On Weights and Measures

THE MOST HOLY FATHER EPIPHANIUS ON MEASURES AND WEIGHTS

BOOK OF THE SAME ON MEASURES AND WEIGHTS

^A I. If there is anyone who wishes to understand what is most common in the Holy Scriptures, that is to say, the logic of measures and weights, let him not be reluctant to peruse this Commentary which we are undertaking. And, first of all, a diligent student ought to know how many kinds of discourse there are in the writings of the prophets. For prophetic books are divided into ten types of statements, which are of this kind: doctrine, contemplation, exhortation, threats, commiseration, lamentation, prayers, historical narrative, and prediction. Furthermore, these signs are attached to the same prophecies: ^B ↽ signifies the repudiation of the former people; ↽ the abjection of the law of the flesh; ⇁ pertains to the New Testament; ⊐ to the vocation of the nations; + refers to Christ; § is applied to the promises of the former people; ⋉ expresses what is obscure and difficult in the Holy Scriptures; ⋏ the foreknowledge of future events.

II. Since some have punctuated the Scriptures according to prosody, regarding the marks of prosody, have this understanding: the acute is of this kind ', the asper ', the grave `, the tenuis ', the circumflex ῀, the apostrophe ', the long ─, the hyphen ‿, the short ⏑, the hypodiastole ,. And, for the rest, that it may be argued about the other kinds as well, the first to occur is the asterisk, whose form is this: ⋇. It is placed next to whatever word, [signifying] that it is contained in the Hebrew, and is [also] included by Aquila,

and by Symmachus, and rarely also by Theodotion. The Seventy[-two] Interpreters omitted it and did not translate it, as such expressions are redundant and unnecessarily repeated. But it must be stated briefly, so that from this [example] you may understand [how to judge] the others. At the beginning of Genesis, these words are written in Hebrew: *Ouaeeei Adam Salosim Sameoth sana*. This can be translated, as Aquila also rendered it: *And Adam lived thirty years and nine hundred years*. But the Seventy[-two] Interpreters, who were born of Hebrews and were most highly refined in Hebrew letters from their tender youth, nay, even in Greek, not only rendered the sacred Scriptures conceived in Hebrew into the Greek tongue, but also, in those words which in Hebrew are repeated and doubled, they thought that care should be taken for the sake of clarity. Wherefore, since the name of the years is inculcated twice in that place, by writing it only once, they softened some unknown discordant sound and harshness. For they translated it thus: *And Adam lived thirty and nine hundred years*. Thus, they neither took away anything from the integrity of the discourse, and yet they rendered it more open and clearer. This cannot be expressed in Hebrew with such brevity as the Seventy[-two] provided: *Adam lived thirty and nine hundred years*. Nor in Greek, as Aquila translates it superficially: *Adam lived nine hundred years and thirty years*. You see, I think, whoever you are who are studious, how tasteless and crude a discourse he conceived, while out of superstitious diligence he preferred to repeat the same word rather than consult the clarity and ease of the reading. And some indeed feel that that very thing is missing among the Seventy[-two] Interpreters; which is supplied in Aquila and Symmachus and other editions, although there is nothing lacking in the Seventy[-two] at all. For in Aquila, not without a fault of pronunciation, the word is placed idly in two places, when it would have sufficed to have rendered it once: I mean, years, and years. This reason led the Seventy[-two] Interpreters to write the word of the years only once. Following them, when Aquila and the others who approached the translation of the Scriptures had published what had been omitted by the Seventy[-two], those [portions] were held to be redundant and superfluous. Origen later came and restored to each place the missing discourse. He affixed to it the asterisk, not because there was an absolute necessity that the discourse be sought out (for it is redundant), but ^D so that he might not leave any opportunity for Jews and Samaritans to find fault with the divine Scriptures which we use in the Churches, by carping at any matter in the missing words [in our text] that could be reasonably criticized against the faith. For they are redundant and doubled, as we have taught from the reading concerning Adam and his life; just as, from that very brief discourse, it is possible for you to understand the other passages where the asterisks are placed. And so that you may learn this as well, why he placed asterisks to these words, we will tell this also in abundance. You know this, O

^A auditor, that in the celestial firmament there are stars, even if they are covered by clouds or by the sun. It is with this meaning that he who placed the asterisks acted: so that it might appear to you that the words to which the asterisks are adjacent are fixed in the Hebrew phrases just as stars are in the firmament of the heaven, ^B but they have been covered up by the translation of the Seventy-two, just as stars are covered by clouds. This is the hypothesis of the asterisk.

III. Regarding the obelus

III. As for what pertains to the obelus, have it thus: this obelus is the mark which is placed adjacent to [the text], written similarly to the line we call 3, 70. It is called an obelus according to Attic usage, while others call it a *dory*, that is, a spear. It was appended to the phrases of the holy Scripture which are found in the Seventy-two Interpreters, but which do not appear in those of Aquila and Symmachus. For the Seventy-two Interpreters added these words of their own accord—not in vain, however, but rather for the sake of benefit. For by adding them to the phrases that were deficient, they brought the reading into clarity; so that we may suppose that they had also been blessed with the holy Spirit. For they omitted to speak redundantly where there was no need. But where the saying seemed to be lame when transferred into the Greek dialect, there they made the addition. And it is possible to marvel at this, and not to dare to bring forward a reproach, but rather praise, as a pious man ^C should understand that it was done by the counsel of God.

For being seventy-two in number, and in the island of Pharos—which is also called the upper land—over against Alexandria, in thirty-six little rooms, two by two in each room, from morning until evening they were kept locked up; and in the evening they were brought across in thirty-six small boats to the palace of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and were feasted with him, and slept in thirty-six bedrooms as pairs, so that they might not confer with one another, but might interpret unadulteratedly; in this way they passed the time. For the aforementioned Ptolemy had these thirty-six little rooms constructed on the island opposite, and having made them double, he shut them in two by two, as I said, and he also shut in two servants to wait upon them, for the sake of cooking and service, along with shorthand writers. But he did not make any windows in the walls of those little rooms, but opened what are called *anaphotidae* from the roofs above. Thus, those who were living there from morning until evening, locked up under key, translated the scriptures; and to each pair one book was given: for instance, to say, the book of the Creation of the world was one ^D volume.

So Epiphanius, stating that they lived as two in each. Justin says there were as many in number as the interpreters, in his *Cohortatio ad Gentiles*. Josephus, however, and Philo, who is older than he, and Aristeas, mention nothing of the cells. But these matters have long since been examined and debated by the learned.

^A

The twenty-seven books of Holy Scripture and of the Old Testament, which are reduced to twenty-two according to the number of the Hebrew letters, have been translated into the Greek tongue.

