Note from Johann Albert Fabricius

besides their stratoricia, or their own peculiar rods. ^A At the right, towards the west, by the junction of the two cancelli, and indeed outside them, stood at the top of the steps by which one ascends to the great triclinium of the Magnaura, the master of the great hetaireia, carrying an imperial flamullum made of silk cloth, adorned with gold. On both sides of the same steps, outside the same veils, stood two protelatai or primicerii of the rowers, carrying golden sacred flamulla. Immediately after both protelatai stood, to the right and left, all the golden chrysoclaba [this is a species of banner made of golden cloth, with golden imperial flamulla]. And then, following these, to the right and left of the two protelatai, stood all the golden auroclaba and sendes and the remaining imperial flamulla, carried by the rowers of the imperial dromon, the rowers of the four tagmatic colors ^B themselves wearing the change-garments (allaxima). The citizens of the two parties and the apostolitai chanters, likewise the Hagiosophitai, stood upon high stools on either side of the same steps, offering acclamations and chanting basilikia. And the citizens wore the—

COMMENTARY

By "tagmatic" or "garrison" forces, different from the four palace tagmata, unless you think these palace tagmata—that is, the Scholae, the Excubitores, the Hicanatoi, and the Numeri—had been distributed throughout the royal city for the performance of watches and stations, and that from thence a number was attributed and deputed to each of the four factions to serve its needs and preside over its guard. Dylocopita: chanters of the church of Saint Sophia. For in the past, not all sacred churches had their own chanters, just as they do not have them today, but only the principal ones. The others were taken care of by the school of chanters. See Du Cange, Glossarium, letter V, *Cantores*. ^B ...gust; such as is that on p. 223, arranged by the letters of the alphabet, where I have also said something about the custom of reciting such poems. The words *stichera*, *troparia*, *melê*, or something similar are to be understood. In a similar way, the *apostolika* were called chants accustomed to be sung in the church in praise of the apostles, and *Theotokia* chants in praise of the Mother of God. ^C Western kings adopted this custom from the Orientals. Hoveden in *Richard I*: "He, for the sake of the argument [or addition] and fame of his name, collected mendicant songs and adulatory rhythms, and had enticed singers and jongleurs from the kingdom of the Franks, so that they might sing about him in the streets, and already it was said everywhere that there was no one like him in the world." Even in the hall of Attila the Hun, after the banquets were finished, two barbarians came forward *opposite Attila, reciting composed songs, singing of his victories and his martial virtues*, as the rhetor Priscus testifies in the excerpts of his *Embassy*, Hoeschel, p. 52: *And some were singing with poems*, he continues, *while others, reminded of the wars, were stirred in their spirits, and others gave way to tears, whose bodies were weakened by time and whose passion was forced to be quiet.* These poems succeeded those ancient panegyrics, of which we have twelve surviving from that enormous number, most recently edited by Cellarius. ^D The Greeks transmitted this custom of praising their lords on any occasion with songs sung or recited in full court, as to the Westerners, so also to the Arabs. Very often you may read in Abulfeda fragments or at least a mention made of songs which this or that Arabic poet recited, not without a handsome reward, in a most crowded assembly on the birthday of this or that Saracen prince, or on the birthday of Muhammad, or at a Muhammadan Pascha, or on another occasion. I hope it will not be unpleasant for the readers if I repeat a single passage from there, from which the method of those Arabic poets who were fed in the courts of oriental princes—what their stipends were, and what the time for reciting—may be known. That will bring light to those things which I said above on p. 8 concerning the *chapia* or congratulatory poem that was customarily exhibited to the emperor on feast days by each faction through its own demarch. Telling, therefore, of Abulfeda at the year 469 [A.D. 1076], concerning the princes who were then at Aleppo, he reports these things: "To Mahmud, son of Nasr, son of Saleh, of the line of the Mirdasids, who passed away in the year we mentioned, succeeded his son Nasr, whom the poet Ibn al-Qayyim [incorrectly read as Habus in Elmac. p. 282, where these same verses and more, but miserably corrupted, are found] praised with that poem, a fragment of which is this: 'There are eight things which, since you acquired them, have never been separated, nor will they ever be: your soul and the fear of God, your liberality and your wealth, your speech and your elegant thoughts, your prudence and your victory.' To Mahmud, son of Nasr [your father], there was a certain custom, which, if I am not much mistaken, Nasr will restore. This was he. As often as a poet celebrated Mahmud with a poem, he gave a thousand gold coins. Nasr also bestowed just as much, adding that if the poet had said 'it shall be doubled' instead of 'it is restored', he would have given double." A little later he adds these things: "On the first day of the tenth month of the year 468, Nasr was celebrating the feast of the *Ruptura* [by which, indeed, the monthly fast is broken, what the new Greeks call *katalysis*], which, since it fell in the spring season that year, it happened that everyone flocked to the prince for the sake of offering congratulations in the most splendid trappings each one could manage. Ibn al-Qayyim was also present then and recited that poem, of which these are the [verses], etc." Having prepared banquets from that, Nasr drank until evening. — Therefore, those Arabic poets did not exhibit their poems written, as the Greeks did, but recited them themselves orally, as on the prince's birthday, the birthday of Muhammad, the day of the *Ruptura* or lesser Pascha, likewise the Pascha or greater Bairam, and when the prince had attained the empire, or had struck down an enemy or wild beasts in hunting. But let us return to our Greeks. The very ancient custom of celebrating princes in their merriment and banquets with songs is attested, besides Homer and other ancient poets, also by Athenaeus IV, p. 155, by the example of Antiochus the Great, who, when he was staging solemn banquets, which a war-dance followed, had that historian Hegesianax in his retinue. When the order of dancing reached him, he begged off from performing this unaccustomed spectacle for himself and offered instead to recite poems in his praise: *But when the turn of the dance came to Hegesianax, who wrote the Histories, he stood up and said: "Do you wish, O king, to see me dancing badly, or would you like to hear me reciting my own poems well?" Having therefore been ordered, he sang of the king in such a way that he was deemed worthy of a pension and became one of his friends.* In these words, the meaning of the word *idiai poiêmata* is remarkable: not the poet's own, but the king Antiochus’s, *those composed about him*; then *erainou axiôthênai*, that all the guests donated a contributed sum; thirdly, that the poet was numbered among *tous philous*, the friends and table-companions of the king. An older example and fragment of such—

THE WORKS OF CONSTANTINE VII PORPHYROGENITUS, EMPEROR OF THE ROMANS

^A

^B

^C

^D

rites by which they celebrate themselves, they exhibit divine feasts, they go to war, they act in the camps, they return to the city triumphing, and they tread upon the vanquished necks of kings; they dispense ^A stipends to the soldiers, they instruct and equip fleets, they admit the envoys of foreign princes, they themselves send out their own, they unfold all their pomp and luxury, they depart at last amid the passing of need, to the majority, and are brought into their monuments. You may perambulate with this very book as your guide those sepulchral monuments of theirs, and examine the urn of each one with its inscribed names, in which there are some things which you would seek in vain in Du Cange’s *Byzantine Families*. You may penetrate also with this same guide into the very storehouses of the precious and significant objects of the Oriental Empire, and examine the wardrobe chests and other furniture. Better here, than anywhere else, can you see the ranks of the nobles, whether palatine or military, as well as those of the urban magistrates and others of lower standing, and, in the long porticoes, the numerous and varied swarms of the sacred guard stationed on duty. ^B I omit the rest, since it is abundantly clear from what has been said above that there is such variety, charm, and dignity in the matters exposed in this work that it will turn the studies of learned men toward itself and exercise them. It will please one, if I am not mistaken, to illustrate the department of the wardrobe, another the monetary matters, and another the duties of the imperial house. For although those things which were in use in the time of our Leo and Constantine differ from the earlier times of Theodosius and Justinian as much as the subsequent age of the Comneni and Palaeologi and the final era of the Byzantine realm differs from the age of our Porphyrogenneti, which is evident to anyone comparing Codinus with this work; yet those old times of the flourishing Roman empire and the Byzantine beginnings can be illustrated far more by this work than this work can be by Codinus.

