we were with him, and when we had seen the grace of the Holy Spirit given to the pious maiden, we glorified God who gives wisdom and grace to His elect. He dismissed the maiden that day.
CII. It came to pass, however, in those same days that the old woman rested and migrated to the Lord. Then the blessed one, having summoned the maiden, called for the pious deaconess Manaris, whose name also, interpreted in the Greek tongue, signifies *phtene*, that is to say, "lucid." He entrusted Salaptha to her, having given her the regular habit. And when he had commended them to God, he dismissed them in peace. She, indeed, took up such a manner of life as no other person at that time enjoyed; she fasted daily, and after her fast ate a little bread with salt and soaked legumes, or finely chopped herbs and water alone: for she took no wine at all. On feast days, however, she used oil and ate olives; she tasted nothing else that had been cooked by fire. But during the fasts of Lent, every second day she would eat soaked legumes or chopped herbs without bread. For the whole of Holy Week, she would take nothing except, on Holy Thursday after the Holy Communion, warm water: and her body had become so emaciated A that those who saw her thought they were looking at a shadow. Furthermore, she was a model to many others as well. For they emulated the life of the holy maiden Salaptha, who is seen to live even to this very day. For she has been affected by death to the world; yet she lives to Christ and is with Him forever: may we be participants in her holy prayers. And let these things be said concerning the holy maiden Salaptha.
CIII. The most blessed bishop Porphyrius, when he had established the ecclesiastical rule and all that pertains to it, and after surviving for a few more years, having sanctified the church, fell into illness and made his pious testament: in which, having bequeathed many things and commended to God all the people who loved Christ, he fell asleep in peace with the saints, on the second day of the month of Dystrus, in the year—according to the calculation of the Gazaeans—four hundred and eighty; in the twenty-fourth year of his episcopate, the eleventh month, and having completed his illustrious contest against the idolaters right up to the day of his falling asleep. And now he is in the paradise of delights, interceding for us with all the saints: by whose prayers may the Father and God, with the Son and the Holy Spirit, have mercy upon us: to whom be glory and power for ever and ever, Amen.
ON THE PRECEDING LIFE: OBSERVATIONS OF ALEXIUS SYMMACHUS MAZOCHIUS, V.C.
Col. 1219 B, § XVI. *Seizing* (the Gazaeans, the blessed Porphyrius, ordained him bishop of Gaza). The word for "to ordain" among writers of ancient times is to choose, to create; and it is used of dignities. In Greek, this is *cheirotonein*, which is the word here in Greek. C Both *cheirotonein*, and to "ordain" sacred ministers, were formerly attributed to the people and the clergy: but the laying on of hands, or *cheirothesein*, belonged to the consecrating bishop. Concerning these things, we have noted more accurately and contrary to common opinion in our Biblical observations on the New Testament, which, God willing, are to be published.
Col. 1220 B, § XIX. *But the idolaters (of Gaza) gathered in the Marnion, and were offering many sacrifices and many prayers for this reason (namely, to obtain rain); for they said that Marnas was the lord of the rains; and they say that Marnas was Jupiter.* Regarding Marnas, the peculiar deity of the Gazaeans, see Josephus, the ecclesiastical historians, Stephanus the ethnographer in Gaza, Jerome, and others. All, however, agree that he was the same as Jupiter. But there is no single opinion regarding the etymology. Stephanus, in the aforementioned place, thinks that Marnas signifies in Greek *Kretagenes*, that is, Jupiter by the name of *Cretagenes*, or born in Crete. And although that meaning can in no way be extracted from the name *Marnas*, it must be confessed that the Gazaeans confused Marnas with Jupiter Cretagenes: as this Life attests in § LXIV, *Marnion*, which they said was *tou genous Dios*: D where in Greek it certainly was *Kretagenous Dios*—that is, of Jupiter Cretagenes; which Henschenius also saw. Another interpretation of this name, proceeding from Bochart, is that just as *barnas* is "son of man," so *Marnas* is "lord of men": for it is known that the word *Mar* among the Syrians denotes "lord." A third interpretation is provided by this place in the Life of Porphyrius, where the Gazaeans supplicate their Marnas to elicit rains; the rationale for which act is handed down thus: for they said that Marnas was the lord of the rains—that is to say, Jupiter *huetios*, the bringer of rain. And those words (I confess) do not compellingly prove it. I suppose that the Syrian Gazaeans recognized in Marnas the significance of rains, but that Marnas was merely the same as Jupiter, whom we otherwise know was held to be the lord of rains. But what if the common people so believed, that *Marnas* signifies not only "lord," but also "rainy"? And indeed, among the Syrian Gazaeans, *Marnas* was perhaps not *Marnas*, but—I suspect—*Marana* (without the sibilant, which seems to pertain to the Greek termination), which word comes very close to *Maran*, "lord": but *Maran* itself seems to me to be derived from the Hebrew *Moreh* (which is "teacher"), with the vowel in the Chaldaic dialect changed from O to A, and an added terminal N. That *Maran* comes from *Moreh* is understood from the fact that *Mar* (which is *Maran* shortened) was pronounced by the Babylonians, as Elias testifies, as *Mor*, as if with the vowel *Cholem*: concerning which, see Buxtorf’s *Lexicon Chaldaicum* under *Mar*. And I could indeed bring forward more reasons why *Maran* (from which *Marana* is formed) should be derived from the Hebrew *Moreh*: especially since the meaning is appropriate, because *Moreh* is "teacher" to the Hebrews, and *Maran* among the Jews is a title for illustrious teachers. But indeed, the Hebrew *Moreh* signifies not only "teacher," but also "rain," from Joel 2:23. Therefore I think it came about from this that they supposed *Marna* (or even *Marnas* with a *Samech* that is not radical, but terminal).
A
Ibid. After a few things have been interposed, the same Gazaeans are described as going out of the city in the same calamity to a place which is called the *Oratory*. In Greek this was, without a doubt, *eis ton legomenon tes Proseuches topon*. Hervetus (who in this translation loves to leave technical vocabulary intact rather than endue it in a Latin vesture) should have rendered it as that which is called the *Proseucha* place. For even Juvenal, speaking of the *proseuchae* of the Jews, did not change that word, although the Vulgate translator of the New Testament called it an *Oratory*. I have written things not altogether trite concerning the *proseuchae* of the Jews in my notes on the New Testament, and among other things, that it was customary for *proseuchae* to be established outside city walls, which is also apparent from Acts 16:13. But this stirs up saliva here, why idolaters (for it is of them that the discourse is) would have gathered in a Jewish *proseucha*, to whom, moreover, we know that the race of the Jews was a laughingstock. And yet, not once in my observations on the New Testament has it been shown from various passages of the poets that the Gentiles were very prone to Jewish ceremonies. The religion-seeking ethnics were wont to prowl into the gatherings of the Jews, according to Horace, *Sat.* 1.4, and Juvenal:
*Tell me where you stand? In what proseucha am I to look for you?*
But what if this *proseucha* into which the pagan Gazaeans were meeting was not Jewish (for the most diligent writer, Marcus, would not have concealed that), but rather pagan? That seems more likely. I know that Julian the Apostate transferred many institutions of the Christians and the Jews (and especially those pertaining to prayers and asceticism) to the Gentiles, so that they might appear more dutiful. Therefore, the Gazaeans either had already learned the use of *proseuchae* from their Jewish neighbors, or at least under Julian. However that may be, I would hold it as a certainty that this *proseucha* of the Gazaeans was not Jewish but idolatrous, yet established in imitation of the Jews; if it had been Jewish, Marcus, because of his habitual attention to detail (*leptologia*—of which I shall produce an illustrious specimen below at § LXI), would by no means have kept silent about it. But what if the *proseucha* of the poet Juvenal were also ethnic? His ancient scholiast, indeed, doubts whether it was not a place where beggars solicited alms, rather than a Jewish *proseucha*. But this passage of Marcus the biographer (in which a *proseucha* served for the sacred prayers of the Gentiles) and the verse of Juvenal pour mutual light upon one another.
