The Book of Ceremonies

^A because through the praiseworthy order of the imperial power, it is shown to be more comely and tending toward greater decorum, and on this account it is admirable both to foreign nations and to our own citizens. For many things, once observed, are accustomed ^B to perish in the long lapse of time, as things done within it and expended by it, amongst which is the great and precious subject, the exposition and delineation of imperial order ^C.

VARIOUS READINGS AND JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

*Talis est amor meus. Fugientia persequi* ("Such is my love. To pursue fleeing things"—*novit* [knows/is accustomed to], but it overleaps things placed in the middle. Anthol. Gr. II. Stephani p. 11. *Πόνος ἄσπετον εὖχος* [a task, an unspeakable glory], to lead around an infinite circle [of contests]).

*Ibidem* p. 114, in a poem of Lucian: *Οὐ μαλάχην ἄνεμός ποτε, τὰς δὲ μεγίστας / Ἡ δρύας ἢ πλατάνους οἶδε χαμαὶ κατάγειν.* (The wind never knows how to bring down the mallow, but it knows how to fell the greatest oaks or plane-trees to the ground.) *Ως οἶδ’ ἐν ὀργῇ πάντα γίνεσθαι κακά.* (How it knows that in anger all things become evil.) *οὐκ οἴδατε διδόναι* (you do not know how to give). Matt. vii, 11.

*Tactica* – *Taxes* (Arrangements), a collection of tactical method. ^D The keeper of all these was the Emperor—sitting on a golden throne, and not rising before (as the *Tactical* books and the *Basilica* also declare) he has enjoyed the leaping dances.

^A ter genu flexo cum cereis, ut mos est, Deum venerantur; post magno imperatori patriarcha thuribulum tradit, qui sanctam crucifixi imaginem incensat: deinde patriarcham osculantes, vale ipsi dicunt, et quod ante metatorium est oratorium ingressi, per triplicem genuflexionem cum cereis Deum venerantur, ac reverendam crucem, qua omnia passionis Dei ac Domini nostri symbola continentur, osculati, metatorium intrant.

the things delivered to them, the two holy chalices and the two holy patens and the holy swaddling clothes (42). And thus do the Sovereigns enter with the Patriarch through the right side of the same holy sanctuary into the Cyclion (43), in which is set the gold-wrought holy Crucifixion; and there again, according to the custom, through the triple veneration with candles, they give thanks to God, and the Patriarch delivers to the Great Emperor the censer (44), and he censes the same holy Crucifixion, and embracing it, they bid farewell to the Patriarch, and enter into the oratory which is before the Metatorium (45), and there, through the triple [veneration] with the candles, ^{B C D}

^A neglected and, if one may say so, dead, the empire appeared entirely deformed and unseemly. For as, if a body were not elegantly formed but had its members foully and discordantly put together, one might rightly call such a state a confusion; so likewise, an imperial court that is not governed and managed by order will, through its shameful and unrefined constitution, be brought to nothing. Lest this should happen, and we, by neglecting order, should seem to dishonor the imperial majesty, we have deemed it necessary to gather together from many sources—things discovered by the ancients, things related by those who have seen them, and things observed by us ourselves and practiced in our own court—through diligent study, and to set them forth in the present work for an easy and overview-style understanding. We have done this to record for those who come after us the tradition of ancestral customs that have been overlooked, and, as if plucking certain flowers from meadows, to add them to the incomparable glory of the imperial splendor; and, in short, to place this work, like a bright and freshly polished mirror, in the middle of the atrium ^B so that in it both what is fitting for the imperial authority and what is worthy for the senatorial system may be viewed, and the reins of power be directed with order and grace. And so that what is written might be clear and easily understood, we have used a common and simpler manner of speech, and the very words and names long ago adapted and applied to each matter, by which, while the imperial power is held together by rhythm and order, we might provide an image of the Creator’s harmony and movement concerning this universe. It also seemed more convenient to those ^C who have these matters in hand, and therefore...

