Library or Myriobiblon (Codices 250–280)

PHOTIUS' MYRIOBIBLON OR BIBLIOTHECA (CONTINUATION)

CCL. Excerpts of history from Agatharchides.

Read are two books of Agatharchides, the first and the fifth concerning the Red Sea and other incredible matters, summarizing the chief points.

From the first book concerning the Red Sea.

^ACAP. I. How the Ptolemies instituted the first elephant hunt.—The historian affirms that Ptolemy, who reigned in Egypt after the son of Lagus, first organized the hunting of elephants and beasts of that kind, and brought those things which nature had kept separate under one, as it were, enclosure. But we must consider what the historian means here. For even before the age of the Ptolemies, many are recorded to have used tamed elephants: such as Porus, the king of the Indians, who waged war against Alexander, and many others besides. Perhaps this Ptolemy seemed the first to have applied himself to this pursuit with great intensity: or he was the first of the successors of Alexander, or of the kings of Egypt, who gave his attention to it.

^BCAP. II. The fourfold etymology of the Red Sea.—He says that the Red Sea does not derive its name from the fact that the mountains of its gulf, which they call the Arabian, on the side toward the west, when the sharp and fiery rays of the sun strike them, provide the appearance of coal; nor from the fact that toward the east, mounds of sand and earth, remarkably red, are spread for many stadia along that coastline. He says that the sea is not called "Red" for this reason. For since navigation there is narrow, while the peaks and mounds overhang the entire gulf on both sides, the splendor falling into the ^C strait from both continents makes the sea resemble the land, so that the impression of it catches the eyes of all, even if the condition is not explored by everyone. The author testifies that it did not receive its name for this cause, although many before him had held that opinion. This, then, is the first explanation, although it is at variance with the truth. The second is similar: it states that the sun, rising there, not as it does for us,

^A but with rays similar to blood, makes the vision of the sea appear blood-colored to those who look upon it, and that from this the name "Red" arises.

The third is the Argolic account, which is lofty in its claims but empty in its demonstration. For the historians who follow Cleinias, having taken license from the poetic tradition, say that Perseus, having set out from Argos to Ethiopia (which was at that time called Cephenia) to free the daughter of Cepheus, and having crossed from there to the Persians, bestowed this name from one of his descendants, and that he sired a son, Erythras, and gave the name to the sea from him. Such is the Argolic fabrication regarding the Red Sea.

The fourth account, and the true one, which the author himself says he learned from a certain Persian—Boxus was his name—who imitated the Greeks both in language and in mind, and who left his native land to live in Athens, is this: The Persian account states that there was a certain man, ^B Erythras by name, flourishing because of his daring and wealth. A Persian by descent, the son of Myozaeus, he dwelt [718 H] not far from the sea, opposite some islands that were desolate—not now, but during the hegemony of the Medes (for then Erythras was well known). In winter he would stay in Pasargadae, and at the beginning of spring he would return to his own estate, both for other useful purposes and to indulge himself in a certain pleasure of life through such a change. ^C But when lions made an incursion into his herd and killed some of his wild mares, the rest, still unharmed, were struck with madness at the sight of what had happened, and, driven by fear, they ran off to the sea and leapt into the waters with great force (for as it happened, a breeze was blowing from the land). At first they swam along the coast, but as their terror did not cease, they were swept away by the winds and with difficulty reached the shore of the island opposite, and one of the young herdsmen, excelling in daring, while seizing one and then another by the harness, crossed over. ^D Erythras, therefore, searching for the mares that were no longer in sight, was the first of all men to build a raft in that place, modest in size but very strong in build. And having encountered a steady and favorable breeze, he descended into the strait, and, suddenly carried along by the help of the wind, he found both the mares and the herdsman. Filled with admiration for the island, he founded a city in a suitable harbor, and brought over those from the opposite continent who were laboring under a lack of provisions, and established them there. From there he also brought the other islands, which were devoid of inhabitants, to a civilized way of life through a frequent population. Therefore, he gained such great glory among the common people due to his deeds that, to our own age, all call that sea, which is infinite in size, the Erythrean. The reasons for the name, therefore, are distinct in this way. For it is one thing to say "Erythraean Sea," and another to say "Sea of Erythras" (which the Latins translate as "Red"). For the one signifies the one who ruled...

the sea, while the other signifies the redness of the aforementioned nature). He says that ^A the one derived from the color is false (for it is not red), while that derived from the one who ruled is true, as the Persian account has confirmed.

That they are not worthy to be called descendants of Perseus, although many say that the Persians received their name from them; nor do those people call ^B themselves Persas (with a circumflex on the final syllable), but Persas (with the accent on the penultimate); for he says they mark it with the circumflex at the end.

Concerning extraordinary animals and other matters.

That he is eager to lead the accounts concerning Perseus into falsehood, and through many other things, he adds these as well. But if Perseus went on his expedition in a tragic manner, wearing a mask and taking the sickle, ^C and entrusting the rest to an actor and a chorus, and delegating the contradictions to a myth, just as most have done—let us run through the headings of such things in brief: that there existed a Centaur, Geryon, a Cyclops, Chryses, Circe, Calypso, the Minotaur, Scylla, the Chimera, Pegasus, the Laestrygonians, Cerberus, Glaucus within the sea, Atlas, Proteus, Nereus, the Nereids, the children of Aloeus, who grew to a length of nine fathoms ^D and nine cubits in width. Furthermore, that according to Hesiod, a race first sprang up—golden, then silver, then bronze. Again, that there were horses speaking to Achilles about the future; that a Sphinx proposed a riddle to the Theban youth; that Sirens sang to the destruction of the listeners; and that Niobe and Polydectes were turned to stone through fear. In addition to these, that the companions of Ulysses sailing with him changed in disposition from men into swine, and from swine back into men. Furthermore, that Tantalus was honored for his self-control by being a guest at the table of the gods, but was punished for his licentiousness by being carried through the air. That others descended to Hades by their own choice, some so that they might consult the dead in behalf of the living through prophets, and others to forcibly wed Persephone, as she was alone. And that there existed a golden fleece upon a sheep; that there were apple trees in Libya bearing golden apples; that a living body remained sleepless for its entire life; and that Boreas and Notus, along with the other winds, were strangled within a wineskin as they were shut away. In addition to these, that Pasiphae had intercourse with a bull, and Tyro with a river, although they did not enter into marriage with any kind of diverse nature; and that Philomela changed her form into a nightingale, Tereus into a hoopoe, and Hecuba into the nature of a domestic dog. In addition to these, that Io was born the daughter of a river, and with a bull-horned form flew away from the gadfly...

and ^A rushed across the Pontic sea, from which also the Bosphorus received its name. And that Caeneus the Lapith was at first born a girl and a woman, but in the time of his youth was changed into a man, and in the end went down alive and standing into the ground, being struck by the fir trees of the Centaurs. And that Leda, instead of the human procreation that befits a woman, brought forth an egg, out of which the rival of all, I mean Helen, was fashioned; and that Helle and Phrixus, flying upon a ram with their feet, [1328 R.] completed the passage, and named the sea on either side the Hellespont after themselves. And that Hercules crossed vast seas, where the greatest storms arise, in a cauldron, and traversed ^B Libya, which is untilled, waterless, and impassable, by himself alone; and that he took upon himself the world of such great size and weight from Atlas, not having a command, but accepting it as a favor. And that when Orpheus played the lyre, by his love of music the mountains and rocks followed him, and the roasted meats of the cows of the Sun uttered a voice intelligible to men. And that those who had departed this life spent their time in varied prattle with Odysseus, recognizing the unique character of one another from their shadowy and shapeless forms; and that some of them, from drinking, no longer had bellies or throats, while others feared iron, no longer able to be wounded, and others rolled a stone for bodies long since burned, and others acted as judges for other dead people, though no crime existed. And in the end, that those who no longer are, cross over in a skiff, having Charon as boatman and pilot, so that having been ferried across they might not require a new burial. And that Alcestis, Protesilaus, and Glaucus, having died, rose again—the first brought up by Hercules, the second because of the love of his wife, and the third by the seer who was buried with him; and that the body of Amphiaraus was swallowed by the earth, alive, along with his horses and chariot. Furthermore, that the teeth of the dragon were sown by Cadmus, and from them armed men sprang up and fought among themselves. And that Talos, the guardian of Minos, would patrol the whole of Crete—being so vast—three times a day, and that his life resided ^C only in the vein at his ankle. And that it was impossible to end the life of Minos, unless one poured boiling water upon him. In addition to these, that by the incantations of Medea, an old ram changed and became young, and that the father Pelias was boiled by the Peliades that he might become young. And that the three Phorcides, being old women, passed their life using one eye among themselves, exchanging the trust of it by turns. And that the inhabitants of Arcadia and Attica are earth-born and were born contrary to nature. And that the one sacrificed in Aulis appeared alive ^D in Tauris,

^A and having been cast into the sea in the Peloponnese by his father Arisius, arrived unharmed at the shores of the Seriphians with the infant? And that he who was being overcome by Menelaus in single combat, upon being suddenly snatched away, is found in the chamber ready for union, and oblivious of all his hardships? And that the receptacle of the wooden horse was constructed not for the capture of the city, but for the betrayal by Odysseus and Neoptolemus and their associates? See what sort of foolishness is depicted in this way, both of the craftsman who built the horse, and of the noblemen who entered it, and of the citizens who received it into their own city! Add to these things that Atlas should have taken ^B the vast heavens upon his own shoulders, with the gods who dwell therein, and yet should have fathered the so-called Atlantides, which is impossible in any way. That the Oceanus surrounds and encompasses the whole inhabited world, guarding and holding it together with its own currents, beyond which Hesiod sings that the Gorgons dwell. And that some of the heroes preserve the immunity of their bodies, free from all additions, for all time in the islands of the blessed, of which however no one has reported anything certain. These things ^C therefore, since they end in doubtful and perplexing opinions, provide laughter that is not improbable even to many of the female sex. But as for the gods, how are we to accept these trifles? That one, for instance, should have been sewn into a thigh and reached maturity: that another should have used the belly of Zeus’s head as a womb? And that one (I speak of Vulcan) should have been perfected without a father? That the Sun, on account of the impious acts of Atreus against Thyestes, should have turned the sunset to dawn and the dawn to sunset? In addition to these things, that Apollo and Neptune, having served ^D as hired laborers in Troy for a year, should have been cheated of their wages for the building and cattle-tending, and should have been subjected to the most terrible threats by Laomedon; and that Bacchus, through fear of Lycurgus, should have been driven into the sea and sought the assistance of Thetis? To these is added that, a dispute having arisen among the goddesses over beauty, each one should seek to bribe the judge with gifts to overlook justice, and yet none should follow through with the results that might have ensued from the judgment. Indeed, they fable that Minerva, as great as she is, hid herself in the body of a swallow, and that the majesty of Zeus was reduced to the form of a swan, and the beauty of Ceres was transformed into the most shameful appearance. And that Jove, who is considered the greatest, was plotted against by his own brother, who was most necessary to his wife, and was saved by his most bitter enemies, I speak of the Titans; who, having risen from their chains and the darkness and the imprisonment thereof, rendered service for his need, and having put to flight those around Neptune, voluntarily returned again to Acheron and the place of Hades. Furthermore, that Venus was wounded by a mortal hand, and Mars was bound by Otus and Ephialtes, and that Hades, in the place where he held dominion, was struck by the arrows of Hercules and fell into great

^A torture; and that Vulcan, cast down from the height of heaven, was carried to Lemnos, being in an utterly wretched state; and that Juno, being suspended by Jupiter ^B by her feet, had giant anvils hung upon her. In summary, that the gods commit adultery, are struck by thunderbolts, are lame, are accustomed to theft, are weaker than men, are prone to reviling, commit injustices, bewail their lot, and finally that they are not free from any of the passions by which we, being troubled, call upon the gods for help. Wherefore, those who propose such portents of fables as things to be believed by men, being so far removed from the truth, do you think they are to be judged worthy teachers to instruct others? By such and so many ^C examples Agatharchides relegates the narrative concerning Perseus to fables, and does not even grant that the Red Sea got its name from the son of Perseus.

Cap. V. The end of fables is delight.

Cap. VI. Which land produces elephants.

Cap. VII. The boundaries of Egypt.

This discourse is severe, but salutary. For it is shown to be for the sake not of sadness, but of preservation; and he has removed pleasure from his words, so that, having received pleasure from the things, we may not attain bad things instead of good: whether through Jupiter or the gods, and let us not omit certain things placed in the middle. Truly, to preserve the far more profound riches of a private individual without trouble is difficult. But you, indeed, [how you might] attain the inheritance of such and similar goods—

^A know that while the law preserves the former for their possessor, the sword takes the latter away from the weaker.

"We are," he says, "of the opinion, long held, that the friendships of kings are confirmed and dissolved by circumstance, and that your own preoccupation gives an excuse to another, increasing and diminishing affairs by turns. The man who constantly gratifies with words, exceeding what is possible in deeds, falsifies many things. But he who takes his friends into a partnership of counsel in such times does not require the momentum of one who [merely] echoes his impulses. For who is so imprudent as to wish to learn from another what he himself seems to know, or to make his counselor a spokesman for his own desires in things where he is at a loss? For if the master of such great goods does not succumb to the greed of those who compel him, I proclaim him who possesses these things blessed; but I cannot, though compelled by force of arms, take away [his] provisions. What is it, therefore, that is so difficult—to lead an action into empty rumor, and to fear hollow hopes more than evident dangers? But the Ethiopians will strike the Greeks with terror. Why? By their blackness and the difference of their form. This sort of fear does not exceed a child's age among us. In wars, however, and more serious contentions, matters are judged not by face or color, but by daring and military skill. But I, from the day that fortune appointed me guardian of your person, ^B while you were still very young, and of your whole kingdom, from that very moment I imposed a great labor upon myself. What is this? To oppose and be vexed by those who live for pleasure, stripping away from you first not [your] power, but [your] ignorance, so that you might enjoy such great goods prudently, not erring. For this is what I sought, having acquired the goodwill of a father, [nurtured] over time, not the irony of a flatterer accustomed to the occasion. For I know, being older and having experienced many things, because of those who have set themselves to flatter those in high positions, that the greatest kingdoms have been utterly destroyed—that of Cassander, that of Lysimachus, and that of Alexander—so great were they, the Medes, the Syrians, and the Persians—so that not even a seed of their race remained; and not without cause. For in a youth, inexperienced in affairs due to age, but celebrated in sins, there is nothing more prone to a fall and more dangerous. Alexander, accordingly, ^C though invincible in arms, was most infirm in his daily life; for he was captured by praises, and when called Jupiter, he thought he was not being mocked but honored, desiring things impossible for the gods, and having forgotten his nature.

"When a demagogue converses with the many, not putting on the role of a friend but that of a flatterer, the impulse of the crowds, having seized upon a counselor to confirm their sin, overturns the city. For the fool rushes on, not against the guilty only, but also against those to whom envy provides him an entrance—

^A, since blame holds sway not only over the guilty, but sometimes even over the more powerful, when envy, having loosed its bitter dart, has brought low one who did not deserve to suffer such a thing.

The Ethiopians, in the perils of war, use large bows but short arrows. At the tip of the reed, instead of iron, a stone of oblong shape is fastened, bound with sinews, sharp to an extraordinary degree, and dipped in deadly poisons.

Ptolemy, he says, for the war against the Ethiopians, recruited five hundred cavalry from Greece. Of those who were to be in the front line and lead the column—numbering one hundred—he provided them with unique armor. For both them and their horses he bestowed garments fashioned into the shape of a cap, which in that region they call "kasai," so as to cover the entire body except for the eyes.

From the fifth book of Agatharchides, On the Erythraean Sea.

^B Cap. VIII. — Many even of the statesmen and the poets have been at a loss as to how the supreme disasters of some are to be suitably announced to those who are positioned beyond danger. The method for this does not easily become clear unless one has beforehand provided a cause appropriate to the things being revealed. Olynthus and Thebes, two famous cities, Philip and Alexander sacked and leveled to the ground. This evil, happening beyond expectation, struck great terror into many Greeks regarding their empire, and provided many orators with subject matter to show forth the disasters fittingly. Some, therefore, as they thought, spoke about this matter allegorically and in various dialects, superfluously as it seems, while others acted more earnestly, not shrinking from speaking in the customary ^C way and with literal expressions concerning terrible things. I shall set before you examples of both kinds so that, recognizing the forms through comparison, you may conclude by your own judgment which of them speak better or worse.

Hegesias, then, when frequently recounting the destruction of cities, is thin. For, not wishing to go through the times individually, but striving of necessity to introduce excessive wit into bitter matters, he attains somewhat the goal of his subject, but not in proportion to the dignity of the event, as he is convicted in his own speeches. Such as that: *“Having left the city, we have gained a name.”* Consider this, therefore: it moves the emotion in no way, but introduces a tacit significance and compels one to search into what is said. For where the sentence ^D sees ambiguity, there it has let go of the gravity of speech. Why? Because by perceiving the statement clearly, one may discern the consent of the mind. But with perspicuity set aside, neither force nor splendor can reside in words. Hence regarding...

the Argives ^A 73. Then he says something similar about the Thebans: "For calamity has rendered mute the place that once shouted most loudly." Again, concerning the Olynthians: "I departed from the city of Myriandrus, and upon returning, I saw it no more." You ask, for what reason? For the statement, having fallen into such a display of emphasis, has led our judgment away from the subject at hand. One who is lamenting ought to abstain from witticisms and signify the matter to which the suffering properly attaches, if he intends not to decorate his diction, but to attend to the cause of the calamity. But we must proceed to another point.

O Alexander, he thinks that Epaminondas, seeing the ruins of the city, should be present and join in the supplication. This is a puerile request and an harsh metaphor, and the gloom of the act cannot be expressed ^B. Another: "The royal madness, having lashed out, has made the city a spectacle more piteous than any tragedy." This seems suited to anything rather than the duty of a sophist; it hardly touches upon the subject at hand, for I think it difficult to apply ridiculous speech to the most difficult of circumstances. Another: "What is the point of commemorating the Olynthians and Thebans, or what those who perished in each city have suffered?" Another similar instance, lacking in noble flattery and possessing simplicity: "You have done something similar, Alexander, by razing Thebes, as if Zeus had cast the moon out of its portion of the heavens." For I leave the sun to the Athenians, for these two cities were the eyes of Greece, and both vied for the other's place. The city of Thebes, then, is one of the eyes that has been plucked out. To me, the sophist appears to be joking in these passages, not mourning the fortune of the cities, and to be concerned with how he might break off his speech as briefly as possible, not how he might bring the suffering before the eyes through vividness of description. Another similar one: "The neighboring cities wept for the city, seeing that what had previously existed, existed no longer." If, therefore, one were to recite such periods to the Thebans or the Olynthians at the very time of the destruction, they would seem to me to mock the writer and, in a way, to consider him more wretched than themselves.

Let us touch upon another genre, still considering the same sophist. "It is terrible for the land that bore the Spartoi to be unsown." Not so, however, Demosthenes, whose sentiment this man has rendered worse. He writes that it is terrible for Attica to become a pasture for sheep, which was the first among others to bring forth the cultivated fruit. But he, while saying it was terrible for the land—which bore the Spartoi—to be unsown, drew the opposition from the words, and not from the thing itself. Hence he reveals the utmost coldness, just as Hermesianax did, who praised Athens thus: "For being born from the head of Zeus, it rightly possesses such a head of happiness" ^C [1337 R.]. And: "Who could make the gift of Cyrus" (not corresponding to its name) "ineffectual?" And this similar one: "How is this way impassable, with a way adjacent to it?" All such things (says Agatharchides)...

are substandard. But if one were speaking to provoke pity, it stands close to what is appropriate; if, however, he intended it as a general stylistic concept, he has not applied a correct judgment. Nevertheless, he adds other examples similar to those mentioned, bringing them under the same reproach. For instance: "The Thebans in the war against the Macedonians were slaughtered in numbers exceeding ten thousand." Oh, what a beautiful turn of phrase! To describe men being so unthinkably overthrown. And again: "The city having been razed, the men look upon the misfortunes of their children, while the women were transported into Macedonia, in a manner burying the city." Another similar one: "But the phalanx of the Macedonians, having forced its way inside the walls with arms, devastated the city; here there is the tomb of the city, but there its death." ^B One should then have added the funeral procession and an epigram, and the action would be complete. But (he says) we have already discussed the greater part of this stylistic refinement, lest by calling it madness I appear overly harsh. He introduces with clarity and an elegance appropriate to the discourse those who speak on similar topics, Stratocles, for instance, as follows: "The city of the Thebans, who joined us in the war against Philip, is now being plowed and sown." "At once," he says, "he has displayed the disaster of the city significantly, and recalled the friendship of the unfortunate; for a harsh event placed alongside benevolence is wont to stir greater pity." After Stratocles, he introduces Aeschines speaking in a similar way: "An adjacent city from ^C the midst of Greece has been wiped out." "Excellent," he says, "for by the metaphor he has signaled the swiftness of the destruction, and the dangers, while showing the one who has suffered to be akin to those who hear." "But indeed," he says, "Demosthenes, transferring his account to Alexander, has indicated it thus: 'He uprooted the city from its foundations, so that he did not even leave the ashes of the homes, and he distributed the children and wives of the leaders of Greece among the tents of the barbarians.' He grasped the excess of each of the points keenly, clearly, and briefly, yet he did not forget the energy that teaches the matter." Furthermore, regarding the Olynthians, the same orator: "Olynthus and Methone and Apollonia and thirty-two ^D cities of those in Thrace, all of which he destroyed so cruelly, that it would be easy for one arriving to say that they had never been inhabited." Having shown the multitude of cities, he added the disaster of the men, so that the greater pity of the unexpected situation might the more stir the emotion of the listeners. Having recounted these things and other similar points from other writers, some he accepts, but those of the school of Hegesias, and what comes from them, he rejects.

Cap. IX. Of the prefectures of Egypt, from Memphis as far as the Thebaid.

second the Lycopolite, third the Oxyrhynchite, fourth the Hermopolite, and fifth that which some call the Phylace (guard-post) and others the Schedia (raft). In this, they collect and levy the tax on goods brought down from the lands above. The one who passes the aforementioned places reaches the beginning of the Thebaid, which is Lycon Polis (City of Wolves), then the other City of Venus, and besides these Panon, then Thenis, and after this Bopos, under which is the City of Zeus, which they call the Lesser [City of Zeus]. After the aforementioned Tentyrite nome, the City of Apollo is named, above which is Coptos, then Elephantine, and then the land of the Ethiopians, Cortia the First. Thus, the places from Memphis to Ethiopia have been described.

Cap. X. The Nile. Concerning the marble gold mines.

Cap. XI. Concerning the affliction of the poor in the dungeons of the gold mines, and concerning the method of producing gold.

^A the vein to the white-flowering stone; and having arranged the positions of their bodies in many ways, they cast the fragments onto the ground, not according to their own disposition and strength, but to the eye of the overseer, who never separates his words from reproach. And the beardless boys, crawling into the tunnels dug by these men, and gathering the gravel from the things cast aside with much labor, carry them out beyond the mouths [of the mines]. From these men, the elders and the multitude of the weak carry the stone; and these carry it to those who are called the *epopteis* ^B. For those who are within thirty years of age and notable for their strength, having taken stone mortars, pound them with iron pestles until the largest fragment does not exceed a vetch seed. Then, at that same hour, they measure it out to others. This is the labor of the women who have been brought into the workshops with their husbands or parents. For several mills are set up in a row, under which they place this pounded stone; and standing three on each side at the one handle ^C, girded so indecently that they only cover the shame of their bodies, they apply themselves to grinding, and grind until the measure of flour delivered to them has been reduced to the proper state. For all these who endure this lot of fortune, death is more desirable than life. From the female sex, others receive the dust thus worked, whom they call *selangeis*. These are craftsmen whose skill it is to bring this work of royal utility to an end. The operation is as follows: They pour the marble thus ground onto boards that are broad and polished to a straight edge, yet they do not rest upon a level place, but have a slight inclination. Then, pouring water over it, they rub it with their hands, at first lightly, then more firmly; whence, I think, the earthy [part] being washed away flows down according to the inclination of the board, [while] that which is strong and has power remains motionless upon the wood. And often, after the one called the *selangeus* ^D has washed it with waters, he takes soft and dense sponges, with which he touches the marble lightly, and pressing it to a degree, he extracts and casts away what is light and loose, caught in the porosity of the excavation, but what is heavy and shining he leaves separated upon the board, being difficult to move on account of the weight of such a nature underlying it. Thus, therefore, this *selangeus*, having cleaned the filings of gold, delivers them to the smelters. And they, having taken the gathering by measure and weight, cast it into an earthen vessel, and having mixed in according to the ratio of the quantity a lump of lead and grains of salt and a little tin and barley bran, and then having placed a lid well-fitted and sealed on all sides, they cook it in a furnace for five days and as many

equal nights, without any intermission. On the following day, having applied a coldness proportionate to the heat, they take it down into a vessel, finding nothing else of the things that had been cast in, but the molten mass of gold itself, having suffered a slight loss from the dust. ^A Thus the loss of many bodies in the mines attains the end I have mentioned, nature herself almost demonstrating that both the generation of gold is laborious, and its custody precarious, and the effort immense, and its use lies between pleasure and pain, and its working is in a certain way the most ancient of all such crafts. For the nature of the mines was discovered by the first kings of the region, but it ceased being active, at one time when a multitude of Ethiopians invaded Egypt and for many years held the cities with their garrisons (by whom also they say the Memnonia were completed), ^B and at another time when the Medes and Persians held sway. And even in our own time there are found in the gold mines constructed by them copper chisels, because at that time the use of iron was not yet known, and an incredible multitude of human bones from the corpses (which is likely to happen, not a few having perished in the loose and flat-layered tunnels), such is the magnitude of the excavations, and they extend in oblique depths as far as the sea itself.

Cap. XII. On the diet of the Ethiopians below Egypt. And on the people who feed only on fish; and how they catch them, and turn them into food.

whose arrangement is well-suited to their needs, and they place naturally-formed stones inside the hollows, like so many weirs. When, therefore, the tide of the sea is borne onto the land (which happens twice each day, at the ninth and third hours), the sea covers ^A the whole ridge, forcibly carrying along from the depths to the shore even a good number of fish, which until then remain along the coast, wandering about the inlets for the sake of fodder. But when the reflux of the tide again recedes, the water flows back through the stones and ravines to the lower and sloping ground, but the fish, left behind in the hollows, become ready-made prey and food for the [750 H.] fish-eaters. ^B Now, other fish, as I have said, are overcome with an easy struggle; but when fate offers them dogs [seals], or larger seals, or scorpions, or moray eels, and everything of that kind, the engagement occurs not without danger. However, as many as they have caught, they cast onto rocks facing the south, which are scorching hot, and they throw them upon these. Having left them for no long time, they all turn them over. Then, ^C when they take hold of the tail and shake the whole mass by it, the fleshy part falls out entirely, broken down by the heat I have mentioned, while they heap the bones together, from which, from a greater area, mounds of huge size are seen. Having gathered the flesh of the fish onto a level rock, they trample it extensively for no small amount of time, and they have mixed in the fruit of the Christ’s thorn. [1345 R.] For by the mixing of this, the whole becomes much more adhesive, and it seems to have the function of a seasoning or a binding. When they have kneaded it with their feet for a sufficient time, they fashion it into elongated bricks and ^D place them again in the sun; when these have attained dryness, all who are present sit down and feast, not according to measure and weight, but according to each one's desire and pleasure.

Cap. XIII. How the fish-eaters hunt for shellfish and create a store.

comminute them on the spot, partly crushing them with their teeth, imitating the behavior and nature of the beasts that dwell in lairs.

They use a far more marvelous method of drinking. For four days they are occupied with fishing, and with crude songs, and with social gatherings organized for the sake of recreation, not distracted by any other thing, because of the great ease of procuring food. But when the fifth day is imminent, they set out to the region lying beneath the mountains for the sake of drink, to the streams of the nomads, to which they also bring their cattle to drink. This departure takes place in the evening. ^B When they have arrived at the drinking troughs of the nomads of the hollow, they stand around them in a circle, and then, resting their hands on the ground and bending their knees, they drink in the manner of oxen, not in a single draught of breath, but pausing frequently. When, like jars, they have filled their bellies with liquid, they depart for the sea with difficulty. The day after they arrive there, no one tastes either fish or anything else. But each one lies down, full beyond measure and breathing with difficulty, similar in a way to a drunken man, namely, in heaviness. Finally, on the following day, they return to their accustomed way of life. This they carry on like the turns of a rotating wheel through their whole life, with none of them looking toward any occupation or concern for business. Because of the simplicity of their diet, they fall into diseases rarely, and they subtract just as much from the number of their years as they pass their time without labors more than others. In this way, therefore, those who have their dwellings within the narrow straits and constrained places live their lives among the fish-eaters.

CAP. XIV. Concerning the thirstless fish-eaters.

But those who claim for themselves the outer coast abound in such fishing perpetually. They have no need of liquid at all. For when they eat the fish while it is still succulent, not only do they not require drink, but they do not even have any knowledge or thought of such a thing, and with tranquil minds they bear whatever fortune has delivered to them from the beginning. ^C

CAP. XV. Concerning the insensibility of certain fish-eaters.

Those dwelling in the aforementioned places have no common notion or feeling with us regarding even the greatest of evils (as they are held to be among us). For they neither flee from the iron unsheathed against them, nor are they provoked by contumely or injury, nor do they grieve for those who are whole on behalf of those who are affected by adverse circumstances; but if something of that sort happens to them from foreigners, they look toward the deed with intent eyes, and they give frequent nods of the head, ^D but they do not show even the slightest awareness of those things which it is customary for a man to do for a man. Whence (the author says) I believe they do not even have an intelligible character, but by habit and by gesture...

and by voice and by imitative indication, they seem to manage everything in life.

Cap. XVI. On the thirstless Ichthyophagi and the seals, a rare thing.

Cap. XVII. Dwellings of the Ichthyophagi and their burial.

Cap. XVIII. Certain Indians born of the earth, or aborigines.

have not received the stain of seed, but exist perpetually: as some of the natural philosophers (as they are called) have defined.

CAP. XIX. Of the Sporades Islands of the Ethiopians; and of the method of catching turtles used by the inhabitants.

Beyond those straits which shut in Arabia and the opposite country, lie the Sporades islands, all low, small in size, and countless in number; they produce no fruit useful for life, neither cultivated nor wild. They are distant from the aforementioned continent about seventy stadia, looking out toward the sea which extends past India and Gedrosia. Here no wave occurs, but one island, as it were, standing before another, breaks the swell with its headlands; and they seem to have excellent air. These islands are inhabited by men—not indeed ^A in a large number—living a life of this sort: In the adjacent sea, which is extremely rough and stormy, there arises an incredible abundance of turtles, which we all consider marine. These graze by night in the depths of the sea, but by day they arrive at the quiet and calm of the islands and sleep, and they do this while floating on the surface, exposed to the sun, looking much as if they were constructed rafts. At that time, the natives, with skill and care and ropes, cast them onto the land and catch them; they eat everything inside, having roasted it a little while in the heat of the sun, but they use the shells for the construction of their dwellings. For they build huts ^B protruding on high places out of them; furthermore, they carry them [to serve] for navigation and for the transportation of water; so that the same thing serves as a ship, a house, a vessel, and food for the aforementioned men.

CAP. XX. Of others who feed on whales.

Not far removed from this race of men, and equal in number, they have this manner of life: they obtain their sustenance from whales cast upon the land; if there is a lack of such food—which happens not infrequently—they satisfy their need, however painfully and wretchedly, by preparing the cartilage from the bones and the ends of the ribs. These, then, are the races of the Fish-eaters that we have related, although countless others escape our knowledge. ^C

CAP. XXI. The self-sufficiency of the Fish-eaters.

Since our life consists in both superfluities and necessities, the aforementioned races of Fish-eaters exclude everything whose use is not necessary, as if confined within a narrow circle; meanwhile, they are destitute of nothing that pertains to nature, being led by a divine path to live frugally, and not by the path which seduces nature with a fallacious appearance of opinions. For they are not held by a contentious and wretched struggle ^D longing to obtain office or mastery, nor, desiring excessive wealth, do they do many things to others, nor do they suffer many [things] concerning unnecessary matters, nor do they engage in greater hostilities over...

sufferings involving bodily harm; nor do they falter in the face of domestic misfortunes; nor, by setting out to sea or extending the measure of life beyond what is right for the sake of profit, do they measure their suffering by the adverse incidents of life; but while they are in need of little, they are likewise grieved [only] for little. For they possess what is sufficient, and they do not seek what is more. Further, it is not what one is ignorant of that disturbs each person, if it be absent, but that which one desires by free will, if, out of rushing desire, one is deprived of the opportunity of enjoying it. Therefore, that man who accommodates himself to the judgment of nature, not of opinion, will be blessed, having everything he desires. Nor ought they to dispute justice through laws. For what need is there for him who can possess a right mind and display it through his deeds without the letter of the law to be enslaved by a decree?

CAP. XXII. The way of life and the calamity of the Ethiopians around Meroë.

CAP. XXIII. Concerning the Hylophagi and their nature and customs.

^A they pull off the most tender shoots and eat them without disdain. Throughout their whole lives, they have accustomed themselves to this habit, so that their climbing into the trees appears incredible; and not only the exertion of their hands, fingers, and feet is wonderful, but that of all their limbs in general. For they leap easily from one branch to another, and often pluck branches from each other even in the most perilous places, performing such feats that he who sees them is struck with amazement, yet would not dare to report it to those who have not seen it. They crush every branch with their teeth and digest it easily in their bellies. And the body that falls from a height does not sustain a heavy impact because of its slenderness. [1353] They are all naked, and have their children and wives in common; they make war with one another over territories, and most of them shift their locations when pressed by famine, as cataracts develop in their eyes around their fiftieth year. ^B

Concerning those called Hunters.

That after those already mentioned, there are those called Hunters by the local inhabitants. Because of the abundance of wild beasts that the place produces in infinite numbers, these dwell in the trees; and capturing the beasts from ambush, they make these their food. They are also skilled in the art of archery. When they lack for game, they make up for the deficiency with the skins of those previously hunted, having soaked the hides and placed them upon soft coals, then covered them in ashes and divided them up.

Concerning the Elephant-Eaters.

That after those mentioned, at a great distance from them and leaning more toward the west, are those who make their living from the hunting of elephants. Some, from a tree on which they sit to observe the passage of the beasts, seize the tail with their hands and press their feet against the left thigh; then, with an axe which they have suitable and ready, they strike the right ham with frequent ^C blows, severing the tendons. They do this so vigorously, with one hand striking and the other holding the tail, as if their life were the prize at stake; for one must either kill or perish, since this moment in time allows no other outcome. When the beast falls from the blow and the hemorrhage, the fellow hunters arrive at the carcass, and while the animal is still alive, they cut pieces of flesh from its hindquarters and feast on them, the wretched creature thus enduring a final death. Such are those who hunt elephants at extreme risk. Others hunt them in this way: three men, equipped with one bow and several arrows smeared with the bile of serpents, stand in the woods alongside the passages of the beasts. When they ^D

^A bring the animal forward, one man holds the bow with his foot planted against it, while the other two, having pulled the string with all their might, release the arrow so that it is aimed at the middle of the flank, in order to penetrate deep inside the area and cut and wound the curved parts. Upon this, the beast, huge as it is, is driven and torn, collapses, and falls.

There is a third type of Elephant-eater, who follows this method of hunting: when the elephants, having fed to their fill, seek to go to sleep, they do not sleep lying down on the ground, but lean themselves against very thick and massive trees, so that the two feet nearest to the trunk rest lightly upon the ground, while their flank, which supports the whole ^B body, rests against the nature of the wood. Thus, one might call this manner of lying down not sound, but rather counterfeit, because a violent anxiety and fear of death is joined to their deep sleep, which immediately follows a collapse, on account of their natural inability to rise again. Therefore, those who make their living from the hunting of these animals, wandering through the woods and marking the sleeping place of the beast, cut into the far side of the tree until it neither leans over completely, nor remains too strong and firm, but stands only for a slight push. When the beast, having returned from pasture, applies itself to its accustomed place of rest, the trunk immediately snaps, it is overturned, and it lies there as a meal prepared for the hunters. For they soon cut away the hindquarters, and when life is drained with the blood, they divide the rest of the dead limbs, each taking them for his own use.

Ptolemy, king of Egypt, ordered these hunters ^C by edict to abstain from the slaughter of elephants, so that he might possess them alive, and he promised them many wondrous things. Yet, not only did he not persuade them, but he even received from them the answer that they would not exchange this present life of theirs for the entire kingdom of Egypt.

CAP. XXVI. On the Struthiophagi and the Simi of the Ethiopians.

Of these hunters, whom the Nomads are accustomed to call unclean, one part lives to the West, separated from the Ethiopians, and they are called Simi; another part lies to the South, a people not so great, who are called Struthiophagi. For they overcome ostriches with craft, guile, and clubs, and from these they live. Their flesh suffices for food, and their skins for clothing and bedding. ^D These Simi are hostile to them and wage war upon them. They use the horns of oryxes as weapons; for these are large and very sharp for cutting. That region nourishes this animal in great abundance.

CAP. XXVII. On the Acridophagi.

Separated by a small distance from these are the Acridophagi;

the race is shorter than the others, lean in body, and extremely black. ^A At the approach of the vernal equinox, when the southwest and west winds blow among them, an untold multitude of locusts of immense size arrives with the winds from an unexplored region; they differ little from birds in the strength of their flight, but are very different in body. They feed on this animal at all times, and also use them prepared in brine. They hunt them by bringing them down from the air to the ground with smoke. They are said to be agile and swifter of foot, but they do not live beyond forty years, as they subsist entirely on dry food. They finish their lives more miserably; for as soon as old age approaches, there is born in their bodies a winged kind of louse, ^B similar to a mite in appearance, but smaller than those that appear on the skin, starting from the chest and abdomen and quickly spreading over the entire surface of the body and the whole face. They are first affected like those irritated by the itching of scabies, but later, with the passage of time, they lacerate themselves not without pain. Finally, when this disease is brought to its maturity, besides the eruption of pustules and the flux of thin sanies, it happens that the wretches sustain intolerable severity. Such is the death (whether caused by the corruption of body fluids, or food, or even the air that provides the cause for this corruption) which the Acridophagi suffer.

CAP. XXVIII. On the region bordering the Acridophagi.

CAP. XXIX. On the Cynamolgi.

^A is long and they wear excessive beards; they keep many large dogs, in the manner of the Hyrcanians, and by their aid they hunt the Indian cattle which invade their land—cattle which appear in countless multitudes from the winter solstice until the middle of winter. Then, too, they milk the females of their dogs and are nourished by the milk, and they live also by capturing other wild beasts. Such are the final matters regarding those toward the south.

Chapter XXX. On the Troglodytes.

Regarding the diet, circumcision, funeral rites, and pacification of the Troglodytes; their sleep and violent deaths.

The condition of the Troglodytes is as follows: the form of government by which this race is contained is a tyranny; their wives and children are held in common. It is forbidden to have relations only with the tyrant's wife; if anyone dares to do so, a fine of one sheep is imposed. Their manner of life is as follows: when it is winter—which happens during the time of the Etesian winds—and God inundates their land with heavy rains, they subsist on blood and milk, which they mix together and churn in vessels that have been heated in the usual way ^B. When summer arrives, they spend their time in the marshy regions, fighting among themselves over the fodder. They also consume the older and sickly livestock, having them slaughtered by the hands of butchers, whom they call unclean. They give no man among mortals the name of parent; instead, they call the bull and the cow father and mother, and likewise they show the same honor to the ram and the ewe, and the goat, because they receive their daily sustenance from them, not from their progenitors.

For drink, the great mass of the people use an infusion of the paliurus herb; the tyrants drink a potion prepared from a certain flower, which tastes like inferior must. They are naked in the rest of their body, ^C covering only their buttocks with skins. It is the custom for the rest of the Troglodytes to circumcise their genital members, just as the Egyptians do; but those whom the Greeks call "mutilated" (koloboi) have made it a religious custom, sanctioned by law, to shave off with razors, while they are infants, that entire portion which the others circumcise—from which practice they have acquired for themselves that aforementioned name.

Here the author makes a digression, noting that although he writes in the Attic dialect, he is familiar with the dialect of Camara (a city in Crete).

Returning then to his subject, he explains what the Troglodytes do regarding the deceased. They bind the necks of the dead to their legs with nooses woven from paliurus. ^D Then, placing them on an elevation or some mound, they bury them with stones large enough to be held in the hand, not without salty jokes and mockery, until the form of the deceased is no longer visible. Having next fixed a goat's horn atop the pile, they depart without any distress, being entirely cheerful. Thus, he says, they wisely turn the use of funerals upside down, since they strive not to grieve for the dead.

^A It is a sign of wisdom to be unburdened by empty sorrow. When enmities and fights and wars suddenly arise among them over their grazing fields (for they do not fight with one another over anything else), the older matrons rush into the middle and break up the contest, suppressing their irritated spirits with words composed for gentleness. They do not take sleep as other men do, but they keep a multitude of cattle around them, and they hang bells from the horns of all the males, so that the sound from them may drive away wild beasts. When night falls ^B they drive their plunder into folds, and throw mats of palm over the top. Hither the women with their infants retreat. But the men, after lighting fires round about and chanting certain ancestral and traditional tales, ward off sleep from themselves. Thus, in many things, habit overcomes nature through certain necessities. If any, as advancing old age (which is equally owed to all) weighs upon them, are no longer able to keep up with the herds, they place a cow’s tail around their neck, and with a knot tightly tied at the nape, they release them from life. ^C And if any among them prolongs his exit from life, whoever wishes to do so stands suddenly by, as if moved by benevolence, removes that hesitation, and while he admonishes and blames the procrastination, he kills the man in the same way. And they do not remove the exhausted by age from the living in this manner alone, but also those rendered useless for following the herds by persistent disease or the impairment of any limb.

CAP. XXXI. Of writers on matters in the four regions of the world.

CAP. XXXII. That the distance of places is not as great as the diversity of customs.

and cannot even tolerate them, without which others think life itself would be unbearable. Such is the great attraction of habit; and time, which receives the first age of our life, overcomes the difficulty of the surrounding climate and place. ^A

Cap. XXXIII. — Of the lions of Arabia.

Cap. XXXIV. — Of the ant-lions.

Cap. XXXV. — Of leopards.

Cap. XXXVI. — Of the rhinoceros.

Cap. XXXVII. — Of the camelopard.

Cap. XXXVIII. — Of the sphinx, the cynocephalus, and the cepus.

^A And they have gentle and mild souls. Much craftiness resides in them, and for this reason they are led to knowledge by some compendium of learning, and one might not unreasonably admire the orderliness they observe in all things.

The cynocephalus in its body represents a distorted human form, but its face is that of a dog; it emits a voice not unlike the strident squeak of a mouse. It is an excessively wild animal, and by no means tameable; its expression, from its eyebrows and eyes, reveals a fierce nature. Such is the condition of the male. It is peculiar to the female sex that it carries its womb outside its body, and in that state it passes its whole life.

The cepus has a face similar to a lion, its body is like a panther, and its size is that of a gazelle; it takes its name from its variegated appearance (for "cepus" is a garden in Greek).

^C

CAP. XXXIX. — Of the carnivorous bull.

^D

CAP. XL. — Of the crocotta beast.

CAP. XLI. — Of serpents of stupendous size.

these places, and kinds ^A that are wonderful, and all of them derive their life from hunting. However, of those that have fallen under our own observation, he says, the largest appeared to be thirty cubits. And he says that all serpents, even the most vast, offer themselves to be tamed if they are pressed and worn down by a lack of necessities. For indeed, the author testifies that he himself saw that when, due to a lack of food, it was constantly in sight, while they placed victims around it in a basket according to its desire, it at once lowered its ferocity of spirit and conceived a more vehement appetite for food, and then the priests, surrounding it within the net, so prepared the wild beast for the desire [136 R.] until it became tame and gentle, so that one would judge nothing among all other animals to be milder or more fearful, which is natural, I think, when one encounters such things in animals that are under one's control. For that which resists is mistreated, but that which yields is nourished. And every wild beast is taught to be temperate, not by reason learning the choice of the better, but being bound by turns to the affection of memory. ^B

Of naturally occurring warm waters.

He says that, there being many wonderful things lying far from custom, I shall visit those places themselves that are worthy of memory. First, therefore, if one runs past the right-hand continent from Arsinoe, hot waters are filtered into the sea from a high rock through many channels, having narrow passages, not of sweet water, but of bitter saltiness, and having the nature of such a spring. ^C Then the Nile flows from the lake, when the stream crosses through certain loose and porous ground into the lowest and most hollow place. Near the lake, a mountain appears to rise in a sufficiently spacious plain, rich in red ochre, which, although it exhibits nothing else remarkable, yet shows such color on its topmost peak that the eyes of those who gaze intently upon it for any length of time are damaged. Next, a great harbor receives one, which was formerly called the Harbor of Mouse and then was named the Harbor of Venus. In which there are also three islands lying before it, of which two are thick with olive trees, but one, though less wooded, nurtures a multitude of those birds which they call guinea fowl. Near these is a bay which they call the Impure. ^D When you have sailed past it, an island stretches out, situated in the open sea, having a length of about eighty stades, which they call Serpent Island, formerly full of all kinds of reptiles, but in our time free of them. And in this island, he says, the so-called topaz is produced; this is a translucent stone, similar to glass, providing a pleasant sight in gold. The inhabitants of the island, who also guard and collect the royal stone by royal decree, obtain it in this way: At night they wander around in shifts, equipped with mattocks of various sizes. For the stone within the rocks, because it is overcome by the light during the day on account of the heat, is not visible, but when the shadow of the night approaches, wherever it is produced in that place, it shines from every side.

^A Once this is observed, the guardian, for the sake of the sign, surrounds the shining object with a container as large as he judges the magnitude of the visible image to be. Approaching afterwards during the day, he cuts away a piece of the rock equal to the previously determined measurement and hands the segment over to craftsmen skilled in polishing.

After this, the sea is so shallow and of such little depth that it does not exceed two fathoms in measurement, and it is green on all sides, not by the nature of the waters, but because of the moss and seaweed showing through, which impart their color. Hence, it contains an innumerable multitude of sea-dogs, for which reason the aforementioned channel is quite suitable and fitting for a long ship and for those propelled by oars; for it is waveless, not rolling a swell from far away, and it provides an incredible catch of fish. ^B Concerning these places, the misfortune that happens to ships carrying elephants calls forth great pity from those who see it. For the wave suddenly dashes the ships against a crag or drives them into a sandy region, as if into a prison, and bars every way of escape for those sailing. On that account, an extensive lamentation first takes hold of those who are being carried there, though they do not yet abandon the hope of something better; for a rising flood has already saved some who had been carried there in this way, having caught them up suddenly as the sea swelled. But when their food supply runs out, they undergo countless sufferings, and in the end they are all consumed, either by famine or—if they cannot endure the long-drawn-out wasting of hunger—by the sword, or they cast themselves headlong into the sea by their own impulse.

CAP. XLII. — Of the places above Ptolemais and the tribes of the Balani.

CAP. XLV. — Of the spice-store of Nessa.

^A which they call Nessah, named after the multitude of these animals. This Nessah lies near a very wooded promontory, and, if viewed in a straight line, it extends toward Petra—a place of this name—and as far as Palestine. Into this, the Gerrhaeans, the Minaeans, and all the Arabs living nearby bring frankincense, as is reported, and burdens of fragrant goods from the upper province.

Cap. XLV. The land of the Bythemanians, fertile in pastures but unhappy owing to the abundance of harmful beasts.

Cap. XLVI. Of the land of the Balmizomanes.

Cap. XLVII. Of a certain difficult passage.

Cap. XLVIII. Of the tribe of the Dedebae.

^A They are, however, exceedingly hospitable, though not to all men universally, but especially to those who journey thither from the Peloponnese and Boeotia, on account of some mythical story concerning Hercules dating from that time.

The neighbors of these peoples are the Alilaei and the Casandri, who possess a land in no way similar to the aforementioned. For the air here is neither cold, nor dry, nor scorching, but brings forth a soft and thick cloud, from which rain and winters occur that are seasonable even in the summer. Most of the region is very fertile, though not everywhere utilized through cultivation, as the others are more unskilled. They do, however, extract much gold from the crustaceous tunnels of the land; not that which is melted down with skill and art from the dust, but that which is naturally formed, which the Greeks call *Apyron* [ignis nescium, "unknowing of fire"] due to the way it happens to be found. The smallest portion of this is not smaller than an olive pit, the middle-sized is equal to a medlar seed, and the largest deserves to be compared to royal nuts. ^B Having bored through these, they string them alternately with transparent stones and wear them around their wrists and necks, and, taking them to their neighbors, they sell them cheaply; for they exchange gold for bronze at a ratio of one to three, and for iron at double the value, while silver is worth ten times the gold. The method of valuation is adjusted according to the ratio of abundance and scarcity, in which matters the whole life of these men pays heed not so much to the nature of the thing as to the necessity of use. ^C Contiguous to these mortals live the Carbae, on a continent that a neighboring harbor receives, in which many springs well up.

CAP. L. On the fragrant and blessed land of the Sabaeans, where [he speaks] of Saba and its rule, magnificence, and wealth.

^A separate from the substance that generates and nourishes them, but are still flourishing with a divine maturity, emitting that admirable power with a familiar and genuine vigor, to such a degree that many, having come to forget the happiness of mortals, imagine they are partaking of ambrosia, while the thing itself seeks a name suitable for the highest praise and comparable to its own nature. In the forests of fragrant things there is a species of serpent, the most insolent of all, as if Fortune were envious of the earth’s such abundant benefits and were attaching harm to the good, so that no one, becoming utterly insolent and having developed a Titan-like mindset that disregards the divine because of prosperous and fortunate circumstances, might fail to be instructed by the juxtaposition and memory of contrary things. This species of serpent is crimson in color, a span in length, and its bite is incurable if it draws blood above the [746 H.] flank; it inflicts the wound by leaping up high. Among the Sabaeans themselves, the scent of the fragrant plants is at its peak, but the pleasure derived from it is less. For that which is constant from childhood affects and moves the sense less, nay, it renders it more obtuse, with no change in life being added. However, since they cannot so inform and govern their life that it might always remain in a good state (for the spirit, mixed with a cutting faculty, permeates the body and brings its moderate constipation into a more fragmented state, so that it is finally brought to an extreme loosening), in order to remedy this defect, they burn a little bitumen and a goat’s beard for the sick. And thus they remove the excessive fragrance of that which is perpetually exhaling, and by the tempering of that which seems troublesome to it, they repress what is harmful to pleasure. Thus, every achievement, if it is governed by moderation and good order, leads life through in the best way; but if it is deprived of moderation and timeliness, its possession is useless. ^B Saba, a city indicating the name of the whole nation, lies upon a mountain that is not large, the most beautiful of all in Arabia, which is called Sabas. [1373 H.] The one who rules over the whole nation holds a position of precedence, one that is highly honored by the people, yet also the most unfortunate; honored, in that he commands many and acts according to an unaccountable judgment, doing whatever he wills, subject to no censure; but unfortunate, in that once he has received the care of the kingdom, it is impossible for him to leave the palace again. If he does otherwise, he becomes a target for pelting by everyone, according to an ancient oracle, so that this prominence is harmful. ^C Of the men, those who are assigned to stay at home behave with slightly more strength than women, for through continuous idleness, they degenerate into women. The others apply themselves to martial affairs, cultivate the entire region, and lead out colonies. For of the larger rafts [of smaller boats and

especially the fragrant fruit that grows in the land beyond—it is called in Arabic *Larimna*—which possesses the greatest fragrance among the other aromatics, a thing which is said to overcome the infirmity of the body for the most part. And since the land produces no other wood, they are compelled to burn cinnamon and cassia for their daily needs, and to apply them to the other requirements of life; so unevenly has fortune distributed her goods, granting to some a scarcity of necessary things, and to others a superabundance. Not a few of the Sabaeans, moreover, make use of leather rafts, necessity teaching them this use because of the reflux of the sea, even though they dwell in luxury and delights. For there seems to be no nation of men more opulent than the Sabaeans and the Gerrhaeans, who act as dispensers of everything from Asia and Europe that is subject to the reckoning of commerce. These have made Ptolemaic Syria very rich in gold; these, through Phoenician industriousness, have furnished lucrative markets, along with ten thousand other things. [747 H.] There is luxury amongst them not only in admirable embossed work and a variety of cups, but in the size of their couches and tripods, and they surpass those other household furnishings that we employ, as it seems they possess royal store in abundance. He says that they have many columns built that are gilded and silvered, and that their ceilings and doors are covered with many dense, jewel-encrusted discs, and in the same way the intercolumniations offer an elegant spectacle, and in general the riches of others ^B are displayed here in great variety. But these things are reported of their life down to our own time. If they did not dwell so far removed from those who maintain forces in every place, they would be mere stewards of others' wealth, instead of lords over their own prizes, for their idleness would not be able to preserve their freedom for a very long time.

^C Near this country the sea appears white, resembling a river, so that one might be struck with wonder at the cause of what is happening; and there lie nearby fortunate islands, in which all the cattle are white, and no horn grows on any of the females. In these islands one can see merchant rafts of the neighboring peoples moored, most of them coming from the place where Alexander established a naval station [1376 R.] beside the Indus river, and not a few from Persis and Carmania and the entire nearby continent. They have also things regarding the heavens that are wonderful, among which is what happens regarding the Bear. For from the month of Maimakterion, which is reckoned among the Athenians, no star of the seven is visible until the first watch, and in the month of Poseideon until the second.

CAP. LI. Of the fortunate islands of Arabia, and the wondrous nature of the heavens.

and in the following months in the same manner. Of the other stars, some of the wandering ones are invisible, while some are larger in bulk, and others do not even make their settings and risings at the established times. They say that the appearance of the sun beyond Ptolemais is peculiar and different. For first, we do not see, as we do, a light without a sun in the morning for a considerable time, and then the sunrise; but when the night has been in darkness, the sun suddenly shines forth, and day never originates there before one has seen the sun. ^B Second, the sun appears to rise from the middle of the sea. Third, it presents itself as being very similar to a most fiery coal, throwing off large sparks, some into the space around that which is illuminated, and some even further away. Fourth, they say that the sun does not have a disk-like shape, but reminds one of a thick column, which at the beginning appears somewhat fuller at the top, as if it were a head. Fifth, they maintain that neither radiance nor beam shines from it, neither on the land nor on the sea, until the end of the first hour; it is rather as a fire not luminous, wrapped in mist. But when the second hour commences, the whole star ascends, presenting the likeness of a shield, and casts light upon the land and the sea, so strange ^C and fiery that its excesses are thought to be of immense magnitude. Sixth, they affirm that at the setting the sun is observed with the opposite effect. For after it has shown that it has submerged beneath the earth, it continues to shed light for a space of no less than three hours, which duration they consider to be the most pleasant time of the day for them.

CAP. LII. — On the reciprocations of the sea.

Hence, after the author has reviewed the various causes of the reciprocation, and has rejected all of them as having nothing of truth in them, he then adds: That these things consist of trifles, and that they are taken from the truth of no matter which might support those things related, is easy to know. Then, after adding certain other things to that same opinion, he again adds: Therefore, regarding the recession of the sea, and the movement of the earth, and winds and lightnings, and all things of that kind, we concede ^D the discussion as to the causes by which they exist to others, who are better prepared than we are to explain these things. But we have set forth the conditions by which manifest calamities are generated, having received them from those who are knowledgeable and intelligent. While we strive eagerly to find things more plausible than these for the sake of an unusual thesis, such a thing cannot be admitted by us for the possession of true history.

CAP. LIII. — On the olives and the head of Isis.

In the strait mentioned above, he reports that this new thing happens regarding the olives. When the tide of the sea overflows, they are all covered, and at the ebb...

in the sea, in the process of being ^A reabsorbed, flourish at all times. There grows something therein deep down in the crevices, not unlike black rush, which the inhabitants there call Isis’s hair, attempting to lend a simple belief to a mythical fiction. It happens that this, being struck by the waves, is bent in many ways, since the whole of its substance is soft and corresponds to other shrubs of this kind; but if someone cuts it off and brings it out into the open air, that severed part suddenly hardens, becoming harder than iron.

Concerning the Ethiopian fish.

Cap. LV. Epilogue, in which he refers the rest of the history to others.

Arrhianus's short work.

*Ex Agatharchide, apud Athenæum, libro sexto.* Agatharchides writes that one of the Dardanians possessed a thousand slaves, and another even more; and that each one of them cultivated the land in time of peace: but in war, they enlisted for military service, and their masters were their commanders.

*Apud eumdem, libro septimo.* Agatharchides relates that the Boeotians crown the eels of Lake Copais of extraordinary size as if they were sacrificial victims, and sprinkling them with sacred meal, sacrifice them with prayers to the gods; and when some stranger, astonished at the unexpected kind of sacrifice, inquired why this was done, the Boeotians could offer no other reply than that the institutions of their ancestors must be kept, and that it did not befit them to give an account of their ancestral custom to others.

From Agatharchides, in the same Athenaeus, eighth book.

^A Agatharchides, in the sixteenth book of his *European History*, writes that Magas, who reigned for fifty years at Cyrene, when he was not occupied with wars and was wasting away in luxury, increased to such a vast bulk of flesh that, toward the end of his life, his bodily tumor was monstrous; and finally he was killed by the abundance of his fat, partly on account of his sloth and sluggishness, and partly on account of his gluttony and excessive voracity for food. The same author writes in his twenty-seventh book that it was a notable disgrace among the Lacedaemonians if anyone appeared to have less than a virile figure, or if a tumor of the body was observed to be hanging and drooping toward the abdomen, since every tenth day the young men presented themselves naked to the ephors to be inspected, who also inspected the sleeping quarters and clothing of the young men daily—and deservedly so, since at Lacedaemon there were those who prepared meat for a side-dish, but nothing further in the way of delicacies. The same author, in his twenty-seventh book, reports that Naucleides, the son of Polybiades, was excessively corpulent and thick on account of his indulgences, and was brought into the middle of the assembly by the Lacedaemonians and publicly rebuked bitterly by Lysander as a lover of pleasure, and that he came within an ace of being sent into exile, and that the Lacedaemonians would have done this had he not corrected his life. Lysander, at that time, mentioned Agesilaus, who, when he was pressing the barbarians in war at the Hellespont, seeing that the Asiatic men were adorned in sumptuous robes but were cowardly and useless in body, ordered all the captives to be stripped of their garments and led to the auctioneer to be sold, but the clothing to be sold separately, so that his allies and confederates might learn that war was not undertaken against such men for the hope of great prizes, and therefore they might fight against the enemies with a prompter and keener spirit.

From Agatharchides, in the same Athenaeus. XIV.

That Sidas is called a Punic word by the Boeotians, Agatharchides writes in the nineteenth book of his *European History*, in these words: The Athenians were litigating with the Boeotians about the boundaries of the region which they call Sidas. Epaminondas, defending his own side in that controversy and alleging his own rights, immediately with his left hand took what he was carrying inside his garment—a pomegranate—and with his right hand began [to show it] and asked the Athenians by what name they called it. They replied that they called it *rōan*. "But we," he said, "call it *sidan*." In that tract of land which was in dispute, there are very many pomegranate trees, and from this the name was given at the beginning. Thus Epaminondas won the case.

From Agatharchides, in Plutarch’s *Parallels*.

Xerxes, equipped with an army of 100,000 men, landed at Artemisium and ordered the inhabitants of that region to await hostile actions from him. The Athenians, with troubled minds, sent Agesilaus, the brother of Themistocles, to scout, although his father Neocles had seen in his sleep that he was shorn of both hands. When this Agesilaus arrived among the barbarians in Persian attire, he killed a certain Mardonius of the king’s guards, thinking he was Xerxes, and, being seized by those standing about, he was bound and led to the king. The king was about to offer a bull to the sun at an altar. There, Agesilaus, having kindled a fire on the altar, placed his right hand into it and endured the torment without any groaning. Then, being released from his bonds, he said: "All Athenians are like this; but if you do not believe it, I will also place my left hand in." Xerxes, having conceived fear, ordered him to be kept in custody. The account is from the second book of the *Persian History* of Agatharchides of Samos.

From Agatharchides, in the same Plutarch, *Symp.* lib. VIII, quaest. IX.

But around the Red Sea, they were struck (as Agatharchides narrates) and troubled by other unheard-of accidents; then small snakes were born which, with protruding heads, would destroy legs and arms, and when touched, would again insinuate themselves into the flesh, and, crawling through the muscles, would excite an intolerable force of inflammation. And no one has discovered that this kind of disease happened to any others before or after, as is the case with many other things.

CCLI. Hierocles, *On Providence*.

I have read Hierocles’ book *On Providence*. Why, he says, do I recount these things to you, seeing that some Platonists do not hold a correct opinion regarding the creating God? For they did not think that God was able enough to support the world by His own virtue and wisdom, operating from eternity. But [they believed] that He could create only by using the cooperation of unbegotten matter and a nature not dependent on Him. For as if all things were previously in power in the said primary matter, and God as it were outlines them, and only digests them, and draws them forth from the matter itself—which would be a matter of excessive curiosity rather than the goodness of God. For why would He strive to digest those things which He did not create, when...

their true order consists in the ingenerate nature of their own being? ^A For if something were added to that which is ingenerate and subsistent of itself, it would happen contrary to nature; and what is brought about contrary to nature is vitiated. Therefore, it is by no means a good thing for the so-called "matter" to be adorned, if indeed it be ingenerate, not only in time but also because of a cause—by which meaning we also call God "ingenerate." Nor, indeed, would God Himself be blameless, having initiated the beginning of creation from a certain maleficence, by attempting to dispose contrary to nature a substance that is equally ingenerate with Him, and not allowing this "sister," which spontaneity joined to Him, to remain in an ingenerate order—since that which is equally ingenerate cannot be contained [sc. by another]. Whether He began to exert this power from eternity or in time, He would rather recede from the truth if, due to a need for material operation and some lapse of time, He had begun to adorn it and had not allowed it to remain in its own state. For if it were better not to have made it, why then did He begin to make it? But if it were better to have made it, why did He not make it from eternity? If indeed His making it from eternity is indifferent to Him (unless one were to say that he can make and destroy individual things by His nature, but cannot make things eternal): therefore, the depravity of the matter which He uses continuously rejects the imposed and superfluous order, declining into an "in-ordering"—if I may use the term—that is ingenerate to them, so that piece by piece, at one time or another, beauty or deformity might prevail; or, to speak more truly, that deformity might always prevail, since matter adorned contrary to nature seems deformed to one who reasons correctly. ^C

That Plato and Aristotle are in agreement in their doctrines.

^D That many of those who follow Plato and those who follow Aristotle have at times urged their own teachers to contend with one another, having brought forward for the common view, as it is said, the study and meditation of those dogmas which each had thought out; and they proceeded to such a point of audacity and contention that they even corrupted the writings of their own teachers, in order to show those men more greatly fighting among themselves. And this passion persisted, having fallen upon the philosophical schools, until Ammonius the Alexandrian, the God-taught. For he was the first, being caught up with a certain zeal for the truth of philosophy, and having scorned the opinions of the many—which brought great disgrace upon philosophy—to have understood well the mind of each, and he gathered them into one and the same view, and he delivered to all his acquaintances a philosophy free from faction, and especially to the most excellent of his contemporaries, Plotinus and Origen and those who followed from them.

^A He says that according to Plato, only the souls of men transmigrate into bodies, and these not simply, but only from men into men: he says that he by no means holds the opinion of a transition from irrational animals into men, or from men into irrational animals.

Plato considered that the Creator God sustains the whole visible and invisible world, produced without any pre-existing matter. For he thought that His will sufficed for the sustaining of the universe. And from a corporeal nature joined to an incorporeal one, the most perfect world is established, at once twofold and one: in which there are highest, middle, and lowest things; whereof he calls the first celestial and gods, the middle ones gifted with reason, aerial, and good demons, interpreters and messengers of those things that are profitable to men; and the final ones, gifted with reason and earthly, and human souls or immortal men. And that those which are superior always dominate the lower; but that over all is God, their architect and Father, and that this paternal rule of His is providence, distributing to each kind what is appropriate. ^B Justice, following that, is called Fate. For it is not the reckless necessity of the genethliacs, nor the Stoic violence, nor that which Alexander of Aphrodisias supposes, bringing this into the same condition with the nature of bodies as he attributes to it, nor is it a natal star inauspicious to birth through incantations and sacrifices, as some believe, but it is the ancient law of providence, passing over that judicial operation of God, which in order and series, according to a plan of free causes, directs our affairs and counsels.

What is Providence and order?

Commonly indeed, providence and order extend from the Creator God to all immortal genera, but most especially and more closely to the first and highest, which draw their origin continuously from Him, and in turn to those which were founded by Him, and which enjoy the best communion of intelligible goods. For since there are three genera in the world gifted with reason: ^C the highest and first, communicating without any mutation with the divine image, [462a] possesses altogether a divine order and composition, such as we have said belongs to the celestial nature. The second, however, following and admitting the divine order, does not acquire the likeness of the Creator immutably nor indivisibly, but revolves without error and vice according to paternal laws, which we have assigned to the ethereal nature. The third, as the last of the divine genera, not only is turned in some way from the heavenly dignity, but is also sometimes corrupted by the ethereal. And indeed to always understand God, ^D

^A and by adhering to him to possess knowledge of him, belongs to the celestial beings. But that [knowledge] which is always diffused is essentially present to the ethereal beings. Yet to not always understand, and in the very act of understanding to be divided, is given to human souls as their own property, for they do not attain by nature either the undivided intelligence of the celestial beings or the knowledge of the ethereal beings which is ordered in ranks. For they know neither in a unified nor in an eternal way; but even when they are raised toward the dignity of understanding, they imitate the ethereal knowledge, and by following it, they enjoy the vision of the intelligible things. After the third intellectual genus, which sometimes understands and sometimes does not understand, there would be that which never understands according to the principle of perfect division; which indeed is by nature unintelligent, and absolutely incapable of participating in truth and virtue. ^B Therefore, also, the being of that genus as an offspring is rejected. For how could that which is irrational and unintelligent be an image of the intelligible God? For every image of that [God] is endued with mind and is rational, and is naturally adapted to know itself and its maker.

"It follows," he says, "that we must render an account of our actions performed here to those who have obtained the intermediate lot, as they are our guardians and inspectors. And all their operation in us is called fate, directing our affairs by the laws of justice." If, however, they are (he says) guardians of a life marked out according to its dignity, it is evident that they would also be the fulfillers of the time which each life has been allotted; for it is not possible to preserve a life that has an indefinite time. ^C Therefore, it is necessary for the time to be defined, so that the fated life may be preserved. And the mode of death must be defined at the same time as the time, as the final part of the life distributed according to its dignity. For since the birth is defined, it is necessary that the death also be defined. And the beginning of birth is defined by the fate of the sending from that place, which is the divine will and the law of the justice of God. ^D Therefore, the fate of the transition from here to there will also preserve the death that is defined. For this reason, it is defined by what means we shall pass into life, and by what means we shall depart from life. For if these were indefinite, the whole life would also be indefinite and devoid of superior oversight. For where else, or in whom, would there be the care of divine judgment and the distribution according to merit, concerning those things that happen to us in the body and externally at random and as it may be? For we shall not leave these things in disorder, and we shall not say that the choices, judgments, and impulses of the soul come to pass from a superior necessity; for in this way we would blame not ourselves, but that [necessity], for virtue and vice. Nor yet is it reasonable to attribute everything to the necessity from them—I speak of the things of the soul and body and external things—but neither is it right that everything be abandoned to irrational and unexamined impulses, when mind holds the primacy of all things, and God exists as the cause of all. Therefore, it is necessarily left that there is free will in us, and just retributions for free actions...

choices be placed in the hands of the heavenly beings, as they are appointed by God to be judges and are naturally inclined to care for us. For there being three things pertaining to us—that all things are necessary, that nothing is, or that things happen reciprocally—this is equally absurd and equally does away with all providence. For merits foreseen bring with them entirely [a belief in] providence, and consequently, fate and judgment; and the providential power, ordering human affairs by justice and law, requires our autonomous and elective origin. Hence, fate is a part of the whole of providence, adjusted judicially to human souls.

The activity of human souls is a self-moving free choice—that which is said to be "in our power"—which serves as a reasonable basis for the unequal distribution [of fates] by the divine judges; but the [phenomenon of] the accidental is entirely assigned to mortal and irrational creatures. For it does not proceed in an orderly fashion regarding each individual, nor according to any calculated merit; since from fire being extinguished, air is made, and from air being condensed, water, and from these [foods], the body of a horse or dog does not [necessarily] arise, but rather something else—but all things can be produced from all things haphazardly, because of the common nature of matter which receives all things into itself, and participates in that mode of order and divine necessity, so that each thing is preserved according to its kind and runs alongside the eternal causes that gave them substance.

In individual animals and plants, [[B]] and even in inanimate things, nothing is defined or ordered as a reward given according to merit, because no recompense is owed to them from a prior life, nor is any punishment to be expected for what they now do. For nothing has accrued to them from the heavenly realms that could constitute a foundation by which they might be led to return [to God] through divine judgment; just as it is necessary for the rational and immortal souls in individual men, arriving from that place, to be objects of the greatest care and solicitude by their kin, lest they fall into the evil to which they are prone; therefore, they suffer, and at the same time in suffering they acquiesce, and again they freely choose, and they suffer in order to obtain the merit of free will. Wherefore, the accidental and the absence of divine judgment are appropriate for irrational creatures.

In our actions, however, even that which seems accidental serves the foreseen fate, so much so that fortune seems to rule over us no differently than over beasts, and it happens to us regarding bodily and external goods, which the presiding judgment has defined. For through the slackening and tightening, [[C]] and the various changes of those things which happen to us, the free will of the soul is led toward a moderate state—more quickly, indeed, if one bears the adversities that happen regarding these things with constancy; but over a longer period of time, if one tolerates them with an impotent and senseless mind. For then he pays the penalty for his faithlessness, and must nonetheless bear what he suffers. [[D]] Now, in what concerns us, even what seems to be accidental completes the service of the providential fate, so that we seem to suffer by chance, just like the irrational animals, but we suffer this regarding our body and external things which the watchful judgment has determined. For by the tension and relaxation of these things around us, and by the frequent changes of the same, the free will of the soul is trained toward good order—more quickly, if one accepts the sufferings that happen regarding these things with good grace; and in many and long periods of time, if he is disposed toward them stubbornly and foolishly. For then he pays the penalty for his lack of discernment.

^A

That the soul has free movements, and concerning Providence.

That the soul, he says, because it does not possess the impulse of any choice whatever without being accountable for it, is deemed worthy of the supervision of the nearest superior genus, obtaining judgment, cleansing, and punishment always according to the merit of its own dispositions. And while to choose lies with it, those things which follow upon choices are defined by the judgment of Providence, which compensates the dispositions of the soul according to their desert. And thus we are said both to make choices and to be allotted the same life. For the retribution appointed for the things we have done reveals both the free movement and the divine supervision, so that from the beginning to the end, while we have free movements—even if some more and some less, and even we ourselves do not always preserve the things that are in our power in the same way—yet the distributions according to desert are not masterless. And [754 H.] this is the fate that leads us toward the things here, and again leads us away from here, being a weave and combination of human choice and divine judgment, so that while we choose what we desire because of the unenslaved nature of our choice, we might frequently suffer what we do not desire because of the unerring nature of the judgment. In the whole of the allotted life, all other things are also set down that are constitutive of human life, and the time and manner of death are also ordained together with the decree of fate.

That, he says, it is worth considering how the soul is neither deprived of the power of understanding at times regarding the turning toward the intellect, nor of the power of understanding and rightly repenting in the case of extreme wickedness. For the human soul is by nature created such that it is fit both for divine blessedness and for mortal generation, bringing forth each power in turn, since it has even been made by the providence of God for both. For thus it possesses by nature the ability to live according to [the intellect], but it happens that its self-moving disposition spends more time above than below. Wherefore some are said to complete their periods in ten thousand years, others in three thousand, as virtue cuts off error, and the intense longing for good things removes the prolonged nature of earthly servitude. ^C

From book two: What is said to act according to essence?

That, he says, those things are said to act according to essence which, remaining unchangeably in their own essence and operation, and without dividing or moving anything of themselves toward the substance of the things generated, [1389 R.] bring forth the generation of the secondary things solely by the fact that they are what they are. From which it follows that they neither use matter, nor begin from a time, nor cease at any time. ^D

nor do they consist outside the operation of the agent—that which comes into being. For all these things accompany the agent according to accident, for example, in one who is building, and other things of that sort.

^A Plato, in the *Phaedrus*, says that no poet has yet praised the celestial place according to its dignity, nor will any ever praise it. He does not speak here of a place in the proper sense (for that is a container of bodies), but he uses "place" now instead of saying "such an essence" or "such a kind," namely, supracosmic and intelligible, just as we are accustomed, when discoursing about certain subjects, to say that we will speak of them having reached that "place" of the argument, calling the head and the form of things their "place."

^B The same Plato, in the *Laws*, showing the distinction of divine providence toward us, says that God governs all things, and together with God, fortune and occasion govern all human affairs. From which it is clear that he assigns a providence of God that is pure, similar to itself, and directed toward things that are devoid of affections, always perfect, and therefore not prone to error; while to those rational beings who sometimes slip into folly and are thereby filled with malice, he attributes a providence mixed with occasion and fortune. For the prior granting of good things, and the preservation of those things that belong to a nature, is the proper work of pure providence; while the correction of those things composed contrary to nature, and the punishments for errors, is the work of providence joined to matter, making use of fortune and occasion. ^C For it is not the case, as is gathered from what has been said, that the divine judgment afflicts some men with calamity and renders others prosperous, but [it does so] according to the antecedent merit of each. Since the judgment of the judges who preside over us is like medicine—an art which, taking cognizance of the care of the sick, prescribes everything to them opportunely, as is fitting, according to what is expedient for the infirm—for this reason, the merit of those who are being judged, since it is at one time one thing and at another another, and is changed by the freedom of the will, mingles fortune with divine providence toward us. The order, however, that is suitable to each individual, along with that of expiation, brings with it the occasion. But fortune and occasion, joined to divine providence, effect the general fate; it receives fortune from the human will, but derives the occasion from the divine judgment. For it is the part of the art [of medicine] to define the method of healing, but [it is the part] of the man to be so affected that he needs cutting, or cauterization, or some other painful treatment. ^D And frequently in other places, he says, Plato engages in such philosophy about human nature and fate, as regulated by a certain providence of our own.

The difference between a philosopher and an amorous man

says that he who has loved contemplation without political action, and considers all other things as nought, and has surrendered himself to the purifying virtues, truly philosophizes in a sincere manner—that is, he who in the *Theaetetus* [is described as] being led to sacred perfection alone. And this man is, in an absolute sense, a philosopher according to Plato. But he is called a "lover" [erotic] by him who, in addition to philosophy, loves children, and who, having been exercised for the sake of the divine and the essentially beautiful in the practical virtues, and having made it his practice to share in the intelligible goods, handles the life of a citizen and a teacher. And this he hands down in the *Republic*, saying that philosophers should be set over cities as rulers, so that cities might one day cease from evils; and [he argues] that a city could never be happy unless it were drawn by those who use the divine pattern. ^B And what is the manner of this drawing? It is that, having taken a city and the characters of men as a tablet, they would first make it clean, and after this they would sketch the form of the government; then, I imagine, as they worked it out, they would look frequently in both directions—both to that which is by nature just and fair and temperate and all such things, and to that which, as Homer said, produces in men the God-like and the God-similar. They would wipe out one thing and sketch in another, until they had made human characters as God-pleasing as possible. Such a painter of republics is the one who loves children with philosophy—that is, the one who lives a public life along with his contemplative mind. For he considers sensation and what is good in sensation to be a youth that needs the intellect as an elder and tutor. For this reason, he declares that he who uses only the mind, in contempt of these earthly things, is the one who truly and sincerely philosophizes—that is, without prying or vanity or bedazzlement. For sensation ^C desires to be with the intellect in some way, and to persuade it to assume that something material is a genuine good. He calls the one who arranges sensation according to the mind "the lover with philosophy," because he possesses a great guard to keep his contemplative mind from being deceived while operating through sensation, and [because] he loves to paint its images both privately and publicly, reforming the characters of men until he has made them, as far as possible, God-loving. For the painter who uses the divine pattern tries to inscribe in others what he sees there; he falls behind the first [kind of philosopher] in no way according to the mind, but he seems to excel him in philanthropy, just as the former overcomes the latter in his own practice. They have these differences between themselves: the one is "sincere," that is, he has no needs and is not turned toward human affairs; the other is "amorous," which is the same as being philanthropic and adorning his fellow-men. Nevertheless, because they possess one and the same philosophy ^D of restoration...

they are said to attain it equally, being raised up in the same span of time and deemed worthy of the same ascension. ^A

From the third book, chapter ten. That laws, reason, virtues, and such things introduce Providence.

Not in vain, says Hierocles, are laws founded for men: nor is reason given to them rashly, nor is the will in vain, nor is it superfluous to make vows, ^B if human affairs are governed by providence, and justice and law distribute rewards for free actions. And, indeed, if these things are necessary, honest, and useful, it does not follow that the power of providential fate is abolished, in that fate corrects with external evils that which is in our own power: but rather these things confirm one another, instead of mutually destroying each other. For since providence exists, it is necessary that laws, reasons, and vows also benefit us greatly: but if the former be removed, the latter will not only be of no use, but will not even be able to protect the republic and the empire. Therefore, that which is in our power introduces providence, and in turn, providence introduces what is in our power. For our will strengthens the just fate, and in return, fate confirms free choice. But if we join a pure and deliberate will to God, standing by the laws, using vows, pursuing prudence, and acting with care in all things, we shall enjoy ^C the greatest goods; on the contrary, however, we shall suffer pains, which are prefixed to these, but which bring medicine, taught by experience to perform their office. But in order that we may be disposed well or ill, being freed by purification from a worse will, law, vows, counsel, and others of that kind, which make us pious and agreeable to God, contribute most significantly.

What is the quality of our free choice.

Our free choice, he says, is not of such a kind that it can transform all things that are and that come to be by its own free actions. For thus, for each individual man, a new world would be founded, and there would be a different apparatus of life, since ^D not all desire the same things; but according to the individual affectations of each (if they were able to constitute essence), all things would be brought over, changed by the sudden commutations of human wishes. Therefore, the free power of man, being easily moved and that daily, is altogether powerless to accomplish or transform anything, unless it be helped from elsewhere. Thus, he says, let not the human will transform created things, since divine law preserves them, nor let it contribute anything to the fabric of the world of those things that come to be.

Why human affairs do not flow from our will.

Free will has command over nothing except itself, and over the ability to make itself better or worse by its dispositions.

^A For our free will indicates that we have the power only to alter ourselves toward what seems good to us, separated from the surrounding body and external things, which are not counted as part of our free choice. For if that which is said to be "in our power" were to pass beyond the substance in which it is established—as if it were in a foreign land—and desired to be in control of something else, such as the body or possessions, it would experience countless contradictions, as things would not proceed according to its own aim, and it would need countless cooperating factors if it were to have anything turn out according to its mind. But that contradictions should not occur, and that cooperating factors should occur, was not in our power, but belonged to some other and long-standing plan and the order following upon that, ^B which fate is said to fulfill, being a divine judgment regarding things not in our power, in relation to the just recompense of those things that are in our power. For the free will of the human soul is not taken away if the external things are in God’s power to distribute and render to each according to the merit of their dispositions. For the providential fate is in the greatest need of our self-moved power toward virtue and vice; for otherwise, unequal distribution would not be just, if it did not take our free will as its premise.

On the end of Plato’s *Timaeus*

Plato (he says) in the end of the *Timaeus*, discussing bodily affections and the healing of them, prohibits the rash use of medical purgations, because one must wait for the natural maturation of diseases and not worsen them with violent incisions. ^C And thus, proceeding by a certain sequence, he declares that for each disease there is a certain time prescribed by nature, analogous to the composition of animals, whose union is brought to birth at appointed times, as he says, having the durations of life determined even by genus; for example, the horse will live so many years at the longest, and the ox so many, and so on for each, as this ox might live ten years, unless a wild beast or some other external circumstance falling upon it should carry it off first. For there is by nature a fixed time for each, until which it is possible for the constitution to hold out, and beyond which it would no longer live, though not all necessarily reach the possible time of their constitution due to external violent attacks, which we said that providence ordains in our case, but which happen by chance in the case of irrational animals. ^D For there is no necessity, as is the case with men, that the order of death in the case of irrational animals or plants should be observed in accordance with the merit of the soul, since those do not enter into life in the same way as we do. For we, by the judgment of daemonic judges, receive each one of us a life in accordance with the merit of our previous living, in which everything is included: nation, city, father, mother, [index: entries preserved]

nothing happens. For those things which happen to those endowed with reason, and which are endowed with it, are entirely alien to the brutes. It is not therefore just that the same rationale be held for animals that are devoid of reason as for those that are endowed with it; since the former acquire only so much providence as is sufficient for the preservation of their species, which is eternal and immortal. For unless we experience providence individually, so that nothing is governed apart from it, the care owed to us will not be apparent. For it behooves us, who have been created by God in a certain specific and defined number, to receive His providence individually according to the production of our origin. For God did not create a single soul from which individuals might borrow a portion, or into which they might in turn be resolved, but He circumscribed individual souls with their own boundaries. Wherefore there is for each one both providence, and judgment, and penalty, and expiation, and being sent to the underworld, and death appropriate to the limits of life, ^B and death which is not fortuitous, and after death the descent to the infernal regions with the spirit who has been allotted to us. In the case of brutes and plants, since they depend on the human will, and because they are forced by necessity to devour one another, and finally because of various and fortuitous accidents, it happens that they are extinguished without order or limit before the time prescribed by nature, so that no penalty is established for them, nor is there any account to be rendered of those things which they did or suffered in life. In human beings, however, the laws of providence, the judgments of God, the conditions of life, and the penalties for deeds done before this life, define all things, as well as the time and manner of death, so that those things which were done freely, or which seemed to have happened by chance, are joined to each individual’s fate and fulfill the penalty of their merits, while the prior acts of life correspond to the subsequent ones, and those things which are in our power draw to themselves the necessity of those things which are not in our power. Whence it comes about that human wills are governed by the laws of fate which the Creator God has prescribed, so that even those things which are done by choice, and those which seem to happen by chance, are woven together toward the fate of each one of us and fulfill the justice of worth, always providing the cause of the occurrence to those things which follow from what has passed, and drawing toward us those circumstances which are not in our power, because human choices are directed by the laws of fate, which the Creator has ordained for souls. ^C

CCLII. Excerpts from the Life of Gregory, Bishop of Rome.

We have read excerpts from the Life of the God-beloved Gregory, how he, acting piously as administrator of the Roman Church, composed those four most useful books of Dialogues.