IV. For the Hebrews have 22 letters, of which five are doubled: Caph, Men, Nun, Phi, and Aleph. By this reasoning, while twenty-two books are numbered, twenty-seven are found, because those five are doubled: for instance, the book of Ruth is joined with the book of Judges, and is considered one by the Hebrews; the first book of Chronicles is joined with the second, ^B and makes one book. Likewise, the first book of Kingdoms is joined with the second; the third with the fourth constitutes one book. In this way, the books of Scripture are comprised in four five-part volumes, and two books are numbered outside the series. Wherefore all the books of the Old Testament are reckoned in this order: Five pertain to the Law: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy. This is the Pentateuch, in which the whole law is set forth. There follow five other books, which consist of verses: Job, the Psalter, the Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs. Then the third collection of books, ^C which are called [i]grapheia[/i], and contains the Hagiographa; of this kind are: the book of Joshua the son of Nun, the book of Judges with the book of Ruth; the first of Chronicles with the second, the first two of Kingdoms with the two later ones, reduced into one volume. That is the third collection; the fourth follows: in which are placed the twelve Minor Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel. And this volume contains the writings of the prophets. There remain two books: that is, one of Ezra, which is numbered separately, and another, Esther. Thus, the twenty-two books are reckoned according to the number of the Hebrew letters. For as regards those two ^D which are distinguished by verses, namely, the Wisdom of Solomon, which is inscribed Panaretus, and the book of Jesus the son of Sirach, the grandson of that Jesus who wrote the book of Wisdom in Hebrew, which his grandson Jesus translated and wrote in Greek; although they are useful and profitable, they are by no means customarily referred to the number of the Scriptures. Hence they were not placed in the ark of the covenant.

V. Nor should this escape you, lover of noble things, that the Psalter has been divided by the Hebrews into five books, so that from this, too, another pentateuch arises. For from the first psalm to the fortieth, they reckoned one book; from the forty-first to the seventy-first, they considered a second; from the seventy-second to the eighty-eighth, they made a third book; from the eighty-ninth to the one hundred and fifth, they made a fourth; from the one hundred and sixth to the one hundred and fiftieth, it is conducted. For every psalm that this

page ends with the verse: *Blessed be the Lord, amen, amen*, they considered the end of a book. This is found in the fortieth, in the seventy-first, in the eighty-eighth, and in the one hundred and fifth. At the end of the fifth book, instead of *Blessed be the Lord, amen, amen*, there is placed: *Let every breath praise the Lord, alleluia*. These then are the twenty-seven books, although they are numbered as twenty-two if you add the Psalter and the items associated with Jeremiah—that is, his Lamentations and the Epistles of Baruch (even though these Epistles are not found among the Hebrews, but only the Lamentations are attached to the prophecy of Jeremiah). In the way we have mentioned, they were interpreted by being handed over to each pair of translators, ^A from the first pair to the second, and again from the second to the third, and so they passed through until each one had been translated thirty-six times, as tradition says. To these, twenty-two apocryphal books must be added.

VI. Finally, when everything was completed, the king sat upon a high throne, before whom thirty-six readers were brought, with as many copies, along with another who held the Hebrew archetype. When, therefore, one of the readers recited, the others listened diligently, and no variation or discrepancy was found. And a ^B singular miracle of divine power occurred, which is worthy of narration; for all those interpreters, endowed with the inspiration of the divine Spirit, had agreed among themselves in that solitude in such a way that wherever something had been added, it was found to have been added by all in common; and where it had been removed, all were found to have removed it equally. Moreover, whatever was removed by them was useless, and whatever was left was necessary. That you may perceive this clearly: by a certain divine and admirable providence, and not without the prompting of the Holy Spirit, they translated so harmoniously that ^C they did not differ from one another in any regard. I will allow you to consider it in one very slight instance, so that from one place you may understand the whole matter, and persuade yourself that what I say is true. In the one hundred and fortieth psalm, there is a passage which reads in Hebrew as follows: *Adonai, elicha, carithi, ismael, iebbita acol*, which is interpreted: *Lord, I cried unto thee, hear me: attend to my voice*. Do you see how the sentence is lacking and limps? Therefore, the seventy-two ^D Interpreters, by adding the little words *of my prayer*, rendered the verse complete, translating it this way: *Lord, I cried unto thee, hear me: attend to the voice of my prayer*. Observe how aptly the psalm is restored and sung. Wherefore, from this one place, take conjecture about similar ones which have been brought forth with some additions by those Interpreters. Learn, I say, that this addition was made rightly and in order, both for the phrasing itself and the meaning, and for the benefit of the nations who would someday come to the faith of God, and from the divine Scriptures of the Old and New Testament acquire the patrimony of eternal life.

^A VII. Thus, therefore, Origen excellently ordained, and prudently applied the mark of the obelus. Would that he could be equally praised in other matters! For when he had added to the editions the Hebrew version, consistent in its own proper words and letters, and comprised it in one page, he added another opposite page, which contained the Hebrew vocables written out in Greek letters and characters, so that those who knew not Hebrew might, by the benefit of the Greek elements, understand the force and power of the Hebrew sayings. And so in his Hexapla or Octapla, having placed the two Hebrew pages alongside the editions of the Interpreters, he afforded great benefit of knowledge to the lovers of learning. Would that he had not fallen in his own compositions, nor done injury to himself and the whole world by thinking wrongly about the faith and interpreting most of the Scriptures poorly! But I shall return to the narration begun concerning the obelus. We said that the obelus is called a lance; this is a destructive sword. ^B Therefore, wheresoever a word occurs that is read among the Seventy-two, but is not found in the Hebrew, it is indicated by the obelus mark placed next to the word that it has been removed from the generative place, that is, from the foundation of the Scripture, as not existing in that place of the Book. So much have I said concerning the asterisk and the obelus.

VIII. Concerning the lemniscus and hypolemniscus.

VIII. Next, it is necessary to speak concerning the lemniscus and hypolemniscus. The lemniscus is depicted in this form —. It is a small rod placed between two points, one of which is situated above and the other below; this is thought to have been transferred from physicians and the surgical treatment of wounds. For when a simple incision is made on both sides, the part of the body intercepted bears the figure of an obelus; then a plucked-off piece of lint, fashioned into a thin and oblong shape, is passed through both incisions. ^C For this is wont to be called in Greek by physicians a "lemniscus" [from the Greek word meaning to be moist], because that piece of lint introduced into the moist part overflows with the abundance of humor. For this reason, Origen inscribed that mark in the sacred codices: so that as often as you find in the edition of the Seventy-two Interpreters some discrepant word—which rarely happens—that does not adhere to the preceding ones, nor is connected with similar ones, you may understand from the two points that one or both of the interpreters placed that word in their interpretation. Indeed, both are called similar. But so that the whole matter may be plainer and easier, it will not be irksome to discuss it briefly. ^D When, therefore, you read in the LXX Psalm: *My mouth shall tell of thy righteousness; [it shall tell of thy] righteousnesses*; and likewise in the LXXI: *And his honorable name before him*,

and for this, *And his honorable name in his eyes* (and thus you may find it in many places); ^B there is nothing missing, nor is it altered, but it is the same thing, though called by different terms, such that it is not contrary, but both are uttered together. These were noted because of the lemniscus, as a word interpreted by one pair or two, and thus found. In this way we have spoken concerning the lemniscus. Now we must discuss the hypolemniscus; for the hypolemniscus is a sign of this kind: a simple line, clearly, having the shape of a spit, with a point, that is, a prick, placed under it. Wherever you find such a sign, know it to be a hypolemniscus. It has this power: wherever it is found placed next to some word, it signifies that the statement was brought forth by one pair of interpreters, as the one stands as a brother to the word upon which it is placed. This is the account concerning the asterisk, and the obelus, and the lemniscus, and the hypolemniscus, most elegant one. ^C

IX. Now we must also set forth for you the narrative of the matters mentioned. For the knowledge of these things will be useful to you from the very introduction of the discourse concerning them, pointing out who, from where, and when each of them was, and of what race, and what was the cause for him to translate.