There will, furthermore, be some who, from the tables of doles, or the annual stipends owed to palatine offices and others; and also from the tables of expenditures on certain maritime expeditions undertaken against the Cretan Saracens, will estimate the military capacity of the Byzantine empire, as it was then—both terrestrial and maritime forces—as well as the financial, and by setting up a calculation of Greek centenaria and pounds of gold against our own money, will discover how the opulence of the Byzantine kings and our own differs. There will be others who will pluck from here certain singular chapters for discussion; for example, what the constitution of the circus games was among the Byzantines, a matter most obscure; and, what is no less important, what was the state or the retinue of the Augustae of Byzantium; whether those emperors were anointed after the example of the Latins; how long the Latin language prevailed in ^C the Constantinopolitan court, and whether those orations uttered by the recently proclaimed emperors from the tribunal or the circus to the soldiers, which are read from page 239 of our edition, were recited in Greek in the same words, or whether they were first dictated in Latin and then turned into the Greek tongue by Peter the Patrician; which, to me indeed, seems probable. ^D

It fits. I seem to myself, by publishing this, to have published a particle of a work much desired, but long ago held for lost. That our Constantine expended diligent labor in collecting and digesting into certain titles the wisdom and memorable passages of the ancients, no one is ignorant. There were once fifty-three of those titles. To us, however, there have come down only the twenty-seventh title, concerning embassies, complete, through the work of Fulvius Ursinus and David Hoeschel; and a particle of the fiftieth title, the inscription of which is concerning the probity and depravity of character, or of virtues and vices, by the kindness of Peiresc and Henry Valois. The remaining titles, so great in number, but also most useful, are believed to have perished by an irreparable loss of the work. But what if I were to contend that, with this volume that I am now editing, I am placing into the hands of learned men the first title of the aforementioned work, if not entire, yet at least a great part of it? He treated long ago *περὶ βασιλέων ἀναγορεύσεως*, concerning the proclamation of emperors and kings, as appears from Fabricius, *Bibl. Graec.*, vol. VI, page 492. And yet the chapters of this volume XCI and those following, from page 238 to page 251, not only relate in general clearly the ceremonies by which, in the first age of Constantinople, emperors were accustomed to be proclaimed there, but also specifically follow through on the proclamations of Leo the Great, Leo the Younger, Anastasius Dicorus, Justin the Elder, and Justinian the Great so lucidly that nothing more could be desired, and they light a brilliant lamp for that part of history. I, indeed, do not believe that there exists anywhere a place in ancient monuments that sets forth the rites of proclaiming Augusti, those old and merely Roman ones, as splendidly as this particle of our work, of which I am now speaking. Everything breathes of its antiquity: the orations to the most brave armies, the *Augustatica* promises, the acclamations of the soldiers and the crowds. Whoever compares these with the authors of the *Historia Augusta*, as they are commonly called, will not be able to contemplate the image of ancient Rome in the new without pleasure. Whatever, then, may be the case regarding my conjecture, whether the particle of which I speak formerly belonged to the first title of that vast and celebrated—if I may say so—Constantinian library, or "Pentekontateuchos," or whether it did not: I, for my part, do not doubt that it was plucked from another ancient, distinguished book, whose loss those who are studious of antiquities bear most grievously; namely, from the books of Peter the Patrician, a most illustrious man, who was Master of the Offices under Justinian the Great, and who was subsequently an envoy to the kings of the Goths in Italy and also to Chosroes of the Persians, which Suidas praises, *Concerning the Constitution of Civil Government*. Procopius makes mention of the man frequently, as does Cassiodorus. Nor is his name unknown in Byzantine history, from the title of the Constantinian excerpts concerning embassies, which I mentioned above. There exist in that title certain fragments of his, no

CATHOLIC CHURCH. TENTH CENTURY. YEAR 959. ^C THE WRITINGS OF THE MOST WISE LORD AND EMPEROR CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS, ALL THAT COULD BE FOUND; THERE ARE ADDED: THE GOLDEN BULL OF THE EMPEROR ROMANUS THE YOUNGER FOR THE XEROPOTAMOU MONASTERY ON MOUNT ATHOS; FIVE DISCOURSES BY THEODOSIUS THE DEACON ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE; THE ACTS OF SAINT NICON THE ARMENIAN MONK, WRITTEN BY THE ABBOT OF THE MONASTERY OF SAINT NICON IN THE YEAR 1150. EDITED BY J.-P. MIGNE, OF THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSAL CLERGY, OR THE JADELPHIA SCHOOL, IN THE COMPLETE COURSE OF ALL INDIVIDUAL BRANCHES OF ECCLESIASTICAL SCIENCE: PUBLISHER. ^D FIRST VOLUME. PARIS, AT GARNIER BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, AND SUCCESSORS OF J.-P. MIGNE, IN THE STREET CALLED AVENUE DU MAINE, 208. 1897.

TRADITION

^A less than of later date than the age of Julian. But in our codex, chapter 87, book 1, page 229, not only is the embassy of Theudas, the Gothic king in Spain, to Justinian mentioned as if in passing, but in the same place the embassy of Anthemius to Leo the Great, which is also memorably described in its own right, is set forth, by which the Emperor of the West sent his laurel-crowned images and letters to the East. In general, all those matters which are read from page 225, chapter 84, up to page 251, chapter 96, as well as the last chapter of the first book, and perhaps many other things besides, I believe to be by Peter the Patrician, extracted from that lost book of his, as I said, *On the Constitution* (Περὶ καταστάσεως). The term *katastasis*, or constitution, promises not only precepts for the wise administration of the republic, but also an exposition of the rites by which civil business is conducted, and thus it pertains to the old ^B tactical or ceremonial books, about which we shall speak in the commentaries. The same dignitary, Peter - who held the position of Master of the Sacred Offices, to whose office and arrangement the master of ceremonies also belonged - likewise promises the same. Thus, this great fragment of Peter the Patrician shines in this first volume of this work like a little gem. But in the second, which, God willing, I shall prepare as soon as possible, among other excellent things, there will shine forth a long and distinguished book by a certain Philotheos, protospatharios and royal artoklines, in which he follows not only the order of divine banquets fully and distinctly, as nothing else could, but also, as pertains to his argument, the names and rights of precedence of dignities, both palatine and military, and [Ed. L. V.] urban as well, from the highest to the lowest, and likewise what are the axioms, or di- ^C gnities, what offices, with what rewards or insignias they are conferred, and also in what order and on what days one is invited to the sacred table, sits there, and is again dismissed, he reviews. Moreover, both volumes contain other monuments, from which Du Cange's *Byzantine Families* can be augmented, his *Christ-bearing Constantinople* corrected, the gaps of certain Byzantine historians filled, and certain chronological moments rightly established. To this pertain the narratives concerning the triumphs of Theophilus and Basil the Macedonian, in the appendix of the first book; likewise concerning the expedition of Himerius against the Cretan Saracens under Leo, called the Wise; and further, concerning the embassy of Romanus Lecapenus to Hugh, king of Italy, and the gifts sent to him for that purpose with the protospatharios Paschalius, so that he might bring the rebellious Longobardi, Landulf and Athenulf, brothers, and another pair of brothers, Gaimarius and Gaiferius, those petty-kings of Capua and Benevento and Salerno, into order. There also shines in this first volume chapter 96, page 253, the carefully published and as it were daily narrative of the sedition that arose in the royal city in the year of Christ 963 after the death of the younger Romanus, through which Nicephorus Phocas came to power in the empire. Although Cedrenus also narrated this matter in no perfunctory way, nevertheless, compared to the diligence, skill, and ^D trustworthiness of the man from whom that ninety-sixth chapter originated, it does not hold up. It is evident that the writer was present at the events as they were taking place. Those who love oriental history will find mentioned in the second volume a certain Dilemitic, Emir of Amida, a man and orator of Abu Chamdan sent to our Constantine. Whether this Abu Chamdan (for so he is called, according to the custom of those times, though not quite correctly, for Ibn Chamdan) was Naseroddaulah or his brother Saifoddaulah, both of them powerful princes throughout Syria and Mesopotamia and famous in oriental history, I shall inquire in the commentaries. Not to mention the lighter things, in the second book, among other inscriptions of letters sent by the Byzantines to other kings and masters of lands, there appear also inscriptions of letters, or [aurearum] bullae, as they called them, to the Protosymbulus of the Agarenes, who is the Bagdad Caliph, and likewise to the Lord of India (which inscription strikes me as indeed very strange: for I do not see what business the Byzantine emperors, our Constantine at least, had in common with the king of India, that is, of Arabia Felix, as I indeed believe): there appear in the same place localities of letter-inscriptions to the obscure petty-kings of Iberia, Albania, and Abasgia; whence an addition to the geographical knowledge of the tract verging toward Asiatic Scythia is made. Also mentioned are some Bulgarian princes, whom I have hitherto sought in vain in every history. I am likewise still searching, as to who they were and by whom those Spanish envoys were sent to our Constantine, of whom mention is made in the second book. Also known is that small piece which narrates with what retinue that famous Archontissa or Duchess of the Rus, Elga, or Olga, as others call them, came to CPl, and with what honors and gifts the Augustus of ours and his retinue treated her, in what chamber Constantine and his son Romanus, and in turn Helena Augusta and her daughter-in-law, received her, and for conversation, or also for banquets, and on what days they admitted her, and when they ordered her to stand before the Augusti, when to sit. Finally, what shall I say of the site and appearance of the city of Constantinople, or, as they call it, the topography, such as it was in that age, which is understood in many respects more correctly from this book than from Du Cange's *Christ-bearing Constantinople*, a book otherwise excellent and most useful, by a man most learned and most practiced in the history of the Middle Ages, especially Byzantine; yet some things nonetheless clung to that book which you would prefer to be absent, for which every fair person will easily grant pardon to a man so deserving of these letters. To this pertains, that I may briefly touch upon it, the fact that he placed the palace of Magnaura, in which the envoys were accustomed to be received and heard, in the extreme western part of the city, while it was part of the great palace situated at the Stenon, in which the emperors ordinarily lived. In this also, Ban- [Ed. L. VI] durius was mistaken, in that he places that famous "Golden Gate," so called, in the middle of the walls on the land, or western, side of the city. But it was so situated toward the bay of the Propontis that it could be approached by ships. I pass over other things, which grace and favo-

TENTH CENTURY. YEAR 950. INDEX OF AUTHORS AND WORKS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME CXII. CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS. Preface of the Editors of the Patrologia. col. 9. J. A. Fabricius’ Notice on the Writers of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 11. ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, two books, from the edition of Johann Jakob Reiske, with his Commentaries. 33. J. J. Reiske’s Preface. 33. Johann Heinrich Leich’s Dissertation on the Life and Deeds of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 45. Of the Ceremonies of the Byzantine Court, book one. 71. Of the same Ceremonies, book two. 965.