This holy Gregory was born of the mother Silvia, a Roman patrician. He lived in the solitude of the holy apostle Andrew, which goes by the name of the Clivus Scauri: afterwards he excelled the others in that holiness, doing indeed other things which are necessary for the pious, applying his hand at once to labor and to writing. ^D Establishing his life through virtues, [alms...

he shone forth with alms. For among many other things, by which his mercy and compassion toward the needy were known, this also declares in a most remarkable way the character of his philanthropy and his love of alms. A certain man once came begging, and cited shipwreck as the reason for his requesting aid; he promptly gave him six gold coins. The same man returned a second time on the same day, saying that what had been given did not suffice considering the magnitude of the disaster, and asked for more. He, however, with the same disposition and the same gifts, treated him with kindness; and a third time it happened that he requested and asked for the same things as the second time. And on this third occasion he did not turn the beggar away, but again ordered that through the same man who had performed the service in that matter previously, an equal and likewise identical portion be given him. But when no money was left, and inquiring diligently as to what he might best use to assist the needy man, he discovered a silver dish, in which his mother was ^B accustomed to send some stewed vegetables to her son, which had not yet been given away, and he ordered this to be given to the petitioner. And these things were done in this way. Later on, by divine judgment and by the vote of the holy orders, having obtained the pontifical throne to govern, he wished, as is the custom for patriarchs to do, to have twelve poor men invited to a meal together, and he commanded the one who was in charge of his alms to call them. When he had fulfilled the command, and the guests had filled the table, a thirteenth person was seen by the pontiff reclining with them. He therefore reproved the one who had invited them, because he had invited one more than twelve. But he denied the charge, and counting those eating, saw no more than twelve. But when the holy Gregory saw even the thirteenth, and the visitor’s appearance seemed not only different from the others, but sometimes even different from itself, he understood that this man was not of the number of the others. When the table was cleared, he called him aside and bound him with fearful oaths to reveal who he was. And he ^C said that he was that very person who had formerly, at one time, requested alms from him three times in the same day, and had not failed in his request so many times; and that action so propitiated the divine that, from that time to this very day, having divinely obtained the supreme power of judging, I attend thee always as guardian of thy life and director of thy actions. And that he was called an angel of God by office. Having heard these things, he fell on his knees and worshipped, and gave thanks to God. The other vanished, and, though unseen, guarded his benefactor. This admirable Gregory composed many other books profitable to the soul ^D for the Romans, and he gave homilies unfolding the Gospels; furthermore, he compiled the lives of those who were illustrious in Italy, mixed with salutary accounts, in four dialogues. For one hundred and sixty-five

those years, who were ignorant of the Latin language, to be deprived of the benefit of this work. Zacharias, however, who succeeded this holy man some time later, gathered the knowledge and profit which had been confined to Italy, and by translating it into the Greek language, kindly made it a common benefit for the whole world. He deemed it worthwhile to translate not only the Dialogues, but also other labors of his worthy of being read. ^A

CCLIII. The Martyrdom of the Seven Sleepers [under the Tyrant Decius]

I have read from the martyrdom of the seven youth—from which ^B this summary account was composed—the martyrdom of the seven youth: Maximilian, Jamblichus, Martinus, Dionysius, Exacustodianus, Antoninus, and John. These seven, being of patrician rank and known for embracing and promoting Christian piety, were, it is recorded, brought before the tyrant Decius, who through his contempt for God had corrupted the Roman Empire into a tyranny. Upon being brought forward, they ^C gave an excellent confession. Since the Emperor was distracted by other business, they found a moment of security and fled to a cave in a mountain near the metropolis of Ephesus, and were served in whatever their bodily needs required by one of them, who is said to have been Jamblichus. A short time later, when the Emperor learned of their flight, the place of their retreat, and their manner of living, he was filled with rage and ordered the mouth of the cave to be blocked up, so that the ^D martyrs might perish by hunger. Then, after three hundred and seventy-two years, while Theodosius—who had inherited and was administering the royal authority in the third generation—was reigning, and Maro was entrusted with the sacred cares of the Church at Ephesus, these glorious, triumphant martyrs of Christ appeared—a new and unnatural spectacle—having returned to life. The Emperor and the bishop (for he summoned the Emperor, even though he was staying at a distance, to view this wondrous miracle) approached them, along with many others, and fell at their feet, and were deemed worthy of their prayers and blessing. The Emperor and the Archbishop sat with them, and after a mutual conversation was held, what had befallen the martyrs was confirmed and established as certain. For in the sight of the Caesar and those present, in the very same cave in which they had lain, they rested together again: so that their death was manifest to all, and their departure from this common life, previously unknown, was made clear. Theodosius was then in the thirty-eighth year of his reign when God willed that this great miracle be shown to the world. The circumstances of the time demanded such a prodigy. A certain Theodorus—would that it had not been so—was bishop of the Aegeans. He, I know not by what...

absorbing into himself the reason and, swallowed up in the mire of faithlessness, he vomited forth foul-smelling words, denying the resurrection of the dead and involving many together with his sectaries in the same error. ^B By this miracle, which revealed a clear testimony of the resurrection to the whole world, they and as many of the pagans as remained were, in part, struck dumb and confounded with shame, and in part were brought over to a firm and unshakable hope of the resurrection.

The manner, however, in which the cave was opened is this: Adolius, to whom that mountain belonged at that time—in which the cave had been hewn out—ordered his servants to build a stable for livestock. The task was accomplished in two days; the building was finished by moving the stones that had blocked and walled up the mouth of the cave. And thus the cave was opened. The martyrs who lay there, at that moment, by the wondrous judgment of God, returned to life and sent out Iamblichus, who had long been accustomed to serving them, to buy and bring food. When he had reached the city of the Ephesians, he was arrested because of the coins he was offering, as if he had unearthed an ancient treasure. And from that point on, the miracle of the martyrs spread to the ears of all, and was presented as a wonder to be seen.

CCLIV. The Martyrdom of the Apostle Timothy

The writings concerning the martyrdom of the apostle Timothy were read. The present account says that ^C Timothy was first bishop of Ephesus, and was killed with a club because he had hindered the Ephesians from celebrating the abominable and bloody festivals of the pagans, and from holding games; one of which was called the Catagogium. Because he had abolished this, he was honored with the crown of martyrdom. At that time, the tyrant Domitian held the Roman Empire. When the divine Timothy had ended his life by the means we have mentioned, and Domitian had died, and Nerva had succeeded to the empire, the divine John came free from exile to Ephesus, from where he had previously been banished by Domitian (for he had lived there, having previously suffered shipwreck on the shore, and having been cast out of the sea still breathing, while the cruel Nero was raging against the Christians). At that time, receiving the volumes which in various languages contained the Savior's passion, miracles, and doctrine, from those who brought them, he arranged and organized them, and as the fourth, he joined the three evangelists. ^D For, as I said, being recalled from exile by the decree of Nerva, he presided over the Ephesian see, and ruled the diocese of the Ephesians through the seven bishops with him, and continued teaching the word of piety until the reign of Trajan. These

and contains the martyrdom of Saint Timothy, written in a humble style. ^A

Timotheus the Apostle is declared and inaugurated by the great Paul as bishop of the primary see of the Ephesians. There is among the Ephesians an abominable and execrable feast, which they call *Catagogium*, and it is celebrated in this manner: They dress themselves in indecent masks, and so as not to be recognized, they cover their faces with masks, and carrying about many idols and singing certain songs, they invade men and honest women in the manner of brigands, and they commit much slaughter in public places ^B of the city, and they readily commit nefarious deeds, and they boast of those illicit crimes as if they were legitimate.

CCLV. The Martyrdom of the Great Martyr Demetrius [under Maximian].

I read the martyrdom of that great martyr Demetrius, edited in the same manner. This martyr of Christ, Demetrius, being a herald and teacher of piety, imitated the travels and struggles of the apostles, and led the city of the Thessalonians, brought away from the darkness of error by the light of his own teaching, to Christ: his life shone, corresponding ^C to his doctrine. Maximian, however, the enemy of God, was reigning at that time, and he was staying in Thessalonica. The tyrant was going to a gladiatorial spectacle, and the martyr, bound, was led by the impious ministers to that stadium which was near, as one who was a Christian in life and doctrine. He, hurrying to the spectacle, ordered the holy man to be guarded in an arch near the stadium (for a public bath was adjacent to the stadium). There was a certain gladiator, the tyrant’s greatest friend, who was thought to fight better than all others, by the name of Lyaeus. But he who had come to fight against him on that day was a commoner, a youth in age, ^D named Nestor. The tyrant thought to spare him for his age, although he breathed slaughter against everyone: and he promised to give him money, for the love of which he thought he wished to fight in single combat with such an antagonist. And so he warned him that he should desist from the lethal fight. Nestor replied that he did not love money, but the glory which he would possess who had killed Lyaeus. Having said these words, he descended into the arena and immediately killed him who by the judgment of all was considered the first, having laid him prostrate; but he obtained nothing of those things which were proposed for the victors: he filled the tyrant with intolerable pain and anger, and rising from his chair, incensed with rage, the impious man departed from there to his home. But when some reported the words of the martyr Demetrius to him: as if drunk with fury and impiety, and at the same time thinking the omen inauspicious...

the impious man ^A rises from his chair, seething with rage, and was returning home. When some people brought him reports about the martyr Demetrius, he, being drunk both with anger and with impiety, and at the same time thinking that the meeting with the saint as he was departing for the stadium was an ill omen for him, orders him to be put to death by spears in the place where he was confined. The body of the martyr, those of the faithful who were present, secretly and by night, as far as the fear of the impious allowed them, dug up the earth in the very ruins where he had suffered slaughter, and buried him. And for a considerable time he remained in this state, not suffering the indignity of abuse; for the grace of his miracles and the renown of his healings warded off the abuse. Later, after a period had elapsed, a certain Leontius, a man most beloved by God—who had attained the prefecture through which he administered Illyricum—cleansed the site where the martyr’s relics rested, and, enlarging it, raised up the renowned temple to the martyr, a common place of propitiation and refuge ^B not only for the city of the Thessalonians, but also for all the surrounding regions.

CCLVI.

Policies of the holy Fathers Metrophanes and Alexander, in which is the life of Constantine the Great.

In the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, and in the three hundred and fifth year of the presence of our Savior Jesus Christ, the persecution against us was once again intensified; at which time Constantine, the son of Constantius, had not yet passed beyond the age of a youth. But the writer, I know not whence he learned it, records that Constantine was instructed in the sacred scriptures by his father, and was even appointed Caesar by him; and that he himself saw Constantine serving among the youths in Palestine, when he was with Diocletian, who was campaigning against Egypt; and a certain sedition and revolt was the cause of the war.

^C He says that because Constantine had learned that Maximian was lying in wait to kill him, he fled to his parent; and arriving at the moment of his death, he was declared by him as the successor to the empire. Then they say the pious Constantius said: "Now death is more pleasant to me than life, since your empire, my son, shall be as the greatest of sepulchers. For the fact that I leave behind an emperor on earth who is able to wipe away the tears of the Christians and to stop the unjust slaughters ^D which Maximian does not cease to contrive against the Christians, already gives me a happy rest." The third year of the persecution instigated against us was already then in progress, in which Constantius exchanged his fleeting reign for the eternal one, and, declaring his son emperor, left him behind as a herald of piety and a champion of the Christians.

[1408 R.] He says that after Severus had died of a disease, Licinius, the brother-in-law of Constantine through his sister, reigned, and then Maximinian

Maximian ^A held the remaining part of the East. Maxentius reigned over Rome, being the nephew of Maximian; for the one was the son of the former Maximian, and the other of Diocletian.

That Constantine, the pious emperor, hearing by report of the murders, the defilement of virgins, the rape of other men’s wives, and the violence in which that most unholy Maxentius delighted, and being invited by those who had been sent as ambassadors from Rome to be their savior and liberator, exhorted the tyrant by letters to abstain from his lawless deeds. But when he could not persuade him by words, he attempted war, and having engaged in battle, he was at first not far from defeat. But when the form of the cross appeared to him in the sky, figured in immaterial light and with the same kind of letters promising victory (for the inscription said, "In this conquer"), he engaged the enemy and became the victor over both the war and the tyrant. Before the battle, he fashioned ^B the divine vision into the shape of a trophy, and adorning it with gold-inlaid stones, he gave it to be carried by those riding in front. And Maxentius became prey to his own trap; for he was snared in the very nets with which he had laid an ambush for Constantine. For he had built another bridge near the Mulvian bridge, not far from Rome, by some trickery, through which he hoped to destroy Constantine as he charged. But when those who had come from Rome turned to flight, and great panic arose, Maxentius himself, the author of the trick, together with his followers, as the cleverly constructed bridge broke apart, fell into the river and drank in death. And so Maxentius perished, and his portion of the empire returned to Constantine, and the subjects not only breathed again after that incurable evil, but throughout they celebrated with all joy.

But Licinius, being a pagan, raged against the pious, at first secretly for fear of his relative, but later even openly; for a deep-seated evil nurtured within cannot usually remain hidden forever, and what has long been meditated eventually breaks out. Therefore, an unspeakable persecution of the Christians stirred the pious emperor to a righteous hatred against his impious relative, and out of that hatred a war was born. After many and various battles were fought by land and sea, Licinius was defeated, and trusting in the emperor's kindness, he gave himself up. And it was found that he had not trusted in vain; for he was set free, though liable to many punishments, and he was left unpunished, and Thessalonica was assigned to him as a place of residence to live with all security. But he, senseless, exchanging humanity for the arms of war, and seeking to restore his defeat, stirred up a revolt, which deprived him of life by a righteous sword. ^C

That the holy martyr Peter dies, and Achillas succeeds to the throne of Alexandria and to the holy man, and after him Alexander. Since the Church was now at last freed from persecutions and illuminated by the contests of the martyrs,

that evil inward malady and storm of the world, Arius, again turned the joy of the Church into mourning; for he reduced the Son of God, who is God, to the level of creatures, and shackled Him, whereas the whole of creation is the work of His hands. ^A Since Alexander, bishop of Alexandria [1409 R.], by admonishing and exhorting, achieved nothing (for the depth of the tares had choked the seed of the Word), he cut him off with the pruning-sword of the Church.

Eusebius, looking down on Berytus and coveting the Church of the Nicomedians, 28 having occupied it with impunity, became arrogant and, through the providence of the wicked one, led on both Arius and his fellow-conspirators in the heresy; among these, having been bishops at one time, were Secundus and Theonas, and among the deacons and presbyters were Arius, the author of the heresy, and Achillas, and another Arius, and some others of the same rank and faction 29, reaching the number of nine. These, a council of nearly a hundred bishops ^B who had gathered from Egypt and Libya deposed, having subjected them to anathema. Constantine, upon hearing this, and not taking it lightly, sent to Alexandria a man Hosius by name, and holy in truth as well as in name (a city of the Spains, Corduba, boasted of him as its own), and entrusted him with letters to both the high priest of God, Alexander, and to Arius, the declared father of the impiety, of which the one asked that he be treated with humanity towards Arius, and the other commanded him to depart from his madness and choose the mind of the Church, and he encouraged them also to withdraw from their mutual strife and argumentation, as it had become the cause of many evils for many people. But since the disease of Arius accepted neither healing from the presence and teaching of the renowned Hosius, nor from the admonition of the emperor, the emperor convoked a council of high priests in Nicaea of Bithynia; ^C whilst the bishops were sitting in council, standing in the midst, he would not agree to sit down unless the holy gathering assented to it. And Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theogonius of Nicaea, and Maris of Chalcedon defended the heresy of Arius; while Alexander, presbyter of Constantinople, defending piety, took the place of the high priest (for the holy Metrophanes was not present, due to his advanced old age and sickness), with whom were Athanasius, archdeacon of the Church [767 H.] in Alexandria, and the high priest of that city, Alexander. There were present also at the council some who possessed no priestly grace, nor were they even initiated into the rites of Christians, but they bore a great name for dialectical power; whom some of the elders, with the unadorned and simple Word of God, and the divine grace dwelling within them, ensnared and cleansed of their error, both that of the Greeks and that of Arius, for which they were most vehemently contending, and prepared them to become part of the flock of Christ. In this council was present also Paphnutius the admirable, Egyptian by race, a confessor regarding his

^A (whose right eye the Christ-hating Maximian gouged out, while he also severed the tendons of his left knee, and condemned him to the mines), a man who was a worker of many supernatural deeds and miracles, whom even the most God-loving emperor treated with all honor, and could not be sated with kissing the place where his right eye had been gouged out.

Furthermore, the venerable Spyridon was present, concerning whom we shall narrate one thing out of thousands. He was once tending his own sheep, even though he was endowed with the dignity of a bishop. Thieves, however, invaded the flock of sheep, and were bound by unseen and invisible chains; and he, taking the captives whom he had bound by prayer, released them from their bonds with equal wisdom, and furthermore gave them a ram, saying it was as a wage for their nighttime ordeal. He had a virgin daughter living at home, and she, having accepted a deposit of gold from someone, died. He who had made the deposit (for he had set out on a journey abroad) returned and sought the gold. Spyridon also searched at home, and they did not find it. Wherefore he approached the tomb of his virgin daughter, and says: "Child Irene (for such was the name of the maiden), where is the deposit?" And she answered from the tomb, ^B both pointing out the place and the manner of finding it; and having found it, he easily restored the deposit to the one who had entrusted it. But by these things, as the saying goes, we show the lion by his claw.

These three hundred and those who exceed them in number, the assembly of God's chief priests, condemn Arius and his followers for this impiety, and proclaimed the Son ^C as consubstantial with the Father, rendering their votes in unanimous agreement. Some, however—sixteen in number—seemed to incline toward the madness of Arius. But after the imperial decree of exile was issued, only six remained in their impiety, while the others showed a recantation and conformed to the sentiment of piety, even if not sincerely, but feignedly and with guile, the leader of whom was Eusebius. Hence, all the Churches breathed again after many tumults and factions, and found peace. Hosius, the bishop of Corduba, together with his companions, bringing the acts of what was done in the council, brought peace and rest to the Westerners; Athanasius, burning with zeal, did the same for the Egyptians and Africans. Alexander, however, although he was an old man (for he was seventy years of age), nonetheless bore the message of communion and peace for the Churches to the Thracians ^D and Illyrians, as had been prescribed, having as a companion on the journey the most blessed Paul, who at that time was fulfilling the office of reader and notary of the Church at Constantinople; who, being in his twelfth year of age at the time of the council, was living with Alexander. But of these things, a little later. He first came into the presence of the most holy Metrophanes, and gladdening him with the joyful news and his presence, yet not gladdening him in that he was about to depart, he was dismissed with auspicious prayers to the office entrusted to him. Coming into Thrace, Macedonia, Thessaly, the whole of Achaia, Hellas, and the surrounding lands, that—

^A they did not neglect the islands, but by sailing about, pulling up every weed by the roots, they sowed the noble seed of evangelical doctrines and synodal proclamations.

Since the council reached its conclusion in three years and six months (for it began on the fifteenth day of the month of April, and it was finished after three years, when April had returned and passed by until September; for thus the wise Alexander, writing an account of what had occurred, noted the proceedings of the council), the holy council having been concluded, the Emperor stood in the midst of the choir of high priests ^B and requested one favor to be granted to him by them, to which they gladly assented. This grace was that they should accompany him to the city, so that there they might see the Archbishop, whom the Emperor acknowledged as his own father, and that they might bestow a new name upon the city of Byzantium, which he himself had founded, by their presence and prayers.

As the priests were visiting the most discerning Metrophanes on a Sunday, and the Emperor was present, other words were spoken, and the Emperor, taking up the discourse, said: "I see you, Father, most venerable, worn out by both age ^C and infirmity; and I ask that a pastor for the flock be appointed and designated for us after you." He, turning to the Emperor with a cheerful countenance, said: "I consent in the Lord, for now the Holy Spirit, O son, speaks through your tongue. Indeed, the Lord revealed this to me, who had been anxious about this matter, seven days ago, that I would die within ten days, and that Alexander, a man truly worthy of this election and the announcement of the Holy Spirit, would receive the sacred office, a dignity equal to the priesthood. And after him, this Paul the lector shall succeed, just as a son."

Looking also towards Alexander, the bishop of Alexandria, he said: "And you, ^D brother, shall leave behind you an excellent successor." And taking hold of the hand of the archdeacon Athanasius, he said: "Behold, the brave soldier of Christ; he will succeed you, who not only has now struggled alongside my brother Alexander against the heresy of Arius, but will also endure great and many contests with him. Nor shall he only receive the second contests, but he shall also sustain a third with the brave Paul."

These things he said, and as if renewed in spirit, he goes down to the church with the bishops, and after the reading of the Gospel, having spoken a little to the crowd and taken his leave, he proclaims the absent priest Alexander as high priest and successor to the throne. And the people, with one voice, together with the Emperor himself, cried out for several hours: "He is worthy." Then, at the holy altar table, he places the humeral, instructing that it be kept for his successor, and he predicted that he would come [to his reward] not long after, namely, on the seventh day after his departure from his body in the Lord. Everything occurred, therefore, just as he had predicted. He dies in the one hundred and seventeenth year of his age, on the fourth of June.

^A Constantia, the sister of the pious Emperor Constantine, who had been the wife of the impious Licinius, said to her brother as she was about to die: “I ask one final favor of you: that you recall Arius from exile, for he was falsely accused; he is in agreement with the synod.” For there was at that time a certain Arian priest in her household who had first insinuated himself to Constantia’s eunuchs, and through them he gained access to her, and with bland words and sycophancy persuaded her that Arius had been cast out through envy, for he supposedly maintained the true doctrine of the Church. By reporting these things to the emperor, she moved him, and he writes at once that Arius be recalled from exile. ^B Indeed, she had presented to her brother the priest, who suffered from the vice of adulation no less than from heresy, and, with a creeping nature and flattering words, he began not long after to converse freely with the emperor; and he brought up the topic of Arius, by which he demonstrated to him that he held the right views. Then the emperor said: “If Arius holds the same views as the synod, I will see him gladly, and, treating him with great honor, I will restore him to the Church of Alexandria.” With these words, he arranged for him to be summoned by letter. Arius came to Constantinople with the execrable Eusebius, and the emperor received them kindly; and, questioning them as to what they believed, he heard them say that they held no views other than those which the three hundred and eighteen holy Fathers had decreed. ^C Nay, the wretches even added an oath to their feigned confession. The emperor ordered them to give him a written profession of faith. They, however, readily wrote down lies; for they testified in writing that they and their followers believed one thing, while they denied it with their tongues. But Caesar changed his decree, because they had confessed piety, and he at once sends him and those who were with him honorably to Alexandria. But Alexander, the archbishop of Alexandria, with Athanasius conspiring with him, would not admit the apostate, and Arius again uncovered his heresy and troubled Egypt. The emperor, however, summoned Arius to himself and asked whether he remained in the opinion he had confessed in his presence. ^D He himself, however, again readily testified that he held to those same things and confirmed it with an oath. But all these things were feigned, and more like a theatrical performance made by arrangement. For they say that he had written a book in secret, and carrying it under his arm—a book which impudently contained his impiety—he swore that he believed in this way: yet he had presented the document of pious doctrine, which he had already signed. A short time after, the emperor exchanged this fleeting life for the immortal one, having reigned for thirty and

one years, and having lived sixty-five years in total. ^A Dying, he entrusts his testament to a heretical priest, giving orders for it to be delivered to his son Constantine, whom he designated by the documents of the testament as the heir to his father’s portion and empire, and as emperor. But the priest, keeping faith neither with God nor men, gives the testament secretly to Constantius, and at once appeared as a traitor to the father, the testament, and the son’s inheritance. Eusebius, the impious bishop, and certain others—companions in both impiety and effeminate lust—aided him in this treachery. ^B That priest delivers the testament commended to him to Constantius, and for his infidelity toward men he demands a reward from Constantius, seeking as a prize for his treachery nothing less than the betrayal of the true faith; and he joins to himself the Nicomedian Eusebius as an accomplice. And they contrive that Arius should plead his case not at Alexandria, but at Constantinople, thinking they would easily prevail with Athanasius not present, and at the same time uniting the emperor’s authority to themselves. Having discussed much with Alexander, the patriarch of Constantinople, concerning the terms for the sake of the doctrines of piety—which had been corrupted—when they could not persuade him, they put forward a royal mandate: either he must receive Arius with his heresy, ^C or he would be driven from his see. If he should refuse both, he was to know that he would be sent into exile. They also persuaded Constantius, that slave-minded creature, to summon the holy Alexander with similar language and threaten him with servitude, and to look upon Arius not out of a zeal for piety, but out of a recollection of past evils and personal hatred. But he, trusting in the power of Christ and his own blameless life and conscience [1417 R.], replied to the emperor: “The day from above will manifest the truth of those who are accused. As for me, I cannot admit one who is convicted of such great impiety and judged by so many bishops to the communion of the dread mysteries.” Constantius replied: “See, bishop,” he said (for a council of bishops was being assembled), “that you do not become compelled to admit him even against your will.” At these words, the high priest arose and went out, and having arrived at the church of God, he cried out to God with groans and tears that He would not permit His flock to be devastated by the intrusion ^D of Arius; and the prayer was performed by the high priest throughout the night while he lay prostrate beneath the altar. But Eusebius, as he was a fervent adherent of impiety, arrives with the crowd of heretics to Arius, and commands him to proceed to the council, that he might restore to himself, even against the will of Alexander, the dignity of the priesthood which had been unjustly taken away. Therefore, a tumult and sedition arose over these movements throughout the entire city: some siding with Arius, others not enduring the betrayal of piety. The gathering had assembled in the church. And with his henchmen, Arius proceeded, and dismounting from his horse, he entered a public retreat which was by the Forum of Constantine, and while evacuating his bowels, he wretchedly breathed out his soul along with his excrement and intestines. As he delayed, and because what had happened was unknown, they say that Eusebius approached and reproached him for such a delay,

and to have rebuked this injury to his own people, and to have attributed this delay to a servile condition. But he offended them more by his silence than by the delay so long as he remained unknown. But Eusebius, approaching him, bade him rise with a good spirit: for he was expected by the whole synod to be absolved. But he kept silent forever. And at last that unhappy Eusebius understood that he was dead: thus the synod is dissolved: and those who were going to condemn Alexander to exile, rescinding their decisions—having cast away those impious suffrages—seeing the leader of the heretics sent down to hell while still alive, they take great grief therefrom. Being put to shame by the ^A divinely-sent plague, but not for long, they again call a meeting, and they attempt to refer the wrath of God against Arius to the common lot of men. If you consider the time and aspect in which he attempted to invade the Church of God, you will interpret him as having been extinguished not so much by a fatal death as by the vengeance of God. They, however, persuade Constantius that Arius had paid the debt of nature, and had not undergone the punishment of divine vengeance. Thus, by the prayers of the wretched Alexander, he so foully ended his life, while the blessed Alexander, on the contrary, piously and holily shortly after exchanged his earthly home for a heavenly one. He passed twenty-three years in the episcopate, being ninety-eight years of age.

Hæc historia, ^B This history, from which we have made these excerpts, is not altogether elaborate, nor is it polished with learned eloquence and sentiments, nor is it altogether base or neglected. If it narrates anything contrary to what others relate, this is a matter of another’s plan and judgment, not of the one excerpting and abridging. ^C

CCLVII. The Life of Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, Confessor.

I read the book which is inscribed: The Life or Struggle of our holy Father Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, the Confessor, excerpted in the same manner.

Constantius ruled the scepters of the Roman Empire in the East, creeping in through the treachery of the heretical priest and the consent of the eunuchs. The Arians, however, again persecute the pious, and the West immediately receives Athanasius. The divine Alexander, ^D indeed, being near to death, designates no successor to himself for the Church of Constantinople. Among others, he chose two, setting forth this opinion to the people against the heresy, that they should choose, if they wished, the learned and pious Paul, whom he himself had ordained a priest: but if they desired one having regard for form and exterior ornament, Macedo-

-^Anius, who had been ordained deacon and was now approaching old age. Having suggested these things, he departed to a better life, having served as bishop for twenty-three years and having lived ninety-eight years in all. A contention arose regarding the heresy of the aforementioned men; for those from the side of Arius looked toward Macedonius, but the orthodox preferred Paul. In the end, the vote of the orthodox prevailed, and Paul was ordained bishop in the church named for Holy Peace (Hagia Eirene), which time, by way of distinction from the new one, made it customary to call "the old."

Not long after, Constantius, arriving at Constantinople from the city of Antioch, became angry with the one who had been ordained, because the ordination had not proceeded with his consent. Having convened a council of Arians, he passed judgment that Paul should be deposed, and he proclaimed Eusebius—who was already changing his see for the third time—bishop of Constantinople from Nicomedia, the city of the imperial residence. Having impiously accomplished these things, he returned to Antioch. Eusebius, however, moved every stone so that that "consubstantial" (homoousion) might be removed from the symbol of faith.

The dedication of the temple in Antioch was then being held, which the pious Constantine had raised from its foundations, but which Constantius took it upon himself to consecrate; and under the pretext of the dedication, ninety bishops were assembled. ^B Maximus, the overseer of the Jerusalemites, a pious man, was not present, nor was Julius of Rome, either in person or through any legate. The synod was convened in the presence of Constantius, and those around Eusebius made it their priority to have Athanasius deposed before all others. They brought against him, first, the charge that he had acted contrary to the canon, citing a canon which they themselves had at that time set forth (for, they said, upon returning from exile, he had not taken up the bishopric by the judgment of the public, but by his own authority). Second, that upon his entry, a sedition had been stirred up in which many had perished. And third, the events that had taken place at Tyre; on the basis of which they condemned the athlete of piety and replaced him with Gregory, who was of their own party.

Having dared these things, they dared also to alter the faith, not indeed faulting in word what had been treated at the synod of Nicaea, but with a treacherous and deceitful mind sowing seeds [1421] ^C for the abolition of the consubstantial. The synod at Antioch, having dared these and other such things, and having decreed certain matters, was dissolved. Eusebius sent legates to Julius of Rome, contriving to have the vote against Athanasius ratified; but he accomplished nothing of what he had hoped. Paul, the archbishop, having reached Rome—as did a number of other bishops who had been expelled by the machinations of Eusebius, along with Athanasius—they all spent time in Rome. Julius, having heard everything that had been done regarding the bishops, concluded they were calumnies, and confirming them by letters, he sent them back to the East, restoring to each his own see and rightly accusing those who had condemned them. From this, all recovered their own churches, and letters were sent to those to whom they were addressed. After the death of Eusebius, Paul was restored to his own see. The Arians, in place of this church, created Macedonius for Paul, who blasphemed that the Son was lesser than the Father, condemning the consubstantial, ^D

and declaring the all-holy Spirit to be entirely alien to the Godhead.

When Athanasius had returned to his own see, those who were again meeting in council at Antioch (and who were attempting to plot together against Athanasius) sent the impious Gregory to Rome to act against Pope Julius; and they also sent the general of the army in Alexandria, bringing seven thousand men with him. When Athanasius learned of this, he fled once more from Rome. And the people of Alexandria, not bearing the transgression—the so-called Church of Dionysius, and indeed rightly so, for what human being, mindful of the one who had done no wrong, would not be stung to bear the indignity?—set it on fire.

And Constantius, living in Antioch, learning that Paul the herald of the truth had been restored to his own see, and that Hermogenes had been sent into Thrace to expel the holy man from the church, was doing what he had been ordered to do. When he arrived in Constantinople, he attempted to carry out the abominable command; but the people would not suffer it, for they even set fire to his house and made away with him by dragging him by his feet. Upon learning this, Constantius entered the city and expelled the holy Paul. He took away from them half of the corn that the merciful Constantine had granted them as a gift; the total amount of the daily allowance was eighty thousand loaves.

He was enraged at Macedonius, not only because he had been ordained against his will, but also because of the killings for which he himself, as instigator, was responsible. Yet, leaving him in the church where he had been ordained, he returned to [475b] Antioch. Divine Paul, indeed, set out for Rome again and met with Athanasius. He therefore reported to the Roman pontiff what he had suffered, and by the mercy of the emperor Constantius, he was immediately granted his return, and was received by his see with the joy of those who held the city. Constantius, again indignant, once more ordered him to be perpetually exiled. Philip the prefect, admitting this, banished the holy man into exile and placed in the church the opponent of the Holy Spirit, Macedonius.

His expulsion did not happen openly, but secretly. For the prudent Philip had been taught by the situation; he invited Paul, the bishop of God, to a bath—what is called the Zeuxippus—as though they were about to confer about public affairs and secret matters. From there he was sent to the imperial palace, and from there to Thessalonica, and further into his own ancestral lands. From there he was forbidden from returning to the parts of the East, nor to neighboring regions. The impious Macedonian, aided by an armed force and traveling with the prefect, invaded the Church of God. Many injuries are inflicted, and three thousand are killed, and the slaughter of the Catholics is celebrated with an execration. At the same time, Constantius built a great temple, which is named after the Wisdom of God. And divine Paul, shortly after traveling to Italy, joined Athanasius to himself, and, having been supported by letters from the emperor Constans, he immediately returned. Upon being welcomed by the city with much joy, he was installed. And again Constantius was bothered, and again he ordered the prefect Philip to send the noble man into exile. And indeed, Philip, having received the order, banished the holy man and replaced [the church of God]

^A with a partisan who would play the pander to his whims. And he calls, under the guise of honoring the bishop of God, for him to go to the bath, into which, under the pretense of public utility but with secret designs, he sends him. And through him, furthermore, he sends for those in Thessalonica—which the ancestors of these men also held as their fatherland. But while to those in the East entrance was forbidden, to the neighboring cities it was not. And the impious Macedonius, serving the military arm, and abetted by the prefect, breaks into the church of God, and great is the slaughter, the number of the dead amounting to three thousand. And the thrice-accursed man is enthroned ^B by the slaying of Christians; during which time also Constantius [rules], and the great church (named after the Wisdom of God) is built. And Paul, not long after, comes for the third time to Italy, and having taken Athanasius as his colleague, they instruct Constans, the king of the West, on what has been suffered. He, having learned more accurately of the turmoil, writes to his brother concerning the bishops from the East who are to give an account of the daring acts against Athanasius and Paul and to bring the written exposition of the faith. Four ^C are sent: Narcissus, Theodore the Thracian, Maris the Chalcedonian, and Maras the Syrian. These men did not dare to enter into discussion with those around Athanasius and Paul, but, concealing the confession they had made in Antioch, and composing another which escaped open censure—though still not confessing the consubstantial—they hand it over to the king, and having neither done nor suffered anything more, they depart. A triennium having elapsed, the Easterners gather again and send another [exposition] to those in Italy; the leaders of this arrangement were Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia, and Martyrius the ^D Macedonian from Mopsuestia. Their exposition of faith was the same as the one previously issued, with the addition, however, of a few absurdities in the end. The assembly of the prelates in Rome did not accept this, saying that for them the symbol of faith decreed at Nicaea was sufficient.

Thus, with all things occupied by tumult and unexamined contention, a general synod is convoked, [acting on] the opinion of the two kings, in the eleventh year after the death of the most pious Constantine. And so, they gathered at Sardica, those from the West numbering over three hundred, and from the East only seventy. And those from the East did not agree to join in council with those from the West, and the reason was that Paul and Athanasius, those athletes of piety, were sitting with the group; and neither were they willing to abandon the hostility toward those around Athanasius, nor were those of the heresy ^A willing to put aside their enmity toward the athletes of the faith, but they were divided from one another. And those from the East, having come to Philippus in Macedonia, gather, and at that time, they openly anathematize the consubstantial. But those in Sardica condemn those absent ^B as having abandoned the trial, and as slanderers of Athanasius, they confirm the faith established by the synod of Nicaea, and [anathematize] the opposite.

Having received knowledge of these things, Constans, the Emperor of the West, instructed his brother Constantius by letter, and exhorted him to treat Paul and Athanasius in a friendly manner, and not to hinder them from being restored to their own sees; adding that if he did not willingly grant what was justly requested, he himself would come and, even against his brother's will, render justice and equity to those who had been injured. Fearing therefore the threat of his brother, Constantius did not prevent the holy Paul from settling in his own episcopate, and he summoned his fellow-combatant Athanasius to himself with many letters, and upon his arrival received him gladly and restored him to his own throne. Thus indeed was the great disturbance calmed, and the Church rejoiced to have the champions of piety. ^B

When Magnentius seized everything by tyranny and had killed Constans, the emperor who ruled the West, the storm of Arian impiety once again troubled the Churches of the inhabited world. And Athanasius fled again, and Gregory seized his throne. And Paul, the champion of piety, was exiled to Cucusus in Armenia, and by the noose, when the impious fell upon him by night, he was perfected in martyrdom; and the impious Macedonius was introduced into Constantinople. And the pastors of other Churches were also expelled, and wolves rushed in. And the madness of Macedonius strove to eclipse the cruelty of the pagan Greeks against the Christians. And the whole of the East was destroyed by these terrible things, but the city of Constantine was affected in an exceptional way, when even Agelius, the bishop of the Novatians, inasmuch as he also professed the consubstantial, was exiled. And the wickedness was indescribable; which did not merely spread to bishops and priests, but even extended to women and children, whosoever did not admit to the communion of Macedonius. The breasts of women—O the madness!—were enclosed in the lids of chests, and being compressed, they were cut off; others were burned with iron, and others with red-hot eggs, wrapping their fragments in bandages. For it occurred to the minds of the impious to devise even those things against nature which human shame forbade the impious pagans from committing. Macedonius extended his madness even to the region of the Paphlagonians—for he had heard that many both of the orthodox and of those from Novatus resided there—and he prepared four cohorts of armed soldiers to be sent against them, and to compel them by force to accept impiety. Those inhabitants of Mantineum gathered in a multitude, and with the zeal of piety, seizing scythes, axes, and whatever weapons came to hand, they stood against the soldiers; and a battle being joined, many of the Paphlagonians were destroyed, but of the soldiers, all but a few were killed. This bloodthirsty and shameless deed, therefore, ^D rightfuly earned Macedonius the hatred not only of those who had been violated, but even of those who were of the same sect; nay, it even moved the emperor himself to enmity. And this not only on account of that cause, but also because [he moved] the body of the most pious emperor Constantine (vi-

(since the temple in which it lay seemed to be in danger of falling) and moved it into the church of Saint Acacius without his consent. And since this translation did not meet with everyone's approval, but on the contrary seemed to many an impious act—digging up the bodies of the departed—a great slaughter arose at that time, even though the emperor was eminent for his piety. Also, among the many and irreparable evils which Macedonius dared to commit, he paid a small penalty in the stripping of his rank. ^B

Nevertheless, the Arian impiety continued to prevail throughout the entire reign of Constantius, and even more so during the times of Valens the most impious, until divine vengeance overtook him, and brought Theodosius, the Spaniard, by the just suffrages of Gratian—who was administering the empire of the West—to the imperial throne of the East, and through him secured the victory for Orthodoxy. Thus, the Arian heresy, which had plagued the Churches for forty years, was exterminated by the piety of Theodosius, and the honor of the orthodox faith was restored.

The same most God-loving emperor therefore convoked a council, intending also to reconcile to the Orthodox those under Macedonius who professed the consubstantiality. For this reason, he summoned their leaders, and the following delegates of the Orthodox gathered: Timothy from Alexandria, Cyril from Jerusalem, Meletius from Antioch; and Gregory the Theologian was present, as well as Achillius of Thessalonica, Gregory of Nyssa, and many others; their total number reached one hundred and fifty. ^C The crowd of heretics was led by Eleusius of Cyzicus, Marcianus of Lampsacus, and Evethius of Ephesus, along with others, totaling thirty-six in number. The emperor himself, and the other Orthodox, urged the heretics to abandon that faction and come together in unity, and to embrace the *homoousion*—the consubstantial—just as they had previously promised, of their own accord and without any exhortation, when they sent delegates to Liberius and offered to profess the *homoousion*, reminding them that they had even voluntarily sought communion with the Orthodox. But the heretics, having no regard for just reproof or kindly exhortation, did not abandon their own impiety.

For this reason, they were cast out both from the council and from the city. The council then elected Nectarius as bishop, a man who was of senatorial blood and had held the office of praetor, but who was of the most gentle character, for which he was especially admired. This holy council further confirmed the exposition of faith that had been set forth at Nicaea. ^D The emperor gave his consent to all these things, and he caused the relics of Paul the Confessor to be brought back with great reverence. As many bishops as were present, together with Nectarius, went out to meet them far beyond Chalcedon, receiving them with much chanting and a great procession, and carrying the body through the middle of the city, they placed it in the holy church of Peace, of ancient name, which the emperor Constantius had in breadth and magnitude

[...the small structure which Paul had occupied for some time, and passing the whole night in hymns, again in the morning the whole city, with equal honor and glory, brought the body into the church which is now named after him, with all the bishops, the clergy, and the Emperor himself present, and laid it in the sacred tomb.

The Life from which we have made these excerpts is of the same craftsmanship in its expression and ability to move the emotions, yet it is somewhat better. ^A

CCL অষ্টম. Fxcerpts from the Life of Athanasius.

I have read the book which is entitled: ^B *The Life and Struggle of our Holy Father Athanasius, Archbishop of Alexandria the Great*, written in the same manner.

[1429 R.] The time of the festival of the holy bishop and martyr Peter was at hand, and all Alexandria was celebrating his memory; his successor, the holy Alexander, after the holy sacrifices, had welcomed the leaders of the clergy to his table. At that time, looking from an elevated place, he saw on the seashore children playing with a sincere heart, and in their childish sport imitating the holy and venerable mysteries—not mocking them, but, for the sake of watching, they dared to do things that they ought not to have dared. In this game, Athanasius was created bishop by the children, while the others represented the appearance, in part, of catechumens and those being baptized, and in part of priests and deacons. ^C Struck by these proceedings, Alexander called the boys to him and heard that they had not mocked the holy things, but—as one might gather from the event—had acted by some divine instinct, their simplicity of soul already raising them toward the good at that time. Those who had been baptized, Alexander confirmed, anointing them with the seal of Christ. Athanasius, however, he entrusted to his parents, commanding them to school him in the disciplines, and once he should reach manhood, to deliver him to him, or rather to the Church, as another Samuel offered to God by them. The parents therefore did as the archbishop had commanded them, and when the time had passed, they delivered the boy to him. He received him and kept him as a companion, a participant in his counsel, and a helper in piety. ^D When the Arian madness was invading the world, he undertook many struggles, at first together with the divine Alexander, but later also by himself for the sake of piety. For that wise Athanasius discovered Arius, who after his condemnation and excommunication was falsely pretending to be Catholic, and was confirming his own heresy under that mask, and [reported him] to Alexander of Alexandria...]

^A, the wise Athanasius, and refused to receive the one sent to Alexander of Alexandria by the pious Emperor Constantine (for deceit, having been cunningly fashioned many times, knows how to trick even the prudent). Then, after the saintly Alexander had died, Athanasius himself was ordained his successor and shortly after underwent many struggles; wherefore the heretics brandished their tongues at him alone and slandered him. They plotted ^B and set snares for him, especially Eusebius of Nicomedia and his followers, and they hired certain men of the Meletian heresy and through them stitched together many accusations. The first of these falsely claimed that the Egyptians were supplying linen garments to the Alexandrian Church out of Athanasius’s avarice; the second alleged that he was plotting against the affairs of the emperors (for they claimed that he had sent a casket full of gold to a certain Philumenus, who was rumored to be aspiring to the throne). And the third fabricated the drama concerning Ischyras, the overturned table, the shattered mystical cup, the Mareotis, Macarius the presbyter, his brigand-like raid, and the spectacle that was seen throughout the entire world. These things and others like them, the followers of Eusebius having acted out as a drama, they sounded forth in the imperial ears, and stirred the emperor to anger, accusing him of not having accepted Arius, even though he was someone who rested in imperial letters and mandates and held the orthodox faith.

^C At that time, also, nearly all the bishops were assembling for the dedication of Jerusalem; and the pious Emperor Constantine wrote for a synod to be gathered again to discuss both the things being alleged against Saint Athanasius and those things which stood in favor of Arius. If envy had separated Arius from the Church, he desired that they endeavor to reconcile both parties; but if Arius had indeed used some false trickery, [he ordered that] he come to Alexandria, and that a judgment and accurate examination of him be made there. He ordered those on their way to Jerusalem to treat the discussion regarding Athanasius and Arius as an incidental task at Tyre. The thirtieth year of Constantine’s reign was then being completed, and sixty bishops filled the synod at Tyre, with Dionysius the consular summoning them, with whom also the governor of the province and certain of those in authority sat with the synod. Athanasius was present, as was Macarius the presbyter, whom a military detachment had brought from Alexandria in iron chains ^D. The slanderers therefore brought forward first the accusation concerning the linen garment. But this calumny—not only moved at Tyre, but also previously sounded in the ears of the emperor at Nicomedia—Apis and Macarius, the presbyters of Alexandria who had happened to be there, easily refuted. For this reason the emperor reprimanded the slanderers by letter and urged Athanasius to come to him. The letters arrived at the synod gathered at Tyre, and having read them, the Eusebians contracted that pain which they had previously inflicted upon Athanasius.

^A For the emperor had severely accused them, and before that, a calumniation regarding the imperial linen garment had occupied his ears. When this calumny did not succeed, they brought forth Ischyras and Macarius. But the great Athanasius, as a legitimate exception, rejected the followers of Eusebius as his enemies. In the first place, he wished to have it demonstrated whether Ischyras was truly a priest, against whom they pretended that Macarius, sent by Athanasius, had rushed while he was performing the sacred rites, had committed violence, overturned the holy table, broken the chalice, and consigned the books of our holy Scripture to the fire. But here he opposed these two matters with common law. However, the judges refused to adjudicate, and they spent their time in confirming their calumnies. Wherefore, they gave no consideration to those things which had been justly stated. ^B There were added to the accusation of Macarius and Ischyras, and the promptness of the calumniators was intolerable: yet their lack of ability in demonstrating and proving showed their alacrity to be a fraud and a crime of impiety and envy. Covering the disgrace of their repulse with delay and guile, they sent men of their own faction into Mareotis, pretending that the examination of what had happened there ought to be held in that place. But when Athanasius saw that those whom he had rejected as judges—Theognius, Maris, Theodore, Macedonius, and Ursacius—were being sent, he protested and testified to everyone that the injustice was most manifest: that Macarius the presbyter, who had been the first to bring the accusation, was being kept in chains, and yet the accuser, Ischyras, was being joined to illicit judges. When he saw that no account was taken of him by the Fathers in the synod, he departed secretly and went to the emperor, as though summoned. ^C Those who had been sent into Mareotis, acting only from one side (just as falsehood and envy dictated to them), having drawn up a libel of accusation, returned to the synod, which synod had already previously condemned the holy Athanasius in his absence. And when they had returned, they confirmed the condemnation with many added calumnies, and hastening from Tyre to Jerusalem for the festival of the consecration of the church, they went with, of course, nefarious and polluted hands; and those who arrived there immediately, the Eusebians received Arius in place of the one who had been in charge. All the faithful turned away from this, decreeing that Arius should render an account in Alexandria of those things for which he was accused, which, when he went there, resulted in his being caught. While these things were being done, the emperor's letters were delivered, ordering that Athanasius should come to him, and that the Arians also should come to the imperial city as soon as possible. These letters produced sadness in the synod. ^D For this reason, most of them returned home, but Eusebius and Theognius decided to stay there for the time being, thinking to resolve their sorrow by the delay of time.

^A In the meantime, Saint Athanasius cleared himself before the emperor of the other crime, regarding the gold sent to Philumenus, while the emperor was staying at Psamathia, a suburb of Nicomedia. Athanasius was then sent to Alexandria with honor, carrying imperial letters to the people there declaring his innocence. Darius also arrived, having been sent, as I have said, by the authorities in Jerusalem; and Egypt was once again in turmoil. Athanasius reported this to the emperor, who thereupon took steps to summon Arius. Eusebius and Arius met on the road at Caesarea and conspired to weave further slanders against the holy man.

^B When at last, late and with difficulty, the Eusebians arrived at the imperial city, they claimed that the other crimes had not come under examination, but that concerning Ischyras had been investigated, and that they had clearly learned of the things Athanasius had dared to do. In the same way, they claimed he had hindered the grain supply which was customarily transported from Alexandria to Constantinople, and that, being found guilty of this theft, Athanasius had secretly departed and fled justice. The emperor, therefore, caught up in these fabrications, banished the long-suffering Athanasius to the Gauls, ordering him to live in exile at Treves.

^C As disturbances and no ordinary sedition arose throughout Egypt, and the heresy, like a plague, afflicted all the Churches, the emperor Constantine came to the end of his life in a suburb of Nicomedia, having spent thirty-one years in his reign, his whole life having reached sixty-five years. He left a testament to a certain Arian priest, charging him to deliver it to his namesake, Constantius. For by this testament, his father’s sovereignty of the East was falling to him as an inheritance in place of the West. But that miserable man, when many asked if the emperor had made a testament, denied that it had been done, having the eunuchs as his accomplices in this evil deceit. Shortly afterwards, Constantius came to him, and the priest secretly presented the father’s testament to him, asking one favor in return: that he should side with Arius. The Eusebians, through this priest, gained access to Constantius and to Eusebius the praepositus, and through him to the other eunuchs; indeed, they even converted the queen to the Arian heresy, and the affairs of Arius were again confirmed.

^D At that time, Maximus presided over the Church of Jerusalem, and Alexander over that of the imperial city, while Athanasius remained in exile. Arius, having arrived in Constantinople, raged to corrupt the Church of God, but he met an end worthy of his deeds. For through the prayers of the holy bishop Alexander of Constantinople, in a retreat of the imperial city, his bowels abruptly burst forth and he cast out his vitals.

^A

The Arians, who had been quiet for a short while, suddenly stirred everything into confusion, thinking they had found a favorable opportunity during the time of Athanasius’s exile. But Divine Providence anticipated them, recalling Athanasius from his exile by imperial letters, by which Constans, the emperor of the West, restored him to Alexandria with provisions, and as many as were orthodox gladly received their shepherd. The heretics, on the other hand, stirred up seditions, which gave the Eusebian faction cause to slander him again before the emperor Constantius, and by their slanders they provoked the emperor to such anger that he condemned him to exile a second time. These men used the severed hand of a certain dead person to slander the holy man, saying that it had been cut off by Athanasius from a certain Arsenius to be used for sorcery. ^B

Although the decree of exile was not yet issued, a council was convoked at Tyre at the command of Constantius. He therefore sent Archelaus, a household officer who shared their sentiments, along with the governor of Phoenicia, to Tyre, so that they might be present with the Eusebians at the council and weigh what was being said against Athanasius. The impious men wasted time at Tyre, feigning a pretext for the delay as if they were waiting for accusers from Alexandria—people who had seen the crime with their own eyes and knew Arsenius well. ^C

But Divine Providence ordered the matter as follows: This Arsenius was a reader of the Church of Alexandria who, when he was due to pay the penalty for some disgraceful act, had been liberated by the blessed Athanasius and had sought safety in flight. Since the exile did not appear, the impious seized upon this as an opportunity for bold slander. But Arsenius, moved by compassion for the man who had liberated him—for the report of the accusation was spreading everywhere while the synod delayed—flew to Tyre, judging it better to die himself, if necessary, than for Athanasius to be the cause of the Church being betrayed on his account. ^D He presented himself secretly to the holy Athanasius, who advised him not to show himself before the verdict, lest he suffer some harm from his enemies, or lest the dramatists of this plot, realizing that an inescapable refutation had arrived, might solve the problem by postponing it.

They gathered the council, and their first accusation was to charge him with adultery, bringing forward a certain shameless woman who, impudent and bribed, shouted with a great clamor that she had been violated by Athanasius by force at night. There was with him the presbyter Timotheus, and they took counsel, which was clearly wise and divine, whereby the slander of the accusers would immediately collapse. When they came into the presence of the woman, Athanasius indeed

^A prayed silently to God, but Timotheus, his presbyter, while the madwoman—impudently calling out that Athanasius was her ravisher, as she had been instructed—spoke as though he were Athanasius: "Tell me, woman," he said, "did I stay with you, or did you receive me into your house, or did I violate you by night?" She, like a common prostitute from the public streets, looking at Timotheus with an impudent face and fixed eyes, cried out, "You are the one who forced me by night!" and turning to the judges, joined the most horrific oaths to her slanders, as she pointed her finger ^B at Timotheus, dragging him in: "This is he, none other, who corrupted me." The judges, having recognized the drunken madness of the foul wretch, laughed with the guards and marveled at the wisdom of the holy Athanasius, who, by keeping silent, had turned the accusation back onto his adversaries and demonstrated that the slander was shameless. Yet they were not themselves made any better, nor did they preserve justice and equity.

But the accusers, whom it would have befitted to count it a favor that they escaped the punishment for their slander, soon turned their attention to the right hand of Arsenius, and at once brought charges of both murder and sorcery against the champion of piety. But he, with a tranquil voice and mind, said to them, "And who among you is it who knows Arsenius, or his right hand?" When many of those who were in the court with the accusers said that they knew Arsenius clearly, Athanasius said, "Since you have firmly and precisely confessed that you know Arsenius, he is here; let him come in." When he had entered, he asked again if they knew the man brought in to be Arsenius. Since they could not deny it, he drew him closer into the judgment seat, and first bidding him hold up his right ^C hand, and then his left, he cried out, "Behold Arsenius, O fellow citizens! Behold also the two hands of this man, O wonderful judges! Let the accusers therefore say whose hand this is, and whose they cut off! For the purpose for which they used this [accusation], it can no longer be a matter of doubt to anyone. For they mutilated a man, so that they might put us to death."

Thus did he dissolve all the schemes of his opponents. But the judges, blind and deaf—as much from their desire to please Constantius as from their leaning toward the heretics—abandoned the hearing and were busy in silence trying to cover up what had been refuted. When they had withdrawn [1440 R.], it was no longer with slanders, but shamelessly that they raised a cry of murder against the thrice-gallant man [784 H.], and while some were speaking, others were striking him with their hands, and others were threatening him with death to be inflicted by the emperor. And so Archelaus, having scarcely emerged from the house, rescued Athanasius—whom the impious were already about to tear to pieces—from the danger posed by the guards (though he had little regard for the council, he was still held by a certain natural sense of shame), and prepared and advised his secret flight. Therefore, his adversaries, convening a council again, brought against him ^D unspeakable and fabricated crimes, so that he might be captured. These lies, described in various pamphlets, they sent to Constantius and scattered throughout almost the entire world. Thus did every place become dangerous for the holy Athanasius.

And the search imposed the penalty of death upon those who knew of his whereabouts and did not inform, while to those who brought him either alive or his head, great rewards were offered.

^A Thus did that adamant of patience dwell for six years, hidden in a cistern that had no water. But when that place too was about to be betrayed, a divine vision revealed the betrayal to the servant a day before it happened, and he fled from there and set out for the West, as Constans was already holding the empire—not only his own, but also that of his brother Constantine; for the army, having set their sights on tyranny, had killed him. Therefore, through the mediation of Julius of Rome, he informs the emperor Constans of the plots he had suffered at the hands of the Arians, and of the synod convened in Antioch for the subversion of the faith, and how, against the law, they had ordained and installed George on his throne, and not only him, but also Gregory before him. Eusebius, however, having accomplished what he intended, sent an embassy to the venerable Julius, the Roman pontiff, maneuvering to have him join in the condemnation of Athanasius. ^B But he, seeing from the letters that Eusebius wrote—not a condemnation, but rather an acquittal of Athanasius—strengthened the wronged man with a letter and sent him back to Alexandria, in which he also rebuked with just and no small reproach those who had deposed him.

But those who had been corrupted by the madness of Arius further perverted Constantius, and brought it about that Gregory, whom they had ordained, be sent to Alexandria with a military force. Syrianus was the general of this expedition, and the army amounted to five thousand. ^C The wise Athanasius therefore escapes the general and the soldiers who were breathing murder against him, and he flees a second time to Rome, while the impious Gregory took possession of the Alexandrians; and the city, unable to bear what had happened, set fire to the church called that of Dionysius. ^D Thus the venerable Athanasius and Paul, being exiles, were together in Rome, being adorned with the same trophies. Constans writes to his brother Constantius, with the pontiff Julius also urging him, so that those who had been wronged might recover their own bishoprics. But when nothing was achieved, Athanasius and Paul then petitioned that the matters concerning them and the jeopardized faith be determined by an ecumenical synod. Therefore, a synod is introduced again at Sardica by the consent of both emperors, in the eleventh year after the death of Constantine, of these

emperors' father. ^A From the West, over three hundred bishops gathered, but from the East, only seventy-six, among whom even Ischyras of Mareotis was counted as a bishop. When, therefore, they all assembled at Sardica, the Easterners refused to come into the sight of the Westerners unless they first cast Paul and Athanasius out of the assembly. But Protogenes, the bishop of Sardica, and Hosius of Corduba, and the other bishops who followed them, did not even deem their lawless demand worthy of a hearing—that men whom they had come to judge should be condemned and rejected without a hearing.

Consequently, a secession of the Eastern bishops from the Western bishops took place, and they gathered in Philippopolis. No longer with a cloaked opinion, but openly and boldly, they anathematize the *homoousion* and declare the "unlike" to be dogma, and dispatch [these] impious decrees everywhere. But those at Sardica first condemned in absentia those who had seceded, then they stripped the accusers of Athanasius, who had been caught in slander, of their dignity; ^B and thirdly, they confirmed the decree of the Nicene synod, and rejected the "unlike," and above all proclaimed the *homoousion*, and sent letters to all the churches of the inhabited world.

When the emperor of the West learned what had happened at Sardica, he immediately informed his brother, and at once advised and commanded that their own sees be restored to Paul and Athanasius and those with them. Athanasius, however, was still enduring the insidious plots of the Arians and was staying in Rome. The emperor of the West wrote again to his brother that if he would willingly receive the man and restore him to his episcopal throne, he was ready to send Athanasius, but if he did not wish to, he himself would be the avenger of that justice. Constantius was seized with fear, and through letters—sent not once, but twice and three times—along with enticements and coaxing, he invited the much-suffering Athanasius to himself. ^C And with a large guard of soldiers, the emperor of the West sent him off, and Julius, the high priest, fortified him with various letters. Constantius received the holy Athanasius upon his arrival and restored him to his own throne, though he first subjected him to a veiled reproach. "For by fleeing," he said, "you brought great abuse upon me, even though I was intending kindness towards you. Nevertheless, grant me one favor." He agreed that he was ready to grant whatever he could. Constantius requested that one of the churches in Alexandria be given to the Arians for a meeting place. He did not refuse, but attached to his consent the condition that Constantius, in turn, grant one church in Constantinople to his own co-religionists, which they did not yet possess. ^D Constantius readily promised, ignorant that the Arians...

he was bringing the greatest grief upon those who shared his convictions. Nevertheless, struck by Athanasius’s wisdom and keen intelligence, as previously mentioned, he sent him off with full honor and glory, writing also to the Augustalis that he should conduct him with every mark of respect, and that whatever he himself and those with him had decreed against him should be held void and of no effect, and, moreover, that the clergy under him should regain their former dignity and the freedom to administer sacred matters publicly.

Athanasius, therefore, upon arriving in Jerusalem and meeting with Bishop and Confessor Maximus, ^B made known to him the acts of the Council of Sardica and how favorably disposed Emperor Constantius had become toward him. He then persuaded the confessor to assemble a synod of bishops. This synod voted to restore to the blessed Athanasius both communion and his episcopal dignity, and it wrote to those in Alexandria and in all of Egypt and Libya regarding what it had learned and enacted concerning Athanasius.

When this noble athlete arrived in Alexandria, he himself convened an assembly of bishops from Egypt and Libya; this body voted for the same and identical resolutions as the synods at Sardica and Jerusalem. But because Magnentius laid claim to the tyranny and killed the ruler of the West, the followers of Arius again stirred up the dust of Constantius against the man of many struggles; and again there were impious decrees, again flight, again investigation, and again the pursuit of the saint. Indeed, George ^C of the city of Alexandria, having seized the throne, together with the followers of Acacius and Patrophilus, the faction of Arius, cast the confessor Maximus out of Jerusalem and introduced Cyril in his place. The impious George filled Alexandria with so many evils that what the pagans had done to the Christians seemed humane by comparison. Tortures of human bodies were devised with new and intolerable ingenuity to tear them apart; fire was applied to the naked virgins, and death snatched many others away from both life and the penalty; it also came to pass that thirty-two priests and bishops in Egypt were sent into exile.

483a Constantius, seeing that he had now secured his brother’s empire, sought to induce the Western bishops to condemn ^D Athanasius and to adopt his own heresy; for this reason, he convened a synod in the Italian city of Milan. And while he did sway some to his own way of thinking, Dionysius and Eusebius, and Rhodanus, Paulinus, and Lucifer, refusing to abandon their pious conviction and unwilling to condemn Athanasius (for they knew that the condemnation of Athanasius was a prelude to the subversion of the faith), were sent into exile at Ariminum. When the servant of God, Athanasius, learned that the Arians were again attacking him more bitterly and cruelly in their search for him...

he fled, escaping everyone's notice, to a certain virgin in the city, hiding where he would be above suspicion. ^A For the young woman was of a very beautiful appearance, so that no one would suspect that any man, let alone a bishop, was living with her, for she was twenty years of age. Therefore, Athanasius, the guardian and teacher of her virginity, explained to her that the Arian faction was arming itself for his murder, that they had occupied every location outside the city in their search, and that it was by divine counsel, which was providing for his safety, that he had come to her. She received him with inexpressible joy and hid him for six years, and the death of Constantius became the resolution of his concealment [1445 R.]. In all things, the virgin served the holy man with zeal and reverence, escaping the notice of all in the city, both small and great, friends and persecutors alike.

^B Constantius then ordered that those bishops in Italy who refused to sign [the confession] of the Arian sect be cast out of the churches and that ungodly men be installed in their place. Liberius, who held the see of Rome after Julius, was also exiled at that time, and Felix was chosen in his place; however, he was immediately struck by a divine punishment with the loss of his sight, and later he perished, having been seized by a pestilent disease. Meletius, the prelate of Antioch, suffered the same fate, so that the heretics might substitute Euzoius in his place, and Eudoxius in Constantinople—men who were impious and, by reason of their flagitious lives, most worthy of that heresy.

At that time also, Constantius proclaimed Julian Caesar and sent him into the Gauls. He also inaugurated ^C the church newly built by him in Constantinople, giving it the name Hagia Sophia (the Wisdom of God). The impious Eudoxius, having been enthroned at the dedication, uttered that first bold and most senseless statement: "The Father is impious; the Son is pious." A great tumult of righteous indignation having seized the multitude, he attempted to quench one evil with another, saying, "Let not my statement trouble you. For the Father is impious because he worships no one; but the Son is pious, because he worships the Father." When the impious Eudoxius said these things, the tumult was indeed calmed, but much laughter followed in the place of the tumult, to such an extent that many of those assembled left the church laughing.

^D Meanwhile, Julian, while staying in the Gauls and having been crowned with many victories over the barbarians, was proclaimed Augustus by the soldiers. When Constantius learned of this proclamation, he was baptized by the God-opposing hand of Euzoius and girded himself for war against the one who had risen up. But when he was in a small town of Cilicia named Mopsocrene, he was seized by an apoplectic fit due to anxiety over the war and expired.

being in the forty-fifth year of his age and having reigned for twenty-five years after the death of his father.

George of Alexandria desired to cleanse a deserted pagan temple, in which the Greeks of old used to perform rites to Mithras—sacrificing men, women, and children and practicing divination by inspecting their entrails—in order to build an oratory there. Upon the cleansing of the place, many skulls of those who had been murdered were discovered. The zealous Christians, upon these findings, paraded the pagan mysteries as if in a procession, exposing the naked falsehoods to the people for mockery. The pagan Greeks, unable to bear the reproach and driven by rage, attacked the Christians, seizing whatever was at hand as weapons. They killed some with swords, others with clubs, others with stones, and others with whatever they happened to find, and some they even crucified. As for George, they dragged him from the church, tied him to a camel, tore him asunder, and burned him along with the beast. ^B

Julian, however, having attained the imperial power while still a pagan, strove to overturn all the acts of Constantius, and recalled all those who had been exiled. Athanasius, having conceived hope, left the house of the virgin where he had been in hiding, and was found by night in the church. The people of Alexandria received him gladly, as if he had come back to life from the dead, with the brightness of a festival. As for the Arians who were still left in the city, they appointed Lucius in George’s place.

Julian ^C everywhere worshipped the gods of the gentiles, and in Constantinople he sacrificed publicly to the statue of Fortune. At that time, Mares, the bishop of Chalcedon, being led by the hand (for he suffered from a dimness of the eyes due to old age), reviled the apostate emperor. The latter retorted with insults, calling him blind and wicked, and taunted him, saying that the Galilean God of his could not heal him. But Mares answered the king freely: "I thank God," he said, "who has blinded me, so that I might not look upon your impudent and darkened face." Then it was that Jovinian and Valentinian, who later reigned in succession, threw their belts down before the tyrant, saying, "Take these belts, keep your honors for yourself; our bodies are also exposed to you, if you wish to punish us." The apostate, therefore, with his associates, deliberated ^D

^A on how to remove Athanasius, realizing that if Alexandria were emptied of him, he could easily draw the Christians there into his own impiety. Hence, there were again informers, again a duke, again troops, and again Athanasius was sought, and again flight. Secretly escaping the city, he boarded a boat and set out for the Thebaid, and the satrap pursued him from behind. This was reported to the one fleeing, and a divine vision urged him to turn the boat around and sail in the opposite direction. Though those accompanying him tried to prevent it, not only with words but also with tears, lest he expose himself and those with him to such obvious danger, the holy Athanasius encouraged them to fear nothing, explaining that the Divine was their ally. Consequently, while they were sailing back toward Alexandria, they met the pursuers, who asked if they had seen Athanasius in flight. They replied that they had indeed seen him, and that he was not far off, and that if they made haste they would catch him. Having thus sent them off astray, they themselves quickly docked the boat at Alexandria. Having remained in hiding for a short time, the holy man, after Julian the Apostate had been summoned to judgment in Persia, began to speak with boldness, and preached and proclaimed the faith of the One who saved him.

For Julian was taken off in Persia; some attributed his death to one of the Persian defectors, others to one of his own soldiers. But the prevailing and more truthful account teaches that he suffered execution by divine command. He ended his life having lived thirty-one years, and having reigned for twenty months. Upon the death of Julian, by the consent of the entire army, Jovian assumed the imperial power, whom we mentioned shortly before. But he occupied the empire for only eight months and died in Bithynia. He was succeeded by Valentinian, a man who, like his predecessor, was a champion of piety; he took as partner in the Roman scepters (would that he had not!) his brother Valens. And after ^B spending only a month in Constantinople, he assigned the East to Valens and withdrew himself to the West.

But when the latter had gone to the West, his brother, uterine indeed, but not a brother in spirit, and an antagonist of the faith, stirred up an implacable war against Orthodoxy. ^C And first, he sent into exile the admirable Meletius, who had been recalled by Julian and restored to his own throne, along with many other bishops and select members of the clergy; then he threw all of Egypt into turmoil. Seditions and disturbances, worse than those that had occurred before, shook the city of the Alexandrians. The man of God, fearing that he might himself become the cause of the sedition among the multitude, for four

whole months concealed himself in his ancestral tomb. ^A Now Tatianus, the prefect of Egypt, was the one who had carried out the slaughters, and divine justice overtook him before long, both for his murderous deeds and for his impiety; for he was stripped of his rank and most of his wealth, he became a beggar for his very bread; and he even lost his sight, and ended his life in pain and disgrace. While everything was in turmoil, the greatest earthquake that has ever occurred struck, laying many cities flat, and even destroying the ten cities of Crete. The sea, overflowing its natural bounds, cut off a large part of the mainland, forming a new sea, while it buried a large part of the dry land beneath its waves. Yet none of these things brought Valens to his senses. Now, because the entire populace of Alexandria, due to their longing and faith for their shepherd, was in an uproar and threatening to do everything—even going so far as to threaten to put to the torch both the cargo ships and the public granaries themselves if they did not get their teacher back—the impious Valens, upon learning of this, sent a letter granting Athanasius full authority to govern the Churches.

As the emperor was setting out and intending to go to Antioch, the impious Eudoxius, who for nineteen years had waged an implacable war against the pious, died, and he was delayed on his journey near Nicomedia. Then the Arians substituted Demophilus in the place of the deceased. The Orthodox, however, chose a certain Evagrius, upon whom the blessed Eustathius—who had formerly presided over the Church of Antioch before Meletius, had been ejected by the Arians, but had been recalled from exile and was then residing in Constantinople by the decree of the pious Jovian—laid his hands for ordination. ^B When Valens learned of this, he rejoiced at and approved of what the Arians had done, but as for the heralds of piety, he banished to the city of Bizye in Thrace, by force of arms, Eustathius, who had performed the ordination, and he sent the ordained Evagrius into another place of exile. Having done these things, the impious man arrived at Antioch, doing the same things against the pious, and devising things much worse than these. For he afflicted the Christians with various deaths, and drowned many in the river Orontes. ^C

Thus, while sedition gripped this region, Athanasius, after many and long struggles and labors for piety, departed to the common Master, whom he had loved and for whom he had suffered, as a joyful athlete, that he might receive his crowns, having spent forty years in the priesthood, or rather in labor for the orthodox faith. ^D That the work from which the present text is derived [is]...

[index: entries preserved]

rather than the finished, it has a preference for the neglected, more especially in the disposition of the thoughts. And in many chapters it reports things that are newer than do the other rhetoricians.

THE TEN ORATORS OF GREECE

CCLIX. The Orations of Antiphon

^B There were read the various Orations of Antiphon. These possess a certain precision and persuasiveness, and are clever in the matter of invention. The man is also skillful in difficult situations, framing his arguments from obscure premises, turning his speeches toward the laws and the passions, and aiming especially at propriety. However, Caecilius of Sicily says that this rhetorician did not use figures of thought, but that his ideas were expressed directly and without affectation, and that he neither sought nor employed devious turns or changes, but by the thoughts themselves and their natural sequence, he led the listener toward his intended conclusion. For the ancient rhetoricians thought it sufficient for themselves to discover arguments and to set them forth in excellent phrasing. For their whole concern was directed toward diction and its embellishment; first, that it should be significant and graceful, and then that the composition of these words should be harmonious: for in this they believed they differed from the common people and excelled. Then, having said that the oratory of Antiphon was devoid of figures of thought, he corrects himself, as it were, saying: "I do not mean by this that no figure of thought is found in Antiphon; for interrogation and response and other similar things appear in his speeches; but that he did not use them by design or continuously, but only where nature itself, without any method, led him—which is even a thing to be seen in the speeches of any random, uneducated person. For this reason, even when someone says that his speeches are 'unfigured,' one must not think that they are altogether deprived of figures (for that is impossible), but that the artificial, continuous, and forceful arrangement of figures is not to be seen in them." His orations are reported to be sixty in number, of which Caecilius says twenty-five are falsely ascribed to him, so that only thirty-five remain.

NOTE

He gave his attention to studies under his father Sophilus. ^A Caecilius, however, makes the historian Thucydides the teacher of this orator. They say he disagreed with the philosopher Socrates, not out of contentiousness, but with a view to the examination of truth. It is said that he was the first to compose judicial orations. For no one before him is found to have used this type of oration: nor can you find a judicial oration written before the time of Antiphon. They also report that he was the first to teach the art of rhetoric, as he was clever, and because of this he acquired the surname of Nestor. Plato attacks him for greed in the *Pisander*.

There is a report that he also composed tragedies, privately, and while living with the tyrant Dionysius. They say that while he was previously engaged in poetry, he discovered an art by which sadness could be dispelled, and that he built a small house near the marketplace in Corinth and inscribed it to the effect that he could cure those who were grieving by means of words; and so, by inquiring into the causes of their grief, he would comfort those who were distressed. Thinking that this pursuit was less than what the excellence of his own genius deserved, he turned again to oratory. He also wrote an oration against the physician Hippocrates, and condemned him without a trial.

He flourished at the time when the war was waged against the Persians, having been born a little before the sophist Gorgias. He extended his life until that time when the popular government was abolished by the ^B Tyrants, of which change they say he himself was also one of the causes. Wherefore, when the tyranny of the Thirty was dissolved, he was summoned to court and condemned, and as a traitor was cast out unburied, and was marked with infamy, not only he himself, but all his descendants as well. Lysias, however, relates the contrary; he says that he was rather put to death by the four hundred tyrants.

Others report that he went as an ambassador to the tyrant Dionysius, and when a certain question was put forward, as to what was the best bronze, he replied that it was the best from which the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton had been made. Dionysius, hearing this and suspecting that the remark was aimed at himself and was an incitement to his own overthrow, condemned the orator to death. Others, however, relate that he was killed because he spoke with too much freedom in criticizing the tragedies of that same Dionysius.

CCLX. The Orations of Isocrates.

^C We have read various orations of Isocrates. They are said to be sixty in number, of which twenty-five are considered genuine by Dionysius, and twenty-eight by Caecilius. They say that he also wrote an art of rhetoric, which we know is inscribed with his name; others, however, report that he made more use of practice than of art in his orations. ^D

^A He was born around the eighty-sixth Olympiad, being twenty-two years younger than Lysias and seven years older than Plato. He was the son of Theodorus, a priest of no obscure standing among the citizens. Even as a boy, he heard Prodicus of Ceos, Gorgias of Leontini, Tisias of Syracuse, and Theramenes the rhetorician. [793 H] When he reached manhood, he withdrew from public affairs, both because his voice was weak and because his character was timid; and having lost his ancestral fortune in the war against the Lacedaemonians, he delivered one single oration, *On the Exchange*, and thereafter refrained from speaking. Having established a private school, he applied himself to philosophy and writing, and the *Panegyric* was composed by him, along with certain other deliberative orations, as he led the way with his exhortations to teach the Greeks to think on what was advantageous. However, failing in this intention, he abandoned that pursuit and directed a sophistic school. Some say that at first he was in Chios, having nine students, and that, seeing the fee for instruction being counted out, he wept, saying, "Now I know I have sold myself to these men." Later he had a hundred students, many others indeed, but especially Timotheus the son of Conon, with whom he visited many cities while writing those letters which are inscribed as sent by Timotheus to the Athenians; from him he received a talent as a gift. [1456 R] Others who were his students included Xenophon the son of Gryllus, Theopompus of Chios, and Ephorus of Cyme, whom he urged to apply themselves to historical writing, distributing to each, according to his nature, the subjects of history. In addition to these were Asclepiades, who wrote the things done in tragedy, and Theodectes of Phaselis, who also himself later composed tragedies; but further, Leodamas the Athenian and Lacritus, who legislated for the Athenians, and as others say, Hyperides and Isaeus. Demosthenes came to him with eagerness, and though he said he could not provide the thousand drachmae which he was charging, he said he would give two hundred, for which he would learn a fifth part of the art. Isocrates replied that they did not slice up the craft, but if he wished to learn, he would sell the entire art of well-speaking to him. ^C Accordingly, the oration *On the Exchange*, the *Panegyric*, and some in the deliberative genre, as we have said, were composed by him, and we have mentioned how and when he composed them. He composed the *Panegyric*, as some say, in ten years, and others add five more to these. Yet, the *Panegyric* oration of Isocrates is, as regards the nature of the enthymemes and arguments, a small alteration and transposition of Gorgias of Leontini and Lysias. And one might suppose that it is a long time for the rhetorician to have spent over the *Panegyric* because of the structured and elaborate nature of the diction, and because of the careful choice of words and the mutual symmetry of the parts, nay rather, the accurate construction of the clauses and members.

^A. Indeed, the precision of the clauses and periods is enough to consume much time. But most of all, the discovery and arrangement of the subject matter caused him such great exertion; for if one were to examine carefully and part by part the headings and arguments of which the ordered discourse is composed, he would find that they require a long time to be accomplished. For this reason, he provided many people with many opportunities for critical discussions among themselves, and for disagreements with one another, as some delved deeply into the study and examination of the discourse, while others read it only superficially. It can also be said that for some, nature has an innate ability to recognize discourse. Some say the so-called ^B Panathenaicus was written four years before his death, and the speeches to Philip shortly before he died.

He lived, as some hold, a hundred years; as others, only ninety-eight 54. He died when the news of the disaster at Chaeronea was brought to him, putting an end to his life by abstaining from food for 55 four days, as he could not bear to see Greece enslaved for the fourth time. He obtained considerable wealth, not only by demanding money from his friends and acquaintances, but also from Nicocles, who was king of the Cypriots (this man was the son of Evagoras 58), having received twenty talents for the advisory speech written for him. Because of this, having attracted envy, he was designated for the trierarchy; twice, with the help of his son, he avoided it by pleading infirmity; the third time, however, he undertook it and spent no small sum.

He replied to one who asked why he, who taught others, was not made capable by teaching, that whetstones themselves cannot cut ^C, but they can give iron the power and ability to cut. And to a father who said that he had sent only one slave with his son, he said: "Depart then; for you will have two slaves instead of one." He appeared to bear the death of Socrates immoderately, as he went out in public the next day wearing a mourning garment. Twice in his whole life was he called into a contest: first, when Megaclides summoned him to an exchange of property; he did not appear due to illness, but by putting forward his adopted son Aphareus in his place, he was victorious in the case; second, when he was called by Lysimachus for an exchange of property concerning the trierarchy, in which he was defeated and undertook the trierarchy ^D.

Everyone knows the purity, clarity, and care of his discourses, and how not only an innate grace, but also that which resides in his incisive style, adorns them. Yet the man was not one of many figures, nor was he... [alt-version omitted]

NOTE

variations, and therefore, owing to the scarcity of such mutation in his oratory, he is not suited for forensic contention. However, the sequence of arguments in his speeches is his own. Perhaps someone might accuse him of theft, because in his Panegyric oration he borrowed much from the funeral orations of Archinus, Thucydides, and Lysias; but there is nothing to prevent one from using the same arguments when the same circumstances occur, nor is it [the act of] substituting another’s work, when the circumstances themselves produce such arguments as those which the predecessors held and exhibited. ^B He died and was buried honorably, along with his father, mother, sister, and other kin. There is also an image of him in bronze at Eleusis, bearing this inscription: Timotheus, for the sake of friendship and favoring understanding, dedicated this image of Isocrates to the goddess, a work of Leochares.

Another bronze statue of him was erected at the Olympieum upon a column by his adopted son Aphareus, who was born of a certain mistress, Lagisca, whom Isocrates had taken as a mother of three children, one of whom was this Aphareus who set up the image and inscribed it: Aphareus, son of Isocrates, set up this image of his father for the honor of Zeus, and in reverence for the gods and [his father's] ancestral virtue. ^C

Codex CCLXI. The Orations of Andocides.

We have read the four orations of Andocides which we have seen hitherto: the one *On the Mysteries*, the one *On his own Return*, the third *On the Peace with the Lacedaemonians*, and the fourth, *Against Alcibiades*. In these, the man is simple and unadorned, a lover of unaffectedness, and he assumes a style that is itself inartificial. He is said to have flourished in the time of Socrates the philosopher, and the beginning of his birth to have been at the seventy-eighth Olympiad. He was the son of Leogoras, and was descended from a family of good standing. Hellanicus writes that he even traced his lineage back to Hermes. ^D Later, however, he was accused of impiety, because he himself had helped to hack down the statues of Hermes and had violated the mysteries of Demeter. When the trial was held regarding these matters, he escaped by promising that he would denounce the perpetrators of the crime. Setting his whole heart and diligence to the task, he found those who had committed the sacrilege, among whom he included his own father. But although he convicted all the others and saw them put to death, he rescued his father, though he was already in bonds, by promising that he would be of great service to the city. And his opinion did not deceive him; for Leogoras convicted many who had embezzled public funds and were subject to other such illegal practices. Andocides, enjoying a good reputation for his political actions,

took up sea-trading ^A and became a guest-friend to the kings of Cyprus and many other notable men; at that time, he stole away the daughter of Aristides—who was his cousin—without the knowledge of her household and kin, and sent her as a gift to the king of Cyprus. Being about to be summoned to trial for this criminal act, he stole her back again from Cyprus, but was caught by the king of Cyprus and cast into chains. He escaped from there and arrived in the city at the time when the Four Hundred were administering public affairs; he was bound by them as well, but escaped again. When that oligarchy was overthrown, he was exiled from the city, and having spent the time of his exile in Elis, he returned with those who came back with Thrasybulus. Having been chosen ^B as an envoy to Lacedaemon regarding the peace, and appearing to have acted wickedly in this pursuit, he fled. Furthermore, the statue of Hermes is named after him; for although it was set up and dedicated by the tribe of Aegeis, it is called "the Andocides" because Andocides lived very close to the statue.

Codex CCLXII. The Orations of Lysias

I have read various orations of Lysias; they are said to number three ^C hundred and twenty-five, of which two hundred and thirty-three are considered authentic. It is said that in these he was defeated in speaking only twice, although he often contended with adversaries. In his speeches, he is extremely concise and very persuasive, and he is as skilled in grave speaking as anyone, even if it is not immediately apparent. For although he appears easy, he is nevertheless proved difficult to imitate. It is said that he composed many of his orations for private individuals to deliver. He wrote as well in this genre of oratory: public speeches, letters, eulogies, funeral orations, love speeches, and a defense of Socrates. In most of his orations, he is moral in character; and indeed, the moral quality is realized in the understanding when it possesses a virtuous and upwardly inclined purpose. Hence, one must not state the facts merely and simply, but rather attach the intent along with which each action was performed; for instance, if he speaks of difficult actions, one must plead necessity regarding friends or others who are moderate, but if the actions are better, one should plead good intention. This, moreover, becomes most persuasive if you add the cause. Indeed, one ought not to assume causes for the sake of utility; for this is more the mark of a prudent man than of a virtuous and honest one. This mode is difficult to maintain, in which Lysias himself is often seen to have erred. Among his most celebrated works, besides his other speeches, is the oration concerning the guardianship against Diogiton; for he produces a persuasive and pure narrative, and does not turn immediately to amplifications and exaggerations, as many do. For such things are not proper to the first exposition of the matter, but have their place in what follows. ^D He possesses great purity...

^A furthermore displays great clarity and conciseness both in the subject matter and the wording from the very beginning of the speech, just as the direct structure befits the narrative, with nothing external being dragged in. The beauty of his harmony is not something everyone can perceive; for it seems to be composed simply and by chance, yet it is constructed with an extraordinary degree of adornment. In short, the whole speech is worthy of admiration for its figures, its thoughts, its vocabulary, and the harmonious synthesis of these elements, as well as the invention and arrangement of its enthymemes and epicheremes.

^B The speech concerning the sacred olive is called into question by some; the "sacred olive" is currently a species of sacred olive tree. But that its author is truly Lysias is evident from the chapters, from the arguments, from the proem, the narrative, and the epilogue (since these are crafted with divine skill and with the sharpness in simplicity characteristic of the man); and indeed, bringing forth proofs by means of enthymemes rather than epicheremes is a most distinct characteristic of Lysias. Furthermore, not dwelling on a single point to extend the speech is a mark of Lysian precision, as is the solidity of his speeches; finally, providing great pleasure through brevity—in which, after Demosthenes, he alone among the other orators appears to have succeeded—and the beauty of his characterization, in which genre he yields to neither Plato nor Demosthenes nor Aeschines. It is a hallmark of Lysias to introduce antitheses that do not appear contrived, but rather seem to be drawn naturally from the matters themselves. A sign of Lysianic ability is the graceful arrangement of clauses in every period and their flowering along with their purity. But Paul the Mysian, failing to understand the speech concerning the sacred olive, excludes it from the genuine speeches of Lysias, and by casting away many other beautiful speeches as spurious, he has robbed men of great and immense benefit, as those which fell under his censure can no longer be found. For once they were set aside, they were neglected, because his censure was thought to be more powerful, as has happened in many other cases, where slander has prevailed over the truth.

^C Lysias is adept at moving the passions and is remarkably skilled at developing speeches for the purpose of amplification. ^D Some among those who occupy themselves with rhetorical discourse have incorrectly claimed that, while Lysias surpasses all the ancients in proving charges, he is quite incapable of amplifying them. Yet they are clearly refuted by his own speeches, by which the falsity of their judgment is demonstrated, and most especially by his speech against Mnesiptolemus. For he increases the accusation in a wonderful manner. Caecilius errs when he asserts that while the man excels all others in invention, he is nevertheless unable to arrange what he has invented, though in this part of rhetorical excellence

seem to yield to no one. Lysias saw Demosthenes ^A when he was a youth. Lysias’s father was Cephalus, son of Lysanias, son of Cephalus; by birth he was a Syracusan. When he migrated to Athens, partly seized by a longing for the city and partly incited by the fame of Pericles, son of Xanthippus, he was at first educated there with the most distinguished of the Athenians. But afterwards, when the city sent a colony to Sybaris, he went with his eldest brother, Polemarchus, in order to share in his paternal inheritance. When he was in his sixteenth year, he was instructed by Tisias and Nicias the Syracusans, and having acquired a house and obtained an inheritance, he lived in great abundance until the office of archon held by Clearchus; in the following year, being accused of following the party of the Athenians, he was expelled from his country along with three others. Having come to Athens when four hundred men had already seized the government, he lived there. When the thirty men took over the state ^B he remained for seven years; but being deprived of his property and having lost his brother Polemarchus, he himself barely escaped the impending slaughter and lived in Megara. When the men from Phyle urged his return, he was the most useful of all in that enterprise; for he himself provided two thousand drachmas and three hundred shields, and being sent with Hermon, he hired three hundred and two auxiliary soldiers, and persuaded his guest-friend Thrasybulus of Elis to provide two talents. For these reasons, when Thrasybulus had written that the right of citizenship should be granted to him after his return, the Athenian people ratified the gift. ^C But Archinus accused him of violating the laws, claiming he had accepted the gift before a decree of the senate had been made. After the decree was annulled, he spent the rest of his time with the rights of a citizen just as if he had been one, and he died there at the age of eighty-three, though some subtract seven years from this.

