this purpose of yours proceeding according to the wishes of all, those Gentiles who still adhere to the errors of idols may, beloved, hasten more eagerly to the knowledge of the holy religion. Wherefore we again admonish you to persevere in the things aforesaid; but the bishop who has been sent to you by the judgment of the Almighty and by our own decree, you should willingly receive, and consider that he is to be embraced with your whole soul and mind: for this is both fitting for you and is consistent with our clemency. For in order that every occasion for disturbance and sedition may be taken away from malicious men, we have commanded the judges who are with you by our letters, that as many as they shall find to be seditious, they shall subject to the vengeance of the laws. ^B Therefore, having both things before your eyes—both our own and God's judgment, as well as our care for you and your concord, and also the punishment established for the wicked—take pains that, observing those things which are congruent and appropriate to the laws of the holy religion, you may pursue the aforementioned man with all reverence and honor, and be diligent to offer your prayers together with him, for yourselves and for the upright regulation of your whole life, to God the Father of all.

56. When he had written these things, he ordered that whatever had been written against me previously, at the instigation of the calumnies of those around Eusebius, should be rescinded and abolished from the records of the Duke and the Prefect of Egypt; and Eusebius the decurion, being sent, erased them from the registers. But the rescript itself is as follows: ^C

VICTOR CONSTANTIUS AUGUSTUS TO NESTORIUS.

In the same form, to the prefects of Augustamnica, the Thebaid, and the Libyas.

If anything has thus far been found decreed to the detriment or insult of those who have held communion with Athanasius the bishop, we will that it be now deleted. For it pleases us that the immunity which his clergy previously had, they should enjoy again. Moreover, we command that this decree of ours be observed, so that, upon Athanasius being restored to his Church, those who hold communion with him may enjoy the same immunity which they have always ^D

held, which the rest of the clergy also possess, so that, possessing it themselves, they may rejoice.

57. Being sent forth in this way, while I was traveling through Syria, I met with the bishops who are after Palestine ^A, and having held a synod in Jerusalem, they received us sincerely, and they themselves sent us on our way with peace, and wrote these things to the Church and to the bishops.

THE HOLY SYNOD

The holy synod gathered in Jerusalem, to the fellow-ministers in Egypt and Libya, and to the presbyters, deacons, and people in Alexandria, our beloved and most dearly desired brothers in the Lord, greetings.

We are unable to give thanks to God, the God of all, as He deserves, beloved, for the miracles which He has always worked, and which He has now also worked for your Church, by restoring to you your shepherd and lord, and our fellow-minister Athanasius. For who ever hoped with his eyes to see these things which you now receive in reality? Truly your prayers have been heard by the God of all, who cares for His own Church and who looked upon your tears and groans, and therefore heard your supplications. For you were like sheep cast aside ^B and troubled, having no shepherd; therefore, the true Shepherd, who cares for His own sheep, looked upon you from heaven and restored to you the one you desire. For behold, we also, doing everything for the sake of ecclesiastical peace and breathing in harmony with your love, have received him before others, and by communicating through him with you, we send these greetings and your prayers of thanksgiving, so that you may know that we are joined to him by the bond of love. And it is your duty to pray for the piety of the most god-beloved emperors, who, having themselves learned both of your love for him and of his innocence, have deigned to restore him to you with all honor. Receiving him, therefore, with open hands, ^C strive to offer up the necessary prayers of thanksgiving for this to God, the author of these good things for you, so that you may always rejoice with God and glorify our Lord in Christ Jesus our Lord, through whom to the Father be glory unto the ages. Amen.

139 Now the names of those who subscribed, even...

^D

^A as I have reported above, I have thought fit to write down here as well: they are Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodorus, Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Macrinus, Petrus, Claudius.

58. When Ursacius and Valens saw this, they condemned themselves; and having gone to Rome, they themselves also confessed, led by repentance, and asked for forgiveness, and they wrote to Julius, the bishop of the older Rome, and to us, these things. The copies, however, were sent to me by Paulinus, the bishop of the Treveri. ^B

INTERPRETATION of the Latin text of the letter to Pope Julius concerning the repentance of Ursacius and Valens.

To the most blessed Lord Pope Julius, Valens and Ursacius.

(58) Since it has been established that we previously insinuated many grave things under the name of Bishop Athanasius by our letters, and being summoned by the letters of your Holiness, we could not provide a defense of the matter concerning which we gave notice; we profess before your Holiness, in the presence of all our brother presbyters, that all things which previously reached your ears concerning the name of the aforementioned Athanasius are false and fabricated, and in every respect void of substance. And therefore we most willingly embrace the communion of the aforementioned Athanasius, especially since your Holiness, according to your innate ^C benevolence, has deigned to grant pardon for our error. We also profess that if at any time the Orientals, or Athanasius himself, should wish, with ill intent, to summon us to a trial, we will not attend without your knowledge; but the heretic Arius, and his satellites, who say: "There was a time when the Son was not," and who say that "the Son is from nothing," and who deny that the Son of God existed before the ages, we, just as in our former petition which we presented at Mediolanum, both now and always anathematize. These things, which we have written with our own hand, we profess, and we say again that we have condemned the Arian heresy, as we said above, and its authors, forever. And by the hand of Ursacius: I, Ursacius, bishop, have subscribed to this our profession. (Similarly also Valens.) ^D

TO OUR LORD AND BROTHER, BISHOP ATHANASIUS Ursacius and Valens, bishops.

Finding an opportunity through our brother and fellow-presbyter Musaeus, who is coming to thy Love, beloved brother, we salute thee earnestly through him from the city of Aquileia, and we pray that thou mightest find our letter, and be in health; for thou shalt give us confidence if thou in return also render us an answer in thy writing. Know that we have peace with thee, and have ecclesiastical communion, and the sign of this is our greeting through these letters. May Divine Providence preserve thee, ^A lord, beloved brother.

Such, then, were the things written, and this was the suffrage and judgment of the bishops on our behalf. But that they did not do these things as a matter of favor, nor under the constraint of any, I wish, with your permission, to relate the matter from the beginning, that you may know how the bishops, wishing to do what was right and just, wrote such things, and how Valens and Ursacius at length confessed the truth.

59. Peter, who was bishop among us before the persecution, suffered martyrdom during the persecution. This Peter deposed Meletius—who was called bishop in Egypt—in a public synod of bishops, after he was convicted of many crimes, and most especially of having sacrificed to idols. But Meletius neither fled to another synod, nor did he strive to clear himself before those who came after, but he became the author of a schism. And from this it happened that his followers are heard of to this day as Meletians, instead of as Christians. And he immediately began to assail the bishops with slanders; first indeed slandering Peter himself, then ^C Achillas after him, and after Achillas, Alexander. He did this craftily, having learned it from the example of Absalom, for, since he was ashamed because of his deposition, he attempted, with such slanders, to deceive those who were simple-minded. While Meletius was doing these things, the Arian heresy arose; but in the synod at Nicaea, the heresy itself was anathematized and the Arians were cast out, while the Meletians were in some way received; for it is not necessary now to name the cause.

^A Five months had not yet passed, and Alexander of blessed memory had died. But the Meletians, who should have remained quiet and been grateful that they had been received into the Church on any terms at all, like dogs not forgetting their own vomit, began once again to disturb the Churches. Eusebius, therefore, having learned this, and being a patron of the Arian heresy, sent for the Meletians and won them over with many promises. He became their secret friend, and made an agreement with them for such time as he desired. At first, he sent to me repeatedly, urging me to receive the followers of Arius 69; he threatened me in unwritten messages, but in writing he made requests. Since I resisted, saying that it was not right for those who had invented a heresy against the truth, and who had been anathematized by the ecumenical synod, to be received, he caused even the emperor, Constantine of blessed memory, to write to me, containing a threat that if I did not receive the followers of Arius, I would suffer these things which I have suffered before and am suffering even now 70. The part of that letter is this, and Syncletius and Gaudentius, who were Palatines, were the bearers of the letter:

Part of the Letter of the Emperor Constantine

Since, then, you possess the knowledge of my will, grant unhindered entry to all who wish to enter the Church. For if I learn that you have prevented any of those who are seeking membership in the Church, or have blocked their entry, I will immediately send someone who will, by my command, depose you and remove you from your station.