[VARIE LECTIONES.] [JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.] ...of which none have reached our time; such as that of Peter the Master *concerning political order*, of which I spoke in the preface. From these, we could have known many things about the constitution of the old Roman and Byzantine empire, as well as the site and appearance of ancient Constantinople, which are now hidden from us. This is evident from the excellent *Cletorologion* of Philotheos, which our codex has preserved for us. This codex of ours uses the term *Taktikon* in this sense. For at the words *Isteon*, etc., p. 95, it was inscribed in the margin by the same ancient hand: *from another old Taktikon—that is, from another old Tactical book, or Ceremonial, this precept has been taken*. But the typographers omitted that note. Finally, there were military *Tactics*, not only setting forth the marshalling of battle lines, but also the entire conduct of a leader in war; and as many of these have been published in print—such as those of Leo, Constantine, Aelian, Onosander, etc.—it has happened that the other meanings of the word *Tacticum* have almost come to be unknown among us, and the sound of the word falling on our ears immediately impresses upon the mind the concept of a military book. In this sense Constantine cites *Tactical treatises* (Vit. Basil, p. 165; Nicephor. Patr. CPtanus, *Breviar. histor.*, p. 160: "the education of [eloquent] speeches was vanishing, and tactical matters were being dissolved," that is, studies of letters began to be eclipsed and to pass away, and no less did military discipline vanish). Whoever desires more examples should consult Du Cange’s *Glossarium* under both *Taktika* and *Taxis*—that is, order, ordinale. He imposed this upon that most learned man Combefis, that he should translate the passage of Theophanes’ continuator, just quoted, in this way: *as it is written in the books containing the bellicose and domestic matters of the emperors*; which is not sufficiently exact to the truth and reality. To the Tactical books also pertain the *Cletorologia*, or expositions concerning the ceremonies of sacred banquets—such books of which there were formerly many in the Byzantine court, written repeatedly by the Artoclini, as it seems, for private use and as an aid to their own memory, as is evident from the just-mentioned *Cletorologion* of Philotheos; which, as far as I can recall, is the only one of the number of ancient ceremonial books older than ours that has reached us. ^D ...recurring on almost every page, to use the nominative absolute in place of the genitive of sequence. For in propriety it should have said "of those things which are fitting and worthy... being viewed." This is also frequent in more recent Greek. But it is not unknown even to ancient and best writers: and it is favored by Euripides, but especially by Philostratus. ...at the beginning of the Roman Ceremonial. (See Constantine in *Life of Basil*; Allatius *de Georg.* p. 362, ed. Fabric.) Perhaps he designates the passage of V.D. in Allatius’ *Symmicta*, p. 135, and what is read at the end of volume X of Fabricius’ *Bibliotheca Graeca*. Many passages similar to ours, excusing the use of vulgar and corrupted diction, were given by the blessed C. in the preface to the *Glossarium Graecum*, p. iv, and likewise in the *Addenda* of the same, p. 1. Our book is conceived in that genre of speech, halfway between the vulgar and the pure ancient, concerning which see D.C. in the preface to the *Glossarium Graecum*, p. x, at the end.

^A they give thanks to God, and kissing the precious cross, in which are all the symbols of the Passion of our Lord and God, they are brought in and enter (46) into the Metatorium.

XI. When the holy gifts are to be presented to the holy altar (47), the praepositi enter and remind the masters, and put their chlamydes upon them, and the masters go out with their chlamydes uncovered (48), and they pass through the right side of the same church with the cubicularium and the senate, escorted by the scepters and the other vessels, and they go behind the ambon (49): for there the holy vessels are standing (50) receiving them, and the candles of the masters stand there lit in this way. And so, when the masters have arrived there, the praepositi take the candles and place them in the hands of the masters, and the masters follow with the candles [carrying] the holy gifts, along with the senate and the cubicularium. And the scepters and the other vessels stand in their proper order, and the masters, passing through the solea, stand outside the holy doors, the first master indeed on the right, and the second on the left, placing these candles of theirs upon the breasts (51) of the holy doors. ^B And the holy things...

^A And for those under ^A his hand, it is more dignified; and regarding this, it is more pleasant and more admirable that one should speak concerning each order, how and in what manner it ought to be performed and concluded.

CHAPTER ONE

Things that must be observed when a procession occurs in the Great Church, that is, the order and sequence of the distinguished and brilliant processions in which the emperors go to the Great Church.