Col. 1222 A, § XXII. It is narrated that Barrochas, a disciple of Porphyry (of whom there is much discourse in this Life), went once into a village for the *ecclesiastical canon*. The *canon* is a payment which those who demanded it are called, in the canon laws, *Canonicarii*. But from this we learn that in the fourth century the churches of Palestine were endowed with landed estates, for which a *canon*—so-called ecclesiastical—(which word is to be carefully noted) was demanded from the conductors or, more properly, the emphyteutic tenants. And which churches did Constantine not endow? You see, moreover, that the farmer from whom the *canon* was demanded was an idolater, who left Barrochas so bruised by blows that he was taken for dead.
Col. 1236 B, § LIV. "But we conducted" (Marcus speaks of himself and the Blessed Porphyry, and John of Caesarea) "in the city (Constantinople) three days, until we received the *Legatio* of forty pounds," from the imperial largess, specifically for ecclesiastical uses, as is clear from the preceding liberalities. But what specifically *legatio* might be here, since it is obscure, nevertheless both Henschenius in the notes to the *Life* and Tillemont pass over this passage securely. But Castellanus translates it thus: *une ordonnance pour quarante livres*, which is too vague. But why do I delay? In the Greek, Hervetus had found *Legationa* or *Legationa*, but the faithful interpreter, according to his custom, refrained from changing the word *technika*; which he should have rendered in Latin not as *legatio* (for that is nothing here) but as *delegatio*, to delegate a debtor being to give in one's own stead another defendant to the creditor. That legal maxim is well known: *Delegatio vicem solutionis continet*, lib. 37, § 4, *De op. libert.* And where does a *delegatio* of names not appear in our law? Therefore, Marcus means to say that by an imperial rescript a debtor was delegated who would pay the forty pounds to Porphyry in Palestine. From here, I believe, someone might have gathered that the first syllable of this word was missing in the Greek text. But there is nothing whatever missing in the Greek. For I gather that the Greek writers of Roman law omitted the first syllable of this name from the *Nomical Glossaries* which Car. Labbé published at the end of his old *Glossary*, in which it is written: *Legation, he prosopou metatithesa to chreos eis prosopon*, that is, *Legatio* (which for the Latins is *delegatio*) is that which transfers a debt from one person to another. Furthermore, it is appropriate to understand pounds here not of silver but of gold, of which each in the time of Constantine was formerly seventy-two solidi or aurei; but the same pound was later reduced to seventy-two solidi by Valentinian the Senior; hence also the *Libræ occiduæ* (for *occiduum* among writers of a later age is the same as *diminished*) finds its name in the Acts of St. Marcellinus the Pope, and in the synod of Sinuessa, as Jac. Gothofredus has copiously taught ad l. un. *De oblat. vot.*
Col. 1238 C, § LXI. And the falling statue of Venus broke one head into two parts, and another's shoulder and *brachiale*. For the interpreter had found in the Greek *brachialion*. In the Glossaries of Cyril *brachialion* is *Variola*, which the Italians call *braccialetto*. And you may see concerning this word both of Du Cange’s *Glossaries*. But it is worth knowing why the writer deemed this smashing of a bracelet worthy to have mention of it woven into his commentary. Was it to show the softness of that effeminate one, who approached the adoration of Venus with womanly cult? Which dissolution God clearly condemned when that very ornament was torn apart? Unless some such thing was observed by Marcus as he was writing, he seemed to have been able to forgo these lesser notes. But however that may be, from this certainly, and from six hundred other things of this *leptologia* (a narration of the most minute things), is known what is, nevertheless, no small character of truthfulness and simplicity.
Col. 1239 C, § LXIV. In a city more devoted to religions than can be told, no more than eight public temples of idols are numbered: to which count is added: "There were, however, many other idols in houses (private ones, clearly, to which those public temples are opposed) and in the villages, which no one could enumerate." But those eight public idol temples are enumerated thus: of the Sun and Venus and Apollo and Proserpina and Hecate, and what they called *Hierion* or of the priests (it appears Marcus only wrote *to kaloumenon Hiereion*, then perhaps an ignoramus added *ton hiereon*—for he thought that just as *Tychion* is made from *Tyche*, so *Hierion* was said to be from *hiereus*; which if it proceeded from the hand of Marcus or the priests, something of a more recondite antiquity certainly lies hidden there); and of the Fortune of the city (which in Latin had to be called the *Genius* of the city; for he who for the Latins was *Genius*, is called *Tyche* by the Greeks), which they called *Tychion*; and *Marnion*, which they claimed to be of the Cretan kind of Jove (or rather *Cretagenis* Jove, as we hinted above), which they supposed to be more glorious than all the temples that are everywhere. But now, just as these were the only public temples, so their divinities were called public, because they had obtained public worship by public decree of the city; whereas, on the contrary, many others were worshipped in private religion in the *Lararia*. An inscription at Capua is seen in the forum, halved, in which a certain woman (whether *Laberia* or *Faberia*: for only *aberia* remains) is said to have been *SACERDOS PVBLICA NVMINIS CAPUAE* (unless you prefer to interpret *PUB—* as *sacerdos publica*, as elsewhere *sacerdos publicus* elected by...
A the splendid order of Decurions. Diana Tifatina’s temple was the most celebrated in all ages of Capua; whose priesthood she discharged.
Col. 1240 B, § LXVI. *Deliberating what should be done with Marnas, the boy, inspired by the Spirit of Christ, declares that it must be burnt down to the ground, after the doors have first been smeared with pitch, sulphur, and pig fat mixed together. Bring, he says, damp pitch, sulphur, and pig fat...* In the Greek it was πίσσαν τὴν ὑγράν, which ought to be translated as liquid pitch, as Pliny calls it; for in that nomenclature *hūgros* is taken not for damp, but for *chutos*, fluid, as the scholiast of Nicander says, where he mentions that the odor of cantharides is similar to *pissē chutē*, which is *hygropissō*, fluid pitch, or hygropiss. Among Dioscorides, lib. 1, c. 95, *pissa hūgra* (liquid pitch) is collected from spruce and pine: to which, in cap. 98, is opposed *pissa arida* (dry pitch), which because it is thickened by cooking, he states is called *palimpissa*. Pliny XXIV, 7, maintains that pitch is of two kinds, thick and liquid.