^B Since, then, I had persuaded the emperor by my letters that there is no communion between the heresy that fights against Christ and the Catholic Church, then Eusebius, showing that the time had come which he had agreed upon with the Meletians, sent letters to them and persuaded them to invent a pretext, so that, just as they had plotted against Peter, and Achillas, and Alexander, they might in the same way devise and spread rumors against us. Having searched for many things and found nothing, they later, with the advice of the followers of Eusebius, combined their efforts and plotted a first accusation through Ision, Eudaemon, and Callinicus 73 concerning linen sticharia, as if I had imposed a rule upon the Egyptians and was the first to demand such things from them. But when our presbyters who were present there were found, and the emperor heard them, they were condemned.

^A There were those presbyters, Apis and Macarius. Furthermore, the emperor sent a letter, in which he condemned the conduct of Ision and commanded me to come to him. And these are the contents of the letter: . . . But Eusebius, having learned of the matter, persuaded them not to leave that place. And when I had arrived, they accused Macarius again concerning the chalice, and they laid upon me a calumny, not indeed a light one, but the most atrocious of all: specifically, that being opposed to the emperor, I had sent a chest filled with gold to a certain Philumenus. But when the emperor had heard from us, at Psammathia, our refutation of this calumny as well, they were convicted of their customary falsity and expelled. As we were returning, the emperor sent these letters to the people:

CONSTANTINE MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria.

61. Beloved brethren, I greet you, calling upon God as the greatest witness of my will and as the creator of the Only-begotten of our law, who holds dominion over the life of all and hates discord. But what shall I say? That we are indeed healthy? Yet we could enjoy a much more fortunate health if you would love one another and lay aside your enmities, for it is due to these that we have left the harbor of affection amid the storms of contentious men. O absurd state of things! How many daily disasters are stirred up by tumultuous envy! Thus has infamy been transferred to the people of God. Whither then has the faith of justice departed, when we are ^B enveloped in such a thick fog of darkness, not only through error intertwined in various ways, but also through the vices of ungrateful men; for we endure those who champion folly, and, even while observing those who overthrow equity and truth, we neglect them nevertheless? What is this great perversity of ours? We do not refute our enemies, but we follow their brigandage, whereby a most pernicious deception has most easily prepared a way for itself, with no one resisting. Is there then no sense remaining, not even for the sake of the common nature of all, if indeed we have despised the precepts of the law? But someone will say, at least that love which is according to nature is found. What then? Are we, who have been instructed both by the law of God and by a good disposition, to endure the tumult and disturbance of our enemies, who set everything on fire like torches? And yet we do not see, though we are gifted with eyes, nor do we feel, though we are surrounded on all sides by ^C the perceptions of the law. How great a stupor then has seized our life, when we so neglect ourselves, even though God warns us of these things? Is not that evil intolerable? Must not these be esteemed enemies rather than the house and people of God? Those most wicked men rage against us, ^D

and accuse us, and rebuke us, turning their own faults against us. ^A

62. I ask you yourselves to consider with what madness they act. For fools have malice seated upon their tongues. They carry about with them, as it were, leaden raths, so as to strike one another in retaliation and to drag us along with them to the increase of their own punishment; and he who teaches rightly is judged an enemy, while he who wears the vice of envy as his armor, he [who] wrongly takes hold of, ravages, and consumes the gentleness of the people, and who works harm to himself, adorns and arranges himself with praises, but destroys the truth and deceives the faith, until he has sought out and found a den and a hiding-place for his own conscience. This perversity of mind makes them wretched, whenever they thoughtlessly accept themselves, although they are unworthy, saying: "Alas for these evils! That one is an elder, and that one a boy; the honor belongs to me; it is owed to me, and it was taken by him; since I myself, having snatched everything for myself, shall attempt to destroy them with authority." ^B A glorious exclamation of madness, indeed! One may see among their wicked companies cohorts, or, if I may so say, gatherings, or a leadership of rowers. Oh, our absurdity, if one may so speak! Is folly to be held up as a spectacle in the Church of God? Do they not blush? Do they not rebuke themselves, and are they not stung in their souls, so that even now they might appear to think something worthy of opposing fraud and contention? But they use force alone, relying on the potions of envy. Those wicked men have been able to achieve nothing against your bishop. Believe me, brothers, they are busy about nothing else than that, having worn out our times with evils, they may leave for themselves no place for repentance in this life. ^C Bring help, therefore, to yourselves, I beseech you; cherish our love, and with all your strength drive away those who desire to abolish the grace of our concord; and looking to God, love one another. For I have received your bishop Athanasius most kindly, and have spoken to him in such a way, convinced that he is a man of God. It is for you to understand these things, not for me to pass judgment on them. For I considered it necessary for Athanasius himself, most reverend, to convey my greeting to you, pondering in my mind his constancy of equity, which is ever contained within the good of saving wisdom, not unworthy of my peaceful faith, and which will have a reasoning that urges ^D [you] to duty. May God keep you, beloved brothers. And these things, indeed, [is what] Constantine [said].

^A 63. When these things had been done, the Meletians, after remaining quiet for a short time, were stirred up again, and later they formed this plan, being eager to please those who had hired them. The Mareotis is a region of Alexandria; in this region Meletius was unable to create a schism. Now, when the Churches were in their appointed places, and all the presbyters were holding assemblies in them, and the people were living in peace, a certain man named Ischyras—who was not a clergyman, but was also corrupt in his manner of life—attempted, while boasting that he was a clergyman, to lead the inhabitants of his own village into error. When the presbyter of the district learned this, he reported the matter to me as I was making my rounds of the Churches; which was the reason why I sent the presbyter Macarius with him to summon Ischyras. But when they found him ailing and lying in his room, they instructed his father to warn his son not to attempt any such deed as had been reported against him. But when he was relieved of his illness, being prevented by his own people and by his father himself from doing this, he fled to the ^B Meletians. And they, having entered into an alliance with the Eusebians, all together forged this accusation: namely, that Macarius had broken a chalice, and that a certain Bishop Arsenius had been murdered by us. And they hid Arsenius, so that, by his appearing nowhere, it might be believed that he had been slain; and they carried around a severed hand, claiming it was his, as if he had been hacked to pieces. And as for Ischyras, whom they did not even know, they began to proclaim him everywhere as a presbyter, so that, by his speaking about the chalice, there might be an opportunity for deception. Ischyras, therefore, being rebuked by his own people, came to us in tears and said that nothing of the kind which they had spread abroad had been committed by Macarius, but that he had been suborned by the Meletians to concoct that accusation. And he wrote the following:

TO THE BLESSED POPE ATHANASIUS Ischyras, greeting in the Lord.

64. Since you, my lord bishop, having come to me, rebuked me regarding the things previously reported by me as if I had undertaken this of my own choosing, for this reason I submit to you this defense in writing, so that you may know that force was brought to bear upon me, and blows were inflicted ^C upon me by Isaac, Heraclides, Isaac of Letus, and those with them. I, indeed—taking God as my witness—make my defense that I know you to be guilty of none of the things which they say you have committed. For neither did any breaking of a chalice occur, nor was there any overturning of the holy table; but those same men, by applying force to me, incited me to this. I have made these things my defense to you and have submitted them in writing, desiring and petitioning to be [counted] among those who assemble with you. I pray that you may fare well in the Lord. And I have delivered this, my own signed document, to you, Bishop Athanasius, in the presence ^D of the presbyters Ammonas, ...

Heraclius Phascius, Boccon Chenebris, Achillas Myrsines, Didymus of Taposiris, and Justus of Bomotheus; and of the deacons from Alexandria, Paul, Peter, and Olympius; and of those from Mareotis, Ammonius, Pistus, Demetrius, and Gaius.