CCLXIII. Orations of Isaeus.

We have read various orations of Isaeus, the number of which, to speak once and for all, reaches sixty-four, of which only fifty are acknowledged as genuine. He primarily imitated Lysias, ^D whose disciple he also became. That he imitated him is proven by the elegance of his words and the weightiness of the subject matter. For his orations so imitate Lysias that, unless one examines them diligently, one would scarcely discern the difference in the style of each, except for the figures of speech. For Isaeus was the first to employ figures and to turn his mind toward political discourse, which Demosthenes, having become his disciple, followed most of all. By birth he was a Chalcidian, but having moved to Athens, he studied (as it

(as stated before) Lysias. He flourished after the Peloponnesian ^A war and lasted until the principate of Philip. Departing once from the school, he instructed Demosthenes for ten thousand drachmae; and for this reason he became especially famous. They say he also composed courtroom speeches for Demosthenes.

CCLXIII. The Orations of Aeschines.

The orations of Aeschines were read, the number of which is limited to three, along with nine letters. The one inscribed "Deliacus" is not by Aeschines. In his orations, he is pleasant, pure, distinct, and excellent in the clarity of his enthymemes. His oration delivered against Timarchus accuses him of practicing prostitution. Timarchus, being terrified and fleeing the judgment, hanged himself. ^B

He was the first to announce the second victory at Tamynae to the Athenians; for this reason he was crowned. They say that he first spoke before the people against Philip, and, having gained favor through his speech, was sent as an ambassador to the Arcadians; having arrived among them, he mustered ten thousand men against Philip.

This Aeschines was born of a father, Atrometus, who initially went into exile under the Thirty Tyrants, but afterwards brought back the people to liberty; his mother was Glaucothea, and he belonged to the tribe Cothocidae, being neither famous for his lineage nor for his wealth. ^C When he was a youth and robust in strength, he devoted himself to the study and effort of the gymnasia. Afterwards, being endowed with a firm and powerful voice, he practiced performing tragedies, and, as Demosthenes writes, he was a clerk's deputy and a third-rate actor under Aristodemus at the local Dionysia. When he was a boy, he taught letters along with his father, and upon reaching young manhood, he served in the military. Some say he heard Socrates and Plato, but Caecilius says he was a pupil of Leodamas. He was engaged in public affairs, and not without glory; because he opposed Demosthenes and his supporters, ^D with whom he carried out many embassies—including those regarding the peace to Philip, for which he was accused by Demosthenes—and because he himself, being a Pylagoras, had been an instigator of the war that was brought about when he was sent as an ambassador from the Amphictyons to the Amphisseans, who were working on the harbor; from this action it happened that the Amphictyons fled to Philip, and he, aided by Aeschines, attacked the situation and captured Phocis. However, with the support of Eubulus son of Spintharus of Probalinthus—who then held the highest power among the people—he was aided, and escaped by a margin of thirty votes. Later in time, after Philip had died and Alexander was crossing into Asia, having stood trial at the accusations of Demosthenes, and

^A having received the fifth part of the votes, he fled to Rhodes, being unwilling to pay the thousand drachmas to which he had been condemned, for he shrank from it in spirit and intent. He opened a school at Rhodes and taught; there he displayed to the Rhodians the speech he had delivered against Ctesiphon, and when they expressed wonder that he should have been defeated after having made such a speech, he replied: "You would not wonder at all, men of Rhodes, if you had heard Demosthenes giving the speech against me." From there he sailed to Samos, and after dwelling on the island, he died shortly afterward. ^B

Codex CCLXV. The Orations of Demosthenes.

I have read almost all the orations of Demosthenes. Sixty-five of them are considered to be his genuine works; of these, the public ones are judged by the majority to have been crafted in a superior manner. There are some, however, who say that the oration on Halonnesus (which is also inscribed as the second against Philip—for the orator is contesting Philip's letter) is not genuine to Demosthenes. They attempt to confirm their opinion by the choice of words and phrases and by the harmony of the composition, for they claim that none of these things deviates from the style of Demosthenes. Indeed, they say that the diction of this oration is attenuated and loose, and inferior to the power of the orator; others, judging it ^C unworthy of Demosthenes, attribute it to Hegesippus. For my part, since I have observed that the orations of different orators sometimes appear similar, and conversely that the orations of the same author sometimes turn out to be dissimilar (for the capacity to speak, especially in appropriate and most opportunistic orations, is not—any more than in all other things—unchangeable or perpetually self-consistent), and since I observe this diversity here, I would not dare to pronounce whether this speech on Halonnesus is the work of Hegesippus or a flaw in the Demosthenic nature.

Similarly, they attribute the oration which is inscribed *On the Conditions of the Treaty with Alexander* to Hyperides rather than to Demosthenes, because while Demosthenes surpassed the rest of the orators in many other arts, he excelled them most notably in the selection of words; ^D yet this speech contains some non-oratorical expressions, such as "newly rich," "to behave in an abominable manner," and other similar things.

There are also those who reject the two orations against Aristogiton as not being genuine, but they leave them orphaned, not being able to name their author. One of these is Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who provides no great testimony for his own opinion, nor has he shown himself willing to investigate the matter, as if the Aristogiton oration[s] against him ought to be of greater…

^A having confessed that he himself had said what Dionysius denied. Indeed, in defending himself, he shows that he contended not superficially, but accurately and in opposition, in that speech which is inscribed "Apology against the demonstration of Lycurgus and Demosthenes."

The speech against Midias and that against Aeschines also gave cause for people saying they were not by Demosthenes, because the style is not the same. For in these two speeches, by interjecting certain arguments and then urging them, he seems to be fighting with himself, as if performing a practice bout rather than truly struggling over the actual matters. Hence some have said that each speech was left among his rough notes and not polished for publication; yet even so, the speeches mentioned make one more cautious. But as for those who blame these, what would they say about Aristeides, who appears to have used this mannerism to the point of nausea, as one who exceeds moderation in his work and employs surplusage rather than mediocrity? The speech against Aeschines, in particular, gave the opportunity for the claim that it was left among his notes, as it had not yet received its final polish; and because things that had great obscurity and levity regarding the accusation, he put forward at the end of the ^B speech—a thing which the orator would not have overlooked had he subjected his own speeches to a more accurate examination.

But the speech of Lysias against Mnesiptolemus does not proceed in this way; rather, in all the necessary parts he preserves the pathos, and not ceasing, he does not abandon his thrust, but stresses it even more, nor at the end does he cease to provoke the listeners. And indeed, some say that the speech on "The False Embassy" was left among his notes, and was neither written for publication nor fully composed. Why, one might ask? Because after the epilogues—which are numerous and occupy the greatest part of the speech—having previously refuted many objections, he refutes them again here, which is contrary to the craft and laws of speaking. ^C

And the speech for the guardianship of Satyrus against Charidemus is said by fair critics to be by Demosthenes. Callimachus, a not-very-good critic, thinks it by Dinarchus, and some by Lysias; however, the reasoning of the periods of time fights against this, as does the whole style of the speech, its subject matter, and its elocution, which argue that it is by Demosthenes through its indirect statement, the continuity of the periods, and its vehemence. From the very beginning the speech is adorned with these qualities, and a good choice of words is employed, ^D and a harmonious composition shines forth. The figures also bear witness to this: for they are combined with acrimony and bring variety to the speech. Indeed, he adds questions, responses, and asyndeta, which are most familiar to Demosthenes, but also an accurate construction, which, even with its own ornamentation, does not take away from its efficacy, and the periods themselves are...

^A having employed questions, retroversions, and asyndeton—figures in which Demosthenes especially delights. Yet the composition is also careful, not destroying the clarity of the ornamentation, and the periods are brought together with finish, preserving decorum everywhere. That one should spare nothing in composition, but rather embrace everything within periods, is common to Isocrates, Lysias, and Demosthenes; but the variety of the periods, filling out the members in their magnitude, produces a difference between them, since Isocrates generally extends his transitions, while Lysias contracts them; in both, however, Demosthenes preserves what is proper.

The oration *On the Peace*, while composed, is believed by some, most notably by the sophist Libanius, not to have been delivered. For the orator, in accusing Aeschines, nonetheless accuses himself as well, because he had counseled the Athenians to decree Philip to be an Amphictyon, a point on which he bitterly reproaches the other, in that he had been the author and proposer of that action. For it is clear that he [Demosthenes] had counseled Philip to be made an Amphictyon. ^B Furthermore, some from the professional circle exclude the oration *Against Neaera* from the works of Demosthenes, as being too languid and relaxed, just as they do the one written by him *On Love* and the *Funeral Oration*.

They say that Demosthenes, at the age of twenty-four, wrote the oration *On Immunity Against Leptines*, the proem of which Longinus the critic [13] considers to be of an agonistic type. This man flourished during the reign of Claudius, and pleaded many causes; when Zenobia was queen of the Osrhoenians and held power after her husband Odenathus had died—whom ancient writers record as having been converted from the impiety of the Gentiles to the customs of the Jews. But Longinus reached such a verdict concerning the proem in question; others, however, ^C incorrectly assert that the proem is ethical. This oration provided material for contention to many in passing judgment, including Aspasius the rhetor, who denies that the exordium is sufficiently accurate. Likewise regarding the oration *Against Meidias*; for this too has become an object of study for not a few, and has provided grounds for mutual dispute. Some say it is of a pathetic character, worked out with intense passion, while others say it is of a pragmatic character; and simply put, its vehemence of language ^D and harmonies of composition are evident. And as he attaches a pathetic delivery to the pathetic arguments and enthymemes, he adapts to the pragmatic ones whatever is appropriate to them. He preserves these gentler affects not only in this oration, but in many others. But indeed it is very difficult—

^A furthermore, it is most difficult for a worker of oratorical contests to preserve decorum toward an opponent, especially for those who happen to have a nature more bitter and passionate, a trait which Demosthenes and Aristides share to no small degree. For this reason, they are frequently carried away, their design being undermined by their nature; for art is not strong enough to set right the intention if it does not have nature as a collaborator. However, when the orator had reached thirty-eight years of age, he persuaded the people, through a public speech, to send aid to the Olynthians who had sent envoys against Philip.

This Demosthenes was the son of Demosthenes and Cleobule, of the Paeanian tribe. Left by his father at the age of seven, with his sister being two years younger, he spent the time of his orphanhood with his mother, attending the lectures of Isocrates the orator, or, as most say, Isaeus of Chalcis, who was himself a student of Isocrates, burning with the desire to emulate Thucydides and Plato the philosopher. For others tell of his education and his teachers in different ways. When he had arrived at mature age and had received from his guardians—who were three, namely Aphobus, Therippides, and Demophon (some introduce Demeas instead of Demophon)—a sum smaller than was just, he brought a suit against each of them for ten talents ^B and won. However, he exacted none of the condemnation from them, having released some for money and others even in return for favors. Elected *choregus*, he brought to trial Midias the Anagyrasian, who had struck him while he was performing the duties of a *choregus* in the theater, and after receiving three thousand [drachmae] from him, he dropped the prosecution.

They say that he corrected many of his natural defects through practice. For when he was young, he would shut himself away in a cave and live there philosophizing, having shaved half his head so that, restrained by his disfigurement, he would be unable to go out even if he wanted to. Secondly, they say he would sleep on a narrow bed to be able to wake quickly. ^C And, being unable by nature to pronounce the letter 'rho' with his tongue, he acquired the ability through effort. Furthermore, as he would move his shoulder unbecomingly while practicing, he would suspend an obelisk—or, as some think, a small sword—from the rafters close to his body, or, as some say, a small dagger, so that he might keep to a calm demeanor from fear of being struck, and thus be rid of that fault. Also, as he was disturbed by the noises of the people, so that he might not suffer this, he would go down to Phalerum and practice his speeches against the roar of the waves, correcting his nature by habit. He even procured a mirror of equal size to his own, into which he would look while contemplating his gestures, so that if there were anything neglected in the appearance of his delivery, he might learn this and redirect it toward gracefulness. Being short of breath, so that he could not speak longer periods without a pause, he gave the actor Neoptolemus ten thousand drachmae so that he might train him in the extension of his breath. And since the passages for the air were narrow—through which, while breathing in, we cool the chest that has been warmed as if by a certain breeze, and from which we expel the smoky exhalation, and in which the sound of a clear voice mostly consists—oliva[m] ^D

^A inserting it, and letting it run down the slopes, made them wider and more natural; by which motion the olive oil, when applied to the nostrils and absorbed, would render those finer and narrower passages suitable for the function of nature. Indeed, this is a great part of brilliance of voice, having restored it to both a broader and more natural state, by putting olive oil into his mouth and running it up toward the slopes of the passages; by which the oil, by the force of the movement, being sucked up toward the nostrils, restored the unnatural constriction of the pores to their natural required state.

When he had committed himself to public life, and he saw that the citizens were divided into two factions, some standing for Philip, others studying the benefit of the people and of all good things, he chose the party that opposed Philip, following the same method of governing the state as Hyperides, Nausicles, ^B Polyeuctus, and Diotimus. Because of this, he also made the Thebans allies to the Athenians, as well as the Euboeans, Corcyraeans, Corinthians, Boeotians, and many others besides. And when once, while delivering a public speech, he was driven from the theater and went home dejected, Eunomus of Thria, who was already an old man, happened to meet him on the way; and having learned the cause of his dejection, he bade him be of good courage and restored his spirits. And more than this, Andronicus the actor, while saying that his orations were beautiful and splendid, added that they lacked the element of delivery. Demosthenes, moved by this, entrusted himself to Andronicus, and there learned the art of acting. Hence, also, when someone asked him once what was the first thing in oratory, he answered: "Delivery"; and when asked what was second and third, he similarly answered: "Delivery," showing ^C that delivery is /a/ great part of persuasion among the people.

He used to swear, as the Phalerian says, "By the earth, by the fountains, by the rivers, by the waters"; and, in fact, once when he had sworn these oaths to the people, he created a commotion, just as he did when swearing by Asclepius, pronouncing the word with an acute accent on the antepenultimate syllable. However, by spending leisure time studying with Eubulides of Miletus, who was second to none in dialectics, he corrected everything in which he seemed to be deficient and to falter.

They say that Philip of Macedon, when he received and read the orations Demosthenes had delivered against him, wondered greatly and said that even he himself, had he heard Demosthenes speaking against him, would have voted for that man to lead the war against him. And when one of his acquaintances asked him whose orations were more persuasive and powerful, those of Demosthenes or those of Isocrates, he said that ^D those of Demosthenes resembled soldiers, for their power is martial and intense, while those of Isocrates resembled athletes, for they provide a theatrical pleasure.

When the condemnation imposed the exile of his fatherland upon Aeschines, Demosthenes pursued him on horseback, and besides other things, comforted him and gave him a talent of silver, which Aeschines, expecting the opposite, had not anticipated. For indeed, Aeschines, having seen him riding up and thinking he was coming to arrest him, turned

^A having fled, the Athenians were left with the money of Harpalus. At first, by speaking in the assembly, he did not allow the man to be received; but when he had sailed in, having accepted—as they say—a thousand darics, he changed sides to favor those speaking on his behalf. And when the Athenians wished to surrender the man to Antipater, he spoke against it, and wrote that the money which Harpalus had brought with him should be deposited in the Acropolis, without disclosing the amount of it to the people. ^B While Harpalus said that he had brought seven hundred talents, those brought up to the Acropolis were found to be only three hundred and seventy, or a little more. When Harpalus had fled from prison, and had reached Crete or, as others maintain, Taenarum in the territory of Laconia, Demosthenes was accused of taking bribes. Having been brought to trial for this by Hyperides, Pytheas, Mnesaechmus, Himeraeus, and Procles—who also prompted the Council of the Areopagus to condemn him—he was convicted, and having been convicted, he went into exile, not being able to pay the ^C fivefold fine. They accused him of having accepted thirty talents in bribes, though some say it was not that much. There is also another account which says that he did not even wait for the trial, but fled as those who were going to judge him were making preparations. A little time later, the Athenians sent Polyeuctus to Demosthenes. ^D

^A And those of the party of Arius appointed Demophilus, while those who held to the homoousion appointed a certain Evagrius, the sacred rite being performed by the blessed Eustathius, who had been set up to shepherd the church of the Antiochians before Meletius by the Arians, but who, having been recalled by an edict of the pious Jovian from exile, was residing in Constantinople. The impious Valens, learning of what had been done, was pleased and satisfied with what those of the party of Arius had performed, but as for the heralds of piety, he confined Eustathius, who had performed the ordination, by the hand of the military to the city of Bizye in Thrace, while the Evagrius who had been ordained was consigned to another exile. Having done these things, the impious man arrived at Antioch, both acting and planning the same things against the pious, or rather, things far worse. For indeed he subjected the pious to various deaths; and of these killings, the river Orontes was his most ready instrument. Since, therefore, this confusion and turmoil were subverting the world, after many and long struggles and labors for the sake of piety, the athlete departed happily to the common master whom he loved and for whom he suffered, in order that he might obtain his rewards, having lasted forty years in his priestly office, or rather, in the contests undertaken for its sake.

That the composition from which the present selection has been drawn leans more toward the careless than the precise, especially in the arrangement of its ideas. And in many chapters, it records things newer than others do.

Read: The various speeches of Antiphon. His speeches are of such a nature as to possess precision, persuasiveness, and skill in invention. The man is also technical in difficult matters, making his arguments even from what is obscure, and turning his speeches toward both the laws and the passions, aiming above all at what is becoming.

However, Caecilius the Sicilian says that the orator did not employ figures of thought, but rather that his concepts were brought forth directly and without artifice; he claims the man neither sought out nor employed any deviation or variation from the straightforward path, but led the listener toward his intended goal through the very thoughts themselves and their natural sequence. For the orators of old considered it sufficient for themselves both to discover the enthymemes and to express them with linguistic elaboration. They applied their entire effort to the diction and its ornamentation, first ensuring that it was significant and seemly, and then that the composition of these elements was harmonious; for in this, they believed, lay the superiority that distinguished them from the common people. Then, having stated that Antiphon’s speech was devoid of figures of thought, he adds, as if to correct himself: "I do not mean to say that no figure of thought is to be found in Antiphon—for indeed, questions, omissions, and other such things are present in his speeches—but what do I mean? That he did not employ these by design or in a continuous manner, but only where nature itself, without any artifice, led him; which is indeed what one can see among any ordinary person. For this reason, whenever someone says that speeches are 'without figures,' one should not think they are absolutely deprived of figures (for that would be impossible), but rather that the methodical, continuous, and robust use of figures is not to be witnessed in them." Sixty speeches of his are in circulation, of which Caecilius says fifty-five are falsely attributed to him, leaving forty-five that escaped being spurious. He is said to have been a pupil of his own father, Sophilus, who was a sophist; but Caecilius says the orator was a pupil of the historian Thucydides. It is said, too, that he had disagreements with Socrates the philosopher, not out of rivalry, but with a view to testing him. They say, moreover, that he was the first to compose speeches for trials in the law courts; for no one before him appears to have ventured into this contest, nor is it possible to find a forensic speech written before Antiphon. He is also said to have been the first to systematize the art of rhetoric, being a man of sharp intellect; for this reason he received the nickname Nestor. Plato satirizes him for his avarice in his *Peisander*.

^A And he also wrote speeches. He was a student of the philosopher Plato, and indeed also of Isocrates. He took part in public affairs at Athens when Alexander the Macedonian was beginning to lay his hands upon Greek affairs, and he is shown to have spoken against his demand, by which he was asking for the Athenian generals and their triremes. He also counseled the Athenians to disband the mercenary force that was at Taenarum. He voted honors for Demosthenes, and when he was impeached by Diodotus for an illegal decree, he was soon acquitted. He was friends with the circle of Demosthenes, Lysicles, and Lycurgus; yet he did not maintain this friendship to the end, but after Lysicles and Lycurgus had passed from life, and Demosthenes was undergoing trial on the charge of having been corrupted by the money of Harpalus, he was appointed by all to be the accuser of the orator himself. ^B Moreover, an action for having introduced bad laws was brought against him by Aristogeiton, because after the battle of Chaeronea he had decreed that the resident aliens should be made citizens, and that slaves should be granted liberty, and that sacred objects, children, and wives should be deposited in the Piraeus; and in that trial he emerged victorious over those seeking to punish him. And when many blamed him for having bypassed many of the laws in his decree, "For the weapons of the Macedonians," he said, "were casting a shadow over me, and it was not I so much as that decree, but the battle at Chaeronea that wrote it." Previously, before he had been chosen as an orator, he spoke for hire to the Athenians. Having appeared to have shared in the Persian money with Ephialtes, he was then chosen as a trierarch when Philip was besieging Byzantium, and having brought aid promptly to the Byzantines, he bore the expense of being *choragus* in that year, when all others were released from public duty. This man, while active in politics, also decreed honors for Iolaus, who had mixed the deadly poison for Alexander the Great. He also participated in the Lamian War with Demosthenes, and he delivered a funeral oration over those who had fallen in that war, having reaped the wonder and praise of many for this. When Philip was preparing to sail against Euboea, and the Athenians were being cautious, he gathered triremes by public subscription, and before the others he himself contributed two triremes for himself and his son. ^C When a dispute arose with the Delians as to which party ought to oversee the temple, Aeschines was chosen to speak on the matter, but the Council of the Areopagus appointed Hyperides; and the speech is entitled the *Deliacus*. When ambassadors came from Antipater ^D and were praising Antipater as an excellent man and testifying to his great kindness, "We know," Hyperides said, "that Antipater is an excellent man, but we have no need of an excellent master." However, when he accused Phocion of bribery, a case which Midias of Anagyrus had brought, he lost the suit. After the defeat suffered at Cranon, he was demanded by Antipater, and since the people intended to hand him over, he fled Athens to Aegina. And when he had met with Demosthenes, on account of that which from the [legal] summons...

of the city of the Athenians, he flees to Aegina. And having been with Demosthenes, and having defended himself for ^A the matters about which he had disagreed with him, departing thence he was seized by Archias, who was called the "fugitive-hunter," in the very temple of Poseidon, although he was clinging to the statue. From thence, having been taken to Antipatrus, who was then staying in Corinth, and being tortured in order to reveal the secrets of the city, he showed himself such a man that, in order not to say anything against his fatherland, he bit off his tongue, lest anything might escape him against his will, and so ended his life. Some say, however, that he was led to Macedonia, and there suffered the excision of his tongue, and was thrown out unburied after his death, but that his relatives, defying the decree of the Macedonians, burned his bones and carried them back ^B to Athens.

CCLXVII. Dinarchus' Orations.

Various orations of Dinarchus were read. There are extant sixty-four of them, which most critics consider authentic. There are some who attribute some of them to Aristogeiton, who flourished in the time of Hyperides. His orations sometimes recall the style of Hyperides, but they appear to lean more towards Demosthenes, in which he strives to imitate his passion, his vehemence, ^C the form of his figures, and his variety. He was the son of Socrates, or of Sostratus, an Athenian by birth, though as others have said, he was a Corinthian. Coming to Athens while still a youth, at the time when Alexander was leading his army into Asia, he heard Theophrastus, and became an associate of Demetrius of Phalerum. But after the death of Antipater, when some of the orators had fled and others had been put to death, he himself was seen to be active in politics. Having formed a friendship with Cassander, the leader of the Macedonians, and collecting money for speeches which he wrote for those who needed them, he arrived at the greatest prosperity. He set himself against the orators, ^D not by appearing before the people himself (for he was not able to do so), but by providing speeches for those who were opposed to them. Therefore, when Harpalus fled from Athens, he issued many speeches for the accusers against those charged with having accepted bribes. But later, having fallen into the accusation that he was conspiring with Cassander against the city, he converted most of his wealth into money and fled to Chalcis. After remaining in exile for nearly fifteen years, and having acquired much property, upon the intercession of those around Theophrastus to secure his return, he came back with the other exiles. But while staying with Proxenus, his comrade, being already an old man and weak in his eyesight, he lost his money, and brought a lawsuit against Proxenus, and then for the first time he was seen speaking in a court of justice; and his speech against Proxenus is also extant.

The memories of the nine orators whose speeches we have read are outlined in these.

CCLXVIII. The Orations of Lycurgus

^A It has not been our leisure to read the orations of Lycurgus—who wrote no fewer than the other orators—but we have learned from his history that fifteen indeed have come down to us. He was the son of Lycophron, son of Lycurgus, whom the Thirty Tyrants put to death, and he was of the tribe of the Eleobutadae. At first, as history testifies, he devoted himself to the study of philosophy, having the philosopher Plato as his master; then, having become an associate of the orator Isocrates, he conducted himself in the republic with distinction, both in speech and in action. The administration of the city's funds was already entrusted to his care; ^B and having been appointed treasurer, he conducted the treasury for fifteen years, managing fourteen thousand talents. Having been chosen for military preparations, he restored the commonwealth, which had been broken in many respects, rendering it better and firmer; he provided the people with three hundred triremes. He also brought to completion many works that had been left unfinished: he built temple structures, repaired the arsenal, and laid the foundations for the Panathenaic stadium. The custody of the city was in his hands, as well as the power to apprehend criminals; and he so cleansed the city of criminals, ^C banishing them entirely, that some of the sophists said that Lycurgus did not write his decrees against the wicked with ink, but by dipping his pen in blood. So great a longing and affection for him did he instill in the Athenians that, when he was demanded by King Alexander along with the other orators, the people did not deem that he should be delivered up. He undertook many legations: with Demosthenes to the Peloponnesians. His glory at Athens was great, and he always flourished with the reputation for equity, so that in the courts, to cite a speech of Lycurgus was to add authority to one's advocacy. He also enacted laws, the fifth of which is that a woman should not travel to Eleusis by carriage, so that those of the common people ^D should not be disparaged by the wealthy. When a certain tax collector had laid hands on the philosopher Xenocrates and was taking him into custody, Lycurgus, meeting them, set the philosopher free and struck the head of the tax collector with a staff; acting with insolence against the appropriate conduct, he ordered him to be cast into prison. Because of this act, Lycurgus was highly praised; and a few days later, while Xenocrates was meeting with the sons of Lycurgus...

he said, "O children, I have returned the favor to your father; for he is praised by the majority because he became a helper to me when I was being insulted." ^B Although he abounded in wealth, more so than anyone else in the city, he wore only a single garment both in summer and winter, and he usually went barefoot, except when propriety compelled him to use shoes. He was fixed day and night in the meditation of affairs, because nature had not generated him as one sufficiently apt for extemporaneous speaking; thus, he compensated for what nature lacked through labor. And so that he might more easily be roused and be able to engage in thought, he had a small bed prepared, on which there was only a shaggy skin and a pillow, so that he might easily arise from sleep for study. There was in him a supreme freedom of speech in speaking because of his nobility. Wherefore, when the Athenians would at one point not endure his speaking in the assembly, he cried out to those listening, "O Corcyraean whip, how worthy you are of the lashes that lie hidden!" ^C When death seemed to be approaching, he ordered himself to be carried to the temple of the Mother of the Gods and to the senate house, desiring to render an account of the things he had done in the republic; where, since no one dared to accuse him, except for Menesaechmus, as he appeared superior to all slander, he was carried back to his home and died. Not in this contest alone did he achieve the victory, but even though he was frequently accused, he easily refuted the charges and overcame his adversaries; and he was often deemed worthy of crowns by the people. He left behind children by Calliste—Habron, Lycurgus, and Lycophron—whom, after Lycurgus had died, the ungrateful Athenians handed over to the Eleven, with Menesaechmus acting as accuser and Thrasycles writing the indictment. Later, however, they acquitted them, when Demosthenes, living in exile, signaled to the Athenians by letter that they were being ill-spoken of for having handed over the children of such a man to prison—a man whose political acts had been such, and whom they had revered and admired while he was alive—and they declared them innocent.

CCLXIX

Evangelium cui nondum credebatur prædicavit, et fratri prius quam disceret, vitam revelavit: Tantas illi divitias illa interrogatio attulit: Ubi habitas? Quanquam magnum aliquid responsio habuit, ^A ut Andreas menti alte indigens viderit, Veni, inquit et vide. Quomodo factus es propheta, unde adeo divinus? Quid Petri auribus obstrepis? quid consequi illum conaris, quem nequis comprehendere? Qui ubique est, quomodo inveniri potest? Etenim scivit Andreas quid diceret: Invenimus quem perdidit Adam, cui Eva damnum attulit, quem peccati nebula ab oculis nostris abscondit, quem inobedientia a nobis alienavit, quem quæsivit David: In die tribulationis meæ Deum exquisivi et Sophonias clamat: Quærite Deum omnes mansueti terræ. Percussit nos Deus, quando ^B Adamum ad mortem molestamque vitam condemnavit: Sanavit nos, percussit, et curavit nos. Quando crucifixus pro populo, languore et resurrectione omnes sanavit. Nudus in cruce Christus pependit, insons, veste non indigens. Innocens fuit, et multam manifesto dependit: In eo fædum nihil fuit: ipse enim nostram fæditatem in ornatum convertit. Invenerunt unguenta ferentes mulieres, quod per Evam amiserant. Invenit lucrum quæ pænæ causam dederat: Veniet nobis, ut matutinus et serotinus terræ. Aspice igitur Dominum, post resurrectionem mane mulieribus, vesperi Apostolis apparentem. Mane quidem mulieribus, Avete, vesperi in civitate ^C Sion pacem discipulis denuntiavit. Illis quidem ut mærorem detergeret: his vero ut solveret inimicitias, quas serpens invexit: Tu vocaberis Cephas: ante confessionem merces, antequam in vinea laboraris, denarium accepisti. Antequam aram tetigeris: sacrificium Deus suscepit: antequam prædicares, coronam accepisti. Mendicos et indoctos Christus elegit. Ipsa sapientia patronos non quærit, sed ministros. Nemo dat quidquam illi, ab ipsa autem omnes omnia accipimus.

CCLXX. From the oration of John Chrysostom on the divine Paul

Lecta ex Joannis Chrysostomi oratione in divum Paulum. Venit Antiochiam Paulus, et tantam fidelium ^D copiam plantavit, ut primum Christianorum nomen Antiochiæ effloruerit. Divinus ille noster orator, ex inscriptione aræ occasionem capiens dicendi, suamque e dæmonis litteris veritatem confirmans, doctrinam producit. Posuistis hanc aram

bearing witness to the truth of the scriptures. You have erected an altar by means of the inscription ^A *To the unknown God, whom I come proclaiming unto you.* O new thing! The altar of the devil has acted as an advocate for Christ; the inscription of error has borne testimony to the truth, and by detecting fraud, has published it. Since the Athenians could not grasp the oracles of the prophets, the altar and the inscription of the demons proclaimed the true worship of God through the wisdom of Paul. The demon surely grieved, seeing his own sophistries converted to the praise of Christ. He groaned as he watched Paul, once his own leader, now contending against him and overthrowing him with his own ^B weapons. He lamented, seeing his own champion Paul strategizing against him and striking him down with his own arms.

CCLXXI. Sermon of Asterius, Bishop of Amasea, on Repentance.

I read an exhortation to repentance by the holy Asterius, Bishop of Amasea.

Luke, a physician of souls more than of bodies, writes that our God and Savior ^C conversed with men who were penitent, not in order to take upon Himself their malice, but to lavish His own righteousness upon them. For the sun, as if it had displayed the Creator’s providence from the very moment of its rising, illuminates not only the open plains, but also whatever places are lower and possess a cavernous position. The servant who despairs of a remedy delivers himself entirely to the disease. If any have been shown to be victors over passions and truly tread upon serpents and scorpions, they ought not ^D to judge and direct the lives of others according to their own strength, but to give thanks to God, the bestower of their own virtue, and not to insult the weaker, but to extend a brotherly hand. Zealously pursue the charity of Christ, for when He was about to appear to men through a man, He sent John beforehand as a herald of repentance. Ask Peter how he was cleansed by repenting; he did not relapse back into Simon, but remained an apostle. I myself believe that Judas the traitor, had he not quickly become his own executioner, and had he fallen to his knees and begged for mercy, would not have failed to obtain the forgiveness that is granted to everyone who asks. Witnesses to this are those who, having been among the crucifiers, returned to repentance and by repenting obtained salvation. Paul once bound Christians, but later, himself bound for Christ’s sake, he dissolved his crimes. He stoned Stephen, but once stoned himself, he expiated his sin. Moses, knowing these things (for he was a man and understood his own nature), commanded that the calf be offered on behalf of the priest who had sinned and who had need of purification. What was then the calf in the flesh is now incorporeal repentance and bloodless prayer. Inasmuch as it was necessary for the priest to apply himself to mercy, so that even if the Lord had commanded that a certain thing be cut down like a barren tree, we should preserve it as if it were fruit-bearing, and pray for it. For this

^A sense the Gospel story of the barren fig tree presents to us. Observe the sinful woman. The multitude of those reclining at the table did not make her blush, nor did she flee from the time of the feast as an inopportune moment for confession, but, possessing a vehement sorrow, she did not for even the briefest moment let go of the Physician of sinners. Nor, indeed, did she supplicate Him by coming into His sight; but, interpreting her own unworthiness through her posture, she took the place behind Him, grasped His feet, loosed her hair, and, making public to all what she had done with her mourning soul, she watered the Savior's feet with her tears and, with much sympathy, begged for mercy.

A Sermon by the Same on the Protomartyr Stephen

He stood alone, surrounded by the mob of executioners; no one, neither friend nor domestic nor kinsman, was present at that time. For he who is in danger is accustomed to find a measure of comfort in seeing some acquaintance standing by. He even prayed for those who were stoning him. The stoners unwittingly did him a favor, and what was the goal of his prayer? He did not pray that the sins of his enemies might go unpunished, for this would be contrary to the ordinance of God, who metes out just punishment to murderers. But what, I ask, does he say? "Lord, do not hold this sin against them," which is to say: grant that they may be pricked to the heart and repent, and move their minds to penance for the things they have now dared to commit. And the administrator guarding the garments of the people, of the executioner, was Paul. Because of other things, and because of Sabellius the African, ^B by checking beforehand the harm done to the Churches, God shows Himself in His own proper and perfect glory. He shows also the Son in a perfected person. He stands at His right hand, so that by the distinction of persons He might make the hypostases manifest, and the Holy Spirit is ordered together with them. For He said above: "And they were not able to resist the wisdom and the spirit with which he was speaking." See, therefore, that the person of the Holy Spirit is here openly demonstrated. If the Spirit is mentioned first, and then the Father and the Son, this change in order does no harm to the faith. For this is the custom of Scripture; sometimes it names the Son alone, sometimes the Spirit with the Son; at other times it begins from the Father and ends at the Spirit, and conversely it begins from the Spirit and descends through the Son to the Father, and thus is the wont of the holy Paul most of all.

By the Same, Asterius, on the words: "A certain man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho."

What, then, did Christ say to the lawyer who was testing Him?

^A "What is written in the law?" reminding him of love towards God and towards his neighbor, saying in effect: If I appear to you as God, you owe me love; but if you do not believe and think me a mere man like yourself, even so you are bound to love according to the prescription of the law. We call those brothers who have been brought forth from the same seed and the same womb. But since we have the same Creator and the same mother, the earth, from which we were formed, and the same dignity of soul, and one bond of piety and life, and the same hope of the future life, how should we not love one another more than brothers or sisters? When you see a man, you see yourself in him. Therefore, he who beholds his calamities—hunger, thirst, nakedness, and other necessities, diseases, and other afflictions—must look upon them gently, as if they were his own pains ^B and losses. We have known many who said in words that they would face dangers, but when it came to the test, they feigned their benevolence. [R] Our Savior loved His own creation so much, not as Himself, but more than Himself. Yet for us, so great a love is not imposed—namely, to love one’s neighbor as oneself, not above oneself—so that He might not give a commandment grievous to fulfill, and that He might demonstrate the law of charity more clearly through works. He sets before our eyes a matter full of mercy, which happened at that time, teaching the lawyer that the neighbor of each person is he who, bearing the same flesh subject to miseries, is in need of help and mutual aid. The matter is thus: "A certain man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell among robbers, who also despoiled him, and having inflicted wounds, went away, leaving him half-dead." This affair is to be pitied by eyes that have mercy ^C and at least some understanding. Christ, speaking to the Jews and teaching them as if they were fools and wandering in vain in this valley of tears, says elsewhere: "You are from below, I am from above." By the names "above" and "below" alone, He distinguishes the good and the evil, and now, saying "descending," He spoke in the same sense. That man was Adam, having fallen from that blessed and heavenly manner of life into the abyss and a life depressed to the ground and afflicted. Who is the priest? Who is the Levite? They would be, according to contemplation, Moses and John, both hidden within the veils of the parable, and whom most ignore. For they, having perceived the man—that is, the whole human race—stripped of piety and virtue and wounded by enemies, indeed looked upon him, but they were not able to heal him. But the Samaritan arriving, ^D though he bore an ignominious name, yet carrying a treasure of good things, applied medicine. He is our Savior, hiding under the ignominious title of Samaritan, and opening the fountain of salvation to the one lying prostrate. For the Gospel [calls] Christ a Samaritan

^A confounding the madness of the Jews who called him such, because they mocked the Samaritan who was more merciful and who healed the wounded man than the Levites and priests. What does the beast of burden represent, upon which the one who brought aid placed the wounded man, leading him to the inn? It is surely the vehicle of the Word of God, and, if I may say so, the beast of burden is his body, similar to our own, which he bore: in which, and through which, receiving and carrying [us], he leads [us] to health and the Church. For this is the perfect healing and remedy for wounds.

The Same, on that which is written: "Two men went up into the temple to pray."

He concludes the discourse on prayer in two parables; teaching us, on the one hand, to pray constantly through [the example of] the judge and the widow, and, on the other hand, to pray with reverence through [the example of] the Pharisee and the publican. It is best to constantly consider that creatures are nothing, and are weak animals, but that the Creator is God, and the best caretaker of our life; and this is what prayer provides above all else. For no one would pray for things that are beneficial unless he had first received the certain faith that God is the hearer of prayer and able to grant what is asked. Moreover, prayer is the help of our life, a conversation with God, an oblivion of earthly things, a path to heaven; and to lift one's hands upright toward heaven is to ^B exhibit the form of Christ fixed to the cross. If one prays truly, and the one praying is pleasing to God, he represents the cross not only in posture, but also in affection. For just as he who is fixed to the cross with nails, so too does the one who prays kill every concupiscence of the flesh, casting out from his memory every affection for riches, glory, and parents. No other thing is so beloved and yearned for by him as to find time or leisure where he can collect himself. But toward these two things primarily does his soul aim as if at a target: to flee from punishment and to depart from this life quickly; and he turns over and revolves in his mind nothing else in prayer but the crucified one. Prayer also snatched Hezekiah from the jaws of Hades, and showed the sun first (to pass over its other works) that it is a slave, and a slave serving the needs of fellow-slaves. It is possible even to do something good, and for the one doing it not to perform the labor well, losing it; just as the Pharisee, ^C exalting himself in his prayers, and if any other should manifest his almsgiving, and in similar things—the Pharisee would not have sinned so gravely if he had not condemned the publican. But now, with one word, he condemns all publicans who are absent, and this one who is present. Therefore, the Pharisee fell from glory into the abyss of ignominy, [while] the publican [rose] from his infamous life to a happy one. ^D

the former was removed by a great interval from closeness to God, while the latter was drawn toward the realm of boldness.

Sermon of the same on Zacchæus

Jericho is a metropolis of the Canaanites, which once Jesus Nave, by warring and destroying, captured; but now the true Jesus has deigned to arrive to heal it. The blind man was enlightened, the people believed, every tongue spoke of Jesus, and every eye looked upon the blind man who had recovered his sight as a teacher of the miracle and of salvation, teaching the disciples the truth not by words, but by deeds. All injury is evil and worthy of hatred, but the publican surpasses all; for he has not even the shadow of a credible excuse for his sin. For in the case of others, some necessity of evil is found, and a root from which the injustice springs; but the publican is a beast, a pestilence without excuse, sitting upon the public roads. Zacchæus was suffering from this disease before he came near to Jesus, a disease worse than the blindness of the man from Jericho, for the one was sick in body, the other in soul. Do not give to others what belongs to another, but restore to those who have been wronged their own; for God does not accept alms derived from theft. A good publican is the judge and steward of his own affairs. And if I have defrauded anyone of anything, he says, ^B I restore it fourfold; not to others (for this deserves no reward and is not pleasing to God), but to those very people whom I have defrauded. Today salvation has come to this house, inasmuch as he too is a son of Abraham. How then is he who is from Jericho a son of Abraham from Canaan? What does the race of Abraham have in common with the Canaanites? It is manifest that if he was not a son of Abraham according to the flesh, but [became one] by character and works, as soon as he turned to Christ, he became and was recognized as a much more legitimate son than those who came forth from the patriarch’s own womb. Thus the Apostle called Elymas the son of the devil, and the Lord said to the Jews: You are of your father the devil. Therefore, since Zacchæus imitated the faith of Abraham—for as that man, when called, left his homeland, so this one left his toll-booth and the wealth gathered there—Christ, who is the Truth, rightly proclaimed him a son of Abraham.

The same on the two sons in Luke

The parable calls God the Father and Creator of this entire universe, and the elder and younger sons two men; the one who remained

^A in that grace given to him and in that portion of the inheritance falling to him, and who, having nowhere disdained the Church nor the communion of the venerable sacraments through a life of profligacy, stands in contrast to the one who acted as a revolutionary against all the things mentioned, and for this reason was separated from the true Father and squandered and corrupted the gifts given by Him, as profligates are accustomed to do.

Therefore, the portion of substance which the younger son seeks from the father is baptism and participation in the venerable Body; for many, even of the younger ones, seek and receive these things. But those who have a senile mind, they preserve the gift with accuracy. Indeed, the portion falling to each is equal; but the difference of those receiving it, according to the zeal of each, makes it greater or lesser, or brings it to total dissipation and consumption, just as it did for the profligate. ^B This is what the parable would signify by “the portion falling to him,” while “traveling to a far country” signifies moving far away from the gifts and commandments of God. Adam also squandered the substance, and fell from all the paternal abundance, and was driven out from the land teeming with a bounty of goods.

It is a bitter thing for a younger son to be separated from his father. For the eye of the parent drives away and casts out profligate expenditure, and wantonness, and associations that corrupt morals. But when youth is left to itself, and neither fear nor shame is present—those two strong guardians of a lascivious youth—then indeed, everything perishes and is turned upside down. ^C And the citizen of that far-removed region of God is the devil (16). For the city of sins has for its first citizen and founder the devil, who brings together from everywhere all the profligates, making them fellow-citizens and sending them off to shameful and swinish deeds. For indeed he is a keeper of swine, but not a shepherd of rational sheep, like the Master who laid down His soul for His own flock.

The arch-swineherd therefore sends the wretched young man to feed swine, and he who was once happy became a table-companion of the swine, eating carob pods. For such, too, is sin: sweet for a moment, yet bringing no nourishment or profit. But he came to himself—for he had not been in his right mind, having become a slave and bondman to passions, and having lost his natural senses. ^D After his conversion and repentance, the profligate names himself a hired servant, and imposes upon himself all the titles of infamy, so that the Word might prescribe to us how it is necessary for those repenting to be humbled and to be crushed in heart through their words. For the parable teaches that it is not fitting for one who is repenting and striving to appease God to look at the heavens with eyes fixed on high, but to signify his sadness and grief through the shame of his soul. See how it describes the goodness of God. For it does not merely [accept] the coming profligate...

as he comes, nor does it look away; rather, it runs to meet him, that it might the more quickly receive the wanderer. And he falls upon his neck, and embraces him, and sheds a tear, and kisses him, giving the symbol of reconciliation and the pledge of the forgetting of previous deeds. But the first robe would not be baptism itself (for it is not possible to receive a second baptism), but the first robe and grace ^B which each of the faithful puts on at the beginning through baptism. For in place of the regeneration through the laver, there is given to us by God the regeneration through repentance, which, washing away our stains with tears, renders us clean and pure again. And to the profligate there is given, after the robe, a ring, the symbol of the intelligible seal of the Spirit. For just as in the regeneration through baptism both the robe and the seal of the gift of the Holy Spirit are given, so it is in the regeneration through repentance. And shoes are also brought, so that he may have confidence ^C to tread upon the head of the serpent. For, says He, "You shall keep his head, and he shall keep your heel." Thus the shoes are useful for both things: both for treading upon the head of the serpent and for the foot to avoid the injury of the bite from there. Let not the goodness of the father grieve you, if he receives the son who went astray, since he is merciful and does not judge strictly, but accepts him benignly. And this, because he is a father, he does, as if being drawn toward pity by a certain necessity.

The same, on the servant of the centurion, whom the Lord healed.

By this discourse, having taken as his subject the servant, he labors to exhort servants and masters: warning the former to serve their masters readily and sincerely, and the latter to treat their servants humanely and gently, as their own kin and brothers. For both were fashioned from the same earth ^D and by the same right hand of the Artificer; they undergo the same natural processes and sufferings, and the same form and shape of constitution are seen in both. Wherefore, if the divine law and the innate love for one’s neighbor were not to enjoin anything else, one ought to embrace them with brotherly and fatherly love. He also makes an exhortation of mercy to physicians. "I saw," he says, "a Scythian who had recently entered into youth, learning the Greek language quite quickly. Then, when the master who had bought him instructed him in the liberal arts, he progressed so much and learned all the arts that he became famous and celebrated among both Greeks and Romans, since he also appeared as a teacher of laws. The one who had bought him was a Syrian, a citizen of Antioch and a teacher of grammar to children. And this pious writer, Asterius, declares that he himself had been a disciple of this servant, this Scythian, where or in what

study he does not say. Thou, O God, didst make Moses—a fugitive—a leader of peoples and nations, no longer as in the time of Noah, carried upon an ark through a world submerged in waters, but now triumphantly parting the sea and walking on foot through the depths. Thy son and the disciple of Elijah, Elisha, ^A whom the woman of Shunem received back from the dead, and who, even after his own death, brought to life a dead man placed upon his remains; for the grace of faith, enduring like the fragrance of incense, permeated the tomb of the faithful one and glorified it.

Homily of the same on fasting.

No one who pursues banquets is a disciple of virtue. A single drunkenness stripped both the father of his decent garment and the son of his freedom. On account of the lust of the belly, Esau, the son of Isaac, suffered loss. Panting with hunger, he sold his birthright for pottage, and from that point on lacked the paternal blessing. Do not corrupt the fast, lest thou suffer the fate of the tavern-keepers. For if they are punished for mixing water with wine, how shall those who mix false pleasures of food into the austerity of the fast escape punishment? Let us flee pleasure. For it is impossible for the same man to love both pleasure and God. Once, the king of the Assyrians ^B was one who lived for his belly and was tied to a life of luxury like an ox to a manger. But for the three holy youths, even the wine was to be avoided on account of the libation, and all the meat on account of the sacrifices. And for them, instead of the delicacies of the luxurious, God was their guide, and fasting their adornment. Give thine ears to the teaching of hidden things, and forget delicacies, like the throng that followed Jesus, who instructed them in word and deed. Having left the synagogue of the wicked, come to the Church. If thou art still bound to Jewish customs, what profit is there in thy fasting? Dost thou wish to imitate the crocodiles of the Nile, ^C which they say weep over the heads of the men they have devoured and lament the remains of the slain, not moved by repentance for what has happened, but, as it seems to me, grieving that the head itself lacks the flesh which they would devour? Fasting is a pedagogue for the gluttonous belly and a master of decent behavior; dancing expresses the joy of the soul. Moreover, there are excellent symbols for each thing, which by their outward appearance manifest the inner state of the soul. For since he who receives the law as a rule of life and an ordered constitution ought to fear the punishment arising from transgression, for this reason God, in delivering the commandments of our life to men in writing, immediately added the voice of the trumpet—a symbol of the resurrection from the dead—so that those who learn the commandments, ^D foreseeing the judgment through the resurrection, might keep the doctrines of the divine legislation inviolable.

Of the Same, on the Man Born Blind

^A This description of the eye and its form, which displays the pattern of divine mercy, holds a great kinship with beauty, since it is not one creator and then another, but the same Creator who is responsible for both types of formation. On this point, he is clearly pious, declaring the Son to be equal to the Father and co-eternal; thus, the Arian who would subordinate the explanation of this imagery to the elegance of rhetoric would not be [1504 R.] correct. When the Savior, while proclaiming the truth to the Jews, did not persuade them to piety, He was present but hidden, and though appearing, He was not seen, so that through such a miracle He might draw the Jews to a confession that even He who was not seen was God, and not some other, but the One who spoke to Moses while remaining unseen. For then, too, fire and a bush were seen, both without speech; yet a voice was heard nevertheless, and the Word gave instruction, and the future was securely foretold. And it behooves those who possess understanding to discern the Person from the kinship of these events. Seeing the blind man, the Savior stood still and was ready to heal—a healing superior to human wisdom and art. For medicine, and the discourse regarding it, directs its observation of diseases to those which occur to the body after nature has formed the fetus and brought it to the light, through various circumstances; but it lays no claim to the healing of a defect connatural to the body, nor indeed does it undertake the cure of all subsequent ailments. For it does not restore ^B mutilated limbs, nor does it undertake to cure anything similar. Therefore, the disciples, moved by pity and seeing a man who had not enjoyed the most beautiful sweetness of light, inquired into the cause. But they did not pose the question insightfully; for the child was not condemned for the sake of his parents, being guilty of nothing, nor had he, not yet having come into life, paid the penalty for his own transgressions. The affliction, says Christ, is not a retribution for the blind man’s sins, but a preparation for a future economy, accomplishing other things as well, and meant so that the Creator of all might find, after the first creation, further occasions for creating, and might confirm the totality through these partial things. For He would not have fashioned a part of man, and the most beautiful part at that, unless He were the One who had demonstrated the creation at the very beginning of the race. ^C In the eye—a tiny part and member—the omnipotent and multifaceted wisdom of God can be beheld, so much refinement of art has He displayed in it. For first, a certain grace is poured over it; and it is most delicate and fleshless—having, if one might say so, solidity within its tenderness and tension within its softness; and it is flowered with varied colors. For its center bears the definition of black, and this not of one single kind, but bound together in various circles. The very middle and center is deep, while the outer circumference ends in a yellow color in its part. A brilliant and luminous whiteness encompasses this, having not merely whiteness, but being formed in a glass-like and radiant manner. Redness lies toward the pupil, so as to add beauty to the blackness. Further, it is so pellucid and ^D

smooth in its density that it produces replicas of the forms of those approaching it, and, as it were, imprints their features like an accurate mirror. For this reason, the center of the circle is called the "pupil" [kore], because it always reveals the human form to one looking directly into it; indeed, when men look at each other, they become mirrors for one another. ^B Therefore, the eye is worthy of admiration among created things. It interprets God for me, observing the whole of creation and, through it, showing the Artificer, and explaining invisible things to the soul through visible ones. Through this, I have understood many other things, as well as the variety of colors, the darkness of shadows, and the brightness of light. If the eye did not exist, creation would grow old without a witness, with no one to see the wisdom and power of God preserved within it. ^C Because of this marvelous construction of vision, eyes are now fashioned by immediate miracle, so that we may put away the lowly thoughts about the Only-Begotten that arise in us from the flesh, and, by the greatness of the things accomplished, casting out every abject and base opinion of the soul, we may recognize that this earthen, clay vessel has received the blessed light and beauty of the Divinity, from which light is administered to us as from a lamp. The Lord now performs the healing not by word only, as He does elsewhere in many places, but also by mouth, by hand, and by other providential means, so that through many things He might instill faith in the unbelieving. He spits and makes clay, using earth at the same time, so that He might show that the parts of man were made from the same source from which the whole living creature was fashioned at the beginning; by the saliva, He demonstrates that by the power of His mouth, all things were made by the Word; for "By the word of the Lord the heavens were established," and so forth. If you wish to contemplate this further, it is to prepare those who are a little later to insult Him with spittle to be circumspect, even if the audacity of the madmen was greater than any providence and correction. ^D Siloam prefigures for us salvation through water, which the One sent, Siloam, bestowed upon all; for then we truly see when we are cleansed by the mystical water. Nothing led the ungrateful and thankless Jews to understanding—neither word, nor deed, nor miracles—but they even strove in every way to obscure these very things that were calling them to salvation, even if malice pushed them to the contrary. For the more they disbelieved and attempted to invert everything by questioning, so much the more did the truth grow strong: first, their curiosity about whether this was the blind man; second, whether he had been blind from birth. But the healed blind man proclaims the Savior with an open voice and gave confession in place of recompense. The children were like their incredulous fathers. For even their parents were saved from war beyond all hope, and yet they did not believe the One who gave them salvation; they were nourished by food surpassing nature, and were more ungrateful than they were hungry. Thus, you are heirs to the ingratitude of your fathers, who have need of correction, not by a rod of nut-wood, but of iron.

Of the same, on Jairus and the woman suffering from an issue of blood.

^B Men are drawn to virtue with difficulty, as it appears, and they care little for those things which are taught by word. For this reason, the Savior, condescending to men in fragile and mortal flesh, because He saw that the Jews were deaf to words, changed the method; He adds deed to deed and miracle to miracle, and He strives to confirm by the experience of benefits the divinity which they did not believe in. But the situation had turned out badly for the man. His daughter, and she an only child, the foundation of the house, the heir to the family, who was to be carried out to the tomb before her nuptials and to the grave before her bridal bed; a woman, moreover, grievously ill through a disorder of the veins, her whole substance of life exhausted, who had consumed her body with wasting and her wealth upon physicians—she saw one hope in a doubtful matter: to fall at the feet of Christ. The Lord understood the woman who was speaking not in thought but in deed, and He healed her while remaining silent, as she was silent, when she touched ^C the fringe of His garment. And she indeed thought she had stolen the gift, whereas He allowed the grace to be stolen. And at first He did not say that He had healed her, but later He proclaims it, not seeking glory (far be it: for where does vain-glory go before a miracle?) but declaring the fruit of faith to all through the woman, and turning some of those present to the knowledge of God, while branding the madness of others both by deed and by word. "I saw," He says, "her who touched me from behind; for not to me alone belongs the eye that lies beneath the brows and is covered by the eyelids, but there is also another that beholds earth and sea at once, and the whole of creation." The woman approached silently out of modesty, and she did not escape notice. For God reads the mind of each one of us even when we are silent, as we read books. Wherefore He heard the intention of the heart of Moses even when his tongue was silent. ^D If He who gave the grace had kept silent, perhaps the woman who received it would not have profited, attributing the gift to a fortuitous chance. An infinite multitude saw this miracle. But the Holy Spirit prophesied it many years before through Malachi: "There shall arise," He says, "to you who fear my name, the Sun of justice, and healing in his wings" (Mal. IV, 12). Calling the Lord the Sun of justice; and the fringe of His garment, wings. Let us learn the gratitude of this healed woman. For when she was from the city of Paneas (now this is a small town of Palestine), a bronze statue

honored the Healer. Deeming this not unworthy of the benefit, the statue lasted for many years as a refutation of those who dared to ascribe falsehood to the Evangelists; and the statue might have been preserved even down to our own times, to manifest both the miracle of God and the woman's grateful spirit toward Him, had not Maximinus—he who was Roman emperor before Constantine, an impious worshipper of idols and jealous of the statue of Christ—removed the bronze of the town, though he could not remove the memory of what occurred. ^B Behold, therefore, the statue is not visible, but the Gospel proclaims and preaches that miracle everywhere, and the woman with the issue of blood is spoken of from the rising of the sun to its setting; and the theft of the sensible material by the impious man was a vain labor. For the bronze, while it stood and was visible, was silent—an inanimate monument to the miracle; but fame, taking up the work with the word, runs through cities and villages every day, proclaiming the benefactor ^C.

CCLXXII. A sermon of Leontius, Bishop of Arabissus, on the Creation and on Lazarus raised to life.

I read the sermon of the blessed Leontius, Bishop of Arabissus, on the Creation and on Lazarus raised to life.

Inopportune silence is akin to the boldness of speech, and the same blame that a futile mouth deserves is merited by one who is silent out of sloth. It is the mark of an excellent general to raise a trophy over the enemy by means of the vanquished, and to slay the enemy with the very weapons he himself employed. ^D Therefore, lest I be accused of sinning by keeping silent and the beauty of the festival be endangered by a putrid silence—even though it is a bold act to touch the Lord’s mysteries with impure lips—I shall look to the present occasion and boldly sing the hymn, entrusting what is lacking in worth to the miracle. For He who endured the stench of the dead man, in order to display the sweet fragrance of His own philanthropy, will open my mouth along with the tomb of Lazarus, cleansing the stain of my life just as He cleansed that man’s death. The voice gave life to the waters, the earth brought forth, and the fruit was filled without intercourse. What do you say, O heretic? Do you see the command of the Word acting in place of the emission of seed, and how, then, do you call the mystery of the Virgin birth doubtful? For those things which now are not conceived without seed, at that time coincided with the voice of Him who calls to generation; the law of the command imitated the manner of conception, and by a single voice all things were incarnated. And He who then clothed the creature in flesh, and granted growth without seed to all, He himself, having been clothed in flesh from the fleshy earth, descended without seed, cutting off with the sickle of virgin generation the root of the sea which the flesh had planted. The Creator

commanded him to work and to keep it, so that by giving himself over to laziness he might not become ready for the treachery of the enemy, should he become unguarded because of the freedom given to him, for jealousy makes the gifts of God an entrance for the enemy. Seeing these things, he who is always jealous of our good deeds took up an unprovoked enmity against us. For it is the nature of the jealous to fight without cause, seeding the matter of malice from within themselves, and fighting a battle based upon a pretext as if it were insulting, while considering this an indictment of weakness. ^B Having been cast down from above, the enemy waged war against those below, claiming a kingdom after his fall, which he could not hold while he was still standing. And he laid seige against Eve, shooting at her with the arrows of deception; he struck her without pain, as if using her own desire as a sword, taking her as the minister of her own destruction. Whence, since he brought about a bloodless slaughter, he was not even considered a murderer, but was believed to be a good counselor—by the softness of the sword, softening the wounds and making the sensation of pain seem sweet. ^C But she, writing a law through the hand of disobedient apostasy, acquired by transgressing a fruit that was beautiful to behold and ripened for death at its peak. Eve having rashly tasted of the wood, he himself, craving her destruction, had the eating of malice as something indigestible, and being nourished by the hunger of the one who was melting away, and putting on her nakedness, they considered the fig leaves to be royal purple. God saw the injustice from above and would not overlook it, considering the injury to His first creature as His own. And He descends to judge, although the culprits did not dare to come to the judgment, becoming fugitives and adding another offense to the ones they had already committed. They imagined the visitation of God to be local. "Adam, where art thou?" This voice was not that of one acting in anger, but of one showing mercy; not the call of one rejecting, but of one pitying. I see the form of the kingdom changed, the order of dignity altered. "Where art thou? I heard thy voice walking, and I was hidden." The sound of the feet was enough for me to fear; for the whole body of such a judge becomes a voice, when he has such a person before him. "I do not have the boldness of speech. Accept the fear that confirms my offense and that becomes an advocate for your just judgment. ^D I have shown you the victor by fleeing from the sentence; by my flight I have uncovered my crimes, showing that error cannot be defended. The woman whom you gave me as a companion, she gave me of the tree, and I ate." He had a merciful judge, and he found a cause worthy of pity. He takes refuge in the weakness of Eve, avoiding the severity of the judge. [index: entries preserved]

^A Ah, the forbearance of the Judge! He allowed the whole cause of the transgression to be gathered into one place, so that He might make the crime less burdensome for those who had been ensnared. "Cursed are you above all cattle and above all wild animals of the earth." As one who had poured out injustice against the whole of creation. You have obscured the heavens, having defiled them with the venom of envy. You have grieved the angels by your apostasy, thinking to diminish the measure of those who praise Him, not knowing that by the departure of the lesser, the greater is increased. "I will surely multiply your pains," and so forth. Oh, the magnitude of the Lord's compassion! Wrath, exceeding the humanity of the law, ordains griefs and sighs, so that by abiding in these, one might put off the death that came from pleasure. ^B While threatening a multiplication of the race, He brings good tidings; while grieving, He promises an increase of succession; while angry, He appoints a mother of the world, leading the one who had stumbled toward progress. "In pain you shall bring forth children." He provides discipline through the womb, through which she had slipped into error. Let her who received the forbidden fruit be herself chastised by the pains of childbirth, both checking the harm of rash desire and opposing the multiplication of the race to the serpent, bringing low by many through one what he had boasted of through one. Laboring, you shall give birth with self-control, since you gave birth to pleasure in a way that was not fitting. "And your turning shall be to your husband." He makes Eve subject to her husband; for that which is without a head is useless to those who do not know how to exercise self-control of themselves. "And he shall rule over you." Receive your husband as master, and not the serpent as lord, being led from thence toward a better life, from whence you were taken and brought into existence. ^C "And Adam said," and so forth. Another proof of philanthropy, one that surpasses the praise of the former; anger filled with fatherly affection, a threat imitating an exhortation. "It was necessary for you," He says, "being obedient to me, not to accept the counsel of a woman, nor to erase with your fingers the law written by my hand; but since, because of your relationship with the woman, you had an unrestrained impulse for evil, accept the law that befits your transgressions: Cursed is the ground." Adam sinned, and the ground pays the penalty. ^D Thence it receives the beginning of instruction, from whence the cause of deception sprouted. "Since you leaped away from my commandments to the plants, be constrained by thorns and thistles." It is the way of wise physicians to transform the matter of a disease into a remedy of health, and to show that things usually thought to be harmful are beneficial to the suffering. The tongue of the serpent was multifaceted, imitating thorns and thistles, divided from one nature into three prongs. The envious one took this as an ally, as one fighting against the Trinity, and through the one likeness of Adam, insulting the entire fullness of the Godhead. Wherefore, since by believing it he disobeyed God, through like things he is instructed to believe in God, so that being reproved by this very thing, he might justly be indignant at the serpent, waging perpetual enmity against it. He saw the creature sick unto the desperation of a cure, overcome by one covenant of impiety, and that there was no other way of healing it unless He, who had foreseen natures and wills, had applied medicine to the sick, and then finally should know how to heal, when it was once more capable of health. Therefore He said, "O Lord, bow your heavens and descend," and similar things. Lazarus imitated John. The latter leaped for joy in his mother's womb, exulting that error was to be dissolved; the former, in the womb of the tomb, demonstrated the return of those who had erred. And the miracle had a dual sequence, both extolling the power of the Lord and confounding the tongue of the Jews. The dead man obeys, and the living do not. They cursed the underworld because they were giving back Lazarus. They railed against...

receives instruction, so that being grieved by it, he might endure the bitterness of the serpent, having a friendship with Him that is impossible to achieve. He saw that the creation was suffering incurably, held fast by a single token of impiety, and there was no other way of correction unless the One who heals natures and temperaments should arrive and provide the cure to those who were laboring, knowing how to heal only when the disease had seized the entire health. Therefore He said: "O Lord, bow the heavens and come down," and many other things of this sort. St. Lazarus imitated John; that one leaped in the womb of her who bore him, rejoicing in the destruction of error, and this one, as if in a womb, danced in the tomb at the recall of those who had gone astray. The miracle, moreover, had a twofold rank: it both magnified the masterly hand ^A and blunted the tongue of the Hebrews. The dead man obeyed, while the living proved disobedient; they blasphemed Hades as having betrayed Lazarus, and vilified Christ as an innovator regarding the resurrection. The hymn of the children was theology, they spoke prophecy; they confessed one and the same to be of things above and of things below, and the place did not involve separation. They held branches of palms, not palms; for not yet having passed beyond the barrenness of the Law, they tasted the sweetnesses of grace, since Christ had not yet uprooted the bitter plant of the serpent to cultivate the sweetness of incorruption.

CCLXXIII. Of Theodoret, from the five books on St. John Chrysostom.

I read from the books of the blessed Theodoret, which he composed on St. John Chrysostom; of which we have seen five for the time being, from which we have transcribed some selected passages that are set forth below.

That of the five books, the first ^B appears to admit another preceding it, or to be a part of it, except that it adds how he came to Constantinople after being called, and how he was established as archbishop, and how he strove with all zeal to restore the priesthood and the high priesthood to the ancient order; and what that excellent John said against Gainas—this, indeed, he performed for the common business of the state—and how envy condemned him to exile; and it pursues to the end some of those things which the holy man accomplished. The second book adds some small praises, although it is itself brief, consisting of few words, beginning thus: "Again the memorial of John to us." The third also exceeds the mode of praising. ^C It is distinguished from the other books by the beauty of its words and expressions. And it begins thus: "The subject, O most eloquent man, requiring a trumpet, I see endangered in a childish tongue, and the glory of the champion, described by a thousand crafts, now imposed upon me, a weak artisan, to describe." This is the preface; I see [it] endangered by [the] tongue, and the beauty of the athlete...

Another drags him to his aid, being snatched away; another, brought to trial, calls him a patron; another, starving, begs for food; [another], naked, [asks for] clothing; another strips him; another, grieving, seeks consolation; another, bound, cries out to be released. One drags him to the examination of diseases; a stranger seeks lodging; another himself

^A becomes the provider. And why must I recount each thing in detail? As many portions of time as measured out his life, he left behind no lack of saving works for men, even after his archpriestship. O remarkable leader even after death! O soldier, grievous even to enemies after his burial! O lyre endowed with every harmony, now loosened by death! O theater deprived of such a piper! O saving net of men, snatched up into heaven! O tree extended into heaven and earth, giving the body to the one and the soul to the other! The mouth of the Church is enclosed in the tomb. What an eye of piety has been snatched from among men! You have not died, O blessed Peter, but have been translated like the sun at dawn. We do not grieve as if you were dead, but as if you were hidden from us. We do not seek you as one dead, but as one raised into the heavens. Thus, more or less, the third book.

Encomium of the Fourth Book

The fourth book maintains the character of an encomiastic work, starting from the principle that one ought to honor parents; from this source these things are also drawn. John is one of these shepherds, a mind without malice, an eye-endowed intellect, a book of evangelical experience, more changeable ^B than wax, a sea of graces, unbroken against the guiles of enemies, a bulwark of the Church. No serpent of hypocrisy escaped his notice. From where would you have us show John to be celebrated? From his hospitality? And who is more hospitable than John? From his gravity in honor? And what power has ever subdued him? From his zeal for the Church? And whose is that harmonious modulation of the Psalms instituted publicly down to this day? But these things belong to the fourth book.

The following book weaves the same garlands of praise: yet it exposes the radiance of its thoughts more clearly. It seems that all these five books were composed after his return from exile. These also are fragments of his book.

Lend us, O Father, your lyre and grant us your plectrum for your own praise. For even if your hands have been loosed by the law of nature, yet the lyre resounds through the entire earth by the gift of grace. Grant us that immortal tongue; for your tongue alone is equal to recounting your deeds. Therefore, John ^C surpassed John, speaking freely to the one who emulated him. Who

^A reproves his faults, the preacher after death, the citizen of the desert, the temperer of the whole city. You have also another kinship with the apostles. You were the first to set up altars among the wagon-dwelling Scythians, and the barbarian, scarcely leaping down from his horses, learned to bend his knee and spread himself upon the ground; and he who was not moved by the tears of captives learned to weep for his sins. Indeed, you struck the Persian archer with your preaching, and those clad in iron now worship the Crucified One. Your tongue conquered the impostures of the Chaldeans and Magians, and uncultivated Persia sprouted houses of prayer. No longer are the things of Babylon alien to the pious faith. These things established you ^B by the side of the apostles. Even among us the seeds of your tongue still flourish; for if anyone names John, a great sound is struck. For the ecclesiastical lyre recognizes the ancient plectrum, and the syllables of your name are sufficient to take the place of fingers. The imperial city saw the veils of the Syrians and despised them; she beheld the stones from India and scorned them; nor did the purple color of Tyre delight her. She longed for the muddy tongue, which distilled the immortal liquors of doctrine. Ancient Ephesus also saw you, and called you a new John; she saw, and was stirred to memory of the evangelical thunder. Hence, beloved, the stream of my discourse grows rough; but let us not flee from the roughness, since peace eventually paves the way for the wave. For if you complain, O Father, of anything regarding your sailors, if you are grieved by anything against your fellow-voyagers, understand that the winter storm, the gale, and the seething sea forced them, even against their will, to cast Jonah into the waves. ^C It was not their hatred, but your exercise; not their weapons, but your struggles that occurred; not they who were driven from brotherly judgment, but it was necessary for you also to run the stadium of the martyrs. Some hidden providence prepared the race-course and the place of contest for you. It was altogether said concerning you against the common enemy of mankind: *Have you considered my servant John? and what follows. A clear death had to be added to a clear life. The devil attacked Job, his friends refused to oppose him. Therefore, God later brought aid to the friends of Job, and returned the friend of Job to his friends. As I see it, this has also happened with you, O Father, and I imagine the right hands of the Fathers joined together. Job recovered his possessions multiplied; you also recovered, with an increase, the honor from everyone. This ^D final part of the oration signifies that it was held in the apostolic temple. The proem, however, indicates that the author wrote these things after other matters. For thus he says: "After I myself also had to speak in order, when I am forced to rise to speak along with the others, when it is fitting for me to pray well for my fatherland, and many are demanding the inexorable debt: but among us there is nothing similar to the paternal virtue: give to us, O John, your mutual lyre."

* Job 1, 8.

the last word, the inscription says it was spoken in the apostolic chamber; the prologue insinuates that since others have spoken before, the author is addressing the assembly after them. It runs as follows: For since the cycle summons me also to speak, since the signal stirs me to the common dance, since it behooves me also to strike up a hymn for the honor of our fathers, and although many are they who demand the inevitable debt, and there is nothing among us comparable to the fathers' virtue; lend us, O Father John, your lyre. ^A

CCLXXIV. Oration of John Chrysostom on the XL Martyrs.

I have read John Chrysostom in praise of the 40 martyrs.

The martyrs are celebrated not that they may receive praise, but that we, through their praise, may be incited to imitation. Both the righteous and the unrighteous have suffered trials, but the former for the exercise of righteousness, and the latter for the punishment of sin. Therefore, Holy Scripture calls the evils of the righteous "tribulations," while it calls those of the wicked "scourges." *Blessed are your eyes, for they see*, that is, because they understand. For if happiness consisted in the act of seeing, the Jews who saw the Savior would also have been blessed. But "to see" in Holy Scripture means to take hold with the intellectual eye of the soul, and to understand the depth of truth. That is why in ancient times they called the prophets "seers." The Savior, therefore, blesses the organs of virtue, even if they are of the body, such as eyes that see well and ears that hear with discernment. For one must hear in order to understand, and, having understood, to obey, according to what is written: *Hear, O daughter, and see, and incline thine ear*—that is, obey and understand. Just as someone about to draw water ^B leans toward the pipe, so the hearing of the righteous inclines itself to the streams of the divine law: *For I will incline my ear unto a parable*. Why "incline"? Since every pitcher that catches water catches it by inclining, for this reason every ear that receives the streams of the Word of God is said to incline itself to them. I proclaim blessed the sides of the martyrs, which, while being scraped, showed the side of piety to be unconquerable, without having rubbed away their piety; for they were struck for the most part on their sides, because sin blossomed from the side. And sin is not the woman, for she too is a creature of God, but because through her the transgression found a way. The martyrs, therefore, have their sides scraped, from whence sin gushed forth. And for this reason, the ^C Savior received the spear in his side, and there came forth blood and water, a cleansing of the world and a remedy for that ancient wound. Just as the members of the righteous are praised individually, so also the members of the unrighteous are branded and bemoaned individually: *Let not the foot of pride come to me, and let not the hand of the sinner move me*. The "foot of pride" is the way of pride, and the "hand" is the act, so that neither the deed of sin nor the path may befall me, nor any progress for the worse. Therefore Moses ^D

^A anoints the lobe of the priest's right ear with the blood of the lamb, and the tip of the right hand and of the right foot—the ear, as that which is to be a vessel for the divine word; the hand, as indicative of deed; and the foot, as a symbol of progress toward virtue and of perfection. The fountain of the Gospel produces two effects: it cleanses and it gives drink. It gives drink to those who thirst, and it cleanses defiled souls. "Your reward is great in heaven." In the Gospels, it is said once, as it is here, this word "great," and in the Old Testament it is said once to Abraham, after the slaughter of the kings and the recovery of the captives, and after he had refused to accept a reward ^B for his toils and for his victory over those who had taken the captives. For then God says to him, "Fear not, Abraham; your reward shall be very great." Literally, the word "great" is used once and again, but in its significance, it is used many times. For David also says, "a great recompense," instead of "a great reward," and elsewhere, when God says, "great is the reward," He understands what is said, He understands the ineffable word, "great." For it is one thing to call a rustic's possession "great," and another to call a citizen's so; the "great" of a general is greater than both; that which comes from a king is many times greater than what is given by others; but that which is given by God is far greater than all, nor can it be explained. The reward of the martyrs, therefore, is great—men who are snatched to death without cause, who are accused for the sake of the Word, who are straitened, and who, like Abraham, trample upon human glory. For he, when the kings of Gomorrah and Sodom ^C offered him all their wealth and honored him in return for the fact that he had rescued their wives and children from captivity, spurned their honor, not wishing to receive the reward of his labors from men. Therefore, he was deemed worthy to hear from God: "Your reward was great."

The *sphaerotēr* (sphyr-keeper), one says, is what is commonly called in the vernacular a *lōrion* (strap), and it is called *sphaerotēr* because the craftsman fashions the leather into a circular shape and cuts it thus. Some say it derives its name from "keeping the *sphyra*" (the ankle/heel).

"The twelve will judge the twelve tribes of Israel." ^D And Paul also will judge the world, the herald of the world—and not Paul alone, but also those who think as he does. For hear him saying, "Do you not know that the saints will judge the world? And if the world is to be judged by you, are you unworthy to judge the smallest matters?"

There is one thing which is the "vengence" of the Gentiles, and another which is the "reproof" of the peoples. For vengeance belongs to those who have utterly disbelieved; but the "reproof" belongs to the peoples who were unwilling to come to the knowledge [of the truth], of whom they are reproved—from whom vengeance is not...

^A exacted (for the exaction belongs to the enemies), but the Lord, who examines sins, reproves them as Master.

When the soul of a just man departs from here, it is escorted by the hands of angels, and they present it in the royal city, which is the Jerusalem above. ^B

On the Decollation of Saint John the Baptist.

An oration by the same author is inscribed on the same subject, and it is in all respects similar to the one before it.

To the Jews it was commanded to take the wife of a brother who had died without offspring, since marriage with the Gentiles—who were accustomed to run to idols—was forbidden: such a marriage was therefore permitted to the Jews as being more tolerable than idolatry. The daughter of Herodias danced. The honor was worthy of the feast, and the delight worthy of the celebration. He swore to her ^D that he would grant whatever she might ask; and this increases the baseness: an indefinite oath, and one made for the sake of a dance. The fool subjected royal authority to the feet of the girl; he allowed royal dignity to be trampled upon, under which he had bound himself by an oath, he who was captured by blind desire; against his will, he later obeyed the nod of the girl, or rather, man is once again caught by the bait of Eve. The boldness of the petition is truly great: to seek the head of a just man on a platter, and to exchange joy for sorrow, and to make a banquet a sepulcrum. Was it fitting, O wretch, to give a nefarious murder as a reward to one dancing, and to provide death for the delight of drunkenness? The oath binds you; but it prohibits murder. She demands a promise; but one equal to a dance. The world is not to be compared with life. New is the judgment of Herod, where a banquet, drunkenness, and a dance are the judges. O one daring to act unjustly against justice! He feigns a holy oath, and does not blush to kill. Would that you had perjured yourself rightly, and not sworn holy oaths iniquitously! O banquet mingling the just man with death! O banquet of a most devout observer of the law, sprinkled with blood!

By the same, on the same.

[241] showing a continuous meaning to that which is ^A, just as those two preserve their relationship and coherence with one another, but starts from its own proper beginning. I shall praise John, and make his wisdom known to you all. John, who shared with the Father the preaching of the Only-begotten. For indeed the one, “This is my beloved Son,” testified from above, while the other from below ^B, “Behold the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world.” The Father showed forth the Beloved through the dove, while he showed forth the Redeemer of the world with his finger. It was necessary that, once the Voice was born, the Word of the Father should be loosed. For since Zacharias did not believe that the barrenness of Elizabeth would be undone, the organ of his tongue was bound, so that a word might not proceed from an unbelieving mouth; but when the barren woman was loosed and the Voice came forth, the tongue of Zacharias was also loosed, and the Word proceeded forth, a Voice eternal and even after death resounding through the world.

CCLXXV.

^C [1525 R.] If our Savior had not humbled himself, becoming obedient unto death, those of the household would not have been called kinsmen, nor would the clay have been called the father of the potter. In Zion, I greet Bethlehem as if it were present; in the daughter, I see the mother. In thee, one torch-bearing star shone forth; in this, many. That one led the Magi; this one illuminated the Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and all the nations from the Gentiles with the radiance of light. Thou drawest milk from virgin breasts; this one draws the Spirit from the Father’s bosom. Thou leavened bread, but Zion revealed the Supper; thou didst nurture the calf in the manger, but Zion led it to the altar; thou didst wrap Jesus in swaddling clothes, but this one laid bare the side for Thomas, when he desired to touch it. Thou hast a virgin bringing forth, with the organs of nature closed; this one has a bridal chamber, ^D with doors closed, receiving and holding the Bridegroom within. How shall I praise the servant and brother of Christ, the commander-in-chief of the new Jerusalem, the leader of the priests, the primate of the apostles, the head among heads, the one shining brilliantly among, the lamps, the one outshining those among the stars? Peter speaks, but James decrees, and a few words encompassed the magnitude of the question. “I judge that we should not trouble those who are turning to God from the Gentiles,” and what follows. I judge him, whose judgment it is not lawful to set aside, nor to debase the decree; for in me the Judge of all the living and the dead speaks through my organ, but the Artificer is above. I provide the tongue, but the Artificer of the voice provides the utterance. Attend not to the reed, but to the writer: let obedience follow the hearing.

^A

Of Modestus, Archbishop of Jerusalem, On the Myrrh-bearing Women.

We find in Scripture that the number seven is received both for virtue and for sin. Worthily, therefore, did the Savior choose Mary Magdalene, out of whom He had cast seven demons, that through her He might expel the prince of sin from human nature. For it is said that the histories teach that this Magdalene was a virgin throughout her life. And a martyrdom of her is produced, in which it is said that, because of her extreme virginity and purity, she appeared to the torturers like pure glass. After the falling asleep of our most holy Lady, the Theotokos, she set out for Ephesus to the beloved disciple; there, the myrrh-bearing Mary fulfilled her apostolic course through martyrdom, not wishing to be separated until her very last breath from the blessed John the Evangelist and virgin. Just as, he says, the prince of the apostles was called Peter because of the unshakable faith he had in Christ the Rock, so also she, becoming the leader of the disciples because of the purity and love with which she embraced Christ, was named by Him with the same name that the Mother of God had. As the chorus of disciples followed the Lord, so the chorus of women disciples followed the Lady and Mother of the Lord. For the disciples were once amazed, he says, that He spoke with a woman; it is evident that such association was not the Lord’s custom, but that the Mother of the Lord was fulfilling the evangelical course together with the Son and Creator, and she, having followed her, ministered to the common Lord and the disciples from her own substance in necessary things. ^B

I read another oration of the same author, which is inscribed:

Encomium on the Falling Asleep of the Mother of God, the Virgin.

Of Modestus, Archbishop of Jerusalem, From that On the Meeting [of the Lord].

Anna, who observed the Sabbath for seven years with her husband, and who persevered in prayers and fasts, having passed eighty-four years, overcame the flesh composed of the four elements and cleansed her mind for the reception of the Holy Spirit; adorning herself with the virtues in general—commonly called the cardinal ones—she passed the eightieth year and found in the temple the Savior of the future age, carried in arms. Worthily, as the law commanded the daughters of Eve to offer a pair of turtledoves for purification, as the cause of the erring pleasure, ^D

the Law commanded to offer for their purification the sacrifice of two turtledoves or two young pigeons, with the Law ^A signifying ^B that he who approaches God must be free from every sin, both in soul and body, and must possess innocence. Christ is the fulfiller, not a debtor of the Law; He is set for the fall and the resurrection of many—for the fall of sin, and the resurrection of righteousness—and for a sign that is spoken against by the Jews, who killed the Lord, and who said: "If you are the Son of God, come down from the cross, and we will believe you." And: "A sword shall pierce through your own soul also, that the thoughts of many hearts may be revealed," because you are a mother who truly suffered a mother's pain for her Son, and for God who suffered for us in the flesh.

CCLXXVI. The First Discourse of Saint Nilus on the Pascha.

I have read the first discourse of Saint Nilus on the Pascha, the beginning of which is: "With the words of the resurrection we shall honor the day of the resurrection." ^C

There is a second resurrection for men, which stirs them toward the actions of virtue; and if you were to take this away from men, you would render the body dead to the deeds of virtue. Therefore, as if for a common calamity, let us gird ourselves for the war on behalf of the resurrection, taking the whole of creation to be armed alongside us. For heaven fights with us against the unbelievers; for the Lord, whom it received because of the resurrection, it sees being deprived of the glory of the resurrection. The earth also is prepared for battle with us; for it has seen the resurrection blasphemed, through which many times before it was robbed of its dead. Therefore, Paul also attributes to the creation a love for the resurrection: "For the expectation of the creation," he says, "waits for the revelation of the sons ^D of God." For just as a city, having received the forerunners of a king’s arrival, prepares itself entirely for his presence, so too, after the resurrection was proclaimed to creation like some queen, all of it has been ordered toward her presence. And do not marvel that such love for the resurrection is instilled in creation, for as a nurse of men, it hastens to see the promised kingdom. And the tardiness of future things does not dissolve the hope of the nurse; for it always has within itself the seeds of the resurrection, the grains of which it shows to be alive, confirming in us in small things the hope of the resurrection of the dead. For the grains of the seeds are buried in it, as we see, with the furrows becoming tombs for those that are sown—

^A—and it rots the grain ^B as the tomb rots the body; and, having received it alive, it destroys it through deadness. Clearly it has broken the heart of the grain in the middle, rendering it useless, and prepares it as food for the ants. But, having acquired corruption as if it were a conception, it carries in the womb those seeds that have been deadened by rot; and the deadness becomes the mother of life for the grains, and death is shown to be the father of birth. This is a new law of pangs for the earth: if the embryo does not become dead, it is not fashioned; if it lives, it is not formed. Hence, therefore, even ants bury divided grains in the earth, and by the cutting prevent the germination that arises from deadness; for it was necessary that even the nature of ants should testify to the earth bringing forth seeds after corruption. And observe for me the wonder of these pangs: having received only the grain, it abandons it to corruption, but, once rotted, it causes it to spring up a hundredfold, shaping the grain into various parts. It gives the stalk to the ears as bones, and weaves a fine tunic on the outside as if it were skin; it restricts the root below with bonds, as if with some nerves and veins; and, instead of claws, it fixes into the grains the awns of the ears, which contend against the birds. How is the birth of all these things from one rotted grain? This is more wondrous than the resurrection— for then the creation gives back those dead whom it received, but now it brings forth many grains instead of one that has been dead, for the sake of rebirth. O the incurable madness of the Greeks! They see the earth giving to the farmer what it did not receive, yet they do not hope that it will restore to the Creator those whom it had previously entrusted to it, believing them dead. For this reason also Paul uses the example of seeds, although he had a clearer example in the coming forth of humans from the mother's womb. For the infant is fashioned as if in a tomb in the womb, and, not yet existing, it is like one wrapped in the swaddling clothes of nature, and is similar to a dead person tightened with burial wrappings. For the gaze of the dead is shut more closely, the mouth is speechless in the womb, and the hands and feet are stretched out in the belly as if in a coffin. The womb is an excellent tomb for embryos—and a tomb indeed not lacking the stench of graves. The infant, thus fashioned in a tomb, follows the command of the one who fashions it. Why, then, did the blessed Paul, when he could have used such an example, keep silent about the formation into life in the tomb of the womb, but confirm the resurrection by the likeness of seeds? He knew that it is one who is living that forms the fetus from the seed in the womb, but he was seeking a visible likeness of certain dead who come back to life, and for this reason he looked to the seeds. For the grains come to life again after their death and corruption through rot, and openly declare the resurrection of the dead. ^D You do an injury to the soul under the pretext of patronage, and in the fight against the body you arm yourself against the soul itself. For by not sharing the rewards of deeds with the soul, you inflict upon the flesh the punishment owed to the soul, as if it alone had sinned. For if...

rewards for toils and noble achievements belong to the soul alone, it is evident that punishments for what man has sinned also belong to it. But see that you do not sit in judgment with body and soul against one another. For the body might justly complain against the soul, as it snatches away the rewards of its own right actions; and the soul, in turn, against the body, as it alone is made to pay the penalties due to that one. You rather incite both against the Judge: the body, because it is deprived of the retribution it deserves; and the soul, because penalties are exacted from it for those things of which it is not conscious. "You joined me, O Lord, to a body, being incorporeal, and did not commit earthly affairs to me alone, and yet from me alone do you exact the punishment, and I pay the penalties for those things in which the body has sinned: drunkenness, fornication, gluttony. ^B For where are these things peculiar to the soul, as perhaps envy or heresy might be? For just as these are not of the body, so neither are those of the soul, even if one is inept for both without the other. But the body might declare other just things, and say: 'I endured death for your sake, but the soul does not receive it. For it is not in its nature to do so. It is mine to act according to your laws, through fasts and through vigils; through my members comes virginity.' How, therefore, is it not unjust that, while the struggle is mine, the soul alone receives the prizes? What is the resolution of this impasse? The reward is common, and the punishments are common, because their deeds were common, even if in some cases one part of the combination might exceed the other; and it must be confessed and known that the pair, joined from the beginning to face common toils, ^C will also receive common crowns, having achieved victory, and will pay common penalties in matters where they have transgressed."