Col. 1245 B, § LXXIX. *Stones are brought together for the building of the church from the tumulus (Castellanus rendered it tonceau; although it denotes here a hill rising modestly) which is called Aldioma.* The word Aldioma has a Greek form, as if it were from *aldaino*, a verb which nowhere exists; nor can that word be derived analogically from any other root known today: for analogy forbids that it should rise from *aldaino*. Hence, a suspicion of a Syriac origin deservedly occurred to me. The author of the *Etymologicum Magnum* (although he is mistaken in the etymology) rendered me certain of this opinion in *Aldēmios*, where he wrote thus: "Aldemios or Aldos, Zeus, who is honored in Gaza of Syria, from *aldainō*, to increase; which is used of the growth of fruits." *Alde*—this is, Aldemios or Aldos is Jupiter who is worshiped in Gaza (that is a city of Syria), from the verb *aldainō*, which is the verb for growing, and is used concerning fruits. The author is Methodius. These are the Etymologist's words. Now it may be doubted whether that tumulus was called Aldioma from the god Aldus, because the god Aldus was worshiped there; or conversely, whether the god Aldus earned his name from the hill *Aldioma*. If we follow the former, Jupiter Aldus will proceed from *holad*, that is, begotten or produced into the light, so that under B this name the birth of Jupiter, of which the Cretans boasted, is worshiped; and Aldus is indeed the same as *Kretagenēs* (that is, born in Crete), under which title Marnas of Gaza was understood, or Jupiter, as we said at n. 19. There is also in Isaiah LX, 6, *Holad*, the name of a place written with the same letters. From *Holad* however (with the O changed to A by Chaldean custom) comes *Alda*, whence with the Greek ending, *Aldos*. But what if that name, as we touched upon above, was primarily of the tumulus, and from it was transferred to the deity who was honored there? For certainly we know from this passage of the deacon Marcus that there were stone quarries in that tumulus, from which Porphyrius had stones carted for the construction of the church. Therefore that word will be from the Syriac and Chaldean verb *halad*, which means to dig, hollow out, perforate; which is used concerning the tunnels of mines, just as the word *hulda*, which signifies a mole, a weasel, and other animals that dig tunnels. From these tunnels of the quarries, therefore, *Aldioma* sought its name; whence also Jupiter, worshiped there, was called Aldus and Aldemius. But the genius of the Greeks is such that they endeavor to refer all foreign words to their own origins, by right or by wrong. As for the words *Aldi* and *Aldioma*, after I have dwelt upon them for a long time, I am certainly not yet sorry, since they demonstrate miraculously the sincerity of this monument in agreement with the *Etymologicum Magnum*. Confer also the proper names which will be explained below at § CII.
Ibid. C, § LXXX. *When three boys had fallen into the well, Porphyrius ordered someone to descend by the ropes of the buckets and search for the boys.* Correctly. For in the *tympanum* or machine for drawing water, ropes—(others called them buckets, following Marcus who wrote *tōn kadōn*—ought to be inserted at an interval, are so disposed that they not badly fulfill the role of stairs.
Col. 1247 A, § LXXXIV. *Among the columns sent by Eudoxia Aug. for the adornment of the church, two, he says, are called Carystian:* which indeed are in the holy church shining like emeralds. Carystian marble was prized both in veneers C and especially in columns. Strabo mentions Carystian columns, lib. x, writing that near Carystus, in a place called *Marmarion*, there are the *latomion* of the Carystian columns, the quarry of the Carystian columns. Stephanus uses the same words. Pliny xxxvi, 6, and another Pliny x, 6; Tibullus I, 3, and many others also mention the Carystian [columns]. And indeed, I recalled long ago having discovered from not obscure clues that this type of marble was none other than that green, most lucid marble which the Italians call *Verde antico*. But this passage of Marcus now clearly teaches it: for that comparison to the emerald points to that, to whose color and light the Carystian marble, if it be of the best grade, most closely approaches. People commonly complain that the quarries of this marble are unknown today. But they must be sought in Euboea, as I said, where the city of Carystus was. That the Roman emperors once valued these quarries is shown by the Roman stone at Aldus in *Orth.* p. 479, inscribed thus: *Hymeneus Cæsaris ser. Thamyrianus a lapidicinis Carystiis fec. sibi et Thamyro nutricio.*
Col. 1248 C, § LXXXVIII. Marcus speaks of Porphyrius’ disputation with Julia the Manichaean, which a certain deacon Cornelius took down in notes: which disputation the same Marcus affirms he published separately. Would that this disputation had survived to this age: for it could be joined with another disputation of the same scope, by the author Archelaus, bishop of the Cascarites in Mesopotamia in the third century, which was published at the end of Socrates and Sozomen, first from an old Latin translation, then later brought out in an expanded edition by Zacagni. Which indeed itself must have been taken down in notes at first: and which finally a certain Regemonius, as witnessed by Photius, transcribed—that is, as I interpret it, having redacted it into the form in which it is now seen, he made it public property under Archelaus' name: a thing which Marcus also performed in Porphyrius' disputation. The most learned prefect of the Vatican Library, Joseph Assemanus, vol. 1 of the *Bibliotheca Orientalis*, page 555, teaches that Archelaus’ D disputation exists in Syriac. But now regarding the notes, Marcus speaks of them thus: *But brother Cornelius the deacon, knowing how to write in notes, which are used in law, ordered by the blessed bishop, noted everything.* Men of learning have already occupied themselves by gleaning the best things from the *tachygraphical* notes. But let it suffice to have noted here only that Isidore, *Orig.* 21, 22, 23, describes three types of notes: common, juridical, military. But since he treats the juridical more accurately, I think that by this very fact he shows they were more customary in his age, which is also gathered from this passage of Marcus. Isidore offers more examples of these (would that he had produced them all), adding at the end: *The novice emperors (Justinian and those who followed him) decreed that these legal notes should be abolished from codes of laws, because the cunning in spirit were deceiving the ignorant by means of them.* Hence, although they could be used in other things outside of the laws, none the less in juridical matters, nevertheless they gradually (especially as the barbarians flooded in) fell into disuse, both the Latin juridical notes of Isidore and those which the Greeks used.
Ibid. § XCII. *And it was permitted (in the new church dedicated by Porphyrius) to see angelic choirs, not only in the ecclesiastical Consequentia, but also in the Hours, when they were celebrated.* For *Consequentia* there was 'Aκολουθία, Acoluthia, in the Greek. From this you see the sum of the entire ecclesiastical office's partition into Acoluthia and Hours. And under the name of Hours did not today alone come Prime (for which in other cases it used to be Prime).