65. ^A When Ischyras had delivered this written accusation, they none the less bruited it abroad everywhere again, and carried it to the Emperor Constantine, who had long before, in our presence at Psammathia, heard the accusation regarding the broken chalice and had detected the calumny of our enemies. He then sent letters to Antioch to Dalmatius the censor, to have the case of the murder heard. The censor therefore sent me instructions to prepare a defense against the charge. ^B Having received these letters, although at first I disregarded the matter, as I was conscious that they were speaking no truth in any respect, nevertheless, since the Emperor had been moved, I wrote to my fellow-ministers in Egypt and sent a deacon, wishing to learn about Arsenius, for I had not seen the man for some five or six years. And why say more? That I may not speak altogether at length, it became known that Arsenius was in hiding; our people found him hidden, first in Egypt, and later also in Tyre. And the marvelous thing is, that even when found, he would not confess himself to be Arsenius, until, when he was summoned to court before Paul, the bishop of Tyre at that time, he was convicted; for then he was too ashamed to deny it any longer. ^C He did this to observe the pact made with the party of Eusebius, lest, by his being found, their whole fable should fall apart—which is precisely what happened. For when I wrote to the Emperor that Arsenius had been found, and reminded him of what he himself had heard at Psammathia regarding Macarius the presbyter, he stopped the trial of the censor and wrote a letter condemning the calumny that had been brought against us, and ordered the party of Eusebius, who were hastening to the East against us, to return. That they did indeed accuse me of the murder of Arsenius, so that I might not have to use letters written by many, it suffices to produce only that of Alexander, bishop of Thessalonica; for from this one, it is possible to know the others as well. ^D He therefore, knowing all that Archaph, who is also John, had bruited abroad against us regarding the murder, and having learned that Arsenius was alive, wrote as follows:

TO HIS BELOVED BROTHER JOHN

Pinnes, presbyter of the monastery of Ptemencyrcis in the Anteopolite nome, greeting.

I wish you to know that Athanasius has sent his deacon into the Thebaid to search out everything concerning Arsenius. And those whom he first encountered, namely Pecysius the presbyter, and Silvanus the brother of Elias, and Tapemacerameus, and Paul, a monk from Hypselis, confessed that Arsenius was with us. We, however, having discovered the matter, took care to have him put into a boat, so that he might be carried off to the lower parts together with the monk Elias. After these things, the deacon returned with certain others and suddenly entered our monastery for the sake of searching for the same Arsenius: whom, because, as we said above, we had sent him away to the lower parts, they did not find at all. They took me, along with the monk Elias who had taken him with him, and carried us off to Alexandria to the Duke: there, since there was no possibility of denying it, I confessed that he was alive and had by no means been put to death: which fact the monk who had taken charge of him also confessed.

For this reason I bring these matters to your attention, Father, so that you may not seem to be accusing Athanasius; for I said that he is alive and had been hidden among us; and all these things have been made known in Egypt, and this can no longer be hidden. Paphnutius, a monk of the same monastery, who wrote this letter, greets you repeatedly, and prays for your well-being.

The letter which the Emperor wrote, upon learning that Arsenius had been found alive, is as follows:

VICTOR CONSTANTINUS

68. It was my intention, upon reading the letters from your Prudence, to send a reply to your Constancy, exhorting you to take care to lead the people of God into tranquility and mercy. For these things are above all fixed in my mind: to cultivate truth, to always preserve justice in the mind, and to rejoice most especially in those who walk the straight path of life. But regarding those who are worthy of every curse—I mean the Meletians, those most wicked and nefarious men, who have finally been struck with stupor and stand speechless, and who through envy, perturbation, and tumult stir up absurd things and demonstrate their nefarious intent—I shall declare this: You see how the men whom they asserted had been slain by the sword are now in our midst and are enjoying life. And indeed, what greater prejudice could be brought against their case, so clearly and plainly, than that those should live and enjoy life whom they said were killed; to which men, of course, the power of speaking for themselves will belong? Besides these things, there was also this calumny from those same Meletians: that they affirmed you had rushed in with a nefarious impulse, and had snatched and shattered a chalice placed in the most holy place: than which crime there was in truth no greater, nor such an enormity, ^C if indeed it had been committed and sinned in such a way. But what, then, is this accusation? What is this change and variety and difference in the matter, that they now transfer this very same accusation to another person? The matter itself is more luminous, so to speak, than light, that they were endeavoring to plot against your prudence. After this, who would wish to follow those men who did not hesitate to fabricate such things for the ruin of others; when above all they are bringing themselves into ruin, and know well that they are bringing forth fabricated and lying accusations? Whoever has followed them, as has already been said, has fallen headlong upon the path of destruction—the very path upon which they alone seem to place their whole hope of salvation and aid; for if they should wish to come to a pure conscience, to remember the better judgment, and to be brought back to a sound mind, they will easily understand that no help is to be expected for them from Providence, since they are emulators of such things and plot these things for their own destruction. This, therefore, I should rightly call not a certain hardness of heart, but truth. Finally, this also must be added, that we generally wish these things to be read openly by your Prudence; so that from this it may be known to all and ^D

especially reach those who act in this way and conduct themselves so, that these things which are said by us in word of truth may be spoken in the reality of truth. Since, therefore, there is such great offense in this matter, let them know that I have so judged, and this is my purpose: if they stir up anything of this kind, I will no longer hear the matter according to the laws of the Church, but according to the public laws, and I will then find them to be not only robbers of the human race, but also manifest enemies of divine teaching itself. May God preserve you, beloved brother.

69. ^B But that the malice of the sycophants may be made clearer still, behold the very letter which Arsenius wrote after he was discovered in his hiding place. For just as Ischyras wrote admitting his calumny, so Arsenius by his letter further convicts them of their wickedness.

TO ATHANASIUS, BLESSED POPE

Arsenius, bishop of the city of the Hypselites, who were once under Meletius, together with the presbyters and deacons, sends much greeting in the Lord.

We too, embracing peace and communion with the Catholic Church, over which thou by the grace of God presidest, and desiring to be subject to the ecclesiastical canon according to the ancient pattern, write to thee, beloved Pope, promising in the name of the Lord that henceforward we shall in no way communicate with those who are still schismatics and have not yet made peace with the Catholic Church, whether they be bishops, or presbyters, or ^C deacons; nor will we agree with them, if they wish to decree anything in a synod, nor will we send, or receive from them, letters of peace, nor again, without the judgment of thee, the metropolitan bishop, will we issue any decree concerning bishops or any common ecclesiastical dogma; but we will yield to all the canons previously established, after the manner of the bishops Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Plusianus, and the rest. Furthermore, we beseech thy Mansuetude to write back to us as soon as possible, and likewise to admonish our fellow-ministers by formal letter, that we now stand by the aforesaid decrees, have peace with the Catholic Church, and are united with our fellow-ministers in these places. We believe, moreover, that thy prayers, being approved and acceptable, will obtain that peace of this kind may abide firm and indissoluble forever, according to the will of God, the Lord of all, through Jesus Christ our Lord. We, and those who are with us, salute the whole assembly of sacred ministers under thee. Shortly, if God permits, we shall come to thy

^A gentleness. I pray that thou mayest fare well in the Lord for many years, most blessed Pope.

70. A greater and more manifest proof of the wickedness devised against us is the repentance of John; and of this fact, the most God-beloved emperor of blessed memory, Constantine, was witness. For, knowing what John had himself brought against him, and having received letters from him repenting, he wrote as follows:

CONSTANTINE MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to John.

Thy letters, which were most pleasing to me, have reached me; for I have learned from them what I most desired to know, namely, that having laid aside all strife, thou hast held communion with the Church, as was fitting, and hast come to full concord with the most reverend Bishop Athanasius. Know, therefore, that thou art highly commended by us for this, that, having left all discord behind, thou hast done what is pleasing to God and hast embraced communion with the Church. That thou mayest therefore obtain what thou desirest, I have thought it right to permit thee ^B to use the public carriage, and to hasten to the camp of my clemency. It will be thy task henceforth to make no delay, but since this letter of mine gives thee the authority for the public carriage, to come to us as soon as possible, that thou mayest both obtain thy desire, and, having seen us, mayest enjoy the joy which is fitting. May God preserve thee, beloved brother.