The first of all to translate the same divine Scripture from the Hebrew dialect into the Greek, were seventy-two men in number, who translated that same first translation under Ptolemy Philadelphus; who were chosen from the twelve tribes of Israel, six men from each tribe, as Aristaeus published in that same composition. Concerning them, above, through the asterisks and the obeli, and concerning the others, that is to say, Aquila and Symmachus and the rest, we have ^D spoken in part. Here, however, we shall also set forth for you the causes. For the second king after Ptolemy who reigned over Alexandria, Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, as was said before, was a man who loved beauty and was a lover of learning; he having constructed a library in that same city of Alexander, in the quarter called the Bruchium (and this is the city's region, which is now deserted), entrusted it to a certain Demetrius Phalereus with instructions that all kinds of books from everywhere

in the world be collected. He wrote letters, and urged every king and ruler on earth not to delay, but to send him the books of poets, I mean, and prose writers, orators, sophists, physicians, medical-sophists, historians, and others. As the work progressed and books were being gathered from all directions, the king one day asked the man who had been entrusted with the library, "How many books have now been collected into the library?" He answered the king ^B, saying, "There are already five myriads and four thousand eight hundred books—or more or less 45. But we hear that there is still a vast multitude in the world: among the Ethiopians and Indians, Persians and Elamites, Babylonians, Assyrians and Chaldeans, among the Romans 44 and Phoenicians, Syrians and those in Greece (not yet called Romans at that time, but Latins). But also among those in Jerusalem and in Judea there exist divine books of the prophets, explaining concerning God, the creation of the world, and all other useful instruction. If, therefore, it pleases your majesty, O King, to request these as well, write to the teachers in Jerusalem, and they will send them to you, so that I may deposit these books too in the same library of your piety." Then, therefore, the king writes a letter containing as follows:

167 X. King Ptolemy 46 to the Jews living in Jerusalem, greeting.

^C ...and his father. 43 But he answered the king: Aristeas is much freer in Eusebius, *Praepar.* lib. VIII, and Joseph. lib. XII, cap. 2. He wishes Demetrius to have answered that two hundred thousand had already been collected, and that he hoped soon to reach the number of five hundred thousand. 44 Romans. Not yet, I think, did the Romans flourish in the abundance and authority of writers at that time, in the year approximately 470 from the founding of the City, namely the 124th Olympiad. Nor did they possess anything at all except the laws of the XII Tables, or the Annals of the Pontiffs, and certain dark writings of that kind. Hence the word is brought in here quite unseasonably, especially at an alien hearth, among the Chaldeans and Phoenicians. ^D 45 That the Romans were not yet called so. I thought it best to enclose this in parentheses, as I do not think Epiphanius wrote it in the person of Demetrius, for that would be too absurd a thing; but that he himself impressed it and stitched it onto Demetrius's speech, although it is not less absurd to say that Greeks were called Latins before they were called Romans; for the Romans were indeed called Greeks after the empire was transferred to the East, whence also the Roman world. But they were never called Latins, neither the Greeks themselves, nor the Italians, the peoples of Magna Graecia. I suspect, therefore, that this member 48 has been dislocated from its place, and should be placed after 'Pw, or rather those things should be put back; not as it has been said, that the Romans appear to be placed in an alien spot between the Chaldeans and Phoenicians. 46 King Ptolemy. The letters are conceived according to Aristeas, and from the same in Josephus and Eusebius, whom you should consult; for among them they are not inscribed to the Jews, but to Eleazar the high priest.

^A thinking, I gathered a great number of books from every region and put them away in it. But hearing that among you there are certain books of the prophets regarding God and the creation of the world, and desiring to consecrate these with the others, I have written that you might send them to us. For that it is for the sake of honor, and not for the sake of prying curiosity, nor out of malice, that I am desirous of such a cause, but for the sake of faith and the friendship I have for you—having recalled these things, you will know this by the goodwill which we have shown toward you. You remember, I suppose, when many captives from your fatherland were taken and brought to our fatherland, Egypt, that I released them, and provided them with many provisions, and caring for them with no ordinary attention, I sent them away free; and not only that, but those among them who were wounded, I healed and released, and those who were naked I clothed. And now, I have sent a golden table, adorned with most precious stones, weighing five hundred talents, in place of the table that was taken from the holy place, Jerusalem, along with gifts and treasures for the holy place. I have therefore given this account so that you may know that it is for the sake of prayer and piety that I ask for the books.

And the letter was sent, and the gifts that were dispatched. But they, having received both the letter ^B and the gifts gladly, possessed them with great joy. And without delay, they transcribed the books already mentioned to me in Hebrew letters of gold and sent them, twenty-two being those in the canon, and seventy-two those that are apocryphal. But the king, having received them and read them, and being unable to understand them, as they existed in Hebrew letters and were written in the Hebrew dialect, is compelled to write a second letter to them and to ask for interpreters who are able to explain the books to him in the Greek language through the Hebrew. The letter contained the following:

XI.

King Ptolemy to the teachers of piety who dwell in Jerusalem, many greetings.

Of a hidden treasure and a sealed fountain, what profit can there be in either? So also with your ^C words, which ^D were sent to us, the subject matter of the books. For we, being unable to read the Hebrew characters and dialect in which they were written, were forced to send this second letter to you, asking that you send us men capable of translating these books into the Greek language so that we might understand the meaning of the writings. [index: entries preserved]

For if we are unable to read their letters, it will be of no use to us. But do you deign to send us interpreters who are thoroughly trained in both the Hebrew and Greek languages." Then the Hebrew teachers, having made a selection, sent the seventy-two ^B interpreters, following the model which Moses once established when he ascended the mountain by the commandment of the Lord, having heard, "Take with you seventy men, and go up into the mountain" (Exod. xxiv, 1). But he, for the sake of peace among the tribes—that he might not take five men from some and six from others, and thus sow discord among the tribes—decided rather to take seventy-two and add to the number. In the same way, therefore, as I have said, they also sent these men, who interpreted the books on the island called Pharos, as we related above. And thus the books, having been translated into Greek, were deposited in the first library, which was founded in the Bruchium. Still later, another library was also established in the Serapeum ^C (49), smaller than the first, and which was called its daughter, in which were deposited the versions of Aquila, and Symmachus, and Theodotion, and the others, two hundred and fifty years later.

XII. For after the first ^D Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, who reigned forty years, this Ptolemy Philadelphus, in whose time the seventy-two Interpreters made their translation, reigned thirty-eight years. After him Ptolemy Euergetes, twenty-four years. Then again Ptolemy Philopator, twenty-one years. After him Ptolemy Epiphanes, twenty-two years. Then another Ptolemy Philopator (51), thirty-four years. Then Ptolemy Philologus and Euergetes, twenty-nine years. Ptolemy Soter (52), fifteen years.

(49) Ammianus (lib. XXII) mentions this temple and speaks marvelously of its magnificence; in which, indeed, he asserts the library was placed by the Ptolemaic kings, in which seven hundred thousand volumes were numbered, which were burned during the Alexandrian war under Caesar the dictator. Tertullian, in his *Apologeticus* (cap. 18), reported that in his time the sacred books written in Hebrew characters were preserved in the Serapeum.

(50) He described the series of Ptolemies from the *Chronicon* of Eusebius, from which, however, he deviates repeatedly in the number of years. For this is the succession of the Ptolemies according to Eusebius, Lib. II.

SERIES OF THE EGYPTIAN KINGS OF THE PTOLEMIES. Years of reign. I. Ptolemy, son of Lagus: XL II. Ptolemy Philadelphus: XXXVIII III. Ptolemy Euergetes: XXVI IV. Ptolemy Philopator: XVII V. Ptolemy Epiphanes: XXIV VI. Ptolemy Philometor: XXXV VII. Ptolemy Euergetes: XXIX VIII. Ptolemy Physcon: XVII IX. Ptolemy Alexander: X X. Ptolemy, son of Cleopatra: VIII XI. Ptolemy Dionysius: XXX XII. Cleopatra: XXII The years added up are CCXCVI.