by which monuments the *orthros*, dawn, A *Tertia*, *Sexta*, *Nona*, which the daily Horologion includes along with its *Mesoria*. The pseudo-Clement (VIII, 34) mentions these same Hours, and he also explains their mysteries, which are commonly known; Jerome in many places does so as well, as do many others of the ancients. That the distribution of the Hours should be attributed to the elder Theodosius, I could readily believe, as Walafrid Strabo teaches (De reb. eccle. c. 25): hence it is no wonder that mention of the Hours is made in this *Life*. So much for the Hours. But I do not quite digest why here *Acoluthia* is distinguished from the Hours. For a long time now among the Greeks, *Acoluthia* has been taken for the entire course of the Office (as much as one may infer from the interpretation of the name; because, they say, the parts of the Office follow one upon another), so that it includes the *Mesonycticon*, the *Orthros*, and the Vesper, and in addition to these, the Hours and the *deipnon*. Did the custom in the age of Porphyrius therefore hold that whatever there was besides the Hours, that is, the Third, Sixth, and Ninth (for it is doubted whether the First was initially counted among the Hours), was all called *Acoluthia*? That indeed does not deviate much from the truth. Or does the term "Hours" perhaps encompass the whole distribution of the night and day Office (for that is what seems to be gathered from pseudo-Clement, Jerome, and others, and furthermore from Walafrid and more recent writers, and specifically from Zonaras in Meursius, who hunts for a mystery in the number of nine, as he wishes), or, I say, does the whole course of the Office come under the name of "Hours," while *Acoluthia* in this *Life* designates nothing other than the hymnody and certain modifiable parts? By modifiable parts, I understand the *stichera*, *hirmoi*, *troparia*, *canon*, *odes*, and what other such terms there are in the ritual books of the Greeks. But why I take *Acoluthia* in this *Life* as hymnody and modifiable chants, is first indicated by the *Thesaurus quadrilinguis* of a certain Gerasimus Walchius, in which C (cited in Suicerus) *Acoluthia* is... *hymnodia*, *hymnus*, *kånôn*; *Acoluthia* is... *hymnodia*, *hymnus*, *canon*. Furthermore, because the word *Sequentiæ* (which corresponds to the word *Acoluthia*) among the Latins encompasses only modifiable parts: whence the book that contained the *Sequentiæ* was called a *Sequentiarius*. To these we add the *Typicon* of Sabas, c. 12: *anaståsimon acoluthia ou psåletai*, wherein *Acoluthia* is clearly hymnody: but there the discourse is about the *anastasimon* canon. The canon, however, is a famous part of hymnody, consisting of several odes. Why say more? The very words of the *Life* which we cited above proclaim it with a distinct voice; where it says that it was not only the Consequence, in Greek *Acoluthia* (which by its nature is born to refer to angelic choirs, and therefore is less to be wondered at), that was similar to the angelic choirs, but even the Hours themselves, namely, apart from the hymnody.
Col. 1251 A, § XCVII. In order for Porphyrius to withdraw himself from the tumult stirred up on his account, fleeing over the roofs, he said to the girl Salaphtha: "Bring to us here a mat onto this roof, that we may remain here until the tumult of the city settles, and do not report that we are here." The interpreter translated the word "roof" as—which I believe was Greek—*dömation*. In any case, this passage is similar to that in the *Acts of St. Polycarp* § 7, where the *diogmitæ* re- D discovered the holy martyr *en tini dömatiö kata* *keimenon huperpöö*, that is, pressing himself in a certain upper room of the building, or lying hidden. Compare the remarks on this passage of the Acts of Polycarp in our *Commentary on the Neapolitan Kalendar*, vol. I, to February 22, p. 69, at the end of note 46.
Col. 1252 C, § CI. That point, "After he (Porphyrius) had laid aside the holy habit," openly shows (which is also clear from other more ancient monuments) that the ministers of the Church then possessed sacred vestments distinct from common ones; and that they used them for a long time while they were performing sacred rites or doing anything else of a sacred nature, afterwards, having removed them, they put on civil clothes, yet ones fitting for the clergy. For I would show, if I were doing that, that the civil clothing of the clergy was then different from the garments of the laity. Meanwhile, it is relevant that in this *Life*, even those pious women who lived the monastic life in houses were covered in clothing different from the girls of the world: for that is shown shortly after in no. 102, where Porphyrius is said to have gifted the virgin Salaphtha with a regular habit, and to have entrusted her to the deaconess Manaris, that under her guidance she might undertake a holier life. But now something must be said about the names Manaris and Salaphtha.
Col. 1253 A, § CII. Porphyrius is said to have summoned the pious deaconess Manaris, whose name is interpreted also in the Greek tongue as *phöteinë*, that is, "the bright one." That "also" refers to the interpretation of Salaphtha given just before in § XCVIII, where the word Salaphtha is said to signify "peace." And why *Manaris* is translated as "the bright one" is easy to say, for from the verb *nür* (which among the Hebrews, Chaldeans, Arabs, and Syrians of Gaza signifies "to shine") is formed the Hebrew *manor*, that is, "lamp," from which arises the Chaldean (changing O into A) *Manar* or *Menara*; whence from the Greek termination arises *Manaris*, that is, "the bright one." But how Salaphtha might signify peace in Syriac or Chaldean, I do not see. Therefore, I suspected that it had been written by Mark as *Salamtha*. And I learned later from Castellanus, p. 790, that this was the true name, with the witness of the Greek compendium of this *Life* which is kept in the royal library, that her name is written *Salantha* with an N in place of the labial P, and that she was later called *eirënë*, Irene (which signifies peace). But, if you listen to me, not even this spelling of the name is correct: which should have been called *Salamtha* with an M, if her name indeed signified peace. But it was very easy for an M to be changed into an N by copyists. Indeed, the word *Salom* (which denotes peace to the Hebrews) is called by the Syrians *selamtho* or (with Chaldean pronunciation) *Selamtha*: which is, of course, the very name of this girl. But also Barochas (about whom there is much talk in this *Life*) is *Baruch*, that is, "blessed," with the addition of a Greek termination. What *Marnas*, or what *Aldioma* signified in Syriac, we have already shown above. Nor is it understood any otherwise than that the Syrian tongue was the vernacular of the Gazaeans, from the fact that in § LXVI, as long as that prophetic boy was prophesying in Syriac, it happened that less wonder was caused. But after the same boy spoke in Greek (in the following §), that was indeed a miracle to St. Porphyrius and the others.