EDITORUM PATROLOGIÆ PRÆFATIO

^A Instituted from childhood in sacred and secular letters, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, son and pupil of Leo the Wise, issued more volumes than his father, in which his supreme erudition and immense love of letters shine forth wondrously. However, the greater part of his writings concerns secular subjects; a smaller part treats matters of a moral or sacred order. The *Catanuctia* odes, which he composed for the use of the Church, we have already edited with the liturgical writings of his father, in volume CVII of the *Patrologia*, page 299. The homily on the translation of the relics of Saint John Chrysostom, which Allatius asserts exists in *De Symeonum scriptis*, p. 111, we do not have at hand. We do, however, have his homily *On the Translation of the Image of Edessa*, edited by Combefis in *Manipulus rerum Constantinopolitanarum*. Some have doubted that this was written by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, considering that it should be attributed to one of Constantine’s successors. But wrongly. For it is certain from Constantinopolitan history that the image of Edessa was translated to Constantinople in the year of the Lord 944, and the homily recited on this occasion was composed by the Emperor of Constantinople. Furthermore, in the year 944, no emperor reigned in Constantinople except Constantine; he, therefore, and not another, must be considered the author of this homily. ^B The *Novellae Constitutiones* of Constantine are almost all of a sacred or ecclesiastical nature; and accordingly they had to be repeated here. The first is called by the Greeks the *Tome of Union*, because it put an end to the schism that had arisen in the Eastern clergy on account of the fourth marriage of Leo the Wise. In the work *On the Ceremonies of the Byzantine Court*, book 1, chapter 36, are read the "Observances in the procession of the Union of the Church," or when the *Tome of Union* of the Church is read; from which it may be gathered that an anniversary feast of that union was once celebrated in Constantinople. This work, *On the Ceremonies of the Byzantine Court*, serves greatly to elucidate Eastern ecclesiastical history and the civil state of the Church in the East. For it is composed of ancient and new documents, diligently collected, by which the rights, duties, and functions of both powers are described. From it, it appears that the Patriarch of Constantinople occupied the first place in the entire empire after the emperor; and he very often administered civil affairs, no differently than the emperor presumed to moderate ecclesiastical affairs. ^C In many things the emperor, as a most obedient son of the Church, submitted himself to the authority of the patriarch; but likewise the Patriarch of Constantinople was accustomed to conduct himself as a most devoted subject of the emperor. In public court ceremonies, however, they seemed to be of almost equal authority and dignity. Nevertheless, the Roman Pontiff, in that age, namely after the Photian schism, was treated as the first patriarch and head of the whole Church. He alone was called by the emperor his "Spiritual Father," by which name no patriarch besides him was addressed, as can be seen in the formulas of writing to the patriarchs which the Emperors of Constantinople used, and which Constantine Porphyrogenitus collected in the work *On the Ceremonies of the Byzantine Court*, book II, chapter 48. In the same place, not only the ceremonies to be employed in the future are described, but also those which had been employed at some time when foreign princes visited the city of Constantinople. Thus, for example, we read there with what rites the most famous Princess Olga of Russia was received by the emperor, who came to Constantinople at the beginning of the tenth century, and shortly after the conversion of the Russians prepared the way for the Christian faith. ^D By the order of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, there was also composed a *Compendium of Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws*, from which the rights of the Church and its fortunes in the Eastern Empire are known. Besides the *Life* of his father Leo and his grandfather Basil the Macedonian, Constantine wrote a *History of Ancient Kingdoms*, or rather he collected *Historical Excerpts* of ancient writers, a specimen of which is exhibited by the Most Eminent Cardinal A. Mai in *Scriptorum veterum nova collectio*, vol. II, page 1, and in the preface, which have lately supplied many fragments of lost writers

EDITOR'S PREFACE TO THE PATROLOGIA

^A ...But because these have no connection with sacred history nor do they pertain to religion, they had to be omitted here. The treatises *On the Themes* and *On the Provinces of the Byzantine Empire*, as well as *On the Administration of the Empire*, contribute not a little to the definition of sacred geography. The writings on medicine, on veterinary science, and on agriculture, which Constantine either composed himself or ordered learned men to compose, are not of this place. However, they will become known to our readers from the *Notitia* of the authors of this writer, which J. A. Fabricius provided in his *Bibliotheca Graeca* and which we place before the works of Constantine. J.-B. M. 3 April 1861.

JOANNES ALBERTUS FABRICIUS ON THE WRITINGS OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

I have spoken of the *Life of Basil the Macedonian*, which his grandson, the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, son of Leo the Wise—that most wealthy cultivator and restorer of all learning—wrote, in this volume, chapter p. 349. ^B [Vol. VI of the old edition; Vol. VII, p. 681 sq. of this edition]. Now it is helpful to review his other writings; for whatever must be said about the emperor himself—who reigned from 6 June 912 under regents, or with his mother Zoe, or with Romanus his father-in-law, and from 946 to 959 alone—the reader will more rightly seek from the chroniclers of the tenth century, whether those be the ancients, such as Zonaras, Cedrenus, Glycas, and others, as well as the continuators of Theophanes, Simeon the Master, George the Monk, Leo the Grammarian, Joannes Scylitzes, etc., or the more modern ones, Baronius, Spondanus, Antonius Pagi, etc., and those who have published extensive commentaries on the emperors, Joannes Cuspinianus, etc., and he who composed the *Life* of this Constantine individually, Martinus Hanckius, *De scriptoribus hist. Byz.*, lib. 1, cap. 25, p. 461-478. FABR.

Item: J. H. Leichius, *De vita et rebus gestis Constantini Porphyrogen.*, Leipzig, 1746, 4°, and the preface to the book *De ceremoniis Byzantinis*; C. Oudin, *Comm. de scriptor. eccl.*, Vol. II, p. 421 sq.; Hamberger, *Z. N.* 111, p. 686 sqq.; Saxius in *Onom.* 11, p. 142 sqq., and I myself in *Introd. in hist. L. Gr.* II, part 1, p. 477 sq., have collected more. HARL.

The book *On the Administration of the Empire* was written (at least in part) in the year 6457 (Christ 949), the seventh indiction, and in the year 6460 (Christ 952), the tenth indiction. Joannes Meursius was the first to edit this from a Palatine codex, which formerly belonged to Baptista Egnatius, with his own translation and corrections, at Leiden, 1610, 8°; then it was placed before other writings of this Constantine at Leiden, 1617, 8° ^C. Most recently, Anselmus Banduri had the same book reprinted in the first volume of his *Imperium Orientale*, with a translation added, which he interpolated and emended here and there, and filled in the gaps.

NOTES

OF THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I

...spatharii carrying arms, stand with them on the onopodium, and after the lords, clothed in skaramangia, have come forth from the sacred bedchamber and [said] the customary prayers in the shell of the golden triclinium, where the lords [receive] from our God the divine and...

COMMENTARY

^A (42) They were guards of the sacred person, of noble birth, who carried his arms—that is, the shield and the spear—before the emperor as he proceeded, as is clear from this passage. See Du Cange, *ad Alex.*, p. 259. We have frequent mention in Byzantine history of protospatharii, spatharii, and spatharocandidati. Nicephorus Gregoras interprets the latter as "shield-bearers," correctly indeed from their arms and the duty of carrying them. But spatharii and protospatharii also carried the same things. Goar, *ad Codin.*, p. 25, writes that all spatharii were protospatharii, in which he is mistaken. Nor did the emperor alone have spatharii, but also the superior magistrates, as is evident from Theophanes, p. 368, where "the spatharius of Bisiris or the spatharius of Himerius the patrician" refers to Bisiris’s and Himerius’s spatharius. Goar does not translate this correctly. They were named from *spathe*, a long and broad sword, which they bore in their hand.