71. Thus, then, did the conspiracy come to an end, and the Meletians, being confounded, were turned away. But those around Eusebius did not cease even then; for they were concerned, not about the Meletians, but about those around Arius; and they were afraid lest, if those men were silenced, they would no longer find the hypocrites through whom they could introduce this heresy. They stirred up the Meletians, therefore, once more, and persuaded the emperor to order a synod to be held again at Tyre. Count Dionysius is sent, and a military guard is given to those around Eusebius. And Macarius is sent in bonds under soldiers to Tyre; and the emperor writes to me and imposes a necessity upon me, so that we are compelled to depart even against our will. It is possible, therefore, to know all the intrigue from the letters which the bishops of Egypt wrote. ^C But it would be worth while to relate how it was originally put together by them; for from this it is possible for anyone to perceive the malice and the craftiness that were used against us. There are in Egypt, and Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly a hundred bishops; none of these accused us, no presbyter brought a charge, not one of the people spoke against us; but the Meletians who had long ago been expelled by Peter, and the Arians, were those who had divided the conspiracy between them; the former claiming for themselves the part of accusers, the latter the part of judges. We, for our part, refused those around Eusebius, as being enemies on account of their heresy; and further, we made it perfectly clear by this argument that the one who was brought forward as accuser was no presbyter. When ^D to the Church

was admitted to communion, Meletius (would that it had never happened!), for Alexander of blessed memory, knowing his cunning, demanded of him a list ^A of those bishops whom he claimed to have in Egypt, as well as of the Alexandrian presbyters and deacons who belonged to his party, or if he had any in the Alexandrian countryside; for Pope Alexander did this in order that Meletius, once he had confidently assumed the authority of the Church, might not sell many ordinations, nor daily subject new ones to his own whims by his lies. He therefore published this list of those of his party who were in Egypt:

BREVIARY Given by Meletius to Bishop Alexander. I, Meletius of Lycopolis; Lucius of Antinoopolis; Phasileus of Hermopolis; Achilles of Cusae; Ammonius of Diospolis. In Ptolemais: Pachymes of Tentyra. In Maximianopolis: Theodorus of Coptus. In Thebais: Cales of Hermethis; Colluthus of upper Cyno; Pelagius of Oxyrhynchus; Petrus of Heracleopolis; Theon of Nilopolis; Isaac of Letopolis; Heraclides of Nicius; Isaac of Cleopatridis; Melas of Arsenoites. In Heliopolis: Amos of Leontopolis; Ision of Athribis. In Pharbethus: Harpocration of Bubastis; Moses of Phacusa; Callinicus of Pelusium; Eudemon of Tanis; Ephraim of Thmuis. In Sais: Hermaion of Cyno and Busiris; Soterichus ^B of Sebennytos; Pininuthes of Phthenegus; Cronius ^C

D This John seems to be he who was surnamed Archaph, and who, after the death of Meletius, held the primacy of the Meletians. But what follows—"being commanded by the emperor to be with the archbishop," that is, by Meletius—receives light from these words of Epiphanius in the 68th heresy, where Meletius is said to have held the dignity of the archbishopric second after Peter (of Alexandria). Whether indeed the prelates of Lycopolis held the title of archbishop before Meletius, or whether Meletius first arrogated this dignity to himself, is uncertain: but we more readily assent to the latter, since it has been otherwise ascertained that Epiphanius borrowed his own history concerning the Meletian schism from a man of that same sect. There are not wanting, however, those who think these words are Athanasius's, not Meletius's, and that it should be translated: "being commanded by the emperor to be in concord with his archbishop," and that it refers to the aforementioned letter of Constantine to John. But besides the fact that this is not a genuine interpretation of this passage, you will nowhere find Athanasius adorning himself with the title of archbishop. And otherwise, in the above-related letter to John, Constantine by no means commands John to live with Athanasius or to be in concord with him. But he congratulates him because he communicates with Athanasius, whom he there calls not archbishop, but only bishop, and commands that, having boarded a public vehicle, he betake himself to the imperial court: whence it seems that the former opinion should be maintained. It is considered that the name of archbishop is not found used before this time.

^A At Meteli, Agathammon in the territory of Alexandria. At Memphis, John, ordered by the Emperor to be with the archbishop. These, then, were in Egypt.

The clergy whom he had in Alexandria were: Apollonius, presbyter; Irenæus, presbyter; Dioscorus, presbyter; Tyrannus, presbyter. Deacons: Timotheus, deacon; Antinous, deacon; Hephæstion, deacon; and Macarius, presbyter of the Camps.

72. These Meletius brought with him and delivered to Bishop Alexander. But of him whom they call Ischyras, he made no mention, nor did he ever confess that he had any cleric at all in the Mareotis. ^B Yet our adversaries did not desist; rather, they pretended that the man, who was not a presbyter, was a presbyter; for there was a count present to force us, and soldiers who dragged us off by violence. Yet by the grace of God we prevailed; for they could not convict Macarius regarding the chalice. Nay, even Arsenius himself, whom they had bruited about as having been murdered by us, stood there alive, openly exposing their calumny. Since, therefore, the Eusebians could not convict Macarius, they were indignant, as if they had lost the prey they were hunting, and they persuaded the count, Dionysius, who was on their side, to send some of them into the Mareotis, so that they might find—or so they hoped—some crime there against the presbyter; or rather, that by going ^C there while we were absent, they might patch together what they pleased; for this was their objective. Indeed, when we protested that the journey to the Mareotis was superfluous—for they had already spent a long time deliberating, and should not use the excuse that they had spoken insufficiently, nor should they delay; for what they thought they had, they had already voiced, and now, being at a loss, they were casting about for excuses; or that if the Mareotis was indeed necessary, at least let not suspicious persons be sent—the count inclined to agree with us regarding those who were suspect. But they did the exact opposite of this; for those whom we rejected on account of the Arian heresy—Diognius, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, Ursacius, and Valens—these ^D very men went off eagerly. And again, letters were sent to the prefect of Egypt, and a military escort was provided. And the truly marvelous thing, full of every sort of insolence, is that they had Macarius, who was the accused, remain under the guard of soldiers, while they took the accuser away with them. Who, then, does not see the plot in this? Who does not clearly discern the wickedness of the Eusebians? For if there was need of a trial in the Mareotis, the accused ought also to have been sent there; but if they were not going for the sake of a trial, why were they taking the accuser with them? For it was sufficient that he had not proven his case. But they did this so that, since they had not convicted the presbyter when he was present, they might plot against him while he was absent, and fabricate their case.

^A For when the presbyters of Alexandria and of the whole territory blamed them for coming alone, and requested that they themselves might at least be present at what they were doing (for they said they knew the facts and the matters concerning the so-called Ischyras), they did not permit it; but they had with them the prefect of Egypt, Philagrius, an apostate, and pagan soldiers to examine matters which it was not even proper for catechumens to witness. But the clergy they did not allow to be present, so that they might not have there, as at Tyre, men to prove them wrong in the things that seemed good to them. 73. ^B Yet not even in this way could they escape notice; for the presbyters of the city and of the Mareotis, having observed their malice, wrote and testified as follows:

TO THEOGNIUS, MARIS, AND MACEDONIUS, AND TO THEODORUS, URSACIUS, AND VALENS, BISHOPS WHO CAME FROM TYRE, FROM THE PRESBYTERS AND DEACONS OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA, UNDER THE MOST REVEREND BISHOP ATHANASIUS.

Since you have come here, and brought the accuser with you, it would have been fitting to have brought the presbyter Macarius also; for judgments are established according to the Holy Scriptures in such a way that the accuser should stand face to face with the accused. But since you neither brought Macarius, nor did our most reverend bishop Athanasius come with you, we requested that it might at least be permitted for us to be present at your trial, so that with us present the examination might be secure, and we also might be convinced. ^C But since you did not grant this, but chose to act as you pleased alone with the prefect of Egypt and the accuser, we confess that we see an evil suspicion in the matter, and have observed that your entry is nothing but a plot and a conspiracy. For this reason, we deliver to you this letter, to serve as testimony in a true synod, so that it may be known to all that you have acted unilaterally as you wished, and that you intended nothing else but to frame a conspiracy against us. We have also delivered copies of these to Palladius, the ^D *curiosus* of the Augustal prefect, so that they may not be hidden by you. For the things you have done give us ground to suspect and think such things concerning you.