In the former *Chronicon* the numbers were conceived a little differently, so that it arrives at the sum. The *Chronicon Alexandrinum* follows the Eusebian method. Cedrenus varies somewhat.

(51) Then Ptolemy Philopator. But Epiphanius wrote [Philometor]. For he also added [the term] *Philometor*. (52) Ptolemy Soter. He is also [called] by the nickname Physcon, from his belly and overly fat abdomen, [according to the] *Chronicon Alexandrinum*.

^A Ptolemy, also [called] Alexas, twelve years. Ptolemy, the brother of Alexander, who was driven out by his mother, eight years. Ptolemy Dionysus, thirty-one years. Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy, thirty-two years; she who was joined to Antony the king, and was defeated by Octavius the emperor. In total, from the first Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, until Cleopatra, there are three hundred and six years. But from the seventh year of Ptolemy Philadelphus, in whose time, in the same year, the seventy-two translated the holy Scriptures, until Cleopatra, there are two hundred and forty-nine years. And the Lagidae ceased ^B to reign—that is to say, the Ptolemies who were descended from Lagus, who constructed the horse-track at Alexandria and called it the Lajon.

On the Ptolemaic succession and the era of the Seventy

(55) Ptolemy, also [called] Alexas. Others call him Alexander. (54) Ptolemy Dionysus. This is the Ptolemy Auletes, the father of Cleopatra, who is called Dionysus by Jerome in the *Chronicon* of Eusebius. But in the *Alexandrine Chronicon* and according to Cedrenus, he is called *Dionysos*, and hence the nickname Bacchus seems to be applied to him. For even the *Chronicon* on pages 430 and 434 calls Ptolemy *néon Dionyson*, that is, the new Bacchus.

(56) *From the seventh year*. In the Latin, "the seventeenth year" is ^C to be written instead of "the seventh," for which the proximity of the [text's] chronological collection also argues. For the two hundred and forty-nine years which he counts do not stem from the seventh year of Philadelphus, but from the seventeenth. For Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, reigned for forty years. Add seventeen, and they will become fifty-seven. If you subtract these from the three hundred and six years which fall [in the period] up to the death of Cleopatra according to Epiphanius' calculation, two hundred and forty-nine remain. And perhaps Epiphanius wrote it just so: namely, *pentekonta ennea* (fifty-nine) instead of *tessarakonta* (forty). But I fear that he hallucinated in the higher number of years, when he had assigned thirty-two [years] to Cleopatra instead of twenty-two; and thence had collected ^D three hundred and six instead of two hundred and ninety-six; and subsequently, having fallen inadvertently into the Eusebian [calculation] counts, he thought those two hundred and forty-nine [years] [passed] from the seventh year of Philadelphus. For from two hundred and ninety-six, subtracting forty-seven, there remain two hundred and forty-nine. Eusebius writes in his *Chronicon* that in the second year of Philadelphus, the Seventy elders began the interpretation of the holy Volumes, which is more probable. But if we desire to begin a certain reckoning of years, the seventh year of Ptolemy Philadelphus falls in the year of the Julian period 4435. From that point to the end of Cleopatra, which is the Julian period 4684, there are two hundred and fifty years. And so our conjecture about Epiphanius' hallucination is probable. For the sequence of events itself rejects those two hundred and fifty-nine years. (57) *Who constructed the horse-track at Alexandria*. Concerning this horse-track...

or equestrian contest, to which the name Laius was given, nothing has yet occurred. I would believe it was called Lagium, after its founder or rather the author of the race, Lagus. But it is strange that Epiphanius writes that that [track] at Alexandria was founded by Lagus and called Laius, or Lagium. For I do not know if that Lagus ever saw Alexandria, which was founded in the second year of the 112th Olympiad, as Diodorus is the author. Moreover, his son, immediately after the death of Alexander, in the distribution of the provinces, obtained Alexandria and Egypt. Wherefore, either Lagus himself was still alive while Alexander was yet living, and he ennobled Alexandria with some such work; or his son established a monument to the Lagidae in the name of the same work, which latter conjecture is more probable. Concerning Lagus and Ptolemy his son, you may read something memorable in Suidas. (See below for the dissertation on the chronology of the Roman emperors, which followed here in Petavius's edition. Ed.)

XIII. Then the Roman Emperors.

Augustus, 56 years, in whose forty-second year our Lord Jesus Christ was born according to the flesh. Tiberius, 23 years, in whose eighteenth year Christ was crucified. Caius, 3 years, 9 months, 29 days. Claudius, 13 years, 2 months, less two days. Nero, 13 years, 7 months, 27 days. Galba, 7 months, 26 days. Otho, 3 months, 5 days. Vitellius, 18 months, 12 days. Vespasian, 9 years, 7 months, 12 days. Titus, 2 years, 2 months, 2 days. In this time occurred the desolation of Jerusalem, after 65 years and some days had elapsed since Christ's passion. Domitian, 15 years, 5 months. Nerva, 1 year, 4 months. Trajan, 19 years. Adrian, 21 years, in whose twelfth year Aquila was known.

From Augustus, therefore, to Adrian, are gathered 180 years, 4 months, less 9 days; so that from the time when the seventy-two Interpreters existed until the interpreter Aquila, that is, until the twelfth year of Adrian, there are 430 years and 4 months.

XIV.

^A to the ground, except for a few buildings and a small church of God, which had been founded in the place to which the disciples had repaired, when the Savior was taken up from the Mount of Olives, and had ascended into the upper room. For it had been built there—that is to say, in the part of Sion which survived the desolation—along with a few buildings neighboring Sion, and seven synagogues which alone stood on that same mount like huts, of which only one remained, until the times of the bishop Maximona and the emperor Constantine, like a booth in a vineyard, to use the words of Scripture. Hadrian then conceived the idea of rebuilding the city, though not the temple. And having taken this Aquila of whom we have spoken, the interpreter, who was a Greek and his own father-in-law, hailing from Sinope, a town of Pontus, he appointed him to oversee the construction of the city's buildings, having bestowed upon the city his own name and titles taken from the imperial name; for just as he was named Aelius Hadrian, so he named the city Aelia.

^B 171 XV. Aquila, then, living in Jerusalem and seeing the disciples of the apostles' disciples flourishing in faith and performing great wonders of healing and other miracles (for they had returned from the city of Pella to Jerusalem and were teaching; since, when the city was about to be captured by the Romans, all the disciples were warned by an angel to move out from the city, which was soon to be utterly destroyed. And they, having become wanderers, went to the aforementioned city of Pella, beyond the Jordan, which is said to be in the Decapolis. After the desolation of Jerusalem, they returned and, as I said, performed great ^C miracles), Aquila, struck in his heart, believed in Christianity. After some time, he requested and received the seal in Christ. But because he did not depart from his former ways and customs, and relied too much on the vain arts of the mathematicians, in which he was highly skilled—observing his horoscope and his nativity day by day—and being rebuked and corrected for this by the teachers, he would not amend himself; nay rather, being stubbornly recalcitrant, and wishing to maintain and defend certain false and incoherent notions, such as fate and things connected with it, he was again cast out of the Church as being ill-suited for salvation. ^D Being deeply embittered by this ignominy and moved by a certain foolish agitation of mind, he abjured the Christian faith; he was enrolled as a proselyte among the Jews and was circumcised. Then he devoted himself with extreme intensity of mind to learning the Hebrew letters. Having attained a profound mastery of these, he applied himself to translating, not with a sincere intention of soul, but in order to distort certain passages of Scripture, directing all his attack and endeavor against the Seventy-two Interpreters; and this was so that he might publish in a different way the testimonies regarding Christ that are witnessed to in the holy Scriptures, in order to seek some absurd color of excuse for his own shame and ignominy.