INDEX OF THE SECTIONS OF THE LIFE OF ST. PORPHYRIUS
I. The deeds of the saints are recorded, useful for posterity. II. Saint Porphyrius did and suffered mighty things. III. The author wrote his life faithfully from certain knowledge. IV. Saint Porphyrius is born in Thessalonica. He lives as an anchorite for five years in Egypt: the same in Palestine.Index of the Sections of the Life of Saint Porphyrius
V. The sick man visits the holy places of Jerusalem. VI. He receives a very large inheritance after sending Marcus to Thessalonica. VII. He is suddenly healed by Christ, who appears to him in an ecstasy. VIII. Endowed with every kind of learning and virtue. IX. He distributes his inheritance to the needy: he earns his living by the trade of a cobbler. X. At forty years of age he is ordained a priest. He guards the cross of Christ for three years, devoted to the highest abstinence. XI. Meanwhile, Aeneas, Bishop of Gaza, dies. XII. Porphyrius is summoned to Caesarea. XIII. By a revelation, he learns that he will be bishop. XIV. After adoring the cross, he sets out for Caesarea. XV. He is received by Archbishop John. XVI. He is ordained Bishop of the Gazaeans. XVII. Setting out for Gaza, he is attacked by the treachery of idolaters. XVIII. Upon arriving at Gaza, he turns toward the episcopal residence. XIX. The idolaters in vain ask for rain from the idol Marnas. XX. Saint Porphyrius proclaims a fast and vigils, organizes a procession to various temples, and obtains rain. XXI. He converts one hundred and twenty-seven idolaters: others in the same year. XXII. Barochas is whipped by rustic idolaters. XXIII. Thought to be dead, he is rescued from the hands of the very men who attacked him and is restored to the gentleness of Saint Porphyrius. XXIV. He is carried into the temple. XXV. He himself strikes and puts to flight the idolaters who were rioting over the body of the man thought to be dead. Barochas and Marcus are ordained deacons. XXVI. An edict of Emperor Arcadius against idols is obtained. XXVII. Through the greed of Hilarius, the edict is rendered void. XXVIII. A woman giving birth, in danger due to a breech presentation, XXIX. Porphyrius, through a nurse instructed by him, XXX. Liberates her by invoking the name of Christ. XXXI. He converts sixty-four idolaters to the faith. XXXII. On account of the perfidy of the Gentiles, Porphyrius tries to resign his bishopric, but in vain. XXXIII. He secures the Archbishop of Caesarea as a companion for his journey. XXXIV. They sail both to Constantinople. They put in at Rhodes. XXXV. They visit the holy anchorite Procopius. They are recognized by divine intuition. They explain the cause of their journey. XXXVI. They are taught the manner of carrying out their business. XXXVII. They arrive at Constantinople. They consult Saint John Chrysostom. XXXVIII. They receive Amantius, the Empress's chamberlain, as their proxy for the business. XXXIX. Eudoxia receives the bishops kindly. XL. She pledges her support and gives alms. XLI. She vigorously pleads their case before Arcadius. XLII. She learns from Saint Porphyrius that she is to bear a son. XLIII. She vows that she will build a church in Gaza. XLIV. Theodosius Junior is born and acclaimed emperor. XLV. He is blessed by the bishops with the sign of the cross along with his mother. The success of the business is revealed to Saint Porphyrius. XLVI. Eudoxia indicates what ought to be done. XLVII. Theodosius is baptized with solemn pomp, with the noblemen carrying white candles. XLVIII. The bishops offer a petition to the infant Theodosius. XLIX. They obtain what they had sought. L. A rescript is made. LI. The execution is entrusted to Cynegius. LII. They prepare for their departure. LIII. They are given very grand gifts by Eudoxia, LIV. And by Arcadius. LV. The bishops put in at Rhodes. LVI. They are tossed by a horrible storm because of an Arian shipmaster. LVII. Upon his abjuring the heresy, they obtain a calm sea. LVIII. They are received by the Gazaeans with a solemn supplication. LIX. The statue of Venus. LX. Concerning the demon deceiving men within it. LXI. At the sight of the cross being carried, it is shattered and kills the scoffers of the petition. LXII. A triple joy for the Christians. LXIII. With the Gentiles gnashing their teeth, the edict of the emperors is published. LXIV. Eight temples of the idols are overthrown. LXV. Struck by anathema, they seize things consecrated to the idols. LXVI. Christ declares that Marnas is to be burned, by means of a boy. LXVII. The boy is examined by Saint Porphyrius. LXVIII. He repeats the same things in Greek, although he is ignorant of that language. LXIX. Marnas is burned and plundered. LXX. The tribune, who was a Christian in pretense, is punished by God. LXXI. Domestic idols and impious books are burned. LXXII. Some through fear, others through the truth they recognized, are converted to the faith. LXXIII. Saint Porphyrius admits all, LXXIV. And instructs the catechumens. LXXV. About to build a new church, he is taught that it must be made in the shape of a cross. LXXVI. What was done before the construction of the church. LXXVII. The holy prelate proclaims a solemn procession with the image of the holy cross. LXXVIII. The people are set to work. LXXIX. Saint Porphyrius lays the first foundation stone. LXXX. Three boys having fallen into a well, LXXXI. Are miraculously saved without harm. LXXXII. They are divinely marked with the sign of the holy cross. LXXXIII. They are pulled out shining with a brilliant light. LXXXIV. Thirty columns are sent by Eudoxia. LXXXV. The Manichaean heresy, which is impious, worships gods: LXXXVI. And a phantasmal Christ. A Manichaean woman deceives the neophytes. LXXXVII. Challenged by Saint Porphyrius, she provokes him to a dispute. LXXXVIII. After Saint Porphyrius makes the sign of the cross, LXXXIX. And by prayer, XC. She is suddenly made deaf and dumb, and dies. XCI. Many are converted to the faith. XCII. Saint Porphyrius dedicates the church. XCIII. Constructed with great magnificence on account of the hope of conversion. XCIV. He gives very generous alms. XCV. The Gazaean idolaters turn to sedition. XCVI. They plunder the house of Saint Porphyrius. XCVII. The blessed prelate avoids the fury of the impious. XCVIII. He is received into hospitality by a virgin, Salaphta. XCIX. The Gazaeans are punished by the proconsul. C. Salaphta is converted to the faith. CI. She wishes to have no bridegroom other than Christ. CII. She receives the holy habit. CIII. Saint Porphyrius dies.
ORDER OF SUBJECTS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME
SEVERIANUS, BISHOP OF GABALA. Notice. 9 Orations on the Creation of the World. 15 Sermon on Peace. 15 Oration on the Brazen Serpent. 15 Oration on the Apparition of God. 15 Homily on Pythonesses and Sorceries. 27 Homily against the Jews. 29 Fifteen Sermons of the same. 29
THEOPHILUS, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA. Notice. 29 Edict of Theophilus when the holy Theophany fell on a Sunday. 34 Commonitorium of the same, which he received from Ammon concerning Lycus. 55 Narrative of the same concerning those who are called Cathari. 43 To Agathon the Bishop. 43 To Menas the Bishop. 46 Synodical Epistle to the bishops of Palestine and to the Cypriots, concerning the condemnation of the Origenist heresy. 47 Response of the Jerusalem synod to the aforementioned epistle. 47 Epistle of Dionysius, Bishop of Lydda, to Theophilus. 47 Paschal Epistles. 47 Prologue on the holy and saving Pascha. 47 Paschal Epistle of the year 401, to the bishops of all Egypt. 51 Paschal Epistle of the year 402. 54 Epistle of Jerome to Theophilus. 54 Paschal Epistle of the year 404. 54 Greek Fragments of the Paschal Epistles. 54 Epistles of Theophilus to various persons. 61 I. Epistle to Jerome. 61 II. Epistle to the same. 61 III. Epistle to Epiphanius. 61 IV. Epistle to Jerome. 62 V. Epistle to Ammon the Bishop. 62 VI. Epistle to the bishops of Palestine. 62 VII. Epistle to John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople. 62 VIII. Epistle of John, Bishop of Chytri, and the sentence of Theophilus. 63 Fragments from other lost works of Theophilus. 66 Apophthegmata. 67