The same one's second oration on Pascha

Resurrection is the head of the Lord's providence; and the soul, mindful of this head and giving thanks to the Benefactor, cannot be caught in the snares of the enemy. Ascend to the histories of the ancients, and you will see the foreshadowing of the resurrection. For the nature of brute animals was created animated, the soul being fashioned together with the body. But Adam was formed without a soul from molded clay, and then the soul was fashioned by the inbreathing, ^D or rather, to speak more truly, it was superinduced; and the Creator immediately made it a beginning of the resurrection of the dead. For He did not make the first-formed man of solid matter, but brought the dust of the earth into form, removing the unbelief of men from the beginning, because even if the dust is dead and motionless, He easily makes it rise again by the soul, and no...

^A trace or shadow of vital conjunction does He render it to possess. For He did not fashion the body for corruption, but consigned it for a time to dissolution, purifying and healing the corruption of the vessel derived from sin; and finding it decayed by the mortality of sin, He dissolved it in the furnace of death; and having dissolved it, He refashions the decayed vessel anew. And do not marvel, as if the refashioning of the dead were beyond comprehension. So great is the art of the Creator in fashioning, that He even fashions the nature of water into likenesses within the womb, ^B a thing which seems more marvelous to me than the resurrection itself. For there, the dead is formed from the dust, and the potter refashions the vessel from the earth, showing forth a process in some way analogous to our own arts; but here, mud is produced from a mere drop of the fashioned elements, and a rational creature is composed from a drop. O the art that carves statues out of water! And the paradox is not only this, that it carves the water into a living image, but that it also fashions it within the surging mother. For torrents of blood rushing from every side make the seed unstable and scarcely stationary; and yet, though tossed in such a storm and tempest, a living statue is perfected. O for a painter ^C who could safely paint on a billowing shroud! For blood serves as a shroud for the fetus being formed. Solomon, admiring this with wonder, said: *In my mother’s womb I was fashioned into flesh, in ten months I was coagulated in blood.* For the woman is set forth as the painter’s workshop, but the man adds the material of the colors. And who is the painter in the womb, who from one color paints an image composed of many? And how did He add the pupil elegantly to the eyes from the murky seed? How did He fashion bones from a fluid substance? How did He join the nerves from dissolved seed? How did He carve the blood channels, the veins? How did He fit the protection of the brain in the head with ^D bones? How did the fetus, painted in a dark workshop, receive the fitting arrangement of limbs? But as if a ray were illuminating the womb, the Painter distributes to each part its proper place for the limbs. For *He is covered with light as with a garment*, and is the hidden painter of the fetuses. Whom David celebrates, saying: *My bone was not hidden from Thee, which Thou madest in secret.* Contemplating this plastic art from a drop, I do not doubt respecting the formation from the earth. For whenever I see a craftsman fashioning images from water, I believe he is all the more capable of fashioning statues from the earth. For just as if someone writes letters and draws lines on water, the same person will more easily carve them into wax, so He who, with the fluid seed, paints and carves limbs, will more easily paint and fashion the figures of the limbs in the earth; and He who, before any merit of virtue, took such care of the body in the womb, how could He leave the dissolved earth without honor? Meanwhile, you slay the body and the creature; there shall be no ship without hands,

^A nor a navigable sea, with the body dead. A thousand kinds of animals will be in vain, and there will be no nourishment from them, nor any other ministry of food. Where, indeed, will the arts be, if the body does not exist? And the orderly changes of hours and seasons, and the unspeakable wisdom of the celestial motion—what utility would they provide if bodies did not exist? And how many other things might one consider? Whence, then, shall I find the body unworthy of future gifts, to which I see so great an honor granted in all things? ^B But do you perhaps suspect that God will not be able to find the body consumed by fish? And how could He who knows the boundless thoughts of the mind, agitated, mingled, and yet unconfused, in the storehouse of knowledge, not be able to distinguish and recover the commingled nature of bodies? You are making the divine power weaker than our own art. For we even separate glass, gold (for example), bronze, and silver from earthly sand by committing them to fire, and we sift out the grit, even though none of these appeared in the nature of the stone; and we separate wine mixed with water, restoring each to its own nature. But the power and wisdom of God, exceeding human art and intelligence by infinite measures, and embracing and containing within Itself the substance of all things, preserves the manifold composition and mixture of bodies pure in the storehouses of nature. For the nature of the body is not outside the nature found in creation, even if it should flow away, dissolved through a thousand deaths. Therefore, it is easily brought back to its own form and shares in the honors of which it was fitting for it to partake, since it also strove in the contests.

Of the same, from the first homily on the Ascension of Christ. The Proem.

^C Into heaven and earth the nature of creation has been divided; yet the grace that today connects creation does not permit me to see this division. For who could henceforth say that heaven and earth are divided, when my nature reigns both above and below? But below, indeed, we are still oppressed by corruption; yet when we turn our eyes to heaven, nature lays aside corruption. For it sees above the root of the resurrection of those who are below (Christ); O profit derived from loss! Sent downward, we are lifted on high; driven out, we are brought back into heaven; having been wounded inside paradise, we found the remedy outside it. Where is your crime, O pirate? The cross that you fixed for the Pilot has become a rudder for the shipwrecked nature, ^D and leads us, tossed as we are, to the heavenly harbor and sets us there. Just as the eyes of the apostles were lifted from the earth to heaven, as the flesh was gradually raised upward

so also the host of incorporeal beings in the heavens gazed from heaven toward the One who had been received, for the nature of the body ascended even beyond them, until it was received into the bosom of the Father. Secure are the hopes of our race, possessing a kinsman as King in heaven, who shall also appear again to all with the same flesh.

The same, from his second homily on the same feast.

O religion more regal than all kings! For the very things which kings acquired with arms, it showed itself to be overturning without arms; the things which slayers prohibited, it received with applause when slain, and set up trophies against the slayers by means of the slaughter. The branches of the Church were cut back, and the fruit of faith progressed all the more and brought forth a fruit that is unfading. For the branches had grown from that Root which truly said: *I have overcome the world. I am the vine, you are the branches.* ^B Stephen was pruned like a branch from the Church, and another branch of martyrs sprouted. James was cut off, and Peter, another martyr, sprang up in turn. This one was hewn down, and the Root brought forth Paul, another fruit-bearing branch. Paul was harvested, and Thomas appeared, another cluster ripening for martyrdom; and on every side, the root, being harvested, produced a more abundant crop for those who were harvesting, and a more durable growth. For those who were cutting it back gradually withered and were extinguished, while the Church, ever laden with fruit, encompassed the ends of the earth with its shoots.

The same, proemium to the third homily on the same feast.

The rain of divine goodness, which began to be poured out upon men, has today increased beyond measure, and it has obscured the great benefits once [exhibited] to our ancestors with even greater ones. ^C For the things prior to this present benefit were indeed illustrious and signs of the highest love: Adam freshly made from virginal blood; the diseases of bodies put to flight and demons driven from souls; thieves overcoming the prince of thieves and triumphing over him; resurrection succeeding death. But until now, these things are full of honor and splendor, yet the gift which we now celebrate does not admit of comparison; the love of the Creator toward us surpasses itself and is adorned together with the victory; and that which conquered it, no less than if each of these had carried away the crown of victory. The earth-born nature, leaving the earth—or rather, bearing it—is transferred into heaven. And this which was said: *Let us make man according to our image and likeness*, appears to be a work of reformation rather than of formation. ^D The form assumed today is an exemplar of immortality; the beginning of our creation in the image of God is an adumbration and type of this. The ass ought to speak, lest anyone be in

...and a prefiguration of this is the composition of the casting of my creation toward the divine image. "He was about to speak," ^A so that no one might be faithless, the serpent spoke beforehand. A Virgin gives birth; so that it may not seem strange to you, a barren woman gave birth beforehand. Adam was about to be born superior to death; so that you might not toil in seeking to believe, the first Adam receives the judgments concerning immortality. And you have Enoch, and indeed even Elias, who shadow forth the mystery of immortality; for the Creator holds them still in the body, consoling the exiled nature, so that even after the trans-border exile, He might bring it back to the immortal state. The mortality that entered through the sinning Father needed not, for the liberation of the sinless Son, the punishment which nature was previously accustomed to await through Enoch and Elias. That, if you will, the mortal does not die, Enoch and Elias teach me, and through them we hope for the resurrection, because they have not yet died. But to the dead, what expectation of resurrection could those who have not yet died offer? But if someone, having risen from the dead, reigns in heaven, he gives to all humanity the certain benefit of immortality. Therefore, God forms out of nature a face of immortality, and shows above nature a leader of nature from nature. He who tasted death is enthroned from the dead in the heavens, so that looking from below toward Him who is in the heavens, nature ^B might not doubt [1540 R.] concerning immortality, seeing Him who is from itself reigning eternally in the heavens. "Who shall declare the powers of the Lord?" Nature reigns with the Divinity—that [nature] which previously in paradise did not even endure to hear the divine voice, but fled from fear and hid itself. O the goodness of God toward me! He does not remember the transgression, He does not call to mind the compact that we made for evil with the serpent, He does not reckon the ingratitude of men, He does not blush at the fall of nature; but [He embraces] the one lying in the gulfs of death, in the very shrines of impiety, with ineffable riches of love, and pulling her from the depths of Hades, the Creator, lifting the creature together with His Divinity, placed it in the Father's bosom. Therefore Paul also cried out: "He raised us up together, and made us sit together in the heavenly places." ^C

CCLXXVII.

Excerpts from the Homily of John Chrysostom on the Holy Spirit.

I read the first homily of Chrysostom on the Holy Spirit, of which this is the beginning: "Yesterday, O lovers of Christ, the false Christs spoke from themselves, not from the Law, not from the prophets, but from their own mind and impulse. But the Savior did not depart from the Law, He did not abandon the prophets, but said now, 'Well did Isaiah prophesy,' and now, 'Is it not written in your law?' and infinite things of this sort." Since, therefore, those who came before Christ, and falsely imposed His name upon themselves, brought forth error not from the Holy Scriptures, but from their own folly, Christ says...

^A “I do not speak from myself, just as they did.” For speaking from oneself is to speak outside the Holy Scriptures. And that He who speaks from himself is a false prophet, the prophet Ezekiel says that God said: [1, 260] “I did not send them, they spoke from themselves, they spoke from their own heart.” Therefore, wishing to remove this suspicion—for indeed, the ungrateful Jewish nation was evil, and was dragging the world into error—He says: “I do not speak from myself, but from the Law and the Prophets: All things that I have heard from the Father,” in the Law, in the Prophets, (in the person of the flesh He says, and to remove the impious suspicion) “but you, all things that you have heard from your father the devil.” For they take up the paternal inheritance, and therefore they become his heirs, and the same man here seems to be, and is believed to be, speaking from himself, and speaking from his father the devil. Just as Christ coming fulfilled the Law and the Prophets, so also the Holy Spirit fulfilled the Gospel. Christ coming confirmed what were from the Father in the Law and the Prophets. Therefore Paul also said: “The end of the Law is Christ.” The Holy Spirit coming, fulfilled the Gospel. Whatever is in Christ’s doctrine, the Spirit fulfills, and whatever is in the Father’s, the Holy Spirit explains and clarifies. For He says: “I have yet many things to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now: but when the Spirit of truth shall come, He will teach you all truth,” etc., and He does not speak from Himself; for He does not contradict the Son, but fulfills the works of the Son, as the Son fulfills [the works] of the Father. In this homily, at the end, you will find Chrysostom saying, that neither the Son nor the Spirit is lesser than the Father. And that He Himself is sent by the Spirit, and by the Son, he says in these words: “If I show you the Maker of heaven and earth being sent by the Spirit and by the Son, what will you do? Will you deny Christ, or erase the Scriptures, or be a slave to the Scriptures, submit to the Scriptures.” And where, he asks, is that said? Hear God through the prophet saying, Isaiah: “Hear me, Israel, whom I call,” and when he had recited the entire passage: “And now God hath sent me and His Spirit,” he confirms that the Father says these things, from the aforementioned things confirming this discourse, and establishing that the Father is now speaking, and is sent by the Spirit and the Son.

The elder son of Isaac also was harmed through his belly; for, having become reckless through the hunger that had seized him, for the sake of the pottage he sold his birthright to his brother, and from that point on, he was subsequently cheated out of his paternal blessing. Do not corrupt your fasting, so that you do not suffer the lot of the shopkeepers. For if those who mix water with wine are punished, how will those who introduce sophisticated pleasures into the austerity of fasting have any immunity from punishment? Let us flee from the love of pleasure; for it is impossible for the same person to be a lover of pleasure and a lover of God. That king of the Assyrians of old, that man who lived entirely for his belly and a life of luxury, tied up like an ox in a stall. But for the three holy youths, wine was to be avoided because of the libation, and all meat because of the sacrifices. And God was the caretaker for them of a beauty beyond that of those who live in luxury, and fasting was their beautician. Give your hearing to the learning of hidden things, and you will recall food, as the crowd following Jesus, teaching by word and deed. Leaving behind the assembly of those who do evil, draw near to the Church. But if you are still tied to Jewish customs, what good is fasting to you, unless it is to imitate the crocodiles of the Nile, who they say mourn over the heads of the men they have eaten, and weep over the remains of their killings, not receiving repentance for what has happened, but mourning (it seems to me) for the fleshless head, as not being suitable for eating. Fasting is a teacher of containment and of orderly composure; while dancing interprets the dissipation of the soul. And for each thing there are its own distinct forms, indicating from the sensible appearance the invisible state of the soul. Since he who receives the Law as a rule of life and an orderly way of living ought to fear also the punishment that comes from disobedience, for this reason God, sending to men the written decrees of our life, immediately added also the sound of the trumpet, a symbol of the resurrection from the dead, so that the disciples of the events, foreseeing the judgment through the resurrection, might keep the dogmas of the divine legislation inviolable. By the same author On the man blind from birth.

(The expression of the eye here, and that of the icon—which depicts the form of Saint Euphemia—bears a strong resemblance in beauty, as if not another and another, but the same creator were responsible for each expression. Indeed, he clearly theologizes here in a pious manner, speaking of the Son as equal in honor to the Father and co-eternal, so that the Arian who, by his natural eloquence, submitted the description of the icon, would not be such a one.) Since the Savior, proclaiming the truth in word to the Jews, was not persuading them to be pious, He stood hidden and, while appearing, was not seen, so that by such miracle-working of His He might draw them to consent that He who was not seen was also God, and that it was nobody else but He who spoke to Moses and yet did not appear. For even then, fire and a bush were seen, both speechless; yet, nevertheless, a voice was heard, and the Word gave instruction, and the future was securely foretold; and those who possess mind ought to recognize the Person from the kinship of the events.

Having looked upon the blind man, the Savior stood, and He was ready for healing—a healing superior to human wisdom and art. For medicine and its principles apply their theory to those diseases that happen to befall those that [the body] has acquired in later times, after nature has completed the living being and brought it forth into light, but it does not profess to heal a deformity that was fashioned into the body from the beginning, nor even indeed all the sufferings that happen later; for it has never restored limbs to the mutilated, nor does it undertake to heal anything else similar. For this reason, the disciples, having pity on the suffering, and seeing a man who had not tasted the finest pleasure, that of light, inquired about the cause. But they did not propose the question with knowledge; for neither would the child have been condemned for the sake of his parents, being guilty of nothing, nor indeed would he have paid the penalties for his own transgressions before he had even entered into life. The suffering, the Christ says, of the blind man is not a retribution for sins, but a preparation for a future dispensation that accomplishes other things, and [is meant to show] how the Creator of all, after the first creation, might now too find opportunities for creating, and from the partial [cases] might confirm the universal [truths].

^A For the creation was inscribed as lord to the captive by transgression, and to serve him, seeing him become a slave to sin; but the Creator commanded [it] not to abandon the transgressor, but to show forth the abundant grace of the common Master and the unchangeableness of His beneficence, promising also to the creation that, when the corrupted and captive man is renewed and set free, it too shall be renewed, as if He were saying: "The image has fallen and slipped through transgression, and is corrupted through disobedience. Endure to serve the corruption of the corrupted [man], so that when I renew it, my image, the corrupted man, together with him, I may also renew thee, the creation, and make thee a fellow-throne to his glory. Thou hast been dragged down with his misery; thou shalt arise with his glory."

What is this, "for the creation to flee the lordship of man"? He says, for: "The creation was subjected to vanity, not of its own will." To what vanity? From what time man turns away from God, it is called vanity. Hear David singing: "Surely all is vanity, every man living." Every man is vain who abandons God and pursues vain things. ^B

God appointed angels according to the climates of the whole world to be guardians, as Moses also says, that each should serve each nation; and He appointed them to bridle the inanimate creation—sun and moon and sea and land and what is in them—to serve for the enjoyment of man. Again, the angels were distressed, serving unworthy men and those liable to punishment, especially seeing them offer the highest honor, which is due to one God, to idols. The earth brought forth wine, and the altars received libations; other fruits also were dedicated to idols. Therefore the angels were indignant, seeing those things which are not worshipped in place of Him who is. Hence also the other question, which is brought to the Prophet: "There came to him," he says, "the Angel Gabriel, and saith unto him: Daniel, thou servant of God, from the first day that thou didst set thy heart to understand, and to humble thyself before thy God, thy words were heard, and I was sent to tell thee these things. But the prince of the kingdom of the Persians withstood me, until Michael, the prince of your nation, came to my aid." ^C For one might doubt if the angel presiding over Persia was ordained by God. But if Gabriel was also sent by God to lead the people of Israel out of captivity, how did the prince of the Persians withstand him?

The question may be solved thus: The world was filled with idolatry, ^D and the angels set over the nations were indignant and distressed. But Daniel, having been led as a captive to Babylon with his fellow-countrymen, preached the knowledge of God; and likewise the three children, to whom the fire was a refreshment as a sweet breeze. Therefore they led many from idolatry to piety. Therefore, the angel of the Persians rejoiced, seeing God worshipped in his region instead of idols.

^A He saw Nabuchodonosor, instead of compelling them to sacrifice to idols and subjecting those who did not obey to extreme punishments, clearly proclaiming God and saying: "Sidrach, Misach, and Abdenago, you are servants of the most high God," and many such things. Since, then, the blessed Daniel was praying to God, when the seventy years appointed for the captivity had been fulfilled, to lead Israel out of captivity, Gabriel was sent to announce the liberation to him. ^B The angel of the Persian authority withstood Gabriel, grieved because the land over which he presided would return to its former impiety and error, once the teachers of piety had been removed from it. He withstood him not by fighting, but by arguing justly, saying, "What is the haste for the return? Dwelling in their own homeland, Israel had often slipped into idolatry. But now, dwelling in a foreign land, he lives piously, and not only does he live piously, but he also strives for piety, and turns many who had been led astray to the true God. When, therefore, nothing more beneficial to their souls is likely to follow for those receiving grace, and those who had begun to worship piously through them are again about to fall into the greatest evil, which is impiety, how much better would it be not to bring Israel back from captivity, and to preserve those who have returned to piety in that very piety? You say you are sent to restore the people to their homeland: to what homeland? The one which they defiled while dwelling in it by sacrificing to demons and idols? ^C Does not Jeremiah accuse them of this, saying, 'According to the number of your cities were your gods, O Juda; and according to the number of your streetways, Jerusalem, you set up altars of confusion to pour libations to Baal'? At that time they were showered with infinite good things from God, and they did not depart from wickedness and impiety. Now they endure ten thousand evils, and they do not depart from God. What, therefore, will be the benefit of the return?" The contention of the angel, then, was not of evil against good—for Scripture does not say "he fought," but "he resisted." For often a just man resists the good, just as clemency often resists the law, and in turn the law resists clemency. The law punishes the transgressor; clemency often leads the king to have mercy on the one who has sinned and to snatch him from punishment. ^D This struggle, therefore, is not of an adversary against an adversary, but of kinsman against kinsman; for neither is justice found apart from goodness, nor goodness apart from justice. The creature, he says, as has been said, being grieved and indignant that it reluctantly provided its use to the transgressor and served him, and with the angels grieving on account of the ingratitude of men, and with the whole world afflicted by evils on account of disobedience (for, as it says, "God saw that the earth was corrupted; for all flesh had corrupted its way"), the creature was not such as God had created it in the beginning. The heaven was not for the stars, as it was before, shining without any stain.

The earth was not, as before, yielding fruits unpolluted; nor the sea, nor any other thing among those in the creation. For the transgressor, having entered into it, contaminated and muddied all things with blasphemies, with God-opposing and shameful utterances, with murders; ^A by pirates and robbers, the sea, the springs, and the rivers were filled with idolatry, while men dedicated them to nymphs and demons. The creation was fashioned by all men into gods; and nothing so stains and adulterates the creation as the deifying of it. Because of this, the Savior of the world entered into it through the flesh, and having cleansed it from these myriad stains, He renewed it, having liberated it from afflictions and passions much more grievous than bodily corruption.

He renews the creation through His first coming, that you might learn that He is the same who also created it in the beginning; for it is not the work of one to create and another to renew the corrupted, but both belong to the same wisdom and art. He renews the creation at His first coming, that you may believe it will be restored at the second coming, and that you yourself, before it, will be renewed into ^B incorruptibility, freedom from disturbance, and ineffable beauty. For if, when He was willingly in the infirmity of the flesh, in sweats, in pains—when He was railed against as a deceiver and a Samaritan—He cleansed the creation from such and so many and most long-standing diseases and stains, how, when He comes as Judge of the living and the dead, when He is surrounded by infinite myriads of angelic hosts, when He is the Ruler and Lord of all, when all things shall tremble and quake with horror—how shall the transformation from corruption to incorruptibility not appear to be achieved most easily, and in a manner worthy of God?

^C The Savior comes, the prophets foretelling Him, lest anyone think that, just as a man who has missed his first resolve and aid turns to another, so too does God. Therefore, lest anyone think this, the prophets foretold His coming from of old, to show that God does not discover what is beneficial by pondering, but has foreseen all things from the beginning. For we humans do ponder, and if we fail in our first attempt, we shift to another; but God is not so. Rather, He gave the law, the prophets, and after these the Gospel—not learning what was beneficial at the time, but seeing from the beginning that it was not possible for the creation and the man within it otherwise to come to be, or to be led by the hand, or to receive the dignity of ^D incorruptibility, except in the way that His ineffable providence and love for mankind ordained.

^A "If," they say, "God foresaw that Adam would sin, why did He bring him forth?" There are many beautiful solutions to this difficulty. Thus, the God-wise John Chrysostom says that I do not say this only, that He foresaw, but that having fallen, He would also raise him up through the dispensation. And He did not perceive the fall first, unless He had also pre-conceived the resurrection. He knew that he would fall, but He set beside him the medicine of the resurrection; and He permitted man to come to the trial of death, that he might learn what he enjoys through himself, and what through the grace of the Creator. It was necessary for Adam to fall; but He saw coming *from* him Abel, Enos, Enoch, Noah, Elijah, the prophets, the wondrous apostles, the nobility of nature; He saw the clouds of the martyrs, divinely moved and distilling piety. ^B He saw these things—and where was there decency, where justice, where that which is worthy of God, that because one man was going to sin, He should not bring him out of non-being, and cut off the fruit of so many men, for whom the very world was not worthy? To reap the germination and beauty of the race root and branch, and to launch against it the harvest-blade and wrath, and then to demand the penalties of sins from one who had neither sinned nor meditated sinning, seeing that he did not yet even exist? For if it is characteristic of prudent men not to exact penalties from him who has meditated sinning but has not yet sinned, how could it be of God to exact the penalties of sinners from one who had not even meditated sinning, especially when the sin indeed was grievous (for how is the abandonment of the Master's commandment not grievous?), yet it was not incurable to the ineffable clemency of the Creator, who was to restore the first-formed man to his ancient dignity? So if he had not been brought forth because the first-born was going to sin, the Divine would be shown to be punishing one who had not yet sinned, and depriving him of his later recall and salvation, and rendering the creation destitute of so many good and noble men.

^C Regarding the divine Paul saying, *The first-born of all creation* (Col. 1, 15): the heretics, he says, not understanding of what creation he speaks, in their foolishness relegate the Son to the level of a creature. But the creation is twofold: one indeed is that which has been made, the other is that which is being renewed; for the same Paul cries out again: *If any man be in Christ, there is a new creation* (2 Cor. 5, 17). And so that he might clearly demonstrate that he speaks of Christ as the first-born of the *renewed* creation, he adds: *First-born from the dead, that in all things He might have the preeminence* (Col. 1, 18); preeminent among those being renewed, among those called to incorruptibility, among those being raised from the dead, preeminent not according to His divinity (away with the thought! For it is an insult to God to be called the first of the created things).

but He is preeminent according to His humanity—having become our leader in resurrection and in the transformation from corruption to incorruption. ^A For if Elias also raised the son of the widow, and Elisha the son of the Shunammite, and the Savior Himself raised Lazarus on the fourth day, yet none of them was raised to incorruption and immortality; for death again gained mastery over them. But Christ, having risen from the dead, no longer dies; death no longer has dominion over Him. Nor, indeed, over those whom He shall raise at His second coming. O your evil and senseless ^B opinion! Christ came to us; He gave us His Holy Spirit; He took up our body; and the contract proceeded, and He exalted our humanity and established it at the right hand of the Father; and ingratitude treats the benefit with insult. He took from us the fashioned creature and established it at the right hand of the Father. We received from Him the Spirit, and we do injury, reducing Him to the rank of creatures and servants.

Petition, indeed, is said to occur when someone asks God for the sake of some matter; ^C prayer, when someone gives thanks to God for the benefits received; intercession, when someone approaches God against the wicked, calling upon Him for vengeance. To make intercession, he says, is not to entreat, but to ask and to receive an answer. God says to Elijah: "What do you here, Elijah?" The prophet, being asked, replies: "I have been very jealous for the Lord of hosts, for the children of Israel have forsaken Thee," etc. (III Reg. XIX, 10). Here there is no petition, but an inquiry and a response; and from both ^D together, an intercession [or interpellation] occurs. And from where is this manifest? Hear Paul saying: "Do you not know what the Scripture says in Elias, how he intercedes with God against Israel?" (Rom. XI, 3). Therefore, an intercession is not a petition. But these things are from Chrysostom. It is necessary, however, to weigh and examine the differences of the aforementioned terms still more subtly, so that they may be sufficient not only to be spoken to the masses, but also that they may remain unassailable and beyond reproach for those who wish to examine these expressions more keenly.

From the discourse, that there is one legislator of the Old and New Testaments; and on the vestment of the priest; and concerning repentance.

Paul says: "For I am not ashamed of the Gospel; for the righteousness of God is revealed in it" (Rom. I, 16, 17). How, then, is the righteousness of God revealed in it? How? Since the first law was given to the Jews alone, although other men existed of the same creation and nature, but the Gospel [was given] equally to all the Gentiles, it is with merit that in it the righteousness of God is revealed, and the righteousness of the Gospel

^A is so named. In the Old Testament, therefore, the calling was not righteous; for it did not call and enlighten all men alike, but only the Jews. It was not, then, righteous, but providential, preparing the way for righteousness. I do not call this one righteous and that one unrighteous, but the latter a way for the former and a preparation for it. The Jews supposed that the Gospel would also be given to them alone, just as the law was; but the expectation resulted beyond their hope. Therefore, David also says, "We have received, O God, thy mercy in the midst of thy people," and then, "According to thy name, O God, so also is thy praise, not in the midst of thy people only, but unto the ends of the earth." And in order to show that to show mercy unto the ends of the earth is indeed a matter of righteousness, he adds, "Thy right hand is full of righteousness." ^B "The Lord," he says, "hath reigned." How has the Lord reigned? As one having newly assumed the dignity of a kingdom? For if he had said, "The Lord is reigning," he would have been interpreting his eternal authority; but by saying "hath reigned," he speaks of the dispensation through his flesh, through which our nature, having shaken off the grip of the devil, of sin, and of death, recognized as Creator him who is truly King, the dispenser of incorruption and of the resurrection. David, therefore, brings the joyful message to those who were formerly governed by sin, by death, and by the devil, that that yoke is broken, that the power is dissolved, and the Lord reigns over all, just as he himself said after the resurrection, "All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me." But before, death and sin ruled over us; for death reigned from Adam until Moses, and henceforth also, and the Savior says concerning the devil, "And if Satan casts out Satan, his kingdom has been divided." So that Satan reigned over our race before the advent of Christ. But also sin; for Paul says again, "As sin reigned in our mortal body, so also grace shall reign through Christ." The Lord hath reigned; the power of sin, of death, and of the devil is ceased. Therefore, let the earth exult—that is, the nature born of the earth, formerly wandering, now ^C indeed being glorified, once in tombs, now in thrones.

He says that most of the things in the Old Testament were of a providential nature, but not the result of God’s pleasure or primary will; and they were types of things to come and shadows, but not the realities themselves. It is possible to see in them some things as shapes, and others as meanings. For instance, God does not entirely delight in hyacinth, purple, scarlet, and fine linen (for God requires the purity of souls, not the flower or luster of bodies), but through these bodily splendors he sketches the image of the virtues. For if he truly rested in those vestments, why did he not clothe Moses with them before Aaron? But he bestowed upon the priests that in which he himself was not clothed. And Moses indeed [was not washed] with water, and he washed... ^D

Why? So that you might learn that these things were not primary to God, and that to one who is perfect in respect of the world, virtue is sufficient, and that these things were a type of virtue, and not virtue itself.

^A In the head, he says, the high priest wore a tiara, because it was necessary for one appointed as the head of all to have authority over the head, and to know that, while he is put forward as the head of others, he himself is also under a head, the common Lord and Master of all; for authority set loose and autonomous is unbearable and grievous. On this account, in the law of grace, those who are appointed to the high priesthood receive the Gospel upon their head, so that he who is being ordained may learn that he receives the true tiara of the Gospel, and that even if he is constituted the head of others, he is nevertheless subject to the same laws, and the law commands him who commands others. But the tiara ^B designated the authority which he himself possessed over the people, and by which he himself was bound to God.

The golden plate, moreover, on which the name of God was engraved, was on the breast, signifying the guardianship of the thoughts of the heart, and that it is necessary to adjust and refer these to the will of God. Upon the shoulders were two emerald stones, of which the one contained six tribes, and the other just as many. And these were a symbol of the priestly appearance; for the emerald has both a splendid greenness and a clear purity, radiating like a mirror. For it is necessary that a priest be sober in pious exercise and show his life to those under him as a mirror of virtues. And the emerald was upon the shoulders, because it is a sign of action, for the power of action depends upon the shoulders. ^C Therefore, God also says to Jerusalem: "Set your heart upon your shoulders, O erring daughter, for the Lord creates a new thing upon the earth." For Scripture correlates hands and shoulders with actions, as when it speaks concerning David: "And he guided them in the skillfulness of his hands."

There were also twelve stones set in the breastplate upon the breast, which signified the twelve tribes. And observe: above, upon the shoulders, the nature of the stones was one—the emerald—but below, upon the breast, were the twelve, signifying that originally we all proceeded from one nature, but as time progressed, we were divided by diverse opinions; and he attributes the one to opinion, and the other to nature. ^D Below, moreover, on the fringe of the priest, which is called the hem, golden pomegranates and little bells hung. And how could these be pleasing to God in the primary sense? But in the vesture and habit of the priest he depicted the virtues. Below are flowers and fruits, the accomplishments of the virtues, which are almsgiving and justice and philanthropy and the choir of others akin to them.

^A "That thou shalt not change," he says, "the words of the living God." Thou hast been baptized into the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit; why dost thou destroy the living names, and introduce names of thine own thoughts, saying: "unbegotten," and "begotten," and "always existing," and "not always existing"? Does the God of vain words endure these things? Because he would change one word, a prophet once risked being destroyed. ^B And behold the precision of a small word. Some, through ignorance, called the words of the prophets the "burden of the Lord." God says through Isaiah: "If this people, or the prophet, or the priest, shall ask thee, saying: 'What is the burden?' tell them that ye are the burden of the Lord. For I will take you 11 and cast you away, that ye may not say 'burden'." For one word, lest it be altered, God threatens; and dost thou, while distorting the entire precision of the dogmas, think to escape the hands of God?

From the same on the text: "My grace is sufficient for thee; for my power is made perfect in weakness."

From the same on the text of the Apostle: "If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature: old things have passed away, behold, all things have become new."

stone may be seen by thee as a stone, and the wood as wood. Dost thou have eyes, when thou seest wood and worshippest it? When I take it and burn it, dost thou have eyes, naming that which is burned as a god? When thou ^B deifiest the passions, dost thou have eyes? A man is drunk, and he is carried about, and jeered at, and he becomes a brute beast instead of a man; but thou sayest: Drunkenness is the god Bacchus, theft is the god Mercury. Seest thou that thou hast need of eyes? The law punishes the passions, and thou, by deifying them, dost not perceive it. But if thou desirest, attend to how all things have become new. "Creation" is spoken of in Scripture not only as the production from nothing into being, but also as the transformation from what exists into that which is better. God created heaven, that is, He made it out of nothing. He creates also when He renders a wicked man good; here, the creation is a change of things for ^C the better. And hear David saying: For since he himself and his heart had been created, yet had been defiled by adultery and murder, and was being carried down to corruption, he invokes God and says: "Create a clean heart in me, O God" (Ps. L, 12). Not that he did not have a heart before, nor does he speak concerning the substance of the heart, but concerning the excellent way of life that adorns it. Behold, therefore, creation is spoken of not only as the production from nothing into being, but also as the transformation of a corrupted substance into that which is better. Thus the harlot is created chaste, thus the plunderer is created merciful; thus the wolf is changed into a sheep, the vulture into a dove. There are two creations; for this reason, the laver also is called a creation, the laver, I mean, of regeneration: "Stripping off," he says, "the old man, and putting on the new, him who is being renewed according to the image of Him who created him" (Coloss. III, 9, 10). ^D Thou seest, therefore, what is the new creation. For what profit is it to me if a new heaven and a new earth come to be, but I have grown old in my sins? Heaven is the house, but I dwell in it sick. If at any time a physician were to come into the house of a sick man, and paying no mind to the disease, were to whiten the walls and encrust the ceilings with gold, wouldst thou not say to him: "Good man, heal the sick man, why dost thou decorate the house? Help the one who is lying there." Thus Christ came into this world, in which He found my nature lying down and sick; and for the healing of it, He undertakes every struggle, and He makes new and restores the nature. Why, therefore, dost thou blame the physician if he does not do those things, yet blame Christ because He does these? Thus the old things have passed away, thus all things have become new, thus it is a new creation. And one might gather together countless such things.

^A

From the homily after the Kalends, and against those who are drunk.

Christ, having feasted the infinite multitudes in the desert, did not send them off to their tents and to sleep, but called them to the hearing of divine words. Let us do the same, and let us accustom ourselves to eat only as much as is sufficient for sustaining life, not so much that we be pulled asunder and weighed down. For we were not born and do not live in order that we might eat and drink, but we eat in order that we might live. Life is not for the sake of food, but food was made from the beginning for the sake of life. We, however, as if we had come into the world for this purpose, consume all things to this end.

On the saying of the Apostle: "But I would not have you ignorant, brethren, concerning those who are asleep, that you may not grieve as others do," ^B and so forth.

Why is it, when Paul discourses about Christ, he calls His death "death," but when he speaks of our own passing, he calls it "sleep" and does not name it death? For in this same passage, mentioning the passing of men for the third time, he nowhere calls it death, but names the departure "sleep." For the Apostle did not use this observation of terms idly, but is preparing something wise and great. In the case of Christ, he calls it "death," so that the suffering might be believed; in our case, "sleep," so that he might console our grief. For where resurrection has already occurred, he confidently calls it death; but where it still remains in hope, he calls it sleep, and by this name consoles us, raising us up into the good hope of life. For one who sleeps will certainly rise again, ^C since death is nothing other than long-term sleep.

From a homily of the same Chrysostom on Repentance.

The Jews ate manna, and yet they sought after the onions of Egypt; so foul and base a thing is habit. Even if you succeed for ten days, even if for twenty, or for thirty, do I not love you? Do I not give thanks? Do I not embrace you? Only do not grow weary, but be ashamed and condemn yourself. Again, I discussed love; you heard, you went away, and you snatched; you did not demonstrate the word through your deeds. Do not be ashamed to re-enter the church. Be ashamed when you are sinning, do not be ashamed when you are repenting. These two things are sin and repentance; sin is indeed the wound, and repentance is the medicine. In the wound there is rot, ^D in the medicine there is the cleansing of the rot. In sin there is reproach and derision; in repentance there is praise, boldness of speech, and freedom. But Satan inverts the order, and gives to those who obey him boldness of speech in sin, but shame in repentance. But do you not believe him, but strive to assign to each action its proper due.

The vision which Isaiah saw against Judea and Jerusalem.

^A Tell the vision which you saw. But he says: "Hear, O heaven, and give ear, O earth, for the Lord has spoken." You promised one thing, and you say another. Starting, you said: "The vision against Judea and [1561 R.] Jerusalem," and having omitted the narrative, you converse with heaven and earth. You leave men, and converse with the brute elements. Yes, he says, because the rational have become more irrational than the brutes. And not for this reason only, but also because Moses, being about to lead them into the land of promise, and foreseeing the things that were to come to pass, says thus: "Hear, O heaven, and I will speak; let the earth hear the words from my mouth." ^B I call to witness against you, he says, O Jews, the heaven and the earth, Moses says, that if you shall enter into the land of promise and forsake the Lord your God, you shall be scattered among all the nations. Isaiah therefore came; the threat was to be fulfilled. He could not call Moses, who was already dead, nor those who had heard him at that time; finally, he calls the elements, which Moses also had called as witnesses against them. And yet he could have called Aaron also to witness, and many others; but for this reason, he might say, I did not call them, since they were to die and could not bear witness. But because Israel has transgressed, I therefore summon the elements that still endure to bear witness. ^C Thus also Isaiah does, not only because of those things we have said, but also because, having conversed with the Jews, he saw them not paying attention to him, so he turns to the elements and takes them as witnesses. "Hear, O heaven, for you brought down the manna." "Give ear, O earth, for you gave the quail." Hear, O heaven, for you provided them with things above nature; you remained above, in the manner in which you were fixed, and you did not despise the imitation of the threshing floors. Give ear, O earth; for you were below, and you provided them with a table spontaneously. For this reason also another prophet, seeing a king acting madly, worshipping an idol, and heaping insults upon God, while the others were afraid, addresses none of these, but turning around says: "Hear, O altar, hear me." Why do you converse with a stone? Certainly, he says, because ^D the king is less sensible than the stone. "Hear, O altar: Thus says the Lord." And immediately the altar was cleft, and split, and poured out the sacrifice. But the man did not hear. But the king stretched out his hand, desiring to seize the prophet. And what does God do? He withered his hand, but He did not wither his hand from the beginning, so that he might become more prudent through the rupturing of the stone. For He desired him to become wise without being chastised: Since, He says, the stone has been cleft, and you are not amended, I turn My just wrath against you.

From the discourse on the prodigal, and on repentance, and on the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, and on the thief.

^A That the order of the just does not desire to seize for itself the authority over created things, but wishes the affairs of stewardship to be subject to the Father’s providence. Hence, the parable also introduces the younger son, who, having received his paternal substance, departs to a far country. Yet the distance is not measured in stadia, but is determined by habits; for he who sins becomes far from God, not in place, but in disposition. Having taken the paternal substance, he lost it by living prodigally. He received the sun for his enjoyment, and he worshiped the gift as god. He received fountains for his delight, and he made the gift a god. He ignored the Giver, and glorified the gift beyond measure. ^B [1564 R.] The same creation, but not viewed the same way by all. The paternal substance—the one used it rightly, but the other abused it. This order and that, even if disparate. The pious man sees the beauty of the heaven, and from that beauty praises the Creator; for, "I shall see," he says, "the heavens, the works of your fingers." The impious man saw them, but did not turn his mind to the Creator; rather, persisting in the beauty of the heaven, he imagined the work of creation to be god. The pious man does not insult the creation, but offers worship to the Master. He honors the creation, but as a fellow-servant, not taking away the worship due to the Creator to bestow it upon the creature. He praises the masterpiece, but does not transfer the glory of the craftsman to it. But the impious man saw indeed, but worshiped badly, and overturned the whole order.

That Scripture often calls the devil a dragon and a crooked serpent.

Therefore, even the Savior says: "Behold, I have given you authority to tread upon serpents and scorpions." And so that you might not suppose them to be creeping things, He added: "And over all the power of the enemy." The devil is a dragon and a serpent, not as the root of evil, as the Manichaeans say, but as the prince of the demons and the one who became the author of their fall.

From the hortatory discourse on repentance.

^C [856 H.] Of him who said: "I will pull down my storehouses and build greater ones"—reminding yourselves, O men, of the sentence brought against this man from God, open your own treasures and give alms. Make for yourselves a treasure that fails not in heaven, as the Lord commands; you who have gathered up mocking wealth from interest and from injustice; "Make for yourselves friends from the mammon," as the Master commands, "so that when you depart, they may receive you into the eternal tabernacles."

From the Oration on the Earthquake, and on Lazarus and the Rich Man

I do not cease to speak, even if I am not heard. I am a physician, and I apply medicines; I am a teacher, and I have been commanded to admonish. And does no one improve? What means this? But I receive my reward nonetheless, and I have said this in an incredible way. For it is impossible that in such a great multitude of people, no one should improve. "I hear," one says, "daily, and I do not do it." Hear, even if you do not do it; for from hearing, doing also arises. And if you do not do it, be ashamed of the sin; and even if you do not do it, change your mind. And even if you do not do it, you condemn yourself because you do not do it. But to accuse oneself is the beginning of amendment. When you say, "Woe is me, I have heard, and I do not do it," that "Woe is me" is a prelude to a change for the better. ^B

"Send Lazarus," etc.

And where now are your cupbearers, your tapestries, your parasites, your flatterers? Where is the arrogance? Where is the phantasy? They were leaves, and winter seized them, and all things have perished. It was a dream, and the day has dawned, and the dream is dissipated. But why does the rich man see not Noah, nor Jacob, nor Isaac, but Abraham? Why? Because Abraham was hospitable, and this man's lack of humanity is made a greater accusation by that man's hospitality.

From the Homily: That the dead should not be lamented so vehemently

Death is a dissolving of troubles. If there were not death, we would devour one another; if we did not await punishment, we would in no way cease from evil. Do you see the Lord’s philanthropy? He transformed the penalty of transgression into an opportunity for salvation. If, therefore, the one who has died is righteous, rejoice, because he goes to the Master with confidence; but if he is a sinner, do not grieve: he has gained, because he has been deprived of the accumulation of sins.

In the letter to Bishop Cyriacus, which he wrote after his second exile, he pricks Arsacius, calling him a madman and an adulterer. ^C And he praises those who avoid his company, as those who for the sake of God and on account of the impiety toward their own archbishop turn away from him. Although in other places he appears to exhort them not to withdraw from the Church. But he wished this later, as it appears, when those who had unjustly cast him out were not content with what they had done, but had even contrived an assault, snares, and exile for those who were loyal to him. ^D

CODEX CCLXXVIII

Theophrastic Fragment on animals that change their color.

I have read from Theophrastus’s book on animals that change their color. ^A Those animals which change color and become similar to the plants, places, and stones they approach are the octopus, the chameleon, and the wild beast called the tarand, which they say is found among the Scythians or Sarmatians. Now, the chameleon changes into all colors, except that it does not admit change into white or red; and it changes not only according to the colors placed before it, but also by itself, if someone merely touches it, it changes color. The tarand is in size like an ox; in appearance, it is like a deer, except that it is broader, as if composed of the forms of two deer. It is ^B cloven-hoofed and horned. It has horns with branches like those of a deer, and it is hairy all over—for there is a stretching of the skin around the bone, whence comes the growth of hair. The skin is a finger thick, and very strong; for this reason, they fashion it into military breastplates. This animal is rare and seldom seen. Its change is wonderful and borders on the incredible. In the case of other animals, the change occurs in the skin, as the internal humor—whether blood-like or some other—is altered, so that the sympathy, that is, the natural consensus, is manifest. But the color change of the hair, since it is dry and hanging and not naturally prone to change suddenly, is truly paradoxical and unbelievable, especially as it varies in many ways. The chameleon seems to effect its changes through the breath; for by nature it is flatulent. The magnitude of its lung is proof of this: for it is spread out through almost its entire body. At the same time, it is clearly seen rising and inflating itself.

From Theophrastus’s treatise On Paralysis.

He says that, as is commonly held, paralysis occurs because of cold; and this arises, according to some, from the spirit (for the ailment is pulmonary), and according to others, from the failure and deprivation of spirit; for this is what gives heat and motion generally. ^C When there is a lack of motion, a cooling of the blood—or, to put it simply, of the humor—takes place. That is why numbness also occurs in the feet or in the upper parts when they are pressed by sitting or in some other way. For then the pressure disrupts the spirit, and it stops and cools the blood, which is unable to move with its proper motion.

From his treatise On Fainting.

Fainting is a deprivation or cooling of the heat around the respiratory region. This ^D also happens from the cold or even from heat itself; for the greater fire destroys the lesser. Experience testifies to this. For from suffocating heat and other...

heat, and especially from a great amount of it, ^A when these come upon us all at once, we are relaxed and faint; for the heat within us that does not receive cooling is withered away. Perhaps, even, the suffocation itself entirely prevents respiration. Whence it was also named suffocation: for he who is unable to breathe is either choked or is like one who is being choked. The faintness in baths and poultices also testifies to this; it is clear that such faintness occurs by means of heat and because of heat, as the external heat withers the innate heat within us. Faintness also occurs when the things in which the heat is naturally situated fail, such as the blood or, simply, the natural moisture, just as we see those suffering from internal hemorrhages and from intestinal fluxes fainting. Relaxes also occur from pains. ^B That excess heat causes fainting, both as it withers the lesser amount and as it hinders respiration, and further, as it does not allow an opening for cooling. That for this reason those who are moving about usually do not faint, but rather those who have stopped—because the moisture that comes from the melting of those who are bathing happens to be hot, but for those who have ceased, it becomes cold; and being cold and falling into the vital parts, it causes fainting. Unless, perhaps, the very relaxing of the spirit also brings on faintness. For they also command that one hold their breath during faintness; for the one who holds it prevents the heat from exiting, while the one who releases it yields. That one who sprinkles water on those fainting, by closing and thickening the pores, and gathering the heat within (for it stands against it), ^C brings aid. That joys and sorrows also generate fainting. For both bring on an abundance of moisture, joy by melting and dilating, sorrow by congealing. When, therefore, the moisture flows to the region of the lungs, we suffer fainting from this.

On Vertigo.

Vertigos occur when an alien spirit comes into the head, or redundant moisture, or from some nutriment, such as wine, or from some other humor. Furthermore, this occurs when someone moves their head in a circle. For the region around the brain, being moist, if it receives something alien, by crossing more than is proportional, it exerts force, and agitates the prior humor into a whirlpool toward the veins. When, however, the agitation is like a whirlwind, and the humor ^D is not very dense, but in continuous motion, with one part receiving and another failing on account of inequality of weight, it similarly produces vertigo and often knocks one down.

Why raw eggs cannot be spun around.

Raw eggs cannot be spun around like cooked ones, partly because they are thrown down by the unequal humor and that which is not of equal weight; and partly because they do not have a substratum that is thrown down, since what is inside is one and continuous. From this consideration is resolved the question of why, when agitated in a circle,

^A they suffer vertigo, and more so if it is in a small circle, and further if they run faster, and why, if they are with many, more so than if alone, and why those running to the left suffer more than those to the right. The cause of all these and similar phenomena has been declared. For if vertigo occurs when one turns the head in the same place, it is manifest that if someone turns similarly beside this one, he will suffer vertigo most quickly and most of all others. But those who turn the head in a smaller circle, and the faster, suffer it all the more. Wherefore those running also suffer more vertigo than those walking, and those who do so swiftly more than the slow; for they run leaning toward the center, ^B and thus suffer more vertigo. Those running to the left suffer more than those to the right, because they make a sharper angle toward the circle; for the right parts, being heavier, press more toward the inside on account of the weakness of the left parts. And those who run with many people suffer more than those who are alone, because the sight, falling upon those running along the circumference of the circle, and not being continuous, creates a certain motion and disturbance in the brain; wherefore they suffer vertigo more, due to the brain undergoing a double motion: that which comes from the whirling, and that which the sight, having been affected, transmitted to the brain. That they suffer vertigo often on account of the motion of the sight is clear from many instances. For both those sailing suffer vertigo more swiftly and ^C more severely when they gaze upon the waves, and those watching swings and wheels are quickly darkened. They also suffer vertigo when looking upon high, great, and steep things, because it happens that the sight, stretched out to a distance, is shaken and vibrates; and being shaken and vibrating, it disturbs and moves the interior. But to those looking upward this distress does not happen, because they do not stretch their sight to a distance but it is cut off by the light. Vertigos also occur when they look continuously and gaze intently. This also is a matter of doubt: why it is that when the sight is moved in a circle, and when it is at rest, the same distress occurs. The cause of the circular rotation [860 H.] has been stated; but why does the same distress occur in the state of standing still and in fixed gazing? Because ^D the state of rest separates the things that were kept together in motion. When the sight, therefore, has come to a stop, the other continuous things in the brain also come to a stop. But as they come to a stop, they are separated and divided, and the heavy things grow heavy and cause vertigo. Circular rotation also separates heavy and light things. Bending down also causes vertigo; for in leaning down, heavy and light things are separated, the former upward, the latter downward; but they ought to be together, as has been said. The distress is also caused by fullness and deficiency; deficiency causing consumption, while fullness causes superfluity, so that the pores become full. For it ascends alongside them and descends, and divides the passages: which is vertigo. That also drunken states and poisonings and similar things cause vertigo; for the moisture, if

^A it is introduced abnormally, causes the disturbance. That those standing up are more prone to vertigo than those sitting, because in those at rest, the moisture in the head settles more, but when they move, it becomes separated, and falling into one part, it causes vertigo.

Of the same, On Fatigue

That those descending a downward slope strain their thighs the most, but those ascending, their shins, because in the ascent the labor comes from lifting the weight of the body: therefore, upon whom the weight lies and by whom it is lifted, for him is the greatest labor. But in descending, the labor occurs because the body falls and is carried against its nature; wherefore, upon that part where the weight falls most and causes instability, upon that part it also induces the most pain. Just as, therefore, the shin is more troubled in ascending, so the thigh in descending. And because weights are carried downward, it is more difficult to ascend than to descend. ^B That it is more fatiguing to the arm to throw a stone or any other heavy object through a vacuum, because it is more convulsive. For it does not rest, as the thrower does, against the bulk that is in the hand.

That level paths are more fatiguing than uneven ones, because excessive motion causes fatigue; excessive, however, is continuous and uniform: but uneven ones, on account of changes, bring rest; whereas in level ones, the similarity of the form produces continuous motion. That those who are exhausted are prone to nocturnal pollutions, because the bodies become hot and moist on account of the consumption (of energy). And such is the state of the seminal force. That also those lying on their backs have a cause for the dissolution of strength; that posture cooperates toward the nocturnal emission of semen. That moist bodies are more laborious than hard ones, because they are weaker, even if in another way hard ones are more brittle.

Of the same, On Animals which are seen in great numbers

Of the animals that are seen in great numbers, the cause for all is not the same: but for some, the generation is immediate and obvious, as of flies, which in armies and in the gathering of men, and even after these have dispersed, become even more numerous; for dung and the putrefaction of other things are the cause of their origin. Others, however, pre-exist ^C but appear after rains, as snails and small frogs. For they do not fall with the rain, as some think, but they emerge at that time, since they were previously in the earth, because the water flows into their hiding places. And there is another genus of frogs besides those which are in lakes and marshes. The multitude of these and of the others is caused by their prosperity. In fact, flies arise more after the dissolution of assemblies and armies than while they still endure. For it happens that, when they are present, on account of daily habits and movements,

^A their generations are corrupted, movement and change occurring, just as in other things, and also in the very refuse that is cast out from them; but when they are dissolved and quiet comes, they are quickly brought to completion because nothing hinders them, until the moisture in the refuse has dried up. Now the genesis of flies reaches completion quickly and in great numbers, as has been said; but the *attelabi* (caterpillars) and locusts are everywhere, so to speak, and they increase both by taking over suitable places and by the fact that their eggs are not destroyed, which does not happen in cultivated land; for in land that is farmed they perish. Therefore, they are carried down from the desert and unworked land toward the inhabited and arable land. They linger there either because the region is surrounded by high mountains and they cannot surmount them, or because of the suitability of the region: for it is soft, and has moisture, and is dewy. Now locusts are troublesome, but the *attelabi* are more troublesome, and of these most especially those which they call *bruchoi* (cankerworms). ^B Their genesis is from one another. Some, however, think—though not by any sure sign—that because some of them are similar in color to those in the region, they are born spontaneously; for it is clear that they acquire such a quality from their food, and not from their genesis. The corruption of these is in one way a kind of natural and pestilential one (for under the Dog Star they are agitated, and a small worm develops in their head, and they perish), and in another way it occurs during movement and flight; for whenever they are lifted up, they are carried by the winds into the sea and perish. ^C They perish also on account of winter and cold, both they themselves and their eggs. They are destroyed also by human ingenuity: for by digging trenches they drive them into them and, by burying them with earth, destroy them. That there are two causes for the genesis of serpents: either air that is rainy, or wars and the shedding of blood, which is almost also the cause of the genesis of other wild beasts. From which it is said that once a great multitude of serpents was produced around Thessaly. That mice also become numerous in the fields, and more so in dry places than in humid ones; for waters are hostile to them. The animal is prolific. But a manifest destruction comes to them from water. For it is troublesome to them both outside and inside their burrows. Wild weasels also kill them. They are also killed by a hidden and frequent pestilential malaise. For a worm is born in their heads, which the experienced ones observing, upon recognizing it, foresee and announce the destruction ^D of the same. It is said that mice eat iron and gold; therefore, goldsmiths, when they dissect them, take the gold from within them. In Egypt, they say that biped mice live and grow large. For they have forefeet, but they do not walk upon them; rather, they use them for hands: but when they flee, they jump.

Of animals that are said to suffer from envy

^A The stellio, as they say, envying the utility of man, swallows its shed skin; for it is a remedy for one who has the comitial disease. The stag buries its right horn, which is very useful against the poisons of the toad and many other things. The mare devours the *hippomanes* from her foals, for this too is useful for certain things. The seal, when it is about to be caught, vomits up its coagulum, which is also useful to those with the comitial disease. The land hedgehog urinates on its skin and spoils it. The lynx buries its urine, because it is suitable for seals and other needs. But that the animals do not do these things out of envy, but that men have attached this charge to them from their own opinion, is clear to everyone. For whence would animals have such wisdom, which even rational beings learn only with much study? But perhaps the seal, disturbed by fear, vomits the coagulum, and the stellio swallows the skin by a certain natural instinct, just as dogs and sows and almost all quadrupeds do; for they eat the afterbirth or membranes after giving birth. The hedgehog, out of fear or some other natural affection, emits urine, but not in order to spoil the skin. ^B Many other things are done by animals, for which we cannot afford an explanation: for instance, why, when a hen has laid an egg, does it scatter straw around it? Why do dogs lift a leg to urinate? Why, when a goat takes eryngium into its mouth, does it stand still and make the others stand still? And the same judgment must be made regarding the lynx and the stag.

Of sweats

Sweat is salty because that which is foreign is excreted, with the lightest and sweetest parts being exhausted by the natural heat of the flesh. For such excrement, in the bladder, is called urine, but in the flesh it is called sweat. Sweat, moreover, is excreted through movement or labor, or through the power of heat and spirit. Sweat, being salty, takes on sharpness, acidity, or a bad or good odor for many and various reasons. Young men sweat with greater difficulty than men, and children most of all, although by nature they are hot and moist—from which the generation of sweats arises—because the skin of children is very dense and as if closed up. ^C Furthermore, the prevailing heat cooks it while they are growing. But if any excrement does exist, it is purged through the bowels; for usually the bowels of children are loose: whereas old men have skin that is indeed rare, but dry. It is fitting that sweat, as

^A a substance, should be fluid. Furthermore, the very fact that the body is porous and breathable allows for sufficient excretion, and this happens continuously because there is no great surplus of fluids present. For this reason, those whose bowels are loose and whose waste is discharged into the bladder do not sweat much, because all the fluid is rushing in that direction. Workers who have not digested their food and those who have stayed awake sweat more, because digestion distributes the moisture and sleep cooks it. Those who exercise and are in good condition sweat more than the unexercised. Both those who have already digested their food and those who have not yet done so are apt to sweat; though this might seem absurd, it is not. For those who are exercised have loose bodies and pores that are open, and because they are accustomed to sweat, they sweat profusely; whereas others have pores that are closed from lack of use. Those who have not yet digested their food ^B sweat due to the abundance of moisture, while those who have digested it sweat because their moisture, having been separated by the digestion of the other juices, has an easy path of exit. It is not when they are exerting themselves, but when they stop, that they sweat more; nor do they sweat when straining or holding their breath, but when they relax, because when men exert themselves, their veins are inflated by the breath and cause the pores to close, whereas when they are wider, the moisture escapes more easily. Also, the retention of breath fills the veins, thereby preventing passage. After labors and running, those who sit ^C in the shade sweat more than those in the sun, because the sun dries and constricts the pores. Those who put their feet in water do not sweat, because the water prevents the liquefaction. For sweat is the liquefaction of those things poorly attached to the flesh, when it is excreted through heat. Constant exercise dries the body just like the sun, and therefore such people sweat less. We sweat on the forehead first and most abundantly because the brain, which is moist, lies beneath it. The head also sweats most because it is porous (a sign of this are the hairs), and because the retention of breath extends somewhat into the head. Those ^D who are anxious sweat on their feet but not on their face, because anxiety is not a diminution of heat but an increase, just like anger. Therefore, their faces turn red and they do not sweat because they are heating up more (for the extreme heat dries them out), but that which is in the feet liquefies because it is too little to be dried out, yet more than what was there before, and it is innate. In sleep, sweats are more readily excited than during waking hours, because both fluids and heat are greater due to the conflict of contraries; and from both of these, sweat is produced.

Of the Same, on Bees

and liquefied by the sun and falls after it has been cooked (this happens especially before the harvest); or from reeds. The honey from the air falls onto the earth and onto the plants it encounters, and it is found especially on the leaves of the oak and on the linden tree, because these possess density and are moist. For they must be neither completely dry, so that they do not draw it into themselves, nor completely porous, so that it does not flow through; but these are both moist and possess density, and the linden tree also possesses sweetness. In a certain way, the bee has an affinity with the oak. ^B

Codex CCLXXIX

Chrestomathia of Helladius Besantinus

I read the first, second, third, and fourth books of the Chrestomathia of Helladius Besantinus. ^C He talks nonsense, saying that Moses was called [an alpha] because his body was marked with vitiligo, and he cites Philo as a witness to this lie. That Dionysius says the Atticist writers do not use the term "I bought" (*ōnēsamen*), but in its place "I purchased" (*epriamēn*), even though "to buy" (*ōneisthai*), "he bought" (*ōnēsato*), "buying" (*ōnoumenos*), and others of that kind are in use. That the Attics say "fair and good" (*kalos k'agathos*), but they do not say "good and fair" (*agathos kai kalos*); and while they say "good fortune," they do not say "fortune good." That they use the term "under the jaw" (*hypo malēs*), connecting it, but they do not say "jaw" (*malē*) by itself. That when they say "cithara," they also say "citharist," but when they say "lyre," they do not say "lyrist." That this man says the stone which attracts iron is not to be called "magnet," but "Heraclean stone"; yet many others say that the same stone is called both magnet and Heraclean, offering reasons for the difference in nomenclature. He says also that Galen ^D claims that amber attracts chaff. That for the husband’s brother, women no longer use the term *daēr*, but *galōn*, just as Homer says: "Appearing to the wife of Antenor’s son, *galō*." That women call the brother *daēr*, but for the sister they do not use *daeira*, but *galōn*, and they call the father’s brother *theios*, but they do not use *theia* for the female, but rather the term *tēthis*. That they say *pappos* for the father’s father, but for the grandmother they no longer use the mother of the father, but *tithē*. Moreover, the ancients were accustomed to call their own mothers *mammas*. That Didymus composed thirteen books on proverbs, titling them *Against those who have compiled works on proverbs*. That what are now called *kourides*, the Attics called *kommōtriai*. The term *kourida* is also found in Menander. That the verse which is also used as a proverb: "I write a woman's oaths in water,"

[The preceding] is by Sophocles; Philonides, parodying this, said: "I write the oaths of adulterers in ash." Those who mock women say: "I write the oaths of women in lamentations."

That among the twenty-four letters, *mu*, *nu*, and *upsilon*, when extended, possess a two-time length and are circumflexed; and others, the monosyllabic [words] and those where the syllable is terminated by a diphthong, also have the syllable circumflexed, such as *phei*, *chei*, *psei*. That *ō* is clearly circumflexed. Regarding disyllables, those which have the penult long are naturally circumflexed, such as *bēta*, *thēta*, *ēta*; and those which are not [long], are paroxytone, [like] *alpha*, *kappa*, *delta*.

That the name of the handmaiden was Pelusium, through whom Pyrrhus the Molossian killed his mother with poison. ^B That *anthrakeus* is what is called by custom in common parlance *karbōnarios* (carbonarius). That Dionysius, who ruled over Sicily for forty-two years, was the son of a muleteer; and Agathocles was the son of a potter, and he also ruled Sicily for a long time. Hermeas, although he was a castrate and a slave, ruled Atarneus (this is a city of Thrace). Porus, the king of the Indians, was the son of a barber. A certain Bradillis, who had been a coal-miner, commanded the Illyrians; and Orthagoras, a cook, became tyrant of Sicyon.

He says that the word *mógis* is more correctly written with a gamma, assigned to those things which happen with labor; but the Ionians and Aeolians, improperly, say and write it with a lambda, *mólis*. He says that *ō tán* consists of two parts: *ō* in itself, and *tán* through the removal of *e*; for the full word is *etán*, and with the elision of *e*, *ō tán* has come to be. For *etán* is "true friend," since *eteón* signifies "true."

"Dead" (*nekrós*) is said by way of the privation of *kēr* (heart/life), as if *nēkēros* and, by syncope, *nekrós*. They say that *nē* and *nē* are privative particles. *Nēpios* and *nebrós* (fawn) are those not yet able to receive nourishment and food, ^C but are fed only by milk. *Néktar*, which mortals cannot consume—for those who are killed (*kteinómenoi*)—is because *ktar* is a verbal noun derived from the verb *ktō*, which signifies "I kill" (*kteínō*).

They are mistaken who suppose that *ō* is a collective vocative; for the articles do not require a vocative case. For they themselves signify the reference of those who are not present, while *ō* has come to the vocative ^D only by the energy of demonstration. And that they err, those who think it is a vocative, the time, the accent, and the breathing show. For it is smooth, whereas other articles that take a breathing are aspirated; and [certain] syllables are acute, [others] are circumflexed; [some] are short, [others] are naturally long. That *ō* is not a vocative from the nominative *ho*, from this also it is manifest. The vocative is equivalent to its own nominative.

or receives the lesser duration, such as Agamemnon and *ō* Agamemnon; ^B or in that case the opposite. It is not, therefore, an article, but an adverb. It is joined, however, to the vocative, since it is an adverb. Just as other adverbs are joined to the genitive, as in the poet in the *Odyssey*, and with the accusative it is joined with *nē* and *ma*. For those swearing join these adverbs to the accusative. That *knéphas* some say comes from *kenéphas* (for it is void of light), others [say it is derived] by the pleonasm of the *k*; for *néphos* and *néphas* signify the complete thing, through the privative *ne*, signifying that which is deprived of light. Just as *ktýpos* has also come to be by the pleonasm of the *k*; for *týpos* is a verbal noun from *týptō*. And *kaínuto*, *aínuto* being, has the *k* as an addition. And *kaûros* ^C is *aûros*, for it is someone who is mentally light. That some etymologize Muse from *myoúsan tina* (someone initiating). For musical education is in no way different from mysteries. Others derive it from *másthai* (to seek); for the Dorians say *mō*, and *mōtai* is the third person in Epicharmus, and *mōntai* in Euphronion, and *mōmenai* is the participle in Sophocles. It is more reasonable, then, that Muse is named from this, as thought to be the discoverer of learning. Homer also knows *maíesthai* as "to seek"; and we call *matan* (the seeker) the physician who inquires into what is hidden. *Mákar*, he says, is a singular word, and in the feminine is *dámar*. And *mákar* has been clipped from *makários*, just as *hyménaia* has become *hymén* by apocope. *Makkon* is ancient, meaning not to hear or not to understand, which *noeîn* (to understand) indicated. Callimachus in *Hecuba* says *ekóēse* instead of *enóēsen*. That some etymologize *makários* from *mēkérios*, as if from *mē kēr* (not fate) to which the immortal is not subject; ^D or from *akérios* by the pleonasm of the *m* is *makários*. That *áleuron* by the pleonasm of the *m* is to be found as *máleuron*. And *mía* (one), having come from *ía*, has the *m* by pleonasm. That regarding the nightingale, it is told in myth that Zetes, the son of Boreas, took Aëdon, the daughter of the Dulichian Pandareus, and Actylus was born to them. Aëdon, however, suspecting that her husband was in love with a certain Hamadryad nymph, and being jealous, since it seemed to her that her son Actylus was privy to and a collaborator in the secret intercourse, killed the boy as he was returning from hunting. But Venus, having pitied such a calamity, changed the mother into the bird, the nightingale. Penitent, however, she who was formerly a woman, but now a bird, laments her son, the evil not being recovered. That which is in Homer [1584 R] which Diomedes said to Sthenelus, is a corruption of the text. For what *tétta* signifies has been unknown until now: but some say it is a word of honor which friends say to friends: some, however, [say it is] talkative.

others, yet again, [say it is] "I mean you." ^A Most grammarians say it is an address from a younger person to an elder; although they are unable to show that Diomedes was younger than Sthenelus. Nor does it appear that Homer used the word elsewhere, so that from the clearly understood meaning [of the word] elsewhere, the ambiguity of the word here might be cleared up, as he did in the case of *ellon* [varied/harled]; for having said there before, "The dog caught the *ellon*," he cleared up the ambiguity of the word by adding further down, "calling the *ellon* a fawn." Similarly, the word *laes* clarifies the meaning from etymology, since *alaos* is he who does not see the light; or because *laein* is to have enjoyment, which shows a more emphatic affection. And there are other words in Homer that are strange, but having become clear through usage to later generations after Homer, they have accepted the resolution of the difficulty. But *tétta* did not enjoy any such [clarity] regarding its ignorance and its not being misunderstood. Therefore, it should not be written *tétta*, but *tétla* ^B, with the final syllable of *tétlathi* cut off. For it is possible to find *tétla* spoken among various writers, as Aratus also says in his *First Chant* [Phaenomena], *tétla*. Wherefore some have rendered the verse in Homer not *tétta*, but *tétla*, reading it and noting that the error occurred because some took the second *t* instead of *l*, the idea of the shorter stroke of the *l* causing them to imagine the proper upright vertical of the *t* with the longer transverse stroke placed upon it. ^C He says that the mother of the king of Corinth, the wife of Amphion, being lame in one foot, was called Labda. He says that *chroia* [skin/color] is more analogical, but by an elliptical process it is *chroa*; and *poia* [grass/herb] is called *poa* rather than *poia*. He says that *atta* is aspirated, though others, distinguishing more accurately according to the meanings, wish to vary the breathings as well. He says that *elauno* [to drive] is anomalous; for a verb before the end having a consonant and a penult with *au* is never grave-accented [paroxytone]. Of two [forms], the one is either a pure barytone, or having a consonant, it is circumflexed. Thus *psaúo* [to touch], *phaúo* [to shine], or *épahse* [for *épause*], and the other like *amauro* [to darken] and the like. But *chaúno* [to make porous] is irregularly grave-accented. Grammarians form *elaúno* either from *eló*...

eló* [to drive], and by a transposition of time, *elaúno*. However, *elaúno* is unique, and because of this it does not have a reliable inflection. Therefore, the perfect is heteroclite; for from *elázo* comes *elélaka*.

^A That the conjunction *te* is accented alone, perhaps because it coincides in sound with the expletive particles *nyn* and *my*. But the Aeolians, if they take it as a conjunction, pronounce the *te* just as we do; but if as an expletive particle, they turn the syllable, and say *ta* instead of *te*.

That the *glossokomeion* [case for reeds] is strictly the vessel that receives the flute reeds; but those of the present day misuse the word and see it as referring to other things that are tanned. And this is tolerable, but others distort both the accent and the quantity; for it is necessary to circumflex the long penultimate syllable, but these [people] shorten it and accent the antepenultimate.

That the ancients call a kind of *maza* [barley-cake] *thridakinē*, but the herb *thridax*. But physicians call the cultivated vegetable *thridax*, and the wild one *thridakinē*.

That just as we say that we wish to pronounce the letters *nyn* and *my* in the plural, so too we must say *ta sigma*, and not *ta sigmata*; for the names of the letters are indeclinable. Therefore, the passage in Xenophon's *Hellenica*, "the *sigma* of the shields," is not to be read as one word, but as *ta sigma*, and *ta ton aspidon* [the [shields] of the shields] from another beginning, by separation.

That the archetype of the word *archetypon*, according to some, ^B has not been used by any ancient author, nor orator, nor those possessed by the Muses, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus records.

That *krēgion* is said to mean the true, as if *karēgyon* [nodding the head]; for those who are about to truly do something promise it by nodding their heads. But others say it signifies not the truth, but the good, deriving it from *karēgyon*, as if "soothing the *kēr*," that is, the soul; for the good is accustomed to soothe the soul.

That it is characteristic of an angry person to say the same things many times; for the passion of anger is unproductive. And so Agamemnon, angered at Calchas, repeats his abuse in the same words, saying: "Seer of evils, you always delight in prophesying evil things," and "You have never yet said what is good."

That the word *epitax* [by command] in Callimachus and Aratus comes from the indicative future by the rejection of the long final syllable, just as *choris* [separately] is from *choriso*, and *pelas* [near] from *pelasō*, and *mix* [mixed] from *mixō*—whence also *epimix* [mixed together] in Homer—and *dax* [biting] from *daxō*; for the Ionians form *daxō* from *daknō*. And from *dax* comes *odax* [by biting]. And from *ptyxō* [to fold] comes *ptyx*, and by the rejection of the *t*, *pyx* [box-taper]. ^C Thus, then, from *oudisō* [not to be] comes *oudis* [none], and *amphoudis* [on both sides]; *amyx* [scratching] from *amyxō* in Nicander, and *plēx* [striking] from *plēxō*, and *amphiplēx* [striking on both sides], and *ankas* [arms] from *ankasō*, and *typs* [striking] from *typsō*, and *protyps* [striking before]. Likewise, *oklas* [bending the knee] from *oklasō*, and *oklax*, *prix* [bitingly] and *aprix* [tightly] from *prisō* [to saw]. Thus, then, and *epitax* from *epitaxō*, which is done at command and order.

That the word *kyrbeis* [laws/tablets] is pronounced as masculine by the Attics, but as neuter by Callimachus. And Callimachus also said *phoitizein* instead of *phoitazein* [to go to and fro] irregularly, saying that good men...

often are youths. *Rypsai* signifies to throw. *Brenthyetai* ^A means to act arrogantly. It is derived from *brenthion*, which is a kind of perfume; for those who act arrogantly and haughtily were accustomed to use perfume. Regarding kinds of perfumes, he says, there are *bakkarios*, 13 *narkistanos*, 14 *stakte*, *plangonion*, which was discovered by an Elean woman named Plangon, 15 *metaleon*, 16 which Metalus the Syracusan discovered. 17 [1588 R.] Regarding Euphorio, who was by birth a Chalcidian but by custom an Athenian, it is possible to find in him absurdly sought-after words. For he called Jason *nauagon* [ship-leading], which signifies not so much a shipwrecked man as one who leads/steers a ship; and he named the snake that guards the golden apples of the Hesperides a *kepouron* [gardener]. ^B He also

[The gardener]

^A That they write *Kythnōlēs* with an lambda and not with a delta. For there was a place in Argos [871 H.] called *Kythnion*, where Amphitryon once killed all the men, except for a very few. ^B That one who serves for hire among others is called *thēs*, or from *theinai*, which means to work and do with the hands (for it was a custom among the ancients to use *ethēken* in the sense of doing something, and as the most vigorous hero was for this reason called Theseus), or by the transposition of tau into theta; for the struggle of being poor and wanting for a living, that is, being deprived, compels many to do the work of slaves. That there are, he says, thousands of errors made contrary to the rules of grammar, as when they err and say *siky* instead of *sikyos*, and *andrachny* instead of *andrachnē* with a lambda (for so the Attics say). And *eisō* is more analogical than *esō*. And they pronounce *ōle*...; but common usage prefers *a*. That Euphorion, he says, records that he never 28 saw any visions. That the mule, upon which we ride, he says, 29 when it is unyoked, the Athenians call *astrabē*; hence it is said that *astrabēlātēs* (mule-driver). [1589 R.] Nevertheless, *astrabē* is also termed a structure, as Demosthenes in the speech against Meidias: *riding upon a silver astrabē*. That *artos* (bread) is derived from *airein*, he says, which signifies to move toward or to take. For we take this every day. And *harma* (fodder) is spoken of by Hippocrates and many others. That *tarichos* (salty fish), the Athenians for the most part use in the neuter gender: less frequently in the masculine. Grammaticians, however, occupied with words, say that the masculine responds more analogically. ^C *Aristos* (noble/best) is used properly of those who have achieved something outstanding in war. Therefore we also call them *aristeas*, and they think *Arēs* (Mars) the patron of warlike works, but it is also used by abuse for any in other things who have achieved something. That to call a vessel in which dough or a mass is kneaded *maktran* is Attic, and not, as some think, a vulgarity. But also *raphis* (needle) is older than *belonē*, and *xystra* is older than *stlengis*, and *hydorrhōē* is older than *ocheton*. And *alētōn* is older than *mylos*; for the upper stone of the mill we thus name, and *onos* the lower millstone. And *magis* instead of table seems Egyptian and altogether illegitimate; but Epicharmus the Dorian and Cercidas the poet used the word in this sense, and indeed also the Attic Sophocles. That, this man says, Aristotle, the leader of the Peripatetics, was called by Plato *Hippos* (the horse), appearing to contradict the teacher; for even the horse loves to bite its own father. [872 H.] That he says there is a proverb about shoeing the right foot and washing the left; for Polemo says, as Didymus testifies, the right for the shoe, the left for the foot-basin 30. That he says *dēmion*...

^A to be called the murderer of those condemned to death, and *dēmokoinoς* the executioner. That one must write and say *hippeis* (horsemen) and *nomeis* (shepherds) for the nominative plural, but no longer for the accusative, but rather *hippeas* and *nomeas*. If Xenophon has said *nomeis*, it is no marvel, as he is a man who in the course of his leisure and his associations with foreigners, if he deviates anything from his ancestral tongue; wherefore one would not take him as a lawgiver for Atticism. That first the Panathenaea were instituted; then the Eleusinian games the Thessalians established for the dead Pelias; then the Isthmia in honor of Melicertes; then from Heracles the Olympic contest took its origin; then the Nemea, established for Archemorus; then after the fall of Cirrha, the Pythia were instituted. That *potniasthe,* to supplicate as a queen/deity, is more properly used of women, he says, when she suffers some evil and supplicates a female god; but if one calls a man *potniōmenos*, one errs. That the grammarians say that *monos* (only) does not admit of intensification; ^B wherefore they consider *monōtatos* (most alone) a solecism. But Aristophanes nevertheless uses the word. That the temple of Aphrodite in Thessaly is called *anosia* (the unholy), because the women were extraordinarily jealous of the harlot Lais when she arrived there, and killed her with wooden stools. That it was a custom in Athens to bring two expiators, one for men and one for women, who were led away for the sake of purification. 1591 And the one for the men had black figs around his neck, the other white ones. And they were called *sybakchoi*, he says. This purification was an averting of plague-illnesses, taking its origin from Androgeos the Cretan, due to whose unjust murder in Athens the Athenians suffered from a plague, and the custom prevailed to always purify the city with the expiators. That *orgas*, he says, is commonly any land that is suitable for the growth of crops; but the Athenians specifically called ^C *orgas* the land set apart for the two goddesses, between Attica and the Megarid, just as also I— [that *rhion* is commonly any mountain headland, see below, but specifically those of Crete and Troy. Also that we call every mountain summit *rhion*, but specifically the Molycrian one. And *isthmos* is commonly anything that is contained by two seas, but specifically the place that the Corinthians call Isthma. Likewise also *cherronēsos* (peninsula) is commonly everything that is surrounded by sea for the most part, and is connected to the land on one side; and it is a specific name for a place in Thrace. And we call both *aigialos* (shore) and *aktē* (coast) simply all maritime lands, but more specifically they call the Attic coast *aktē*. Likewise they say *aigialos* is used in an exceptional sense for the coastal part around Helice; and it is of Achaia, from which some are accustomed to call the Achaeans *Aigialeis*. And indeed also *ēpeiros* ^D all land, but Epirus specifically and Thesprotia. That he says Anticyra, where white hellebore grows, which grows nowhere else, is a worse Phocian city...

^A than those which grow elsewhere. ^B That in the passages following the fourth discourse he relates certain apophthegms and symbols of the Athenians' philanthropy, empathy, concern, and care for what is appropriate, as well as their other noble qualities; among which are these: A sparrow, fleeing a hawk, fell into the lap of one of the Areopagites on the Areopagus; and he, though he ought to have saved the refugee, killed it. The council declared him outcast as one who had done that which was not holy. Thus he paid the penalty, not for the sake of the sparrow, but for the impetuosity of his character. As an example of philanthropy and empathy: Demosthenes, he says, having been accused regarding the Harpalian money and intending to flee, the Athenians restrained him and, standing around him in fear, each one, holding something under his arm, gave it to him for travel money—one gold, another silver—and sent him off kindly, bidding him take heart and bear his misfortune courageously. And he, sighing, said: "How shall I be able to bear it, leaving such a city, in which there are such enemies as one would not find friends elsewhere?" Some say that Aeschines said this apophthegm, when Demosthenes had overtaken him as he was fleeing and, showing himself a friend, exhorted him to bear what had happened courageously. And Callicles, being under suspicion for the same cause of the Harpalian money, when the Areopagites ordered him to be brought, those who had been sent went to his house, and seeing the vestibule crowned and learning that he was currently celebrating his nuptials, they ceased their search and departed; for they did not think it right to enter upon a woman who had just married. And when the Athenians were still at war against Philip, since letters of his to various people were intercepted, some were read in the assembly; but when one had an inscription upon it, "Philip to Olympias," the people shouted out together ^C that they should neither open nor read it; for they did not consider it proper that a man's communication by letter with his wedded wife should be made public to the common people, even if it had been to their advantage to know it. To such a degree did the Athenians not prefer the useful to the honorable. A sign of their great piety is also this: when a violent sedition arose in Argos, which they called *scytalismos*, because by striking one another they killed fifteen hundred, when this was reported to Athens, they voted, merely upon hearing of it and being struck by the strangeness of the foreign atrocity, to purify the entire city at once. And a certain fellow named Praxiteles flayed a ram alive; but abominating this deed, they punished him ^D by beating him with clubs, not wishing to take vengeance for the ram, but loathing the man because he had a tyrannical mind and had devised a new manner of torture.

^A That the ancients were careful not to speak of ill-omened things, and especially the Athenians, is a matter of concern; for this reason they called the prison a "house" (oikēma), the executioner "common" (koinos), the Erinyes the "Eumenides" or "venerable goddesses," the defilement (mysos) an "offense" (agos), the sour wine "honey" (meli) and the bile "sweet" (glykeian), and the filth a "conduit" (ocheton). Grammarians call such things [names] by antiphrasis. I know some of the philologists, he says, who also call a monkey "Callias." That *nyx* (night) came from *nyxō* (I shall prick) by apocope; for we get pricked in the darkness, stumbling and not seeing, from which come stings and wounds. There are five feminine monosyllables ending in -yx: *tryx*, *styx*, *nyx*, *ptyx*, and *pnyx*. Of these, *tryx* and *styx* are declined with a kappa; *ptyx* and *nyx* with a chi. For *ptyx* is *ptychos* and *nyx* is *nychos*, from which also *pannychos* and *pannychis* and *pannychion*, and according to the correspondence, *nykos*, and with the epenthesis of tau, *nyktos*; for it is the custom to add tau in the genitives, just as in *anaktos* and *galaktos*. But *pnyx* is declined only with a kappa.

^B That there are four murder courts in Athens, he says: first, that in the Areopagus, which judges those who have committed murder with premeditation; second, that at the Palladium, which examines those who have committed murder involuntarily; third, that at the Delphinium, which consists of those who claim to have made the killing justly; and a fourth, that at Phreatto, which judges whoever is fleeing for a certain fixed time but has a prior accusation of murder; he, being judged on a ship outside the Piraeus, drops anchor, because the law does not allow him to step upon the land. Those who judge intentional murder were called Areopagites, while those in the other courts are commonly called *ephetai*. That he recounts a myth of a certain man named Oes who emerged from the Red Sea, having other members of a fish, but the head and feet and hands of a man, and that he revealed astronomy and letters. Others say he appeared from the first-born *Oō*, and that the name testifies to it, but that being a man in all things he seemed to be a fish, because he was clothed in a fish-like skin. [1896 R. 875 H.] That *aütis* is Ionic, but *aüthis* is Attic. Likewise also with *mechri* and *achri*: without the sigma ^C it is Attic, but with the sigma it is Ionic. That the Attics, by some ancestral custom, do not use the *ei* diphthong when saying *es korakas* or *es makarian*, but pronounce the preposition without the long vowel; while in all other cases they use the preposition both with and without the diphthong. For the sake of a good omen, the Attics call a thief *philētēs*, as if

it were "the hated one"—or perhaps because of *philetēs*, implying that the thief loves (*philei*) to take what belongs to others. ^A *Aisymnētēs* is either one who celebrates and reveres duty (for they call duty *aisa*) or one who remains in *aisa*, that is, in duty; this noun, being rooted in a verb, is irregularly accented as barytone. Some, however, say it is derived not from "remaining in *aisa*" but from the word for "assigning" (*nemein*).