^A XVI. And thus, after such a number of years as we wrote above, the second interpretation of this man came into being. Beloved, I could have also mentioned the words he falsified—having the proof against him from the things he himself interpreted—but since we have already discoursed above regarding the difference between these translations, I have deemed those few things that were said to be sufficient for now. ^B After this Aquila and his interpretation, Antoninus, surnamed Pius (which is interpreted as "pious"), succeeds Emperor Hadrian and reigns for twenty-two years. He is succeeded by Caracalla, who was also called Geta, and was also named Marcus Aurelius Severus, and he reigns for seven years. ^B In his own time, Lucius Aurelius Commodus also reigns for these same seven years. Pertinax for six months. Severus for eighteen years. ^C During the times of this Severus, a certain Symmachus, a Samaritan from among those considered wise by them, arose. Driven by ambition and a desire for leadership, when he could not obtain his wish among his own people, he became angry at his tribe, defected to the Jews, and, professing himself a proselyte, underwent a second circumcision. And do not be surprised at this, O hearer, for it happens! For as many as flee from the Jews to the Samaritans are circumcised in return; likewise, those who come from the Samaritans to the Jews. But what is still more grievous than these is that even after circumcision they become uncircumcised, by a certain medical art—by means of what is called an *epispastir*—by which they draw down the skin of the glans and sew it, and bind it with adhesives, and thus recover the foreskin. ^D You have the testimony for this also from the holy Apostle, O you who love fine things, by his own words when he says thus: "Was anyone called while circumcised? Let him not draw it over. Is anyone called in uncircumcision? Let him not be circumcised." They say that this tradition of the wretched opinion was discovered by Esau, the brother of Jacob, for the sake of apostasy and for the effacing of the character of his fathers. For this reason, they say, God said, "I have hated Esau, but Jacob I have loved." This Symmachus, therefore, having interpreted the Scriptures to subvert the interpretations held by the Samaritans, brought forth a third interpretation.

XVII. After this, following close on his heels in the next time—that is, during the reign of the second Commodus, who reigned for thirteen years after the aforementioned Lucius Aurelius Commodus—a certain Theodotion, a native of Pontus from the faction of the heresiarch Marcion of Sinope, being offended by his own party, turned to the Jews, was circumcised, and, having been instructed in the Hebrew tongue and their letters, also personally brought forth a private edition. For the most part he agrees with the Seventy, because he had been worn smooth by their reading and had been exercised by long custom. But you, whoever you are, O learned and stu-

studious one, be the judge of such a case: among whom will the truth itself be found more certainly? Among those three—I mean Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion—who never conferred with one another, but worked privately, each in his own time, separated by the distance of places, and being not many, but only three, were unable to agree with one another? Or among those Seventy-two, the former ones, who all lived at the same time and interpreted ^A, and who, having been divided into thirty-six cells by the king’s command, and without having conferred with one another, yet by the Holy Spirit brought forth the whole interpretation under a single consensus? And where a need for an addition arose for the sake of clarity of the argument, they made that addition, and they agreed and published in harmony with one another—and this while each was ignorant of what the others were interpreting individually. And ^B where, on the other hand, there was a need to omit certain words, they omitted them in like manner, and interpreted in concert, as if they had all sat in one place and deliberated together on the manner of interpretation. It is evident that the truth will be found with the Seventy-two. Therefore, this is known to those who wish to examine with a love for the truth, that those men were not only interpreters, but in a sense also prophets. For if there was no need for their interpretation, they omitted what Origen later inserted in their places with asterisks. Likewise, he did not remove the additions, knowing that there was greater need for them; but he left them, only marking with the obelos the information regarding the reading of the passage in those places where he found each of the things mentioned. And by means of the lemnisci, he similarly indicated those words found in some of the Seventy-two interpreters which were ambiguous—since they appear rarely, and in a scarcity of copies, though they are not different in meaning, but similar and possessing the same power. As one might say "he spoke" instead of "he uttered," or "he came" instead of "he arrived." And these are the things we have written regarding the four editions.

As regards the Fifth and Sixth editions, I cannot say who they are, or from where those who interpreted them came; only that after the persecution of the Emperor Severus, the Fifth edition ^C was found in jars at Jericho, in which it had been hidden, in the time of the son of Severus, called Caracalla, and Geta. For the time of those who reigned from Antoninus Pius the Pious, as he is called, has held this succession according to interpretation.

After Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, who is also called Verus, reigns for 19 years. After him, another, Commodus, reigns for 13 years. In whose time we said that Theodotion, who translated the Fourth edition, was known. This Commodus is succeeded by another, Pertinax, and he reigns for 6 months. He is succeeded by another, Severus, with his son Antoninus, and they reign for 18 years. When Severus died, the rule is succeeded by ^D his son Antoninus, who is also another Geta, who is also called Caracalla...

and he reigns for 7 years. ^A In his seventh year, the books of the Fifth edition were found in jars, hidden in Jericho, along with other Hebrew and Greek books. Caracalla is succeeded by another Antoninus, who reigned for 4 years. After him, Alexander, the son of Mamaea, reigned for 13 years. During these times, the Sixth edition, which also lay hidden in jars, was found in Nicopolis near Actium. After him, Maximian reigns for 3 years. He is succeeded by Gordian, and he reigns for 6 years. After him, Philip reigns for 7 years. He was succeeded by Decius, and he reigned for one year and 3 months. In the times of Decius, Origen was known, having flourished from the times of Decius until Gallus and Volusianus and beyond. But in the persecution that occurred under Decius, Babylas suffered martyrdom in Antioch, Flavian in Rome, and Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, in ^B Caesarea. And Origen himself, although he suffered many things, did not reach the end of martyrdom. Having come to Caesarea Stratonis, and having stayed for a short time in Jerusalem, he then came to Tyre, where for 28 years, as the story goes, he busied himself with his way of life and expounded the Scriptures. At which time he composed those Hexapla of his, with two Hebrew pages added; and he placed one edition opposite another, and named the books Hexapla, as I have explained more fully above.

XIX. Furthermore, when he had found the books of the Fifth and Sixth editions in the manner we have described, and since it was not certain who the translators were, taking into account the times in which they were found, he appended the first one in order after those previous four, which he wished to be called the Fifth, and by inscribing the fifth letter, he showed its order. He followed the same procedure for the Sixth, which, with the episemon prefixed, he published under the name of the Sixth edition. In this matter, there is a certain singular artifice, which is wont to escape most scholars. For when they read the Hexapla or Octapla—for they are ^C Tetrapla when the Greek editions consist of the translations of Aquila, and Symmachus, and the Seventy-two, and Theodotion brought together into one body. When the two Hebrew editions are added to these four columns, it is called Hexapla. But if you also add the Fifth and Sixth editions, it is consequentially called Octapla—some people, therefore, as I said, when they read these books and see the two Hebrew ones placed first, and after these that of Aquila arranged, after which is that of Symmachus, then those of the Seventy-two, after which ^D the translation of Theodotion is arranged, and thereafter the Fifth and the Sixth, they think that the first...