PALLADIUS, BISHOP OF HELENOPOLIS. Notice. 70 LAUSIAC HISTORY. (Merely mentioned). 70
APPENDICES: APOPHTHEGMATA OF THE FATHERS. 71 Preface to the book on the practice or monastic discipline of the blessed Fathers. 71 Of Abba Anthony. 75 Of Abba Arsenius. 87 Of Abba Agatho. 107 Of Abba Ammonas. 119 Of Abba Achillas. 123 Of Abba Ammoe. 126 Of Abba Ammon of Nitria. 127 Of Abba Anub. 130 Of Abba Abraham. 130 Of Abba Are. 131 Of Abba Alonius. 134 Of Abba Apphy. 134 Of Abba Apollo. 135 Of Abba Andrew. 135 Of Abba Aio. 135 Of Abba Ammonatha. 135 Of Great Basil. 138 Of Abba Bessarion. 138 Of Abba Benjamin. 143 Of Abba Biare. 146 Of Gregory the Theologian. 146 Of Abba Gelasius. 156 Of Abba Gerontius. 154 Of Abba Daniel. 154 Of Abba Dioscorus. 159 Of Abba Dulas. 162 Of Saint Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus. 162 Of Saint Ephrem. 167 Of Eucharistos, a layman. 167 Of Eulogius the Presbyter. 170 Of Abba Euprepius. 171 Of Abba Eladius. 174 Of Abba Evagrius. 174 Of Abba Eudaemon. 175 Of Abba Zeno. 175 Of Abba Zacharias. 178 Of Abba Esaias. 179 Of Abba Elias. 183 Of Abba Heraclius. 186 Of Abba Theodore of Pherme. 187 Of Abba Theodore and Nones. 195 Of Abba Theodore of Scetis. 198 Of Abba Theodore of Eleutheropolis. 198 Of Abba Theonas. 198 Of Theophilus the Archbishop. 198 Of Mother Theodora. 202 Of Abba John the Dwarf or Short. 203 Of Abba John the Coenobite. 219 Of Abba Isidore. 219 Of Abba Isidore of Pelusium. 222 Of Abba Isaac the Presbyter of the Cells. 225 Of Abba Joseph in Panepho. 227 Of Abba Jacob. 231 Of Abba Hierax. 231 Of Abba John the Eunuch. 231 Of Abba John of the Cells. 234 Of Abba Isidore the Presbyter. 234 Of Abba John the Persian. 235 Of Abba John the Theban. 239 Of Abba John, disciple of Abba Paul. 239 Of Abba Isaac the Theban. 239 Of Abba Joseph the Theban. 242 Of Abba Hilarion. 242 Of Abba Ischyrion. 242 Of Abba Cassian. 243 Of Abba Cronius. 247 Of Abba Carion. 250 Of Abba Copre. 251 Of Abba Cyrus. 254 Of Abba Lucius. 254 Of Abba Lot. 254 Of Abba Longinus. 255 Of Abba Macarius the Egyptian. 258 Of Abba Moses. 282 Of Abba Matoe. 290 Of Abba Marcus, disciple of Abba Silvanus. 291 Of Abba Milesius. 298 Of Abba Megethius. 299 Of Abba Mios. 302 Of Abba Marcus the Egyptian. 303 Of Abba Macarius the City-dweller. 303 Of Abba Nilus. 306 Of Abba Nisterus. 306 Of Abba Nisterus the Coenobite. 307 Of Abba Nicon. 310 Of Abba Netras. 311 Of Abba Nicetas. 311 Of Abba Xoic. 311 Of Abba Xanthias. 314 Of Abba Olympius. 314 Of Abba Orsisius. 315 Of Abba Poemen or the Shepherd. 318 Of Abba Pambo. 367 Of Abba Pisto. 371
ORDER OF THE MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME
Of Abba Pior. 374 Of Abba Pityrion. 374 Of Abba Pistamon. 375 Of Abba Peter Pionita. 375 Of Abba Paphnutius. 378 Of Abba Paul. 379 Of Abba Paul the Cosmete. 382 Of Abba Paul the Great. 382 Of Abba Paul the Simple. 382 Of Abba Peter of Dii. 386 Of Abba Patry the Roman. 386 Of Abba Rufus. 390 Of Abba Romanus. 391 Of Abba Sisoes. 391 Of Abba Silvanus. 407 Of Abba Simon. 411 Of Abba Sopator. 414 Of Abba Sarmata. 414 Of Abba Serapion. 414 Of Abba Serenus. 418 Of Abba Spyridon. 418 Of Abba Saio. 419 Of Mother Sarah. 419 Of Mother Syncletica. 422 Of Abba Tithoes. 427 Of Abba Timothy. 430 Of Abba Hyperechius. 430 Of Abba Phocas. 431 Of Abba Felix. 434 Of Abba Philagrius. 435 Of Abba Phorta. 435 Of Abba Chome. 435 Of Abba Chaeremon. 435 Of Abba Psenthaisius. 438 Of Abba Or. 438 HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS, OR PARADISE. 442 Paradise. 446 Of the city of Oxyrhynchus. 446 Of Abba Evagrius. 447 Of Abba Paternuthius. 447 Of Abba Didymus. 455 Of Cronidius. 455
PHILOSTORGIUS.
EPITOME of the ecclesiastical histories of Philostorgius, compiled by Photius the patriarch. 459 From Book I. 462 From Book II. 466 From Book III. 479 From Book IV. 515 From Book V. 527 From Book VI. 531 From Book VII. 538 From Book VIII. 551 From Book IX. 567 From Book X. 583 From Book XI. 594 From Book XII. 606 Supplements to Philostorgius. 623
S. ATTICUS, CP. BISHOP.
Notice. 638 Epistle to the Fathers of the African Council. 650 Epistle of the same to S. Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria. 651 Epistle of the same to Peter. 651 Epistle of the same to Calliopius. 651
S. PROCLUS, CP. BISHOP.
Notice. 651 Another Notice. 651 Testimonies of the Ancients. 658 ORATIONS. 679 Oration I. — Laudation of the most holy Mother of God, Mary. 679 Oration II. — On the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, and on Infusoria. 691 Oration III. — On the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. 703 Oration IV. — On the birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ. 707 Oration V. — Laudation of the Virgin and Mother of God, Mary. 715 Oration VI. — Laudation of the holy Mother of God, Mary. 722 Oration VII. — On the Holy Theophany. 758 Oration VIII. — On the Transfiguration of our Lord and God and Savior Jesus Christ. 763 Oration IX. — On Palm Sunday. 771 Oratio X. — On Holy Thursday. 778 Oratio XI. — On the Lord's Passion, on the holy and great Friday. 783 Oratio XII. — On the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. 787 Oratio XIII. — On Holy Easter. 790 Oratio XIV. — On Holy Easter. 795 Oratio XV. — On Holy Easter, and on that text: In the beginning was the Word. 799 Oratio XVI. — On Holy Pentecost. 806 Oratio XVII. — Laudation of the holy Protomartyr Stephen. 810 Oratio XVIII. — Laudation of the holy Apostle Paul. 818 Oratio XIX. — Laudation of the holy Apostle Andrew. 822 Oratio XX. — Laudation of St. John Chrysostom. 828 HOMILIES. 834 Admonition. 834 I. — On the Ascension of our Lord. 834 II. — On the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ, on the octave day after his birth. 838 III. — On the dogma of the Incarnation. 842 IV. — On the Nativity of the Lord. 843 V. — On the holy martyr Clement. 846 Treatise on the tradition of the divine Mass. 850 EPISTLES OF S. PROCLUS and of others to him and to others. 851 Epistle I. — To Proclus, Bishop of Constantinople. 851 Epistle II. — Proclus to the Armenians, on the faith. 855 Epistle III. — Proclus to John, Bishop of Antioch. 875 Epistle IV. — Proclus to John of Antioch. 876 Epistle V. — John of Antioch to Proclus. 877 Epistle VI. — John of Antioch and the Synod of the Orient to Proclus. 877 Epistle VII. — John of Antioch and the Synod to Cyril of Alexandria. 879 Epistle VIII. — S. Cyril to Acacius, Bishop of Melitene. 879 Epistle IX. — S. Cyril to Proclus. 879 Epistle X. — Proclus to John of Antioch. 879 Epistle XI. — Proclus to Maximus the Deacon. 879 Epistle XII. — Theodosius and Valentinian, Emperors, to John of Antioch and the Synod. 880 Epistle XIII. — Proclus to Domnus, Bishop of Antioch. 882 Epistle XIV. — S. Cyril to Gennadius, Presbyter and Archimandrite. 886 Epistle XV. — Theodoret to Proclus. 886 Epistle XVI. — Theodoret to Flavianus of Constantinople. 886 Epistle XVII. — Synodal Epistle of Proclus. 886 Fragments of the works of S. Proclus. 886