I, Dionysius presbyter, have delivered this, Alexander presbyter, Nilaras presbyter, Longus presbyter, Aphthonius presbyter, Athanasius presbyter, Amyntius presbyter, Pistus presbyter, Plution presbyter, Dio-

^A Dioscorus presbyter, Apollonius presbyter, Sarapion presbyter, Ammonius presbyter, Gaius presbyter, Rhinus presbyter, Ethales presbyter.

Deacons: Marcellinus deacon, Appianus deacon, Theon deacon, Timotheus deacon, and Timotheus another deacon.

These, then, were the letters, and these their names. But the clerics from Mareotes also, knowing the character of the accuser, and being with me during my visitation, wrote these things:

TO THE HOLY SYNOD

Knowing what is written, which says, "Things which your eyes have seen, tell," and that "A false witness shall not go unpunished," we testify to what we have seen, ^B especially since the intrigue that has arisen against our bishop Athanasius makes it necessary for us to give this testimony. For we marvel how Ischyras was ever even measured to the stature of the Church, concerning whom we think it necessary to speak first. Ischyras has never been a minister of the Church; but although he previously boasted himself to be a presbyter of Colluthus, no one gave credence to his words except his own relatives; for he never had a church, nor was he considered a cleric at all by those living near his village, except, as we have said, by his own relatives. But yet, having claimed such a title for himself, in the synod assembled in Alexandria, in the presence of our Father Hosius, he was deposed and reduced to lay communion, ^C and in that state he has remained ever since, having fallen also from the false suspicion of the presbyterate. For we think it superfluous to speak about his character, as all can easily know such things. But since he has slandered our bishop Athanasius concerning the breaking of a chalice and the overturning of a table, we were compelled to tell you about this as well. For we have already said that he never had a church in Mareotes; and as before God, who is our witness, no chalice was broken, nor was a table overturned by our bishop, nor by any other person accompanying him; but everything that is alleged is slander. And we say this, ^D not being far from the bishop; for we are all with him whenever he visits Mareotes, and he never travels alone, but with all of us, the presbyters, the deacons, and a considerable number of the laity. Therefore, as those who are present with him during every visitation he has made to us, we say and testify that neither was a chalice broken, nor was a table over-

^Aturned, but that Ischyras lied about all of these things, as he himself testifies by his own hand in writing. For when he wished to be reconciled after he had gone over to the Meletians, and had uttered such things against our bishop Athanasius, they did not receive him, even though he had written and confessed by his own hand that none of these things had happened, but that he had been suborned by certain people to say them.

Wherefore, when Theognius, Theodorus, Maris, Macedonius, Ursacius, and Valens had arrived at the Mareotis, and found absolutely nothing to be true, and when it was about to be revealed that the whole fabrication of the calumny against our bishop Athanasius was being exposed, those men ^B—Theognius and his associates, who were all most hostile to Athanasius—brought forward Ischyras’s kinsmen and several Ariomanites to say whatever they wished. For no one from the common people spoke against the bishop; but they themselves, emboldened by the fear of Philagrius, the prefect of Egypt, and by the threats and patronage of the Ariomanites, managed the affair according to their own will. For when we approached to expose the calumny, we were by no means admitted, but were actually driven away; and they brought in those whom they had chosen and previously prepared for the calumny, making them participants in their schemes through the fear of the prefect Philagrius. By the agency of this same prefect, it was not permitted to us to be present at this business, so that we might at least be able to discern whether the witnesses they had suborned were from the Church or were Ariomanites. But you know ^C, beloved Fathers, as you yourselves teach us, that the testimony of enemies has no validity. And that we are speaking the truth is testified to by the hand of Ischyras himself, and the facts themselves testify that, although we were conscious that nothing of the kind had occurred, they took Philagrius along with them so that, by the fear of the sword and by threats, they might fabricate whatever they wished. We testify these things as if in the presence of God; we speak these things as those who know there will be a judgment from God. We truly desired to come to you all, yet we were content that some of our number should go, so that our letter might supply the place of those who could not attend, as we deemed it sufficient if some of us were sent there.

Ingenius the presbyter, I pray that you be well in the Lord, beloved Fathers: Theon presbyter, Ammonas presbyter, Heraclius presbyter, Bocco presbyter, Trypho presbyter, Petrus presbyter, Hierax presbyter, Sarapion presbyter, Marcus presbyter, Ptollarion presbyter, ^D Gaius presbyter, Dioscorus presbyter, Demetrius presbyter, Thyrsus presbyter.

Deacons: Pistus deacon, Apollos deacon, Serras deacon, Pistus deacon, Polynicus deacon, Ammonius deacon, Maurus deacon, Hephaestus deacon, Apollos deacon, Metopas deacon, Serapas deacon, Meliphthongus deacon, Lucius deacon, Gregoras deacon.

THE SAME

75. Since Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, as if they were legates sent by all the bishops who had gathered at Tyre, came to our parish, saying that they had received orders to inquire into certain ecclesiastical matters—among which they spoke also about a broken chalice of the Lord, a crime which had been fabricated and reported to them by a certain person whom they brought along with them, Ischyras, who boasted that he was a presbyter, though he is not a presbyter. For he was ordained by Colluthus, a presbyter who gloried in the name of bishop ^B and who was later reduced by a common synod of Hosius and the bishops with him to the order of presbyter, as he had previously been. And consequently all those who had been ordained by Colluthus returned to the same station in which they had been before, so that Ischyras himself also was seen to be a layman. Moreover, the church which he boasts of having never was a church in reality, but was a small dwelling, a little house belonging to an orphan boy, Ision by name. And for this reason we have used this testimony, adjuring you by the almighty God, and by our lords Constantine Augustus and his most illustrious sons the Caesars, to bring these very things to the notice of their piety. For he is neither a presbyter of the catholic Church, nor does he possess a church, nor was any cup broken, but he lies about everything and fabricates everything. In the consulship of Julius Constantius, the most illustrious patrician, brother to the most pious emperor Constantine Augustus, and of Rufinus Albinus, most illustrious men, on the tenth of the month of Thoth. These things the presbyters.

77. The bishops who had come with us to Tyre, observing the conspiracy and the treachery, wrote and testified these things: ^D

TO THE BISHOPS WHO HAVE GATHERED AT TYRE

our fellow-minister, have come to the Catholic Church, greeting in the Lord. ^A We no longer believe that the conspiracy which has been woven against us by those around Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodore, and Patrophilus is hidden. For, in the first place, we all refused, through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to have the hearing conducted in their presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy, let alone many, can disturb and damage the hearing. For you yourselves well know the hatred they have, not only against us, but against all the orthodox, in that for the sake of the madness of Arius and his impious doctrine, they rise up against everyone and conspire against all. But since, trusting in the truth, we ^B set out to prove the calumny against the Church fabricated by the Meletians, we do not know how it was that those around Eusebius tried to interrupt the things said by us, and strove all the more to cast out what we were saying, threatening those who judged impartially, and heaping insults upon others, only that the result they aimed for against us might be achieved to their advantage. And perhaps your godly piety, most honorable lords, was ignorant of the conspiracy they had formed; but now we believe it has become manifest. For observe how they have openly revealed the conspiracy; for they wanted to send those from among themselves who are suspects to the Mareotis, so that, while we are absent and remain here, they might stir up the ^C people and accomplish whatever they intend. For they saw that the Ariomanites, the Colluthians, and the Meletians are enemies of the Catholic Church; therefore they were eager to send these men, so that, in the presence of enemies, they might stitch together whatever they wish against us. For, indeed, the Meletians who are here have already sent some of their own number thither; indeed, four days ago, as if they knew that this investigation would take place, they sent couriers in the evening along the way to gather the Meletians from Egypt into the Mareotis, because there was not a single one among them there, and to warn the Colluthians and Ariomanites from other places to bring forward calumnies against us, and to concoct things against us. For you yourselves know that Ischyras ^D himself confessed before you that there are no more than seven who attend his meetings. Since therefore, after they have contrived these things at their own discretion, and have sent the suspect men thither, we have learned that they are going around to each one of you demanding a subscription, in order to make it appear that the matter has taken place with the consent of all of you; this is the reason why we have hastened to write to you and to deliver this testimony: testifying that we are being plotted against and are suffering an assault by them and because of them, and requesting that, taking into your mind the fear of God, you do not subscribe to what they have sent secretly to whom they pleased;