Regarding "Spring" (*ear*), it is said to be derived from being "pleasant" (*euchr*), for then the temperateness of the air is most sweet.

Regarding the "bee" (*melitta*), it is either named from "caring" (*melein*), for it is an industrious creature, or it should be called *mēlizousa*, as if "settling upon" all fruits; for *mēlon* ("apple" or "fruit") is used for all fruits.

A swarm of bees is properly called *esmos*, because they go together and do not separate. Therefore, the poet [Homer] aptly calls them *adinas*, because they fly crowdedly and in a mass; for the species is one that lives in groups.

Regarding the word "dream" (*oneiron*), he says they derive it from the fact that it "weaves" (*eirei*) what exists (*on*), that is, it expresses it; thus, this term should be applied to true dreams, whereas for false or other types, the term *enupnia* (insomnia) is more appropriate.

He says that, for this reason, those exiting by the doors in the comedies used to knock, because in olden times doors were not opened as they are among us now, but in the opposite way. For they used to push them outward to exit, striking them with their hands first so that they might hear if anyone were at the doors and take care that they might not, unknowingly, be injured by the doors being suddenly pushed into the street. For they used to worship Loxias [Apollo], whom each person would set up before their doors, constructing a round altar ^B beside him and crowning it with myrtle; those passing by would stop there. They called that altar *aguias* (of the streets) Loxias, attributing the name of the god to the altar which they had among them. And *knisan aguias* in Hesiod means "to sacrifice to the gods."

The writer who collected these things was by birth an Egyptian and of the city of Antinoopolis, or, as he himself writes, Besantinoi; he composed these preceding things in iambic meter. He lived during the times of Licinius and Maximian, a pagan so far as one can gather from his writings. He wrote other books in the same style of verse: one is inscribed *Athenae*, another *Aegyptius*, another *Adhortarius*, also *Fama*, another *Victoria*, and also *Civitas Antinoi*; whence it is evident that the argument of each work is indicated by its title. ^C

In the same codex, there were contained in a similar style of verse the *Patria* of Hermias of Hermopolis and several other things. Also, the varied dramas of the grammarian Serenus in different meters, and those of Andronicus, a citizen of Hermopolis himself, addressed to the Count Phoebammon, the founder of the city. He too is a writer of dramas, extending his discourses in various meters. In addition to these, there is the work of Horapollio the grammarian ^D concerning the local customs of the Alexandrians.

And furthermore, the grammarian Horapollo also composed dramas in a similar style. But also Cyrus of Antaeopolis [composed] on Mauricius the general and the emperor, who was present at the recitation. He too embodied his labor in iambic meter. There are also various epistles of his to different people, adorned with diverse rhetorical colors, and some other encomiastic discourses.

CCLXXX

Eulogius, Archbishop of Alexandria, against the Novatians

I read the book of the holy Eulogius, Archbishop of Alexandria, against the Novatians, which is organized into five discourses, concerning matters that pertain to the interpretation of scriptural passages.

From Book I

^B “In vain,” he says, “do the Novatians, even if they were pure and separated from the life of the world—which they are not—refuse to assemble with others and perform prayers and psalmody.” For Abel, though he excelled Cain in all things by a great measure, sacrificed together with him; and God accepted the sacrifice of the one, but rejected that of the other, and the profane man was no obstacle to the godly man such that his gifts were not accepted. And Noah, he says, was commanded to receive into the ark at the same time both clean and unclean animals. And the Master’s parable shows the Pharisee praying together with the publican. And to the prophet Elijah, the raven, an unclean bird, brought food. And what is more, the priests of the demons were no obstacle to him in the sacrifices at which they were present, nor was he himself defiled by standing by them as they sacrificed, when he even permitted the fat sheep to be sacrificed for them beforehand. And Lot, though living among the Sodomites, did not perish with them, because even if he dwelt in the same city, he was nevertheless separated from them by his deeds. Moreover, he saved the city of Segor, into which he had fled, which was one of those situated around Sodom. For the righteous man knows how to save the impious, so as not to perish with them. And the Apostle also says: “That with one mind you may all pray, and with one mouth glorify God.” And [he says] many other things. “So that the Novatians are impious,” he says, “by not enduring to pray together with ^C other people.” And he also sets forth the things mentioned in the Master’s parable, which introduces the man descending from Jericho and wounded, and explains it similarly to Chrysostom: calling the inn the Church, the two denarii the ^D Old and New Testaments, and the innkeeper the [877 H.] rulers of the Church; the man who fell among thieves, however, [he calls] the sinner. Concerning these, “Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven,” etc., he says that this forgiveness is through baptism.

^A The [phrase] “they are covered” is assigned to repentance. And that [verse], “Blessed is the man to whom the Lord shall not impute sin,” is an explanation of “they are covered,” he says. For true repentance covers sins, and the Lord does not impute them. That the blessed Paul, saying “Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners,” for this reason did not say, “of whom I was the first,” but “I am,” so that you might not think he was speaking these things about [his life] before his calling, but about the life after the calling, and [the time] in which he was saying these things. This he said, he says, both to humble himself, and at the same time to suggest to us an example of a humble mind. ^B That [person] in the Gospel who was praying with the Pharisee in the temple, the publican, for this reason beat his breast, because he possessed this [heart] as a receptacle of sins, he says; for from the heart come forth, says the Savior, evil thoughts, etc. Whence he beats the fountain of evils, being struck by conscience, so that he may dry up the streams of sins. That the devil, he says, is so named from his slandering the Creator to the creatures. For he said to them, “As God knew that your eyes would be opened, and you would be like gods, for this reason He forbade the eating of the tree.” That in the apostolic text, “the God of this age,” he also understands this as the devil. That “Every sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven to men,” and the rest, this [person] understands more simply and according to the letter; for he says that other sins are forgiven to those who repent of their misdeeds, but that to those who have insulted the Divinity, it is not forgiven either in this age or in the future, not even by Christ Himself, our God. Although he clearly thinks the contrary to these things. For he defends Cornelius, from whom Novatus broke away, [on the grounds] that he received those who had denied Christ, in whom clearly the Divinity was insulted, [when they came] repenting. Nevertheless, perhaps fighting against Novatus, he received the saying in this way.

From Book II

^C Therefore, he says, the Savior did not say to John, nor to any other of the disciples: “To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven,” etc., but [only] to Peter, who was about to deny God and was about to expiate his sin with tears and repentance, in order that, by his own example, he might be more humane toward sinners; for the others, not having been tempted, might perhaps have acted more harshly toward them. This, says Eulogius, is more plausible than true, for even if it was spoken to Peter, nevertheless ^D the power was given in the person of the coryphaeus to the other apostles as well. Since we believe that the same power of binding and loosing was given to the priests who followed them. And

in the archiepiscopal office by succession. Then, he says, as Peter had received the power of binding and loosing, he asks also about the measure of forgiveness, saying, "How often, if my brother sins against me, shall I forgive him? Up to seven times?" By saying "up to seven times," he was hastening to undo the condemnation of Cain by forgiving those who sin so often. But the Savior, canceling not only this but also that which had been brought upon Lamech, replied: "I do not say to you up to seven times, but up to seventy times seven." He sets forth the story concerning Lamech as follows: He was the seventh from Cain, and the last of his line; for the flood overtook him and wiped out the race of Cain. And he says that Lamech so far exceeded [them] that his sins were more numerous than Cain’s by seventy times seven, as even Lamech himself revealed when announcing his sins to his wives, recounting ^B the destruction of his own generation. For the sins of the men of that time, among whom Lamech also flourished, increased to such an extent that they provoked the philanthropy of God toward their total destruction, inflicting upon them punishment by the flood. [R.] And God called that generation "flesh," saying, "My Spirit shall not remain in them, because they are flesh," for having become entirely [creatures] of flesh and evil thoughts and every other sin, they truly converted into flesh the spirit they had received according to the image and likeness of God. Thus, indeed, as the archbishop Eulogius says, Lamech was condemned; but most of the Fathers declare that he found the forgiveness of his sin through promise and repentance.

Since, he says, when we present the denial and repentance of Peter, the chief of the apostles, to refute ^C the madness of the Novatians, they attempt to respond that Peter had at that time been baptized only with the imperfect baptism—for he had been baptized only with the baptism of John—and had not yet received the Holy Spirit; for after the resurrection, fifty days having passed, he received Him. But it is necessary to argue against them that even the baptism of John was perfect at that time, but it became imperfect afterwards for those who used it, after the Savior, handing down the manner of baptism to His disciples, said: "Go, make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit." [H.] When, therefore, this mystical baptism was delivered, then the baptism of John ceased, and those who baptized with it from then on baptized imperfectly, disregarding the Lord's tradition; but before, it was perfect. And that it was perfect is clear, he says, from the fact that it nowhere appears that those ^D whom John baptized were baptized again. For Jesus, he says,

baptized no one, but his disciples 96. From which it again appears that it was perfect. And the Savior, not disdaining to be baptized by it 97, showed that it was perfect—not that He Himself, as is clear 98, was in need of purification, but that He became the purification of the waters, and for those then ^A being baptized, a sanctification and a perfection. Those baptized received this baptism as an entrance to the knowledge of Christ. Since they were baptized into the coming One 2, they sought afterwards to know who the One coming was; and seeking, they found and were discipled; and approaching the Savior, they did not receive another baptism, but only received the commandments. For as long as Jesus had not yet been glorified through the cross, the baptism of John was perfect; after this, however, it was no longer so. Therefore, no one rebaptized Apollos, though he had been baptized by John at the appropriate time; but Priscilla and Aquila, when he arrived at Ephesus from his fatherland, Alexandria, took him aside and taught him more accurately the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ, but dared not baptize him. Nevertheless, those who were baptized by him [John] after the Lord's ascension into heaven—since Christ was no longer about to come, but had already arrived, and had fulfilled every dispensation and had delivered His own baptism—these Paul, finding them, and noting that they did not even know if the Holy Spirit existed, caused to be rebaptized with the baptism of the Lord. For there are many ways, he says, to gather that the baptism of John was perfect before the delivery of the divine baptism. For, he says, the Savior deemed Peter and the other disciples—who had been baptized with the baptism of John—worthy of the fearful mysteries [1604 R.] at the time of the passion, not being about to communicate the immaculate body and blood to them, had He not imparted to them the perfect baptism of John. But also, when Peter refused to have his feet washed 11, he heard from the Savior: *He who is bathed has no need to be washed again, but is clean all over; and you are clean.* From which it is shown ^B that he who was baptized with John's baptism in its own time does not need a second baptism, and that it had the power to render those baptized by it clean. Although Eulogius and most of the Fathers show that the baptism of John was entirely imperfect.

What was said in the Acts concerning those who had received the baptism of John: "Hearing these things, they were baptized in…

the name of the Lord Jesus," means, he says, that they were baptized according to the tradition and teaching of the Lord Jesus; so that elsewhere, when he says that they were baptized into Christ or into the death of Christ, we ought to understand that the same meaning is signified: that is, that they were baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. For thus ^A our Lord Jesus Christ taught and delivered that baptism should be performed.

That he says, the Apostle, showing a certain greater commiseration towards the Israelites who had not yet believed, says: "For I myself could wish to be anathema," and so forth, in Rom. IX, 5. Instead of "I wished," he says, "I was willing to be under condemnation, if only the sons of Israel might return to the Lord."

That Paul, he says, fearing the downfall of the Galatians, says: "I am afraid, lest I have labored among you in vain," in Gal. IV, 11. Then he adds, "Become as I am, for I also am as you." O the commiseration of the Apostle, which lowers itself as much as the sinners had fallen, so that by his condescension he might bring those who had fallen back to their own measure!

That the Apostle calls those who had fallen "little children," whom he says he is again in travail with, until Christ be formed in them. ^B John also calls such persons "little children," saying, "I write to you, little children, because your sins are forgiven for his name's sake," in 1 John II, 12. But when at length they are perfected through conversion in virtues, he no longer calls them little children, but fathers and brothers; for he adds, "I write to you, fathers, because you know him who is from the beginning; I write to you, young men, because you have overcome the evil one," in 1 John II, 13.

That those from Novatus bring forward, he says, this apostolic saying, "It is impossible for those who were once enlightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Spirit, and have tasted the good word of God, and have fallen away, to be renewed again to repentance," and so forth, in Heb. VI, 4. But this, he says, that he writes to Hebrews who had believed is evident from the very words of the Epistle; ^C nevertheless, the majority of those of the Jews who had then believed and had come to Christ still kept most of the legal and Jewish observances, and therefore they used diverse baptisms. Turning himself, then, to those, he says, the divine Paul, and leading them away from the observance of others besides the one baptism, said that statement, but not—God forbid!—taking away repentance, which he frequently and many times preached. What he says through the statement, then, is of this sort: It is impossible, he says, for those who have once been enlightened to expect a second baptism. For Christ suffered once at the end of the ages. Whence also into his death we are baptized; for "we were buried with him in baptism, and together we have risen," in Rom. VI, 4. For he who seeks to keep the baptisms of the law ^D crucifies the Son of God a second time, and holds him up as a spectacle, who was crucified once. If indeed there were many baptisms, it would have behooved Christ to suffer even more often; but now that he has suffered once, he has entered not into a sanctuary made by hands,

but into heaven itself, to appear now before God on our behalf. It is impossible, therefore, for those who have once been enlightened in his death to be baptized a second or yet more often, and to attempt to crucify the Son of God again. ^A He therefore accuses the Jews who dare to do this, and who return to the baptisms of the law, which are unable to cleanse the soul; and therefore he says: "Whereas ye ought to be teachers for the time, ye have need that one teach you again which be the first principles of the oracles of God," etc. Now, the "first principles of the oracles of God" is the knowledge of God; that is, those approaching Christ must first renounce the sins by which they were held fast, which is to be severed from dead works. Secondly, they must receive the redemption of former sins through baptism, and, having received this, they must learn the doctrine in faith. What, indeed, was Jewish, and what was truly salutary? Then, by making progress, they must be rendered worthy of the coming of the Holy Spirit, which was brought about through the laying on of the hands of the apostles, and be taught of the resurrection of the dead and the future judgment. ^B This doctrine, therefore, is the beginning of the instruction of believers. Having received this, though they were of Jewish origin, and having been obligated to teach others and render them perfect, they themselves, on the contrary, were again in need of instruction. "Nevertheless," he says, "even though you are such that you must learn again what are the first principles of the oracles of God, we will not teach you the rudiments of faith again." For he says: "Therefore, leaving the lesson of the beginning of Christ, let us be borne unto perfection." It is not necessary to lead you back to the elements of the beginning, lest we appear to lay another foundation. For he says: "Not again laying the foundation of repentance from dead works, and of faith toward God, ^C of the doctrine of baptisms, and of laying on of hands, of resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgment." This, therefore, is what that signifies: "Therefore, leaving the elementary lesson of the beginning of Christ," etc., and that: "And this will we do, if God permit." The meaning of the same is: we must no longer begin with the elementary doctrine which you learned when you were first baptized, but let us be borne unto perfection. For even if you have lapsed, you cannot again receive the foundation of faith, nor a second baptism, nor the laying on of hands. Thus, therefore, Paul omits that elementary doctrine and arrives at perfection, recounting the priesthood of the Savior. ^D And he pursues this point by point, and how the Lord is a priest after the order of Melchizedek. The meaning, therefore, of the Apostle's statement, as we have often said (even if they bring it forward for their own cause), does not support the Novatians, but shows that he who has been once enlightened does not stand in need of a second baptism. For he who has been washed, as the Lord says, needs only to wash his feet; that is, he does not stand in need of baptism again after he has sinned, but rather of tears,

or to have his carnal steps cleansed. For, he says, the Lord’s commandment which says: "Into whatever city you enter and they receive you, eat all things that are set before you, asking no questions," is in accord with the Apostolic saying in which he says: "If any of the unbelievers invites you, and you wish to go, eat everything that is set before you, asking no questions." ^A

^B That those from Novatus, opposing the explanation of the aforesaid passage regarding those who seek a second baptism, say that this was not said regarding a second baptism; for, they say, he said it is impossible for those who have once been enlightened and have fallen away to be renewed unto repentance, not unto baptism; and that baptism and repentance are entirely distinct. For the one is a gift and grace and a painless remission of sins, while repentance accomplishes its own work through sweat, tears, and mercy. Thus indeed they speak, and that we nowhere find baptism called repentance. But he says that even if there is much difference between baptism and repentance, it is shown nevertheless that the name of repentance is used both before baptism and after baptism. For if anyone does not renounce his former way of life, and set before his eyes a manner of living befitting a believer, and so approach baptism, he approaches in vain, being unrepentant regarding his past wicked deeds and having no regard for turning toward a better life. Thus, then, even though repentance is distinct, yet it finds a place to be considered both before baptism and after baptism. At any rate, he says it is impossible for the repentance which precedes baptism to be performed a second time, because it is not possible for anyone to receive baptism a second time. Thus also John, baptizing, when he even baptized the disciples of the Lord, says: "I indeed baptize you in water unto repentance," and again to the crowds: "Produce fruit worthy of repentance," clearly of the repentance which is, he says, through baptism itself. And the chief apostle, he says, speaking to the Jews about the things they had lawlessly committed against Christ, when they were pierced by the teaching and said: "What shall we do, men and brothers?" said to them: "Repent, and let each of you be baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit," and so forth. Wherefore the word of repentance grants nothing of what the Novatians wished. That which was said by Simon Magus to the chief apostle Peter: "Pray you for me to God that nothing may come upon me of these things which you have said," is not

he says, of repentance nor of disposition; for had it been, they would have prayed and shared in forgiveness. But Peter, knowing from the Holy Spirit the things of his mind, passed over his words as [mere] mockery and deceit. ^B That which is said: "Do you not know that as many of us as were baptized into Christ Jesus, were baptized into His death?" to be baptized into Christ Jesus would mean to be baptized according to the command and tradition of Christ Jesus, that is, into the Father and the Son [1609 R.] and the Holy Spirit; but the phrase "into His death," signifies that we signify His death in baptism. That which is proposed [as an argument] by the Novatians: "For if we sin willfully after we have received the knowledge of the truth, there no longer remains a sacrifice for sins, but a certain fearful expectation of judgment," and so forth—this text, therefore, which is brought forward for the destruction of repentance, is resolved; for he says that here he does not simply remove [all] sacrifice, but the legal sacrifice. And he does not simply forbid it, but threatens final judgment to those who, after the recognition of the truth and the enjoyment of the mystical sacrifice, return to that legal sacrifice [offered] by calves and bulls. By saying these things, he says that the Apostle is calling away the Jews, who had already joined themselves to Christ, from the observance of the Law. Just as, therefore, he forbids them to perform the rituals of the Law, so also he forbids the blood-sacrifices. For the Jews, when they had fallen into sin, were first purified, then washed by water, and finally offered victims for their sins; the Apostle, calling them away from these, brings forward terrible threats. For it was necessary that the true victim, once offered at the consummation of the ages for sins—that is, the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world, being slain—that those many and typical sacrifices for the expiation of sins should no longer exist, but altogether cease. For it is impossible, as the same Apostle says, that the blood of bulls and goats should again take away sins, since the Lamb of God has been offered once. "For by one oblation," he says, "He has perfected forever those who are being sanctified." As, therefore, he has said that it is impossible for the blood of bulls and goats to take away sins, he says that the following text—"For if we sin willfully after we have received the knowledge of the truth, there no longer remains a sacrifice for sins," and so forth—refers to the same thing. For the fearful rite of the body of the Lord, which is performed by us, is not an offering ^C of various sacrifices, ^D but a commemoration of the sacrifice once offered: "Do this," He says, "in remembrance of Me," and: "As often as we do this, we proclaim the death of the Lord." All these things Eulogius of Alexandria said for the refutation of the dogma of the Novatians. And he said that the fearful rite of the body of the Lord, which is performed by us, is not an offering of various sacrifices, 884 H.

^A but a remembrance of the sacrifice once offered: "For this," he says, "do in remembrance of me," and, "As often as we do this, we proclaim the death of the Lord." These things, indeed, Eulogius from Alexandria argued in refutation of the Novatian doctrine.

From the third book

The Lord, he says, forbids in this present life that sinners be separated from the righteous; and this is clear, he says, from the parable which says: "The kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man that sowed good seed," and the rest, up to: "Wilt thou then that we go and gather them up?" And he says: "Nay, lest while ye gather up the tares, ye root up also the wheat with them. Let both grow together until the harvest," and the rest. This parable, then, he says, forbids the separation of sinners from the righteous before the end of the age, even if those who are sick with the disease of Novatus say this, judging themselves as pure in comparison to other men. To the same effect also refers that which was said by the Baptist: "Whose fan is in his hand, and he will throughly purge his floor," and the rest, and ten thousand other things. That "Make to yourselves friends of the mammon of unrighteousness" is of this nature: Make to yourselves friends, he says, of those who are in this world destitute, but rich toward God. But it is better to acquire them as friends from one's own labors. For "Honor the Lord with thy substance" and with righteous labors. But if nothing remains from righteous labors, then let us make them our friends through those things which we have collected from iniquity: for he calls covetousness the mammon of iniquity. And God receives even these through the destitute, ^B if only we guard ourselves from sinning in the future. For it is good, even through the money of covetousness, to acquire friends, so that when we depart, having no other living justification, those who have received mercy may welcome us into their own tabernacles. But if we are not willing to do good even from the mammon of iniquity, that is, of covetousness, how could anyone believe that if money from our own labors had come to us, we would have helped the needy by pitying them? For if, from those things which came to us without any toil and righteous labors, but from an easy and covetous hand, things so easily acquired and truly belonging to others, we do not show kindness to any of the needy, how would we be believed to be willing to share with any of the poor from those things which seem to be our own and are the fruits of our labors?

That the prophet, he says, saying: "As the shepherd taketh out of the mouth of the lion two legs, or a piece of an ear," signifies by these things that ^C it is not right to utterly despise even him who has fallen into the very mouth of the devil, but that the seal, which man received in baptism, must be rescued from the devil; that we may not be punished for the total loss of the rational sheep. For of brute animals, some are sealed on the ear, others on the leg; wherefore it is necessary for the shepherd to present either the ear or the leg in the enumeration to the ^D Lord. But the shepherd of rational sheep, since the sheep, of which he is the pastor, the sign...

through baptism and the confession of faith upon the soul, and bear the Lord's seal there, he rightly ought to exert great effort to snatch them from the devil, so that even if the sheep becomes food for the evil one through other actions, at least it might show the seal of faith, which we have sculpted in the soul through baptism, having been snatched from there at the time of visitation, as a great argument to God, demonstrating that they are not lost because of his own negligence and ruin ^B.

The Lord questioning Peter: "Simon, son of Jonah, do you love me more than these?" He who knows all things did not ask in order to learn, but since he was about to appoint him pastor, he did this to show how much care he had for the sheepfold. For the same person who had pursued him with great love as Lord, when he appointed him pastor, undoubtedly showed great love toward the sheep: therefore, ^C showing the care for the endowed sheep. Then he also establishes a certain rank of the sheep, first ordering him to feed the lambs, then the little sheep: for those sheep which had diminished from the perfection of virtue through certain sins, returned to being little sheep: and finally, in the third place, he brings forth perfect sheep. Those therefore are likened to lambs who are still in need of milk and elementary instruction; those are likened to little sheep who for certain transgressions have diminished from perfection; but those are sheep who have ascended to the summit of both faith and works. And observe how he places the imperfect before the perfect. For the goal set before the Lord is the salvation of sinners: "For I did not come," he says, "to call the just, but sinners to repentance."

From Book IV

"Great, he says, is man, because he is the image of God and was fashioned by divine hands: but a merciful man becomes precious through the commands of the Lord, acquiring honor for himself through the things he does." That blessed Paul, he says, when he says: "I do not consider myself to have attained it; but one thing I do: forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forward to those things which are before," ^D and what follows, then adding: "Nevertheless, to the degree that we have attained, to walk by the same rule," he calls the previously given rule the rule of the course according to God. What is this? To make a forgetting of prior good works, but to flourish and reach forward to the things before, as if just beginning good works, daily understanding that "Today," and saying to themselves up until the last breath of life. For it is necessary until that time to run the course of God, and to struggle against adversaries. The Apostle says: "It is better to...

marry than to burn," by which he means the burning that leads to licentiousness, saying it is better to guide the weakness of nature through lawful marriage than to turn away from this and become inflamed by the burning toward licentiousness. "Let no one who is tempted say that 'I am tempted by God,'" and what follows: he understands this specifically regarding the temptation of fornication. For each person, he says, by receiving desire through sight, brings temptation upon himself, not only having it struggling against him from without, but also ignited from within by himself. For when desire is focused upon the appearance of the person seen, and the sense of sight fashions it within the soul, the temptation grows and increases, which we ourselves kindle by looking. Finally, the heart receiving this imperfect fetus of shameful thoughts, by fostering and fashioning it over time, carries and gives birth to sin, the result of which is death. That passage: "If your right eye causes you to sin," and what follows, he explains by saying that in this place the Savior implies the thoughts of the heart; he commands that these be cut off when they lead to sin, being cast away by means of afterthought, suppressed and expelled from the soul. The hand signifies action, which, when it turns toward sin, must be cut off immediately by the sharp and swift application of virtue. And the foot represents the motion of one’s steps in life and conduct; which, just like the hand and the eye, it is fitting to cut off, by interrupting the evil motion with a good motion. Thus, in this way, he knew how to interpret the passage differently from others, perhaps because such an interpretation contributes to the battle against the Novatians, who readily cut off from themselves and from the Church those who have sinned even in the slightest. ^B Therefore, he says, by removing the eye that looks upon contrary things and the action and movement divided toward evil, and by looking and doing only the good and moving toward it alone, like one-handed, one-footed, and one-eyed men, one must hasten to enter the kingdom of heaven. [1616 R.] Regarding what was said in Job, "The lion has perished because it has no prey," he says this implies the devil. For he goes about as a roaring lion seeking whom he may devour; but being defeated, he no longer goes about as a lion, but having shrunk to the size of an ant, he departs ashamed and perishes, finding no prey among men. And the prey and strength of the devil is the sin found in men; when this is absent, he perishes. ^D For he says that the devil himself both provokes man to sins and, again, he himself becomes a vindicator of God against the one who has obeyed him; he is called in Scripture both enemy and vindicator. Enemy, because by legislating against the divine laws, he persuades men to choose the worse in place of the better.

^A He is a vindicator, inasmuch as he himself is compelled to punish the one who has sinned. "Deliver such a one," he says, "to Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord" (I Cor. v, 5). And observe now the philanthropy of God and the malice of the devil. God, desiring to cleanse the one who has sinned, delivers him, through the apostolic voice, to the devil as an executioner; the devil, however, stands ready like a lion, desiring to devour him whom he himself persuaded to sin—and he knows not that the body was delivered to him not for perdition, but for correction, so that the spirit might be saved. For he is entrusted with no power over the soul, as is shown also in the case of the noble Job; for even in his case, having obtained power over other things, he is commanded not to dare to touch the soul—that is, not to bring about a loss of reason. ^B And note that, both in the case of the righteous Job and in that of the sinner at Corinth, the wicked one does not obtain power over the soul; rather, he is indeed forbidden from it. For the one in Corinth is delivered to him—"that," he says, "the spirit may be saved." For a sinner, having fallen through temptation into the destruction of the flesh, and being worn down by the pains of the body, and having recognized from what root such painful things sprout for him, is compelled, even against his will, to hate sin and to run towards conversion, and to save his soul along with his body. But how did Satan receive power against the sinner? By his having been cut off from everything, from the Church and from the communion of the dread mysteries. Therefore he writes that, being punished according to desert and afflicted with scourges, and having been converted, he might again be granted that from which he was hindered, which having obtained, Satan no longer has the power which he had taken over his body. Those who turn ^C to repentance of their own accord, the Lord welcomes and accepts; but those who do not do penance of their own accord, He calls back by chastening them. The Apostle expresses this meaning by saying: "For if we would judge ourselves, we should not be judged. But when we are judged, we are chastened by the Lord, that we should not be condemned with the world" (I Cor. xi, 31). And "that we should not be condemned with the world"—he does not mean the created order (for the work of God is beautiful), but by "world" he here means the wickedness of the world, the scandals of the wicked one. Therefore the Lord also says: "Woe to the world because of its scandals" (Matth. xviii, 7). That the passage, "Looking diligently lest any man fail of the grace of God; lest any root of bitterness springing up trouble you" (Hebr. xii, 15), and what follows, is said by the Apostle concerning thoughts, he affirms—that is, ^D lest there be any thought in you still clinging to the devil and falling short of the grace of God. For when some thought, like a root of wickedness, is buried within us, even if we have uprooted most of them through conversion, yet if that one 848b is left hidden, growing and emerging in part, it gains strength and defiles other thoughts that are inclined toward the good. He therefore urges us to uproot the root of every sin, so that man may fully carry out the commandments of God without hindrance and with fruit. By the dogs, he says, the parable reproves that cruel rich man before whose gates Lazarus lay. For the dogs, out of compassion for his great calamity, as much as they were able...

performed their service, licking and as it were wiping away his ulcer with their tongues; but he was even more cruel than the dogs toward one of his own kin, and was reproved by the dogs themselves. For this reason the fire comes upon him without mercy. That he so unfolds the parable concerning the wedding, and those who call, and those who are called and do not obey, and the other things pertaining to it: the wedding he interprets as the kingdom of God; those who call as the prophets; those called as first the people from Israel, who not even then wished to enter. ^B Whereupon the King, having sent forth his armies, that is, the Roman power, slaughtered all those who did not obey so as to believe in the Christ and our Savior who was being preached, and burned the city, that is, Jerusalem, with fire. And finally, he sends other servants, that is, the apostles, and they, going out into the highways and hedges—that is, the base and those unworthy of the city of God, namely those who were still scattered and hedged about by various errors of God—call these. And... or they who seem to be of the household hear the call. And the apostles teach both the wicked and the good. But at the consummation—for then the wedding is filled with those reclining—the King then receives the invited ones in a friendly manner, and casts out no one except those who did not have a wedding garment, that is, those who did not put on the garment of incorruptibility through baptism; and they neither had the garment, nor put on that pure one, nor, having defiled it, washed it clean through almsgiving and repentance; and he leads them into the bridal chamber, and shows them to be partakers of the bridegroom’s kindness.

From Book V

^C "Let lying lips be made silent, which speak against the just," as David sings. f He says that the Novatians of Alexandria do this, prattling against the martyrs of Christ. He says that they shall appear at the last day of judgment and will have no defense of their own, nor will they be able to open their mouth and move their lips, because in the present time they have sharpened their tongues against the martyrs of Christ. That which is said by the Apostle concerning Alexander the coppersmith: "Alexander the coppersmith showed me many evils; the Lord will render to him in that day," g some of the Fathers say this is not a curse, but merely a declaration of those things which Alexander was about to suffer from God; but he [Eulogius] affirms it is clearly a curse brought upon Alexander, who had not done penance and had not turned from his wickedness. David, speaking of those justified through tribulation, says: "The Lord keepeth all their bones, and not one of them shall be broken." h He shows that those bones possess life, and ^D

^A are sufficient to provide healing to those who approach them. For indeed, those same bones, now preserved by the Lord, being reunited with one another, recover their own soul, and share in the rewards of their struggles. There are many other proofs I could take up to demonstrate that some power resides in the bones of the saints. Note, for instance, a certain dead man who, being carried during an enemy incursion, and because they could not properly bury him in his own tomb due to the urgent necessity, they buried him where the bones of a holy man lay. For when the dead man was brought near the relics of the holy man, sooner than a word he rose from the tomb; and when he had reached home, it was discovered afterwards that that casket contained the body of the holy man. He says that sins are remitted to some through baptism, declaring them blessed in all other respects; while for others, they remain to be remitted through confession and penance.

Other Fathers, however, explain this passage differently. It does not seem to me to be said correctly that the Apostle posits three orders of men. The first is that of the martyrs and the just, whom he says are not to be judged, but will be judges, in these words: "Do you not know that the saints will judge the world?" ^B The second order is of those who will not be judged, such as the impious and those who have not served God. For they will rise, but they will not be brought to trial. For David says: "Therefore the impious shall not rise in judgment" with those who are to be judged. The third order is of those who have indeed worshipped God, but have been subject to many sins, for which they will be brought to trial to give an account, of which we have in turn shared. Thus speaks Eulogius. But neither does his discourse convincingly prove that they are appointed as judges with Christ, nor that not all will appear before the tribunal. For the impious always condemn themselves, yet they will undergo judgment to render an account. For the Apostle ^C does not place the saints as judges with Christ, but shows that a refutation of the world is future, and a condemnation of those who have not lived in the manner of the saints, just as it is said in the Gospels that the Ninevites and the Queen of the South who then existed would judge the generation that did not believe in Christ.

David names three orders in these words: "Therefore the impious shall not rise in judgment." See the last order. "Nor sinners in the council of the just." k See the one that follows. "For the Lord knoweth the way of the just." l See, he says, the best order, and that each of these has his own place, assigned to him according to his merits. ^D

From the Sixth Book.

^A In the sixth book, he exposes the false account of the martyrdom of Novatus which is circulated, which teaches—even against Novatus himself—that only one of the eight presbyters who had been ordained under Macedonius, the bishop of Rome, endured the martyrdom of confession in Christ, while the seven others, together with Macedonius, sacrificed to the idols. It states that, of all the Christians of the West, almost only Marcellus and Alexander, bishops of Aquileia, and Agamemnon, bishop of Tibris, endured martyrdom with him. These men, after living privately with Novatus following their martyrdom, would not permit themselves to join in the sacred rites with those who had sacrificed; and these bishops laid their hands upon him, so that he might fulfill the pontifical office of Rome. This martyrdom is said to have occurred while Decius and Valerian were emperors of the Romans, and Perennius, a ^B ducenarius, had been charged with the madness and punishment against the Christians. And that written record of the martyrdom bears an inscription; yet it does not record that Novatus endured either scourges or penalties or torture, although it writes that Perennius was the cruellest of all who had ever acted against the Christians, bringing forward the martyrdom of Novatus in order to hold strange and bizarre discussions about martyrdom. Thus, he brings him out of this life, crowned with the flowers of dreams. This falsely forged and incoherent little document is what he refutes in his sixth book. He says, furthermore, that Novatus, during the time that Cornelius held the Roman pontificate, had received the first rank of the deacons from Cornelius. At that time, it was a custom in the Church of the Romans ^C that, when a bishop died, the archdeacon should be ordained to the throne of the episcopacy by the laying on of hands; but Cornelius, through divine inspiration, seeing that he was zealous for new things and aspiring to power, and that he was unworthy of such a dignity, ordained him among the presbyters, and completely closed off his path to the pontifical throne of Rome. But Novatus, watching for an opportunity to carry out this established custom, when he saw that Cornelius, with paternal compassion, was receiving back into favor those who truly repented, both for other sins and for the worship of idols, used this as a pretext, broke away from the Church, and acted arrogantly against Cornelius. He called those who formed a company with him against the Church "the Pure," ^D while he called the Cornelius-followers—those who loathed his ambition and his madness against the penitents—by that name. Moreover, Eulogius, the archbishop of Alexandria, records that afterwards, Cornelius, the bishop of Rome, ended his life with the glorious victory of martyrdom. As for his style, this man is not one of those who are capable of having a reputation for learning or literary composition; for he does not even avoid writing in a way that is occasionally solecistic and slightly barbaric. Yet, in his expositions of Scripture, he does not yield even to the best men in many places. However, in such a style, he is not entirely incapable of persuading or delighting his readers.

What, therefore, memory provided for us as we were studying privately, besides those things [1623 R.] which...

NOTES OF DAVID HOESCHELIUS

NOTICE OF DAVID HOESCHELIUS ON THE NOTES TO THE BIBLIOTHECA OF PHOTIUS

It is now five years and more since I began to labor here in Augsburg, by the authority of the highest, to procure the Bibliotheca of Photius from elsewhere at a certain price; since it could be most easily conjectured that it was most worthy of being brought to light, even from the few things that had been printed from it. At about the same time, the most illustrious Andreas Schottus of Antwerp, at his own expense and for no other reason, took care to have the same Photian work transcribed from the codices of Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto—whose library is now that of Cardinal Ascanio Colonna—and to have it compared with the Vatican codex, which was recently copied by hand from the Venetian codex of Cardinal Bessarion. ^C Schottus, therefore, seeing the elegance of the new Augsburg type, offered this literary task—truly worthy of value—to us of his own accord, for the sake of his innate love for advancing the republic of letters, so that the entire volume might at last become public property and be printed in the same Augsburg type, and not emerge divided into parts. Upon being informed of this, as well as of the generosity of him who was to provide the funds necessary for the printer, the most noble Joannes Georgius Hervart, advisor to the most serene Dukes of Bavaria, immediately obtained for me—with the kindness that is his—the use of the other manuscript written by hand from the ducal library. Impelled by the examples of these men, and also by the persuasion (as I understood) of the most illustrious Joannes Vincentius Pinellus, Max Margunius sent his own autograph. Finally, Paulus, son of the late Henrici Stephanus, shared with me that *myriobiblon*, as some have been pleased to call it—the greater part of which was written by the hand of his father, and likewise compared with an older exemplar of excellent quality—at the urging of his most learned kinsman, Isaac Casaubon. ^D Furthermore, because at the beginning there were only two transcripts at hand, which for the most part agreed with each other—although in the Bavarian [codex] I noticed traces of a reading noted elsewhere—in order that nothing might be lacking to adorn and polish this work to the greatest extent, whatever [sheets] were being printed I sent to the most illustrious and learned men Joseph Scaliger and Isaac Casaubon, so that with the keenness of their intellect and the skill of their judgment, just as with other authors, they might also bring a remedy to the desperate passages here. In this, both made me fulfilled in my wish. But above all, the most noble and ample Marcus Valserus, duumvir of the Augsburg republic, although occupied with more serious cares, nevertheless removed every doubt for me with no effort regarding whatever I consulted him about, nor was he weary of conferring with me about them. That eagerness to oblige I also experienced in Justus Lipsius, the phoenix of our century. In order that the reader may know to whom the support of these men is to be attributed: A. to Andreas Schottus, C. V. to the Vatican, C. B. to the Bavarian, M. M. to Max Margunius, H. S. to Henrici Ste- [index: entries preserved]

Stephanus, and the binary note, the ancient manuscript with which it was collated, signifies: as also the isolated capital letters for their names, of which I have just made mention. It remains for me to approach the notes themselves. In these I have provided not what I wished, but what my spare hours—and these not always free—allowed during this winter, begging for forgiveness if I have fallen short of anyone’s expectations in any particular.

Page 1, verse 1. ^A *Anagraphē*. Some have titled this work of manifold erudition *Bibliothēkē*, others more splendidly *Myriobiblon*, because of the variety of its arguments; we, following the author, have termed it *Excerpta et Censurae* [Excerpts and Censures] of the books which Photius had read. Page 4, verse 14. *Of Dionysius the Areopagite, Bishop of Athens.* [Reference to membrane of Maximus the Confessor in the Bibliotheca Augustana.] Verses 26–30. *Auxēthentōn paradoseōn* [Of increased traditions]: a solecism, as in page 752 below, verse from the end, *tē polei en hō* [in the city, in which], and page 753, verse 3, *peri tēn polin, en hō* [around the city, in which]; not unlike that in Synesius, Epistle 57: "As to me, of the blows with which God has pursued our sins, Andronicus is by far the most burdensome." There the Scholiast of the Aug. manuscript says: "Note the syntax. For it ought to have been said thus: 'As to me, of all the blows with which God has pursued our sins, Andronicus is by far the most burdensome'; but he said 'of all' [in a way] related to the matters." This is found also in Homer [Iliad T, verse 320]: "But my heart Is dry of drink and food, while they remain Within, for longing of thee." And Plato says in the *Theaetetus* [Tome I, page 153b]: "But the habit in the soul is not acquired from learning and exercise, which being movements, one acquires lessons, and it is preserved, and becomes better"—thus far the manuscript scholion. Not unrelated to this is what is read in the same *Theaetetus* of Plato: *duoin ontoin ideain doxēs* [of two ideas of opinion] (for so [Allatius], the two Basilian editions, and the manuscript Augustanus, written by hand, which they changed for fear of an error into *eideoin*), page 187, c. *hoi amphotera toutō tō doxa*, page 195, b, ed. Henrici Stephanus. Thus in Attic: *amphō tō poleis*; *hoi, ho ti an amphoin toin polesin dokē*, said Thucydides, book V; and *ek tōn* [Aug. manuscript *toin*] *duoin poleoin*, the same, I, viii, verse 3, at the beginning. *Hadrian’s*. Manuscript of V. N. Marq. Freherus, *Hadrianou eisagōgē eis tas theias Graphas* [Hadrian’s Introduction to the Holy Scriptures]. Its beginning: "Of the Hebrew character there are three kinds; of which one one might find in the thought, another in the diction, and another in the composition." Last verse: *eisagomenois*. For the beginners; Macarius says "for those just beginning to be trained," Philo says "for those just [learning]" the sacred Letters, Isidore of Pelusium, below on page 512, verse 35: "Those who are introduced to the monks." See also page 600, verse 17.

Page 5, verse 5. *Homeritae*. Procopius, book 1, *On the Persian War*: *Homeritai*. Scholion c. v, note: *Homēritas*; for the kings reigning from the beginning [or *of the rulers* M.M.] used to make their subjection secure through hostages [M.M. *epistounto*]. See below page 80, verse 44. Verse 18, *anarrhysin* [a drawing back]. For this word, although in another sense than here, is incorrectly read as *anarousis*; in Suidas, and *anakrousis* in the very learned interpreter of that work, in his *Apaturia*. The reading in the margin, *anarrhēsis* for *anagoreusis*, that is, renunciation, has no place here, wherefore it is struck out. Verse 20, *Chindinōn*; write *kai Kindunōn* [and of dangers], Henricus Stephanus, 2, M.M. Verse the same, *Maadēnōn*. These are rendered in Latin in Procopius as *Maddeni*, just as *Auxoumitai* are called *Auzomitae*, both erroneously. Similar errors occur throughout this historian, and the text is no less often mutilated. This will appear most clearly when it finally sees the light in Greek: and this perhaps with my help, while others delay in applying their own hand to it. Verse 27, read *Elesbaas*. Verse 28, *Axoumis*. See what the illustrious Jos. Scaliger wrote regarding the Aethiopian calendar, book VI, *De emendatione temporum*. Verse 29, read *anatolikōtera*. Verse 37, *Ambru kai Iezedō*. In Arabic, Omar and Jerid. I. S. Verse 38, *Palastinōn*, *Palastēnōn*, Henricus Stephanus, M.M. that more common one, which is also now called Palestine, "the land of the Philistines," which is also called Judaea, Epiphanius. Verse 41, *Arbylas*. Theocritus, *Idyll* VII. Verse 26, *Arbylidas*; where the Scholion says *arbylē* is a type of footwear, from *harmozesthai* [being fitted]. Verse 49, *phasōlin*. Thus A. S. and Henricus Stephanus. *Phaskēlin*, Manuscripts *phaskōlion* [which has the meaning of a satchel in Dio Chrysostom] C. B. with a note of error. Suidas: *to phakiolion*, among other things, is the same as *phakelos* or *phakellos* (for they write it both ways), that is, a bundle. *Lygōn ē phruganōn phakelon* [a bundle of twigs or brushwood], said Plutarch in the *Life of Fabius Maximus*. *Phakellon*, Ammonius in the book of Aristotle *On Hermēs*. *Phruganōn phakellous* and *phakiolous*, Dionysius Halicarnassensis books 8 and 10, *Antiquitates Romanae*. *Hylēs xēras phakellous*, Flavius Josephus (with acute accent) book 5, *Archaeologia*. Verse 50, *hote ton tauron*. Procopius should be consulted, I. S.

Page 8, verse 1. *Adoulin*. *Adoulēn* C. B., M. M., Henricus Stephanus. Verse 27, *theros te kai* [Summer also and]. Verse 32, *Brachytatois to megethos*. The Greeks indicate by this pygmies and dwarfs: Lucian, "Alas, O Hermotimus, if you were to show how small we are, not even according to those pygmies [Iliad Gamma, verse 6], but altogether on the ground, in the surface of the earth." Procopius book 4, *De bello Gothico* (which the interpreter himself omitted): "The ancient men used to call the Corsican [land] *Cyrnos*. Here, just as humans, dwarfs [gr. *pitzādai*] come into being; thus [F. *toutois*] there are herds of certain horses, little larger than sheep." Hence *nanōdēs* [dwarf-like] in nature, or a *nanōdes* body, in the same Lucian. [Regarding] *D. Joan. Chrysostom*, "an error of nature," *Comm. in epist. ad Tim.* cap. 1. See below page 145, verse 7, from the end. Verse 42, *ostreiōn*. Gr. *kai ostreōn*. Verse 45, *aporrhiptomenōn* M. M., Henricus Stephanus. Verse 45, *hypeptēsan*. *Hypeptēsson* Henricus Stephanus. Verse 51, *arista* (C. V. *malista*). Verse 54, *Mopsou hestias* [or] *Mopsouestias*. Cedrenus [says] that: "Theodorus, having obtained the city of Mopsouestia in Cilicia," where he also lashes out against the errors of Theodorus.

Page 9, verse 13, *epelegchei*. *Apelegchei*, A. S. Mss., Henricus Stephanus. Verse 34 and following, I., *monōn*. Verse 35, in C. B., M. M. and Henricus Stephanus *to monōn* [the word "only"] is absent, as also in the next verse *to gar* [for] in three codices.

Page 12, verse 2, read *hyphēn*, *pentekaidekatou*. Verse 9, *en bibliois k’*. They exist only in ten [books]. Verse 12, *apodeixis*. *Apodosis* M. M., which reading perhaps arises from a compendium; for in two [manuscripts] M. M. [it is] *apod*. Verse 23, *hōs para*. *Hōsper tēn* G. B., M. M. Verse 3, from the end: the same A. S. reads *syntetheimenōn*.

Page 13, verse 4, *Dōrylaiou*. *Dorylaiou*, M. M. G. B., Henricus Stephanus, just like also the name of the city, *to Dorylaion* is written with an omicron. Verse cod. *Theodōritos*. *Theodōrētos*, M. M. and A. S. [there is] the same variety below; for which ditto-graphy consult the notes of the late Fr. Sylburgius in Theodoret’s *Therapeutics*. Page 13, verse 11, *etraktaisthe*. In *Synopsi Basil.* book 28, Tit. 4, Cap. 5: "*epi paranomōn de gamōn ou traktaitai apaitēsis*" [but in the case of illegal marriages, no recovery of the dowry is made], the origin of which word should be sought in the Lexicons. Verse 12, read *sungrammata autou· ta peri*. Verse 19, *periechontai*. *Sumperiechontai*, Henricus Stephanus 2, A. S. Verse 24, *Kūros*. *Kūros* Henricus Stephanus 2, C. A. Verse 8, from the end, in margin: *I. de Resurrectione liber*.

Page 17, verse 3, *parathesis*. *Paradōsis* Henricus Stephanus, M. M., C. B. Verse 3, *autoi*. *Houtoi* Henricus Stephanus 2. Verse in the same place, *Chalkēdoni*. C. B. and Mss. *Karchēdoni*, which permutation [occurs] also below. Verse 20, *tō tēs basilidos episkopō Iōannē*. This John, archbishop of Constantinople, the one from the school-

- of the eunuchs, he who by his influence brings down and lets into the sights here, for this thing rages outside and seeps into the myopia. They are also destroyed by the... ^A For it happens that, while they are present, on account of daily needs and movements, their originations are destroyed, as movement and change are always occurring, just as in other things, and in the very refuse being cast out of them; but when they have dissolved, when quiet occurs, it is quickly completed because it is hindered by nothing, until the moisture in the refuse has dried. The origin of flies, then, takes place quickly and in great numbers, as has been stated; but locusts and grasshoppers are everywhere, so to speak, and they increase in number by finding suitable places and by their eggs not being destroyed, which happens on account of the land being uncultivated; for in land that is farmed, they perish. Wherefore they are also carried down from the desert and uncultivated land to the inhabited and workable land. They linger either because the region is surrounded by high mountains and they are unable to rise above them, or on account of the suitability of the land; such is that which is soft and holds moisture and is dewy. Now locusts are troublesome, but the attelabi are more troublesome, and of these especially those whom they call bruchi. Their origin is from one another. But some think, though not by an accurate sign, that because some of them have a color similar to those in the region, they are spontaneous; for it is clear that they get such a thing from the food, and not from their origin. Their destruction is in part a sort of natural and pestilential one (for they are stung by the dog-star, and a certain little worm is generated in the head, and they are destroyed), and in part [it occurs] during movement and flight; for when they rise up, they are carried by winds into the sea and are destroyed. They are destroyed also by winter and cold, both they themselves and their eggs. They are destroyed also by the contrivance of men; for by making trenches they drive them into them, and by filling them with earth they destroy them. That of snakes there are two sources of origin: either rainy air, or wars and the shedding of blood, which is the cause of the origin of almost all other wild beasts as well. From which they record that a multitude of snakes once came to be around Thessaly. That mice also become numerous all at once in the fields, and more so in droughts than in rainy seasons; for waters are hostile to them. The animal is very prolific. But it is destroyed by evident and external destruction through a multitude of waters;

for this water penetrates [the burrow] from outside and leaks into their nests. Wild cats also destroy them. And there is a certain hidden and sudden destruction of them, as if a kind of plague supervenes; for a worm is generated in their heads, and they are destroyed. Which even experienced observers, when they see it, foresee and predict their destruction. That mice are said to eat even iron and gold; for which reason those in the gold mines, by dissecting them, extract the gold. That in Egypt they say two-footed mice are born, and they are large. These have also front feet, but they do not walk on them, but use them as hands. When they flee, they leap. From the same, from the work on the jealousy of the so-called animals. That the gecko, they say, being jealous of the benefit to humans, swallows its skin when it sheds it; for it is a remedy for epilepsy. And the stag buries its right horn, which is useful against the poisons of the toad and for many other things. And the mare eats away the *hippomanes* from her foals; for this too is useful for certain things. And the seal, when it is about to be caught, vomits up its rennet, which is also useful for the epileptic. And the land hedgehog urinates on its skin and destroys it. And the lynx hides its urine, because it is suitable for seal rings and for other needs. But that the animals do not do these things out of jealousy, but that humans have attributed this cause to them from their own conjecture, is evident to everyone. For whence would irrational creatures have such wisdom, which even rational beings learn with frequent study? But perhaps the seal, being agitated by fear, vomits the rennet, and the gecko swallows the skin, performing some natural function, just like dogs and pigs and almost all quadrupeds; for they eat the placentas after giving birth. And the hedgehog also, because of fear or some other natural condition, urinates, but not in order to destroy the skin. Many other things are done by irrational creatures, of which we have no reason to provide; for example, why does the hen, when she has laid, scatter the straw? Why do dogs raise their legs to urinate? Why does the goat, when it takes the eryngium into its mouth, stand still and make the others stand as well?

^A nor shall death release them from punishment, nor shall the consolation of mediating relatives avail. For they are no longer seen by the just, nor are they deemed worthy of memory. Only the just shall remember the works of the just, by which they attained to the heavenly kingdom, in which there is no sleep, no grief, no corruption, no care, nor night, nor day measured by time, nor sun compelled by necessity to circuit the heaven, measuring out or fixing the hours’ limits for the life of men easy to know. There is no moon waning or waxing, or bringing the changes of the seasons: does it not water the earth? Nor is there a scorching sun, nor a turning Bear, nor a rising Orion, nor a numbering of the wandering stars; neither is the earth hard to traverse, nor is the courtyard of paradise hard to find, nor does the terrible roaring of the sea prevent the one who has stepped upon it, for even this shall be easily passable for the just, neither being deprived of its liquid nature. Nor is heaven uninhabitable for men, nor is the path of its ascent undiscoverable; the earth is not unworked, nor is it laborious for men, but of its own accord it brings forth fruits for beauty. There are no births of wild beasts again, nor is the substance of the remaining animals being spewed forth. For it does not bear again for men, but the number of the just remains without end, together with the just angels and spirits; to these, O men who have been persuaded by the words, you shall be participants of the just, and you shall obtain the good things to come, which eye has not seen, nor ear heard, nor has it entered into the heart of man, all that God has prepared for those who love Him. To Him be the glory and the power unto the ages of ages. Amen.

^A Pag. 36, vers. 32, *kateskeuasen*. H. St. 2, *pareskeuasen*. Vers. 46, *euron de en paragraphais*, the *paragraph* has almost the same meaning here as in Lucian: he who marks the spurious parts of poems, in the paragraph of obeli, by which words Aristarchus is noted. Vers. 6, a fin. I. Irenaeus. Pag. 7, vers. 18. Alexandriae. A. S. and H. St. 24, Mediator. Of John the Grammarian, the so-called Tritheite, Philoponus; the 4th discourse "Mediator" is cited in the ms. book of the Republic of Augsburg, because it is inscribed "Patrician." Vers. 34, discourses 4. Thus A. S. and H. St. 2; but cod. B. M. M. and H. St. "discourse." Vers. 44, of the orthodox. H. St. 2, "of those thinking orthodoxly." Vers. 8, a fin. 25 bishops. A. S. and H. St. 2 "twenty-five in number." Vers. 2, a fin. Bizou. cod. B. H. St. M. M. Bizou.

^B Pag. 364 censitum; but see p. 522 *Rhinokoloura*: from those who were settled [there of old, the men whose] noses [were mutilated,] thus named. Which passage in the printed books is mutilated and must be restored thus from the author of the heathens. Vers. 45, Alexandriae. H. St. 2, Alexandrian. Vers. 52, of Celestius. cod. B. 2. H. St. and M. M. of Celestis. Vers. 53. Faustus. FL. he suggests reading for his own, I. S. that is, Augustine. Vers. 56, and Doteanus. H. St. 2, through a certain *ptentesius* of the primatial see of Byzacium. Pag. 44, vers. 16, the words in parentheses have none but A. S. and M. M., and here indeed in the margin as a Scholion. Vers. 17, l. *Melaines*, I. S. M. M. Vers. 18, 19. M. M. *epithemmenos*. Vers. 21, l. elder. Vers. 39, of the things done in. A. S. in which and at the margin perchance *perhaps* [o' s']. Vers. 44, l. to the Celestian [heresy]. Vers. 2 and 1, a fin. likewise. H. St. 2 and A. S. Pag. 45, vers. 14, foolish. of Libya. Vers. 18, l. foolish, and. Vers. last. l. they understood, agreeing. Vers. 25, l. Abrilius. Vers. cod. Carthagen. M. M. Charthagen, or the preceding page. Vers. 31, H. St. 2 and A. S. Vers. 12, a fin. l. was anathematized. Pag. 48, vers. 6, l. he honored above all. I. S. he honored exceedingly. H. St. 2, but the reading of the margin is had in cod. B. H. St. H. M. Vers. 7, doing deeds. H. St. 2, fashioning. Vers. 10, he becomes arrogant, cod. B. M. M. H. St. Vers. 14. Aigeates. The reading of the margin is in cod. B. alone. Vers. 19 and 20, against the heresies, 4 discourses, the inscription of which is "Epitome of Heretical Vices," printed at Rome, year 1547. Vers. 22, projecting, projected, I. S. of those projecting. cod. B. H. St. M. M. Vers. 26, and in the fifth. This book is inscribed "Epitome of Divine Dogmas." Vers. cod. l. in discourse; they being so many, the book happens to be; of the. Vers. 22. the epitome is read in cod. B. H. St. M. M.; epistle in A. S. codd. the true text, but with *de* omitted. Vers. 24, unconfused. H. St. cod. B. M. M. incomparable, H. St. 4, A. S. vers. 33, Angustilius. Erroneous: read Tullus Hostilius. Known from Livy, Dionys. Halicarn., Zonaras, Cedrenus. Vers. eod. "Of Another Ancus, he who also was Marcius. He had been deprived of the hook, whence also he obtained the name Ancus," Zonaras. Vers. 34, of Tarquinius. Priscus. Vers. eod. Erutus. H. St. cod. B. M. M. Servius A. S. which if she were to have borne him, Dionys. Halic. lib. 4, vers. 38, l. was slain. Vers. 39, having reigned well, if not even putat I.c. must be read. Vers. 40, having lived. The year number is missing; having lived above 80 years, writes Dion. Hal. lib. 2, at the end. Vers. 41, l. fourth.

Pag. 40, vers. 8. cut off. Epiphan. and they were cast out of the Church; and they are all cut off. Vers 11, growing together with. cod. V. growing together with. Vers. 21, Litonos. cod. B. M. M. Letoios, H. St. 2, Letoios. Vers. 29, l. of Constantinople. Vers. 23, Theodotus. cod. B. and H. St. Theudotus. Vers. 34, Berinianon. cod. B. M. M. H. St. Berianon. In the following verse the mss. agree, except cod. B. in which *Kariano* and *Karianiano* is read. Vers. 11, God-beloved. H. St. 2, of the most God-beloved and most holy bishop Sisinius. Vers. 50, l. to participate in the danger. Vers. 52, of Antioch. H. St. 2, of Antioch, Joannes Antiochenus, that is Chrysostom.

Pag. 41, vers. 11, *hormizen*. Thus H. St. 2, A. St. *hormizen*, but M. M. cod. B. H. St. *hormixen*. Vers. 15, l. in Jerusalem, after. Vers. 17, a beautiful girl to me. H. St. 2, a beautiful girl to me. cod. B. and M. M. a beautiful girl, and I will show. Vers. 24, having begun, M. M. H. St. Vers. 31, having been born, cod. v. having been born. Vers. 52, of the presbyter. H. St. 2, of the presbytery. Vers. 38, Alpheus. A. S. Alphius. Vers. 39, Rhinokourouron. A. S. and H. St. 2, Rhinokourouron, which variety of reading is also in Isa. XXVII, 12. The Roman edition has *rinochourouron* there; ms. Bibl. Aug. *rinokourouron*. Complut. Ald. Plantin. and Aleman. *Rinokouron*, concise; al. finally *Rinokolouron*. For also for *Rinokouroura* (which the writer of the Jewish War uses, lib. 1, cap. 11) in Strabo lib. XVI, p. 510, *Rinokouroura* is read, recently restored to its pristine integrity by the vigils and study of Isaac Casaubon.

Pag. 49, vers. 6. Lydian. A. S. alone Libyan, in the editions is added, or Carthaginian. Vers. 12, wars. H. St. 2, enemies. Vers. 16, l. first of the civil. H. St. 2, first, and second. Vers. 21, Sulla. Sulla H. St. M. M. cod. B. Vers. 27, Antoninus and that against Abion. This monster in the codd. is the reading of the margin from A. S. which H. St. 2 also has; but here Octavius for Octaovion. Vers. 9, fell together. H. St. 2, fell. Vers. 13. being in discourse. H. St. 2, to discourse. Vers. 45, he flourished. he flourished. H. St. 2. Vers. 11. stadia 3. H. St. 2 and A. S. stadia 21. Vers. 5, a fin. by the Rutuli. cod. B. M. M. H. St. *Hyporou toulon* just as monstrously as that above, dies in war. "For all of the Rotoli from the cities war against him, and with them the king of the Tyrrhenians, Mesentius, etc." Dionys. Hal. lib. I. Vers. 1, a fin. l. was born. Euryleon. Dionys. H. "Euryleon took the hegemony of the Latins, who was renamed Ascanius." M. M. Dryleon.

Pag. 52, vers. 4, l. settlement. Vers. 6, l. Silutus, and so following; from the whole he was thus named, as if one might say in the Greek tongue *olaion*, the same Dionys. H. Vers. 7; the passage seems mutilated, and after Latinus Silutus (if indeed you wish to follow Dionysius H.) should be added, of Alban; of Capetus, of

Capetus Tiberinus, etc. Vers. 10, Romulus. So too Livius. *Alladen*. Dionys. Aremulus, Paul. Orosius, b. 1, cap. 20. Vers. ibid. in marg. 1. Agrippa. Vers. 11, Aventinus. Dionys. Duentinus, and vers. 14, the same Nomitor, Plutarch. Nomitor. Vers. 17, Egestus. M. M. Agestus, Dionys. Hal. Agestus. Vers. 18, Priestess. Understand of Vesta. Vers. 2, a fin. 1. with I. S. these (name Phericles, whom King Antiochus used to call a god himself) having been appointed satrap of this land. ^A Pag. 53, vers. 1, *all' oi ge*. So it is read in all the MSS., but for *autēs* H. St. 2, *autōn*. Vers. 36, 1. Gabalon. Vers. 3 a fin. cod. V. *autoparaklētous*. Pag. 56, vers. 15, 1. *monos pros monas*. cod. B. H. S. 2, M. M. *monoprosmona*. Vers. 20, 1. Serapion with cod. B. H. Si. M. M. Vers. 23, the *koinōnikous* of the world. I do not know if these should be understood as *kosmikoi* (Gr. Naz., *philokosmoi*; Chrys. [so p. seq. vers. 47, he calls them *koinōnikous* of the Church]) or if rather, whom they call *vacantivos*, not remaining at their own business, Suid. Concerning whom Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais in Cyrenaica, in his 57th epistle to Theophilus says: ^B "Certain *vacantivi* wander about among us (bear with me for playing the barbarian for a short while, so that I might represent the wickedness of some more emphatically through a term more familiar to the life of the state), who do not wish to hold a designated seat, but those who are at hand they have abandoned, not by disaster, but becoming voluntary migrants." Much the same suspicion is held by Margunius, a man truly great, who in an epistle written quite kindly to me says: "You ask of us who those might be who are called *koinōnikoi* of the world among Photius? I could not firmly state anything concerning this question. However, I suspect that those monks are so called who do not remain in the country, nor, according to the promises they made at the reception of the habit, do they remain in the monastery, but wander hither and thither, causing a stumbling block to their neighbor." Vers. 23, 1. *egkleisthentas kai teleutēs*. that is, imprisoned and having died in the dungeon. Vers. seq. *skēnōmata*, that is, bodies, as ^C in II Pet. [I, 14], "The Apostle calls our earthly house of the tabernacle" II Cor. v. 1. Vers. 29, Berenius. cod. B. all the rest Venerius. Vers. 2, *apolyei*. *apokleiei* is read at the margin of cod. A. S. vers. eod. *embasin*. *ekbasin* M. M. Vers. 39, *gronthon*. To buffet is to strike with the hands, with the fingers bent, and (to speak more plainly) to box with the *gronthos* (fist), Theophylact. Vers. 45, *pastilon*, from sesame, or smeared with honey, H. St. at the margin. Vers. 13, a fin. Pag. 57, vers. 2, M. M. of Aquillinus. Vers. 4, and against Christ H. St. 2. Vers. 6, of Serapion. A. S. others of Serap. Vers. 11, *paradeichthentos* A. S. alone. Vers. 18, 1. Eusebius. Vers. 17, Ammonius, Euthymius. Sozom. lib. VIII, cap. 12. Vers. 10, practicing *Monositian*. Ibid. Socr. l. 6, cap. 4. Vers. 23, *hekton hoti*. H. St. 2, ^D and A. S. join this paragraph with the following, and read *kai hoti*, changing the numbers after; in other codices on the contrary: whence later the tenth is repeated. Vers. 26, if again. Socrat. Eccles. hist. lib. 6, cap. 21, having repented a thousand times, he enters. See Basil M. concerning repentance, or Epiphanius against the Novatians. Vers. 14, a fin. he visited. Vers. 43, Origenists. For that most pious Father was called and considered an Origenist, Zonar. tom. III, p. 34. Vers. 6, a fin. 1. *egklēma ton*. Pag. 60, vers. 24, of the nine muses. As Herodotus entertained the Muses: and to each one instead of hospitality he gave one book. Vers. 35, 1. *hetrathē te*. Vers. 46, Sikel. Diodorus lib. XI, p. 261, vers. 12, a fin. Herodotus. Vers. 11, a fin. that the boy might be; Marcellinus. O Olore, by the wrath of the nature of your son toward his studies. 366 Pag. 61, vers. 3, Caecilius. H. St. 2, Caecillius, and there at the margin *is*. Caecilius, which is also the suspicion of A. Schottus. But mention is made of Caecilius in the life of Demosthenes written by Plutarch. Vers. cod. does not approve (Plutarch also denies) that the one inscribed the Delian is Aeschines'. Vers. 3, Aeschinem (another) whose life Laertius described. Vers. 11, the one against Ctesiphon which Demosthenes wrote. Falsely perceived, from history an easy correction, I. C. hence that Scholion at the margin of codd. A. S. it is ill. See also of Aeschines in Plut. Vers. 22, if you heard the beast. Plin. lib. II, ep. 3, to Nepom. The author of the life of the same Aeschines is uncertain: "He used to call him [it says] a beast because of his terrible and merciless ways." And Plinius secondary, in his book of histories VI, cap. 30. Aeschines the Athenian, supreme orator, when he had read in Rhodes the accusation which he had used, he read also the defense of Demosthenes, on account of which he had been driven into that exile. And to those who wondered, he said that they would have wondered even more, if they had heard himself, as a huge witness of the enemy in calamity. Vers. 27, Atrometus, teacher of grammar, Lucian. Glaucothea, the initiate, Suid. Vers. 29, Philochares. Philochares is called Demosth. Vers. 29, *megalophōnos*, which defect Demosthenes reproaches in him, in the Orat. de falsa Legatione, "but he will lift his voice in vain, and will have practiced his voice." Vers. eodem, he was a secretary, he was a secretary, Suid. Vers. 15, to hear him of Plato, reads Plutarch. Vers. 33, 1. Antalcidas. Vers. 34. a sample cod. B. M. M. and H. St. a sample through the speech of Aeschines. Pag. 63, vers. 3, 1. he approves among the best; a canon after the others. Ibid. Phrynichus, infra, pg. 325. Vers. 1, a fin. Vers. 12, and of Sicily. This seems redundant, since in the A. S. codex it is read only, whence also that gloss *is*. of Hispania. Vers. see Euseb. Vers. 29, he rushed. cod. B. M. M. and H. St. to rush. Vers. 39, he crossed over. A. S. he proceeded. Vers. 40. Licinius. H. St. and M. M. Licinnius. Vers. 41, he inquired. *epytheto* cod. v. Vers. 46, having removed. H. St. 2, about to remove. Vers. 47, 1. an expedition. Vers. 48, 1. with the three mss. the cruelty, under the pretense of kindness and. Vers. 6, a fin. with powerful. H. St. 2, with powerful. Vers. 4, a fin. he left. Pag. 65, vers. 4, 1. Maximinus I. C. Vers. 27, Vandals. Vandills, H. St. M. M. and cod. Bibliotheca Bavar. in which also Procopius is found written out by hand. Vers. 29, *synōn*. A. S. *syniōn*. Vers. 39, Vararanes. Agathias, lib. IV, Socrat. Eccles. hist. lib. VII, cap. 8. Bararanes. Thus *Oueros* and *Bēros* is called Verus in Greek, but the *Barabanes* is an error, cap. 18, book of the same in Socrates. Vers. 45. Ephthalites. cod. B. A. S. H. St. M. M. Euthalites, reading V. I find Ephthalites also in Nicephorus Callist. lib. XVII, cap. 30. And Nephthalites in the same lib. XVI, cap. 30. Joseph. lib. V, cap. 1, from the tribe of Nephthalim, Archæol. Agathias lib. IV and Cedrenus, page 292, who also themselves call them the white Huns. See infra p. 80, vers. 33. Vers. 11 a fin. of the boundaries. H. St. 2, of the boundary-setters. Vers. eod. Euthalites. M. M. but if in cod. B. H. St. and A. S. the reading is both here. Vers. 9, a fin. of the Ephthalites. of the Euthalites H. St. Vers. 6, a fin. to go on an expedition, to go on an expedition H. St. Vers. 3, a fin. trenches. H. St. 2, in trenches, the trench, of the trench or of the trench, Thucyd., Diod. Sic. Philo, Joseph. Pag. 68, vers. 7, 1. youngest. Ners. 3, and others. Gregor. Naz. poem on the illness, vers. 330, "and instead of all things he plundered the radiant pearl, the great Christ." Hence *achthos margareon* in the same and "a pearl-wearing bride." Vers. 8, for *hopōs de* A. S. reads *hopōs te* itaque H. St. 2. Vers. 9, 1, it was placed in.

^A Vers. 13, *Blasēn*. H. St. 2, *Blasin*. Vers. 16, *aneōgmenēn*. *Aneoigmenēn* H. St. 2. Vers. 33, *strateumatos*. H. St. 2, *strateuma*. Vers. 35, *Olubriou*. *Olubriou* [same]. Vers. 40, *basileus*. *basileusas*, [same]. Vers. 10, from the end, *Kilikiōn*. *Kilikos* [same]. Vers. 1, from the end, I read *exeuren*, *ē*. Pag. 69, vers. 4. *Ounnōn*. *Ounnōn* S. St. MM. cod. B. Vers. 7 or 12, *ēthē*. "The places in which they move about," Suid. Vers. 23, *Daoras kai Agchou*. H. St. 2, *Daras echuran* [cod. V. *ochuran*] *Persōn*. Vers. 25, *engutātō*. H. St. 2, read *enchōtatō*, *agchōtatō*. Vers. 35. I read *alla ge*. Vers. 10, from the end, *Gourgogenei*. cod. V. *Gourgenei*. Vers. 3, from the end, *Silan*. *Sittan* is more correct. Vers. 2, from the end, *Daras*. H. St. 2, *Daras*. Pag. 72, vers. 4, *mērānēn*. Thus below p. 80, vers. 44, p. 81. Vers. 1. H. St. 2, *mirranēn* which is Suidas’s proper noun. Vers. 10, *exērtounto*. This reading only in one codex. Vers. 35, *tzānoi*. Agath. book v, *Tzannoi*. Vers. same, *Saunoi*. H. St. 2, *Sānoi*. M. M. and Procopius’s translator *Sounoi*, Eustath. in Dionys. *Sannoi*. Elsewhere one reads "the ancient Isaurians," I. G. Vers. 22, *machēn dienegkein*. Instead of "to endure." Synes. epist. 132, "to prolong the siege." *Rhōmaiois*. cod. B. H. St. *es Rhōmaiois*, but he, having applied a mark of a defect. A. S. *en Rhōmaiois*, likewise with a blot: I read with M. M. *es Rhōmaious*. Vers. 31, *hoi tēde*. cod. V. and H. St. 2. Vers. 36, *tois plēsiachōrois*. cod. V. and H. St. 2, *tous plēsiachōrous*, which is not displeasing: Plutarch, "ravaging Tenedos." Athen. "Ravaging the field, plundering the house." Zosim. "Ravaging Paeonia, and further up Moesia." Furthermore, what of the fact that Xiphilinus also said "having overrun them," in that meaning of the verb by which the case is generally subjected to it, as in the same author, "overrunning those who were with the lords." ^B Vers. 45, 1 *hos es gonu*. Vers. 48, *tautēs*. H. St. 2, *tautē*. Vers. 8, from the end, I read *schēmatizomenos*. H. St. Vers. same, cod. V. "In fifty years." Vers. 11, from the end, *tō oikeiō*. cod. V. "of the related accompanying people." Vers. 9, from the end, *oute*. H. St. *outi*. Vers. 6, I read with H. St. 2 and cod. V. *epeide emphanōs ekakizon*, if you remove the parenthesis marks: for the reason for punctuating is by now sufficiently clear. Vers. last, from *pros*. Pag. 73, vers. 6, I read *phulaxonta*. Vers. 5. *Bandālous*. Al. *Bandēlous* or *Bandilous*. Vers. 17, H. St. 2, *Lazikēs kai Dagarin*. Vers. 19, *kekosmēmenon*. cod. V. *kekosmēmenoi*. H. St. 2, *kekosmismenoi*. Vers. 23, *Zamou*. H. St. 2, M. M. Vers. 25, *Zamēn* A. S. M. M. H. St. 2. Vers. 26, *tois metaschousi*. "Of those who participated," cod. V. H. St. 2. Vers. 28. *Chanarangou*, *Chanarangēs* is king Aranges: for *Chay* or *Cham* is king, I. G. Vers. same, read with H. St. 2, *Adergoudobandou* hyphenated, as in Procopius’s translator. Vers. 41, I read *Boraidēs*. Vers. 4, *pamphulias*. Vers. 46, cod. V. *Kappadokōn*. Vers. 11, from the end, I read *Iōannēn*, *epiboulon*. Vers. 8, from the end, *aneleōs*. H. St. 2, *akleōs*. Vers. 4, from the end, and p. 76. Vers. 3, *ho Gittigis*. *Ouitigis*, M. M. H. St. 2, cod. B. for which also *Ouittigis*, with a doubled *tau*, in the MS of Procopius not once. Pag. 76, vers. 5, *suron*. H. St. 2, *sourōn* and shortly after *sourēnas*. Vers. 38, *para*. H. M. 2, *pros Rhōmaiōn*. Vers. 46, I read *ēi*. Vers. 9, from the end, *polin*. cod. V. *palin*. Vers. 8, from the end, I read *ketēnaria*. Vers. 5, from the end, *Augaros te*. Euseb. book 1, Eccles. hist. c. 12 and Pag. 77, vers 3, *Daras*. cod. V. and H. St. 2. *Daras*. Vers. 17, I read *schedon ti*. Vers. 19, I read *ate dē autōn*. Vers. 20, *Goubazou* cod. V. and H. St. 2. Vers. which is frequent in Procopius. Vers. 44, *metepempeto*. In cod. K. "leaves," in this place it is written, and in both H. St. a lacuna is left. Vers. 5, in *archētai de ho prōtos*. H. St. 2. Vers. 4, *ho men Ioustin* ^C ianos, *Ioustinianos*, H. St. 2. Vers. 1, from the end, *archēs autō*. H. St. 2, *archēs autou*. Pag. 80, vers. 12, *Masagetai*. *Massagetai*, Diodor. Sic. Xiphil. M. Tyrius, "or the Nassagetis," Lucian. Vers. 21, *anēr Persēs*. See below the scholion on p. 93, vers. 31. Vers. 23, *Sērōn*. Concerning whom Lucian. In Macrobiis: but concerning the worms themselves called *sēres*, Clemens Alex. book II [Paed.]. Basil. M. homil. 8, In Hexaem. "Certain Indian tiny animals" D. Jo. Chrysost. Hence *sērikā himatia* in the same and "airs of the *sēres*" or "fine threads of the *sēres*." Vers. 36, *ephthalitai*. *Euphthalitai* Mm. The former is more true, since it responds to the origin of the name as just signified. Vers. 48, *Sourinou*. H. St. 2, *Sourēna*, and shortly after *Sourēnan*. Vers. 4, from the end, *Gorgonous*. Thus cod. B. 2, all others *Gorgonous*. Vers. 3, from the end, *Tiflis*. *Tifilis* cod. V. H. St. 2. Mm. Pag. 81, vers. 1, 5, 6. *Mērānēs*. Cod. V. 2 also varies here, *Barampanēs*. MM. *Baramanēs*. Vers. 6, *polemēsas*. Vers. 10, St. 2, *Nisibinōn*. Vers. 16, I read *Theodōron Theophulaktou*. "Sophist whose surname is Simocatēs," Suid. in marg. I read Simocata. Vers. 39, I read *logōn; hos*. Vers. 47, *ekeina*. H. St. 2, *tauta ekeinō*. Vers. 1, from the end, *Chaganon*. In P. Diaconus Hist., book xvii, *Chaianum*, and *Helpidium*, that it is wrongly printed, it is clearly evident from here, just as also from Zonaras and Cedrenus. Pag. 84, vers. 6, *abaro*i. H. St. 2, *barbaroi*. Vers. 12, *Boskolobra*. *Boskolobra*, cod. V. H. St. 2. Vers. 17, *en tō phobō*. "In the forum," Suid. Isidor. ep. 337, lib. 1, vers. 23, "the apostolic saying. If you wish not to fear authority, do the good thing (Rom. xiii, 3). And the rest. And, He is an avenger to him who does evil. For he does not wear the sword in vain (ibid. vers. 4). This, I think, he says is an apostolic saying," Scholion in margin lib. M. M. and H. St. 2. Vers. 30, I read *seismos ho genomenos*. H. St. 2. Vers. 24, *ho Iōannēs ho patriarchēs*. "The Faster," Zonar. Cedren. Vers. 37, *aristeia*. Al. *aristeia*. Vers. 43, I read *Izala*, Ammian. Marcell. calls it Mount Izian. Vers. 5, 13, *Kardarichan*, Cedren. Vers. 46, M. M. *Arzamon*. Vers. 17, *tēn acheiropoiēton eikona*. See P. Diaconus book xvii, *miscellae historiae*. Vers. 9, from the end, *Daras*, H. St. 2. Vers. 6, I read *katedetrōto*, H. St. 2. V. same *kouartoparthōn*. M. M. *kouartopathōn*. Vers. 3, from the end, H. St. 2, *Rhōmaiōn kata tēs Arzanēnēs*. Vers. 1, from the end, *Kardariga*. *Cardarigas* is not a proper name, but the highest dignity among the Persians, says Paulus Diaconus in the same book. Pag. 85, vers. 4, *tēs tōn Chlomarōn*. "He besieges the fort of Clomannorum," which P. Diaconus said, Cedrenus does, *to chlōmaron phrourion parakathezetai*. Whence you might suspect that here *tēs tōn chlōmarou* [sc. *phrourion*] is to be read (since especially the remnants of this reading are in cod. V. from which to the A. S. margin *tou chlōmazou* was annotated :) and *Chlomarum* in Diaconus. Vers. 10. H. St. 2, *anadechetai*. Vers. 17, *ho Kastos*. *Castus*, P. Diac. Vers. 25, *zōgrian*. That is "alive." Num. xxi, 35, Deuter. ii, 34, Hesych. But *zōgria helein* Zosim. Vers. 36, *Mustakōna*. H. St. 2 and cod. V., and also P. Diaconus. But it is thus called from *mustax* [mustache], as I conjecture from Suidas, perhaps because he nourished it too much: *ch' hō mustax polus houtos ar', analéoi de kikinoi*, THEOCRIT. Concerning the *mustax*, a notable passage exists in Clement Alex. book iii Paed. cap 11 and II Reg. xix, 24. Vers. 44, I read *aristeia Sapēros*. Vers. 51, *hoti Priskos prospelazōn tō stratopedō, ouk apebē tou hippou, kata palaion ethos*. P. Diaconus, "But Priscus according to the custom did not descend from the horse, nor did he use familiar salutations." Concerning this custom, it is pleasing to subjoin what J. Lipsius, the light of our age, wrote to me: and indeed the entire letter of the great man, full of humanity: ^D

^A Since our mutual friend Orelius sent it, I have received your letter, in which you write that Segel was the author and advocate of your journey thither. His promise—by which I certainly and gladly respond to such men, both out of affection and in writing—has not deceived you, my Hæschelius. That you are editing the *Bibliotheca* of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, with Typographic aid from Velser, is a thing grateful to us, publicly useful, and will be honorable to you both. I have indeed seen those types in the *Horapollo*, elegant even to the point of being enviable. Keep going, both of you—as you have long been doing—to deserve well of studies by writing, exciting, and aiding. As for the ancient custom about which you inquire, I truly believe it to be not excessively ancient, but rather dating from the era of the beginnings of the lower powers. In the free republic, no such thing was observed: nay, on the contrary, I read at times that emperors rode on horseback and exhorted [the troops]. Although, in a strictly termed *Allocution*, they are accustomed to ascend the tribunal and speak on foot, as you do not ignore. But this custom has its own rationale, and an example from most remote antiquity, by which even the Consuls, ascending our tribunal and about to address the people, would submit the fasces to it, confessing the majesty of the people to be more august than their own. I consider that there was a similarity in this matter, and that commanders held such a submission toward the entire army. Nothing else occurs to me on this subject at present; if I shall be able to be of assistance elsewhere, I will gladly do so for the sake of you and our Velser (a man whom I uniquely esteem and love). Farewell. Louvain, five days before the Ides of December, 1597. ^B Vers. 55 *eliphepha*. Code V. *elipheda*, H. St. 2, *Eliphepha*, as if wandering, concerning the golden image to be received as the margin of three codes taught us, I know not if it be *theoeidous* (god-like), which is also *cheiropoietos* (handmade) in P. Diaconus. See the preceding page, verse 2, and P. Diaconus, book xvii, xviii. Pag. 88, vers. 4. H. St. 2 *Martyroupolin*. Vers. 9. H. St. 2, *Gilegerdon*. Vers. 18, H. St. 2. *Langiberdous*. Vers. 26. read *polun*. Vers. 36, H. St. 44, cod. V. *apostaseos*. Vers. 46. H. St. 2, *ho gar kouropalaten*. Vers. 3, from the end, H. St. 2, *proschoresis*. Pag. 89, vers. 3, *ropalois*. With clubs, P. Diaconus, book xvii, already often mentioned, who cannot sometimes be corrected from this author; although we hope that it will shortly be printed in Greek, in its entirety, with an interpretation. Vers. 31, *presbeuousin*, that is, *dia times agousin* (they treat with honor). Vers. 33. H. St. 2. *Zadespras*. Vers. 43, H. St. 2, *Daras*, and presently *Dolouza*, but cod. V. *Doluza*. Vers. 49, read *thesauroi, ta te*. Vers. 1, from the end, *Perem*. Code B. *Heresm*, H. St. 2, *Seirem*, M. M. *Erem*, A. S. *Irem*, verse of the same, code b. and M. M. *kai peri tes theometoros epi ten tes Europes*. Here again in code B. M. and M., it is written in the margin concerning the golden image. Pag. 72, vers. 9, H. St. 2, *apentesen ekdemia te tou autokr*. Vers. 14, H. St. 2, *Zalazan*, cod. V. *Zalabzan*. Vers. 11, cod. V. *en hyphasmatos*. Vers. 48, *egennéthe*. Vers. 21, *anéreto*. By order of the emperor, P. Diaconus. Vers. 39, H. St. 2 and cod. V. *orizipera*. Vers. 40, *epoliorkese*. H. St. 2, *epurpolese*, the traces of which reading are even in cod. V. *hyperpolési*. Vers. 41, H. St. 2, *Tzouroulon*. Vers. 46, cod. V. and H. St. 2, *Tatimer*. Vers. 10, from the end, the passage is filled in from H. St. 2, *apocheirotoneitai to dounai to chagano apo tes ton sklabenon leias, kai Petros anticheirotoneitai strategos*. Vers. 4, from the end, *sklabenon*. Thus they are called by Procopius, Suidas, Zonaras, and by this one, *sklabika ethne*; *Sthlabinoi* by Cedrenus, above p. 88. Vers. 10, *sklaboi*. Vers. 2, from the end, H. St. 2, *asimo*. Pag. 93, vers. 8, A. S. *cheirogrammatos*. Vers. 12, read *esbesto*. Vers. 16, the reading of the margin from cod. V. and H. St. 2. Vers. 18, read *Agar*. Cod. V. and H. St. Vers. of the same, the reading of the margin in cod. V. only. Vers. 25, H. St. 2, *chouniton*. Vers. 29, *ton skolekon*. About which, verse 28. verse 35, *metaxes*. ^C as follows: H. St. 2, *metaxeos*: the former is more correct, Procopius lib. iv (p. 433, mss. Bavar. *De bello Gotthorum*): "Around this time, certain monks coming from the Indies, having learned that this was a matter of concern to the Emperor Justinian—that the Romans should no longer purchase silk from the Persians—went to the emperor and promised to manage the affairs regarding the silk so that the Romans would no longer have to make this purchase from the Persians, their enemies, or from any other nation. For they said that, having spent a long duration of time in the region where the greater part of the Indian nations are—which is called Serinda—they had learned accurately by what mechanism it was possible for silk to be produced in Roman territory. To the emperor, who was inquiring most diligently and asking if the account were sound, the monks said that there were certain worms that produce the silk, nature being their teacher and constantly compelling them to work; but to transport the worms themselves hither alive was impossible; however, their offspring, it was entirely easy and possible. And they said that the eggs of these offspring were countless for each; and that men, having covered these eggs with dung a long time after the offspring [laid them], and keeping them constantly warm for a long time by this means, make them creatures. Having said this, the emperor, having agreed to reward the men with great goods, persuades them to strengthen the account with the deed. And they, having gone back to India, brought the eggs to Byzantium, and having managed to transform them into worms in the manner (as was said), they feed them with mulberry leaves, and from that point they established the production of silk in the land of the Romans. At that time, therefore, the affairs of the war between the Romans and the Persians, and the matters regarding the silk, were in this state." Vers. 34, *choubdan*. M. M. *Goubdan*. Vers. 38, H. St. 2, *tes Singidōnos*, cod. V. *Singidōnos*. Vers. 39, read *polin*. Vers. 46, H. St. 2, *Hērodianos tis onomati*. Vers. 47, it should perhaps be read *limou*. Vers. 51, *arōmasin*. *Dōrēmasin*, I. S. Vers. 5, from the end, H. St. 2 and cod. V. *Drizipera*. Vers. 2, from the end, cod. V. *Drazipera*. Vers. of the same, *neōn*. Cod. V. *naōn*. Vers. 1, from the end, I. Divine justice in the correct case: Lucian, "I pursued the murderers of my father." Pag. 96, vers. 3, read *endēmei*. Vers. 8, A. S. and M. M. *Harmatonos*. Vers. 14, concerning the rising of the Nile. The opinions concerning the replenishment of the Nile are diverse, having been edited long ago in Greek by H. St. without a title, along with the opuscula of Aristotle and Theophrastus. But as to what Theophylact Simocatta wrote here in book vii, at the end, concerning the life of the Emperor Maurice: Andreas Schottus, a man born to advance literary studies, communicated it to me. In these, it is written: "Anarchides the Cnidian, the only one to have grasped the hem of truth." Vers. same, F. S. Vers. 30, *dia Geōrgiou alytous terein spondas*, H. St. 2. Vers. 47, M. M. *Sabinōn*. Vers. 10, from the end, *apairontes* H. St. 2, rightly. Pag. 97, vers. 3, M. M. *eiseirese*, P. *eiserrei*. Vers. 53, *hopōs te pheugei* H. St. 2. Vers. 10, A. S. *tēs dēmiourgikēs*. Cod. B. M. M. H. St. *tois dēmotikois*, which I. S. proves. Vers. 27, *neō*. Vers. 29, Cod. B. M. M. H. St. *Hebdomitēs*. Vers. 6, from the end, H. St. 2, *Andréa*. Vers. 32, M. M. *Lardēn*. Vers. 39, Cod. B. H. St. M. N. *Auliou*. Vers. 4, from the end, the word *anagnōsis* in H. St. 2 is expunged. Vers. 3, from the end, L. *rhothiō*. Vers. 1, from the end, I. *koinōnēsantōn tēs*. M. F. *eisebous*. Pag. 100, vers. 3, the reading of the margin is better. Vers. 12, H. St. 2, *kata tēn Alex*. Vers. 13, *prosēgoreuon*. Scholion at the margin M. M. "How rumors are generated by demons." Vers. 24, H. St. *historikon*. This I have not managed to see: however, the *Chronologia* of Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, is preserved in the *Bibliotheca Augustana* in Greek, in brief. Vers. 6, from the end, H. St. 2, *ei mē tōi tōi lian syntetmēmenō*.

syntetmēmenō*. ^A *Anegnyōsthē moi*. Vers. eod. and 5, p. 101, l. Michael. Page 101, vers. 3, *tas te*. H. St. 2, *kai tas*. Vers. 10, *autoschedia*. Vers. 17 and 11, from the end, cod. B. H. St. M. M. Cephaliōnos. Vers. 37. H. St. 2, *pros ton hautōi tēs*. Vers. 12, from the end, H. St. 2, *syngrapheōn de lb'*. Vers. 41, for *xs'* the same H. St. 2 has *kai* Vers. 4, from the end, *Illoustrios*. There is no doubt that it should be translated into Latin *illustris*, not *illustrius*. Thus the Greeks always express Latin nouns ending in -IS: *Phidēlios* (for which *Phidēlios* is read in Procop. lib. 1, *De Goth.*) *Fidelis*, *Nōbilios* *Nobilis*, *Laterēnsios* *Laterensis*, *Augustalios* *Augustalis* (infra p. 260, vers. 8), *Petros Illoustrios* *Petrus Illustris* (infra p. 505) and similar. I. C. Vers. 4, from the end, *Sophias*. All mss. *Philosophias*. That is Suidas. Vers. 3, from the end, H. St. 2, *meta tou historias*. Vers. 2, from the end, *Bēlou*. Cod. B. M. M. H. St. *Bērou*; the latter [is in] A. S. and H. St. 2, which I prefer.