S. FLAVIANUS, CP. BISHOP.
Notice. 890 EPISTLES. 890 Epistle I. — To Pope Leo, against the heresy of Eutyches. 890 Epistle II. — To the same, on the same. 890 Epistle III. — To Theodosius Augustus. 890
S. MARK THE HERMIT, B. MARK DIADOCHUS and MARK THE DEACON.
Notice on Mark the Hermit. 893 Another notice on S. Mark the Hermit and Mark Diadochus. 897 Notice on Mark the Deacon. 900 WORKS OF S. MARK THE HERMIT. 906 Work I. — On the spiritual law. 906 Work II. — To those who think they are justified by works. 930 Work III. — On the penance necessary for all who are able to work. 966 Work IV. — On Baptism. 986 Work V. — Necessary counsels for the soul, to Nicolaus. 1027 Work VI. — On Temperance. 1054 Work VII. — Disputation with a lawyer. 1071 Work VIII. — Consultation of the intellect with its own soul. 1103 Work IX. — On Fasting. 1110 Work X. — On Melchizedek. 1118 Admonition for Diadochus his homily on the Ascension. 1139 HOMILY OF DIADOCHUS ON THE ASCENSION OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST. 1142 Admonition for the same sermon against the Arians. 1147 HOMILY OF THE SAME DIADOCHUS AGAINST THE ARIANS. 1149
ORDER OF THE MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME
SEVERIANUS OF GABALA, BISHOP. Notice. Orations on the creation of the world. 15. Sermon on peace. 15. Oration on the bronze serpent. 15. Oration on the manifestation of God. Homily on pythonesses and sorceries. Homily against the Jews. Fifteen sermons of the same.
THEOPHILUS, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA. Notice. 29. Edict of Theophilus when the holy Theophany fell on a Sunday. 34. Commonitorium of the same, which Ammon received regarding Lyco. 55. Of the same, regarding those who are called Cathari. 43. To Agathon the bishop. 43. To Mena the bishop. 46. Synodical epistle to the bishops of Palestine and Cyprus, regarding the condemnation of the Origenian heresy. 47. Response of the Jerusalem synod to the preceding epistle. 47. Epistle of Dionysius, bishop of Lydda, to Theophilus. 47. Paschal epistles. 47. Prologue on the holy and salutary Pasch. 47. Paschal epistle of the year 401, to the bishops of all Egypt. 51. Paschal epistle of the year 402. 54. Epistle of Jerome to Theophilus. 51. Paschal epistle of the year 404. 54. Greek fragments of the Paschal epistles. 54. Epistles of Theophilus to various persons. 61. I-IV. Epistle to the same. Epistle to Jerome. 61. Epistle to Epiphanius. 61. Epistle to Jerome. 62. V. Epistle to Ammon the bishop. 62. VI. Epistle to the bishops of Palestine. 62. VII. Epistle to John Chrysostom, bishop of Constantinople. 62. VIII. Epistle of John, bishop of Citrium, and the opinion of Theophilus. 63. Fragments from other lost works of Theophilus. 66. Apophthegmata. 67.
PALLADIUS, BISHOP OF HELENOPOLIS. Notice. 70. LAUSIAC HISTORY. (Merely mentioned.)
APPENDICES: APOPHTHEGMATA OF THE FATHERS. Preface to the book on the exercise or discipline of the monastic life of the blessed Fathers. 71. Regarding Abbot Anthony. 75. Abbot Arsenius. 87. Abbot Agathon. 107. Abbot Ammon. 119. Abbot Achilas. 125. Abbot Ammoes. 126. Abbot Ammon of Nitria. 127. Abbot Anub. 130. Abbot Abraham. 130. Abbot Ares. 131. Abbot Alonius. 134. Abbot Apphy. 134. Abbot Apollo. 134. Abbot Andrew. 135. Abbot Aio. 135. Abbot Ammonathas. 135. On Great Basil. 138. Abbot Bessarion. 138. Abbot Benjamin. 146. Abbot Biare. 146. Regarding Abbot Gelasius. 154. Abbot Gerontius. 154. Abbot Daniel. 154. Abbot Dioscorus. 159. Abbot Dulas. 162. Regarding Saint Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus. 169. Saint Ephrem. 167. Regarding Eucharistos, a secular man. 167. Eulogius the presbyter. 170. Abbot Euprepius. 171. Abbot Eladius. 174. Abbot Evagrius. 174. Abbot Eudaemon. 175. Abbot Zeno. 175. Abbot Zacharias. 178. Abbot Esaias. 179. Abbot Elias. 183. Abbot Heraclius. 186. Abbot Theodore of Pherme. 187. Abbot Theodore and Nonus. 195. Abbot Theodore of Scete. 198. Abbot Theodore the Eleutheropolitan. 198. Abbot Theonas. 198. Regarding Theophilus the archbishop. 198. Regarding Mother Theodora. 209. Regarding Abbot John the Colobus or "the Short." 203. Abbot John the cenobite. 219. Abbot Isidore. 219. Abbot Isidore of Pelusium. 223. Abbot Isaac the presbyter of the Cells. 225. Abbot Joseph in Panepho. 227. Abbot James. 231. Abbot Hierax. 251. Abbot John the Eunuch. 251. Abbot John of the Cells. 239. Abbot John the Persian. 239. Abbot John the Theban. 239. Abbot John, disciple of Abbot Paul. 239. Abbot Isaac the Theban. 239. Abbot Joseph the Theban. 242. Abbot Hilarion. 243. Abbot Ischyrion. 242. Abbot Cassian. 243. Abbot Cronius. 247. Abbot Carion. 250. Abbot Copres. 251. Abbot Cyrus. 254. Abbot Lucius. 254. Abbot Lot. 256. Abbot Longinus. 255. Abbot Macarius of Egypt. 258. Abbot Moses. 281. Abbot Matoe. 290. Abbot Macarius, disciple of Abbot Silvanus. 291. Abbot Milesius. 298. Abbot Megethius. 299. Abbot Mios. 302. Abbot Macarius of Egypt. 302. Abbot Macarius the city-dweller. 303. Abbot Nilus. 306. Abbot Nisteros. 306. Abbot Nisteros the cenobite. 307. Abbot Nicon. 310. Abbot Netra. 311. Abbot Nicetas. 311. Abbot Xoic. 309. Abbot Xanthias. 314. Regarding Gregory the Theologian. 138. Abbot Olympius. 314. Abbot Orsisius. 315. Abbot Poemen or the Shepherd. 318. Abbot Pambo. 367. Abbot Pisto. 381.