1. On the day before ^A any such [procession] is to be held...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...of explaining things mystically. Because of an ignorance of things worthy of being known, they could occupy their mind with nothing but trifles. That love of mystical things still holds sway among the Greeks. Let the work of Symeon of Thessalonica, *On Faith, Rites, and Mysteries of the Greek Church*, published in Moldavia in 1683, be an example; a part of it, *On the Temple and the Liturgy*, Goar had already provided in his *Euchologion*; I had the use of the whole from the kindness of the distinguished Reimar; likewise, Christopher Angelus in his book, *On the Current State of the Greek Church*. Among the Latins, how wonderfully Durandus explains sacred rites in his *Rationale divinorum officiorum*! What is there that is not minute in the vestments of priests, in the vessels and structure of churches, in sacred rites, in which he did not find a mystery! You might see that the fertility of genius did not fail those men, but the seeds of true doctrine were lacking. Whence it happened that those times, like a fertile but neglected field, bore thistles and thickets. Our author says that the court ought to be an image of the whole universe and of the order of natural things, which succeed one another by turns, as night and day, sun and stars, winter and summer. As the supreme Deity presides over the directing of these, so [does] the emperor [preside] over the court. Indeed, the emperors convinced themselves that they represented God, and Christ in a figure; and therefore, when they feasted, they chose twelve guests, just as Jesus Christ reclined with the twelve disciples. At the feast of Easter, the emperor played the part of the resurrected Christ, and his nobles the part of the disciples, and they donned *lori*, so that they might represent Christ wrapped in burial shrouds. And for this reason, they said their *lori* were a symbol of the resurrection. But more will be said about this matter in Book II, Ch. 40. In the meantime, I shall only note this, that traces of this folly are found in the pretended donation of Constantine the Great. (I shall cite the location below in the same place.) By which argument alone it could be established that that donation was a farrago of later times. For in the age of Constantine the Great, they did not yet dote in such a way, although the paroxysms of that delirium were already showing themselves sufficiently. ^C ...in this sense, the expression [sub manu, i.e., "under the hand"] occurs very often in Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, and in others as well. To be under someone’s hand signifies being in his power, or obeying the one commanding.

...[of those] processions, of which mention is so often made in our work, so that we have not [to go and] tear apart individual things. The word *prokensos* and *prokensa*, as is evident, is of Latin origin. The Greeks have two others which mean the same thing: *proodos* and *proeleusis*. They use the former more rarely, and the latter much more frequently. *Concerning the Procession of the King of the Babylonians*, there exists a fragment by the Erotic writer Iamblichus, taken from his *Babyloniaca* in the *Various Excerpts of Greek Sophists and Rhetors* of Leo Allatius, p. 250 sqq., but which Allatius wrongly attributes to the sophist Adrian, to whom it does not belong, as Fabricius observed (*Bibl. Graec.*, T. VI, p. 806). That Iamblichus lived in the time of Marcus Antoninus, and rumor recently brought to us that the Erotic manuscript, written by his own hand, had come from the library of the late Marcus Meibomius to the distinguished Curmann the younger, and that he was turning over in his mind an edition of it. Dio Chrysostom, contemporary with Trajan, uses the word *proeleusis* or *proeleuein*. The passage is p. 370: "Do you not know that, just as a leader and king, when he advances, is then most clearly seen, and one must do nothing ignoble or shameful; similarly also the people, when they come together into one (so read) and arrive in a body," [etc.]—"do you not know, just as a general (prefect, proconsul) and emperor, when proceeding, is seen most clearly, and is observed, and therefore at that time must guard himself against every indecorous and illiberal act: so also must the people, when they proceed and gather together, etc." This passage shows that the ancient Augustan Caesars of Rome celebrated processions, and that the origin of Byzantine processions is to be sought from these rather than, as learned men have done, from those seven processions of the Consuls held annually in the Circus. For these seven processions of the Consuls are, if I am not mistaken, much more recent than the age of the first Caesars. Byzantine emperors, however, strove to imitate not so much the Consuls as the Roman emperors, or rather they sustained the persona and duties of both. But because in such processions the emperors and magistrates had a great number of companions, guards, and attendants with them, it happened that the *officium*, that is, the company, the whole troop subject to the disposition of some magistrate, were called *proeleusis*, *proodos*, *proeleusimaioi*. Thus, Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, p. 236 of the *Breviarium*, mentions "the houses of the processions," which the Romans call *secreta*. Where ^D *proodoi* are nothing other than tribunals, judicial chambers, expeditions, offices, attributed to the disposition of various prefects.