^B (43) The terms *hopla*, *harma*, and *harmata* are used by the Greeks in various significations. The last of these, *harmata*, seems to have been translated by the Latins, and indeed it truly was, yet it had reached the Greeks from the Latins before passing back to them; and in its origin it is good Greek, from *harmo*, to fit or to equip (instrument), and so the writer Nicetas, otherwise fastidious and elegant for his age but ridiculous to us today from his affectation of ancient words, did not hesitate to use it, p. 35: "he orders them to be ready, having supped, and to see to their *harmata* [that is, arms] so that they might fight the Turks more punctually at the new year." I therefore doubt whether I should call *harmata* here swords only, or armor, or—and to this I lean more—whether the latter, "their shields and their spears" (for so it should be read), is an epexegesis of the former, "the imperial *harmata*." I do not recall finding the word *harma* used for swords. Modern Greeks use it for armor, as they do *hoplon*. See the distinguished Hemsterhuis on Aristophanes, ^C *Plutus*, v. 450. But very frequently, both Latins and Greeks, whether writers of recent or most ancient times, use *hoplon* just as *hopla*, or likewise "arms" which corresponds to it, for a shield. See Salmasius, *ad Hist. Aug.*, t. I, p. 212, and II, p. 354. Hence it is that "to handle a shield" and "to brandish arms" are the same thing. Du Cange proved this with many examples, s.v. "Arma." Old glossaries say: "having cymbals attached, which the Romans call *armatoria*." In this place, *kymbala* are the same thing as *kombos*, bulbs, knots, bosses, or bronze or iron umbones, the bucculae that stand out from the middle of shields to receive and blunt the force of incoming blows. A *kymbalon* and *kombos* is anything that is swollen into a spherical form. Our author himself, p. 176, called the shield a *kymbalon*. Hence, one may now understand the reasoning of Diodorus Siculus, l. xv, 44, p. 36: "(they were) formerly called *hoplitai* [heavily armed soldiers] from their shields, then they were renamed *peltastai* from the *pelte*." The arguments with which H. Stephanus attacks that passage are indeed specious, yet the distinguished Wesseling defends him rightly. ^D Thus also the same Diodorus, XVII, 18, p. 173, 67: "he dedicated his own proper *hoplon* [shield] to the goddess [Minerva], having taken up the best of the *hopla* [shield] lying in the temple, and having armed himself with this, he used it." That a shield is indicated there is obvious, even from p. 175. In his work, XVIII, 27, p. 278, are found the "shield-bearers," armed with shields and spears (which were never separated), and in that respect they are opposed there to the "apple-bearers," those who carried *spathobaklia* or iron-tipped staffs with golden balls at the end. *Hoplon Athanaies* in Lucillius's poem in the *Anthologia*, p. 151, v. 62, is the shield of Pallas. Aristophanes himself used *hopla* for a shield in *The Wasps*, v. 819, compared with v. 590. For he who himself is "without *hopla*" Cleonymus is there "the shield-runner." The distinguished Hemsterhuis also correctly rendered the opinion of the Comic poet in *The Birds*, v. 390. To Pindar also, "the *hopla* from Argos" are Argive shields, in that place which Athenaeus, 1, c. 22, cites at the beginning, not correctly taken by the interpreter. In the same way, the Latins used to say "they collect themselves into arms" for "they take shelter behind their shields." Virgil: "Aeneas halted and collected himself into arms / crouching on his knee." Also in the Middle Ages, they said *arma* for a shield. A. Cutheis, on the deeds of the Spoletans, apud Du Cange, v. "Grampha": "His own followers preceded him, armed with tablets and shields depicted with the *grampha*, that is, a club or cestus, [and] his own *arma*, that is, shield, and swords and naked spathae." From this flowed the French *les armes*, for familial insignia. For when the old knights used to carry the insignia of each one's own family on their arms—that is, on their shields—thence it happened that what was painted on the arms was called metonymically by the very name of arms. (Such shields with insignia and royal spatharii or candidati with a spear holding a shield can be seen in that Ravennate image of Justinian, of which I spoke a little before, in Alemannus and Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.*, also in Ciampini, t. II, *Monum. Vetust.*, tab. 22.) Those who stood by the Constantinopolitan emperors as spatharii, or candidati, or protectors, were armed with a shield and spear; they were their armigeri, because it was not fitting for the emperors themselves to bear arms. Hence, those who were "troops around the emperor" were formerly called *scutarii*, according to Zosimus I, p. 188. Compare Valesius *ad Amm. Marcell.*, p. 352. Whence it is clear that our author’s expression, p. 237, *ta harma atei* [he holds the arms], was correctly rendered by us as "arms, that is, shields and spears, are held," and in George the Monk, p. 541, *meta armaton* should be translated as "with the stipatharii or attendants, or armigeri." For, not to say that that expression there signifies "with a great number of chariots" or "with nobles proceeding in chariots," the custom of the Constantinopolitan court, by which it was not allowed for anyone else to travel by chariot in a public procession if the emperor was traveling by chariot, but all the nobles either followed on foot or, affected by great honor, as knights, makes this likely. From this at last it also happened that *Harma* was the name for the place in the Circus where the armigeri stood "in arms," that is, shielded and armed with spears, of which [more] below.

(44) The custom of building summer palaces or octagonal porticoes still prevails in the Orient, as is evident from Della Valle, *Itin.*, l. IV, 14, who reports that such round or multi-angular buildings, intended for walking, on whose flat roofs—which however lack railings or parapets—people are often accustomed to walk or even play ball (not without rashness, often with the loss of life), are by the Persians and Turks called *Ginsek*. *Corridoio*, if I remember correctly, is what these galleries that wind in a circle, whether round or angular, and return within themselves, are called by the Italians and French.

(45) In all the greater cities of the Roman Empire, certainly those that had a circus or a theater or an amphitheater and held games, there were also Daphnae, that is, tribunals or basilicæ, in...

^A Regarding chapters 23 and 24, on Iberia and Spain, Meursius had not ventured to interpret them, as they were too corrupt. Banduri corrected the Greek text from a parchment manuscript of the Royal Library, number 2661, written five hundred years ago; with its help, he removed a great many errors, added learned and copious notes, and prefixed a geographical map of the Eastern Empire, arranged by that most celebrated geographer, Guillaume Delisle, by which its aspect, as it was under Constantine Porphyrogennetos and his predecessors, is aptly represented.

[He] was the first to publish the work containing the arrangement of those fighting by sea and land, but only in Greek and illustrated with his own corrections, the same Jo. Meursius did from a codex of the Palatine Library, together with other writings of Constantine which I am now reviewing, Lugd. Bat. 1617, 8. [V. to n. 1.] That Palatine codex was copied from the Viennese one, concerning which see Lambecius VII, p. 201 (c). In the Verona codex, which Scipio Maffeius translated into Latin, it is attributed to Constantine, son of the Roman Emperor, who presided from A.C. 976 to 1028. FABR. — That little book *On Military Apparatus* by both land and sea is also attributed to Constantine, son of Romanos, in the Augsburg codex, witness Reiser in the catalogue, p. 67 end. HARL.

Bonaventura Vulcanius was the first to publish the *Themes of the Eastern Empire* from the codex of the Englishman Thomas Clement, a physician of Mechelen, and added his own version and notes, Lugd. Bat. 1588, 8, via Franciscus Raphelengius. The later book on the *Themes of the West or Europe*, which Vulcanius himself had promised to edit in his notes on Agathias, p. 4, was first published by Fed. Morellus with his own version and notes, Paris. 1609, 8. Meursius combined both the Vulcanius and Morellus editions and, as we have seen, added them to the other writings of Constantine, Lugd. Bat. 1617, 8. ^B Most recently, Anselmus Banduri, whom I praised a little earlier, corrected these two books from a codex of the King of France, 2431 (e), on cotton paper, written 500 years ago, added a new version, or one greatly interpolated from the old, and prefixed the geographical map of Guillaume Delisle, which shows the Constantinopolitan Empire, as it was from the age of Heraclius, digested by means of the *themata*. Banduri's *Eastern Empire* was published, in the first volume of which the books of Constantine Porphyrogennetos are contained, as in the second volume the editor’s notes are, Paris. 1711, fol. [Re-edited Venice 1729, 2 vols. fol.]

In these two little books, Constantine encompasses no less a beautiful record of the provinces and peoples who obeyed the Constantinopolitan Empire, and their origins and antiquities, than he does in his book *On Administering the Empire* concerning other nations, even those able to help or harm and harass it with war, just as he also explains their origins, customs, and institutions of peace and war; whence not without reason Egnatius wrote that he preserved that book as a treasure (f), whose manuscript codex later arrived in the Palatine library, from which very codex Meursius testifies he published the book *On Administering the Empire*. ^C

— NOTES (c) Page 429 of the Kollarius edition, in cod. 111, n. 5. — Leiden in the public library among the Vossian codices, the *Strategikon regarding the different customs of nations* of the Emperor Constantine. Ibid. among the Vossian miscellanies, the *Naumachical Tactics* of Constantine Porphyrogennetos. (See Catalogue of the Leiden Library, p. 393, n. 35, and p. 400, n. 11.) Paris in the public library, cod. 2530. 1) *Tactics concerning the stratagems of naval and pirate warfare*; and the compiler of the catalogue, vol. II, 516 sq., notes that it is clearly evident, with chapter 19 of the *Taktika* of the Emperor Leo being compared to these *Tactics*, that the Emperor Constantine did nothing other than adapt the discourse of Leo, which was a little more elegant, for the use of the common, crude, and rank-and-file soldier. 2) The same emperor's *Precepts and Admonitions to be Observed*, collected from the ancients, and divided into 120 chapters. See Leo's *Taktika*, chapter 20. 3) The same *Concerning the terrestrial command of forces and the legions of soldiers*. Hence, by the same name, the provinces themselves were denoted, in which legions were stationed in garrisons. And in that sense Constantine accepts that word even in the book *On Administering the Empire*, as in 3. 7, *Concerning the Theme of Longobardia*. (c) In the catalogue of Paris codices, vol. II, cod. 854 is listed, and is said to have been written in the 13th century. No mention is made of the Venetian codex in the catalogue of Greek codices of the Marciana, Venice. — Leiden in the academic library among the Scaliger codices, *Variations of reading on the Themes of the East*. *Philoponema* of Constantine the son of Leo. Ibid. among the codices of Bonaventura Vulcanius, Constantine Porphyrogennetos *On the Themes*, which copy the typographers used; the same, *Notitia of the Themes of the East*, written by the hand of Bon. Vulcanius. The same, *On the Themes*, fragment. See Catalogue of the Leiden Library, p. 341, n. 39, p. 344, n. 7, and p. 346 end. HARL.