Theodotion’s version is arranged, and next the fifth and the sixth. Some think that Aquila and Symmachus were the first to translate the LXX, according to the order of their placement, which is not the case. But Origen, having learned that the edition of the Seventy was accurate, settled on it as the middle one, in order that the others from one side and the other could be tested and refuted by it as by a carpenter’s line; and this single discovery of Origen was most useful. But that we may not omit the succession of the Roman emperors, which we have begun to set forth, let us again append the successions of the other emperors, just as each one reigned.

^C 20. After Gallus and Volusianus, the aforementioned who reigned for two years and four months, Valerian and Galienus reigned for twelve years. In the ninth year of their reign, Manes came up from Persia. At that time, having disputed with Archelaus, the bishop of Caschar in Mesopotamia, and having carried away the lesser share of the argument, he fled secretly. He went to the village of Diodoris, in the territory of Caschar, and having disputed with the holy presbyter Tryphon, he was utterly put to shame by him, for which reason he was about to be stoned to death by the people, had he not been rescued by the bishop Archelaus. Having returned to Persia, by order of the king of the Persians, his skin was flayed with a reed, and thus he ended his life.

After Valerian and Galienus, Claudius reigned for one year and nine months. He was succeeded by Aurelian, and he reigned for five years and six months. After him, Tacitus reigned for six months. After him, Probus reigned for six years and four months. After him, Carus reigned along with his sons, Carinus and Numerianus, for two years. After him, Diocletian, together with Maximian and Constantius, reigned for thirteen years. In their time, that great persecution took place, which lasted for twelve full years. When the persecution had ceased, Diocletian reigned for one more year, and then ceased from his reign, having abdicated. Maximian, however, having fallen into an evil fate—an eye disease and bodily suffering—had his eyes gouged out by an automatic illness, in the same way as he had treated the martyrs; and so he ended his life, leaving Licinius and Constantius as emperors. When these had died, they were succeeded by Constantine of blessed memory, who reigned for thirty-two years. Upon his death, he left his own sons to reign, Constans, Constantius, and Constantine. After them came Julian, then Jovinian, Valentinian the Great, and Valens his brother, and Gratian the son of Valentinian, and Valentinian the younger, son of Valentinian, brother of Gratian, and Theodosius the most pious emperor, and Arcadius his son, and Honorius the most illustrious, his brother.

^A Since the years up to the second consulship of Arcadius and that of Rufinus are counted as 57. In whose time Valentinian the younger, son of Valentinian the Great, died, having been found suddenly in the palace strangled, as is reported, on the Ides of May, on the day before Pentecost, which was a Saturday; and on the very day of Pentecost he was carried out for burial. It was then, according to the Egyptians, the twenty-first day of the month Pachon; according to the Greeks, the twenty-third of Artemisium; and according to the Romans, the seventeenth day before the Kalends of June.

XXI. Hitherto, most devoted reader, having been content with what has been said, we have set forth the whole history of the interpreters. Now, next, let us apply our mind to the rest, as we promised at your request, O man of God; and let us treat of weights and measures and numbers, and whence the name of each was derived, and for whose sake it was so named, and whence it received the occasion for its name, and also what the quality, weight, and capacity of each of these is.

The measure, therefore, is the *corus*, ^B which is mentioned in the Gospel of Luke; in which passage the Lord himself praises the prudent steward, who, instead of so many *cori* that were contained in their bonds, wrote down so many for the debtors; and instead of so many *bati* of oil, he set down so many. For these are the names of the measures: *lethec*, *gomor*, *batus*, *satum*, *modius*, *corus*, *phoenix*, *yphi* of fine flour, a handful of flour, *artaba*, three measures of fine flour, three baskets of grain loaves, *nebel* of wine, *collathon*, alabaster of ointment, *campsaces* of water, *cotyla* of oil, *cyathus*, *metreta* of wine, *metreta* of oil, *tryblion*, *sextarius*, *amphora*, *aporryma*, *sabitha*, *in*, *chus*, or congius, the golden urn in which the manna was stored, *mares*, *cyprus*, *congiarium*.

The *corus*, therefore, is taken from the Hebrew language, in which it is called *chor*; and it contains 30 *modii*. The word *chor* is said to be derived from the concept of a hill (βουνός); for a hill is called *charia*. And these thirty ^C *modii*, when heaped up, make a camel's load. *Lethec*, moreover, as [it is mentioned] in the prophet Hosea...

[alt-version omitted]

^A *I hired for myself a lethec of barley*. In some manuscripts, however, it reads *gomor of barley*, and they are the same thing; for these denote fifteen *modii*. The word *lethec*, however, is called by the Hebrew name, which means "a lifting," because a young man is able to lift fifteen *modii* and place them on a donkey. The same thing is also called *gomor* (61). There are two kinds of *gomor*, the large and the small; the large is equal in measure to the *lethec*, being itself also [a measure of] fifteen *modii*, while the small is [a measure of] twelve *bathos* (62).

And this [also] is derived from the Hebrew language (63), synonymous with what is called a *bith* in the oil press. For *bathos* is interpreted as an "oil press," ^B and it is [a measure of] fifty *sextarii*. This is the measure of the oil-pressing operation. *Mnasís*, or *medimnos* (64), I suppose...

is derived from the Roman tongue, from the word *medium*. *Mnasís*, therefore, among the Cypriots and among other nations, has its own measure, containing ten *modii* of grain and barley. The *modius* among the Cypriots is seventeen *sextarii*; the *medimnos* among these same people is different. For the Salaminians, or Constantians, define the *medimnos* as five *modii*; the Paphians and Sicilians measure it at four and a half *modii*. It is called *saton* (66), taken from the Hebrew language itself, and is pronounced in the feminine gender. In Greek, however, it is neuter; for it is called *saton*, not *satos*. It is an overflowing *modius*, such that the *modius* is filled, and by the overflow, the fourth part of a ^B *modius* is added. It is called *sata*, pronounced in the same dialect, meaning "taking" or "lifting," from the fact that he who measures is accustomed to take the measure and lift it. Now, the name of the *modius* was found by the Hebrews with great precision to consist of twenty-two *sextarii*, not simply or by chance, but with much precision. For the "just *modius*," as the Law is accustomed to say, was measured according to the "holy measure" (67). And this holy measure is nothing other than the twenty-two works which God performed in the six days of the week.

XXII. For on the first day He created those higher heavens, the earth, and the waters. From these elements, ice, hail, frost, and dew are produced; then the ministering spirits, who perform their function by appearing before Him; such as these are: the angels who assist, the angels of glory, the angels of the blowing spirits, ^C the angels of the clouds, and of darkness, of snow, of hail, and of ice; the angels of sounds, of thunder, of lightning, of cold, of heat, of winter, of autumn, of spring, and of summer, and of all the spirits that are in all created things which heaven and earth embrace; in addition to these, He created the abysses, and the gulfs which are beneath the earth, and chaos, and darkness; evening, night, the light of day, and dawn. These seven greatest works God performed on the first day.

On the second day, He founded the firmament which is in the midst of the waters, and the distribution of the waters that are above the firmament, and of those that are beneath the firmament.

upon the face of all the earth. This alone God created on the second day. ^A On the third day, the seas, the rivers, the springs and lakes, the seeds of the grain, the sprouts, the trees both fruitful and fruitless, and the woods. These four greatest works God created on the third day. On the fourth, the sun, the moon, the stars; these three great works God created on the fourth day. On the fifth, the great whales, the fishes, and the other creeping things that are in the waters, the birds, and the winged creatures. These three great works God created on the fifth day. On the sixth day, the wild beasts, the cattle, the creeping things of the earth, and man. These four great works God created on the sixth day. And all the works created by God in the six days amounted to twenty-two. ^B And God finished on the sixth day all that was in the heavens and in the earth, in the seas and in the abysses, in the light and in the darkness, and in all things.