Page 104, vers. 9, *tmēmata*. *Diastēmata*, Suid. Vers. 21, l. *ērthē*, *Olympiados hebdomēs kai hebdomēkostēs, kai diakos*. Vers. 27, l. *Magnou monou*. Vers. 30, H. St. 2. *Anegnyōsthē moi*. Vers. 7, from the end, *theias*, cod. B. M. M. H. St. Page 105, vers. 1, *Agyriou* is the genuine reading. Vers. 11, l. *bibliois*. Vers. 23, 6, *Almapoleōs*, H. St. 2, hyphen. I assent to A. S. to read *Albēs*. Vers. 25, *Elagabalon*. M. M. *Elagaballon*, Herodian. *Elaiagabalon*, Eutropius *Hēliogabalon*. Vers. 33, what is enclosed in square brackets is redundant: for *b'*, which is a numeral note, an unskilled scribe read *biblion*, which is a blunder in 4 ms. codices. Vers. 37, those words, *Markinos autōi tēn archēn ho autokratōr encheirizei*, H. St. 2 includes in parentheses. Vers. 41, *ekei, to loipon* read with I. S. Vers. 45, *Askania*. *Kathara* M. M. margin. Vers. 11, from the end, H. St., *paratetamēnai*. Vers. 2, from the end, *Anegnyōsthē*. Those [words] of Ctesias are cut out from the mss. of H. St., I believe because they were used while the same were being printed separately.

Page 108, vers. 19, *Astyïgan*. M. M. *Astyïōn*. Vers. 31, l. *kai Amyntin* with the article omitted. Vers. 8, from the end, *Persōn eidōla*. Scholion ms. *dēloi tēn tōn eidōlōn emphanisin*. Page 109, vers. 15, M. M. *Petēsakan*. Vers. 18, *Petsaka*, the same. Vers. 8, from the end, I. *tanouxarkēn*, Vers. of the same, l. *epestēse* in the margin. Page 112, vers. 11, M. M. *Ixalbates*. Vers. 17, I. *basilei, kata prod*. Vers. 22, *zōgrian labōn*. See the scholion to p. 85, vers. 19. Vers. 27, *magos*. Al. *megas*. Vers. 40, M. M. *epei oude anelein emeleta*. Vers. 7, from the end, l. *Bagapatou kai Ixabatou*, but cod. V. *Izabatou*. Page 113, vers. 6, l. *Spendadatēn*. Vers. 40, *tou hippou*. Herodot. Thalia, and Themist. orat. 12, *epanēkeis de autokratōr, ouch hippou chremetisantos, hōsper Dareios; oude kynē* [so it must be read in the editions, that is, *perikephalaia* not *kyni*] *speisas, hōsper Psammitichos*. Page 116, vers. 1, M. M. *Skytharchēs*, and in the margin *Skytharbēs*. Vers. 7, from the end, l. *8*. Page 117, vers. 4, *katekopē*. Vers. 6, l. *dismyriōn*. Vers. 10, M. M., *Tharax*. Vers. 13 *Hēgian*. M. M. *Ogian*. Vers. 20, l. *myriades*. Vers. 32, M. M. *empimprēsi*. Vers. 35, cod. B. and ms. M. *stenōtaton*. Vers. 2, from the end, V. H. *Artabanos*. Page 120, vers. 5, *Dariaiou* M. M. Vers. 15, M. M. *Dariaiōi*. Vers. 24, *Idem Amystris*. Vers. 29, M. Page 121, vers. 23, A. S. reads thus, *epi g'. staurois pentēkonta; tōn d' Hellēnōn, hosous*. Vers. of the same, *anestaurise* M. M. Page 124, vers. 10 and 21, M. M. *Amistrios*. Vers. 42, 8, *te patēr*. Vers. 3, from the end, l. *ē en autēi*. Page 125, vers. 6, l. *Hyrkaniōn*. Vers. 10, M. M. *Pharnakian*. Vers. 42, l. *apollytai*. ^B *Basileuei oun* H. St. edition varies from the ms. which has as follows, *apollytai, basileusas mēnas hex hēmeras pentekaideka. Basileuei oun monos Ōchos ho kai Dariaios. Eunouchoi de treis*, etc. Vers. 8, from the end, *Prysatidos*. Vers. 5, from the end, *Oxendras*. Page 128, vers. 15, M. M. *pharnakias*. Vers. 32, l. *katamēnyetai*. Page 129, vers. 1, M. M. *polla ton patera kai tēn mētera*. Vers. 8, *basileuei de kai Asakēs*. Vers. following, l. *ho Oudiaste*s. Vers. 29, *Syuennesis* cod. V. M. M. Vers. 3, from the end, *anestauristhē* M. M. cod. B. Vers. 2, from the end, *autē*. cod. V. *tautēi*. Page 133, vers. 2, *hōs tēn dokeonta balei kara Kyron*. M. M. Vers. 6, the same *Mitradatēn*. Vers. 24, *elabe*. Vers. 13, l. *eōra to*. Page 133, vers. 18, *Baktrōn*. A. S. M. M. *māktrōn*, that cod. B. and H. St. Vers. 9, 10, *kai malista en tois epigraphomenois Indika. Ktēsias ho Ktēsiōchou [ē Ktēsiarchou Suid.] ho Knidios

synegrapse peri tēn Indōn chōras, kai tōn par' autois, ē mēte autos eide, mēte allou eipontos ēkouse. Lucian. lib. 1, *Vera historia*, and lib. II, *megistas hapasōn timōrias hypemenon hoi pseusamenoi te para ton bion, kai hoi mē talēthē syggegraphotes; en hois kai Ktēsias ho Knidios ēn, kai Hērodotos, kai alloi polloi*. Hos conjungit etiam in *Philopseude*. Demetrius Phalereus de eodem Ctesia, *kai holōs de*, inquit, *ho poiētēs houtos* (poiētēn gar auton kaloiē tis eikontōs enargeias dēmiourgos estin en tēi graphēi sympatēi* Vers. ult. *Iōnikēs*. M. M. *idiōtikēs*.

Page 143, vers. 3, *Indika*. In another ms. Bavarian book *Diēgēmata Ktēsiou Knidiou peri tōn tēi oikoumenēi thaumatōn*. Vers. seq. *en heni bibliōi*. cod. V. *en bibliōi*. Vers. 5, l. *Indou*. Vers. seq. *platytaton* cod. V. H. St. Vers. 12, *pantarbas*. See Philost. lib. II, *De Apollonio Kai Hēliōdōros houtō phēsi peri tēs pantarbēs paradoxa* M. M. Vers. 18, *Bittakou*. This *psittake* is in Pliny, who in lib. x, cap. 42, teaches what birds can imitate human speech, as does also Suid. in the word *Psittacus*. Naz. *Praecept. ad Virg.* v. 624. *Kai korakes kleptousin homōs opa; hōs d’ erato* [chrōs. *Psittakos ankylocheilos esō plektoio domoio Andromenon phōnēse kai ēparen andros akouēn.* See infra p. 193, vers. 23. Vers. 20, *porphyreon de*. B. lib. *hypoporphyreon*. The cause of the variety of colors in parrots, as in some other birds, is brought forward by Diodor. Siculus lib. 1. Vers. 22 cod. B. A. S. and H. St. *kinnabari*. Vers. 23, *indisti*. A Bavarian book, excerpted from the same Ctesias, *hotan glōttan ekdidachthē*. Vers. 28, *hē de krēnē*. Philostratus in the life towards Apollonius [lib. u] says this is a lie, M. M. Vers. 39, *andre*. Cod. B. A. S. M. M. *andres*. Ibid. B. lib. *molis perilaboien*. Vers. 3, from the end *peri tou martichōra*. And this, the lying Philostratus says, M. M.

Page 144, vers. 4, *meizōn hyparchousa*, A. S. cod. B. M. M. and H. St. *meizō hyparchousa*, I. B. *meizon pēcheōs*. Vers. 15, B. lib. *Martichoras*. Vers. 29, Vers. 11, from the end, *mala hēdys*. B. liber adds, *alla kai tou Phasidos potamou to hydōr, en aggeiōi diamēinan nychthēmeron, oinos hēdistos ginetai*. Vers. 8, un. *phorytōi de sbennutai*. In B. lib. it follows, *homoiōs kai en Aitnēi kai Prousēi diēnekōs anagetai pyr*. Vers. 19, *elaion*. *Hōs to hēmeteron*, B. lib. Vers. eod. *kai ploioariois*. B. lib. *kai dia ploioariōn B. touto aparuontai, kai chrōntai*. Vers. 21, *Sisamōi*. cod. V. *sisaminōi*. Vers. 24, B. lib. *autothi kai argyrion poly, kai metalla argyria*. Vers. 28, *all' orē*. B. lib. *all' en megalois oreinois kai trachēsin. Ekei eisi kai hoi grypes*. Vers. 41, *meli*. *Hōs to kath' hēmas*. B. lib. Vers. 43, *pēgē esti. Kai epeidan*. B. lib. *pēgē; hēs to hydōr en aggeiōi blēthen, pēgnytai hōs*. Vers. 45, *treis obolous*. B. lib. *treis*.

^A *kotylais*. Verse 2, at the end: "And their life," in book B, the beginning of these marvelous narrations is this: "The Seres [Chinese] and the upper Indians are said to be very immense in body, so that men are found thirteen cubits in length, living even beyond two hundred years." [Lucian: "They recount that the Seres live up to three hundred years."] There are also in a certain part of a river, called the Gaitos, savage men, and their skin is similar to that of hippopotami, so as not to be cut by missiles. And in the same India, in the recess of the sea island, they say that those who dwell there also have very large tails, such as are drawn for satyrs.

Page 149, verse 24: "this root." For one of its roots, taken as large as a finger, [is] wherever [it might be], and codex B. Verse 28, "lambs." "And oxen, and the rest," book B. Verse 41: 1. "almond." Verse 5, near the end: codex V. "and is mixed." Verse, penultimate: 1. "with a howl." "Howl" (ōrygē) in Plutarch is also the same as "barking" in Lucian; and "I howl" (ōryomai) is the same as "to bark" (hylakein) in Lucian, Xiphilinus, and Theocritus, Idyll I. Last verse: "speechless." Philo, page 217.

Page 152, verse 2: "cynocephali" [dog-headed men]. Philostratus says this is false. M. M.: "their clothing is raw meat," book B. Cynocephali: Diodorus Siculus in book [blank] counts them among animals, just as they are depicted in Egypt; Lucian. Verse 13: "the palm-colored ones." "The palms," A. St. M. W. codex B. Verse 29, in the margin: "to whom" H. St. ^B is to be removed: for on the next page it is repeated. There the reader will notice that the intermediate page numbers were omitted by the fault of the copyist.

Page 53, verse 2: read "very long-lived." Verse 22: "size." The shavings of such a horn are given in a drink; and it is a protection against deadly poisons, book B. Verse 23: "a palm-length." "The palm-length." Sextus Empiricus: by the LXX interpreters, Philo, Laertius, and others, it is called the "palm-length size."

Page 156, verse 8: "hunting." Thus says Philostratus also regarding this, M. M. Verse 12: "oil." "Like fire," book B. Verse 22: "of oil." Thus says Philostratus also regarding this oil, calling it a nuptial unction, M. M. Verse 36: "they bathe for purification, and as a warding off of all manner of diseases," book B.

Page 157, verse 9: "touches." It follows in that Bavarian book: "There is in Ethiopia a beast called the Crocottas [Diodorus Siculus, book 1], commonly [known as] the dog-wolf; and it is wondrous in strength. This, they say, mimics a human voice, and by night calls men by name, and as they approach, devours them. And the beast has the strength of a lion, the speed of a horse, the power of a bull, and does not yield to iron. And in Euboea in Chalcis the sheep of the place there are said to have no gall, but their meat is very bitter, so that not even dogs eat it. For they say that beyond the Mauretanian gate, the place there is cold in summer, but in winter it burns. ^C In the land of the dog-men, he says there is a spring of oil, not having a stream of water; and for this reason the settlers fulfill their need for all sorts of food. In the so-called Metadrida there is a spring not far distant from the sea, and it causes a very strong ebb in the middle of the night, and casts up many fish on the land, so that the dwellers there are not able to gather them, but [they stay] even if gathered, and stink on the dry land." Writing these things, Ctesias, etc. Verse 18: "Heliodorus's Ethiopica." MS "Ethiopian"; but that latest edition of H. Commelinus, and Socrates, book V, Eccles. Hist. cap. 22, page 250, correct the locus which is faulty in the published books thus: "Heliodorus a native of Tricca who was there." Of whom the work is called the erotic books, which, being a young man, he arranged, and called the Ethiopica. How much value Heliodorus placed on this puerile jest, one may see in Nicephorus, book XII, c. 34. Lucian mentions the Ethiopian narrative in his book *De Saltatione*. Verse 27: read "the proposed matter, balanced periods, and, as far as the shorter [sentences go], contracted." Verse 14: read "of those." Verse 18: "he ruled." M. M. "he was." Verse 23: read "Cnemōnos"; for which H. St. 2, codex V, "Cnēmōn and Theagenēs." Verse 25, H. S. 2: "sealed and lying." ^D Verse 28: read "by the slaughter." Verse 28: the words of this line are redundant. Verse 29: "impasse." H. St. 2: "retreat." Verse 32: idem "Calasirii," both [are] rightly: for such names function in two ways; *Paris*, *Paridos* or *Parios*, in Pindar. Indeed, even the feminine: *mēnis*, *mēnidos* or *mēnios* in Apollinarius: *mantis*, *mantidos* or *mantios*. Verse 41: read "through Thisbe." Verse 45: H. St. 2, "Calasirios," erroneously for *Calasirios*. Verse 48: read "enchantments." Verse 2, near the end: read "which he himself removed, the younger."

Page 161, verse 4: *al.* "Petosirios." Verse, same: read "Thyamis pursues." Verse 7: "of the race." Verse 12: "Petosiris," H. St., M. M., codex B. Verse 15: "of the established." H. St. 2: "of the collapsed." Verse 16: "from the father," idem. Verse 18: read "Charicleia." Verse 30: "pantharbe." I am at a loss as to how here he calls the *pantharbe* a stone, but subsequently in the Indians of Ctesias [above page 143, verse 12] a seal; Philostratus also makes mention of the stone in book I in his *Life of Apollonius*, M. M.

Page 164, verse 5: H. St. 2, "he was finding." Verse 12: "and Theagenes and Charicleia," idem H. St. 2. Verse 17: "Amindēnos." Codex B. and H. St. "Aminsēnos." M. M. "Aminsinos." H. St. 2, "Emēsēnos," and so in his life. Verse 22: "of Themistius." "The one also called Euphrades." Verse 36: "into all the Aristotelian [works]." *There exist on certain Aristotelian writings paraphrases, and 14 discourses*. Printed by Aldus in the year 1534 and H. St. in 1562. Verse 15: "Lesbonax." Of him there is only one printed political oration, "On the Corinthian war," and another "Protreptic." Lucian writes that Lesbonax the Mitylenean philosopher (whom I think a different person from the orator) lived under Augustus, according to Suidas, and that Timocrates was a teacher to him. Verse 10, near the end: "of John." See above page 16, verse 21. Last verse: H. St., "of piety."

Page 165, verse 5: codex V. and H. St. 2, "pours out." Verse 12, 16, 19: note the synonymy "father," "the one who begat," or "the begetter," for the author, about whom before at page 28, verse 15. Verse 30: "Flavius." Codex V: "Flanius." Verse 47: H. St. 2, "to hold the high priesthood, having begun from Aaron, and." Verse 49: *al.* "of Joachim." Verse 51: those words, "the descendants of the sons of Asamonaios," although they are read here in Schott's codex A, are nevertheless to be rejected to the margin, as a variant reading. For that reading is held in H. St. 2, before those which follow next, "and the descendant of Asamonaios." Verse 2, near the end: "of the kingdom." "Of the royal [house]," H. St. 2, the asterisk is transposed by the fault of the engraver.

Page 168, verse 3: *al.* "of Hyrcanus." Verse 11: "Sussius." H. St. 2, "Sossius," Fl. Josephus, book XIV, cap. 27 Archaiol., "Sosius." Verse 34: "spoken of before." Verse 36: "and from the king." H. St. 2, "and from the royal tribe." Verse 37: read "sons, who." Verse 40: "of Matthias." Suidas "Matthaeus," erroneously. Verse 45: "Pharisees." "Those interpreted as the separated," Suidas. Verse 46: "Sadducees." "From the justice of the invocation." For *Sedek* is interpreted as justice. "And there was also Saduk [Sadōk. Clement of Alexandria, Strom. I, the name according to the ancient priests," Epiphanius. Verse, same: "Essenes." "Essaios," Suidas (in the Greek dialect named from holiness, since they have been in the highest degree worshipers of God. Philo:), "Iessaios," Epiphanius page 57, last verse. M. M., "towards them."

Page 169, verse 2: codex V. and H. St., "powerfully." Verse 5: H. St., "living capture," M. M. "living," which pleases more. For in book I of Polybius, "they captured living more than 10,000": a graphic mistake, just as in the lexicons "zōgreias" for "zōgrias," which is read elsewhere, and in II Maccabees VII, 35, "instead of captured" or "captured alive." But of this above. Verse 6: in verse 168, "Stoic." By the testimony of Josephus himself, in the history of his life, page 626. Verse 47: of the same page, "to a certain man. Named Banus," Josephus. Verse 7: "the."

^A then. Al. then also. Vers. 10, M. M. to the Romans. Vers. 23, of the gold "Alone unadulterated he inherited the golden and divine name," Suid. Vers. 24, having been driven out. Socrat. Eccles. Hist. lib. vi, cap. 18. Vers. 28, Sardian Suid. "The rhetorician from Phrygia." Phrygia. Vers. 8, from the end, in periods. H. St. 2, in methods. Pag. 172, vers. 24, in the. H. St. 2, upon. Vers. 27, the same Armatius. It is noted, however, that it seems to have been Armatus. Vers. 33, conflict. H. St. 2, again sedition; and the insurrection against Marcian. Vers. 35, of him. H. S. 2, the exile on account of this. Vers. 34, for mother-in-law others have -es, and vers. 36, first. Vers. 37, H. S. 2, Epidamnus. Vers. 41, the then Roman. H. St. 2, the Roman [feminine]. Vers. 9, 8 An. I. writer. Vers. 2, from the end, sophist. Byzantine, Suid. Vers. 4, from the end H. St. 2, emphatic. Vers. 3, from the end, the same, they are overlooked, just as "and such things some." And as a whole. Pag. 175, vers. 15, read female. Vers. 19, cod. V. and H. S. 2, those innovating against her, in the accusative case, which you will rarely find elsewhere: see page 169, vers. 4, from the end. Vers. 23, read dithyrambic. Vers. 33, Tarasicodissa. Vers. 48, was being stirred up. Instead of "he was contriving." Used in the passive by Basil M. in an epistle (the beginning of which is, "I received letters") to Meletius the bishop; "But concerning the things being stirred up [in the published editions it is incorrectly printed as being traveled, or already prepared] against us in Antioch. Theodoret, lib. 1, cap. 14, Eccles. Hist., those things stirred up by him," and Philo, page 376, "the plot stirred up against him is sought." Lucian uses the active, "stirring up a great evil for me." Vers. 4, from the beginning H. S. 2, Leo having taken the king. Pag. 176, vers. 16, Augustulus. "While Zeno was reigning in Byzantium, Augustus held the western power, whom the Romans also, speaking diminutively, called Augustulus, because he had taken the empire while still a mere boy, which Orestes his father managed, being very wise." Procop. m. s. lib. 1, De Gotthis. Vers. 20, I. Verina. Vers. 26, Armatius, H. St. 2. Vers. 32, from Caesar. H. St. 2, out of Caesar. Vers. 35, read Illus. Vers. 38, read with wife. Vers. 41, with his whole family. H. St. 9 cod. B. with all [his] family. A. S. with all [his] family. That which is edited, s. M. which also is read in Gregory Nyssen in the Life of Moses. Thus pandemei in Diod. Sicul. panoikei in Philo (for which I also find panoiki written in Josephus) pansydei or passydei in Thucyd. Vers. 2, from the end H. St. 2, as the epinikion was published for Illus. Pag. 177, vers. 13, read Isauria. Vers. 27, of Constantius 1. ex historia. A. S. Vers. 38, read deformed and. Vers. 46, he was called. Vers. 49, cod. V. and H. S. 2, and in the margin M. M. having been appointed administrator, which also I. S. conjectured should be inserted. Vers. 9, from the end, Serena. H. St. M. M. cod. B. Pag. 180, vers. 17, read they took as companions. As above page 173, vers. 40, almost the same as they appropriated to themselves. Naz. Carm. Nicobuli to F. v. 267: "Do not you take as a companion a base and worthless associate." Hence combined below page 105, v. 12, he took as a companion. It is something else, he chose, in the Holy Scriptures. v. 19, H. St. 2, mutual slaughter, Philo mutual killing, Pind. [perhaps] mutual murder, but I would prefer the other reading to this one. Vers. 23, Caesarina. cod. V. Kaserina H. St. and M. M. and Sarina. H. St. 2, and L. and Serina. Vers. 27, Bucellarius. Bucellarii, who are called the Helleno-Galatians; and the land of the Bucellarians, Gallograecia. Suid. But the reason for the name is given in verse 44 of this page. Vers. 39, al. Optimati. Vers. 42, read he took as a companion. Lucian, "he will take the truth as a companion against us." Plut. "taking as a companion the most base and most diseased part of the populace against the best." Pag. 181, vers. 5, H. St. 2, the borders of Gaul. Vers. 7, the same of Galatia. Vers. seq. the same of Italy and of Galatia. Vers. 12, from the end, of Britain. H. St. 2, l. S. et L. C. of Brettia. Vers. ultim. al. of Constantinus' son. ^B Pag. 184, ver. 26, H. St. 2, into his slaves. Vers. 32, I. Gwar. Vers. 33, I. of the Burgundians. Procop. Burgundians. Vers. 41, H. S. 2, Soldier. I. C. of soldiers, unless by a changed punctuation you connect with the following, which however can hardly be done. But soon for Sarus [in] Asaro; for thus he is often called here, this general. Vers. 44, H. St. 2, in socks. Vers. 45, I. of Honorius, that. Vers. 51, I. of them, of the. Pag. 185, vers. 5, cod. V. and H. St. 2, they were deposed. Vers. 9, H. St. 2, of Constantine. Vers. 35, H. St. 2, Constantius disignatus. Vers. 10, from the end, a form worthy of tyranny from Euripides, Porphyry in Isagoge. Vers. ultimo, H. S. 2, Roman. Pag. 188, vers. 5, of Unprized. Inæstimabilium. Sap. cap. vii, vers. 10, "Nor did I compare to it an unprized stone." In which sense it must be understood in Carm. Naz. to the bishops, vers. 63: "Having as a wage a bad and small unprized thing." Vers. 8, H. St. 2, of Rusticius. M. M. of Rustacius. Vers. 15, H. St. 2, "for you wrote also that it happened in one day." Virg. 29, H. St. 2, Dubius, and Vers. 11, Dubium. Vers. 4, from the end, the initiation. Al. of the end. Vers. ultimo, I. in the Barbarian [style]. Pag. 189, vers. 5, H. St. 2, the nation of the Goths all. Vers. 12, I. in the margin to have been accomplished. Vers. 28, they were led down to the public bath, Naz. in the Life of Basil M. page 80, and Joan. Goropius, lib. Orig iv. Vers. 29, H. St. 2, stand, stand you do not bathe. Vers. 39, Akromitas. Thus all mss. Cod. Goropi Akromitas, for which as though it were faulty he substituted akonitas, as if [named] from the "akonon" cap (which Josephus mentions, lib. III, cap. 8 of the Archaeology) they had obtained the name of leaders of the diatribes, which seems to be sought from further away. Akromitai in Hesychius and Phavorinus are "the greater ones." Vers. 45, That the things in Spain, ΓΟ. vers. 3, from the end is sent. H. St. 2, is released. Vers. ult. of those glued. Cod. V. of those glued. H. St. 2, of those lopped off. Pag. 192, vers. 1, the same H. St. 2, of a limb. Vers. 23, of the eloquent. Vers. 25, Herodotus. Herodot. Thalia. Vers. 30, I. in the margin things plastered on. Vers. 5, from the end H. St. 2, nobelissimus. Vers. penult. the same is shown. Vers. ult. he himself not ordaining. I. c. Const. H. S. 2. Vers. 13, I. pleuritic. Vers. 20, Pag. 193, vers. 4, I. of Honorius. Vers. 5, of the one concerning a certain star. "I myself say that such a one becomes [a guide] to those sailing in time of storm," M. M. at the margin. Vers. 21, I. by the sailors with cod. B. M. M. H. St. and I. C. Vers. 29, H. St. 2, Syene. Vers. 34, cod. V. and H. S. 2, being distant. Vers. 42, the emerald. "Of the Indian emerald or Milesian" if a lesser reading apud Cl. Alex. It is called emerald stone in Esther cap. 1, vers. 7, emerald [adj.], Apoc. xxi. Hence to be emerald-colored Basil M. Diod. Sic. emerald wall Lucian. Pag. 196, vers. 5, I. into money. Vers. 16, H. St. 2, with the haste of Spadousa and Elpidia. Vers. 27, cod. B. M. M. and H. S. Bonifatius. Vers. 34, H. St. 2, towards the east. Vers. 38, of the prediction brought forward, H. St. 2. Pag. 197, vers. 2, cod. B. and M. M. and having been ungrateful for the justice, H. St. 2, and having given much thanks for the justice, Vers. 17, the incursion. H. St. 2, the attack. Vers. 21, the same of centenarii. Vers. 22, of Alypius. The same of Olympius. Vers. 21, the same of gold instead of gold. Vers. 33, I. praetorship. Vers. 34, H. St. 1, of a day. Vers. 47, the dignity of the nobelissimus, Zonaras, tom. Annal. III, "but they again not long after passed a decree, voting the dignity of the nobelissimus to Justinian, and asked the king to confirm what was decreed." Cedren. page 619, having honored [him] with the nobelissimus, he held with him

^B the place is corrupt, page 602, and for *tinos heneken axion me* read with ms. Aug. *tinos heneken axion me tois Hellēsin epideixais, Alexandre*. Verse 26, the words *peri gamōn* are confused. I. S. Verse 26, *Arsinoē*. *Barsinē*. Arrian. lib. VII. Verse 28, *Rōxanē*. The daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian. Verse 30, read *Amastrinēn*, or with the editions *Amastrinēn*. There follows in Arrian, *Perdikka de tēn Atopatou tou Mēdias satrapou paida edōke*. Verse 32, H. St. 2, *Artakaman*, and thus the book is edited: which same person for *Artōtēn* has *Artōsin*. In the same verse, the common copies of Arrian [have], *Nearchō de tēn Spitamendous tou Baktriou paida*. In the same way also to the others, etc.

Page 216, verse 9. H. St. 2, *ton Arridaion de*. Verse 17, *Pithōn*. M. M. *Peithōn*. H. St. 2, *Pythōn*. Verse 32, read *satrapeias*. Verse 41, read *Paphlagonias*. Ibid. H. St. 2, *synora estai epi polin Hellada trapez*. Verse 50, *es te*. Al. *estai* also in this place, that A. S. and cod. B. 2.

Page 217, verse 19, H. St. 2, *hopōs ex Athēnōn hoi amphi*. A. S. *hopōs hoi ex Athēnōn amphi*. Verse 21, H. St. 2, *Aristoneikos*. Verse 22, read *Hēmaios*. Verse 36, read *Korinthios*. Verse 44, H. St., *kydōnias tēs es* (or *epi*). Verse 6, from the end, read in marg. *Ophella*. Verse 4, *Kyrēnaiōn*.

Page 220, verse 13, read *an kai Alexandros*. Verse 14, *tan*. As to why he writes [this], see Suidas in the entry *Caranus*. Verse 24, H. St. 2, *epi mega kakou*. Verse 25, *Krateron*, the same. Verse 37, H. S. 2, *eis to tēn heautou gnōmēn ergō exenengein*. Verse 42, cod. V. *dēmosisuthentos*. Verse 14, *peraioutai dē*. Verse penult. cod. V. *prochōrēsōsin*.

Page 221, verse 30, read *tōn de peri*. Verse 32, *epi tē tou Karterou anairesei, tōn Maked*.

Page 224, verse 6, H. St. 2, *dorion*. Verse 7, read *pros duomenou hēliou cu*. I. S. and H. St. 3. Verse 14, *Perdikka*. M. M. Verse 18, H. St. 2, *Kaspious*. Verse 24, *parapamisadas*. H. St. 2, and cod. V. *pasadas*. Verse 24, likewise *parameisadais*. Verse 26, *para ton Indon*, H. St. 2, N. M. Verse 38, cod. V. and H. S. 2, *Hellespontō*. Verse ultim. *myrioi*, H. St. A. S.

Page 225, verse 3, *karterōs*, H. St. 2. Verse 10, *ouch hyp' autō*. Verse 26, read *hēssasai*. Verse 39, read *hōs rhaion*. Verse 42, *hōs peraiōsomenos epi Maked*. H. St. 2. Verse 48, the same and cod. V. *astasiasto*. Verse 9, from the end, read *eperaiōthēsan*.

Page 233, verse 11, H. St. 2, *bithyniakā*. Verse penult. H. St. 2, *en autē tē*.

Page 236, verse 14, H. St. 2, *archetai men oun (hōsper eirētai) apo tōn mythikōn, kateisi de*. Verse 21, *Iamblichou*. Concerning Iamblichus, in the margin of the codices H. St. 2 and M. M. these things are noted: "This Iamblichus was a Syrian by birth on both his father's and his mother's side; but he was a Syrian not of the Greeks who had settled in Syria, but of the autochthones. Knowing the Syrian language, and living according to their customs, until a Babylonian pedagogue (as he himself says) took him and taught him the Babylonian language and customs and lore. He says that the account he is now recording is one of the stories [told there]. The Babylonian was taken captive at the time when Trajan invaded Babylon, and the Syrian was sold [M. M. pillaged] by the spoils-merchants [G. to the Syrian]. He was a man proficient in the barbarian wisdom, so that, living in his own country, he became one of the king's secretaries. This Iamblichus, therefore, knowing the Syrian language, which was also his native tongue, and having learned the Babylonian in addition, later says he also practiced the Greek language and used it, so that he became a good orator [M. M. was to become]." Thus far the manuscript scholion. Verse 23, H. St. 2, *empampeuōn*. Verse 24, *Phoinix Heliodōros*. Heliodorus is called a Phoenician also supra p. 164, verse 17, "For the city of Emesa, or also Emisos, is listed in the geographical charts as a city of Phoenicia," that is, Emesa...

^A the fatherland of Heliodorus, is a city of Phoenicia, which in geographical charts is also called Emisus. Vers. 30, [the words] enclosed by a square bracket, perhaps are a scholion; cf. p. 205, vers. 37, for they are read in only one codex. Vers. 41, H. St. 2, Σίνωσις [Sinosis], and not otherwise afterward. Vers. eodem, Ροδάνης [Rodanes]. Suidas, who calls him Rhodines, is to be corrected from this, and there one should read Ροδάνος [Rodanos] instead of Ροδίνος [Rodinos].

Pag. 237, vers. 12, περικάθηται [is sitting around]. H. St. 2, περι-καθίσταται [is being established around]. Vers. 19, τοῖς τοῦ ἄντρου μυχοῖς [in the recesses of the cave]. Idem. Vers. 24, πεφαρμακευμένα [poisoned], cod. V., H. St. and M.M. Vers. eod., κρούσασαι [knocking], H. St. 2. Vers. 27, καταρ- ῥυέντες [having flowed down], πίπτουσι [they fall] idem.

Pag. 240, vers. 8, φεύγουσι πάλιν ἐκεῖθεν [they flee again from there], καὶ H. St. 2. Vers. 38, ἅπερ εἰς [which into] idem. Vers. 5, a fin., cou, B. H. St. and A. S., καὶ κρίσις ἐπ' αὐτούς· Βόροχος ἢ Βόχορος ὁ κρίνων ἦν, κριτῶν [and judgment upon them; Borochos or Bochoros who was judging, of judges]. Thus it is to be read, as I. C. also conjectured, but in the latter place Βορυχος [Borychos], because of a lapsus of the chalcographer. M.M., Βόροχος ὁ κρίνων [Borochos who judges]. Vers. 4, let the marginal reading be removed.

Pag. 241, vers. 22, Εὐρυκλέα [Eurycles]. See Suid. in vocab. ἐγγαστρίμυθος [ventriloquist]. Vers. 32, for Ούκρον [Oukron] read with I. C. Ο ήρον [Oeron]. Verum impn. Vers. 35, 1. τελευτήσοι [he might die]. Vers. 8, a fin., H. St. 2, ἀλλήλων [one another].

Pag. 244, vers. 10, a fin., cod. V. and H. St. 2, τὰς ἐκθέσμους [the lawless [acts]]. Vers. 4, a fin., πρὸ τούτων [before these], cod. V. and H. St. 2, πρὸς τούτοις [besides these].

Pag. 245, vers. 27, H. St. 2, ἐκώλυεν [was preventing]. Vers. 43, Μεσοποταμία τε συνεγ. [and Mesopotamia along with...], H. St. Vers. 46, let the margin reading be from the codex. Vers. penul., 1. Ἐνθάδε [Here].

Pag. 248, vers. 41, H. St. 2, σώζει τε ταύτην [and it saves this]. Vers. 6, a fin., ὀργὴν ἀντιπληρῶσαι [to refill the anger], cod. V. and H. St. 2, ὀργὴν ἐπ' αὐτῆς πληρῶσαι [to fulfill anger upon her]. Vers. 4, a fin., the same codd., ἐν τῷ τῶν δημίων περιβόλῳ [in the enclosure of the executioners]. Vers. 12, ἀνα- σταυροῦσθαι [to be crucified], cod. V., ἀναστῆναι [to stand up]. Vers. penult., δὲ καὶ Σόραχος [and Sorachos] or Σόραιχος [Soraichos], for that is a variant reading of the preceding, also pag.

Pag. 249, vers. 11, H. St. 2, ἐθίσας εἴσκυσεν [having accustomed he let in]· οἱ, and soon after, στρατόν [army]. Vers. 28, I., Βαβυλωνίων [of the Babylonians]. Vers. 35, ἐν οἷς καὶ ς' καὶ ι' λόγος [in which also the 6th and 10th discourse], on the authority of Suidas in book 39, the so-called Babyloniaca. Vers. 7, a fin., infra p. 281, vers. 17.

Pag. 252, vers. 24, 1., St. 2, διδασκάλου· ἄκραν δὲ ταπεινοφροσύνην [of teacher; but extreme humility].

Pag. 253, vers. 1, Βασιλείῳ συνῆν τῷ μεγάλῳ [he was with Basil the Great]. Learned men deny [this], as was indicated by me in the notes to the book of Chrysostom, *On the Priesthood*, recently printed here at Augsburg. Vers. 3, a fin., II. St. 2, εἰς διδασκάλου [to the teacher], as in the preceding page, vers. 17. Vers. 42, ὑπὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ [by the cross]. Τῷ σταυρῷ [By the cross]. H. St. 2, vers. 9, a fin., τοὺς περὶ ἀκαταλήπτου [those [discourses] concerning the Incomprehensible]. These were written down by hand on the parchment in the Augsburg library. Vers. 26, συνεισάκτους [subintroductas]. Regarding the *Carmen ad Virginem* [paraeneticum], verse 96, and the distich gnomes, in elegiac meter, verse 113.

Pag. 256, vers. 3, a fin., H. St. 2, Σαραπίων καὶ Σεβηριανῷ [Sarapion and Severianus].

Pag. 257, vers. 3, Θευδέριχον [Theoderic]. Vers. 51, A. St. reads Ἀντωνίου [of Antonius] and vers. 45, Ἀντώνιος [Antonius], with verse, θρόνοις ἐγκατ. [installed in the thrones].

Pag. 260, vers. 27, παραλόγους [irrational]. P. Pantinus reads παραλόγως [irrationally]. Vers. 25, H. St. 2, ἐποίησεν [he made].

Pag. 261, vers. 36, 1., ἐκείνου ἔκρινε [he judged of him]. Pag. 266, vers. 14, H. St. 2, μηδ' ἕτερον ἔτι τόν [nor yet another one], cod. V., μηδ' ἕτερον ἔτι αὐτῶν τόν [nor yet another one of them]. Vers. 13, τῶν ἀμοιβαίων ἀλ- λήλοις προφητειῶν [of the reciprocal prophecies to one another]. That Chrysostom, in the manner of Epiphanius, predicted to him in the sea, and he in turn to him, the loss of the episcopate, Sozomen mentions in *Ecclesiastical History*, book vi, chapter 15. Vers. 17, κατὰ γυναικῶν [against women]. "The famous homily of his, the beginning of which is 'Again Herodias rages'," which Michael Maugerus published here at Augsburg together with other homilies of the same divine Chrysostom in the year 1586. Vers. 23, al. ἑτοίμου [of the ready]. Vers. 37, διὰ τὸν ἀνδριάντα [because of the statue]. Socrat. lib. vi, cap. 18, *Ecclesiastical History*, and Sozom. lib. viii, cap. 20. Vers. 41, H. St. 2, ἑρ- μαίῳ [hermaio]. Vers. 11, a fin., cod. V. and H. St. 2, συνόδου ^B τὸν μ. καθ. ἐ. τ. ἐ. ἐκδικήσαντα [the... having avenged]. Vers. 6, a fin., H. St. 2, ἀπέφηναν [they declared].

Pag. 265, vers. 5, τὸ πῦρ. ἐκ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου ἐξελθόν [the fire having come out from the altar], Cedren. Vers. 14, Βασιλίσκου [of Basiliscus]. Sozom. lib. viii, cap. ult. Vers. 18, πολλαῖς [many]. H. St. 3, ποικίλαις [various]. Vers. 29, cod. V., Ἰννωκέντιος [Innocentius]. Vers. 34, Ἀρσά- κιος. Ἀττικὸς ὁ πατριάρχης [Arsacius. Atticus the patriarch], Zonar. tom. III. Vers. 8, a fin., 1. with I. S., ἔτυχέ πώ τινος [he happened [to be] someone's]. Vers. penul., cod. V. and H. St. 2, Ἑκατόμνως [Hecatomnos].

Pag. 268, vers. 3, H. St. 2, Ἀτυάνας [Atuanas] or Ἀδρα- μυτίου [Adramytium]. Vers. 8, Ἑκατόμνως idem. Vers 13, πη- λίου [Pelion], idem. Vers. 14, Μουρήναν [Murena], idem. Vers. 30, H. St. 2, Τιγράνης [Tigranes]. Vers. 33, συγκλυδούς [rabble]. Thus [in] all mss., which elsewhere you may not easily find; but those things written in the margin in Clem. Alex. and others.

Pag. 269, vers. 4, a fin., Ζωσίμου [of Zosimus]. Exists in Greek and Latin (as also Herodian, concerning whom [see] the next page). Vers. 17, H. St. 2, ἀλλὰ Σάρος [but Saros].

Pag. 272, vers. pen. al., Βρεττανούς [Britons]. Vers. 24, H. St. 2, Ἀλεξιανόν [Alexianus].

Pag. 273, vers. 31, 1., καὶ τό γε ἐπ' αὐτῷ [and that which is upon him]. Vers. 47, H. St. 2, τὴν Καρχηδόνα καταλαβών [having captured Carthage].

Pag. 275, vers. 10, H. St. 2, ἁπλῶς ἱστορικῶν ἐν πάσαις [simply of historical [matters] in all]. Vers. 43, 1., πνεύματος διάφορα [different [kinds] of spirit]. Vers. 4, a fin., 1., θεωρητικήν [contemplative]. Vers. 3, a fin., "the Essenes, the Theraputae." Indeed they are the same. For what is this other than if I were to say: "the Messiah, the Christ." Philo, *Essenes, Therapeutae* and *Therapeutrides* [ms. *therapeutides*] are aptly named. See what we noted above at p. 168, vers. 46.

Pag. 277, vers. 22, Γάιος [Gaius]. cod. Aug., *History concerning the things against Gaius, and of the cause of his hatred toward all the Jewish nation*.

Pag. 277, vers. 22, Φλάκκος [Flaccus]. cod. Aug., *The things against Flaccus, or concerning providence*. The beginning of this is: "Second after Sejanus, Flaccus Avillius [ms. Iulius] succeeds to the conspiracy against the Jews, not being able to behave unjustly toward the nation entirely, as that one [openly] did." Vers. eod. in marg., μενος [the one...], that is, παρεμβάλλων [inserting], I. S. Vers. 39, Πέτρῳ [to Peter] t. k. 2. ἐντυχεῖν [to encounter]. Euseb. lib. II, cap. 16, *Eccles. Hist.*

Pag. 280, vers. 42, I. S. 2, δεικνύων [showing].

Pag. 281, vers. 5, κατὰ Ἰωάννου τοῦ Σκυθοπο- λίτου [against John the Scythopolitan]. Of whom above 249, vers. 39. Vers. 11, a fin.

Pag. 281, vers. 7, ὅτι α' [that the first]. H. St. 2, περὶ τοῦ, αἱ [concerning the... the]. Vers. 19, ὅπως [how]. H. St. 2, πῶς [how]. Vers. 34, cod. V. and H. St. 2, διαλογικοῖς αὐτοῦ [of his dialogues]. Vers. 38, τὸ σαφὲς δὲ [the clear [part] however] idem.

Pag. 285, vers. 9, ἀγνοϊτῶν [of the Agnoitae]. ἀγνοητῶν [of the ignorant]. Leontius *De sectis*. Vers. 16, 1., εἰσπράττεται [is exacted]. For the arguments of Themisius are four.

Pag. 288, vers. 13, λόγον ἕτερον [another discourse]. *Protrepticus to the Greeks*, printed books. Vers. 29, H. St. 2, ὑπο- γραφέντος [having been signed]. Vers. 32, οὖν τοῦ διεῤῥιμμένως [therefore of the scattered] idem. Vers. 44, 1., γὰρ, τίς ὁ σωζόμενος πλούσιος [for, who is THE RICH MAN THAT IS BEING SAVED]. From this book he brings a memorable history about a young leader of robbers, led by John the evangelist into the way of salvation, Euseb. lib. III, cap. 23, *Eccles. Hist.*, which is also read in the *Life* of the same divine John, written by Simeon Metaphrastes, and published with Arethas on the *Apocalypse* at Verona, 1582. Vers. 11, a fin., Ἀλλ' οὐδὲ οἱ παλαίτατοι [But not even the most ancient]. Thus begins the 8th book of *Stromata* as printed. Vers. 8, a fin., ἐπαγγέλλε- ται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα. Γαμηκόν λόγον. Περὶ ἐγκρατείας, περὶ ἀναστάσεως, etc. [he promises also other things. Marriage discourse. On continence, on resurrection, etc.].

Pag. 289, vers. 6, Διαταγαὶ τῶν ἀποστόλων διὰ Κλήμεντος [Constitutions of the Apostles by Clement]. Printed at Venice in the year 1563. Concerning them Zonaras, on the 60th Apostolic canon: "Many books were forged by the impious to the harm of the simpler [people], just as also the Apostolic constitutions written through the holy Clement to the bishops, which for this reason were also synodically rejected." Vers. 23, H. St. 2, συγγράψασθαι [to write]. Vers. 29, 1., γεγενημέναι [having been done]. Vers. 35, μυρίων ἀτοπημάτων [of countless absurdities]. Ἀλλ' ἐπηνωρθωκώς [But having corrected]

^A this, the Translator deposited as wealth and identity for the Church of God. M. M. in the margin. Vers. 43, accounted worthy of the soul. Euseb. lib. III, cap. 16, Eccles. Hist. Vers. 25, to preside over the see of Rome. Ignat. epist. 1, and his interpreter should be consulted: Euseb. lib. V, cap. 6.

Page 292, vers. 45, the Fourteeners (Quartodecimans). Concerning these, see Theodoret lib. V, Contra hæres., Epiphan. p. 182; Sozom. lib. 7, cap. 18, Eccles. Hist. Vers. 9, at the beginning, cod. V. and H. St. 2, brief. Vers. 4, at the end, H. St. 2, he ate what he ate.

Page 293, vers. 3, circulating, I. S. Vers. 4, who at any time is, idem. Vers. 7, suffrage, idem. Vers. 26, cod. V. and H. St. 2, of the hypothesis before, book. Vers. 33, and certain common years, I. S. Vers. 38, cod. V. of a lunar month and a solar month. H. St. 2, of a lunar, and of a solar.

Page 296, vers. 13, to have been previously captured, H. St. 2. Vers. 23, bodies, cod. V. H. St. 2. Vers. penult., dissolved. *Migravit* although Sap. 1, 1, he who dissolved, who remigrates: and cap. 6, vers. 14, nor does the soul once taken up dissolve (as is to be read there, I have warned elsewhere) nor does it remigrate: etc.: I would prefer to interpret.] Gregor. Nyss. on Bishop Meletius: *Blessed is our Father, both of the apostolic tent-fellowship, and of the dissolution toward Christ*, Pater ille noster est beatus et contubernii cum apostolis, et migrationis ad Christum, nomine. See page 300, vers. 2, or Philipp. 1, 23, II Tim. IV, 6.

Page 297, vers. 5, to the one running. To the one beheaded, Euseb. lib. VI, cap. 1, Eccles. Hist. Vers. 8, but the mother. Euseb. in the same, cap. 3. Vers. 11, v. Pantaenus. Vers. 34, read: *about to depart*.

Page 300, vers. 8, read: *gnashed*. Vers. 10, divine. Vers. 27, B. and H. St. 2, *except that of essence*. Vers. 43, [the things] done, neither, etc. In codex B and H. M. the passage is read entire thus: ^B *And concerning the Cherubim made by Moses; and how the things generated were nothing else, nor did they bear another form of shape, but only nonsensically profess to bear the figure of wings. And concerning the pillar of Jacob. In which he confesses their making, but argues foolishly that they were permitted by way of economy.* H. St. of the pillar of Jacob. *In which he confesses their making, but argues foolishly that they were permitted by way of economy; as if the things generated were nothing, were something else, were something else; nor did they bear another form of shape, but only nonsensically profess to bear it as a figure of wings.* This Pierius was a presbyter of the Church in Alexandria, while Theonas was then presiding as high priest, when Carus and Diocletian held the Roman scepters. And they say that his industry, natural talent, and the pleasure he provided in public speaking together with benefit were so great, that he was even surnamed the young Origen. For Origen was at that time among the most esteemed, and they say that he (Pierius) was trained in dialectic and rhetoric. And I, [as a lover of] temperance and voluntary poverty, [also say] he was a lover of these. And some say he ended his life by martyrdom, others that after the persecution, he passed the remainder of his life in Rome. A. S. M. M. H. St. 2. Vers. 10, *o* *dy*. read: *books I*. S. *Irenæi autem Græci pars magna solius libri 1, apud Epiphan. pag. 79, etc.*

Page 301, vers. 3, of Tatian, who was the first disciple of Justin. Epiphan. *Against the Tatians*, p. 171. Vers. 5, cod. V. and H. St. 2, *was poured out*. Vers. 9, cod. V. and H. St. 2, *it contains [the views] of those who dogmatize ungodly things against the heresy*. Vers. 13, was spoken, cod. B. M. M. H. St. Vers. 16, sophistries, M. M., which I would prefer. Vers. 24, became successor. Euseb. lib. V, cap. 5. Vers. 25, [he writes] Euseb. ibid. V, cap. 26. Vers. 31, ^C of the whale, Euseb. ibid. Vers. 34, of Noetus. Smyrnaean by race, Theodoret lib. III, *Contra hæres.* against Noetians, Epiphan. p. 208. Vers. 41, read: *is not of*. Vers. 46, having kept [him] with him. Having stationed seven shorthand writers for him, and more copyists. Suidas on Ambrose, whom Origen converted from the sect of Valentinus and Marcion.

Page 305, vers. 1, Crispus, Suid. Crescentius, Euseb. Vers. 2, having been conspired against. That is, having been harmed, plotted against in speech, H. Wolf. Vers. 4, H. St. 2, *he set*. Vers. 2, as most true. Which Naz. calls into doubt with these words: *but if the account is trustworthy to anyone, there is another mode of generation, something itself being spent and born by itself.* Hom. *on the Holy Spirit*. That the phoenix is to be understood there is clear from the same Nazianzen's *Poem of Precepts to Virgins*. Vers. same, *to the bird called the phoenix*. Now [that] the phoenix, contrary to what others [say] (such as Euseb. lib. IV, *De vita Constantini imp.* at the end, Suidas, and those whose testimonies I inserted in the notes to the hieroglyphics of Horapollon) is not unigenerative, Maximus the martyr denies, in the book *To Peter the Illustrious against the dogmas of Severus*, using this argument: *For if the phoenix is a bird, it is entirely an animal; and if it is an animal, first it is not at all unique, insofar as it is an animal, for it is not just an animal. Then, if it is an animal, it is also a living, sensing body; and if the phoenix is a living, sensing body, it is clearly also subject to generation and corruption. We shall ask the wise observers of things themselves whether it is possible for any of the living and sensing bodies subject to generation and corruption to exist uniquely in the hypostasis of nature; of which the succession from one another by species is the clear character and definition of existence. Just as the divine Scripture also bears witness, providing for itself [that which is] certain of the account for the righteous Noah: "Enter, you and all," etc., and "from all the fowls," etc. (Gen. VII), for which, if it is a winged animal, the phoenix is numerically unique, it does not exist in the hypostasis of nature, according to the divine proclamation*, from a manuscript codex of Augsburg.

Page 308, vers. 11, read: *fainter*. Vers. 14, in Nicomedia. *He arrives at the suburb of the city of the Nicomedians*, Euseb. lib. V, *De Constantino imp.* p. 155; But Cabasilas, and *these things indeed*, he says, *are from Eusebius of Pamphilus: But the Church of Christ, not counting his things as trustworthy, as of an enemy and a suspect, believes in the truth, and says: that it has been both catechized and baptized by Sylvester, Pope of Rome; as it even happens to be written in the acts of the 7th holy and ecumenical council*, M. M. in the margin. Vers. 21, read: *rightly*. Vers. 43, the *just destruction of Arius*] Concerning which see above, p. 208, vers. 32, 33. Vers. 43, *Arrius*, I. S. Vers. 45, H. St. 2, *of the things done, and concerning it, the history*. Vers. 6, read: *was ravaged*, idem.

Page 309, vers. 9, cod. V. M. M. H. St. 2, *various, and dialogues of gods; and others [concerning H. St. Greeks]*. Vers. 10, at the end, Lucius, H. St. 2, Lucius.

Page 312, vers. 1, he says. H. St. 2, I. S. and M. M. *is full*. Vers. 10, read: *wove together*. Vers. 10, at the end, of Palladius. Methonaeus, Suid.

Page 313, vers. 41: *The myth of Cronus. For Cronus, under whom they say the blessed life existed, cut off [his father's private parts] and devoured his children*, S. Emp. Vers. 44, H. St. 2, *publish late in time, not even then*. Vers. 9, at the end, Theodorus. The Antiochene. Vers. 8, at the end, from above, see above pag. 89.

Page 316, vers. 7, encountering. cod. V. and H. St. 2, *making rough*. Vers. penult., read: *of the battle line*. Vers. ult., *as if from a spring*.

Page 317, vers. 9, H. St. 2, *the best of*. Vers. 18, being, of no [one], H. St. 2, I. S. Vers. 29, letters, ^D in pieces, in the parchments of the Augsburg Library. Which Jo. Jacobus Beurerus, professor of Greek letters and history at Freiburg in Breisgau, [having transcribed from the] most learned Augsburg codices, along with an interpretation, [had already published, were it not that the printers...]

delayed it. Ver. 33, *ἔχῃ*, of epistle-like character, H. St. 2, and I. C. But here for *ἄλλως* he reads *ἄλλον*. Ver. 36, I. *ἀσκητικά*. Ver. 10, from the end, *Ἑλλαδίου*. Mention of this man is in the front of Suida. ^A Pag. 328, ver. 27, r. *ἀποσημειώσασθαι*. Ver. 33, *Πολίωνος*. A space in H. St. 2, of one word, after *Πολίωνος*, to which perhaps *Ἀλεξανδρέως*, or *φιλοσόφου* should be inserted. See in Diodoro Valerio. Ver. 42, *ῥητῶν* cod. V. and H. St. 2, *δικῶν*.

Pag. 321, ver. 25, H. St. 2, *πλατύτερόν τε καὶ ἀφθονέστερον*. Ver. 47, cod. V. and H. S. 2, *εἰσενηνεγμένοις*.

Pag. 324, ver. 6, from the end, H. St. 2, *καὶ φίλον*.

Pag. 325, ver. 26, *ἄξιον*. I. S. *αἴτιον*. Ver. 31, *τὸν κριτικόν*. H. St. 2, and cod., *κρητικόν*. Ver. 6, *τοῖς συγγραφεῦσι*, I. S. Ver. 5, from the beginning, *εἰς τοὺς ἐρωτικούς*, H. St. 2. Ver. ult., r. *Θουκυδίδην*.

Pag. 326, ver. 1, *Κριτίαν*. Cod. B. M. M. *Κρατίαν*. H. St. 2, *Κριτίαν τε τὸν Καλλαίσχρου*. Ver. *οὐτῶν πολλῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρίστων*, Naz. pag. 84, *ὃ οὐδεὶς ἂν, ἀλλ' οὐδ' ὁ μῶμος μωμήσασθαι δύναιτο*, Lucian. Ver. 10, *Κωρυκαῖος*. Suid. Ver. 24, *Φρύνιχος*. Phrynichi Eclogam Atticorum nominum et verborum, which A. S. left to us here, never before edited in Greek except in an epitome, now brought to light by P. Jo. Nunnesio Valentino, and turned into Latin, and illustrated with erudite notes, there is hope that it will be printed here in Augusta. Ver. 31, *ὁ δεύτερος πρὸς Νικοκλέα*. The published book is *Νικοκλῆς*. Ver. 39, *τῷ βιβλίῳ*. A monstrosity of reading, for *βίῳ*. By which I also conjectured it should be read, and later found it corrected in H. St. Ver. 40, *ὁ πλαταϊκὸς δὲ, συμβουλευτικός ἐστι. Δικανικός* [is] Wolf, the interpreter of Isocrates. Ver. 35, *Βουσίριδος*. Of the Egyptian, Lucian, of whom Diod. Sicul. [says] much. Ver. 6, from the beginning, *ἐνενήκοντα τέσσαρ. ἐτῶν*. Cic. lib. De senect., but 95 years old, he wrote the Panegyric, according to Lucian. Ver. 5, from the beginning, *τριετίαν*. Isocr. *τούτῳ [sc. τῷ νοσήματι] διετέλουν τριετῆ μαχόμενος*, where H. Wolf reads *τοι ἔτη*.

Pag. 327, ver. 1, *μέγιστος*. Among the Dicanicae, among others the *παναθηναϊκός*. Ver. eod. *οὗτος αὑτῷ* H. St. 2. Ver. 3, *καὶ σύμμικτος*, the same. Ver. 4, *τῶν ἄλλων*. Chiefly the panegyrici, and the oration on peace. Ver. 7, *Αἰγινητικός*, H. Wolf. Ver. 9, *πρὸς Εὐθύνουν ὑπὲρ Νικίου*. This oration is commonly inscribed *ἀμάρτυρος*. Missing here is the name of the twenty-first Oration, which is *Περί ζεύγους*, on the Bigae, in the published books, just as conversely among the unpublished epistles is that *πρὸς Ἀρχίδαμον*, which A. S., a most diligent seeker of antiquity, brought from Italy; which, as a grace for those studying Isocratean eloquence, we have added for Photius. Ver. 27, *περιττόν αὐτῷ διεκπίπτ.* H. St. 2. Ver. 31, *μέτεστιν αὐτῷ* same and cod. V. Ver. 37, *τὴν ἐν λόγοις αὑτοῦ ἀρετήν*. Chrysost. lib. De sacerdotio, attributes to Isocrates *λειότητα*, to Demosthenes *ὄγκον*, to Thucydides *σεμνότητα*, to Plato *ὕψος*.

^B Pag. 337, ver. 7, *Καισαρέως δή*, I. S. Ver. 13, *τὰς γραφὰς συντάξας*. In the Augustan library exist the *ἐξηγητικαὶ σχολαί* (concerning which see below pag. 528, ver. 38) of Procopius, a Christian sophist, of Gaza, on the Octateuch, the books of Kings and Chronicles. That Caesarean, among Suidas, is also called *Ἰλλούστριος*. Ver. 13, *τούτου πολλοί*. I did not note well; for such works are not of Choricius, but of this teacher Procopius. And it is clear from what follows, as the patriarch clarifies, M. M. in the margin.

Pag. 337, ver. 21, cod. V. *εὐσεβῆ*. Ver. 34, *ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος*. Concerning whom see below p. 496.

Pag. 340, ver. 5, H. S. 2, *ἀπίθανα μάλιστα ἔνεστιν εὑρεῖν*. Voss. seq. *κωμωδῶν διαφόρους πράξεις*, same and A. S. Ver. 20, *ἀρχὴ διεγνώσθησαν*. 384 *αὐτῷ, καί*. Ver. 35, *ὅθεν αἱ καλουμέναι σιβύλλαι*. Clemens Alex. Stromat. 1. The oracles of these, recently printed in Paris in most elegant type, A. 1599. In the Prooemium of which, ver. 14, for *ὀστήεσσι* I would prefer to read *ὀστειοῖσι*, which Apollinarius used in Ps. CXVII, 6. Ver. 10, from the end, H. St. 2, *Διλίου Δίου περὶ Ἀλεξανδρείας*. Perhaps therefore here too one should read *Διονυσίου* for *Δίου*, as in that recent edition of geographical treatises, in the life of Scylax, where the same errors exist in the ms.

Pag. 341, ver. 2, *περί τε φύσεως καὶ πόνου*. This treatise is not enumerated in Lamprias (whose catalog of Plutarch's books is admittedly imperfect), but *τὸ περὶ συνηθείας*, to which is that same force which is here ascribed to *τοῖς πόνοις*. For thus Basilius N. said, *εἰς φύσιν ὡς τὰ πολλὰ τὸ ἔθος μεθίσταται*. Naz., *χρόνῳ καὶ λόγῳ βεβαιωθὲν ἅπαν καλὸν φύσις καθίσταται*. Arist., *τὸ εἰθισμένον ὥσπερ πεφυκός ἤδη γίνεται*. Ver. 4, *τὴν φύσιν οὐκ εὖ φερομένην ὤρθωσαν*. For example, Stilpon the Megarian, philosopher, Cic. De fato: and Socrates, Cic. ibid. and 1 Tuscul., which not even Zopyrus could attain by conjecture, *καίπερ ὢν ὀξυδερκέστατος φυσιογνώμων*, Mich. Tyr. *λόγῳ ιε'*. Ver. 15, *ἐν λόγοις*. H. St. 2, *λόγου καὶ ἔργα*. Ver. 16, *καὶ ὁ ὄγδοος*, the same. Ver. 22, *περὶ ποταμῶν καὶ ὁρῶν*, exists indeed; but they wish it to be of another Plutarch, not that Chaeronean, because of the dissimilarity of style. Ver. 23, *τοῦ Κράτητος βίου, Δαϊφάντου τε καὶ Πινδάρου*. Lamprias mentions these in his Tabula. Ver. 34, H. St. 2, *Κεφαλλίωνος*. Ver. 49, *Ἐπαμεινώνδου*. His life does not exist. Ver. 32, *ἀφθαρτοδοκητῶν*. Suid., *ἀφθαρτοδοκητής, ἀπὸ αἱρέσεως τινός*. From the opinion of immortality, or because he felt there was no corruption, H. Wolf. Ver. 33, r. *εὐθύνας*. Ver. 43, H. St. 2, *Κυρίου, ὥσπερ ὁ Ἰουλιανὸς ἐτόλμ.*

Pag. 345, ver. 6, *δι' ἧς ἐλέγχει αὐτόν*, the same. Ver. 15, *ἐν διάβλ.* F. *εὐδιάβλητα*. [in this same page, ver. 24, it is read] but also *ἐν διάβ.* is correct, as on page. Ver. 22, below: with one voice Gregorius, and others (Num. XXII, 22; Psal. CVIII, 28, Theophylact, Oecumen. and Lucian) use it. 1. C. Ver. 45, *φθορὰ μὲν τὸ γῆρας νεότητος*. Basil. in Psal. CVI, where also [is] the argument *περὶ τῆς φθορᾶς τοῦ κόσμου*. Theodoret in *λόγῳ α' περὶ προνοίας*, also proves by the authority of Holy Scripture, *παθητὴν τε καὶ φθαρτὴν οὐσίαν ἔχειν τὸν οὐρανόν*. Ver. 48, *φησὶν ὁ Ἀπόστολος*. 1 Cor. 17, 18. Ver. 23, H. St. 2, *ἀπαθὴς καὶ κατά*. Ver. 30, *καὶ ὁ φθαρτολάτρας*, the same. Ver. ult., r. *δέοι, καὶ εὐκρινεῖς*.

Pag. 352, ver. 8, *Ἱμερίου σοφιστοῦ μελέται*. See below pag. 720.

Pag. 356, ver. 20, *τῶν ὑπὲρ Θούλην ἀπίστων*. Synes. epist. 148. "And they are disposed in their opinions, just as we [are], when we hear about those things beyond Thule, whatever Thule may be, giving to those who pass beyond it [the license] to lie unblamed and above reproach." Ver. 38, r. *Μηνίσκος*. cod. B. *Μονίσκος*. Ver. penult., H. St. 2, *Μιρτῷ*. P. *Μυρτοῖ*, I. S.

Pag. 357, Ver. 9, H. St. 2, *τήν τε προειρ.* Ver. 12, *ἀφίκοντο* same. Ver. 15, *τὸ κατὰ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ* H. St. 2. Ver. 18, *οἱ ἑώρων μὲν ἐν νυκτί*. Sueton. in Vita Tiberii: *Facie honesta, in qua tamen crebri et subtiles (ms. in canobio S. Uldarici) tumores, cum prægrandibus oculis et qui, quod mirum esset, noctu etiam et in tenebris viderent, sed ad breve: et cum primum a somno patuissent, demum rursum hebescebant.* Ver. seq., H. St. 2, *ὑπὸ ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ*. Ver. 46, *Ἐρυκι*. H. St. 2, *Ἐρυκῇ*, that of the two is more correct, see Strabo, and the Scholiast of Theoc. Idyll. 16. Ver. 8, *Ἴδος*, M. M. H. St. 2. Ver. 7, *Ζαμόλξιδι παρὰ Γέτας ἤδη θεῷ* Herodot. Melpomene. Naz. Carm. ad Nemesium, Ver. 274: *Καὶ Γετικὸς Ζάμολξις αἰστεύων δι' ὁμίλου*.

Pag. 360, Ver. 85, H. St. 2, *τοῦτο μόλις τῶν μυρίων κακῶν τέλος εὑράμενον*. Ver. penult., *ὃ συνεπεφέροντο* is noted in cod. A. St. as corrupt.

^A but without cause, wherefore the marginal scholion in both places should be removed. Pag. 361, Ver. 36, H. St., Erasinides. Pag. 364, Ver. 15, Dercyllis of Mnason lived. H. St. 2. Ver. 19, on the wall, the same. Ver. 27, he invades, H. St. 2. Pag. 365, Ver. 11, *eklogas*, H. St. reads *is. gnomas*. Ver. 15, *stēleen steileien*. I. S., material of readings. There is also H. St. 2, *nimēn steileien*. Ver. 16, 1., natural. Ver. eod., the part that is logical at the beginning, and the rest, which is the greater part, is ethical. H. St. 2, the greatest part, and the rest of the codices have it. These two books of Stobaeus, the *Physicus* and the *Ethicus*, were printed at Antwerp translated by William Canter in 1575, in which there are not a few things missing; these are supplied from a veteran book of the Archbishop of Tarragona, Antonius Augustinus. I only wish he had had the leisure to compare the already published works with that same manuscript, since it, through an error in the copy, bristles with mistakes in some places; concerning the removal of which I could undoubtedly have warned the reader, as well as things which H. Wolf corrected somewhat out of his own genius; for instance, page 1, for *ton outōs* H. W. reads *toioutōs*; page 2, *endiatōsas* for *endieikousas*; page 5, *arrhētou* for *diarrhētou*; page 109, *doxazousi kai tas dynameis einai pleionas, hōs en tō hēgemonikō enyparchousan phantasian meta synkatatheseōs*, for *peri, en hyparchousi, syn metatheseōs*; page 124, *alla sou* for *tautou*; page 128, *apogenēthen* for *agenēthen*, or *kenē gē* for *kenēs; aitheros eisplous* for *eis aithera plous; kainois* for *kenois; thērsi* for *pyrsi*; page 132, *anenergetoi* for *anērgētoi*; page 206, *phatizomena, eisiousais* for *phōtizomena oiesis ousai*; and *ouk euēlatōs pōs* for *ou skeuē latapōs*; or *synechei* for *eitychei; ei hestōs en* for *estin en; ei bracheias* for *brachia gēs*, etc. I have cited these, since mention of the book is made here, and it is in the hands of those studying the Greek language, just as the other work of the same Stobaeus, the *Apophthegmata Gnomarum*, which itself is also sometimes corrupt; as for example, Sermon 1, in the places of Archylas, for *alogōs epitrepeie oriadōn*, with the same H. Wolf, read *ho logos epitrepeie orisdōn*; for *ei mikka* [read] *mēkaka*; or *dia pathōn ametrian* for *di' agathōn ou metrian*. Sermon 120, in the verse of Euripides, *adēmonōn* for *adaimonōn*. *Blepontos* for *blaptein tous*. Sermon 122, in the saying of Aelian, *Kritōna* for *tōn kritōn*. Pag. 372, Ver. 27, *Antipatrou Istaiou*. Cod. V. and H. St. 2, *anstiaiou*. Ver. 28, *Aigimaiou, Antiphānous, Apollodōrou*. H. St. Ver. 29, *Aisaros Attikou* A. S. 2. Ver. 30, *Harpokratiōnos*, M. M. L. C. Ver. 31, *Aristombrotou* H. St. 2. Ver. 33, *Dēmokritou, Diotimou*, H. St. 2. Ver. 36, *Didymou, Diōnos, Diou*, the same. Ver. 40, *Eurysou*, H. S. 2. Ver. 45, for *Theagenous* the same, *Theanous*. Ver. 7, *o fo.* H. St. 2, *Lyngkou, Lykōnos*. Ver. 6, at the end, *Metaichmou*. Ver. penult., *Niktou*. H. St. 2, *Nikiou*, and *Okellou*. Ver. ultimo, *Panakeiou*. Pag. 373, Ver. 9, *al.* *Hypsēou*. Ver. 16, *philosophōn, ex hōn tēn syllogēn epoiēsanto, houtoi. Poiētai kai de* cod. V. and H. St. 2. Ver. 29, *Thelerophos*, H. S. 2. Ver. eod. *I. Iophōn*. Ver. 31, *Klebinetos*. Cod. V. and H. St. 2. *Kleainos*, for which previously it seems to have been *Kleainetos*. Ver. eod. *Kleitias*. H. St. 2, *Kritias*. Ver. 32, *Kerkidas*, cod. V. and H. St. 2. Ver. 40, *Polyeidēs*, accent on the penult. H. 49, *Phōkylidēs*, M. M. Ver. 50, *Phileos*, the same. Ver. 4, *a fo.* *Zōpyros*. *Hērodotos, Hēgēsiadēs*, cod. V. and H. St. 2. Ver. ult., *Obrimos*. H. St. 2, *Polyaenos, Prodikos, Prōtagoras*. Pag. 376, Ver. 2, *Trophilos, Hypereidēs*, H. St. *breh.* *Skilouros*. Ver. 10, *Phalaris*, cod. B. A. S. et H. St. Ver. eod., *Charias* H. St. 2, *Chabrias*. Ver. 11, *Bryson*. Ver. 18, *Theokritos, Thymaridēs* H. St. 2. ^B Ver. 21, *Mysōn*, cod. B. H. St. M. M. Ver. seq., *Prausiōn*, H. St. 2. Ver. 19, *aneagnōkōsin auta ta syntagmata tōn andrōn, pros* H. St. 2. Ver. 33, *eis kephal.* H. St. 2, *ei kai kephal.* Ver. penult., *hekatontarchon*, H. St. Ver. 7, at the beginning, *logoi*. Ex A. St. Bibliotheca printed by H. Commelinus; but some of these homilies are ascribed by them to St. John Chrysostom. Pag. 377, Ver. 4, *dexiōn sou*, H. St. 2. Ver. 19, *hōs elachiston*, the same. Ver. 26, *eoike de houtos mallon*, see what is noted at page 253. Ver. 3, we noted above. Ver. 39, *mignyetai*. H. St. 2, *mignyste koi*. Ver. 12, *metrois*. P. Pantinus, the very famous man, is about to print the things which Basilius wrote here *kata logadēn* concerning Saint Thecla. Ver. 44, M. M. and H. St. 2, *pherontai*. Pag. 380, vers. 4, H. St. 2, *antigraphon ta*. Ver. 9, *heterai* the same. Ver. 4, at the end, *kai peri tēs tou* the same. Pag. 381, vers. 5, *chymeutikōn*, M. M. H. St. 2. Ver. 8, *entha te to* H. St. 2, *en hō topō*. Ver. 33, *labēs* cod. B. M. M. H. St. 1. S. Ver. 8, at the end, H. St. 2, *anechōrei*. Ver. eod. 1., *parainesthai* mss. I. C. Ver. ult., H. St. 2, *diēnyseu*. Pag. 384, vers. 14, *pasa anthrōpinē psychē*. Suid. *hai psychai tōn biothanatountōn, ou kata tēn tōn pollōn doxan ginontai daimones, alla tōn hamartanontōn ou tēs ousias autōn metaballomenēs, alla tēs proaireseōs tēn ekeinōn mimoumenēs kakian*, which words are from Orat. 2, Chrysostom, *eis ton Lazaron* taken, where for *biothanatountōn* in cod. Aug. ms. *biaiō thanatō teleutōntōn* is read, with the same sense; *hoi tōn en hamartēmasi zōntōn*, for *hamartanontōn*. Ver. 21, *epimeleisthai*, H. St. 2. Ver. 34, *hēmeras gar oktō* the same and *Christos* for *Despotēs*. Ver. 50, *perieiche men to* H. St. 2. Pag. 385, vers. 16, *Homiliai eis tēn Genesin*. They exist in Latin; but [they are] in Greek in the parchments of the Augsburg Library. Ver. penult., *eis tas praxeis homiliai*. The manuscript of these is a very old one in the same Augsburg library, written out with the greatest diligence. Ver. eod., *pentēkonta pente men* H. St. 2. Pag. 389, vers. 5, cod. B. and H. St. 2, *pollous de phoin kai onoma kai doxan echontas*. Ver. 7, *panta, hosa logou kai mnēmēs*, H. St. Ver. 23, *dē kai gynaikos* H. St. 2. Ver. 40, 1., *kaitoi autēn hēmeis* H. St. 2, I. C. Ver. 44, *Audēmōna* the same. Ver. 9, at the end, *Lydias men satrapēn, nauarchon de Hekatomnou* I. G.; but the history must be consulted. For *exatrapēn* it is also read in H. St. 2, *satrapēn*. Pag. 392, vers. 1, 1. in marg., *Aigyptou*. Ver. 9, *hēmiarrhenos*. H. St. 2, *eunouchou*, which diversity of reading is also above, unless you would rather accept it as a scholion. Ver. 13, *Akoris* the same. Ver. 20, *Momou estia*, H. St. M. M. Ver. 42, 1., *Isokratei te tō Athēnaiō*, cod. A. M. M. H. St. I. C. Pag. 393, vers. 3, H. S. 2, *tōn kath' heauton oude tēs deuteras taxeōs axioumenōn*. Ver. 38, St. 2 prefers it. Ver. 11, at the end, *Ho Mopsuestias de estin, hōs apo tinōn epistolōn emathomen*. These words in all the manuscripts are placed in the wrong position; they should be inserted in the fifth verse after *Antiocheōs*, which, as I. S. and I. C. saw, the margin M. M. also indicated similarly. See above, page 8, vers. 5, at the end. Pag. 397, vers. 28, H. St. 2, *apodekton*. Ver. 43, H. St. 2, and cod. V. *mē phēsin emphanizesthai*. Pag. 400, vers. 28, *alla tō* H. St. 2. Ver. ult., H. St. 2, *skeuasias*. Pag. 401, vers. 14, *alla kai katetemon*, the same. Ver. 49, *geneseōs toutōn, ouk* the same. Ver. 45, *Pedanion*. Thus the ms., but the printed books [have] *Pedakion*, and the ms. codex of Dioscorides at Augsburg. Ver. 5, at the end, *heterā tina kephal.* H. St. 2. Pag. 404, vers. 6, H. St. and A. S., *paiein*. Ver. 17, *kai Triada de. Didaskalos houtos tōn tetraditōn; tauta gar houtoi kai phronousi kai terateuontai, hōs*

I have discussed with them; however, in some points they differ from those indicated hereafter, M. M. in the margin. Vers. 4, a fin. *oinon de* H. St. 2. Pag. 405, vers. 11, *oikeian*. H. St. 2, *idian*. Vers. 12, "Andrew, trusting is shown and from thence having the frame of mind," idem. Vers. 16, "summit of wickedness." "End of wickedness," idem. Vers. 30, *de kai* idem. Vers. 35, *deinotetos*. *deinotatos* H. St. 2, but from a correction. Vers. 7, a fin. *periechetai* H. St. 2. Vers. 3, a fin. *kan tois* idem. Pag. 408, vers. 8, for *auton* H. St. 2, *auto* Θ correct. Vers. 11, 1. *heauton*, "is a friend of the same anomaly, both concerning the word and the thought, and the syntax of what is written; to." Vers. 24, *men gar ta* H. St. 2. Vers. 31, *Damaskiou*. On this see above, pag. 312, vers. 13. Vers. 32, "the life of Isidorus," for excerpts of the life of Isidorus see infra, pag. 1028. Vers. 41, *anēgmenē theōrian*; "of Damascius himself and Isidorus the" H. St. 2. Vers. 9, a fin. I. *axiōsis*, "and of some others who were co-causes of the commission," *aitia*. Vers. 7, a fin. *epimartyretai*, "of the zeal." *Ou men* H. St. M. M. I. S. Pag. 409, vers. 2, *tais te tōn* H. St. Vers. 4, *epikathistōn* idem, and *eph' hekastō*. Vers. 5, *thaumazomenōn endeesteron echōn* I. S. Vers. 7, *exērmenous* I. S. from *exairō* which precedes in verse 1. Vers. 10, *exērē*, I. S. from that same verb. Vers. 11, a fin. *anaphainontōn* H. St. 2. Vers. 5, a fin. *eutonon oi tō logō* H. St. 2. Pag. 412, vers. 15, "Marinus the successor of Proclus." Concerning Marinus and Proclus the consul, see Suidas. See also infra, pag. 1036. Vers. 35, *kata te Naut.* H. St. vers. 3, a fin. Vers. eod. *Nauaton*. Euseb., *Noouaton*, Epiphan., *Nabaton*. Vers. 11, a fin. *Kornēlios physei*, and I. S. Vers. ult., *katharous*. Euseb. IV, cap. 43; Epiphan. pag. 214, who writes that the followers of Donatus feel the same as the Novatians. Pag. 413, vers. 33, *Tibourews*, I. S. *tois epite-thykosi*. "To those who in the persecution had sacrificed to the gods," Suid. and Cedren. pag. 212, *tois exesthenēkosi kata ton tou diōgmou kairon*, Euseb. Pag. 416, vers. 1, *de tēs technēs*. Vers. 13, I. S. *Deuterio*, I. C. *Deuterien*; and for *kame*, idem and H. St. *kame*. There are, however, two heroics: "I have fashioned the book of Demeter and this of the goddess Themis. Eudocia, the queen, Leontias the well-born." Vers. 14, "Leontias, daughter of a certain philosopher Leontius, originating from Athens; she was named at Athens," Zonaras, who is the author of the report that Eudocia both completed and arranged the Homeric centones, a work of a certain Patricius, imperfect and indigestible; which we shall destine for the press here along with the translation of Am. Portus, a man most skilled in both languages. Vers. 33, *tis erastēs*. Gregory Nazianzen narrates that Cyprian himself was captured by love for Justina and used magical arts; to which objection Elias Billius responds in the Scholia extracted from Nicetas. Vers. 34, *apallaxas*, "Aglaidas by name, approaching" H. St., which is missing in others. C. d. b. I.; for the name of the youth is indicated on the next page. Vers. 33, *Aglaidas*, for which *Aglais* is read in that Niceta commentary. Vers. 36, *duserōnti*. I would prefer *duserōti*, which Lucian uses quite often, as does Theocritus. Vers. 37, al. *pasas te methodous*. Pag. 417, vers. 7, *allo sophon* H. St. 2. Vers. 17, *hopekōon*, idem. Vers. 34, *ton te plouton* H. St. Vers. 39, *Dioklētianou*. "Decius reigning," Naz. Cedren.; but it is written that it was sent from Decius to Diocletian, pag. seq. Vers. 49, al. *xuetai*. Pag. 420, vers. 2, l. *synedros te* H. St. 2. Vers. 5, *theous, smikrunein*, omitting the copula, idem. Vers. 7, *dapanē*. Vers. 17, H. St. 2, "Was read the Dictyaca of Dionysius Aigeus; it bore the inscription, and it was a small book completed in 100 chapters," or the rest which you have infra, pag. 540. Pag. 421, vers. 1, *diastasis*. infra *diatasis*. Pag. 426, vers. 28, H. St. 2, *Brigōn*. Vers. 26, ^B 388 *para to brēmion*, idem. Vers. 25, al. *hyph' h.* Vers. 28, "Gold became things for food." Max. Tyr. speech 31. Lucian, In Votis. Philostrat. lib. I, *eikōnōn*. Vers. 31, *Brigōn*. Herodot. lib. VII, *Brygōn*, Strabo lib. VI, Cic. Oratore. Vers. 36, "long ears." Lucian, lib. "Concerning not easily believing calumny." Vers. 40, *hōs pais* Al. *hos pais*. *Milētō, echōn* H. St. 2, *Milētō echousa*. Suid. *Byblos*, proper name of the sister of Caunus; both having been unfortunate. See in the same, *Kaunios erōs*. *Echōn ex autēs*. Place most contaminated. F. *eichen kai hautē adel. Kaun.* I. S. Vers. 42, H. St. 2, *Iōnes kai hoi ap'*. Vers. 45, l. *egeiretai amēchanos*. Pag. 425, vers. 15, H. St. 2, *basileuein men Alk*. Vers. 20, *dia tauta men hōs syggenōn* idem. Vers. 49, cod. B. *Honeus* H. St. or M. M. *Honeus*. Pag. 428, vers. 3, "a cicada lighting upon the lyre." Strabo, lib. VI; Clemens Alex. at the beginning of the Protrepticus, which our Photius elegantly adapted to the bond of friendship in epistle 96, which follows here.

To John, Patrician and General of Hellas.