^A for it is not right that Christians should look at human matters, but rather prefer the truth above all things. Do not fear the threats which they hold out to all, nor their conspiracy, but rather fear God. For if it were at all consistent that men should be sent into the Mareotis, it was also necessary that we should be present at this business, so that we might refute the enemies of the Church, and show those who are strangers, and so that an impartial inquiry into the matter might take place. For you know that the party of Eusebius craftily provided a letter, as if written by the Colluthian, Meletian, and Arian factions against us; and it is clear that they themselves, being ^B enemies of the Catholic Church, tell nothing true about us, but speak only what is against us. But the law of God wishes neither an enemy to be a witness, nor a judge. Therefore, as those who are about to render an account on the day of judgment, having received this testimony and having known of the conspiracy hatched against us, we implore you to take heed not to do anything against us, nor to join in the design of the party of Eusebius. For indeed you know again, as we have said before, that they are our enemies, and why Eusebius of Caesarea became our enemy from last year. We pray for your health, most desired lords.

TO FLAVIUS DIONYSIUS

From the bishops of the Catholic Church of Egypt, who came to Tyre.

We no longer think the conspiracy that is being hatched against us by the party of Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodore, and Patrophilus is hidden. For, in the beginning, we all, through our fellow minister Athanasius, refused ^C to allow the hearing to take place while they were present, knowing that the presence of even one enemy—to say nothing of many—is able to disturb and harm the hearing. For their hatred is manifest, which they have not only against us, but also against all the orthodox; because they grow against all, and conspire against all. But since we, trusting in the truth, wished to demonstrate the slander which has been directed against the Church by the Meletians, we do not know how the party of Eusebius themselves tried to disrupt what was being said by us, and exerted themselves greatly to suppress our statements, threatening those who were judging with integrity, and also insulting others, ^D only so that they might gain the means to achieve their purpose against us. And perhaps your goodness was unaware of the conspiracy they have hatched against us; but now we believe it has become manifest. For behold, they themselves have openly revealed the conspiracy; for they wished to send their own men to the Mareotis, so that, while we are absent and remain here, they might stir up the people and act according to their own will. For when they know the Ariomanites, Col-

-^Aluthians, and Meletians to be enemies of the Church, they have for this reason been eager to send these men, that, with our enemies present, they might weave what they wish against us. For the Meletians who are here have already sent some of their number, and four days ago, just as if they knew that this investigation was to take place, they sent two couriers in the evening to round up the Meletians from Egypt into the Mareotis—where not even one of them was present—and from other places the Colluthians and Ariomanites, whom they might instruct beforehand to bring forward false charges against us. But your kindness remembers that he himself confessed in your presence that those gathering with him were no more than seven. Since, therefore, after they had contrived these things according to their own will and had sent the suspected men, we heard that they were going around to each of the bishops and demanding a signature, so that it might appear that what happened was done by the judgment of them all; for this reason we were eager to bring these matters to your brightness and to deliver this testimony: for we testify that we are being plotted against and that we suffer entrapment at their hands and through their agency. And we ask that, having taken into your mind the fear of God and the pious commands of the most God-fearing emperor, you would, as one who condemns the fact that they sent whom they pleased without us, not tolerate them.

79. I, Adamantius, bishop, have delivered these letters: Ischyras, Ammon, Peter, Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapammon, Ælurion, Harpocration, Moses, Optatus, Anubion, Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbæthion, Potamon, Paphnutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, Agathammon, Gaius, Pistus, Athas, Nicon, Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus, Ariston, Theodorus, Irenæus, Blastammon, Philippus, Apollos, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diospolis, Macarius, Heraclammon, Cronius, Muis, Jacobus, Ariston, Artemidorus, Phineas, Psais, Heraclides.

And the same, secondly, to FLAVIUS DIONYSIUS

To the most illustrious Count, the bishops of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt to Tyre.

Since we see many plots and entrapping schemes being woven against us, at the instigation of those around Eusebius, Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, and Patrophilus—whom we wished to reject from the beginning, but were not permitted—we are compelled to come to this formal protest. For we see great zeal being shown on behalf of the Meletians, but a plot being hatched against the Catholic Church in Egypt through our own persons. Therefore we deliver this letter to you, asking that, with the fear of God Almighty in your mind, you would take notice.

^A We adjure you by God Almighty, who preserves the reign of the most pious and God-beloved Emperor Constantine, to reserve the hearing of our affairs for the most pious Emperor himself. For it is reasonable that, as you were sent by his imperial majesty, and since we have appealed to his piety, the matter should be reserved for him. For we can no longer endure the conspiracies and plots by which the aforementioned party of Eusebius assails us; therefore we ask that the matter be reserved for the most pious and God-beloved Emperor, before whom it will be possible to explain the rights of the Church and our own cause. For we trust that his piety, when it has heard the matter, will not condemn us. We adjure you again by God Almighty—and may the most pious Emperor, with the children of his piety, always thrive and live in health for many long periods of years—to do nothing further, and not to permit yourself to stir up anything in the synod regarding our affairs, but to reserve the hearing for his piety. We have indicated these same things to my lords, the orthodox bishops.

80. Having received this, Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica, wrote the following to Dionysius the Count:

TO MY MASTER DIONYSIUS Alexander the Bishop.

I see clearly the conspiracy that has been formed against Athanasius; for all those whom he declined, they, I know not by what plan—without even informing us—desired to send. For the intention was to deliberate together as to whom it was necessary to send. Advise them, therefore, that nothing rash be done (for some have come to me in a state of alarm, saying that the wild beasts have already been unleashed and are ready to rush—for they had been rumored to have sent certain men of John), ^C lest they forestall us and patch things together as they wish. For you know that the Colluthian enemies of the Church, and the Arians, and the Meletians—all these, having become of one mind with each other, can work great evils. Consider, therefore, what is beneficial, so that no dark event may arise, and we not be blamed as having judged not according to justice. They especially suspect that they, in traveling through the churches whose bishops are here, might strike fear and disturb all Egypt, as having been surrendered to the Meletians. For they perceive that this is happening for the most part.

To these things, Dionysius the Count wrote the following to the party of Eusebius:

These were the things I was just now discussing with my lords, those with Flacillus: that Athanasius had arrived and complained about those whom I had declined, saying that these men were being sent, and crying out that he was being wronged and plotted against. My lord in spirit, Alexander, has also sent these things. And ^D

that you may know that what was written to me by his kindness is according to reason, I have appended those things to be read by you. Remember also the things written by me from the beginning; for I sent word to your kindness, masters, that those who are sent must be sent by common judgment and decree. See to it, therefore, that what is being done does not fall into ^A a charge, and that we do not give an occasion for just complaint to those who wish to blame us. For just as it is not fitting for the party of the accusers to be burdened, so also neither for the party of those fleeing. I think, however, that it is no small ground for blame against us when my lord Alexander appears not to be in agreement with what is being done.

82. (75) These things being done in this way, we withdrew from them as from a synod of those who disavow [the truth]; for they did and carried out whatever they wished. Now, that what is done by a one-sided verdict (76) has no power, no one among all men is ignorant; for this the divine law ordains, and this ^B the blessed Apostle, suffering such a plot and being judged, demanded, saying: “It was necessary for the Jews from Asia to be present before you and to accuse [me] if they had anything.” At which time also Festus, when the Jews were wishing to plot such a plot as they have now made against us, said: “It is not the custom for Romans to deliver any man to grace, before the accused has his accusers face to face, and receives an opportunity of defense concerning the charge.” But the followers of Eusebius have dared to corrupt even the law, and they have become more unjust than those who act unjustly; for they did not attempt to act alone from the very beginning, but when they realized we were far inferior to them in the presence of our witnesses ^C, then they departed, and like the Jews, they held a council alone, [considering] how ^D they might destroy us and introduce the heresy, just as those [Jews] asked for Barabbas; for they confessed of their own accord that they had done all these things for this reason.