— [Regarding] the Roman princes, where it says of Constantine Porphyrogennetos: This man, not averse to letters and the best disciplines, which he saved from almost extinction, left a book to his son Romanos, in which he explained the sum of the whole empire, the alliances of all allies, the forces of enemies, strategies, and plans, which we preserve in our library as a treasure, in which he discourses much even about the Venetians himself. Another manuscript copy of this book, which Gyraldus in dialogue V *On Poets*, p. 282, mentions as being guarded most diligently in the library of the Republic of Venice. This book of Constantine is celebrated, which he left on his deathbed to his son Romanos, in which he encompassed the sum of the whole empire, the alliances of allies, the forces of enemies, what sort and how great they were, and all other things pertaining to the empire; which book today the Republic of the Venetians causes to be preserved most diligently in its own private library. Casaubon, in the preface to Polybius addressed to Henry IV, praised the codex of the King of France which Banduri used: ^D "It is preserved in that most rich, Sir, and truly royal library of yours, the book of the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogennetos... A work worthy, that by the command of Your Majesty, it might one day look upon the public light." See there, if you please, more in commendation of that book.

113 which the masters sing their golden-enclosed garments, and they go out through the guardian. 114 And in the sigma, both the maglabion and the hetaireia and the logothete await them.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

...will complain, yet they used the plural: "The masters are casting off their garments" for: "The master is removing his garments," "the masters are going out" for: "The master is going out." We shall teach below that even in the times of the Augusta Caesar and long before, it was already established in custom to address a single person in the plural, or to speak of him as if of many, a custom which obtains today among all more refined peoples. Moreover, the title *Despotes* placed absolutely denotes the Emperor Augustus, as is evident from coins and various places in this Code. The appellations *despotes*, *despoina*, and *douloi* were introduced by Justinian and Theodora. See Procopius, *Anecdota*, p. 134. The title which specifically denotes a dignity inferior to Caesar is more recent, yet not so recent as Du Cange, asserting at Cinnamum p. 468, thinks, claiming the dignity of *Despotes* was finally instituted by Michael Calaphates. For in our author, Book II, c. 27, p. 362, two sons of Heraclius Magnus, Constantine and David, are mentioned as *despotae*; and to the former is attributed the title *Constantine Auguste, tu vincas*, while the latter is said by his father to have been promoted from the dignity of *despotes* to the dignity of Caesar. This is quite familiar to the Greeks. *Sagia* is found in Theophanes, p. 238; likewise in the same, p. 246, "having chosen the hair, he cast off the dignity of the priesthood," meaning he allowed his hair to be shorn and put on the clerical habit. The diction "to put on repentance" is frequent among the Greeks, concerning which I shall speak at p. 300. Salmasius, *ad Hist. Aug.* t. II, p. 437, compares it with the Latin *mittere vestem* and the French *mettre son habit*; see Du Cange, *Glossary*, in both. Hence the glosses are to be emended, in which *attogatio*, *paradisis*, *L. periclisis*, *pixide*... for *attogatio* is that which is added to togas. I have also thought of *arrogatio*, *paraclisis*.

A. In the Middle Ages the Latins also used the word *periclysis* (as it is usually written); see Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, and they also spoke of gold borders. Which word is Germanic; *Leiste* denotes the hem of a thing. ...of form, yet long, almost flowing to the knees, ample—almost the same as chlamydes; the image of which it is permitted to see in those nobles who stand by Justinian the Great in the monument at Ravenna, in Du Cange, *Famil. Byz.*, p. 97. But I shall speak more on this matter at p. 355.

...*custos* of the imperial treasures, another was heard (subintelligitur *oikos*), house-custodian, that is, guarding, preserving the royal treasures, the *gazophylacium*; see Constant. Porph., *In Vita Basilii Macedon.*, p. 157 and 159. Since the *Phylax* and the *vestiarium* were contiguous and under one roof, it happened that one was put for the other. From our author p. 71, it is evident that the *Phylax* was situated between the Chrysotriclinium and the *Theotokos* of the Pharos. The *Triconchii*, in the Great Palace, was the work of Emperor Theophilus, which would refer to the *sigma*—Greek, that is, Latin C, or a semicircle. Conf. Leo Grammaticus, p. 435. Contin. Theophanis, p. 87, where it is elegantly described, and Du Cange, *CP. Christ.*, p. 112.

The *Maglabitae* are lictors, apparitors, those who preceded the Emperor with *maclavia*, or *manclavia*, that is, manual clubs, to prepare the way for those proceeding, and to drive away the crowd. Authors report variously concerning the *maclavium*, even the Greeks themselves; some swear it was a rod, and they rightly say so, provided they do not mean a *lorum*, a lash or thong, which does not consist. Codinus, *Offic.*: "Lashes hang from the belt of each of these, which they call *maglabia*, like rods for whipping those worthy of being whipped, always carrying *dicanicia*. But when the Emperor rides, they go before, and carrying them upright, they keep order for the people." These cannot be reconciled unless we say the word *loron*, not in the sense in which it is accustomed and ought to be taken, was taken by Codinus, but for a staff, club, spindle, or switch. But why should a man who is skilled neither in his own language nor in matters contemporary to him delay us? That *maclavia* were clubs, not whips, is evident both from the custom of the Turks, whose Ganizaries go about with clubs, a custom transferred from the Greeks, and also from the fact that the Greeks explain the word *maclavium* as *allaction*. Concerning which word we must explain more carefully. Therefore, *allacta* are clubs, either solid or so split that many splinters issuing from one end, and running parallel side by side, can be moved somewhat, and when struck, clatter—what we call *Pritschen*. That I may believe the latter were the *allacta*, and that men armed with such rattles were sent before in processions for the sake of making a path, this is supported by a custom still obtaining among our own charlatans—those itinerant medicine-men, for instance, who, for the sake of gathering a crowd, drag with them a fool clad in motley rags and the habit of the ancient world, having in his hand a rattle. The guarding of the sacred body and the palace was recruited only from strangers, such as Persians, Chazars, Franks, and English. Formerly the *gentiles*, the *schola* of the *gentiles*, were the palatine auxiliaries.

*Logotheta dromi*, the rationalis of the public course, whose authority under the Emperor was greatest then, inasmuch as he had to report to him and decide with him regarding matters happening everywhere throughout the whole empire, as well as introduce envoys and reply to them in the name of the Emperor. Conf. Book II, cap. 228, at the end, where he says: "He who conveys to the Emperor the minutes, that is, the significations and notifications of public affairs, is called by those about the palace the Logothete of the Course." The *pragmata demosia* are when an enemy breaks into the provinces, or sedition, plague, food shortages, fires, or other evils occur somewhere, etc. Conf. regarding his duty Du Cange, *ad Alexiad.*, p. 262. There were besides other *rationales*, such as the *ton testion*, namely the *Genicus*, or the general, and the *Idicus*, or the private treasury; likewise the *ton stratiotikon*, the military treasury, and also that of the praetorian, and the *ton agelon*, of the imperial herds or flocks, concerning which in their own place. Casaubon, *ad Script. Hist. Aug.* I, p. 15, confuses the *Logothetes dromi* with the *curiosi* and *stationarii*. Their power and dignity, however, were far less then than afterwards. When Du Cange says (l. c.) that the Logothetes were to subscribe to bulls, that is not true, unless the Logothete were at the same time the *Canicleus*, to whom that care of subscribing belonged. Such an example exists in *Script. post Theoph.*, p. 92, and Leo Grammaticus, p. 457. Strictly, however, the functions were different and not always joined, as is evident even from this present place of our author. Conf. Goar, *ad Cedren.*, p. 24, and *ad Codin.*, p. 27, n. 27. Whence Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.*, p. 822, is to be corrected, making the *Logothete dromi* and the prefect of the *Canicleus* the same person.