^A See what Isaac Casaubon brings forward from Zenobius. Vers. 5, at the end, Ι. *bottiaiōn* and the last verse. Page 437, verse 1. *Bottiaioi*. Vers. 4, *Karnos*, thence *Karnios*, Apollo according to Suidas, and *Karnia*, a festival of Apollo among the Lacedaemonians. Vers. 8, *Kodron phantasma*. H. St. 2, *phasma*. V. 18. Melanthi P., Lycurgus, *Oration against Leocrates*, and Velleius Paterculus, lib. I. Vers. 35, al. he builds a city well. Page 440, verse 2, the axe of Tennes. Proverb, Tenedian axe, Suidas. Vers. 5, and they campaigned with the Achaeans, H. St. 2. Vers. 35, Procne. A fable from Thucydides, Pausanias, in the notes of the interpreters of Homer and Aristophanes. Vers. 48, *autous*, H. St. 2. Vers. 9, from the end, of the Phoenician one, the same. Page 441, verse 6, H. St. 2, *autous men ho patēr*. Vers. 9, *Smikron*, the same. Vers. 26, cod. B. and M. M. *Bronchon*, that the sun is hers through the windpipe. Vers. 50, he ascends the wall, H. St. 2. Page 446 [sic, 444], verse 11, in the cave, yet the one H. St. 41, H. St. al. *edomēsato*, which is a scholion. Vers. 47, Amyclae, H. St. 2. Vers. 51, the race of the Melians, the same. Vers. 7, from the end, together with the neighboring Cretans, the same, and cod. V. Page 445, verse 11, he goes up to those now, the same. Vers. 17, for a helmet and shield were not yet known to the Greeks, the same. Vers. 30, for *apēi ei*, the same *apairei*. V. 40, and 47, H. St. 2, *parathēkēn*. Vers. 10, from the end, the sophism. Observe the craftiness of the money-changer. And he who chronicles the Sicilian history writes that such a thing happened at the capture of the fortresses around Sicily, when the fragments of these things having fallen into the reed were caught in the gate, and these many items were taken away, M. M. in the margin. Page 448, verse 19, at the Apaturia. See Suidas on *Apatouria*, where is the same narrative, and in *Melanthos* and *Xanthios*. Vers. 21, A. S. *Andromeda*, H. St. *Andromega* erroneously. Page 449, verse 5, he settled in. H. St. 2, *esoikisato*. Vers. 12, in the margin, I. and those with Jason. Vers. 33, a horse, he says, grazing. Aristotle, lib. II, Rhetoric against Phalaris; he says this fable was recited by Stesichorus. Vers. 37, H. St. 2, *kynagetēn*, which is Pindaric. Vers. 46, *echoi*, the same. Vers. 7, from the end, Anapias and Amphinomus. Seneca, lib. III *De beneficiis*, c. 37; Silius, lib. XIV. Page 452, verse 17, H. St. 2, *hypomasthion*. Vers. 37, forgetting the commands concerning it. Virgil, IV *Georgics*. Vers. 41, *diaspasm*. In the elegy of Phanocles, which is also found inscribed with the name of Philetas: The Bistonides, devious in their schemes, having poured around, Slew him, Because he was the first to show loves to the Thracians, etc. Vers. 47, H. St. 2, *eis oikēma hen synerch*. Vers. 49, they enter. Vers. 4, from the end, the head of Orpheus. Lucian, book *Against the Ignorant*. Vers. eod. Orpheus, v. I. S. *kv* omitted. Page 453, verse 13, in the margin, I. Aeneas son of Anchises and Venus. Vers. 36, *hama tōn* cod. V. and H. St. 2, and for *eprepe* the same *epetrepen*. Vers. 38, al. *kathēmazeutai*, both correctly. Vers. 40, Delphus a name and a city. Concerning these above, page 446, verse 19. Vers. following, for *kai hekat.* H. St. 2, both therefore exhorted. Page 456, verse 4, M. S. *Iēlysan*. Vers. 19, to corrupt the reported facts, H. St. 2, but added by another hand. Vers. 7, from the end, in Anaphe, etc. Apollo Aiglētēs. Strabo, lib. X. Page 457, verse 3, Anaphe from the chance occurrence. Philo, they named Delos and Anaphe, confirming what was said by both names, since having appeared it became visible ("dēlē"), having been obscure and silent in the past. An illustrious passage among the same from Pindar, book *On the Incorruptibility of the World*. Vers. 18, Pytholaus. I restored this passage from Plutarch’s *Eroticus*; ^B Dam H. St. 2, A. S. and H. M. cod. *tholaon*. But cod. B. H. St. have *thulpon*. Vers. 31, youngest, H. St. 2, verse 48, library. Published at Rome, in the year 1565, by Benedictus Aegius Spoletinus as interpreter. Page 460, verse 1, M. S. *peirēma*. Vers. penult, H. St. 2, *logon poioumenois*. Vers. 2, M. M. of a past generation. Vers. 5, H. St. 2, *eis eme d' athrōn*. Vers. 49, H. St. 2, *para meros*. Vers. 46, *mēn kai tois* the same. Vers. V. 49, *aitious*. Vers. 51, *tē peri tous* the same. Page 461, verse 11, I. in margin, *spermatistēs*. Vers. 16, it is theologized, etc. Vers. 27, ms. of the Muses, or Erato. Vers. following, H. St. 2, *harmonia ōdynē*, such as patience and endurance. Vers. 29, *polypidakou* the same. Page 464, verse 7, Achelōon, *nastin* H. St. 2, *Krataida* the same. Vers. 24, *Eriounois*. The same whom Lucian calls *ho kerdōos*, Plutarch *d’ empolaios kai emmisthos*. *Eriounios* (which I think ought also to be read in Themistius for *erōdios*, Orat. 13). Suidas *megalōphelēs*, Hesychius *polyōphelēs* by another name *ho eriounēs*, Homer, providing great benefit to men, the common Hermes. Another is the *logios*, *diaktōr* in Hesiod. Vers. eod. *Sōkos*, and this an epithet of Mercury, Lucian in *Jove Tragoedo*, and Phurnutus. V. 38, H. St. 2, *prosechestaton*. Vers. 50, immortal and herself high, H. St. 2. Page 465, verse 1, H. St. 2, *androgynia*. Vers. 12, *septas*. The same etymology in Philo, *On the observance of the Sabbath*. Vers. 17, as it is altogether holy, H. St. *Amalthias* ms. both here and above. Vers. 23, much chatter, eod. V. and H. St. 2. Vers. 31, mother and, H. St. 2. Vers. 39, it flows around... M. Vers. 43, Nysaia, H. St. 2, and Agyieus. Vers. 46, decade. It was called a decade, as if *dechas*, from the fact of receiving and having contained all the genera of numbers, etc., Philo. Vers. 3, a in. such things, H. St. 2. Page 468, verse 9, the same, and I. C. longer by the unit. Vers. 19, for "not in vain," read "by," with H. St. 2, but + from correction. Vers. 46, for "for" H. St. 2, "but." Vers. 7, from the end, *systoichon*. Cod. V. and H. St. 2, *stoicheion pōs*, but the other reading is confirmed, page following, verse 10. Vers. eod. *paradoxolog.* H. St. 2. Vers. 17, it seems it should be read "of the geography of the inhabited world," for Protagoras, I. C., would not rightly have called the survey of the provinces of Asia and Europe "geometry." Page 469, verse 18, "the one to the same for some," H. St. "it is the one," H. St. 2. Vers. 25, of a certain turning of... but a certain kind of date-palm is called *Nikolaidas*, writes Nicolaus of Damascus. Jos. Scal. Vers. 33, friend to him, *Eteros*. Athen. lib. XIV. Vers. 34, of being equal. *Dexioumenou*, cod. V. and H. St. 2, vers. 36, in a long book. So Photius commonly calls long books. Athenaeus ibid. of the Peripatetics, one of whom was Nicolaus, and wrote a long history. See Petr. Victorium, lib. XXV, *Variarum Lectionum*, cap. 13. Vers. eod. I. with l. S. "all things held of ancient memory of readings." Vers. 37, in this also. In the same manuscript code, records of diverse things are sometimes contained, whence Photius, as elsewhere, so here also makes mention of several books under one section or title. Vers. 40, Scythian, H. St. 2, mythical. Vers. 8, from the end, "the most." "The credible," the same and cod. V. Page 472, verse 14, or some scattered way. Something is missing here, to this effect: "or scattered things among different historians, anyone who has taken up the labor of collecting [them] from the books," I. C. Vers. 45. And he himself alone, I. S. Vers. 47, I. Adonis. Page 473, verse 6, as from Poseidon, I. C. Vers. 12, in Arcadia, I. C. Vers. 18, cod. V. or H. St. 2, in the virgins. Vers. 12, the [children] of Niobe. Vers.

24, memorials. H. St. 2 and I. C. [have] memory of Muiseus. Vers. 28, to be a memorial of Hector. ^A One must consider this passage; for it is not free of error, I. C. Vers. 36, by Anticyreus. Steph. De urb. Vers. 49, of the hero's strength, H. St. 2. Page 476, verse 6, read Myndian. Vers. 21, in Crete, Lucian. Dialogo de Jove tragoedo, de sacrificiis, in Philopatr. et Philopseude. Vers. 22, cod. V. and H. St. 2, which of Cronus. Vers. 31, instead of "and again Proteus," H. St. 2 [has] "and much like the Protean"; perhaps "concerning Proteus." Vers. 43, H. St. 2, "he tested her being in sadness"; for in this meaning the word *peiran* often occurs in Lucian's dialogues, instead of "to approach a woman regarding Aphrodite." Vers. 46, H. St. 2, husband. Vers. 8 [at the] end, H. St. 2, of Polydamas. Vers. 7, at the end, pale nightingale. In Homer, Odyss. *tau*. In Simonides, green-necked.

Vers. 5, at the end, gifts. H. St. 2, givers. Vers. the same, cod. V., Apollo. ^B Page 492, verse 3, of Leucus. H. St. 2. Vers. 10, to that of the same. Vers. 26, H. St. 2, he says. Vers. 30, of Tetygidaia. H. St. 2, this is in cod. B, [with] a mark of error. Vers. 8, and also of the rope. M. M. [has] Ropin in cod. B. Rhodope, cod. V. and H. St. 2. Vers. 48, Charine, cod. V. and H. St. 2, but here from a correction. Verse penultimate, having threatened, but also I. S.

Page 477, verse 1, "he was," H. St. 2. Vers. 14, at twenty stades. Someone who might have seen through the 13 miles of distance, Cicero recorded in writing. Plin. lib. xi, cap. 21. Vers. 17, behold. Of the Hellenes, H. St. 2. Vers. 27, Lycia, H. St. 2. Vers. 33, of the coincidence, H. St. 2, I. S. Vers. 43, more clearly, [or] having drunk the blood of a bull, he died, I. S. Vers. 10, at the end, H. St. 2, another son Philip. Vers. 7, at the end, read the seer. Verse last, cod. V. and H. St. 2, of Tityus. Vers. the same, H. St. 2, Alexander.

Page 488, verse 43, H. St. 2, that he who is in Lacedaemon. Verse last, of Telesinus, the same.

Page 481, verse 4, [subject] matter, which also the same. Verse 8, elsewhere [regarding] a wound. Vers. 17, read defending himself. Vers. 18, H. St. 2, how Helen departed willingly. Regarding the amputation. Concerning this, see above, page 452, and Plato in Phaedrus, Dio Chrysost. Orat. X., and Suidas. Vers. 19, in Homer. Odyss. *kappa*. Vers. 23, millstone is the battle. Archilochus apud Plut. in Vita Thesei... whenever Ares gathers the battle. Vers. 25, and of the mortals, H. St. Vers. 29, of the brothers, the same. Vers. 43, death is for you. Odyss. *lambda*. Vers. 51, read that the, "And of Procleus," I. S., I. C.

Page 484, verse 16, H. St. 2, "is cited as reporting." Vers. 16, Ilus, he says, the same. Vers. 18, Bilios. Vers. 21, thylas [pouches]. I. S., mylas [millstones], or pillars. Vers. 25, elsewhere, of Nemea. Vers. 27, H. St. 2, challenges. Vers. 31, H. St. 2, Nysia. Vers. 34, elsewhere, to perceive. Vers. the same, H. St. 2, going out through the doors. Vers. 35, Toudoun, the same. Vers. 40, enduring, I. S. Vers. 42, Nysias, the same and cod. V. Vers. 47, Epipole. Vers. 4, at the end, [in] kichra. H. St. 2, [in] chra.

Page 485, verse 5, read with I. C., "the swimming Alcmanae"; Suidas also mentions them. Vers. 6, H. St. 2, Tyronicus. Vers. 7, those who are insolent in justice, I. S., I. C. Pollux. Vers. 23, perhaps [it is] titr. m., [i.e.,] titr. m. of Menelaus, I. C. Vers. 25, Menedemus instead of the same. Vers. 35, H. St. 2, Aespro. Vers. 44, H. St. 2, bravery. Vers. 47, for "all," which is a mistake in all manuscripts, read with I. C. "he called the alpha from himself"; no one is unaware that this was a foolish thing regarding the name of the first letter. See Suid. in Abraam., and verse 16, regarding the names of Moses, annotated in the book of Philo, *Concerning those who have been renamed*, printed at Frankfurt by Joan. Wechel, 1587. Vers. penultimate, Epsilon. He understands the *s*, not the *E*; thus it agrees with page 448 above, verse 41, I. S.

Page 488, verse 6, and that of Cypselus, H. St. 2. Vers. 17, Zidon era, A. S., aedonira. H. St. M. M. and cod. B, aeden era, cod. V. and H. St. 2. Peleus. Vers. 6, of Lyson; and of Zeus and of Damias, Achilles. Vers. 9, H. St. 2, Aphrodite having distributed [read having felt resentment], throws in Pan. In the codices, the codices at the margin [have] Bion, "Pan echoes as the neighbor," etc. Vers. 22, Thermopylae, the same. Vers. 19, was dispersed. Ypermenes M. M. and H. St. 8. Vers. 35, cod. V. and H. St. 2. Eretrian. Vers. 43, cod. B, H. St. 2, and M. M. "out of his," but cod. V. and H. St. 2 and I. S. "one of the." Vers. 49, H. St. 2, "as Tychius." Vers. 52, cod. V. Heracles.

Page 493, verse 21, of his own character, H. St. 2. Vers. 31, the same thing. Vers. 37, and because those not completing the release, H. St. 2. Vers. 44, your understanding to examine, the same. Vers. 48, the simplicity, the same. Vers. 14, of Maximus the monk. Most of these things, all written by hand, with scholia in some places, are kept in the library manuscripts of Augsburg. Vers. 23, H. St. 2, being viewed, may it be. Vers. 39, compared to the beasts. Ps. XLIX, 13, 21. Vers. 32, was falling away; as much as falling he remained, so much to the enjoyment of the known sensible things, H. St. 2. Vers. 45, as much of the harmful. Vers. 10, at the end, origins; for example, H. St. 2.

Pag. 497, verse 5, worshiping the creation beside the Creator, Rom. I, 25. Vers. 8, the wood of disobedience, the good [tree], H. St. 2. Vers. 14, since words, the same. Vers. 39, to acquire, H. St. 2. Vers. 45, concerning that, how not, the same. Vers. 8, at the end, creations, H. St. 2, creature, thus Rom. I, 28.

Page 500, verse 36, H. St. 2, to be joined to one wife. Vers. 42, we are called, the same.

Page 501, verse 5, that not according to the retribution, the same. Vers. 14, H. St. 2, *delta*, *nu*, *tau*, *eta*. Vers. 40, long-stretched. Cf. Animadvers. in Athen. lib. X, cap. 21, by Is. Casaubon.

Page 504, verse 6, at the end, H. St. 2, Eucratas. Vers. 6, of the Acephali. Suid. Acephalus, a certain heresy, of which Severus was the leader. See below the excerpts from Pope Eugenius, lib. page 756.

Page 505, verse 40, H. St. 2, except as it is. Vers. 9, at the end, unfolded, and towards, the same.

Page 507, verse 13, H. St. 9, one composite nature. Vers. 29, and concerning the. Vers. 2, piously, the same. Vers. 26, nature, *theta* chapters, that according to the assumption, H. St. 2. Vers. 27, that towards the flesh, the same. Vers. 29, but this one, C. this one. Vers. 36, these according to subsistence. Verse penultimate, H. St. 2, of difference and quantity.

Page 509, verse 22, calling himself thick-tongued and slow-tongued, by the example of Moses, Exod. IV, 23, it and the letter, H. St. 2. Vers. 38, fourth, into that, as indeed.

Page 512, verse 10, read of energies. And the persons [or with H. St. 2, the persons of] the dialogue, H. and H. Vers. 19, having cast on Const., H. St. 2. Vers. 38, 12th, the introductive, and likewise the 13th. Vers. 35, had suffered, Eli H. St. 2.

Page 513, verse 11, and the 6th and 40th towards, the same. Vers. 57, in the words, H. St. Vers. 39, that towards others, the same. Vers. 56, read toward the ones who have crossed over, a speech. Thus cod. B, H. St. A, S. M., but cod. V. has "metebinous"; it can be written "toward those in the cenobium, a speech," from the previous page. Vers. 14, according to the conjecture of Isaac Casaubon, but that "metebinous" is also read on this very page, verse 40.

Page 516, verse 16, cenobia themselves. It exists in the Bibliotheca Augustana; as also the opuscula (about which shortly) of Diadochus, Nilus, and John Carpathius, similarly contained in one parchment volume. Vers. the same, monastic, H. St. 2, monad. Vers. 25, monastic, the same. Vers. 32, of the evangelical life, is the unfolding and the explaining, is H. St. 2.

Page 517, verse 1, that not being troubled. A speech is mentioned of one of the hermits of old, that just as no one could prevent the birds flying high above the head from their elevated flight, yet he could by no means allow them to sit upon himself; and the temptations of the attacks, no one [could].

^A For the donkey is unclean, and it was a murderous instrument, and the slaying of a thousand of the aliens had another form of uncleanness. Yet, nevertheless, the Lawgiver of the Law provided him the grace of the water from there, and from nowhere else. But this man, the unsubdued and unconquered one, whom many myriads of aliens feared, was enslaved by an effeminate woman. So much more harsh is the war of desire than the battle-array in wars. For pleasure rendered him—who had so bravely performed such feats and had become famous for his supernatural acts of courage—a prisoner of war; this, too, stripped him of the divine grace. For he awoke, it says, from his sleep, and Samson said: "I will go out, just as always, and I will shake myself," and he himself did not know that the Lord had departed from him. But the all-merciful God did not utterly abandon him; but seeing him being mocked, He had pity, and He hearkened to him when he prayed, and He granted such strength that he moved the pillars supporting the shrine of the idols, and brought down the roof upon them—and crushed three thousand, and a much larger number of women.

Why was Israel moved with zeal, and having preferred the piety of the kinship, was defeated? ^B Because they used the same unlawful practices, and they saw the licentiousness of others, but overlooked their own. This, too, the divine Apostle said: "For in that you judge another, you condemn yourself; for you, who judge, do the same things." And again: "Do you suppose this, O man, you who judge those who do such things, and do them yourselves, that you will escape the judgment of God? Or do you despise the riches of His goodness and forbearance and longsuffering, not knowing that the goodness of God leads you to repentance? But in accordance with your hardness and your impenitent heart you are treasuring up for yourself wrath in the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God, who will render to each according to his deeds." This is what has happened to these men as well. For having justly used wrath against those who had transgressed lawlessly in Gabaa, they armed four hundred thousand men. But God, wishing to instruct them, as they were doing the same things and observing evil in others but were unwilling to do it in themselves, allowed them to be defeated once and twice. And since they had received instruction, and having used their wrath, and wailing and lamenting and shedding many tears, He cooperated with their zeal and utterly destroyed the lawless tribe, except for a very few, which are easily numbered. For those who had risked themselves for them were worse than the licentious ones. For when their fellow tribesmen demanded those who had dared the lawlessness, they not only did not hand them over, but even willingly defended them. For which reason they suffered a common destruction. And I think that this war occurred before the other wars, a long time after the death of Joshua. ^C

RUTH

Why was the narrative concerning Ruth written?

First, for the sake of the Master Christ; for from her He blossomed according to the flesh. Therefore, the most divine Matthew, when writing the genealogy, left out the women who were celebrated for their virtue—Sarah, and Rebecca, and the others—but he mentioned Tamar, and Rahab, and Ruth. And indeed, also the wife of Uriah, teaching that the Only-begotten of God became man for the sake of all people: both of the Jews and of the other nations, and of sinners and of the just. Tamar and Rahab and Ruth were aliens. For Tamar and Rahab were Canaanites; but Ruth was a Moabite; and Bathsheba was unlawfully joined to the king. And Rahab was a harlot.

^A but through faith she attained salvation. And Tamar is also glorified in this, for it was not for the sake of wantonness that she associated with her father-in-law, but seeing that he was unwilling to unite his son to her, she devised the husbandry, so that the blessing might sprout forth. Immediately, then, after this seed, she received no other seed, but loved virginity. One may also observe how Ruth, for the sake of piety, left those who had given her birth and followed her mother-in-law. For Ruth said, she reports, "May it not be that I should leave you or turn back from following you; for wherever you go, I will lodge, for your people are my people; and wherever you stay, I will die and be buried there," and so forth. Although, therefore, the story of Ruth had to be recorded for the sake of the Lord, yet this history is sufficient in itself to offer every benefit to those who know how to profit from such things. She teaches us both of Naomi's grievous misfortunes, and commendable endurance, and the temperance of the daughters-in-law, and the tender affection for their mother-in-law, and especially that of Ruth; who preferred a woman aged and destitute to those who had given her birth, both for the piety of her intention and in memory of her spouse. And she taught us also the virtue of Boaz. For he did not only generously distribute the harvest to Ruth, but he also comforted her with words. "Do not go, daughter," he said, "to glean in the field; do not depart from here, but stay close by my maidens." And having ordered her to eat and drink with the reapers, he added, "It has been fully reported to me all that you have done for your mother-in-law after the death of your husband, and how you left your father and your mother. May the Lord repay your work, and may your reward be full from the Lord God of Israel, under whose wings you have come to trust," and the blessing has attained its end. For she received her full reward from the Lord, becoming an ancestress of the blessing of the nations, and not only did he share food with her, but he also became an agent of her relief, not ordering another to serve, but having himself prepared it, offering the flour and the loaves with great generosity. For when she was filled, she carried away what remained to her mother-in-law. And the kinswoman also gratefully repaid the total benefactor with blessings; for she said, "Blessed be he who acknowledged you, for he has fed a hungry soul, just as he has done." For he did not look to her poverty, but to the Lawgiver, who commanded that every care be taken of widows. ^B Vers. 7, these are clearer. What? Let those be desired. Whence in H. St. 2, the old and codex B, the space of one page has been left blank. Vers. 15, on the books of Kings and on Chronicles. I have not yet seen these, but in the Augustan library there is preserved the same Theodoret’s Enarratio Psalmorum, both on parchment and on paper. Vers. 21, read: ἀπορούμενον (being at a loss). Vers. 32, of Procopius. Concerning this it was said above, that it exists written by hand here in Augsburg. Vers. 37, hexagonal. That is, outside the contest. Lucian, "Bear with me as I philosophize about these things; and do not think the discourse concerning such matters is unlearned, or 'hexagonal' (irrelevant), or alien, or inopportune," the same. On the gymnasium, "If, however, what is said is not 'hexagonal,' or far from the mark." Codices A. S. and M. have "hexagonal," which has no place here. Vers. 39, H. St. 2 records it. Vers. 9, on the prophet Isaiah. Published in Paris with the interpretation of Joannes Curterius, in the year 1580. Vers. 6, at the end, H. St. 2, "clear as well."

Pag. 529, vers. H. St. 2, "had happened to her," the. Vers. 28, of Dio. Venetiis excus. a Frederico Turrisano. In which volume of Orations most worthy of reading, correct the errors noticed by H. Wolf as follows. Pag. 6, vers. 6, read: θεοῖς; vers. 7, νενόμικε. Vers. 9, ἀγαπῶν; facie alt. vers. 16, read: συνήθεις. Pag. 7, facie alt. vers. 2, read: τὸ πολεμ. Vers. 3, οὕτως ὡς. Vers. ult. ποιῶν. Pag. 8, vers. 4, to misfortunes; the one from whom. Vers. 8, the such, delete. Pag. 10, vers. 2, read: ὢν ἡνίοχος; vers. 8, said; vers. 10, the above; vers. 21, me not; vers. 23, in the bazaar. Pag. 11, vers. 9, the one whom; vers. 15, divine; vers. 1, inspiration. Facie alt. Vers. 4, the others Eurystheus instead of not Aristeus; vers. 9, read: of earth, and of the. Pag. 12, fac. alt. vers. 15, to himself and in the character; vers. 17, an entanglement, darkness. And cloudy. Pag. 14, vers. 3, crouching instead of blooming; vers. 5, turn; vers. 10, high-minded; vers. 19, crocus-colored. Facie alt. Vers. 16, was destroying; vers. 20, would harm; vers. 21, of the wild; vers. 24, helper. Pag. 15, vers. penult. you are spending time only of the. Pag. 17, vers. 1, and toward; vers. 21, to herald; vers. 23, was doing. Facie alt. vers. 6, of the handmaid, instead of the; vers. 15, Diomedes himself; vers. 21, of the unwashed. Pag. 18, vers. 13, in which. Vers. 14, may they honor Zeus; vers. 28, still; vers. 24, philanthropic. Facie alt. vers. 16, read: συμφωνῆσαι (to agree). Page 19, vers. 11, a great thing and wonderful; vers. 16, good; vers. 23, unworthily; vers. 24, the splendor of nature and; vers. 25, he has told. Facie alt. vers. 10, the spoils. Pag. 20, facie alt. vers. 5, deviating; vers. 8, wealthy and multicolored; vers. 9, of the Asians; vers. 12, on the way; vers. 18, has been practiced; vers. 19, folding-doors, not. Pag. 21, vers. 21, becoming. Pag. 23, vers. 6, perhaps you may; vers. 12, to incline. Pag. 26, vers. 10, of gold ornaments; vers. penult. blessed. Facie alt. vers. 21, nations. Pag. 27, vers. 16, read: of prudence. Facie alt. vers. 16, blooming; vers. 17, of flatterers, those who openly; vers. 19, sweet those who love. Pag. 28, facie alt. vers. 8, he bribes. Pag. 29, Pag. vers. 15, O you; vers. 17, to be sailed; vers. 21, seeing and having parted. Pag. 33, vers. 22, having fallen into. Pag. 35, vers. 2, in a certain way escaping notice; vers. 14, standing by. Pag. 36, vers. 9, he himself. Pag. 41, vers. 9, lover of glory. Pag. 42, facie alt. vers. 10, you see, just as. Pag. 44, vers. 24, to a boaster sophist; he will exhaust by dragging himself around. Pag. 46, vers. 12, you will be named. Pag. 48, vers. 13, time. Facie alt. vers. 4, was relaxed. Pag. 51, vers. 7, someone gives. Pag. 56, vers. 5, he leads away. Facie alt. vers. 6, of those turning away. Pag. 58, fac. alt. vers. 4, they yoked; vers. 7, the one pursuing; vers. 15, to slaughter; vers. 21, to have escaped. Pag. 59, fac. alt. vers. 21, or with pure bastardy. Pag. 64, fac. alt. vers. 7, searching beforehand. Pag. 72, vers. 25, shortage of men. Facie alt. vers. 2, in a wilderness. Pag. 73, vers. 2, they think, instead of as it is possible. Pag. 75, vers. 19, it is terrible to me, instead of being terrified; vers. 21, I am indeed. Facie alt. vers. 1, naked; vers. 10, they took up; vers. 11, to clothe. Pag. 76, vers. 6, protecting; vers. 9, I can. Pag. 79, vers. 3, nor would you give salt. Facie alt. vers. 20, the things of; vers. 21, concerning and pre-choice. Pag. 81, vers. 13, to interrogate. Pag. 91, vers. 8, he said to those biting. Pag. 92, vers. antepenult. of athletes, instead of of the unplaced. Pag. 93, vers. 5, to sell; vers. 20, having seized. Pag. 94, vers. 19, the abuse. His dog. Pag. 105, vers. 18, of poverty and lack. Pag. 111, facie alt. vers. penult. to prefer. Pag. 116, vers. 18, of his own kin. Pag. 123, vers. 4, nor the victors. Pag. 126, facie alt. vers. 16, to fly. Pag. 136, vers. 21, to this. Pag. 136, vers. 20, occurring according to nature. Pag. 144, vers. 5, in need; vers. 20, the dyers. Vers. ult. that which is. Pag. 146, fac. alt. vers. 6, to cast; vers. 22, the clear proof; vers. 25, giving, nor, the. Pag. 153, vers. 11, as not having power. Pag. 157, fac. alt. vers. 16, things allowed to be done. Pag. 160, vers. 18, of slander. Pag. 165, vers. 14, charmed. Pag. 173, vers. 4, of tragic suffering and dignity. Pag. 176, vers. 13, they are clear; vers. 47, an ode of some kind. Facie alt. vers. 3, I am indeed; vers. 6, already instead of now. Pag. 189, fac. alt. vers. 6, have hastened, those who horses. Pag. 192, vers. 6, perhaps a mixing together. Pag. 198, vers. 5, I rule. Pag. 199, vers. 14, painless; vers. 19, thus instead of however. Pag. 210, vers. 14, deprived; vers. 19, of those of lower standing. Pag. 212, vers. 12, a statue. Pag. 216, vers. 28, will obtain. Pag. 218, vers. 14, gratefully. Pag. 221, vers. antepen. or if he should lend something; vers. ult. more reliable. Pag. 299, fac. alt.

^A vers. pen. συνηνέχθη. Pag. 234, vers. 14 ποιεῖν, δὲ τιοῦν. Pag. 237, vers. ult. γραφείς. Pag. 247, vers. οὐκ ἴασιν, οἱ δὲ οὗ θέλουσι. Pag. 247, fac. alt. vers. 4 ἐκ δαιμονίου, vers. 7 ἄνοιαν. Pag. 248, vers. 8, l. πειθοῦς, vers. 16 ἀπόλλυσι· τὸ δέ, vers. 18 τῶν τὸ ὕστερον. Pag. 249, vers. 1 ἰδεῖν. Fac. alt. vers. 4 καὶ γῆς εἰ λέγοιμι. Vers. ult. ἡνίας ἀφελοῦς. Pag. 252, vers. 13 εὔμηλον, pro ἄλληλον. Pag. 261, fac. alt. vers. 14 εἴπεσκεν ἰδὼν ἐς. Pag. 284, vers. 14 γ' ἐροῦσι pro χαίρουσι. Pag. 292, vers. 8 γάλακτος· ὁ δέ, vers. 18 ξυνίασι. Pag. 298, fac. alt. vers. 3, ξύμπαν τό. Pag. 300, vers. 15 εὐκοσμίαν τῆς διοικήσεως. Pag. 301, vers. 7 ὁμαλλευτούς pro ἁμαλόπτους. Πηξάμενοι. Pag. 302, vers. 1 ἵλεων, vers. 10 μέγιστοι, vers. 15 ἀγωγήν, vers. 16 γιγνομένην, vers. 19 ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁρᾶσθαι, v. 45 ἄτοπος, vers. ult. παίδων εἰσφέρων. Fac. alt. vers. 1 τὸν πρῶτον, vers. 14 θεῖν δρόμους. Pag. 304, vers. 1 ἀπαιρῶν. Pag. 429, fac. alt. vers. 5 φιλίαν ὑπισχνουμένους. Pag. 430, vers. 2, fac. alt. vers. 5 προΐστασθαι. Pag. 447, vers. 2 καὶ τοὺς Σύρων, vers. 18 τῶν ὁρῶν τὰ πάνυ παλαιὰ, vers. 20 τῶν πάνυ ταλάνων τε καί. Fac. alt. vers. 17 εὐδαίμονες, vers. 21 ἀλλὰ τῆς ἀνοίας, vers. penult. ἑτέροις. Pag. 448, vers. antepenult. οἰκήσωσι. Fac. alt. vers. 22, αὐτοὺς, ἐννοῶν, vers. 24 ἐν οἰκέταις ἐλεύθ., vers. 25 ὑπὲρ οὗ. Pag. 449, vers. 2 οὐδείς, vers. 3 ξύμπαντες, vers. 16 ἠμύνοντο, vers. 17 διεῤῥηγμένης. Fac. alt. vers. 1 δάδας ἰᾶσι, vers. 4 καὶ ἐκλέλοιπε, vers. 9 τῶν Σόλωνος ἔθεντο νόμων. Pag. 450, vers. 10 λεπτή, vers. 14 σπουδῇ. Fac. alt. vers. 19 πάντας. Pag. 451, vers. 2 δεσμῶν, ἕνα δ᾽ οὖν ἄξιον εἶναι μὴ παρεῖναι τὸν ἐνδοξ. Reliqua (nam singula persequi, non est hujus loci) poterunt alibi commodius adnotari. Vers. 33, H. St. 2, μὲν οὖν ἦν, vers. 38 βάδισμα καὶ τἆλλα τῶν, idem. Vers. pen. τοὺς δίαρ. καὶ ὄγκ. ἐνεργαζομένους idem. Pag. 532, vers. 45, μὴ οὐχὶ ἀντί, idem. Vers. 25, H. St. 2, διαγγέλοι. Vers. seq. οἰκετῶν· παραινεῖ, H. St. 2. αὐτοῦ μὲν ἕκαστον πολλ. Idem, omisso αὐτοῦ vers. seq. Vers. 4, a fin. H. St. 2, τούτων δὲ ἄρα. Vers. ult. τὴν τιμήν. Pag. 533, vers. 1, ἀνασκευαστ. Ἀττικῆς ἰσχύος ἡ ἀρετὴ διαφ. idem. Vers. 7, al. καὶ αὐτῶν ἀνδραπόδων. Vers. 19, αὑτός. Cod. V. αὐτόν. H. St. 2, αὐτῶν. Vers. 31, H. St. 2, περί τε τοῦ. Vers. 42, καὶ οὗτος, idem. Vers. 8, a fin. τῆς πρὸς τοὺς. Pag. 536, vers. 5, H. St. 2, καὶ πυρὶ τὴν οἰκίαν, Vers. 22, δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ ὧν, idem. Vers. 33, H. St. 2, ἔπαινος δὲ τοῖς τοῦ. Vers. 38, al. μεταχειρίσεως. Vers. 10, a fin. Νέσος ἢ Δηιάνειρα, H. St. 2. Vers. 7, a fin. καὶ ἡ Χρυσηίς, idem. Pag. 537, vers. 1, H. St. 2, διέξεισι. Vers. 2, ἔστιν ὁ γ' καὶ ν', ὁ δὲ νδ'. H. St. 2. Vers. 4, φιλοσόφων ὁ κατεσχηματισμένος ἤδη τὸν βίον φιλόσοφός ἐστιν, idem. Vers. 40, H. St. 1, ἄλλων συμφορῶν ὀλίγον, sed ex correctione. Vers. 50, συμμετεσκευάσαν idem. Pag. 540, vers. 5, Καισαρίου βίβλος. Exstat Latine: pars Græce ms. in Bibl. Aug. Vers. 6, H. St. 2, κεφαλαίοις· περιείχετο δὲ ἐκκλ. Vers. 9, μάθησιν τῆς τε, idem. Vers. 10, ἐλαχίστων, idem. Vers. 15, φέρεται, καί. Vers. 17, H. St. 2, ὑποβολῆς. Vers. 21, Διονυσίου Αἰγαίου. Non injuria Isa. Cas. miratur, quare hæc sint hic posita, quæ tol= idem propemodum verbis jam ante dicta pag. 420, sed ita reperitur in ms. Vers. 25, H. St. 2, ἀπαρτιζόμ. ο', ὤν, sed supra ρ'. Vers. 31, ἐξωράισται, idem. Vers. 41, ἀπὸ μόνον τῶν διδύμ. Pag. 544, vers. 10, H. St. 2, Τουέρωνι. Vers. 25, H. St. 2, τούτων ἢ οὐκ ἔφικτά Vers. eodem, οὐκ ἔτι ἔφικτά. Vers. 10, a fin. pro οὐδὲ μαχομ. H. St. 2 et cod. V. οἱ δὲ μαχόμενοι. Vers. 4, a fin. H. St. 2, εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀγνοεῖται. Pag. 545, vers. 10, l. ἐν κεφαλαίῳ εἰρημένα. Vers. 20, H. St. 2, οὐδ᾽ ὅλος εἶναι φησι. Vers. 31, ^B ἔτι δὲ προηγούμ. H. St. 2. Vers. 57, al. καὶ αὐτούς. Vers. 42, ἐπιχειρῶν εἶναι, I. C. Pag. 548, vers. 2, ὁ τοῦ Λέμβρ. Negat I. C. 88 intelligere, nisi ὁ Λέμβος H. St. scribatur: de quo Laertius, aliique. Vers. 5, τὰ κατ' Ἀσίαν. Lucian. in Macrobiis, citat librum nonum De rebus Asiaticis. Vers. 7, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰ βιβλία τὴν ἐρυθράν. Excerpta hinc vide infra 717. Vers. 11, ὅτι τὰ τῆς ἡλικίας ἀποκλίνοι. Vide infra pag. 1249, vers. 2. Vers. 37, H. St. 2, διασπείρει. Vers. penult. βιβλίον Ἱεροκλέους. Hoc opusculum, seu partem potius illius Latine Parisiis edidit Fed. Morellus, anno 1593. Pag. 549, vers. 36, Ἐπικουρείους. Pag. 552, vers. 33, προβιωτή. Ἡ προβιωτή, legitur alibi etiam, ἀντὶ τοῦ, βεβιωκέναι, πρὶν ἢ μετενσωματοῦσθαι. Aliud est ἡ προβιότης apud Clem. Alex. nimirum ὁ πρότερος βίος, vita ante acta: τὰ προβεβιωμένα τινί. Synes. epist. 110. Vers. eodem, μετενσωμάτωσις. Hæc et μετεμψύχωσις, ει μεταγγισμὸς ab Epiphanio, μετένδεσις etiam τῆς ψυχῆς, a Clem. Alex. dicitur. Vers. 43, H. St. 2, νομιζομένας αὐτῷ. Vers. 45, l. ὁ δ' ἐπὶ νοῦν. Pag. 553, vers. 36, cod. V. et H. St. 2, κατηγορίαν τὴν αὐτοῦ τῶν τοιούτων ἀναγράφει δογμ. Vers. a fin. διοπετῆ. Herodian. lib. ι'. Sic Μένιπτος Luciano διοπετὴς παρέστιν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ. Pag. 556, vers. 16, al. rectius ἐκκειμένων. Vers. 36, εὑρεπεστέραν, I. C. Vers. 9, a fin. ἐν λόγοις... Deest numerus in ms. Pag. 557, vers. 43, τῷ τε σαφῶς, H. St. 2. Vers. 47, διὰ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων, idem. Vers. 49, ἂν τὴν πραγμ. Pag. 560, vers. 16, αὑτῶν τῶν γυμνασ. Vers. 27, ἀκόπων. Lucian. μάλιστα δ' εὐδοκίμουν παρ᾽ αὑτῷ αἱ κυτμίδες, ἀκόπου τι ὄνομα πεπλασμένον, ἐκ λέπους ἀρχαίου συντεθειμένον. Vers. 31, τὰς ἐμπλάστρους. Τὸ ἔμπλαστον, ἔμπλαστρον, οἱ ἔμπλαστρος. Ignat. epist. 8, οὗ πᾶν τραῦμα τῇ αὐτῇ ἐμπλάστρῳ θεραπεύεται. Vers. 37, ὅσα τε ταῖς. Vers. 39, κομιδῆς παιδίου. Alias, κομιδῇ παιδίον, admodum puer, ut κομιδῇ νήπιον dixit Philo, κομιδῇ νέος, Synes. κομιδῇ μειράκιον, Lucian. Vers. 1, l. ποιεῖται γυμνάσια. Vers. 8, a fin. H. St. 2, παρατρεπούσης. Pag. 561, vers. 13, l. παρωνυχίων. Vers. 21, δοθιήνων, I. S. Vers. 39, l. S. πρὸς ἐκχύματα, I. C. Pag. 561, vers. 13, l. παρωνυχίων. Vers. 21, πρὸς ἑλκώματα. Vers. 41, πρὸς ἐφήλεις, iidem, cujus emendationis vestigia etiam in H. St. 2 relicta sunt. Pag. 564, vers. 46, et hic in ms. 2 H. St. spatium est relictum. Pag. 565, vers. 18, ἐκκαίδεκα. Octo priores sunt Venetiis anno 1534, Græce impressi. Vers. 51, μέλιτος, idem, οινογάρου. Pag. 568, vers. 13, σιμῶν, I. S. Vers. 33, πεύσεις. H. St. 2, et I. C. πέψεις. Vers. 47, H. St. 2, ὅσα ἄλλα πρός. Pag. 569, vers. 8, idem, et I. S. ἀποθεραπείας, quin et cod. B. et M. M. Vers. ultim. ἀῤῥυτίδωτον. Μὴ ἔχον ρυτίδας, ἤ τοι ζαρώματα, αἳ εἰσι γραμμαὶ γήρως σημαντικαί, Lexic. ms. August. huic contrarium ἐῤῥυτιδωμένος, quod homilia Gregor. Nys. in vi psalmum, ad locum in ms. vitiatum adnotatam illam, παλαιός τις καὶ ἐῤῥυτιῶν ἐγενόμην. Interea, εὑρωτιῶν, legendum, ex Luciano didici, qui eadem illa copulat in Necyomantia, τοὺς μὲν παλαιούς τινας καὶ εὑρωτιῶντας, καὶ ὥς φησιν Ὅμηρος) ἀμενηνούς· τοὺς δὲ νεαλεῖς καὶ συνεστηκότας. Pag. 573, vers. 8, pro συμπεραίν. H. St. 2, συμπαραλαμβάνεται. Vers. 44, τοιοῦτον ἕτερον ἐπόθη, H. St. 2. Pag. 576, ν. 8, H. St. 2, ἁρμόζουσι. V. 28, μελικηρίδων. Quam hic significationem habeat, satis notum est, a lexicographis etiam adnotatam: sed alia utitur Apollinarius, Psal. XVIII, 21; et Psal. LXXIII, 192, ubi μελικηρίς, idem, quod Siracides.

^A

Page 577, verse 4, al. *Orisias*. Page 580, verse 16, *boû te kai ônôn* (of oxen and asses). Justin Martyr, Gregory Nazianzen, and Theodoret teach in a similar way that the ox was a type of the Jewish people, and the ass a type of the Gentiles. Verse 21, 1. *Habakkuk*. For in him is found the passage, chapter III, verse 23, *tên sar* [i.e., the flesh]. Matt. X, 47. Verse 31, *statēra* (stater). Matt. XVII, 27. Verse 35, *logia gar Kuriou* (for the oracles of the Lord). Ps. XI, 7. Verse 44, *ep' onou* (upon an ass). Matt. XXI, 7. Verse 46, *anthrakias optomenon* (roasting on charcoal). John XXI, 9. Verse 50, *tōn glōss. tēn charin* (the grace of tongues). Acts II, 3. Verse 6, a fin. *phōnēn boōsan* (a voice crying). Isa. XL, 3. Verse ult. *exapostelei ton logon* (He shall send forth his word). Ps. CXLVII, 17. Page 581, verse 13, *di' Hiu.* (through the Son). John I, 3. Verse 18, *autou* (of him). Rom. I, 36. Verse 37, *dexia tou Patros ho Huios, kai brachōn* (the Son is the right hand of the Father, and his arm). Ps. XLIII, 5. Verse 38, *Logos*. John I, 1; Ps. XXXII, 6, *tō logō Kuriou hoi ouranoi esterethēsan* (by the word of the Lord were the heavens established). Verse eodem, *sophia kai dunamis* (wisdom and power). I Cor. I, 24; *dunamis* however is to be understood as not unsubstantial, but substantial, and omnipotent, and the creator of substances, and equal in power to that one, whose power it is, Isidore of Pelusium, book II, epist. 143. Page 584, verse 8, H. St. 2, *tōn te tous*. Verse 10, *krinei oudena* (he judges no one). John V, 22. Verse seq. *ho Patēr agapā*. John III, 35. Verse 14, *hupogrammon* (a pattern). I Pet. II, 21. Verse 19, *hōn ērxato* (which he began to do). Acts I, 1; *oudeis gar apo rhupou katharos* (for no one is clean from filth). Job XIV, 4. Verse 33, *thriambeūsai te kai paradeigmatisai* (to triumph over and to put to an open shame). Coloss. II, 15, where there is a simple word in the vulgar editions. Verse 38, *rthōn*. Matt. V, 21, 22. Verse 42, *ho archangelos* (the archangel). Jude 1, 9. Verse 43, *diapheromenos*. *Diakrinomenos* (disputing/contending), printed books. Verse 50, *Mōsei men*. Exod. XIV, 21. Verse eodem, *Hēliā kai HElisaie* (to Elijah and Elisha). IV Kings II, 8, 14. Verse 51, cod B. et H. St. 2, *kai tote to en*. Is. Cas. *hate toge en*. Verse 6, a fin. *Despotikō de ...* Matt. XIV, 25. Page 585, verse 19. H. St. 2, *ennoiai kai to*. Verse 21, *arnēsasthai* (to deny). II Tim. II, 13. Verse 24, *mēde tropēn hupostēnai* (nor to undergo change). James 1, 17; Malach. III, 6. Verse 26, *ha phamen mē dunasthai to theion* (what we say the divine cannot do). Isidor. Pelus. lib. I, epist. 117. Page 588, verse 12, *to b’* (the second). In three manuscripts, which is either a sign of the number two, or a compendium of the word *bibliou* (book), as above; but then for *kephalaion* (chapter) I would read *kephalaia* (chapters): for mention is made of the sixteenth chapter. Page 593, verse 11. Verse 18, *hina gnōristhē* (that it might be known). Ephes. III, 10. Verse 27, *Houtō gar* (For so). John III, 16. Verse 3, H. St. 2, *analabein doulou* (to take the form of a servant). Verse 43, *all' hoper ep'*, the same. Verse 47, *chrēmatisas, eikotōs oun kai*, the same. Verse 3, a fin. *methodou prokatablētheisēs*, H. St. 2. ^B

Christ. Verse 9, a fin. *...n. Hebr. 1, verse eodem* [in the same manner] punctuate thus: *huiō kai hina gnōristhē*, etc. Ephes. I, 10. Verse 7, a fin. *autou gar*. Ephes. II. Vers. penult. *en autō*. *Eis oikonomian tou plērōmatos tōn kairōn, anakephalaiōsasthai*, the printed books. Pag. 596, verse 11, *tō logō Kuriou* (by the word of the Lord). Ps. XXXII, 6, *prōton ennoei* (he first thinks). Naz. Homil. in Natali Christi. Verse 22, *hōs prokatarktikon*. Basil M. lib. De Spirit. sanct. cap. 16, *en de tē toutōn ktisei ennōeson moi tēn prokatarktikēn aitian tōn genomenōn, ton Patera dēmiourgikēn, ton Huion tēn teleōtikēn, to Pneuma* (and in the creation of these things, consider for me the originating cause of the things that were made: the Father the creative [cause], the Son the perfecting [cause], the Spirit [the sanctifying cause]). Idem scribit Gregor. Nyss. Hom. in S. Baptisma. Verse 30, *enephūsēsen* (he breathed). Gen. II, 7, *pnoēn zōēs* (the breath of life). Verse 37, 1. *tous artous tous en tō skēn*. Exod. XXIX, 32. Cod. B. A. S. M. M. *xxivējs*. Verse 49, *Loukas* (Luke). XXII, 17. Verse 6, a fin. *to potērion* (the cup). I Cor. XI, 16. Verse 4, a fin. *ou dunasthe*. I Cor. X, 21. Verse ultimo, *tē nukti* (in the night). I Cor. XI, 23. Page 597, verse 11, *tō Iōb* (to Job). X, 9. Verse 21, *tēs tōn angelōn esti sumbolon* (it is a symbol of the angels). Naz. pag. 157, *angelikon hē lamprophoria kai hē phaidrotēs, hotan tupōntai sōmatikōs, sumbolon oimai* (the brightness and radiance are angelic, when they are represented bodily, I think it is a symbol). Verse 38, *ho ouranos chalkous* (the heaven [like] brass). Deut. XXVIII, 23. Verse penult. H. St. 2, *ek tōn phain*. Page 600, verse 5, *angelous de mēdamōs* (angels indeed by no means). Acts XXII, 8. Verse 12, *Euphranthēte* (Rejoice). Deut. XXXII, 43. Verse 14, in marg. l. *te hēmōn, kai pros*. Verse 21, *eisi*. H. St. 2, *esti*. Verse 46, *tē paidiskē* (to the handmaid). Gen. XXI, 10. *hēretountōn*. Verse 8, a fin. *leitourgika* (ministering). Hebr. I, 14. Page 601, verse 24, H. St. 2, *kai nomothetōn de*. Verse 36, *proēxopsan*, the same. Verse 8, a fin. H. St. 2, *hosois*. Page 604, verse 41, *ek merous* (in part). I Cor. XIII, 9. Page 605, verse 5, *1. st*. Verse 17, *te pleon*. H. St. 2, *to pleon*. Verse 50, H. St. 2, *kai autēn tēn hagios*. Page 608, verse 9, *pan arsen* (every male). Luke II, 23. Verse 11, *pan arsen texē huion* (every male shall bring forth a son [sic - actually 'every male that openeth the womb' in Judic.]). Judic. XIII, 5. Verse 19, *tēn labida* (the tongs). Isa. VI, 6, see Isidore of Pelusium, book I, epist. 42. Verse 30, *pur katanalisk* (consuming fire). Deut. IV, 24. Verse 30, *ta logia*. Ps. XXVII, 33. Page 609, verse 3, *angeloi proselth*. (angels came). Matt. IV, 11. Verse 36, *Proklōp*. Cedrenus, pag. 281. Verse 15, *hēmera* (day). Ps. XVI, 2. Verse 48, *en kephalidi* (in the volume of the book). Hebr. X, 7; and Ps. XXXIX, 8. Suidas the same, which is *elēma*, because in the manner of a cylinder they folded books in ancient times. Page 612, verse 6, *apoleipetai Sabbaton* (there remaineth a Sabbath-rest). Hebr. IV, 9. Verse 12, *to teleion* (that which is perfect). I Cor. XIII, 10. Verse 19, *monados men kinētheisēs*. Naz. orat. 2, de pace, pag. 121, which place Saint Maximus chose to explain among others, as can be seen in the codex, written with the hand of Augustine, pag. 76. Verse 23, *summis*. H. St. vitiose, *stenoumenoi*, printed books, *stenōmenē hē theotēs*. Al. *eidōlatreias*. Verse 49, *apo prosōpou Kuriou esaleuthē hē gē* (from the presence of the Lord was the earth shaken). Ps. CXIII, 7. Verse 50, *epage gar Tā eidōla*. Ps. sod. v. 12. Verse 52, *Enegkate* (Bring). Ps. XCVI, 7. Verse 6, a fin. *saleuth*. Ibid. 9. Verse 4, a fin. *ho Kurios ebas*. (the Lord reigns). Ps. XCVI, 1. Verse 2, a fin. *ephanan*. Ibid. 4. Page 613, verse 1, *hōtan anastē* (when he shall rise). Isa. II, 19, 21. Verse 2, *Paulos* (Paul). Hebr. III, 26. Verse 4, *Haggaiou* (of Haggai). cap. 21, verse 7. Verse 6, H. St. 2, *ta auta*. Verse 7, *Grēgoriou* (of Gregory). Naz. Orat. de Spirit. s. pag. 224. Verse 37, H. St. 2, *phontos* (of the murderer). Verse 7, a fin. *Huios mou* (my Son). Ps. II, 7. Page 616, verse 8, *dexia Kuriou* (the right hand of the Lord). Ps. CXVII, 16. Verse seq. *tō logō*. Ps. XXXII, 6. Verse 14, *tē hy*. Ibid. Verse 32, *ēkidiasē* (it mourned/was heavy). Ps. CXLIII, 4. Verse 4, a fin. H. St. 2, *toude tou anthr*. Verse ult. *daktulos* (finger). Luke XI, 20. Page 620, verse 6, *krēmnōis exōsai* (to cast down from cliffs). *Katakrēmnisai*. Luke IV, 29. Verse 7, *Labein*. Al. *balein*. ^{C D}

^A Verse 22, *epestē*, ms. Verse 24, al. *idontes*. Vers. 32, the words enclosed in a square from codices V. and M. Vers. 6, a fin. H. St. 2, *de tautēn*. Vers. 5, a fin. *eudokei*, the same. Vers. 3, a in. *ta rhēmata*. Joan. XIV, 10. Page 621, vers. 11, *ti estin*. Matth. IX, 11, 35, *gar kai ho theoph.* Ignatius, epist. 5. Vers. 29, *ei egnōsan*. I Cor. II, 8. Page 624, vers. 2, *ton arrabōna*. II Cor. I, 22. Vers. 7, *pollachou*. F. legend. *allachou*. Vers. 8, *klēronomias*. Ephes. I, 14. Vers. 20, *en gar tē*. Matth. XXII, 30. Vers. 31, *pneuma hē Theos*. Joan. IV. Vers. 46, *en esoptrō*. I Cor. XIII, 12. Page 625, vers. 6, F. legend. *pneuma* (having a divine initiation, he sometimes puts the Father before. Vers. 7, *diaireseis*. I Cor. XII, 4. Vers. 11, *pros Galatas*, I, 18, H. St. 2, *men oun d*. Vers. 28, cod. V. et M., *kai ta auta ta rhēmata*, omitting the preposition *pros*. Vers. 31, *diplēn kai tēn chreian*. Basil M.: "In the case of the Law, there was indeed the sensible, but it made a type of the intelligible." Naz.: "Moses indeed also goes up, and enters inside the cloud, and is given the Law, and receives the tablets—to the many, those of the letter; but to those above the many, those of the Spirit." Similar phrasing in Epiphanius contra Ptolemaitas, page 99, ^B where vers. 23, *aphekteōn*, should be read for *aphthektōn*. Clemens Alex. Strom. III. Philo, lib. *De migratione Abrahami*. Vers. 45, *chrysitidi gē*. Theodoret, lib. IV *De Providentia*. Page 628, vers. 15, l. *synkalypesthai*. Vers. 44, *Gala*. I Cor. III, 2. Vers. 6, a fin. *ta hagia*. Matth. VII, 6. Page 629, vers. 8, "That which is acquired with labor." "God intended the obscurity in the Scriptures for the benefit (al. *benefit*) of the mind, stirring up its activity; firstly, that by being occupied with these things, it might be drawn away from worse ones. Next, because things acquired with labor are somehow more beloved; and things that come to us over a long time remain more permanently, whereas when the acquisition is easy, the enjoyment is not greatly sought after. For the presence of things easily obtained is contemptible, and worthy of no safekeeping to those who possess them," Theodoret: whose words are read in the margin of the Sfortiani and Marguniani codices. Isidor. lib. II, epist. 136: "For when struggles do not occur, delights follow afterward." Idem lib. III, epist. 322: "That which is acquired with the labor of sweat, even if it happens to be small, is more precious; but that which has fallen upon one automatically is contemptible, even if it exists as great." Vers. 22, *en hidrōti*. Gen. III, 19. Vers. 33, *ē ta*. H. St. 2, *eite*. Vers. 36, *kata tēn gnōsin*, the same. Vers. 44, *parablabeiē*, cod. B. M. M. and L. C. Vers. 45, *ha mē zētousi*. H. St. 2, *ha an zētousi*. Plutarch from Sophocles: "Everything that is sought is caught; but what is neglected escapes." ^C That is, *Quidquid investigatur, capitur; effugit, quod negligitur*. Vers. 50, l. *hos ouch haireitai*, ms. and l. C. But that error, as others elsewhere, is typographical. Page 632, vers. 1, H. St. 2, *tōn griphōn menei*. Vers. 40, H. St. 2, *anthypophora*, "as if nothing," etc.: there is a scholion in the margin, which is also in the codex M. M., "I think these or similar things according to the sense are those that are missing, on (al. about) the Father, thus: for example, but it lacks the *per*, so that the *hōs* might be taken instead of the *hoti*." Vers. 6, a fin. *phaiē d' an tis*. This solution is by Photius, M. M. and H. St. 2. Page 633, vers. 15, H. St. 2, *perinoias autothen paraleirein*. Vers. 17, the same, *plēthyesthai*. Page 636, vers. 11, *kata men oun to*, H. St. 2. Vers. 19, *synēpsen heautō*, the same. Vers. 30, *eis ha epinomoūsin*. I Petr. I, 12. Vers. 35, *hōs aggelous*. Luc. XX, 36. Vers. 4, a fin. *ton men presbyteron*. Luc. XV. See Homil. Chrysost. *eis ton asōton*. Page 637, vers. 11, *chairein*. Luc. XV, 10. Vers. 23, "The leader of the disciples." If he means St. Peter, it is a mnemonic error; for the passage exists in Epist. ad Rom. IV, 9. Vers. 35, *tois en phylakē*. I Petr. III, 19. Matth. XXIV, 31. That St. Maximus and Nicetas accept those evangelical passages in the same sense, has been indicated by me elsewhere. Vers. 46, l. *katachthoniōn tagma*. So. Vers. ultimo, *Paulos*. I Cor. III. Page 640, vers. 5, H. St. 2, *kauëssetai*. Page 641, vers. 8, a fin. H. St. 2, *aristous, logadas*. Page 644, vers. 7, H. St. 2, *toutestin, hapan to anthr.* Vers. eodem, *hamartōlous*. Matth. IX, 13. Page 645, vers. 32, al. *katadyontai*. Page 648, vers. 1, "My peace." Joan. XIV, 27. Vers. 11, he says, Philipp. IV, 7. Vers. 13, *dikaiōthentes*. Rom. V, 1. Vers. 23, "I came not." Matth. X, 34. Vers. 45, *Osē*, II, 19. ^D Vers. 3, *chous*. Psal. CII, 14. Page 649, vers. 1, "Between death and immortality." Naz. in *Natal. Christi*: "Between greatness and lowliness." See Theoph. lib. II *Contra Autolycum*. Vers. 5, *Dabid*. Psal. CXXXII, 20. Vers. 37, "For I know that not." Rom. VII, 18. Vers. 3, a fin. *basanistēn*. Matth. VIII, 29. Vers. ult. *phrissousi*. Jacob. II, 19. Page 652, vers. 1, "But I know Christ." Act. XIX, 15. Page 656, vers. 52, H. St. 2, *nai dē kai katharsin*. Page 661, vers. 4, H. St. 2, *Diodōrou*. Vers. 32, *Diodōros*. Rather, Theodore, l. C. And indeed before Diodorus the reading might be more accurate. Vers. 40, "Concerning fate": "Those who have examined the movement of the heavenly bodies, they say, and the zodiacal circle, and the twelve divisions in it, by the description of the signs of the zodiac being observed in them, as even by the distance from each other; and having understood the power of each of the stars, what might each one have by nature from itself, and what their conjunction works out from the kind of mixing with one another, having been blended by the approach to another, and having been separated through the distance. What again does the basis of the lower one work? And what the eclipse of the higher one during the passage, and again the restoration? And the complex configuration of those coming together and departing, being recorded in triangle or scalene shapes; or even performing another of the shapes considered by geometry. The one who has understood these things, they say, and such like, will know the meaning of fate, that which is necessarily brought about by a certain unbroken order according to the kind of conjunction of the stars, is interpreted by the name of fate." Gregor. Nyssen. From the margin of cod. Max. Marg. Vers. 42, al. *agennēton*. Page 664, vers. 18, *phthoran*, al. *phoran*. Page 665, vers. 1, H. St. 2, *oikous allous allois*. Vers. ult. H. St. 2, *touchein*. Page 669, vers. 10, a fin. al. *allēlois chaironta tōn zōd.* Page 681, vers. 8, *katapiptousa par' hēlikiōn*. I.S. But the H. St. codex alone differs here from the others, in which it is read thus: "For falling down, it destroys the myriad differences of ages, governed by myriad generations, corruption." Vers. 13, al. *palin hē tēs*. Vers. 22, *syzygiōn*. Supr. *gegamēkotōn*. Vers. 34, *magnēs*. *Magnētis*, and *magnēssa* Naz. Carm. and *ho magnitēs*, Dioscor. Vers. 37, *diktamos*. H. St. *diktamnos*, and so Epiphan. who writes that the fetus is helped by it at the beginning of the dispute against the Anocti. Vers. 45, *eis polla chrōmata*. "With every tint except the white it is made similar," Plut. Vers. 48, *kan allo ti toiouton*, H. St. 2. Vers. 50, *Seleukis*. Basil. M. hom. 8. in Hexaem. et pag. 158, in Ascet. *Seleukiās*. Zosimo lib. I, vers. 9, a fin. *allois*. "As for bats." Vers. 7, a fin. H. St. *hē heterō thanasimos*.

Pag. 584, vers. 15, "where are the seven?" I. S. Vers. 49, H. St. "not this very thing again." Pag. 685, vers. 37, "to dance with wings, the swan." Dio Chrysost. orat. 33, Pisides in *Cosmurgia*, vers. 1170, the passages of Nazianzen on the same subject, I have inserted into the notes on the hieroglyphs of Horapollo. Vers. 39, al. *ara*. Vers. 3, a fin. *prōtois oulois*, with first down, I. S. Vers. penult. "on five and six," the same. Pag. 688, vers. 3, a fin. "the course and towards the immutable of necessity," I. S. ibid. H. St. "necessity or immutable" with a note of corruption. Pag. 689, vers. 6, *proagousa* (leading forward), cod. V. H. St. I. S. Vers. 9, a fin. the passage in the codex of H. Stephanus is punctuated thus: "for each of these, by its own energies, blocking the path of this, from which they say the results are demonstrated." Scholion: "See how by the conduct of the Jews he refutes fate." Pag. 692, vers. 12, "as for our part." Note how many years ago these were written. Vers. 17, I. S. reads: "but if that of the... he altered the life of which... changing, [etc.]." Vers. 26, "Persians. Before the Macedonians, the affairs of the Persians were in prosperity," etc. Philo, lib. *That the Divine is Unchangeable* at the end, and the lib. *On Joseph*. Vers. eod. "towards the Macedonians," H. St. "as." Vers. 37, "and as so," H. St. Vers. 6, a fin. "to the Valentinians," I. S. Vers. 5, a fin., et p. seq. Vers. 7, "in us." In our power, Epictetus "in our power," which I. S. also reads here in the same way. Vers. 26, "God to be ignored," I. S. Pag. 693, vers. 42, "you falsely claim," the same. Vers. 44, "against itself," H. St. and I. S. Vers. 49, al. "against them," I. S. "against itself." Vers. 9, a fin. "from generation to them." Either "to them" is redundant, or "the things that will happen" is missing, or something similar, but it seems rather that "to them" is redundant, I. S. Vers. 8, a fin. "from this threat," M. M. al. "from this selfsame threat." Pag. 696, vers. 9, "or acts (for neither is the... the collection)," "O how," I. S. Vers. 11, H. St. "O how it would not be entirely confusing our affairs and overturning life." Vers. 18, "of those whetting, more shameless," I. S. Vers. 6, a fin. "that he exhorts" in cod. H. St. is marked as suspect. Pag. 697, vers. 29, "but not compulsory." Philo: "To those born under the heaven, God indeed gave powers, yet not self-control." Vers. 37, "towards indeed," H. St. "as indeed." Vers. 44, "the one as indeed the," the same. Vers. 45, "as the." Pag. 700, vers. 35, *katischyousi* (they prevail), H. St. I. S. Pag. 701, vers. 14, "for a sign." Gen. 1, 14. Vers. 16, "those on Joshua the son of Nun." Josh. 10, 13. Vers. 17, "those on Hezekiah." IV Reg. 20, 9. Vers. 18, "those on the Passion of the Lord." Matth. 27, 45. Vers. 20, "above," and it is in cod. V. and B. "Bardesanes was a certain Syrian, most dialectical and wise, so that he was admired by Antoninus regarding the discourse on fate," Cedrenus, who mentions another in Phrygia, the heretic, Bardesanes, in the same place. Theodoret, lib. II, *On Heresies*, writes that he read "discourse of the Bardesanists against fate," and other writings of his, which were translated from the Syrian language into Greek. Vers. 25, "Isaiah," ch. 47, vers. 9, 12. Vers. 28, "Jeremiah," ch. 10, 2. Vers. 43, the reading of the margin I. S. is more pleasing. Vers. penult. "for the finding of a treasure, by reason of the treasure," I. S. Pag. 704, vers. 17, "not one of the many." The same write Basil M. and Greg. Nyssen. in the homilies on the Nativity of Christ. Vers. 18, "Memnon." Edited separately by H. St. in the year 1557. Reprinted in the year 1594, partly with the interpretation of the same H. St., partly with that of Laur. Rhodomanus. Pag. 705, vers. 42, *edēlēsato* (he showed/signified). It is noted in cod. A. S. as faulty, or perhaps because it seems too poetic. Theocritus uses it somewhat frequently, and also Apollinarius, Psalm 20, 10. Vers. penult. "he ends not a long time," I. S. or "he finished," St.

Pag. 708, vers. 3, "that which is served." That is, the servants, the robbers, the band of robbers, the attendance, the attendants, Lucian. Vers. 50, *thymelikous* (theatrical/stage players). The stage players, those who demonstrate their art in pretense, Suidas. Pag. 709, vers. 19, "presiding over all things," I. S. Vers. 32, "itself," I. S. seems redundant. Vers. 28, "Oxathrus." Strabo "Oxyathrus." Arrian and Diod. S. "Oxyartes." Vers. 6, a fin. "and having scorned the tyrant," I. S. Vers. ult. "pierced through," H. St. 2. Pag. 712, vers. 30, "the city Amastris." Strabo lib. XII. Vers. 32, cod. B. H. St. and I. S. "against the Getae." ibid. cod. B. M. M. H. St. "campaigning for Lysimachus." "faith" I. S., "by the junction" H. St. Pag. 713, vers. 98, "Heraclitus." He calls him Heracleides on the following page, S. Vers. 37, "the Thunderbolt." Plutarch writes that one of the sons of Clearchus was named Ceraunus (Thunderbolt) by his father: "Clearchus, having become tyrant of Heraclea, wore a scepter and named one of his sons Ceraunus." Vers. 34, "to him," H. St. "of himself." Pag. 716, vers. 26, l. "Hercules, stronger," H. St. [in the original context] even corrupt. "If indeed (says he there, Lacon) it is a god, we suffer nothing, for we do not commit injustice; but if a man, another stronger than us will be," for which in the books published heretofore was read *peukarpōn*. Likewise the same Plutarch in the *Laconian Apophthegms*: "If he is a god, we do not fear him, for we do no injustice; but if he is a man, he is not stronger than us." And that verse is noted in the same Plutarch in three places: "And we will be much stronger." Hesychius also attributes the meaning of "strong" to *karrōs* among others (whence I should read *brōmata kai pota kabra* [food and drink] for the Aldine *karra* [for 1 Esdras 5, 67], if the Roman edition did not have *kai chabra* there), whence *charrōthen* in Damascius in the *Life of Isidore*, the same as "from the stronger" according to the interpreter of Suidas. Vers. seq. "stronger." *Karrōn* in Doric is the stronger, Suidas. Vers. 38, "if no one of those," I. S. Vers. ult. "him into Egypt." Pag. 717, vers. 2, *ebeltioun* (to make better), cod. V. and H. St., which reading I. S. approves. Vers. 15, "eight-banked." Vers. 18, H. St. "hundred-banked." I. S. "hundred-banked," or "hundred-rowed." Pag. 720, vers. 34, cod. V. and H. St. "inaction," which I. S. approves more. Vers. ult. H. St. 2, and cod. B. "Leon chōros," cod. V. and M. M. "Leonōrios." Strabo lib. X, "Leonōrios." Pag. 721, vers. 15, "grindings/gnashings." Strabo lib. I and Jul. Appian, *Syrian History*, edited and ms. Aug. and Stephanus, *On Cities*, "tremors"; he also writes that here they are called *trochmēnous*. Vers. 18, "Tolostobogii." Strabo lib. XII, "Tolistobogii," lib. II, "Tolistobōgii" or "Tolistobōgius," Appian "Tolistobii," ibid. vers. eod. "Tectosages." Strabo lib. XII, "Tectosages" (as in all the manuscripts of Photius which we have used) and "Tectosages" on the same page, Appian "Tectosagae," Stephanus both, concerning which peoples and their varied nomenclature the most noble Marcus Velserus has observed these things; thus he teaches whence they obtained their name, in that history which the most learned men of the republic of letters would not wish to be owed for long. Vers. 32, "of the sown men, of those who sprang up at Thebes from the dragon's teeth, of whom Euripides also makes mention." Scholiast Pind. to ode 7 Isthm. Concerning the same, Dio Chrysostom, orat. 23, Philo, lib. *On the Incorruptibility of the World*, Lucian *Philopseudes* and the lib. *On Dancing*, Photius finally above. Vers. 32, "Catlantum." The reading of the margin from cod. H. St. Vers. 6, in... "Tomis." Its correct case is *Tomis*, which is also called *Tomeus*, from the founder Tomus. A bronze coin of which brought from Byzantium exists with the same M. Velserus, on the reverse with the image of Tomus himself and the inscription TOMOS KTISTES, on the obverse with Hercules standing and marked with the letters TOMEITON. Which seemed worthy of note also in memory of the exile of Ovid.

^A *Page 725, verse 12*: H. St. 2, *Scipioni*, with an *eta*, as it is in the Augustan manuscript of Appian apud Suidas and others. Page 15, l. *Ioniu*; verse 19, *kat' autou* I. S. Verse 20, *nos pros* is redundant in I. S. Verse 28, *philophrónou men* H. St. 2. *Philophrónoumenoi*, which H. St. supposed could be changed into *philophrónouménēs*. Verse 29, *Aimiliou* H. St. Verses 43 and 47, *Scipiōn* cod. V. and B.

*Page 728, verse 9*: *tō polemō*. The article *tō* is redundant in I. S. Verse 44, *piligrous* cod. V. H. St. *pilignous* cod. B. A. S. M. M. H. St. 2, *pelignous*; Strabo lib. v, 45, *Maroukinoi*. I have corrected this from Strabo; all manuscripts have *Maroukinoi*. Ptolemy, *Maroukēnoi*. Verse same, *ethnē de*. Note the man’s “little Greek” geography. I. S. verse 46, al. *dusi tetrērēsi*. Verse...

*Page 729, verse 13*: *tēs gar en tē Rhōmē synklētō ton ek Nikomēdous Nysēn* I. S. *Ariaratō* St.

*Page 732, verse 4*: *Amphipolin*. "Chrysopolis is the one situated by Rhētinē," scholion in the margin of cod. H. St. and M. M. Verse 10, H. St. *Loukinsion*. I. S. *Loukion*. Verse 18, *pyra Pyra* H. St. and I. S. Verse 34, *en tē patridi*. The preposition seems redundant in I. S. Verse 38, al. *phronounta*. Verse same, *tē synklētō*. These are redundant in I. S. Verse 39, *tēn pros auton*. The article *tēn* is redundant, I. S.; it is also noted in cod. H. St.

*Page 733, verse 15*: *hybrin apotisē* I. S. Verse 24, *kai Bithynōn de*. The conjunction *kai* is redundant; I. S. Verse 48, al. *Mourinas*. Verse last, *eis ochlon hē machē*. The *hē machē* is redundant in I. S.

*Page 736, verse 11*: *tō Mitharou*, or *Mithareō* I. S. Verse 14, al. *Chalkēdona*. Verse 16, l. *dyo chiliados* (for it is *beta* in three manuscripts) *epi tois myriois* I. S. or *dischilious* with H. St.

*Page 737, verse 5*: *myriados* cod. B. 2, *ts. myriadas*. Verse 10, *Hermaion*. "Unexpected gain," Suidas. Plato, *Phaedo*, "It would have been *hermaion* to those who died in evils." Philo, "To these the flight was *hermaion*." Verse 11, cod. V. *hypebalen*. Verse 47, *hautē de Kieros*. See above 727, verse 37, and below 745, verse 11. Verse 6, a fin. *apoklinonta*. Hence H. St. suspects that at page of this verse 11, *prosklisin* could be read. Verse penult., the same H. St. reads *gegone*.

*Page 740, verse 35*: *auton*; l. *autou* H. St. Verse 47, l. with H. St. *kai en tautē* or *k'an tautē*. Verse 19, before *polytropoi* the particle *epei* should be placed, the same H. St. thinks.

*Page 741, verse 48*: *kabērōn*. Plutarch in *Life of Lucullus*, "a journey of a few days to Armenia from Cabeira," page 165, Aldine edition, per *et*, nor otherwise Strabo lib. XI, which see. Verse same, *autos*. l. *autō*, etc., *hormē gegone, kai hēlō*. Verse 4, a fin. *autos de epi Kath.* l. *autos de euthy Kab.* H. St.

*Page 745, verse 11*: *Chelōnē*. Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii, "For they are stone-throwers, or tortoises (*chelōnai*)." And Suidas inserts *chōstrides*, "or rams engineered for the overthrow of walls," etc. Verse 15, *o krios*. The description of the ram apud Procopius lib. v *De bello Goth.* is this: "For these Sabiri improvise a ram, not as is customary, but having innovated in a different way; for they have not inserted beams into this machine, neither upright nor transverse, but binding together some thick rods one to another, and fitting these themselves everywhere instead of the beams; and having covered the whole machine with hides, they preserved the form of the ram, with one beam alone, which is accustomed to be in the middle of the machine, suspended with some slack ^B chains, the sharp point of which, fashioned and covered with iron like a dart-tip, was destined to be thrown repeatedly against the fortification; they rendered the machine so light that it was no longer necessary for it to be drawn or pushed by the men who were inside; but forty men, who were also to pull back the beam and throw it against the fortification, being inside the machine, and covered by the hides, carried the ram on their shoulders without any labor." *OI* cod. ms. Bavar. Verse 30, *empraktos*. In cod. H. St. a note of suspected reading is affixed. *Apraktos epanēlthen*, "returned with his purpose unachieved," Herodian. Verse 39, cod. B. and M. M. *athymōs* is written, which cannot have a place unless the verb *echein* is added. Verse 41, cod. B. 2, l. *kata tachos*.

*Page 748, verse 8*: Either *hōste* should be read, or *hōs mechri ogdoēk.* H. St. Verse 20, *antallaxasthai*, l. S. Verse 35, *kakeinō* I. S. Verse 44, *eskēnikeueto* with an *iota*. For *skēnikoi* and *hypokritai* are the same, I. S.

*Page 749, verse 12*: l. *aphērēmenon* I. S. or *aphērēmenoi*. Verse 3, *dierpasménon*. Note the style of speech, a masculine participle subject to a neuter noun, which refers to the sex that is understood, as above 589. Verse 48, *to hēmeteron genos*. *piptontes*. *daimonion genos*, *autos* [sc. -mōn] P. 649, verse 24. Such is that of the poet, *Klauthi, tekos leussousa*. Verse 21, *Tion*. *Tēion* in Strabo, lib. xiv. Verse 22, *autōn tas poleis* H. St. I. S. Verse 29, *tēn epi tēs* I. S. Verse 10, a fin. *to tenagē*. "The dead seas," he says. Scholion in the margin of H. St. and M. M.

*Page 752, verse 37*: *Lazous*. Concerning these people, Procopius, lib. iv *De Goth.*, among other things, writes this: "The majority of the Lazi, suffering terrible things at the hands of the Roman soldiers, and being especially vexed at the commanders of the army, sided with them for the most part; not welcoming the Persians, but wishing to rid themselves of the Roman rule and its difficulties, choosing what was not previously present." Verse 6, a fin. al. *Ariobarzanēn*.

*Page 753, verse 40*: *autō, hōs kai mallon a. ei. to p. r. p. dynamenō* I. S. Verse 41, al. *Phraatēn*.

*Page 760, verse 6*: *en tō tomō Leontos*. The name of the epistle, which exists in Greek and Latin, see infra, p. 773, verse 33, 885. Verse 1, and Leontius, lib. *De sectis*. Verse 7, a fin. *ton apo Nazareth*. "The Nazarene," Acts 11, 32. Note that the sentiment is expressed here, not the very words of St. Peter adduced. Verse 3, a fin. *parangellei*. Acts iv, 31. Verse ult. *phēsin*. Hebr. v, 1.

*Page 761, verse 7*: *houtō ge tēs* H. St. Verse 32, *Halikarnassou* H. St. Verse penult., *Akēphaloi* were called so, because, not following their patriarch, they communed by themselves, Leontius, *De sectis*.

*Page 764, verse 7*: *tōn sykophantoumenōn prōton* *phylattei gar* H. St. Verse 25, *enenōēse tauta pote* H. St. Verse 28, l. *Ex' h* H. St. I. S. Verse 33, l. *phēsin· en hosō ta* H. St. cod. B. M. M. Verse 47, *ekatera morphē* H. St.

*Page 765, verse 13*: *en tois par' hēmōn*. The preposition *para* is redundant; so verse 363 *en tois heautou*, and *holos en tois hēmōn*. I. S.

*Page 768, verse 5*: a fin. *balletai* H. St.

*Page 769, verse 13*: *diepráxato*, H. St. Verse 47, cod. V. and H. St. *pros oligon*. Verse 9, a fin. *autois hē henōsis* C. B. H. St. M. N. Verse 7, a fin. H. St., *emethodeyse*. Verse 6, a fin. *kai hōs kata mēdemian*. The order of words is wonderfully obstructed, which is to be resolved as if he had said: "and makes the refutation into the entangled impiety, as if by no means have the pledges ^D of their pure impieties proceeded to them." I. S.

*Page 772, verse 2*: *tēs oikonomias o orthos* I. S. Verse 80, *epi tō diēnekes*, I. S. Verse 13, *rhymē*,

rhymē*, and something great, H. St. Verse 30, *sygkatabainei tauta* and those, H. St. Verse 50, *ton Palaistinoin Eusebion*, H. St. ^A *Page 773, verse 17, komēs*. Suidas: *komēs*, the leader of the people, *Comes*, princeps populi. Epiphanius 60: who also obtained from the emperor himself the dignity of counts. Synesius, epist. 144, on the count, you write *di' ousikinou*—I mean [the count] who happened to be the authority over the soldiers in his fatherland. And epist. 146, the count from Pentapolis, and in other epistles; where I marvel that the interpreter took it as a proper name and translated it *Comela*. Verse 30, *Emisēs*, Emesa, a city of Libanonian Phoenicia, Stephanus, *De urb. It is called Emesa in the Life of Galaction*; at the beginning of which are read these words: "Of the many cities of Phoenicia by Mount Libanus, and others further south and north; the one that excels this and all others, and is situated in the northern parts, is Emesa." *cod. ms. Aug.* Verse 39, *tous men*. Note these, for it does not accept the *nōn*, even if at some time (as this saint says). "They were overlooked," they said, *Schol. ad marg. cod. M. M.* Verse 32, *en tē epistolē*. See the scholion at p. 760, verse 4. *Page 776, verse 2*, al. *hymnologian*. Verse 9, *ouk echō nyn. pōs soi touto eirētai*? O most holy man; for the Synod in Trullo rejects whoever adds the "which was crucified," in its 81st chapter, *Schol. ad marg. codd. M. M. et H. St.* *Page 777, verse 12*, either after *epinoein* the distinction is to be removed, or with I. C. it should be read: *oudamōs huiōn diada didōsin epinoein; autoun ou d' hypotithetai*. Verse 20, *is*, not for the designation of time, I. S. Verse 5, a fin. *diamartyrian*, H. St. I. S. Verse 3, a fin. al. *stellei kai tēn*. *Page 780, verse 14, ei eis mian* H. St. 2. Verse 16, *apedeichthēsan* I. S. *Page 781, verse 8, dechtheta ta tōn bdelyktōn* I. S. Verse 44, *cod. B. et H. St.* *enanthrōpēsanta* (which reading, pag. praeced. verse 34, in three manuscripts) as Basil the Great, *Homil. in XL psalmum*. Elsewhere, however, cited by him, Gregory Nazianzen, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, and others, *enanthrōpēsanta* [is found]; also infra 813, verse 1, 821, 29, 34. And thence *hē enanthrōpēsis* by them, Ignatius, epist. 5; Gregor. Nyssen. and Cyril infra, page 788, verse 35, 801, 7 a fin., 808, 14, where *hē sarkōsis* (infra 821, 36) is said by the same Cyril, and *ensarkōsis* by Athanasius, and *hē ensarkos oikonomia* (or *parousia*) by Epiphanius. Verse 42, *theotokon*. Naz. epist. 1, to Cledonius the presbyter, and orat. 1 *de Filio*; Epiphanius, p. 501, Gregor. Nyss. lib. *Peri parthenias*. Nonnus, *Paraphras. Evang. Joan.* cap. i, etc., *theotokos*. *Page 784, verse 13*, cod. B. et H. St. *Beroias*. *Page 785, verse 8, hē tou Seuirou*. The error of both (that is, of Severus and Bardesanes) Ephrem the Syrian, the most celebrated, bravely refuted. Theodor. lib. 1 *Contra haeret.* v. 44, *physin, ei kai noein* H. St. *Page 789, verse 47, tēs te tou* H. St. Verse penult. *lalei cod. B. M. M. et H. St.* *Page 792, verse 16, kata Apollinariou*. Against this Apollinarius exists an epistle of Gregory Nyssen to Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria; with other works of the same Gregory published in the press of Francis Raphelengius, anno 1593. In it, page 16, verse 11, read *dynametha heautous airoum*. Page 188, verse 15, read *apaitēthēsetai;* page 170, verse 16, read *tēn sēn en Christō teleiotēta*. The printer's errors, which are both in this and other works of mine, I would not wish to be ascribed to my negligence or ignorance; for even here, being present, I cannot obtain from the typesetters that they express each thing with the faith with which they are prescribed by me. Verse 7 a fin. H. St. *kantaütha gar ton physei, to tē ousia parelabe*. cod. B. et M. M. *Page 793, verse 18*, *ho ēn ap' archēs*. I. Joan. 1, 1. ^B *et... pneymatikon holon genomenon, kai en hyparchon, kai*... H. St. Verse 42, *theomachos*, cod. B. H. St. Verse 3 a fin. *en sarki*, H. St. *Page 796, verse 4, tis estin*. Isa. LXIII, 1. Martyr. page 48; Naz. *Hom. in Pascha*. Verse 7, *Hebraioi de to Bosōr sarkinon legousin*. Trifles; they differ by far, (as) *B-ṣr* and *B-ṣr*. S. Verse 9, *hōs apo patētou lēnou*. Jer. ibid.; that is, as Naz. page 259, of the bloodless and incorporeal, as one treading the winepress. Verse 9, a fin. *agenealogētos*. Hebr. VII, 3. Verse 7, a fin. *tēn genean tis*. Isa. LIII, 8. *Page 797, verse 26, phobēthēte*. Matth. X, 28, 32. *Noera tagmata*. Rightly, not as in the margin *xera*. For so the ancient ecclesiastics call the angels, as do the Arab Christians, I. S. *Noeras dynameis*, St. Maximus. *Page 800, verse penultimo, en eirōneias schēmati*. Ironice. Theodoret. *quaest. 40 in Gen.* *Page 801, verse 31, l. ekeinon katheile*. Verse 38, if we read *ei martyrias*, the genitive case of Athanasius, etc., can be borne. Verse 44, I would prefer *martyras*. Verse 6, a fin. perhaps here also *enanthrōpēs ōs logou* should be read, as [in the] preceding verse. Verse ultimo M. M. H. St. I. S. *katachei*, rightly, so infra 436, 22, 447, 32 Chrysostom: *gelōta katacheousa tōn peri tauta espoudakoton*. Lucian: *gelōs polys exechythē epi toutois*. *Page 804, verse 1*, H. St. *autē ge ei koine ennoia, kai ēn Paulou*. Rom. X, 15. *Proskynountas*. Joan. IV, 24. Verse 27, *hypēnthe*. Thus far the codex H. St.; for the things that follow in this section are missing therein. Verse 46, *paidion*, Isa. I, 6. Verse 6, a fin. *eskēnōsen en hēmin*. Joan. I, 14. Verse 3, a fin. *Lot eskēnōsen en polei*. The Vulgate editions [read] *katōkēse*. Verse eod. *eskēnōsen en Sodomois*. Genes. 13. *Page 805, verse 29, l. estōsan hoti*. Otherwise the word *histasan* would be redundant, or those [words] *ouk aisthanontai* I. S. *Page 808, verse 4, Sy ei*. Matth. XVI, 16. Verse 29, in the same way as above 801, verse 42, 50, and on this same page verse 49, *ek tōn Thēsaurōn* [he] said; but *en tois Thēsaurōis* you have intra page 809, 35 and 3 a fin. page 817, verse 53. 820, 34, 824, 45, which here also I would prefer. Verse 31, *ek tou katēchētikou*. It exists in a manuscript in the Augsburg library. *Page 809, verse 14, ei gar*. Rom. V, 15. Verse 3 a fin. *tarattesthai*. Joan. XI, 27; XIII, 21. Verse penult. *exousian echein*. Joan. X, 18. *Page 812, verse 51, proagon* I. S. Verse 59, *phaneroi* I. S. *Page 813, verse 11, vel cum cod. V. legendum eis gar tēn*, or as the verse with I. S. *diakeimenon*. Verse 28, *kai estai*. Isa. II, 10. Verse 27, *to de, to prosōpon* I. S. Verse 34, *ei gar mē heautois*. Verse 44, cod. B. et M. M. *legei gar alla kai*, where the words of that epistle are missing. Verse 45, l. *hoti de asynchytoi* I. S. *Page 816, verse 10, eis diabolēn autōn*—namely, of the natures, I. S. Verse 13, *aprosōpōs autas*, that is, the natures, I. S. Verse 17, *kai ho kat'*. *Kai hōs kat'* I. S. *kai kat'* omitting the article, cod. A. S. Verse 20, *prokritas*. Better *hypokritas*. I. C. And not otherwise the manuscript, which error I cease to marvel at, since the same thing happens elsewhere in this work. Verse 57, *pros ton bion trepomenois, kai tas Euripou*. But by far better: *pros tēn bian trepomenois*. And confirmed below. Verse 30, *hē gar bia tēs gnōmēs ekratēsen* I. S. Verse 29, cod. A. S. *syggnōmē* at the margin, *ta syngnōmē*. Verse pen.[ult.] *tous de thelontas*. These things undoubtedly pertain to that line: *syntheiai kai phronēmati, tous de thelontas e. ex. l. n. e. ai. oi. metathesthai tēs planēs.* The verb or participle is missing, and perhaps other things. *Page 817, verse 49, arrhētō logō codd. V. S.* *Page 820, verse 3, tēs eis allēs*, I. S. Verse 4, *kai syndeōn* [the] natures, *tōn hekatera prosontōn*, i. t. i. d. est, joining the power of the properties belonging to each.