And God rested on the seventh day from all his works, and blessed it, and sanctified it, and revealed through an angel to Moses that there are also twenty-two generations from Adam to Jacob: *And I will choose for myself from his seed a peculiar people out of all the nations.* The generations of which the Lord spoke ^C are these: Adam, Seth, Enos, Enoch, Arphaxad, Sala, Cainan, Phalec, Malaleel, Heber, Ragau, Jared, Seruch, Nachor, Mathusala, Thare, Lamech, Noe, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Sem. In all, twenty-two generations. Hence also there are twenty-two letters among the Hebrews, and corresponding to them they numbered their books as twenty-two, although there are properly twenty-seven. But because five letters among them are doubled, and there are twenty-seven in total, which are contracted into twenty-two, for this reason they have made the books also to be twenty-two.

23. The first is Beresith, which is called Genesis; ^D then Ellesemoth, which is Exodus, that is, the departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt; Vajicra, which is Leviticus; Vajedabber, which is the book of Numbers; Elledebarim, Deuteronomy; that of Jesus, son of Nave; that of Job; Sophetim, which is Judges; Ruth; the Psalter; Dibre Haijamim, the first book of Paralipomenon; Dibre Haijamim, the second of Paralipomenon; the first of Kingdoms, Samuel; the second of Kingdoms, Samuel; the third of Kingdoms, Melachim; the fourth of Kingdoms, Melachim; Mischle, which is Proverbs; Eccl...

Ecclesiastes; Sirhassirim, which is the Song of Songs; Dathariasara, which is the Twelve Prophets; the prophet Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, the first book of Ezra, the second book of Ezra, Esther. These are the twenty-seven books, which are equalized by the number of the letters, with five letters doubled, as we mentioned above. There is also another small book ^A which is called Cinoth, which is interpreted as the Lamentations of Jeremiah. But this is joined to Jeremiah, and it is in excess of the number, being joined to Jeremiah. These twenty-two numbers, found everywhere and counted in different things—both in the twenty-two works that God made in the six days of the creation of the world, and in the twenty-two generations from Adam down to Israel, and in the twenty-two letters of the alphabet from aleph to thau, and in the twenty-two books from Genesis down to Esther—have become for us a measure of twenty-two sextarii, which is called *modi* among the Hebrews and ^B *modia* among the Greeks for ease of pronunciation. It has the same name among the Egyptians; but the Syrians and the Arabs also call it *modia*, which signifies confession. For a filled *modius* confesses that it is full. It is also called a gnomon.

XXIV. Now that number of twenty-two works that God initially labored upon, and just as many generations which were propagated down to Jacob, and the twenty-two books up to Esther, and the twenty-two letters in which the law of God was consigned to us and the doctrine of God was first shaped for us, seems to signify this: that Christ, who was one day to come, was testified to and revealed by the witness of the law and its mysteries. Coming into this world, ^C He fulfilled for us in the Gospel the measure of life by means of the *modius*—that is, the confession—for all who confess faith in Him and obtain life through His gift. For this reason, it is called a holy kind of measure by the Hebrews, because for the reasons brought forward it contains twenty-two sextarii. For most other nations have either added something to this measure or have taken away from it, while among the Hebrews the number remains most accurately set. Indeed, even among the Romans, an equal measure happens to be called a *modius*, just as among the Hebrews the letter aleph exhorts a child to learn; and it happens that among the Greeks ^D "to inquire" (alphein) is said. From which it is clear that this word "alpha" was transferred into the Greek language from the Hebrew. Thus, therefore, the *modius* flowed from the Hebrews, among whom the same is true. Since it is filled, it confesses that it is full. Isidore brings forward another etymology for the word, from the fact that it is perfect in its own measure.

^A And the *kamos* is, from that same language, a different measure, meaning the fourth part of a modius. The *choenix* and the *ephi* are one and the same thing, though called by a double name; it consists of two sextarii and a small fraction. A "handful of flour"—this is a simple, self-evident matter. The *artaba*—this measure was so named among the Egyptians; it consists of seventy-two sextarii. And from a very precise calculation, this number came together in this way: seventy-two men were then building the tower, at the time when they were scattered ^B from one into seventy-two languages. Whence they were also called "articulate" (*meropes*) because of the division of language. The same mode of calculation applies also to the *metretēs*, if you consider the sacred measure. There are three measures of fine flour, which Abraham ordered Sarah to prepare for the meal of the angels, from which measures he instructed that hearth-cakes be made. And these measures each held a *gomor*. But the *gomor* was the tenth part of the great measure, ^C containing bread baked in the embers.

Of the Measures and Weights

^A and to confess, and that notion of the word pertains to the use itself; for unless one has filled it most cumulatively, he does not confess himself full. But when he has filled the measure and it has been leveled by the radius, then he confesses himself full. ^{A B C} The *kamos* from the same source of the Hebrew language contains the fourth part of a modius. The *choenix* and the *ephi* are one and the same thing, comprised under a double name: it contains two sextarii and somewhat more. A "handful of flour" has nothing difficult about it, and is clearly known to everyone. The *artaba* is a proper Egyptian word, and contains seventy-two sextarii: which number contains a certain mystery in itself; for seventy-two men built that tower, at which time they were divided from one into seventy-two languages. Whence they were named *meropes* from the division of the voice. The same method is also for the *metretēs*, if you keep the reckoning of the sacred measure. These are the three measures of flour which Abraham ordered Sarah to prepare for the banquet of the angels, and ^D from that place to make hearth-cakes. Each of these measures holds *gomor* parts. Moreover, the *gomor* is of the greater measure, or the *artaba*...

^A which becomes seven and one-fifth sextarii.

Three baskets of *chondritai*, which are vessels where they are accustomed to store those *chondritai*. It is a type of bread cut in two. *Nebel* of wine, which is a measure of 150 sextarii. The *saton* is 56 sextarii [(78)]. *Alabastron* of myrrh [(79)], a glass vial, which holds a pound of oil; and its measure is half a sextar. The name *alabastron* comes from its being easily broken. *Campsaces* of water, which is a measure of 12 sextarii of water. The *campsaces* prepared for Elijah [(80)] is of four sextarii. The measure is the *cotyle*, which is half a sextar; it is called *cotyle* from the fact that the sextar is cut into two. *Cyathus* is the sixth part of a sextar [(81)]. The Scripture calls the *cyathi* *medechoth* [(82)]. It calls the *masmaroth* the filters, which we also call strainers. Both terms are used for the same thing, since they have the same function. *Tryblion*, also called *opsobaphon*, or *paropsis*, has a measure of half a sextar. The Alexandrian sextar carries the weight of two pounds of oil. *Aporrhyma* is used only among the Thebans, and is half of a *saiton*. The true *Saitian* measure is 22 sextarii. *Sabitha* is a Syrian name, which is interpreted as a "wine-press shovel" or scoop, and is 22 sextarii among the Ascalonites. *Hin*: the great one [(83)] is 18 sextarii; the holy *hin* is 9 sextarii. *Chous* is 8 sextarii [(84)]; the one called "holy" is 6 sextarii, which is the twelfth part of a *metretes*. ^B