^A Romano, vol. I, lib. 11, p. 103 foll., and vol. II, in the book of the Novels, p. 129 foll. (Frankfurt 1596, fol.): together with a synopsis of it, composed by Michael Attaliates, they are cited: 2. Concerning the powerful, who succeed to the smallholdings of the poor; 3. Concerning soldiers; 4. Concerning the restitution of the price of military holdings; 5. Concerning the flight of slaves, and the argument of this novel; 6. Concerning the non-abandonment of judgment by those who initiate an action, and concerning those who are absent for three months or a year; 7. Concerning the fact that civil judges ought to accept nothing; 8. Concerning fees (sportulae), περὶ ἐκτακτικῶν; 9. Concerning customs; 10. Concerning the opening of testaments; 11. Concerning the customs of scribes; 12. Concerning those who commit murders with a sword, or with large clubs, or stones, and that deliberately; 13. Concerning second, third, and fourth marriages. He had also published the twelfth constitution, but mutilated at the beginning. Enimundus Bonefidius in his *Juris orientalis* book 1, p. 19 (Paris 1573, 8vo), whom see also at p. 15, where he treats of another constitution of this Constantine, περὶ τοῦ ἀναθεματίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀποστάτας καὶ μουλταρίους. Constitution 15, περὶ πολυγάμων, against fourth marriages, is read in the same place at p. 16 foll. FABRIC. In certain codices of the Laurentian-Medicean library at Florence there are Novels, laws, and constitutions of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, which Bandinius, in his *Catalogue of Greek Medicean Codices*, vol. I, p. 530, cod. 12, nos. 2 and 4, enumerates and reviews individually as they appear there, where there are 11 of his Novels reduced to a compendium. Vol. III, p. 182, cod. 6, no. 16, plut. P. 186, no. 1, and 188 foll., no. 4-10, cod. 7, plut. 80, p. 194 foll., several Novels in cod. 10 which contains the book of laws. At Venice in the library of St. Mark, cod. 173, there are 12 Novels of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the beginnings of which the author of the *Catalogue of Greek Venetian Codices* has placed on p. 101. Ibid. p. 104 concerning codices 180 and 181, and p. 305 concerning cod. 579, which contain the *Ecloga* of the laws of the Emperors Basil, Leo, and Constantine; the first codex contains the Novel of Constantine Porphyrogenitus on preference. ^B At Vienna in the Imperial library, cod. 53, no. 15, the argument of the volume of the Union of the Church by Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the cause of fourth marriages, etc. See Lambeck, *Comm.* VIII, p. 1009. Add p. 938 foll. Cod. 6, a Novel concerning the alienation of fiefs, etc. See Kollar, notes to Lambeck's *Comm.* VI, part 1, p. 53. Others ibid. p. 10 foll. in cod. 2, nos. 2 and 4; p. 36 in cod. 3, nos. 11, 19, and 23. In cod. 43, no. 25, Novel 2 concerning those who deliberately commit murders, etc. See Kollar, *Supplement to Lambeck's Comm.*, p. 237 foll. At Paris in the public library, thirteen codices, sometimes 11 Novels or an epitome of them, sometimes others, sometimes an epitome of law by Leo, Constantine, and Basil, divided into 40 titles. See the index to vol. II of the *Paris Catalogue*, under "Constantinus Porphyrog." In the Escorial codex, the Novels of Constantine Porphyrogenitus and other emperors, as attested by Pluer in *Itinerarium per Hispaniam*, p. 163. A Novel in the Uffenbach codex, now at Leipzig, concerning which you may read more in Mai's *Uffenbach Manuscript Library*, part II, col. 527. Harl. 80.

In this Meursian edition of Constantine's minor works (Lugd. 1617, 8vo, after p. 252), four new constitutions are appended, which Charles Labbé published from royal codices, more complete and better, with a new version and corrections among his *Ten Constitutions of the Imperial Novels*, Paris 1606, 8vo: 1. Περὶ στρατιωτικῶν, concerning military holdings, which Theodorus, patrician and quaestor of the Decapolite, dictated: 2. Concerning the holdings of Armenians of others and of murderers; 3. Concerning fees, concerning the opening of testaments, and concerning the fact that there ought to be a certain and defined manner of customs (Theophilus, patrician and quaestor, dictated this); 4. Concerning fees, by which the previous constitution is abrogated, permitting judges and scribes to accept fees. Theodosius (the same as the aforementioned Theodorus), patrician and quaestor of the Decapolite, dictated this. ^C ...the Palatine manuscript and that described by Jo. Sambucus, edited with Leunclavius' Latin version in his already-praised *Greek-Roman Law*, vol. II, pp. 79-134. The year in which this selection was published is corrupt, and for *sol* one should read *sot*, which corresponds to the year of Christ 939, in which Constantine could have promulgated the selection of laws begun by his father, Leo. FABRIC. At Vienna in cod. 2, nos. 2 and 13; cod. 8. See Lambeck's *Comment.* VI, part I, pp. 25, 32, 38 and 74 foll. In the formerly Uffenbach, now Leipzig codex, which formerly belonged to Cuper, and which J. H. Mai reviewed amply in *Bibliotheca Uffenbachiana Mss.*, part II, p. 522 foll., who published the index of 40 titles in Greek with his own Latin version. Puttmann added a preface, translated into Latin by Gottfr. Mascovius, in *Memoriæ Gottfr. Mascovii*, Leipzig 1771, 8vo, p. 121 foll. See also p. 87 foll., and compare D. Casp. Achatius Beck, *De novellis Leonis*, etc., ed. D. Car. Frid. Zepernick, Halle 1779, 8vo, p. 20 and p. 25. Zepernick in his notes, and this man especially in the *Prætermissa*, p. 228 foll. Concerning the surname Porphyrogennetos, the year in which he was born, to wit A.D. 905, and his life, and p. 373 foll., especially p. 376 foll., the *Ecloga* of the laws of Leo and Constantine, concerning the manuscripts, the arrangement, partition, index, etc., are learnedly treated. HARL. Concerning the *Basilika*, compiled under the auspices of Basil the Macedonian and Leo the Wise, and revised by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Jos. Maria Suaresius, bishop of Vaison, treats excellently in his *Notitia Basilicorum* to Urban VIII, the Supreme Pontiff: "The books of the *Basilika* are distinguished into six tens or volumes, and hence called *hexabiblos*, and subdivided into sixty books, and hence called *hexakontabiblos*. Emperor Basil the Macedonian ^D first set his hand to them, as Cedrenus asserts: therefore Leo the Wise attributed these books to the same Basil."

NOTES (g) Codinus mentions this in *Orig. CPol.*, no. 157, Lambeck edition. (h) Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the *Life of Basil the Macedonian*, p. 66, among the writers after Theophanes: "Finding also that the civil laws had much ambiguity and confusion because of [good things, just as also their]"

which had been abolished, I mean the uselessness in them, and having purified the multitude of the essential ones, [he curtailed] their former vastness into summaries, as it were, for the sake of being easily remembered." Joannes Curopalates Scylitzes, p. 37, and from him Cedrenus: "But seeing also that the civil laws had much ambiguity and confusion, he hastened to correct these fittingly as was proper (Cedrenus: 'to restore them'), and to remove the insatiability of those which had been abolished, and to purify the multitude of the essential ones. But he did not have time, being overtaken by death. His son Leo, however, completed the work afterwards."

attributing these books to his father, Novella 81 (i), according to Cujas, chap. 31, book XVII of the *Observations on the Law*, and most have believed Basil to be the author of the *Basilika*, among whom was Francis Balduin. Basil himself in the preface to the *Epanagoge*, whose beginning is *To axioma*, relates how he arranged all the things lying in breadth, or the *Basilika* statutes, into forty books (Cujas attributes sixty), then extracted from those purified ones an epitome distributed into forty titles, or a *Procheiron*. The same in the prologue of the *Ecloge* beginning *O despotes*, directs students to the "cleansing of the breadth," which he had accomplished. "For the same Basil the Macedonian, with his sons Leo and Constantine, or Alexander, published a *Procheiron* (v), which consisted of forty or sixty titles, and existed now under the names of the emperor Leo; now under the names of Leo and Alexander, or Constantine; now under the names of Basil, Leo, and Constantine, and with diverse prefaces in the Palatine library, as Marquard Freher noted in his *Chronology of the Law*; but now it is found in the Vatican in the Palatine codex signed number 223, the title of which is: *Epanagoge of the more apparent one with God, by Basil, and Leo, and Alexander the emperors*, whose preface begins *To axioma*, and in which forty titles are contained. In the same codex there is another inscription: *Selection (*Ecloge*) of the laws and correction set forth from the creation of the world, in the year 6347, that is 838 [sic, 839] from Christ born, in the month of March, indiction 9*, with the names of Leo and Constantine prefixed, whose prologue starts with the word *O despotes*. It is indeed very similar to that which was published by Leunclavius in volume II of the *Greco-Roman Law* (k) from the membranes of Sambucus with the preface derived from the Palatine library codex of the septemvirate: that one, I think, in which although there are forty-two titles, yet in the published version only twenty-eight are read. Furthermore, in the Vatican codex noted as number 856, one may see an *Ecloge* with the same epigraph, except that the name of Basil is also inscribed, but it comprises forty titles, and there is another preface whose beginning is *Ton megan*, which is also placed before the copies of the *Enchiridion*, or *Procheiron* (which are in the form of a manual, and circulate under the names of Leo and Constantine) in the Vatican codex noted as number 857, and the Palatine noted as number 196, of which the first title is *Concerning laws*, as in the Palatine codex noted as number 223; but in the Vatican codex noted as 856, the first title of the *Ecloge* is *Concerning the signification of betrothal*. And this is that *Procheiron* of Basil which is called Harmenopulus', although Harmenopulus himself in the preface to his *Hexabiblos* clearly professes that its authors are "those around Basil, Constantine, ["and"] Leo," and that it contains only forty titles, as Cujas noted. Harmenopulus's *Procheiron*, however, has far more (l); for Harmenopulus culled from that one, and reduced the greater part into his own, and appended other things from the Roman and Cosmas the Master, as he himself confesses. "Harmenopulus's *Procheiron* was written in the year 1143 from the birth of Christ (m), published in Greek at Paris in the year 1540 by Adam Suallemberger, in Latin by Bernardo Rey in 1547 and 1549; again in Latin by Mercerus, at Lyons in 1556; finally in Greek and Latin together by Dionysius Gothofredus; it exists in manuscript in the Vatican 848, 849, 850, 851, and Palatine 256, 369. "Before Harmenopulus, in the year of the creation 1071 or 1077, Michael Attaliota, judge and anthypatos, wrote a *Procheiron* (n), which is called *Ponema*, or *Pragmatike*, and which Leunclavius published in Greek and Latin in volume II of the *Greco-Roman Law*, when he had already indicated it in book II of his *Annotations on the Paratitla*; it exists written by hand in the Vatican codices 640 and 856. "At almost the same time Michael Psellus wove a *Synopsis of Laws* (o) in political verses: it is held in the libraries, the Vatican codex 845 and the Palatine codex 316, and the Constantinopolitan: Antonio Augustinus testifies that he saw the most noble one in the Laurentian library of the Florentines, a work he does not value highly in book IV of his *Emendations*, chap. 3.