83. And if these things are sufficient for a complete defense, nevertheless, in order that the wickedness of those men and the freedom of the truth may be even more manifest, it will not be troublesome to recall these things again, and to show how they acted in opposition to themselves, and how, plotting in darkness, they stumbled upon their own actions, and while desiring to kill us, they wounded themselves like madmen. For, seeking into the mysteries, they questioned Jews, and examined the catechumens: “Where were you when Macarius came and overturned the table?” And they answered, “We were inside.” Therefore, if catechumens were inside, there could be no offering.

^A And those, in turn, answered that he was lying in his cell, sick. Therefore, he who was lying down was not standing, and he who was sick and lying down in his cell was not celebrating. Furthermore, when Ischyras claimed that books had been burned by Macarius, the witnesses who had been suborned themselves said that nothing of the sort had happened, but that Ischyras was lying. And the astonishing thing is that, although they wrote everywhere that those who could bear witness had been hidden by us, they nonetheless cross-examined those same people when they appeared. They felt no shame, even though they perceived that they were being exposed as sycophants on every side, and that they were doing these things in private just as they pleased. For they were signaling to the witnesses, and the prefect was threatening, and the soldiers were poking them; but the Lord was uncovering the truth and showing them to be sycophants. ^B For this reason, they also hid the official records; they kept them themselves, but instructed those who had written them to destroy them and not to show them to anyone at all. But they were tripped up even in this; for the one who wrote them is Rufus, the *speculator* now in the Augustalian 77, and he can bear witness; and those around Eusebius sent them to Rome through their own people, and Bishop Julius sent them on to me. And they are mad now, because what they wished to hide, we have obtained and have read 78.

84. 79 Having concocted these things and more of the same, they immediately revealed the reason why they did these things. For, departing, they took the Arians with them to Jerusalem, and there they received them into communion, writing a letter concerning them, the beginning and part of which is this:

THE HOLY SYNOD

The Holy Synod assembled by the grace of God in Jerusalem, to the Church of God 81 in Alexandria, and to those throughout Egypt, the Thebaid, Libya, and Pentapolis, and to the bishops, presbyters, and deacons throughout the world, greeting in the Lord.

To all of us who have come together to the same place from various provinces for the great festival, which we have celebrated at the dedication of the Martyrium of the Saviour ^C, which was constructed by the zeal of the most God-beloved Emperor Constantine for God, the King of all, and for his Christ ^D, the grace of God has granted great joy; and the most God-beloved Emperor himself, having through his own letters urged what was fitting, by exiling 82 all envy from the Church of God and driving far away all malice, through

^B a peaceful and tranquil soul to receive those of the party of Arius, whom for a time that hater of goodness, envy, had caused to be outside the Church. For the most God-beloved Emperor testified in his letter to the orthodoxy of the faith of these men, which he himself, having inquired of them and heard them with his own ears from their own living voice, approved and made clear to us, appending to his own letters the written statement of the faith of these men.

85. Who, hearing these words, would not perceive their conspiracy? For they did not conceal what they had done, or perhaps they confessed the truth even against their will. For if I were the one preventing the party of Arius from entering, and I had suffered a conspiracy, yet they were admitted—what else is to be said than that these things were done for the sake of those men, and that everything was done against us, and that the breaking of the chalice and the murder of Arsenius were fabricated, solely that they might bring impiety into the Church, and that they themselves might not be condemned as heretics? For this was what the Emperor, writing to me before this, had threatened. And they were not ashamed to write such things and to say that these men, whom the entire œcumenical synod had anathematized, thought rightly; nor did they fear to overthrow, as far as lay in their power, so great a synod in a corner, men indeed reckless in their words and deeds. Moreover, the reward granted for the act of calumny shows their malice and impious purpose even more. The Mareotis, as I said before, is a region of Alexandria, in which there has never been a bishop or a chorepiscopus; but the Churches of the whole region are subject to the bishop of Alexandria. Each of the presbyters has his own villages, which are large, and are about ten or more in number. But the village where Ischyras dwells is the smallest of all and consists of few people, so much so that there is not even a church there, but it is in the neighboring village. And yet, against ancient tradition, they decided to name as bishop a man who was not even a presbyter in such a village, knowing themselves what an absurdity it was, but being compelled by the promise made for the sake of calumny, they endured even this, so that that most wicked man, if not thwarted, might not speak the truth and show the malice of those around Eusebius. In truth, he has neither a church nor people who obey him, but is chased by everyone like a dog; and yet they have even made the Emperor write to the catholicate (for everything is permitted to them) so that a church might be made for him, in order that this...

possession might make him seem credible ^A when he speaks of the chalice and the table. For they immediately had him named a bishop, since, as he had no church and was not even a presbyter at all, he was showing himself to be a slanderer and a fabricator of everything. Indeed, since he has no people and not even his own kin to obey him, he holds the title like an empty name, just as he holds the letter—ineffectual—which he displays as proof of his own and Eusebius’s party’s most wicked resolve, set down in these words:

LETTER OF THE CATHOLICATE

86. Such, then, were the schemes they were plotting, and such were the conspiracies they were weaving. But we, having gone to the Emperor, reported the injustices committed by the Eusebians, seeing as he was the very one who had ordered the synod to take place and whose ^C Count presided over it. Having heard these things, he was deeply moved and wrote the following:

VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, TO THE BISHOPS ASSEMBLED AT TYRE

^A my most famous and happy fatherland, Constantinople, and riding on horseback, I suddenly met Athanasius, the bishop, in the middle of the public square, accompanied by some others, who so took me by surprise that I did not at first sight recognize the man. God, the witness of all, knows that I was not able to recognize him; but some of our men, who were with me, and who had heard of the injustice he had suffered, as was to be expected, explained it to me in great detail. I, for my part, at that time neither spoke to him, nor held any conversation with him; and since he, for his part, was not asking to be heard by me, I almost ordered him to be removed. But when he, with greater confidence, said that he asked for nothing more from me than your arrival, which I had promised him, and that I should, since you were present, allow him to complain of the injuries done to him, I wrote to you ^B willingly and at the time I deemed convenient, with the intention that as many of you as had composed the synod at Tyre, and were making haste to my clemency for that purpose, should prove the sincerity and integrity of your judgment by your own deeds, in the presence of me, whom you know to be a sincere servant of God—for indeed, I cannot deny this even to those who do not know it. And my religion toward God is the cause that in every part of the world there is peace, and even among the barbarians, who until now were ignorant of the truth, the name of God is sincerely praised. It is manifest, therefore, that those who are ignorant of the truth are also ignorant of God. However, as I said above, they themselves, the sincere servants of God, recognized God through my works, and confessed that they should worship Him, and in their own affairs they themselves experienced that He is the ever-present defender of all: whence they arrived at the knowledge of God; whom they indeed acknowledge with fear of our Lord, but we, who are entrusted with ^C the holy mysteries of His clemency, bear a greater weight than they. For I would not say that we keep them; rather, I would say that we do not have in our possession the things that lead to discord and hatred; nay, to speak more openly, things that lead to the ruin of the human race. But, as it has already been said, make haste and hasten with all possible speed; and be certain that I have exerted my utmost effort, so that those things may be held firm and unmoved in the law, to which neither blame nor infamy can attach; that is, with the enemies of the law completely scattered, and thoroughly destroyed, so that in the name of the holy, they may no longer bring forth diverse blasphemies. ^D

^A to the Catholic (for all things are permitted to them), that an church might be made for him, so that having this, he might appear trustworthy when speaking about the chalice and the table. For they immediately caused him to be named a bishop, since, not having a church, and not being a presbyter at all, he was shown to be a slanderer, and inventing everything. Truly, having no people, nor even his own relatives obeying him, just as the name is empty, so also he keeps the letter ineffective, exhibiting it as a proof of his own and the Eusebians’ utterly wicked intention:

LETTER OF THE CATHOLIC

86. Those men, indeed, were weaving such stratagems and inventing such plots; but we, having gone up, ^C showed the emperor the injustices of the Eusebians, since he himself was the one who had ordered the synod to take place, and his count was presiding over it. He, therefore, having heard and been moved, wrote these things:

VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, Maximus Augustus, to the bishops who have assembled at Tyre. I indeed am ignorant of what things have been judged by your synod with turmoil and storm; for truth seems somehow to have been distorted by a certain tumultuous disorder, as you, through your contention against your neighbors, which you wish to be invincible, do not look to what is pleasing to God. But it shall be the work of divine providence to scatter the evils of this strife, when they are clearly detected, and to show us plainly ^D whether you, having assembled there, have taken any care for truth, and whether you judged the things that were judged without any favor or enmity. Therefore, I wish all of you to hasten to come to my piety, so that you may demonstrate the accuracy of the things done by you through yourselves. And the reason for which I have deemed it right to write these things to you, and to summon you...