^C Since this was truly defined by him, it departs greatly from what he asserts steadfastly a little before: for he had taught that the *chomer* was of thirty *modii*; but he had imputed sixteen sextarii to the *modius*. Thus the *corus* will consist of 510 sextarii. Now, the *bathus*, which corresponds to the *ephi* measure of dry goods, is the tenth part of a *corus*: the *gomor* is the tenth part of a *bathus*. Therefore, according to Epiphanius’s opinion, the *bathus* contains 50 sextarii (to which indeed he assigns only 50), and the *gomor* 1/10 of a sextar. But he thinks it contains 7 1/5 sextarii. If you multiply these by one hundred, you get the number of sextarii that the *corus* actually contains. For the *corus* contains not thirty *modii*, but 45, as Villalpandus teaches, and the *modius* twenty-two and a half sextarii: which, when multiplied by 45, will make 720 sextarii. That sum, divided by one hundred, gives 7 1/5 sextarii to each *gomor*. This variety of opinions, if it did not arise from a hallucination, seems certainly to have come from the fact that, since other measures among other nations were reckoned under the same names, and were smaller or larger, he gathered these very things tumultuously from various authors into this *Commentary* in his *Adversaria*, and did not propose them accurately and distinctly. ^D

The Book of Measures and Weights

^A A talent is the greatest of all measures by which weights are measured; and according to the *lepton* reckoning, it consists of 125 pounds. Six *lepta* of the talent are worth seven *asses*. And seven *lepta* of the *asses* are worth 100 denarii. The silver coin was stamped from the beginning, and it was stamped from the *asses*. They say that Abraham brought the die for this into Canaan. ^B The pound of the talent is 125, and the pound consists of twelve ounces. The ounce has two *staters*. The *stater* is half an ounce, and it holds two *drachmae*. A *siclus*—which is also called a *quadrans*—is the fourth part of an ounce, half of a *stater*, having two *drachmae*; for the *drachma* was [the eighth part] of an ounce.

^A The *holce* is the same as the *drachma*, and moreover the same as the *siclus* in weight, with which from time to time the hair of Absalom used to be weighed when he was shorn, which weighed one hundred and twenty-five *sicli*, that is, it amounted to two pounds and a half.

An *obolus* was accustomed to be struck among silver coins, and it had the measure of an ounce; and yet it was not minted in silver, but in iron. Although there was another silver *obolus*, a very small coin, and the eightieth part of an ounce. Furthermore, it is read in Leviticus: They saw the didrachm, and commonly establish the *siclus* as a didrachm. Why the LXX Interpreters felt this way, and why they constantly rendered the Hebrew name, *siclus*, as *didrachmon*, the name *siclus* has been devised by some as one thing, and another as four *drachmae*. Which I judge to have proceeded from an error. For in truth the *siclus* held four *drachmae*. But because the Greek interpreters rendered *didrachmon* for *siclus*, from this, those who read the Scripture in Greek did not attribute more than two *drachmae* to the *siclus*. ^B And yet when they had found among the most accurate authors that the same *siclus* was a tetradrachm, they lapsed into this, that they established a double kind of *siclus*. For that in reality, just as I said, they judged the *siclus* to be composed of two drachmae, not one Epiphanius, or Isidore, would provide proof, but also very many others. Among the rest is that scholiast; whose words Camerarius copied from the Budé codex: "They called the 'holce' of an ounce," he says, "a *stater*, because the scales of the balance were in equilibrium on both sides, with half an ounce placed on each of the sides. Whence, by the equilibrium of the rule, according to the equality of the balance, it was called a *stater*; and the *stater* has half an ounce, two *sicli*; again, the *siclus*, which is half the *stater*, [is] a fourth of an ounce, and has twenty *lepta*, etc." It is absurd, however, both in this and in six hundred other places of the ancients, to substitute *sicilicus* for *siclus*. For the *siclus* was a kind of coin customary among the Hebrews, not the *sicilicus*. And therefore ^C Epiphanius is a witness that *quadrans* is also called a *siclus*: because, no doubt, it was accustomed by the Greeks to be commonly constituted as a *didrachmon*, and consequently a *quadrans* of an ounce. In which matter an error was admitted not by the Seventy Elders, but by those later Greeks who followed them. For they did not notice that those interpreters were Alexandrian, or at least that they wrote in Alexandria; and that, consequently, they served the usage and custom of those among whom, and for whose sake, they were writing. But when the talent of the Alexandrians was double the Attic, they also had the same proportion of the Alexandrian *drachma* to the Attic, so that they were *didrachmoi*. For every talent, as is evident from Hero, was composed of sixty minae of its own kind: but a mina, naturally of its own kind, had twenty-five *stateres*, and one hundred *drachmae*. Whence, although one talent was double the other, there were not more minae or *drachmae* counted in the larger, but they served the same in weight and value. Whence some were called *leptai* (small), and others *pacheiai* (thick), as Hesychius says. Which Pollux ^D also confirms (book ix, ch. 6). Thus, therefore, the Alexandrian talent—which, by the authority of Festus, was worth twelve thousand denarii—when it was estimated at as many thousands of Attic drachmae, did not count more of its own kind, that is, of the Alexandrian *drachmae*, than six thousand. Wherefore the individual *drachmae*, compared to the Attic and the common ones, were accounted *didrachmoi*. For which reason the LXX Interpreters said the *siclus* was a *didrachmon*, that is, endowed with the weight and value of two Alexandrian *drachmae*, while in the meantime it held four Attic *drachmae*. For when the rest had not noticed this, and were looking back to the common and Attic ones, they interpreted the *siclus* as half as small as it was in reality. Therefore...

it has twenty obols; for we have already taught that the *didrachmon* is a quarter of an ounce. ^A

*Chalci*: these were discovered by the Egyptians, and they are two minted silver coins; and among the Alexandrians, these silver coins are called *chalkina*. The *chalcus* has a weight of an eighth part of an ounce, as does the *drachma*.

*Mna*, which is called *mane* in the Hebrew tongue; but the Italian *mna* is of forty staters, which is twenty ounces, or one pound and two-thirds. ^B

Of silver coins there have been many types at various times.

The *nummus* ^C is said to have been first minted by Numa, one of the kings of the Romans. And the ancients called the half of the silver coin a *dichryson*.

The *argenteus*, this is what the Romans call a *miliarisium*, ^D which can be interpreted as a military donative.

There is also the *dichryson*, and this was a silver coin: which later...

was called spurious, because it happened that the emperor of the time, who had been slain, had his likeness removed from the coin on which it had been impressed. From that time on, wherever that coin was found bearing the image of the slain emperor, it was called spurious, that is to say, rejected.

A *pholis*, which is also called a *talantion*; it is double and is composed of two silver pieces, which make two hundred and eight denarii. And a *pholis* is two lepta according to the denarius account, but not according to the silver account.

A *mares* is a measure ^B among the people of Pontus, consisting of two hydriæ; and a hydria for them is ten sextarii; so that a *cyprus* is twenty Alexandrian sextarii.

A *cyprus* among the same people of Pontus is a measure for dry grain, containing two modii; which they say is equivalent to five chœnices; and the chœnix among them consists of five sextarii; so that the *cyprus* amounts to twenty sextarii; for the large modius among them is twenty-four sextarii.

A *collathon* is for the Syrians the half of a liquid *saton*; it is twenty-five sextarii.

A *congiarium* is a measure of liquid, and it is a *maris* of six cotylæ.