^A The same Augustinus, in his notes on the *Novellae*, praises the *Handbook of the Basilika arranged by elements* [alphabetical], of Joseph of Tenedos, and an index of the *Basilika* arranged by elements, whose copies—the ones preserved in the Vatican codices 752 and 854, and Palatinus codex 222—he suspects to be those of which he speaks, especially in the codex inscribed with the words "It has come to pass that..." And indeed, the Ulpian of Tyre is different from the jurisconsult, if we follow the opinion of Casaubon in chapter 2 of his *Animadversions upon Athenaeus*; or he is the jurisconsult himself, if we put faith in Cujas in chapter 39, book XXIV of his *Observations on Law*. He was called by Athenaeus in the books of the *Deipnosophistae* not only "Vit," but also "Kutokeitos," because in his banquets he would taste no food without first asking *ei keitai*, or *ou keitai* ("whether it lies [there], or does not lie [there]"), or *opo keitai*—such was his appellation. Antonius Augustinus himself notes in his *Bibliotheca*, in codices 181, 182, and 187, that this index is commonly called the "alphabetical law." Carolus Labbeus calls it *nomikoi stoicheion* and published the glosses found after it. Cujas, in his preface to the title *De excusatione tutorum*, testifies that an *Ecloga, kai Synopsis ton Basilikon*—a selection and synopsis of the sixty books of the *Basilika* with lists—was given to him as a gift by Jacobus Cambrayus, who had brought it back from a diplomatic mission to Constantinople. ^B The same Antonius Augustinus, in codex 188 of his *Bibliotheca*, examines a *Procheiron* of Antiochus Balsamon similar to the *Procheiron* of Michael Attaliates and to that which is attributed to Basil, Leo, and Constantine; he seems to confuse it with the work of Psellus under the entry *Pandektai*, concerning the proper names of the *Pandects*. "Leo the Philosopher, succeeding his father Basil, finished the volume begun by the same Basil, the *Basilika* (which the Greeks call *Basilikon*), as Cedrenus asserts, and promulgated it by the labors of Sabbatius the protospatharius (as Matthaeus Blastares hands down, and from him Antonius Augustinus in his *Bibliotheca*, in the book on proper names, and in the *prolegomenos* to the *Novellae*). It appears that Photius made use of this redaction of Leo in the *Procanon* under Gothofredus, in the year of the Virgin's birth approximately 886. That the books of the *Basilika* were prepared by Leo is testified to by the highest consensus of Michael Psellus, Michael Attaliates, Harmenopulus, Balsamon, Blastares, and Cujas. ^C Leo likewise published *Epitomes of the Law*, a work consisting of mere definitions and rules, and quite elegant, which was in the Palatine library, as Freherus testifies. Besides the *koinokephalon* or *Basilika nomima*, Antonius Augustinus reveals in his notes on the *Novellae* that Leo also prepared a *Procheiron*, so that it might be like the *Institutes*. Sometimes, of those things which are ascribed promiscuously to him and his father Basil, or to his son Constantine, it is likely that that [work] is the *Leontos Eklogi* which is found in the Royal Parisian Library, which Labbeus praises and from which he brought to light the glosses he published. In the Vatican codex 852, there is read an epistle of the Emperor Leo prefixed to the *arranged by elements* [section], beginning *Ioustinianoi* [to Justinian], different from the first *Novella* of Leo to Stylianus. ^D Constantine, his son, surnamed Porphyrogennetus, followed Leo; he recalled these *Basilika* to the anvil and brought to light a new *anakatharsis*, or repeated revised reading, so that, having ordered all historical [matters] to be collected into a single body of fifty-three common places, he might deserve well—not less regarding jurisprudence than regarding history, which must be conjoined (as Franciscus Balduinus teaches in his entire booklet), as Casaubon observed in his preface to Polybius. Whence he was asserted to be the author of the *Basilika* by Luitprand and Gentianus Hervetus: this *anakatharsis* is cited passim by Theodorus Balsamon. These at last are the true books of the *Basilika* which were edited by Constantine Porphyrogennetus after he had applied the final hand.

The narrative concerning the image of Christ sent by Him to Abgarus, King of Edessa, and translated to Constantinople in the year of Christ 944

^A Romanus and Baronius (at the year 994, n. 13, p. 717, Antwerp Plantin ed.), who attribute this narrative to Constantine, son of Romanus, are refuted, besides Combefis (and Lambecius, loc. cit., p. 413, sqq.), by Hanckius, *De scriptoribus hist. Byz.*, p. 475 seq., and Antonius Pagi in *Critica Baroniana* at the year of Christ 944, n. 3 seq. This narrative also exists in manuscript in the Viennese library; see Lambecius VIII, p. 195 seq. [p. 410 sqq. ed. Kollar., cod. 14, n. 39] and p. 198 [p. 417 sqq., n. 40, and Kollar's note B therein], where an anonymous addendum concerning that image, worshiped at Edessa before it was transferred to Constantinople, is recorded. It begins: *Perì tês hagías en Edéssê acheiropoiêtou kai theías morphês*. F. FABRICIUS—There is also that narrative in the Florentine Laurentian Medicean library, codex 30, which contains the lives and discourses of various Fathers in praise of the Saints from June 18th to August 31st, n. 39, for August 16th. See Bandinius (*Cat. codd. Gr. Laur.* I, p. 456), who furthermore cites the Greek Menaea for the same day, and Leo Allatius (*Diatr. de Simeonum scriptis*, p. 103 sq.). The same history of the Edessene image of Christ is preserved in the Parisian public library, codices 1176, n. 40; 1475, n. 9; 1527, n. 11; 1528, n. 13; 1548, n. 11; and 1611, n. 17. Mention of the Edessene image of Christ, brought to Constantinople, is made in the continuator of Theophanes, in the reign of Romanus, p. 268. HARLAN—to Georgius Acropolita, p. 201. *De consensu*, p. 281, and *De Simeonibus*, p. 111. It begins: *Ti terpnoteron tou nun horômenou theamatos, ê ti lamproteron tês parousês hêmeras;* The title is: *Logos hênika to tou Chrysostomou hieron skênos ek tês hyperorias en tê basilidi tôn poleôn apetethê*. F. FABRICIUS. Among the older writers who have followed the Life of Chrysostom, Constantine Porphyrogenitus is praised in the Viennese Imperial codex 27. See Lambecius (*Comment.* VIII, p. 637 sqq.), and, whom he cites on p. 639, note 4, Savile in the edition of Chrysostom, vol. VIII, col. 943. That oration of Constantine Porphyrogenitus is truly found in Imperial codex 19, witnesses Kollar in the supplement to Lambecius’ *Commentaries*, p. 259 sq. In the Sfortiana library, as Montfaucon notes in *Bibliotheca mss.*, vol. I, p. 702, A.—Paris, in the public library, codices 157, n. 19, and 3100, n. 4. Constantine, son of Leo, is said to be the author of hymns (*aposticharia*) for the praising of divine benefits, in codex Taurinensis 175. See *Catal. codd. regg. Taurin.*, p. 260 sq. Among the Vossian codices in the *Catalogus codd. Angliæ*, vol. II, p. 60, n. 2210, is an anonymous address to Constantine Porphyrogenitus. HARLAN—§ VII, n. 4, p. 681. — See volume CIX of this our Patrologia, in the review of writers after Theophanes. EDIT.