^A Page 820, verse 5, near the end, *aeiparthenō* (ever-virgin). Epiphan. page 224; and *mebēthousa chorein*. Nonn. Paraphrase of the Gospel of John, passim. Page 821, verse 9, near the end, *dyo lambanetai ornithia*. Levit. v, 7. Macarius, homily 47. Verse 7, *ho statēr*. Matt. xvii, 27. Page 824, verse 5, *ho Theos*. I. S. Verse 41: he would have spoken more clearly, *Christon eis anthrōpon idikōs*. I. S. Verse 46, *agnoian*. Nazianzen, page 217; he knows, as God, but he says he is ignorant, as man. D. Ambrose: "But I say that the Son was ignorant of nothing: but he took on our emotion, so that he might say he was ignorant through our ignorance." ^B Verse 48, *to mē eidenai ta mellonta*. The same Elias of Crete, citing from Damascene, in his Commentary on the 2nd Oration of Nazianzen on the Son. See also Epiphanius, page 327. Verse 2, near the end, *enkalei gar tēn epistolēn autou tomou kalesanti*, I. S.

Page 825, verse 2, *tonous*. M. M. but cod. V. and B., and also I. S. and I. C. have *tomous*. See above the Scholion at page 760. Verse 20, *rhēseōn* as in cod. V., or rather *rhēseōn*. I. S. Verse 36, *aichmalōtiz.* II Cor. x, 5. Verse 50, *parechōrei men gar to sōma*, a marginal reading, and the word included in brackets is from cod. V.

Page 829, verse 2, M. M. *pros labōn*. Cod. V. and B. have *pros labēn*. Verse 7, *tinos toutōn oudamōs ēdynēthē; oumenoun apēnaischynthesen*, I. S. Verse 24, those items included in brackets in cod. A. S. are redundant. Verse 29, *deitai kataskeuēs*, I. S.

Page 832, verse 11, *tou tēn en kioni stasin athlēsantos*, that is, of the Stylite, the first to demonstrate such an ascetic practice. Cedrenus. See below, page 880, verse 4. Verse 15, *basilea, hyp' hekaterou toutōn idia*, I. S. Verse 20, *presbeuousai*, it signifies not only [this], but in general also [this] representation and writing. Verse 31, *hōs Eutychēs*, I. S. Verse 39, *mēd' hōs Eutychēs*, I. S. Verse 40, *hoti hē EN DYO phōnē*. Unus Christus est *dyo*, indeed *theanthrōpos*. *Vox phōnē*, which dialectically [is] composite. For two words [are] one *rhēton*, I. S. Verse last, and here also it should be read *EN DYO*, I. S.

Page 833, verse 9, cod. A. S. *huiopoiētheisa* erroneously. ^C Verse 6, near the end, *dogmata, mystika*, Greg. Nyss. *mystikōtera*, Ignat. epistle 2. *Trophē teleia*, Nazianzen. *Brōma* according to St. Paul, I Cor. iii, 2.

Page 833, verse 10, *tēn agnoian*. Elias of Crete, Commentary on the Oration of Nazianzen on the Son.

Page 840, verse 11, *antleisate*. Isa. xii, 3. Verse 31, cod. V. and B. *theosebestatou*. Verse 51, *heis gar Kyrios*, Ephes. 4, 5.

Page 841, verse 9, *gynaikos*. Galat. iv, 4.

Page 845, verse 36, *ton thaumatourgon*. The same who a little before [is mentioned] of Neocaesarea, which I note, as I know some are ignorant of it. He is also called Theodorus by Suidas. His Metaphrasis on Ecclesiastes (which both St. Jerome and Suidas ascribe to him) exists among the works of Gregory Nazianzen; his Life, by Greg. Nyss., is held twice in the August. ms. library. Verse 38, *kataphōron*, which error we also observed in the previous [pages]. I. C.

Page 848, verse 16, *Kyrillos mian doxazē physin*, I. S.

Page 849, verse 12, *Grēgorios*. Nazianz. orat. 1 on the Son. Verse 35, *Polemon*. Gregory Nazianzen followed Polemon in the character of his speaking (on the authority of St. Jerome), and while alive, ordaining a bishop in his place, he exercised the life of a monk in the country.

Page 852, verse 19, cod. B. A. S. M. M. *menousōn* (concerning which see the scholion at page 1, from the ms. cod. of Synesius); *menousōn*, cod. V. Verse 42, *anechomena*, I. S.

Page 853, verse 3, *Iēs. Chr. chthes*. Heb. xiii, 8. Verse 6, *kai palin ho autos*. I Tim. ii, 5. Verse 19, *theon epi pantōn*. Rom. ix, 5. Verse 22, *kata sarka*. Ibid. and Rom. i, 3. Verse 5, near the end, *to asyneton*. M. M.

Page 861, verse 5, near the beginning, *hōs eph' hēmōn eniai tōn idiōmatōn*, I. S. Verse 3, near the end, the same would prefer *katot*. Verse last, *hai idiotētes akinētoi*. Elias of Crete, bishop, Commentary on the Oration of Nazianzen on the Holy Spirit.

Page 864, verse 11, *oude kyriōs on*. See the notes on Philo's works, printed at Frankfurt by J. Wechel, year 1587. Verse 19, *teleiopoios sophia*. Periphrasis of the Son. Verse 20, *hagistikē dynamis*. The Holy Spirit.

Page 865, verse 26, *henotēta diairēpontas*. As Arius. *eis monadikēn enian synkleiontas*. As Sabellius. Naz. orat. 3, on peace, and elsewhere. Basil the Great, Epistle to the Neocaesareans. Verse 44, *en trisin hyparchein idiotēsi*. Naz. homily *Peri theologias* (which in the hand-written book is also inscribed *Peri dogmatos kai katastaseōs episkopōn*, and *Peri hagiou tou Pneumatos*).

Page 868, verse 27, cod. V. *Anomoion*. Thus they called Eunomius, because he declared the Son to be unlike to the Father, and to be from nothing. *Anomoion ton Yion tō Patri hyparchein, kai ou tauton einai tē theotēti pros ton Patera*, Epiphanius.

Page 869, verse 4, near the end, *symphtheggomai*.

Page 872, verse 32, *tō theologō*. John i, 14.

Page 873, verse 6, *autē dēlousa*, I. S. Verse 4, near the end, *pōs dei noein*. These [are] elegant and worthy of search, M. M. in the margin. Verse 3, near the end, *T. II Reg. xxiv, 1, epeseise* as a little below.

Page 876, verse 1, *en hois ho Theos tou aiōnos*. II Cor. iv, 4. Verse 3, *ou dynasthe*. Luke xvi, 13. Verse 4, *en tē a'. Paraleip.* I Paral. xi, 1. Verse 20, *hēmeis de ouk exeleusesthe*. Exod. xii, 22. Verse 32, Num. xxii, 20. Verse 33, *orgisthenai*. Num. xxii, 22. Verse 7, near the end, *en tais kardiais*. Ephes. iii, 17, *dia tēs pisteōs*. Verse 6, near the end, *hosoi eis Christon*. Galat. iii, 27. Verse 24, *to meridion ouk asēmon*. Thus Tertullian.

Page 877, verse 4, *rhizōmenoi*. Coloss. ii, 7. Domitian [is] a portion of Nero; and *xerophagia*, a portion of the fast, I. S. Verse 33, *Timotheon*. Concerning this Timothy, consult the History of Sects by Leontius of Byzantium. Verse last, cod. B. and A. S. *eis chi kai chilious synkephala iōthentos, mēdenos*.

Page 880, verse 4, *Symeōn*, concerning whom see above, page 832, 11. Verse 10, *proballetai men tēn autēn epigraphēn*, I. S.

Page 881, verse 11, *kata 'Agnountōn*. Concerning these, the same Leontius, page 475. Verse 38, *hamartian auton kai kataran*. Naz. orat. 2, on the Son. ^D Verse 45, *anthrōpinēs phōnēs*. Thus the ms. *i. anthrōpinēs physeōs*. It seems written (says I. S.) *phōs ex hou conflatum phōnēs*. Verse 9, near the end, *sou ei*. Gen. iii, 9. Verse 8, near the end, *tou estin Abel*. Genes. iv, 9. Verse of the same, *kai kraugē Sodomōn*. Gen. xviii, 20. Verse 3, near the end, *Legeōn*. Marc. v, 9. Verse penult, *oikete*. Matt. xi, 35. Verse last, *all' ige mēn*, I. S.

Page 884, verse 11, *kat' oikonomian*. See above the scholion at page 52, verse 16. Verse 16, *sou gnōs* [the] published books *ho Theos mou*. Psal. xxi, 1. Verse 5, near the end, *tēn aphrosynēn mou*. Psal. lxviii, 7. Verse 17, *Thee mou*. Deut. xviii, 15. Isidor. Pelus. lib. iii, epist. 94.

Page 885, verse 3, for *speudōn* in cod. B. and M. M. it is read *autos*. Verse 35, *sou de apeleusē*. Genes. xv, the vulgar books *ekleipōn et gēra*. Gen. xxv, 8. Verse, *phēsin*. Gen. xlix, 29. *Kai opsei autēn*. Vulg. edit. *kai de*. Deut. xxxii, 51.

Page 888, verse 2, *egō eimi*. Exod. iii, 6. Matt. xxii, 32.

Page 889, verse 15, *phōtikēs. Phōkikēs*, I. S. that *supr. imemate* 201, page 270, and not otherwise

^A noted in the manuscripts copied by the hand of Diadochus. Verse 19, *Dionysius*. The Areopagite, concerning whom see above page 1. Page 892, verse, "The book of Stephanus was read." Thus far in codex A. S. volume I. Yet Gesner mentions two authors in his Bibliotheca, epitome 1. Simler also. Verse 38, "As the baptized John was conceived in the month of October." Concerning the time of this conception, St. Chrysostom treats in his Homily on the Nativity of Christ, which will be reprinted shortly, more emended and fuller than before, with the interpretation of the most learned P. Pantinus. Verse 41, *Theotokos*. Chrysostom, ibid. Verse 38, "In April, which the Hebrews call Nisan." Josephus, book III, Antiquities, codices 9, 10, in the month Xanthicus according to the Macedonians, but Nisan according to the Hebrews, which is also the beginning of the year. Macarius, Homil. 5, "The first month is Xanthicus, which is called April." Verse 41, "January 6th." Epiphanius, book II, Against the Anoetoi, page ..., book of Ecclesiastical History, codex 12, and others both Greek and Latin.

Page 893, verse 1, *anthropomorphon*. St. Athanasius argues against the Anthropomorphites in Dialogue 1, against the Anomoean Arian. Theodoret, q. 20 in Genesis. Verse 16, "garments of skin." Concerning these, see Nazianzen, On the Nativity of Christ; Epiphanius, page 236, 255; Theophylact on chapter XII of Luke; Theodoret, q. 39 in Genesis. St. Maximus in those words which are inserted in Dialogue 8 of Caesarius, brother of Gregory Nazianzen, below and at 909, verse 5. Verse 30, *the paradise*. Concerning this, Basil the Great, page 643. Verse 51, "no one is released." Damascene, Dialogue against the Manichaeans.

Page 896, verse 24, "he entered the doors being shut." John XX, the same Athanasius (unless you think the five dialogues should be ascribed to St. Maximus the Confessor, whose works are found in the library of Augsburg, as elsewhere, and in the parchments), Dialog. 4; Epiphanius, pages 27, 256, 338, 431, 507. Verse 5, "for before." See Basil the Great, homily 1 in Hexaemeron; Theodoret, quæst. 3 in Genesis.

Page 897, verse 3, "having conversed with women." This error arose from an ignorance of the Hebrew language: for some understood "sons of God," Gen. VI, 2, as "angels," but Suidas (under the entry *miaigamiai*) more correctly understands the sons of Seth, Enoch, and Enos: who, overcome by lust, entered unto the daughters of Cain, whence came the Giants. Verse 8, "that the souls of the sinners," of this see above, Verse 16, *sphairikos*. See above the scholion at page 24, verse 4. Verse 27, "that the souls." St. Maximus denies this, with arguments sought from Holy Scripture, in that fragment inserted in the Caesarian [work], and Gregory of Nyssa, the prelate, in his book On the Soul and Resurrection.

Page 900, verse 39, *galaktotrophēthē*. Luke II, 27; Ignatius, epistle 5.

Page 901, verse from end, "concerning Theophilus." Isidore of Pelusium, book I, epistle 52; Synesius, epistle 66. Verse 7, from end, "of John Chrysostom." Isidore, epistle 156 of the same book. Verse last, "Ignatius." Epistle to the Trallians. Verse same, "Clement." Stromata I and II, whose words Eusebius cites in book III, Eccl. Hist. cap. 29. Verse same, "Theodoret." book III, Against Heretics.

Page 904, verse 12, "Gregory in his epistles." The epistle of Gregory Nazianzen to Theodore of Tyana is read in the manuscript codex of Augsburg, prefixed to the Philocalia of Origen: "To Theodore, bishop of Tyana. A feast and letters; and what is even better, that you anticipate the time with your eagerness, granting to us an early feast. Concerning your reverence, then, such are these things. But we, having the greater thing, return our prayers. And that you might have some remembrance from us, the same also of the holy Basil, we have sent you a booklet of Origen’s philosophy, containing extracts useful to philologists. Deign to receive this, and to grant us proof of its benefit, by being helped both in your study and by the Spirit. Farewell."

Page 905, verse 10, *aparanklitos*, I. S. Verse 4, "is not." Ephes. VI, 12. Verse 7, "for not."

Page 908, verse 8, "of Jeremiah." Lamentations III, 33; Epiphanius, book XXI, Against the Adamantiani, page 245. Verse 33, "nor Origen." Codex V. H. St. Verse 9, from end, "for this." Verse 6, from end, I. 7 A. S. H. St. Verse last, "having lusted after flesh. How do I not receive these things, that such a discourse should come to be," a scholion on the margin M. M. See what we noted at page 897, verse 3.

Page 909, verse 44, "so that the evil should not remain immortal. So that there might be a cutting off of sin." Theodoret. See below page 916, verse 19.

Page 912, verse 28, Ht. St. "this unto." Verse 35, "creator." "By the flight of the good," Naz. Hom. in Nat. Chr. Verse 49, "of the evil," or (as Basil the Great says) "the cause of every kind of evil to me." Verse 51, "for we know." Rom. VII, 14. Verse 6, from end, "but I." D. Paul, ibid.

Page 913, verse 3, cod. V. and H. St. *eisōkēsān*, A. S. *eisōkisthai*, M. M. *eisōkisan*, cod. B. *eisōkēsthai*. I. S. *eisōkisē en tē*, as on the following page. Verse 25, *eisōkēsan eis*. Verse 5, "I do not know." Rom. VII, 15. Verse 8, "for not toward us." See the scholion at page 266, 33.

Page 913, verse 26, "from the." "From the hidden things," Psalm XVIII, 13. Verse 31, "thoughts." II Cor. X, 5. Verse 43, "become, as." I Cor. IV, 1. Verse 6, from end, "patiently," (which also is with Plato, *para tō idiō idrōti*). Codex V and H. St., others *an idrōti*, and in the margin *to*. *anidrōti*. Verse 5, from end, at the margin H. St. is placed [ζ], by which it is indicated that something is missing. Verse 3, from end, "armor." Ephes. VI, 13.

Page 896, verse 24, "he entered the doors being shut." John XX, the same Athanasius (unless you think the five dialogues should be ascribed to St. Maximus the Confessor, whose works are found in the library of Augsburg, as elsewhere, and in the parchments), Dialog. 4; Epiphanius, pages 27, 256, 338, 431, 507. Verse 5, from end, "for before." See Basil the Great, homily 1 in Hexaemeron; Theodoret, quæst. 3 in Genesis.

Page 916, verse 3, "thoughts both." II Cor. X, 5. Rom. VI, 15. Verse 19, "and why." See above, 909, verse 44. Verse 22, "for I know." Rom. VII, 18. Verse 26, "new shoots." Verse 28, I. S. "new shoots." "by inspiration," I. Verse 33, "in the law indeed." "For I delight in the law of God according to the inward man," Rom. VII, 22. Verse 45, "to war against." Rom. VII, 23. Verse 47, *skirōsanta*. So all manuscripts (which in codex H. St. is marked as suspect), that is, "having hardened" [from *aposklēros*, by which Basil the Great in his homily on the XXXVII Psalm]; for Hesychius also explains *skirōsasthai* by *apoklērousthai* (as it should be read there). Whence *hē eskirmōmenē phantasia* near Justin Martyr. Phavorinus says *skirōsthai* is to be dry, in respect of dirt/filth being very persistent and hard to wash away, which notion of the verb uniquely fits here. Wherefore that *skirōsanta* did not need to be annotated. But in Philo, book *On Philanthropy*, page 483, instead of *speirontai*, I would prefer to read *skirrhountai* with the manuscript of Augsburg. Verse 3, from end, "he prays to be delivered," Rom. VII, 24. Verse alt., "hidden." Psalm XVIII, 13. Verse 23, *Agiaophōn*, cod. V. and H. St., also in this place. Verse 30, "through his indwelling." So also the old interpreter, Rom. VIII, 11, others "through his indwelling Spirit," Macarius homily 5 twice, and homily 20.

Page 920, verse 17, H. St. *chrōmena*. Verse 31, "We know," II Cor. V, 1.

Page 921, verse 1, "the whole world lies in the evil one." I John V, 19. Verse following, "the swift-fated." Pindar. In Xiphilinus "the swift poison," *accelerating death*. Verse 24, "a dwelling, a resting place," I. S. Verse 7, "For our dwelling place," II Cor. V, 2. Verse 11, "for through faith," II Cor. V, 7. Verse 13, "and not clearly." The negative *ou* is redundant, I. S. Verse 15, "that flesh and blood," I Cor. XV, 50, I. S. Verse 43, "as we have worn," I Cor. XV, 49. Verse 45, "Earth you are, and to earth you shall return." Gen. III, 10. Verse 50, "it is read also 'to live'." Verse last, "might be swallowed up," II Cor. V, 4, "so that the mortal might be swallowed up by life."

Page 924, verse 4, "that even the dead." I Thess. IV, 16. Verse 16, H. St. I. C. "fire, a chaste plant." This plant is mentioned in Leviticus XXIII, 40; Job XL, 17. Verse 33, John, Apoc. XX, 13. Verse 6, from end, "for a man indeed," I Cor. XI, 6.

Pag. 940, vers. 4, "The Lord created me," Prov. VIII, 22; Clem. Alex. *Protrept.* Which place of Scripture is taken concerning the eternity of the Son by Ignat. *epist.* 4; Naz. *Orat. de Filio*; Epiphan. lib. II *Contra Arianos*, p. 320; Damascen. lib. IV, cap. 95, *De orthodoxa fide*. Philo, lib. *De ebrietate*, quotes it somewhat differently: "God created me as the first of his works." ^A Vers. 30, "from the age," Psal. LXXXIX, 2, 4. Vers. 38, "the six-thousandth." Although there are many hallucinations in these pieces, the reason for which, on account of their absurdity, we have not included, yet we could not overlook this jest: "One day," he says, "is a thousand years before God. But from the creation to us are six thousand years. Therefore, six days have flowed from the creation to us. In the week," he says, "that is, in the seventh day or seventh millennium, the world will fail. Therefore," he says, "from the creation to the end of the world are thirteen days." But he ought to have said, "there are seven days." For in place of the seventh millennium, which should follow the six preceding millennia, he himself adds ^B seven millennia; which is truly a strange hallucination, caused by the word *hebdomas* (week/seven), which, as it is, he takes for seven, and errs by also using it for the seventh day. I. S. Vers. 46, "Sand of the seas." Siracid. I. Vers. 4, *Pr.* "For God is not." That God is not the author of evils, Basil the Great teaches, *hom. integra*; Chrysost. *orat. De providentia*. Philo lib. *De exsilio*.

Pag. 941, vers. 6, at the end in the margin of the codd. M. M. and H. St. 2, it is read: "For from these, and because the quality of bodies [you will show], if the union of qualities constitutes the body."

Pag. 944, vers. 1, "for if." H. St. 142, "for truly." Vers. eod., "from which cities or from which temples." I. S. Vers. 36, "Are evils therefore substances? For never was there once evil, nor did a root of vice exist, nor is there any substantial evil." Epiphan. *Contra Basil. et Manich.*; Naz. *in Nat. Chr.*, and his paraphrast; Damasc. lib. II *Orthod. fid.*, c. 46, who says the same reason ^C for vice is that which is for darkness—concerning which the same lib. I, cap. 22; Theodoret. *quaest.* 7, in *Gen.*; Basil. Magn. *hom.* 2 and 5 in *Hexaem.* Vers. 50, read in the margin "and that is evil."

Pag. 948, vers. 5, H. St. "the greatest things concerning this part." Vers. 34, scholion: "If concerning the whole, and not concerning the qualities, was the opposition; strong are the arguments." M. M. Vers. 36, 37, 39 and pag. 949, vers. 4, 7, "it shall be" should be rejected to the margin; for that is [what] M. [reads] in other codd. for "therefore," as it is read above for "if."

Pag. 949, vers. 7, scholion at the margin M. M.: "The argument is useful both to show that the whole is created, and [to show] that each of its ^D atoms is such, if indeed the atoms of the kinds receive the account; there is no necessity for the kinds of these." Vers. 45, "who also." H. St. 2. I. S. [reads] "from the Scriptures." Matth. XIX, 11; 1 Cor. VII, 28; Ignat. *epist.* 6. III 16. Vers. 11, "children." Jephthah, Judic. XI, 29. Vers. 21, "woman." "Beside the birth," Isidor. Pelus. lib. III, epist. 242; Symmachus however [writes] *andris*, by which the Hebraism is better expressed. Vers. 47, "they call [them] organs." I. S. Vers. 25, "For Babylon, disturbance or confusion." Gen. XI, 9, "that there the Lord confounded the lips of all the earth." Philo *De confusione linguarum*. Vers. 4, from end, "the willow." Levit. XXIII, 40; Isa. LVII, penultimate verse, "until [he] utterly destroys." Plin. lib. XVI, cap. 26, it is established that willow-seed is a medicine for woman's sterility. Vers. ult., "fruit-destroyers." Plin. ibid., so that *olesikarpos* here may be "that which destroys the birth," that is, the fruit of the womb. Naz. *Carm. against women adorning themselves*, vers. 53, he uses metaphorically... "and the grace, *olesikarpos* (fruit-destroying)." See the interpreter of Homer *Odyss.* K' and Theophrast. lib. III *De plantis*.

Pag. 953, vers. 1, "not to forget the bride the kin-"

-^Adred." Jerem. II, 32. Vers. 5, *stēthē* (breasts). The breast, according to Philo, pag. 570, is the "dwelling-place of passion." Whence that Sophoclean line: "Of noble men the breast is not softened." But *phrenes* (the midriff) sometimes means the same as the diaphragm (because when this is affected by inflammation, the mind is injured), as Pindar says, *Nem.* ode 7: "Having become enraged, the strong Aias drove his bright sword through his midriff."

Vers. 8, "Take for me a heifer." Gen. XV, 9. Vers. 9, *I.* three-year-old, and a three-year-old goat, and a ram. *Cod. V. A. St.* Vers. 27, "and you also," Luke XVII, 36. Vers. 30, *anaklinei* (shall recline). *Ibid.* 37. Vers. 34, "three of our age." Some establish just as many ages of this world: the first the rational, the second the passionate, the third the appetitive. See Suidas on the word *psyche*, and below 569, 10. Vers. 48, "having girded up their loins." I Pet. I, 13. Vers. 50, *sikera* (strong drink). *Sikera*, it is customary for the Hebrews to name any drink capable of causing drunkenness. Basil the Great. Vers. 8, at the end, "I am." John XV, 5. Vers. 5, at the beginning, "For from the vine." Deut. XXXII, 32.

Pag. 956, vers. 2, *pantē* (everywhere). *H. St.* *tautē* (here). Vers. 11, *ephoresan* (they bore), *cod. B. H. St. A. S.*, "rather of justice." These are very intricate. *I. S.* Vers. 19, *H. St.* *draseis* (actions), of taste, of smell, which last is found wanting in other manuscripts. Vers. 33, "for the oil for justice." For almsgiving, for charity, John Chrysostom, homily on the ten virgins. Vers. 34, *chronismon* (delay). Matt. XXV, 5. Vers. 42, "to the meeting of," I Thess. IV, 17. Vers. 50, "the chosen one," *H. St.*

Pag. 957, vers. 4, *aphthorō* (incorrupt). Vers. 8, *l.* "having sacrificed for her the fatted calf." Luke XV, 23, "which the heifer Mary bore," Chrysostom, homily on the prodigal son. Vers. 35, *hyphēgēsasthai* (to guide), *I. S.* Vers. 37, "that of the spiritual ogdoad," on this see Nazianzen, Homily on the New Sunday and on Pentecost; Gregory of Nyssa on Psalm VI; Basil the Great, book *On the Holy Spirit*, chap. 27.

Pag. 960, vers. 8, *H. St.* *hyporophion* (a ceiling beam), which poets generally use: Pindar, Theocritus, Nonnus. Vers. same, "in the diet of men." *Synanthrōpistikon* (befitting man), Basil the Great; *synanthrōpizon* (becoming man), Aristotle. Vers. 9, in the Psalm. Ps. LIV, 11, 13. Vers. 17, *cod. B.* "By divine virginity." The author of the *Etymologicum*, that it was given by God. Vers. same, *cod. V.* and *H. St.* *hypallagēn* (interchange). Vers. 22, the marginal reading *hairetē* (choicable) is a glossema. Vers. same, "because of *airein* (taking)." For virtue was named not only from *hairesis* (choice), but also from *hairesthai* (to be lifted up) (from *arsis* [lifting up], ms. August.); for it is lifted up and raised aloft, because it always loves the Olympians; but vice, from the fact that those who use it are forced to go to that which is below and to fall, Philo. Vers. 26, "My Son." Ps. II, 7. Vers. 5, at the end, *H. St.* "if it is the killing."

Pag. 961, vers. 23, *l.* *skia* (shadow). Heb. X, 24, but if *H. St.* "the image, the Gospel, of it." Vers. 26, in Leviticus XXIII, 42, "you shall dwell in booths seven days." Hence it is called the feast of booths, II Mach. I; otherwise the feast of *skēnopēgia* (tabernacles), Deut. XVI and XXXI, 10. Vers. 31, Judic. IX, 8; Suidas on Abimelech. Vers. 40, *l.* "until" *I. S.* Vers. 7, at the end, on the leaves. "With fig leaves," Gen. III, 7. Vers. 5, at the end, "mocked by wine." Gen. IX, 21. Vers. second to last, an incomplete sentence. It seems it should be filled out thus: "with the authority given to the apostles for the salvation of the world."

Pag. 964, vers. 8, "to the better" (Matt. XIV), Ps. LXXI, 15. Vers. 13, "for the fruit of the oil, compassion." Oil and mercy are paronymous, that is, the former is a type of the latter, as Clement of Alexandria also states, book I, *Paedagogus*, chap. 8. Vers. 17, "rhamnos (buckthorn) and *agnos* (chaste tree)." The *Etymologus* asserts the same, in whom the following is also read concerning Jezebel, hence redintegranda [to be restored]. Vers. 20, "to this virginity," *H. St.* Vers. 22, "*agnos* is from *dia pantos agneuein* (always to live chastely)." Dioscorides book I, *On Materia Medica*, chap. 136; Galen (tome II, book *On the Properties of Simple Medicines* II): "It also holds back desires for venery, both the toasted and the untoasted fruit; and the leaves and flowers of the shrub can do the same. So that it is believed to contribute to chastity not only when eaten and drunk [Ald. *agnoian* (ignorance) mistakenly], but also when spread out as a bed. For these reasons, therefore, the women at the Thesmophoria at Athens spread the whole shrub for themselves." Hence also this... for itself. See the *Etymologum* on *Agnos* in *Moschoisi logoisin*, or on *rhamnos*. Vers. 25, "under the rhamnos." III Kings XIX, 4, there in the Plantin edition *ratham*, Chrysostom, *Homily on the beheading of John the Baptist*; *rhameth*, cod. August. ms. as some printed; *rhathen* in another ms. August.; *arkeuthē rhathen*; where perhaps *arkeuthon* (juniper) should be read; a kind of prickly plant in the ms. Lexicon; name of a barren tree, Scholiast on Theocritus. Vers. 26, "that of the fugitives." These words are brought forward in the *Etymologicum* as an explanation of the preceding. Vers. 28, "wood, planted by the arch-virgin Christ for those aspiring to chastity," *Etymol.* Vers. 45, "to smell of" ... "bruises," Ps. XXXVII, 5.

Pag. 965, vers. 8, *l.* *kosmogeneias* (creation of the world). "To rule over the fish." Gen. I, 27. Vers. 11, "from the Scripture," *I. S.* Vers. 22, *anthrōpomorphon* (anthropomorphic). "When they are depicted anthropomorphically," *N. Z.* on Herod.

Pag. 968, vers. 5, "in the six and fourth years." A glossema of the Christians: Josephus does not say this. *I. S.* Vers. 18, "mighty." Josephus, book IV, chap. 16, "powerful"; I do not think it worth the trouble to note these and similar things, since the author is extant: wherefore, both here and elsewhere, I shall leave whatever excerpts remain to be compared by the reader's own study with the editions. Vers. 32, "contrived for Herod," *I. S.* Vers. 33, "together with him," the same. Vers. 6, at the end, "ulceration of the intestines." *Antiq.* book XV, chap. 7. Vers. 5, at the end, "upright breath." "Upright tension of breath," ibid., which in book I, *On the Capture*, chap. 21, [he calls] the same *orthopnoia* (upright breathing) and *dyspnoia* (difficulty in breathing). Vers. 3, at the end, "all the years." "Seventy," which is perhaps omitted through the fault of the copyist: in the Vatican codex also, a space of one word is left between *sympanta* (all) and *basileusas* (reigning). Vers. second to last, "seven and thirty." Book XVII, chap. 10.

Pag. 969, vers. 4, at the end, "cupbearer." *Antiq.* book XIV, chap. 19.

Pag. 972, vers. 4, "of Hymenaios," *cod. I. V. Menaioy*, the printed editions: *Mennaiou*. Vers. 18, *l.* "was married." "While being captured," and *I. S.* Vers. 8, *l.* "by the Jerusalemites," *I. S.* Vers. 20, "the boy receives." Book XIV, chap. 23. Vers. 21, "Barzapharnes," Josephus ibid.

Pag. 973, vers. 10, "he killed the man." Josephus, book XV, chap. 9, "he did away with the man." "At that time he happened to be more than [eighty] years old." Vers. 31, "to dwell in Bienna of Galilee, a city of Galatia," Josephus, book XVII, chap. 1, *I. S.* also warned that *tēs Galatias* (of Galatia) or *tēs Gallias* (of Gaul) should be read. Vers. 36, "of brother Herod." Josephus, book XVII, chap. 7, "of Philip," from the *Gospel History*, *I. S.* Vers. 42, "Josephus says," Ibid.

Pag. 976, vers. 1, "to Janus." "To Sejanus against the reign of Tiberius," the same Josephus, book ibid., chap. 9. Vers. 8, "to the Lyonese." For they used to say *ta Lougdouna* (the Lyonese) and *ta Bourdigala* (Bordeaux), and so above in this same author. *I. S.* Vers. same, "in eternal flight." Josephus ibid., "and he punished him with eternal exile, having designated Lugdunum, a city of Gaul, as his dwelling place." Vers. 14, "the James" is not read in the mss. Vers. 18, "with the, beyond measure," *I. S.* "he did not rebuke." "The king did not rebuke them for these things, nor did he shake off the impiety of their flattery," Josephus. Vers. 28, "of the bubo." The same, book XX, chap. ult. Vers. 38, "Drusila," Drusilla, Josephus. Vers. 46, "he sets out for Rome."

^A At Rome he was at that time, idem. Vers. 49, "Fadus," Cuspium Fadum, ibid. Vers. 53, "he bestows," Josephus, book XX, chap. 5. Vers. 7, "in Batanaea," cod. V. and B. "Catanaea." Vers. 6, from the end, "Lysanias." Ibidem in the interpreter it is read "Lysia," through a scribe's error, instead of "Lysanias." Vers. 4, from the end, "to him who is circumcised," "to him who wished to be circumcised." Vers. penultimate, "to Felix," Acts XXIV, 24.

Page 977, vers. 1. Josephus and Acts XXV, 14, "Bernice." Vers. 6, "having given the ten [pieces of gold] about her," I. S. Vers. 7, "he made a speech," Acts XXXI. Vers. 18, "he was bold." "The manner," Josephus, book XX, chap. 8. Vers. 24, "of the Lord. Jesus who is called Christ," Josephus, ibid. Vers. 28, "Damneus," Damnaeus, Josephus. Vers. 30, "That Aaron," book XX, chap. 8, idem. Vers. 36, "eighty-three years." Josephus says, "three and eighty," namely, "the high priests all in number." Vers. 41, "aristocratic," idem. Vers. 51, instead of "Amathie from the high priest," it should undoubtedly be read "along with Josedek the high priest." For thus Josephus [says], "and he took the high priest Josadakin prisoner." Vers. 52, "the...?" Hence Josephus should perhaps be corrected, who has 460. Vers. 6, from the beginning, "one then of the..." "Jesus son of Josedek," idem. Vers. 3, from the beginning, "414," four hundred and fourteen. Vers. penultimate, "whom Menelaus by name," idem, a mode of expression in Josephus. Vers. last, "and they substitute." "And having expelled the son of the succession, they appoint Jachim," Josephus.

Page 980, vers. 4, I. "having feared for the temple of God," in a manner similar to Josephus. Vers. 11, "John," Jonathan, Josephus. Vers. 33, "the life." "To Alexandra," Idem. Vers. 34, A. S. "utterly," or Thucydides, book IV, Procopius, and others for "with might," which Josephus used. Separately, in cod. B. M. M. as Theocritus, Idyll. XVI, vers. 89: ^B "Of those hostile, as many as hands have mangled utterly." See Suidas. Vers. 39, "Barzapharnes," Josephus. Vers. 40, "of Parthia." The same, perhaps more correctly; for Philo also calls the Parthians "Parthians," and elsewhere "Parthyans," and Parthia itself "Parthya." Vers. 48, "no longer those [from] the," Josephus. Vers. 51, "not even with the sister," idem. Vers. 3, from the end, "Titus burned," Josephus.

Page 981, vers. 4, "Chrestomathia." For the epitome of Strabo is "a Chrestomathia from Strabo," that is, laudable passages collected from Strabo's geographies: so these four books of Proclus are inscribed "Chrestomathia of Grammar by Proclus," that is, golden selections by Proclus from grammarians. For that the discussion of the types of poems was of the grammarians, one Diomedes will be a trustworthy witness, who spent his third book of the *Grammatical Institutions* in large part on it. To this is added the work of Photius, who also set this aside from these selections of the grammarians by Proclus. Now Proclus had been a student of the *Epitomes*, as his auditor, and successor in the profession of the Platonic school, as Marinus Neapolitanus observed in his life. Nor is it strange: for he learned from boyhood most studiously mathematics from Hero, which, content with their own scholarly dust, repudiate "superfluous things." And Hero himself, as appears from his *Treatises*, was most fond of brevity. Hence that "Elements of Platonic Theology" of Proclus [in bibl. Aug.], admirable, than which nothing is shorter, nothing in that kind more perfect. Very similar to this is that other one of his, which is commonly circulated, and by Themistius is seen to be a summary "of the things said by Aristotle concerning motion," yet more mathematical, than which nothing is more suitable for book VI of Aristotle's *Physics*, and other theorems of the same concerning motion to be clearly perceived and memorized. Furthermore, for all knowledge to be certainly known and firmly remembered, no ratio of epitome is more accurate, nor more congruent to the inner senses of Aristotle. But [he is] more copious in his *Commentaries* on the use of Aristotelian logic. Johannes Nunesius. The notes of the same Nunesius, as also of Andreas Schottus, [as] second thoughts, in this *Chrestomathia* of Proclus, we will take care to be printed separately. ^C Vers. 5, "in four." A. S. says this fragment was compiled from no more than two books. Vers. 30, A. S. 1. "Phaemonoe," Pausanias in *Phocica* [se-cuws]. Clem. Alex. *Stromata*: "They say the Heroon, the hexameter, Phano-thea the wife of Icarus; but others [say] Themis, one of the Titans, found it." Plutarch, book *Concerning the Pythia not giving oracles in verse now*, says this was the first heroic verse heard: "Bring wings, O birds, and wax, O bees." Vers. 37. "Homer the poet." "The poet Homer," "among ten thousand poets, is called par excellence; and the black, with which we write, although everything [ms. 'everything'—is black that is not white; [it is black in reality, ms.] and the archon at Athens the eponymous, and the best of the nine archons, from whom the years are numbered, Philo book *On Abraham*. "It being customary thus for men sometimes to address the chief [things] of those in the genus by the name of the genus, just as, when they say 'by the poet' this epic [was said], and 'by the poetess' this [was said], for we all hear Homer called indeed 'the poet,' and Sappho 'the poetess.' And thus they call the lion 'the beast' par excellence, and other such things they name par excellence," Galen, in the book *That the habits of the soul follow the temperaments of the body*. Vers. 43, "of the epic cycle." Concerning this, consult Is. Casaubon, *Animadversions on Athenaeus*, book VII, chap. 3. Vers. last, "Stasinus." Is. Casaubon, ibid.

Page 984, vers. 13, "Callinus" or "Callinus," Terentianus Maurus, I. S. Vers. 40, "prosodion." Philo, book *On the Contemplative Life*, at the end: "at that time indeed the prosodia [ms. prosodia] then also stasima, making strophes and antistrophes in use." Plutarch, *Life of Aemilius Paulus*, "a melody [was] not prosodion and processional, but with which the Romans, urging them on, encouraged them." In which places I think it [is] more correctly written with an omicron, from *hodos* [way], than with an omega, from *ode* [song]. Especially since also the grammarians derive it *para to pros-ienai* [from coming forward]. Vers. 50, "apostolic." Is. Casaubon, *Animadversions on Athenaeus*, book XIV, chap. 7. Vers. 7, from the end, "hy-dein," I. S.

Page 988, vers. 3, "pyrrhiche." Lucian, whence the "pyrrhichist" [is] near him.

Page 989, vers. 19, "having let down the hair," I. S. Vers. 42, "full of blooming things," idem. Vers. 45, "and to rule, Theseus." Plutarch in *Life of Theseus*.

Page 992, vers. 6, "of care." "It must be understood," or another such verb, Fridericus Sylburgius: whose notes on these excerpts of Proclus are published with the *Syntax* of Apollonius Alexandrinus at Frankfurt by the Wecheli, in the year 1590.

Page 993, vers. 37, "the earth is a center." Plutarch, book *On the Soul*. Vers. 3, from the end, "for the Spirit of God was moving above the water." Others understand the Holy Spirit, others "the diffusion of air," that is, the element of air; as is to be seen from homily 2 of Basil the Great, and Theodoret, quest. 8 in Genesis.

Page 996, vers. 12, "with heaven." Epiphanius, book II, *Against Paul of Samosata*. See August. book II, cod. 9, and 19. Vers. 32, "Life of Apollonius." [It has been] said above, that it was printed by the Aldine press. Vers. 48, "to the of the," I. S. ibid. in the margin of the cod. M. M. it is read: "Note the solecism; you will find many such things in the writings of Philostratus. For he delights in such things, if anyone else of the sophists [does]."

Page 997, vers. 11, "To the Caucasus." "This mountain, the Caucasus, rises to such a height, that neither rains nor snows ever touch its peaks; for it happens that it is higher than all the clouds; but the parts in between are continually full up to the last times. And from it the foothills are reaching to be very high, in nothing inferior to other crags in the mountains. And of the slopes of the Caucasus foothills, some turned toward the North wind and the setting sun extend to the Illyrians and Thracians; but others toward the rising sun and the South wind reach as far as the passages, [and] the things inhabited there." ^D

419

NOTES OF DAVID HOESCHEL ON THE BIBLIOTHECA OF PHOTIUS

The Hunnic hordes are driven into the land of the Persians and Romans; of these, one is called Tzour, and the other gateway was of old called the Caspian, Procop. lib. IV, *De Gotth.* Verse 39, "Nysian, indeed." That Dionysus was called Nysaean from Nysa in Arabia, Diodorus Siculus is the authority, lib. I and lib. IV, saying he was named Dionysus from his father and the place. And at the beginning of book IV, that he received this appellation from Zeus and Nysa. Verse 2nd from end, 1. those around Apollonius I. S. Page 1000, verse 15, cod. B. and A. S. "of Porus." Max. Tyr. *discourse* 58. Verse last, "and he will meet him as he departs." Thus, the certain property of *eryngium* is, about which Plutarch says: "the eryngite," or (as the same person calls it in his *Symposiaca*) "the eryngium," which, when a single goat has taken into its mouth, the whole herd stands still until the goatherd approaches and takes it out. Page 1001, verse 8, Philostratus lib. III, cap. 1, "in the recesses of the mountain, and that which is hollow of it." Verse 14, "a lion is placed upon a monkey, while sick." Horapollo, lib. II, *Hieroglyph.* cap. 16. Page 1004, verse 4, 1. "fiery and saw-toothed," a crest, namely, which he calls *lophia* [mane/crest]. I. S. Verse 30, "casting upon the sand," I. S. Verse 35, "flashing colors," the same. Page 1005, verse 11, at the end, *kyneioi*. "These are they whom we call *courtesii* and *acrobouzini*," margin M. M. Page 1008, verse 10, 1. "to the fountains," cod. B. A. S. I. S. Verse 15, "leathern bags," these I. S. Verse 17, "to smell of fish," the same. Verse 21, "upon the hands" I. S. Verse 26, "to call Serila the parts of this island turned towards the sea." "It is indeed" the same. Verse 30, "the sea itself" the same. Verse 34, "alabastron." "The alabaster," Plut. in *Life of Timoleon*, and with the epenthesis of the letter *rho*, "alabastron," IV Reg. xxi, 13, "the alabaster;" Clem. Alex. lib. II, *Paedag.* cap. 2, "the alabastron;" Theocr. *Idyll.* xv, verse 114, "a vessel capable of ointment;" Schol. Verse 6, at the end, *ebinna*. By others it is called *byla* I. S. Page 1009, verse 20, "it sends forth measures," the same. Verse 26, "Isles of the Blessed." Concerning these, Plut. in *Life of Sertorius*; Diod. Sicul. lib. III; Plin. lib. VI, cap. 32. Page 1012, verse 18, 1. "to be full, and of hours." "Of Attica the" I. S. Verse penult., "commensurate to both of the Indians, so many having been composed" I. S. Page 1016, verse 8, "settled upon wagons," I. S. Verse 11, "Nasamones." "Nasamones," Dio Chrys. *orat.* 72, "Nasamones"; Diod. S. lib. III; Strabo, lib. II and XVII. Page 1017, verse 12, "he said." "He records," cod. V. Verse same, "that one" M. Verse 33, "And Pythagoras." This line with the following has much darkness; wherefore Philostratus himself should be consulted at the beginning of book I. Verse 35, "they resounded," *they made noise*, I. S.; that here many things do not cohere well, is my witness. Verse 39, "partaking of some of the cycle around it." "For indeed those of prophetic nature" the same. Verse 44, "shaking their wings (as they are wont), they sounded all at once." "Or also some race of men has appeared with musical nostrils, just as they say of swans with their wings," Dio Chrysost. See supra 355, 30, and infra page 605, 13. Verse 48, "they were carried along." *Skeptolai*. Do not wonder, reader, that these are printed so confusedly: for neither are these terms [?], nor are these anything but fragments, that is, elegances or flowers culled from the whole Oration. Just as the following passage, entire in Philostratus, reads thus: "For they take hold of luxury rather, *skeptolai*," and the things that follow. Page 1020, verse 51, "vipers being born, destroying [the mother]." Herodot. *Thalia*; Basil. Magn. *hom.* in *Hexaem.* and *hom.* against usurers, and against envy. Isid. Pelus. lib. I, *epist.* 105. Verse 53, many things here are missing, which are to be patched up from Philostratus. Page 1021, verse 14, "other things, which of healing" I. S. Verse 15, "the griffins among the Indians." The same supra 1004. Verse 46, "*asphalios*" per *i* in the penultimate. Plut. *Life of Theseus* and Oppianus lib. 5 *Halieuticon*, verse last. Verse 49, "from symbols" I. S.

420 Page 1024, verse 1, "drought" I. S. Verse last, "that Apollo said to know the sand." Basil. Magn. *Hom. against Sabellians*, "the insolence of demons," [apud Herodotum lib. I]. "I know the number of the sand and the measures of the sea." Pind. *Olymp.* ode 13: "As for what is clear, I could not tell The number of the pebbles of the sea." Verse I. S. same, "How many to number." "How to number." Page 1025, verse 36, "tumbling upon upright swords." "Against swords," Chrysost. *epist.* 18, to Olympias: "into swords"; Aelian. *epist.* 16; Isidor. Pelus. lib. III, *epist.* 65. Page 1028, verse 28, "Life of Isidore." That Damascius wrote this life of Isidore is clear partly from those things which are read above, page 408, verse 32; partly from Suidas, and finally from those things placed below, page 1045, verse 5, at the end, [1072 blank] 20. Verse 41, "from thirds, instead of the third." These are superfluous; they pertain to p. 1033, verse 17, I. S. It seems to be a scholion, marked on the margin of cod. H. St. Page 1029, verse 3, *Iso.* "of that being pronounced" I. S. Page 1032, verse 8, "to feign vice." Basil. Magn. *Hom. in Ps.* 41, "There are many who, accepting wicked deeds, call the witty man 'debonair,' the scoundrel 'statesman,' the bitter and irascible man 'indisdainful'; the stingy and unsociable man they praise as 'thrifty'; the profligate as 'liberal'; the lewd and wanton as 'one who is pleasure-seeking and free'; and, in a word, they feign every vice as the virtue that is near it." Verse 10, read [these things seem to me to have become worthy of blame.] Scholion in the margin H. St. "This was on the front of the original book, but the transcriber also put this inside." That is; these words (enclosed in brackets) were on the front of the page in the old book; but the scribe replaced them in the context. Verse 27, read "and the one to advance most according to reason which any one might have." Verse 41, after "poets" those things which are desired can be supplied from Suidas; "but the one according to passion," etc., in the entry "soul," where this place is cited without witness, although also below, page 1064, verse 25. Verse 31, "and towards [the] simplicity." And these are read in the entry "simplicity" in Suidas. Verse 38, *diathetes*. That is, manager, curator, the same in the mention of this place. Verse 49, "having taken beforehand." "Having taken and having taken in addition," I. S. Verse 7, at the end, 1. "of a perceived disbelief," the same. Verse 6, at the end, "Not to think." Words of Aeschylus in *Amphiaraus*. Page 1033, verse 1, "there virtue is distinguished of men," H. St. I. S. Verse 16, "and from third again." These are clearly the things which at page 1028 are read in an alien place, "from the," and the glossema "instead of the third," that is, *element*, I. S. Verse 12, *anchinoun* [prudent] and verse 29, *anchinoian* [prudence]. See Suid. Verse 26, "to purge." Verse 10, at the end, "as Pindar said." Pind. *Pyth.* ode 3. Page 1036, verse 31, "of gods near-sown." Lucian in *Demosth.* "of souls as many as are near to Zeus, and near-sown to gods," says the Tragedian [Euripides]. See above 1052. Verse 19, 35, "Marinas." Above 412. Verse 13, "to be sufficient the things of the master," *Commentaries on the dialogue*, Suid. in "Martino"; which words I judge to be a glossema. Verse 47, H. St. *dromene* [being seen], and the other reading in the margin: but I. S. "to walk in truth by one road not being seen, being driven together." Verse 49, "the blind being led the right way," the same. Verse 8, at the end, "al." [others] "commanded." Verse 7, at the end, "knowing the word, I do not say as not even H. St." Verse last, "to have taken counsel," the same. Verse penul., "no one was so." Suid. in *ateramon*. Page 1037, verse 11, "the old proverb." Aristot. lib. i *Rhet.* cap. *On pleasure*, "like pleases like." Aristaenet. "for like is needed, and the old word."

^A verse as: "to gladden one’s peer." Verse 13, "You might say." A scholion seems to be included, up to "that they are guards." Verse 18, H. St. and Suid. "small guards." Verse 24, "venerable." H. St., "unchangeable." Verse 48, "the God of the Hebrews," the same. Verse vii, H. St., "to be rid of [him] beforehand graciously."

Page 1040, verse 3, "having been let down," I. S. thus also Suid. and H. St. Verse 24, H. St., "Antillas." A. S. and H. St. 2, "Atillas." M. M., "Atillas." Verse 25, "impetuous," H. St. Verse 29, "but the most absurd thing is, that, they say, because." Verse 38, H. St., "that these [things] indeed [are] the other." Verse 40, "not for long," the same. Verse 46, "nor defined," H. St. Verse penult., "has been reached," I. S.

Page 1041, verse 2, "but also of those concerning," I. S. Verse, cod. "Attila," H. St. Verse 4, "Balimeris." M alone here, "Valemeris." Verse 25, "but to behold," H. St. Verse 46, "That [the] through the clouds [divination]..." I. S., H. St. Scholion there in cod. M. M.: "Concerning divination through the clouds, that it was discovered through a woman called Anthousa, and how, and that during the days of Emperor Leo the Macedonian."

Page 1044, verse 3, "that [the] Sothis." Horapollo, book 1, chapter 3; Plutarch, book *On Isis*. Verse 8, "Some escaped notice." A new paragraph. Verse 9, "an offering." "A votive offering or statue, as Thucydides says." Scholion in cod. H. St. and M. M. Verse 15, "rises." H. St., "uncovers." Ibid., "gable." "What we call a *myskin*, because it has the shape of wings, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus says." Scholion, H. St. and M. M. Verse 18, "This [man is] gentle." See Suid. in *Ermeias*. Verse 5, which [has] "a clear diminutive articulated" and H. St. 2, "a diminutive, and articulated clearly."

Page 1045, verse 18, "full of a philosopher," H. St. Verse 25, concerning Superianus and Lachares, consult Suidas. Verse 40, "That the author says..." I. S. Verse 49, "to that of Quirinus." H. St., "of Darinus or Dorinus," but that [reading] "of Quirinus" [is] in the cod. Verse 2 ult., "Iphicratidas." See above, p. 993. Verse same, H. St., "sandals"; H. St. 2, "sandals."

Page 1048, verse 3, "with a lovely crest." Suid. Verse 6, "Gizerich," H. St. Verse 48, "in the hieroglyphics." Horapollo, book 1, chapter 56, whom also consult concerning the crocodile, the lizard, etc.

Page 1049, verse 8, "That what was in [it]," H. St. Verse 15, "Osiriads upon the body," the same; but in the margin another reading. Verse 19, "and [there] was of him also [the]..." H. St. Verse 30, "the Roman emperor of Greek mind," H. St. Verse 32, "prostrate," the same. Verse 41, "[He] Pamprepius [is] a grammarian by craft." Suid. Verse same, "I am not." And here a new paragraph. Verse 45, "the Euboean, to whom as much as possible of [the]..." H. St.

Page 1052, verse 1, "not in the measuring," I. S. and mss. Verse 6, H. St., "a physician, who by birth is near to [the] Alexandr[ians]." Verse 12, "others many strange things," H. St. Verse 24, "impious." H. St., "destitute." Verse 39, H. St., "to eat mallow." "Mallow," H. St. 2.

Page 1053, verse 30, "the Attis." "The Attis, -ou: or Attis, -idos," Lucian, Diod. S. Verse 47, H. St., "it broke apart towards the depth already much of the waters; and."

Page 1056, verse 4, "clad in a millet-colored [garment], with purples," the same. Verse 8, "not [the] *outon* but towards the...," H. St. Verse 24, "towards a mountain settled on that called Argarizon." He calls it Argarizum, or rather Hargirum, the mountain Garizin [which is] spoken of in the sacred Letters (Garizin, Deut. xi, 29; Judg. ix, 7; Garizin, II Mach. vi, 2). The first syllable is a Hebrew word which signifies "mountain." Thus the Greeks often join two Hebrew words into one: as in Euphrates, and in many others. I. C. Verse 31, H. St., "of the Abrahamic religion." Verse 43, "the best leader." These three lines, as is certain, having been here interpolated from elsewhere, I would not rashly say whence they were dislocated. I. S. Verse 47, "and [the] of the body." The beginning of this history is missing; and many things in these excerpts *concerning Isidore* are headless and incomplete. Idem. Verse 3, & fin., "to turn one's back." Lucian, *Lexiphane*, "having turned each other’s backs." ^B

Page 1057, verse 16, "those [determining] the counsel," H. St. Verse 19, "successors," the same. Verse 33, "Asclepiodotus. Who already was betrothing [himself] with careful precision." Repeat "to the extreme." Then, "a spring pouring forth." But one must deliberate further, for all these [things are] very suspicious, I. S. Verse 34, "a spring pours forth." In cod. B. and H. St. is the beginning here of a new period; and in cod. A. S., "Isidore" [is] between two dots. Verse 40, "the Egyptian woman's daughter," there exists an epistle of Synesius. Concerning the same's being carried [or: concerning her being laid out], Suidas. Verse 41, "of geometry in truth," I. S., H. St. Verse pen., H. St., "most learned." Verse 5, *a fin.*, H. St., "being indeed terrible." Verse 4, *a in.*, "concerning him and through greed," the same. Verse ult., "altogether base." Manifest hiatus; but such scraps are loosely scattered across the whole page, I. S.

Page 1060, verse 38, H. St., "being on the tomb [carrying] the censer." "Carrying the censer for a funeral." But all are suspicious, "coiled" and "nothing sound," I. S. Verse 42, H. St., "of the middle [things]." Verse 4, *a in.*, "of stubbornness," H. St., "of intractability," but the former [is] in the other. Verse ult., "we have fortified," I. S. Verse same, H. St., "of emperors. Having heard."

Page 1061, verse 10, "with densely shaded [trees]," the same. Verse 12, "sprouting upon," I. S.

Page 1064, verse 15, H. St., "taught." Verse 19, "was sending forth," the same. Verse 23, H. St., "matter." Verse 24, "for there is some demon. I myself heard concerning such a demon in Greece from the locals in those parts of Parias, where he appears, concerning whom they also said other things more paradoxical, worthy of silence rather than of narration." Scholion, M. M. Verse 27, "the Baetyl, another to another." Cod. B., M. M., and H. St. 2, "of the Baetyls another." Verse 39, H. St., "to restrain." "Except [from those] impiously otherwise, against." Verse 41, "1. judgment. Neither (al. not) any of those," H. St. Verse 6, *a fin.*, H. St., "but to this one indeed is a sign of an uneducated [person]." Verse 5, *a fin.*, I., "of choice." "A little" is indeed a part of another fragment, which in Suidas is read in the life of Asclepiodotus [as] the extremes. "May these have been written down by me, returning a few [things] as a gift instead of many." Verse 3, *a fin.*, I., "in dreams." [Kredemnon, Ph. D. R. P. E. H.] included in brackets, in the old cod. in capital letters. Concerning which N. M. [wrote] these things to me: "If the whole scope of the life of Isidore were present to me, perhaps I would not have missed the mark in the meaning of the names you have written. But nonetheless, receive these from me as they might be in the interval. I think *Phosonion* means a sacred garment, which the subdeacons who minister among us wear, which is otherwise called a *sticharion*. And *orarion*, which hangs from [the] same [shoulders] on each of [the] shoulders, down to the feet, and this is a sacred vestment, which also ought to be written [as] such. And the *rho*, I think, of *horaiou* (beautiful), or *hierou* (sacred), ought to be read." Verse ult., "Hegis." Suidas attributes that to the comic poet. "All [people prefer] to have it better for themselves than for another. For to each [man] there is the desire for the good [directed] towards oneself rather than towards another." ^C

Page 1065, verse ult., "That there are three [things]." See page 1033, 26, and the scholion there.

Page 1068, verse 12, "stubbornness." Cod. V., A. S., and Suid. above 1060, verse 4 *a fin.*, cod. B, A. S., M. M., "cheating." Verse 6, *a fin.*, "with reverence at once and fear to behold," H. St., that "with reverence" is read also in cod. M. u. Verse pen., "tone," I. C., "drinking." See Suidas in [the entries for] Salustius and *pinos*. ^D

Page 1069, verse 2, 1., "is taken," I. S. Verse 6, H. St. 2, M. M., and cod. B., "shone forth above." Verse 7, those words "instead of looking, carefully observing" (sic H. St. verse, for "examining") are to be included in brackets, I. S. [who] explains the entire passage thus: "In a dream many times he was present, as the epic says, but once also he appeared while awake, the phantom overlooking the man contrary to the usage of the many. No one is so deafened to the divine, etc." These are the words of the historian. To that *periorōmenon* (overlooking), a glossema is added, "instead of looking, carefully examining." To those, *ENAN*

and *T. T. P. X.*, an added glossema: "it remained unimpeded, [the... of the... ]," where not only glossae have crept into the text, but it has also been corrupted. But not even in this way has this passage been provided for. For what follows are fragments, and, as I said, limbs of a torn-apart body. Verse 9, H. St., "according to man." Verse 15, *stastsiōtai*. P. reads *synathiāsōtai*, but I would not rashly change it. I. C.; for here also is another excerpt. Verse 19, *exedōken iknoumenō* (he gave to the suppliant), H. St. See page following, verse 17. Verse 28, read *aporrhētos*, "nor, having been called upon for Venus, childless," the same. Verse 24, "a childless life." Suidas in *Hilario*. Verse 36, *Ms.* *epitoka*, see above 1956, 1. Herodotus, "having a daughter ready to give birth." Lucian, "For the wretched woman is burdened in her belly, and is almost ready to give birth" (*epitex*). Phrynichus, "Antiphanes the comedian said *epitokos* (child-bearing) woman, when he ought to have said *epitex* (about to give birth)." Verse 41, *anakōchazein* (to hold back). Procopius, lib. IV: "Each side held back their ships, and having gathered them into a narrow space, they encouraged the soldiers." Xiphilin uses this in *Trajan*. Verse 42, read *ommachoiou*. For another [term is] *omakoion* (rumor/noise) of Pythagoras in Clement of Alexandria, *Strom*. I. Verse 49, H. S. "of the beings above existence in Hades, in the [books] of Firmus." Firmus wrote *annoptika*, on the authority of Pliny. Verse 5, from the end, *toin cheroin*. Cod. B. A. S. H. St. ^B Page 1072, verse 1, "as he demonstrated." *Oi* H. St. Verse 2, "was the body," cod. V. H. St. Verse 34, H. St. *orthoito* (they might be set right). I. S., *ōthounto* (they were pushed). Verse 28, "but he did not step upon the four years." End-of-line of a pentameter. I. S. Verse 25, "the generalship," I. C. H. St. Verse 28, "he was turned away." Scholion: "Look at the schemes of the kings, and their failures." Verse 32, "general." Zeno, in the margin of codex R. M. H. H. St. Verse 59, *Ermenerichou*. Codex V, *Ermenerikou*. Codex B, *Armerichou*. M. M., *Armenerichou*. Verse 48, *hē chrēmaia*, Themistius, hence "the seller of trifles," Lucian. Verse 49, "When," and verse 8 from the end, "*Pephykasi* (they are by nature)," are fragments of fine speech, as he calls it, that is, of phrasing. Verse 7, from the end, "to celebrate virtue in a life hating action." Scholion M. M.: "This is true, if it is well accomplished. But it is hard to accomplish, as I have experienced. And rather where virtue is not present, but vice, it is praised and progresses." Verse last, "those in the corner." "Not all, but the majority, by disparaging vice, preserve virtue unchanged in their deeds," Scholion in the same codex M. M. ^C Page 1073, verse 37, "and having called for a paean." These words are missing in codex H. St., for which I. S. reads "and having called with herbs," *recreatum herbis et medicamentis*. *Esmounon pipton* eight. Verse 37, "cuts off." Scholion: "Well done to you for this mythical temperance." M. M. Verse 43, H. St. *Sadouka*. Verse 44, "he demonstrated," the same. Verse 8, from the end, "common." H. S. far off, "Chaldaean." Page 1076, verse 15, *Imbriou*. Annotations edited separately with H. St., which we have generally followed. Verse 17, *Hypereidou*, H. St. *Hyperidou*, the rest of the codices and Plutarch. Page 1077, verse 18, "I suspect Aeschines becoming a stelesman before God." A glossema of these [things] are those which are interposed, "instead of, triumphing on a stele, of which he dared." I. S. Verse 24, "but nevertheless." What is read in these excellent Eclogues should have been distinguished and started from the beginning according to their members, *stēliten*, is the beginning of the excerpt: *achl' homōs* (but nevertheless), another excerpt: *phtheirousi men* (they destroy, indeed), another. Also new beginnings were to be added to these. That is, each should have begun its own line. In the same way it should have been done in the preceding ones regarding Isidore, and others, where a great confusion among these distinctions was being discussed. ^D So further, verse 44, *kainologeitai* (he introduces new terms) is the beginning; and verse 44, *anthrōpos* (man), another; or 46, *di' hous ēirthē* (through whom he was raised), another; and 49, *alla to men Thēbōn* (but the one of Thebes), another; and so in all the excerpts of Himerius and others. I. S. Verse 10, *ho hyperephēbei tous Hell*. (he surpassed the Greeks), I. S. Verse 3, from the end, "thus, of the shameful, if he was proved wicked." The same. Page 1080, verse 2, "I will loosen the laws, I said," [...] and. I. S. Verse 4, "neither do I pledge to the master of the Phocians, when he commands another." Idem and H. St. Verse 21, "the clod and the cup; earth and water," Herodotus. I. S. Page 1081, verse 6, "they exceed expectations, thus he took Sardis." For *to hēgēsasthai* (the thinking) is redundant. I. S. Verse 34, *hēs enybrizei* (which he insults), H. St. Verse 35, "to the king," the same. Verse 41, *bradeōs anti tou ton tropon* (slowly instead of the way), the same. But codex H. St. [reads] "slowly, just now, the way of Aeschines (and) keep yourselves." Page 1085, verse 22, *ou panta* (not all things), I. S. Verse 25, *hō dē*, H. St. and I. S. Verse eod., "these *ge* *n. e. t. d.* to be accepted," I. S. Page 1088, verse 18, "with wealth and money there is not virtue, [but] strength of body is virtue," *yper*. I. S. Verse 20, "Anaxagoras." Plutarch in *Vita Periclis*. Verse 31, "Democritus." Philo, lib. *De vita Theoret*. The same records concerning both. Verse eod. "he willingly loosened his body." Gellius, lib. X, cap. 18. Verse 41, *periergountos epholk.* I. S. Page 1089, verse 3, "he wishes to punish," I. S. Verse 24, *Ēdikētai*. Here begins another excerpt from the argument of the father, who killed his son caught with his mother as an adulterer, which all adds nothing to the argument of the prior excerpt, by which Epicurus was being accused of impiety. I. S. Verse 27, "he heals by hiding." The same. Verse 3, from the end, "it is allowed to me." These glossemata crept into the text from the margin. They are glossemata *BON*, *EXESTI MOI* (it is allowed to me), he says, I. S. Verse last, *aneuthunon* (unaccountable). *To echein* (the having), the same. Page 1092, verse 17, "has it not been done? A holy adultery has been dared through sophisms, and a wretched son against his wretched mother out of an unholy mixing bowl," I. S. Page 1100, verse 46, "for the one before bringing back." Regarding the fact that one must punish enemies in a time of humiliation, so that they may not bring back [harm], and be avenged, M. M. Page 1104, verse 20, The same. Scaliger, "for cities are men, etc." For it is proverbial, and certainly it was conceived thus as a proverb: "For cities are men, not houses." (Senarius). Page 1105, verse 21, I. "The weapons of those in danger were not thrown." For clearly the negation was missing. I. S. Page 1109, verse 3, "going upon every land," I. S. Verse 6, I. "but even these let us pass over in silence, and of peace." Altogether *kān* (even if) instead of *kai* (and) twice placed, obscured the whole sentence. I. S. Verse 10, "for that indeed is often a work of fortune," *neme tropaion* (a turn of fate). The same. Verse last, *sphinxas* (having strangled). Page 1113, verse 4, "for your child," I. S. Verse 5, "having adorned," or "he sends those who are panting," or some such thing. Otherwise the reading is very faulty. Indeed, what I should replace for these "hastens, those who are governing," does not occur to me. I. S. Page 1116, verse 18, "that he alone is entrusted with the desire of Poseidon," I. S. Page 1120, verse 37, *ē exetēsa* (or I searched out). *Ē exēskēsa* (or I practiced). It is a various reading, which crept into the text, which is inept. It is known that many of this kind crept into the text among authors of both languages, I. S. Verse last, *Andros*. Another excerpt. Verse eod., "for the *te* of the midday." Another excerpt, as in those following, because the cola, so many excerpts, I. S. Page 1124, verse 16, "Muses and ships already fear." For that *phygēn* (flight) crept in from the following. But we must remember that almost all members are diverse excerpts, as we touched upon in the superior ones. Wherefore in vain do you require the connection of speech here. The same. Verse 49, "they carried to the statues," I. S. Page 1126, verse 6, from the end, "*pēcheis* small things, children, which the Egyptians call *pocheis*," Lucian. Page 1132, verse 3, "*Aphrodite*. Which thence *Kypros* (Cyprus), Theocr. It is called *Kypria* or *Kyprogenēs* by Pindar, *Kyprogēneia* by Aristophanes." Page 1137, verse 15, "*to eukolon* (the easy-going). The imitative, and to be shaped toward all things and to change, being able." Lucian, *lib. Deka*. "To be with people is not divine, but political," Synes. *nomisi*. 1080, verse 2, "I will loosen the laws, I said," 137.

^A Page 1146, verse 8, from the end: "That many even have recorded," *from the form of a woman*. Some examples of the transformation of sex are narrated both by physicians and by Pliny, *Natural History*, book VII, chapter 4; and by Johannes Jovianus Pontanus, book X, *On Celestial Things*, chapter 5.

Page 1145, verse 23: Note the word in the lexicons hitherto sought after, *proikizein*, that is, to endow. Laertius: *to give a dowry*. Philo, page 539: *Let the seducer endow the girl for another, being penalized with money*. Epiphanius, page 456: *Not endowed by the Word*. And thence also *proikismos*. Ibid. The prototype of these is *proix*, a dowry; hence *therapainai proseidiai* in Philo, book *On Nobility*. "To marry without a dowry, to abduct, to take," Lucian, Athenaeus, Laertius. Verse 29, *ty pyretō*. H. Stephanus: *tōn pyretōn*, but the former is in the margin. Verse 34, H. Stephanus: *propetein*. Verse: Lucian, *gynandron*, Philo. Verse 3, from the end: *to clarify the truth, and with an angered heart having dared to loose the woman's apparel regarding the male of nature*. I. S.

Page 1148, verse 7, *ōeidei*. H. Stephanus: *homoeidei*. But the former is in the margin. Verse 8, *syntrēsis tis*. The same. Verse 12, *doxai kechrēsthai*. The same. Verse 16, *dioti*. Verse 29, *Kalō*. The same. Verse 32, *beside the so-called syringe-maker*, H. Stephanus; and another reading in the margin: *beside the so-called comb-maker, the place of the reed*, I. S. Verse 51, H. Stephanus: *anephyse*. Verse 7, from the end: the same, *Kallō*. Verse last, H. Stephanus: *typon*. H. Stephanus 2: *topon*. ^B Page 1149, verse 16, *toioytou gegenēmenou*. Scholion in codex. H. Stephanus 2 and W. M.: "Such a monster appeared even in our own times, and it was known according to both sexes, transforming itself, both suffering and performing the natural functions; but more, as it said, the desire for performing this prevailed. But if it ever also suffered, not according to will, but being compelled." Verse 23, *by the female indeed*. H. Stephanus. Verse 45, *those having been exiled from all of Egypt*. The story about the Jews on account of leprosy, or the plague which defiled bodies, being driven from Egypt as true, is also recorded by Cornelius Tacitus, in his book of *Histories*. Verse last, *systēsas*. [Correction:] *misēsas*. H. Stephanus.

Page 1146, verse 5, *katarrainai*, the same. Verse 8, an asterisk is placed before *anankasas*, and in the margin: *anankasasthai*; for that is the reading of codex A. S. in which, as it appears, the words coalesced into one for *anankasas* or (as H. Stephanus 2) *anankasai prosenenkasthai*. Furthermore, *anamasathai* is a word of this meaning, the same as Clement of Alexandria's *anamērykasthai*. Verse 15, *phorous tous opheilom*. *praxamenos*. Synesius, *Epistle* 79: "Zenas who exacted double tributes last year," that is, *eisprāxas* or *eisprāxamenos*. Verse 11, from the end, and here the asterisk, by the fault of the engraver, has been transposed. Page 86: *differing greatly in prudence and in bravery*. Verse 6 from the end, *timōmenon*. *Thaumazomenon*, the same.

Page 1153, verse 2, *tou sympantos ethnous*. The same. Verse 39, *genomenas*. H. Stephanus: *gnōsmenas*; but the latter is in the margin, as is the case almost everywhere else. Verse 43, H. Stephanus: *peri tōn par’ Ioudaiois ethōn te*. Verse 6, from the end, *Katlon*. Plutarch, in the *Life of Marius*.

Page 1156, verse 6, from the end, *apolythēnai tou zēn*. To be released from life. Verse 3 from the end, *karkaron*. The currently called *charabos*. Scholion, H. Stephanus, M. M. Verse penultimate, H. Stephanus: *enneaklinou*. M. M. at the border: *enneaklitou*.

Page 1157, verse 12, *erripto d’ oun*. The same.

Page 1160, verse penultimate, *Rōmaiōn hoi tais eugeneiais*. This also happens now, and those who are related by family to these kings record their deeds, for their praise and for the life of those who see. Scholion, M. M.

Page 1161, verse 27, *Masanassēs*. All manuscripts and the H. Stephanus edition write *Manassēs*, which I rejected to the margin as suspect. You will find the former in Plutarch, in the *Life of Cato the Elder*, and elsewhere; for which in Polybius' excerpts, *Eclogue* 118, ^C *Masanassēs* is read, and in Lucian's *Macrobi*. Verse 40, *he had a four-year-old son*. Plutarch narrates the same from Polybius in the book *Whether one should engage in politics at an older age*. Verse same, *son*. "The name was Sthamban, whom Micipsa afterward adopted." Suidas.

Page 1164, verse 23, *edōke chōran*. At the margin of the codex, H. Stephanus notes: *tisin*. Verse 26, *that after the destruction of the Carthaginians*. This history of the servile war, rendered into Latin by himself, H. Stephanus printed at the end of Diodorus Siculus. Concerning the same, see Strabo, book VI; P. Orosius, book V, chapter 6.

Page 1169, verse 43, *hama tettarōn*. Note *hama* with the genitive, which, because it occurs elsewhere also in this work, do not doubt, as well as above, p. 977: verse 11 from the end, *hama, Iōsedek the high priest*, the author wrote.

Page 1172, verse 21, H. Stephanus 2: *Tittos*. Verse 11 from the end, *eballet chāraka*. I. S.

Page 1173, verse 16, *peran thalattēs*, the same. Verse 42, *ankyliōn*. Read *ankyrōn*, H. Stephanus. Verse 3 from the end: the parenthesis mark should be removed and placed after *paralypōn*, I. S. H. Stephanus.

Page 1176, verse 46, *aulomanounta Gynaikeiais theais aulounta*. One making flute-modes in the spectacles of the thymelic women. For indeed *aulomanounta* is as ridiculous as what H. Stephanus attempted to render into Latin. What sane person would say *aulomanō theais*? Who understands this? He marks a man from the rabble, a charlatan, and a flute-player not for tragedians or comedians, but for the thymelic dancers, I. S. Verse same, *basileusas, tas men poleis*. H. Stephanus. Verse penultimate, H. Stephanus: *boēthēsōn*.

Page 1177, verse 10, *epi proterēmatos*, I. S.

Page 1180, verse 3, *epithemenos tois peri Athēniōna, hodoiporountas*. H. Stephanus.

Page 1184, verse 31, read *Rōmaiōn ethōn*, I. S.

Page 1185, verse 16, read *Leukiou Martiou*. Since he says the consuls were created in the 171st Olympiad, therefore it happened in the year 655 A.U.C. But the *Fasti* prefer the year 662; it differs by seven years. Something is missing, for example, *the 172nd Olympiad was held*, I. S.

Page 1188, verse 24, *pollous enechousan*, I. S. Verse 23, H. Stephanus: *Kleptios*, but another reading is in the margin.

Page 1189, verse 39, H. Stephanus 2: *pauetai*. Verse 41, H. Stephanus: read *tōn Kaisara anelontōn*. Verse 7 from the end, *Hoti to tōn elloustriōn*. The dignity of *illustris*, or *illustrissimatus*, is of later times. Therefore it is ridiculous to think that this was ever produced by Diodorus. And so, without doubt, this, and what follows, are from a later and subsequent writer, I. S.

Page 1192, excerpts from the *Lives of Plutarch* are missing in H. Stephanus' codex, as also the Aristides: wherefore we shall not linger on these, since those authors exist fully edited, whence the mutilated can be restored without trouble, and errors corrected.

Page 1196, verse 15, *eph’ hippon*. Aldus. ^D Page 1197, verse 23, in the margin, read *Boukephalan*, as Plutarch in *Life of Alex. Magn.* or the book *Which of the animals are more intelligent*. Max. Tyr., discourse 26.

Page 1201, verse 8, *to Elysion einai pedion*. Concerning which is Lucian, *On Mourning*. Nazianzen in *Life of Basil the Great*. "Idle talk is that Minos and Rhadamanthus, whom the Greeks deemed worthy of the asphodel meadows and the Elysian fields, becoming in the imagination of our paradise, from the Mosaic books, I suppose, and our own, even if they differed concerning the name, having indicated this with other names."

Page 1209, verse 29, *as melittas men boes*, they are called *pathoboupaides*. Verse same, *sphēkas de hippoi*. Horapollo, book II, chapter 44. Verse 30, *kantharoi*. Pliny, book XI, chapter 20.

Page 1212, verse 1, *korakes gar*. There happened even such a thing in our time, partridges having fallen, flying in flocks, when also our wise men were saying that animals' ears are deafened by the voices.

^A and thus they fall to the earth as they are surrounded by the echo. A Scholion of M.M. Page 1313, verse 19, *Life of Pythagoras*. The life of Pythagoras, besides those by Laertius, Iamblichus, and the published Suidas, was written by a certain Malchus, whose work the illustrious Joannes Vincentius Pinellus sent to our most generous Welser: as well as the extant *Opuscula* of Theophrastus, and the book ascribed to Aristotle *On Spirit*; all these, at countless places (except for the Malchus text), corrected by Daniele Furlano the Cretan, translated into Latin, and illustrated with commentary, are—we trust—destined to see the light of day. Verse 9, *of the Pythagoreans*. These words are read in the same form in the Greek scholia to Theocritus’ 14th Idyll. Verse 31, *external zealots*. The scholiast of Theocritus has "external seekers," erroneously; Suidas has the same. Verse 9 from the end: *The decade, a synthesis of the four, according to our consecutive counting.* For the decade is the tetrad in potentiality, composed in order according to procession from the monad. S. Maximus, in the book *Mystagogia Ecclesiae*, page 26, Augustan edition. Verse 5 from the end: *in the homily, regarding the gods.* Plutarch, in the book *De superstitione*: "The Pythagorean teaching, that we become best by approaching the gods." The following verse: *approaching*. Alt.: *approaching (plural)*. Page 1315, verse 31: *and hearing.* This, with Plutarch as authority, is "more rational rather than more passionate." Divine Chrysostom, in the *Epilogue to the Acts of the Apostles*, which is missing from the Augustan manuscript, commenting on those words: *Since you have become dull of hearing.* "For there is (he says), there is an illness of hearing. As a stomach, if it is weak, would not accept healthy and tough food, so too a soul that is swollen, inflamed, barren, and feeble would not be able to accept the spiritual word. Hear the disciples saying: *This word is hard; who can hear it?* But if it is strong and healthy, everything is easy, everything is light," from a manuscript codex of M.M. Verse 32: *and smell.* "The sense of smell, preceding taste, pre-judges almost all things for eating and drinking; whence some have quite aptly called it the 'pre-taster,' looking at its activity," Philo. Page 1317, verse 44: *Not that [it is] from the four elements.* I. S. Page 1319, verse 23: *a state of production with reason.* *True*, Aristotle, *Ethic. Nicomach.* book VI, chapter 4. Verse 6 from the end: *whatever teaching [is received] even from barbarians.* The same praise is ascribed to the Romans and Athenians, book VI, at the end. Page 1321, verse 26: *of Agatharchides.* These excerpts were published in Greek and Latin by H. St. in the years 1557 and 1584. ^B of codex V. H. St. "who for the divine works done through him was called 'Dialogus'," Cedrenus. Verse 32: *Cleio Kaurin*. Codex Aug. Dialog. mss.: *Cleio chr*—which is equally obscure. That the Clivus Scauri is to be understood, the "apple of my country's eye" (M. V.) perceived. Verse 39: *someone came*. Schol.: "Observe the mercy." Verse 2 from the end: *as is the custom to do.* Schol.: "This, even if it is a custom, was perhaps [only] up to a certain point even then. But now it has flown away, and is not even known by name at all," M. M. Page 1409: what is recorded about Paphnutius and Spiridon is read in the same way in Suidas and in the *Ecclesiastical History*; in this also [are recorded] the things which follow shortly after concerning Constantine, D. Athanasius, etc. Page 1420, verse 9: read "governing Constantius, etc., or he was entrusted with the affairs of, etc., treason, etc., along with a conspiracy." I. S. Page 1437, verse 38: *it is necessary to love.* The same. Page 1448, verse 39: *you will grasp.* I. S. Page 1452: *concerning the ten orators.* Consult Plutarch, who described their lives, where you will recognize some things the same as the Photian [passages]; as in this *Life of Antiphontes*, that he was a student of Sophilus, the father of Thucydides the historian, and other things of that kind. ^C "...this wise man, teaching for pay, wept as if he were sold; but the fools of today, in my opinion, rejoice at being paid to perform things hated by God, as if they were faring well through cleverness and wisdom," Schol. Page 1453, verse 3 from the end: *having wept.* "Observe that certainly..." ^D Page 1456, verse 17: *the treatise.* "Just as we sell good fish whole, so I too to you, if you wish to learn, will hand it over whole," Plutarch. Page 1457, verse 32: that distich could also have been expressed in this way: Timotheus, for the sake of friendship and favoring wisdom, dedicated this image of Isocrates to the god; the work of Cleomares. For those marked with a star, there is read in Plutarch: *a gift of Leochares.* Page 1472, verse 40: *into a cave*. Quintil. lib. X, cap. 3. Verse 8 from the end: *toward the Phaleric [harbor].* Quintil. ibid. and Cicer. *De finibus*, lib. V. Page 1473, verse 28: *what first.* Quintil. lib. XI, cap. 3; and Cicer. lib. I *De orat.*; Valer. Max. lib. VIII, cap. 7. Page 1484, verse 41: *of talents.* In Plutarch, where the same thing is recited, for *he himself made the administration*, H. Wolf reads *he himself made the proposal*, almost at the beginning of the *Life of Lycurgus the Orator*. Page 1485, verse 7: read *the tax collector who had laid hands upon the philosopher and was dragging him toward the metoikion; having met [him].* Page 1500, verse 16: *the garment, if.* Schol.: "I would place in readiness the first garment, the boldness before God, on account of the blamelessness of conscience, which holy baptism and repentance grant to those being enlightened and truly repenting among the faithful who call the Lord 'Father'." M. M. [also mentioned: pages 1352, 1356, regarding the root-eaters, wood-eaters, seed-eaters, ostrich-eaters, Ethiopians, locust-eaters, etc. Diodorus Siculus, book III, has almost the same.] Page 1361, verse 49: *giraffe*. "I also saw such an animal, sent to our king by the one ruling in Alexandria. The barbarian who brought it called this one 'Zoraphin'." Schol. M. M. Page 1380, verse 31: *Hierocles on Providence*. See above, page 548, verse 2 from the end. Page 1388, verse 6: *by the all-varied changes of these*. Schol.: "Let those who are restive against the difficulties that occur, and not humbled, be ashamed by these things," M. M. Page 1392, verse 26: *for to be a boy*. Schol.: "Note the moral interpretation of the 'pedarast.' And it was sufficient to say 'erotic'; for such a name is unpleasant even from the hearing alone. And for a while he proves the pedarasts are theoretical. But if there are practical pedarasts, what do you say, O Plato?" M. M. Verse 8 from the end: *That the laws.* Note this chapter as being entirely very useful. Page 1597, verse 26: *of Gregory.* Of the *Dialogue*, ^D Page 1352, 1356, regarding root-eaters... [note: text repeats/summarizes contents already noted in brackets above]. Page 1380... [note: text repeats above]. Page 1388... [note: text repeats above]. Page 1392... [note: text repeats above]. Page 1597, verse 26: *of the Dialogue.* Page 1509, verse 7: *the untimely silence.* In the gnomas *On Silence* is read the common Senarius: *One must not be silent, and [must] speak, where it is necessary.* Where for the negative particle *ou* (no), one should read *ou* (not). *One must not be silent; and speak, where it is necessary.* Thus Euripides in Plutarch: *To be silent where it is necessary; and to speak, where it is safe.* Page 1513, verse 7 from the end: *to Gainas.* Theodoret, *Eccl. Hist.* lib. V, cap. 32. Page 1517, verse 47: *the skammata*. *The skamma*, the place of the contest, the athletic field. Epiphanius, page 218: "The contest was finished, and the *skamma* was emptied, and the crowns were given, and those who had struggled rested; and those who had not arrived departed, and those who had not struggled no longer have resources, and those who were defeated in the *skamma* were cast out, and everything has been clearly completed after the departure from here."