c. 309. Abbot Xanthias. 314. Regarding Gregory the Theologian. 138. Abbot Olympius. 314. Abbot Orsisius. 315. Abbot Poemen or the Shepherd. 318. Abbot Pambo. 367. Abbot Pisto. 381. [index: entries preserved]
ORDER OF SUBJECTS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME
Monition regarding the following booklet. 1257 ONE HUNDRED CHAPTERS ON SPIRITUAL PERFECTION. 1167
CHAPTER I. — Regarding three virtues, which as leaders ought to precede the spiritual contemplation of the mind. 1167 CAP. II. How and when a man is made good. 1167 CAP. III. — Regarding sin, how and when it begins to be. 1168 CAP. IV. When and how we may attain to being in the likeness of God. 1168 CAP. V. — How one must act so that the will is prompt only for the good. 1169 CAP. VI. What the light of true knowledge is, and what the practice of this light effects in the mind. 1169 CAP. VII. What spiritual discourse effects, and that the exercise of charity brings ability and abundance to speak of God. 1169 CAP. VIII. — How one must approach speaking about divine matters. 1169 CAP. IX. — Regarding the charism of cognition and the charism of wisdom, how each illuminates, and how each is acquired. 1170 CAP. X. What must be taken care of when the irascible faculty is moved against the passions; and what must be done, lest the passions, through prayer or through almsgiving, be calmed and generate pride. 1170 CAP. XI. Why spiritual wisdom is not ambitious, whereas the wisdom of this world is; and whence this property of spiritual wisdom arises. 1171 CAP. XII. Regarding self-love and the love of God, and what is proper to one who loves God, and to one who loves himself. 1171 CAP. XIII. How it happens sometimes that someone seems to himself not to love God as he would like, when yet he loves Him most at that time, and whence this comes about. 1171 CAP. XIV. Regarding him who loves God with the sense of the heart, and how he comes to ecstatic love, being now placed entirely outside the friendship of himself. 1171 CAP. XV. When someone begins to love his neighbor; and why friendship according to the flesh is quickly dissolved, but spiritual friendship is not. 1172 CAP. XVI. Regarding love toward God in the sense of the heart, how it is acquired; and regarding perfect charity, which cleanses without the fear of God; and regarding another, non-perfect charity, joined with cleansing fear. 1172 CAP. XVII. How the sick soul, through the fear of God, begins to be healed, and gradually is led to perfect health through charity. 1172 CAP. XVIII. How the soul, as long as it is involved in the cares of the world, cannot love God, nor rightly discern what is its duty toward Him. 1173 CAP. XIX. What the properties of a pure soul are. 1173 CAP. XX. That works are necessarily to be added to faith, and faith to works. 1173 CAP. XXI. What kind of faith is without works, and what kind is worked through love. 1173 CAP. XXII. Regarding not curiously investigating the depths of faith. 1173 CAP. XXIII. When the mind cannot sense with the heart's feeling, or through the movement of the soul, the scent of heavenly goods, even though it may vehemently desire it. 1176 CAP. XXIV. Regarding the double sense of the body and the mind, and how the sense of the mind must be excited to taste heavenly things. 1174 CAP. XXV. Regarding the one sense of the soul according to its operation in the state of innocence, and its division after sin, and regarding the simple sense of the soul from the Holy Spirit. 1174 CAP. XXVI. How one must be free from disturbances in order to discern thoughts, and whether they are sent by God or by a demon. 1175 CAP. XXVII. Why those who perfectly recognize their own sins are few, and what must be done so that we might do this. 1175 CAP. XXVIII. How the Holy Spirit cleanses the soul, and what must be done so that we might do this. 1175 CAP. XXIX. Regarding the one sense of the mind before sin, and its division on account of sin, and when the irrational appetite is joined with the rational, and consents. 1176 CAP. XXX. How and when, by the sense of the mind, true consolations are distinguished from false ones. 1176 CAP. XXXI. Regarding the false consolation of Satan, sent through the quiet of sleep, and how the mind, through the fervent memory of the name of Jesus, disperses it and puts Satan to flight. 1176 CAP. XXXII. Regarding good consolation for souls, how it exists both through wakefulness and through the quiet of sleep, and how the devil strives to deceive the soul in sleep through false consolation. 1177 CAP. XXXIII. How the true joy of the Holy Spirit is diagnosed from the false one of the demon, and when the devil undertakes to deceive through false consolation. 1177 CAP. XXXIV. Regarding the double charity, natural and spiritual, and the condition of each. 1178 CAP. XXXV. Regarding the grace of God, how it alone calms all the turbulent motions of the mind. 1178 CAP. XXXVI. How and when the soul can sense the glory of God, and regarding the fallacy of the devil showing light or something like splendor. 1178 CAP. XXXVII. Regarding dreams sent by God, and by the demon, and regarding their difference. 1179 CAP. XXXVIII. Regarding the virtue of not believing any dreams. 1179 CAP. XXXIX. An example for understanding how God does not blame anyone for not believing in a dream sent by Him. 1179 CAP. XL. When the soul can see the light that it has within itself; and when Satan transforms himself into an angel of light; and what especially must be studied in the monastic life so that, although we are in the world, we may be pilgrims from the world. 1180 CAP. XLI. Regarding obedience, how it is the greatest of virtues, and the gate of charity, and demonstrates the paths of the other virtues. 1180 CAP. XLII. How continence must be in all things, so that not only the virtues of the body are to be acquired, but the virtues that cleanse the inner man. 1180 CAP. XLIII. Regarding the utility and the manner of keeping continence in diet. 1181 CAP. XLIV. How it can be brought about that the pleasantness of foods and other pleasures are willingly rejected. 1181 CAP. XLV. Regarding excessive continence of diet to be avoided for the sake of the firmness of the body, which is needed for the spiritual contest. 1181 CAP. XLVI. Regarding the tempering of the customary diet, without the vice of vanity or incontinence, through moderate indulgence upon the arrival of brethren or other guests. 1181 CAP. XLVII. Regarding fasting and other physical virtues, how they are certain instruments which by themselves alone do not have glory before God unless they are referred to the end, which is piety. 1182 CAP. XLVIII. Regarding the utility of a temperate diet for the spiritual fruit of the soul. 1182 CAP. XLIX. Regarding intemperance of diet, how it provokes lust; and regarding the remedy and its rationale. 1182 CAP. L. Regarding the luxury of a mixed potion, and how greatly those things mixed with wine must be shunned by those who wish to be spiritual. 1182 CAP. LI. What the Lord desired to teach by drinking vinegar on the cross from a sponge placed around hyssop. 1183 CAP. LII. Regarding bathing, which should be shunned by spiritual persons, and why. 1183 CAP. LIII. Why it is necessary in cenobies to call a physician for the curing of disease; and what must be done by those who lead a solitary life in the desert. 1183 CAP. LIV. What it indicates to bear sickness with trouble, and what it indicates, on the contrary, not to bear it with trouble. 1184 CAP. LV. What must be done so that the soul is not delighted by the use of this light, but rather desires to be separated from the body. 1184 CAP. LVI. How using the senses of the body immoderately makes the memory of God and His commandments difficult; and how this evil must be avoided. 1184 CAP. LVII. How he who walks in the spirit does not know the desires of the flesh; and how the demon tries in vain to tempt his chastity. 1184 CAP. LVIII. Regarding acedia, which is wont sometimes to occur after pleasures of the body have been repudiated; what kind it is, and how it is to be expelled. 1185 CAP. LIX. How the mind can be rendered certain of its zeal and diligence in the spiritual contest, through the continuous and fervent memory of the name of Jesus in the depths of the heart. 1185 CAP. LX. Regarding the double joy, the initiating and the completing, and the use of each, and regarding the tears between the two. 1186 CAP. LXI. How the mind, when it is disturbed, cannot remember God, and what the cause is; and how the mind, when it is free from the passions, rising with dexterity and helped by the grace of God, quickly expels the oblivion of God, and remembers the Lord Jesus; and how it happens that with all its affection it is excited to the memory of God, and to charity. 1186