was digested under the auspices of various learned men, *kephalaioôdôn hypotheseôn*, or a collection of historical, political, and moral excerpts arranged under 53 chapters or titles (y), and gathered from the most well-regarded historical monuments of every age. Of these fifty-three titles, only two have clearly reached us, and those not intact: the twenty-seventh, *Perì presbeiôn*, "On Embassies," and the fiftieth, *Perì aretês kai kakias*, "On Virtue and Vice." Fulvius Ursinus published in Greek at Antwerp, 1582, 4to, with notes, the second part of the titles on embassies, digested by a certain John of Constantinople, from the library of Antonius Augustinus, Archbishop of Tarragona. In this part exist *parabolai*, excerpts from Polybius, pp. 1-228; from Dionysius of Halicarnassus, pp. 295-312; from Diodorus Siculus, pp. 313-333; from Appian, pp. 334-372; and from Dio Cassius, pp. 373-447. David Hoeschelius long ago published the other part of the same title on embassies, comprising excerpts from slightly more recent historians, from the Bavarian codex 204. From the preface I shall transcribe the catalog of writers from whom that part of the collection was compiled: "These are from the following Chronicles: 1, Peter the Patrician and Magister. 2, Georgius Monachus' *Chronicle*. 3, Johannes Antiochenus. 4, Dionysius of Halicarnassus' *Roman Antiquities*. 5, 6, Polybius of Megalopolis and Appian. 7, Zosimus of Ascalon. 8, Josephus' *Jewish Antiquities*. 9, Diodorus Siculus. 10, Dio Cocceianus. 11, Procopius of Caesarea. 12, Priscus

NOTES. (y) The author of the preface, prefixed to the individual titles of the excerpts: "Constantine, descendant of the purple, the most orthodox and most Christian of all who have ever reigned, being disposed with a most acute eye toward the understanding of noble things, and having a mind gifted with discernment, judged it best and profitable for the common good, and annually beneficial for life, first, etc." Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Emperor, most tenacious of the true faith and most Christian of all who have ever existed, gifted with a mind most acute for the perception of beautiful things, and finally excelling in that intelligence so that he might easily bring anything to effect, thought that it would be best and generally useful to all that he should search for books from all parts of the world, filled with varied learning, and then that he should distribute that vast mass of books, which used to kill readers—a matter which seemed troublesome and full of weariness to almost everyone—into small parts, and expose the clear utility which could be derived from them to the eyes of men. So that, with this selection having been made, the studious might be able to apply themselves to reading with greater attention and assiduity, and to imprint the eloquence of speech more deeply and thoroughly upon their minds. Furthermore, the Emperor, with a great and happy effort, judged that the entire work should be distributed into *hypotheseis diaphorous*, distinct treatises to the number of fifty-three, in which *hapasa historikê megalourgia*, whatever magnificent things history possesses, is contained included, and there is nothing inserted into history which has escaped this partition into these treatises. Nor is the sequence of the entire work corrupted in any way by the division of the thoughts; but this synopsis, or, to speak more truly, this *oikeiôsis* or unification of related matters, keeps in the crafting of individual parts a configuration convenient to each treatise.

^A retinue, to ensure that he would not immediately rage. Soon he set out to the monks, who lived far from business on Mount Olympus, of such reputation among all for piety and religion that Romanus Lecapenus paid them annual stipends. A rumor had spread that the emperor had deliberated with Theodore of Cyzicus—on which pretext Patriarch Polyeuctus, long detested for his character and conduct, was to be removed. Having returned thence to Byzantium, he completed his mortal life, whether through bodily infirmity or, as many suspected, being once again targeted by poison. He lived 54 years, of which he reigned 26 with his father-in-law Romanus, and 15 alone. The Senate showed great zeal in honoring his funeral and cherishing his memory; he was brought to the sepulcher of his forebears in the church dedicated to the Holy Apostles. He possessed splendid ornaments of virtue and piety, and the highest reverence for God and sacred things. He built many public works, among which are mentioned the church of the Apostles, begun from the foundations, and the most august temple of Holy Sophia, which he magnificently restored. He renovated a bath in the buildings of Marina, a huge work, not inferior to Roman ones; and for those exhausted by old age and sickness, he granted most ample houses where they might be maintained at public expense: he enlarged the palace: he placed in the Circus an ancient obelisk brought from Egypt, and there still remain monuments of that affair, sculpted in stone and ancient bronze. He rebuilt the walls of Nicaea, ^B which had been torn down by the Saracens, with money collected from the treasury. His primary care was that the provinces should not be troubled with new burdens; he practiced such justice that he drove from the city informants, who are a public bane, and such leniency that he spared those who had recently deserved the ultimate penalties. He moved others who were preeminent in legal skill to the most splendid offices; he revived the military arts, naval affairs, and the building of triremes, which had been unknown during the time of peace, and his writings hand down a splendid record of these things, in which he set forth how much soldiers in arms, how great the strength of allies, and by what arts the frontiers of the empire were to be guarded. There was a huge harvest of learned men in that age, among whom Simeon Metaphrastes, by the command of Constantine, wrote out the lives of the saints, and Leontius the Byzantine, and Genesius, and Theodore Daphnopates composed the history of their own times in written books, which have partly survived to our age and partly been lost. However, certain grave and learned writers accuse Constantine of cruelty, drunkenness, and slackness regarding public affairs: if this is a just reproach, those vices seem either to have appeared rarely, or to have been compensated for by greater virtues.

relates to the rhetorician. 13. Malchus the Sophist. 14. Menander Protector. 15. Theophylact, former prefect and imperial secretary, known as Simocatta. ^A The titles concerning virtues and vices, which were the fiftieth in the whole work, were obtained in their first part from the island of Cyprus by Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc and shared with Henri de Valois, who selected from it what seemed worthy of light and published it with his own translation, very learned notes, and fragments of Polybius, Nicolaus of Damascus, and Dio, collected by him with singular zeal, at Paris in 1634, 4to. In these excerpts, which are commonly called *Peiresciana*, one reads selected passages from Polybius, pp. 6-197; from Diodorus Siculus, pp. 221-413; from Nicolaus of Damascus, *On his own life and conduct*, pp. 414-489; from Dionysius of Halicarnassus, pp. 529-545; from Appian, pp. 465-567; from Dio Cassius, pp. 569-769; and from John of Antioch, monk, pp. 778-853. ^B These excerpts were otherwise a part of the collections from fourteen writers, who are listed on page 5 and following in this order: These are from the chronicles set out below: 1. Josephus’ *Antiquities*; 2. George the Monk; 3. John, surnamed Malalas, in his *Chronicle*; 4. John of Antioch, in his *Chronicle History*; 5. Diodorus Siculus, on *Universal History*; 6. Nicolaus of Damascus, on *Universal History*; 7. Herodotus of Halicarnassus; 8. Thucydides; 9. Xenophon, on the *Education of Cyrus* and the *Anabasis of Cyrus the son of Parysatis*; 10. Arrian of Alexandria. . . ; 11. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on *Roman History*; 12. Polybius of Megalopolis, on *Roman History*; 13. Appian, on *Roman History*, surnamed the *Basilike*; 14. Dio Cocceianus, on *Roman History*. It is added: "and those that follow will be written in the second volume." The following authors will be reviewed in the other volume (of this title, indeed). Hence it is clear that not the entire title *On virtues and vices*, but only its prior part, as I said, fell into the hands of Valois, who did not hesitate to use that freedom to place the writers in these selections in a different order, and to omit or excise things that were either already published or unworthy of edition. [Cf. Zepernick, l. c., p. 231.] ^C Among the lost titles of this work, the first was, as is explicitly stated in the preface, *On the proclamation of emperors* (De imperatorum regumque renuntiatione). Concerning the others, beyond the twenty observed by Hoeschel and Valois, this is the information, described by me in alphabetical order: *On the restitution of a defeated army*. *On courageous deeds*, p. 442 of Valois’ edition, and 473. *On nuptials*. *On maxims*, p. 258 of Valois’ edition, and 225. *On harangues or orations*. Id. p. 87. *On nations*. *On customs*. *On ecclesiastical affairs and persons*. *On descriptions*. Suidas, in *Sambyces*. *On Greek (gentile) history*. *On the imploring of aid*. *On plots*. *On letters*. *On hunting*. *On victory*. *On the founding of colonies*. *On wondrous and unexpected things*, p. 121 of Valois’ edition. *On the administration of civic affairs*. *On military expeditions*. *On stratagems*, p. 34 and 42 of Valois’ edition, and 437. *On armies*. *On battles*. ^D ...compiled from the most certain writings, he arranged in seven books, or 296 chapters, and inscribed it to the same Constantine. The preface begins: "The epitomes ordered by your divinity, O Emperor crowned by God, concerning the compilation of medical theories, I have hastened as much as possible," etc. This work exists several times in Greek manuscript in the Imperial Library of Vienna. See Lambeck, lib. vi, pp. 114, 116, 157. In codex 21, no. 9; in codex 24, no. 1; in codex 25, no. 1 and 40, no. 8. See Lambeck, *Comm.* VI, part 1, pp. 262, 264, and 356, ed. Kollar; but for more, see below at vol. XII, p. 685 sq., and J. G. St. Bernard in the preface to his edition, brought to completion only after his death, inscribed: *Theophanis Nonni epitome de curatione morborum, Graece et Latine*. Recensuit, notes added by J. G. St. Bernard, vol. I, with copperplate, Gotha and Amsterdam, 1794. - Vol. II, 1795, m. 8. Harl. - Another work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, ordered to be compiled, which exists in manuscript in the Royal Library of Paris, as testified by Boivin in his notes to Julius Africanus’ *Cesti*, p. 360. In it are excerpts from Africanus and other writers. FABR. In Paris codex 1630, no. 6, is *Theophanes on Diet* for Constantine Porphyrogenitus; but only the beginning remains.