403 S. ATHANASII OPP. PARS I. HISTORICA ET DOGMATICA. 404

my own namesake and most happy fatherland, Constantinople, and as I was then riding on horseback, Bishop Athanasius appeared so unexpectedly in the middle of the road, accompanied by certain others, that he brought me to a state of amazement. God, the beholder of all things, is my witness that at first sight I did not recognize the man; but some of our own party, upon our inquiring—as is wont to happen—told us who he was and what were the injuries he had suffered. At that time, therefore, I did not converse with the man, nor did I have even the briefest word with him. But when he asked that I should grant him a hearing, and I, conversely, refused and nearly ordered the man to be removed, he, with greater boldness, said that he requested nothing else from us but that I should order you to come here, so that, in your presence, he might be able to lament the injuries he had suffered. ^A Since this seemed to me reasonable and appropriate to the times, I gave orders that this should be written to you with a willing mind; so that as many of you as gathered the synod at Tyre might travel with all haste to the camp of my clemency, there to prove, by your own deeds, the purity and integrity of your judgment—before me, clearly, whom not even you yourselves can deny to be a sincere servant of God. And indeed, my religion toward God is the reason why there is peace everywhere in the world, with even the barbarians, who until now were ignorant of the truth, sincerely praising the name of God: for it is plain that he who is ignorant of the truth is also ignorant of God. ^B Yet, as I have said above, the barbarians themselves, through the works of me, a sincere servant of God, have recognized God and learned to worship Him; they have truly experienced that He is my protector everywhere and provides for my affairs: whence they have arrived at the knowledge of God; whom they indeed revere out of fear of us, while we, who seem to hold the holy mysteries of His clemency 160 before us—for I would by no means say that we keep them—we, I say, do nothing but those things which tend toward discord and hatred, or to speak more plainly, those things which tend toward the destruction of the human race. But, as it has already been said, make haste and travel to us as quickly as possible: and be assured that I will endeavor, with every effort of my strength, that those things may be kept firm and immovable in the law of God, to which neither blame nor any infamy can cling: with the enemies of the law clearly being dispersed, utterly oppressed, and rooted out, who, under the guise of an holy name, put forward manifold and diverse blasphemies. ^{C D}

87. Upon learning of2 this, the associates of Eusebius—aware of what they had done—prevented the other bishops from coming up; and they alone, Eusebius, Theognius, Patrophilus, another Eusebius, Ursacius, and Valens, went up. They no longer spoke of the chalice or of Arsenius, for they had no confidence to do so, but, fabricating another accusation that might reach the emperor, they said to the emperor himself that Athanasius had threatened to prevent the grain which was sent to your country from Alexandria from being transported. Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion, and Peter, the bishops who were present, heard this; and the anger of the emperor also revealed it. For he who had written such things, and who condemned their injustice, as soon as he heard such a calumny, was at once inflamed, and instead of a hearing, he sent us into the Gauls. But even this reveals their wickedness all the more; for the blessed Constantine the younger, when sending us back to our country, and remembering what his father had written, also wrote these things himself:

CONSTANTINE CAESAR

I do not think it has escaped the notice of your sacred intent, that Athanasius, the interpreter of the venerable law, was sent for a time into the Gauls, in order that, since the ferocity of his bloodthirsty and hostile enemies persisted in endangering his sacred head, he might not suffer irreparable harm through the perversity of evil men. Therefore, in order to foil this, having been snatched from the throats of the men set against him, he was ordered to live under my protection, in such a way that in this city, where he was sojourning, he might abound in all necessities; even though his illustrious virtue, ^C trusting in divine assistance, disdains the burdens of a rougher fortune. And so, although our master Constantine Augustus, my father, had intended to restore the same bishop to his own place, yet, because he was overtaken by the lot of man, and passed away before he could fulfill his prayer, I deemed it fitting to fulfill the intention of the emperor of divine memory, which I have inherited. And when he comes into your presence, you will know how much he has been in our veneration. Nor is it a marvel if I have done something for his sake: for this, also, for the sake of your desire ^D

image, and such a form of a man has moved and convinced us. May divine providence preserve you, beloved brothers. Given at Trier, on the fifteenth day before the Kalends of July.

88. ^A Since, therefore, we have been relegated to Gaul for this reason, who does not perceive the emperor's purpose and the bloodthirsty mind of the Eusebians from this? Who does not see that the emperor did this so that they would not stir up a greater conspiracy against us? For he lent an ear to them with a simple mind. This was the work of the Eusebians: these were the very machinations of their conspiracy against us. Who, observing these things, would not confess that no indulgence or favor had any place in our case, but that rightly and deservedly such a crowd of bishops, both individually and gathered together, wrote such things in our defense, and condemned the sycophancy of our enemies? Who, having seen such things, would not confess ^B that Valens and Ursacius rightly declared themselves guilty, and, repenting, wrote such letters against themselves, because they preferred to be suffused with shame for a little while than to suffer the eternal punishment of sycophants?

89. Therefore, rightly and according to ecclesiastical laws, our blessed fellow-ministers, when some affirmed that our affairs were doubtful and strove to abrogate the judgments passed in our favor, preferred to endure any hardships whatsoever and to be driven into exile rather than have the sentences of so many and such great judges violated.

^A If, therefore, these true bishops had merely resisted with words those who had plotted against us and desired to overturn what had been decided in our favor, or if they had been ordinary men and not bishops of distinguished cities and heads of so many churches, it would be possible to suspect that they were perhaps contending now out of a desire to show favor. But since they not only defended me with words but also endured exile—and Liberius, the bishop of Rome, is of their number; for even if he did not endure the hardships of exile to the end, he nevertheless remained in the place of his banishment for two years, knowing the conspiracy that had been formed against us—and since the great Hosius is of their number, as well as those of Italy, those of the Gauls, and others from Spain, and from Egypt, and from Libya, and all those of the Pentapolis: for even if he, for a short time, fearing the threats of Constantius, seemed not to oppose them, yet that immense force and the tyrannical power of Constantius, and his many insults and blows, clearly show that it was not because he judged us guilty, but because, due to the infirmity of old age, he could not bear the blows, ^B that he gave way to them for a time. It is just that all men, as those having been informed of the truth, should hate and abhor more and more that injustice and the violence committed against us, especially because it is most plain that we have suffered these things for no other reason than the Arian impiety.

90. If, therefore, anyone wishes to learn the things concerning us and the calumny of the Eusebians, let him read what has been written on our behalf, and let him accept as witnesses not one or two or three, but such a multitude of bishops. Let him again take as witnesses those around Liberius and Hosius, and those with them, who, seeing the deeds done against us, preferred to suffer the ultimate consequences ^C rather than betray the truth and the judgment given in our favor. And they did this having deliberated well and piously; for the things which they have suffered indicate the necessity which other bishops also have endured. These are, indeed, monuments and pillars erected against the Arian heresy and against the malice of the calumniators; they are also a form and a pattern for those who come after us, that they should struggle for the truth even unto death, and that they should abhor the Arian heresy, which is hostile to Christ and the forerunner of the Antichrist, and that they should not have faith in those who attempt to speak against us. For the defense and the vote of so many and such ^D great bishops in our favor must be held to be a worthy and sufficient testimony of our innocence.