The processions of the ancient Roman emperors into the Capitol, to the thresholds of Jupiter Capitolinus, when they either entered into office or returned as victors from the camps, were varied; likewise to the temples of other gods, if some stated solemn sacrifice had to be celebrated; furthermore to the camps, to public granaries, aqueducts, and other works to be inspected. All of which were exactly represented by the Byzantine emperors, as appears through the whole of Constantine’s work, [and] which we shall note in the course of these our Commentaries. [Maragnoni, in *Delle cose gentilesche*, Rome 1746, cap. 31, says that the origin of solemn processions is to be referred not to the gentiles but to the Christians.] But I think otherwise. Dionysius of Halicarnassus says that Numa had already instituted such processions. [The *Museum Odescalchi*, Vol. II, no. 86, exhibits a procession where one carries Isis, etc.] And such were the processions of the Isiac, Gallic, and Agyrtic priests and others of Roman and foreign superstition, with the sacred chariots (*tensae*) of the gods, cymbals, and tympani, publicly to the Almo.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

Of the Almonen for the sake of washing the deity, and others, they are so frequent in the monuments of the ancients that there is no doubt that Christian processions are derived from the heathens. Goar, in his notes on Codinus, p. 115, n. 4, establishes a difference between *proeleusis* and *proelensus*. The former, he says, was instituted only for the sake of piety, with supplication, the latter only for the sake of displaying pomp and luxury. But the examples already provided sufficiently overturn the learned man’s opinion, and the very inscription of this chapter, in which the emperor’s procession to the Great Church is called now ^A *proeleusis*, now *proelensus*. There were, however, processions of entirely different kinds, sacred and profane. For the sake of better order, I shall discuss each separately, and those of the former kind first.

Sacred processions were, in turn, of two kinds. For they were either litanies, that is, supplications, when the high princes with the clergy and the people on foot, or certainly walking, to avert a great evil or to obtain a most desired good, such as rain, showed repentance throughout the city and the churches in humble attire: or they were processions of the emperors from their palaces to the churches. Images of such processions are seen in the Basilian Menologium, Vol. I, in three places, pp. 67 and 210. ^B It is observed in them that the patriarch stands with the emperor, a deacon holding a book and shaking a smoking thurible, another deacon or priest carrying a processional cross behind him, and many processional clergy with burning candles. This was almost the arrangement of such public supplications, derived from ancient heathen ceremonies, among whom it is certain from Dio Cassius, p. 1041, 33 (Hamburg ed.), that in triumphal processions they proceeded with laurel-crowned men, burning torches, and smoking thuribles. The first of the said Menologium images depicts, though in a rude style, as do almost all the images of that Menologium, the procession of the Emperor Theodosius the Younger and Patriarch Proclus to the Hebdomon on account of an earthquake harmful to the imperial city, regarding which see Cedrenus, p. 342. The second, the procession of Leo the Isaurian and Patriarch Anastasius for the same cause: see Cedrenus, p. 457. The third and final one, the procession for receiving the relics of Clement I, Roman pontiff. ^C Such a procession, by which Romanos Lekapenos received the icon of Christ of Edessa imprinted on a veil, is described by the Anonymous author in the *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 268. A procession at Edessa instituted on account of terrifying portents is described by Assemani in *Bibl. Or.*, vol. I, p. 270, 6, from the Syriac chronicle of Joshua the Stylite thus: "By this scourge, Edessa was warned; at the urging of Bishop Peter, they held supplications throughout the city. All men, women, children, and clerics flocked together, carrying the cross and singing psalms in dark garments." But even all the monks and nuns of the region applied themselves to prayer. A solemn procession instituted for obtaining rain under the Emperor Michael Paphlagon is described by Cedrenus, p. 739, in very memorable words: "Drought having occurred for six whole months without rain falling, the brothers of the Emperor performed a litany; one, John, carrying the holy Mandylion, ^D the Great Domestic the letter of Christ to Abgar, and the Protovestiarius the holy swaddling clothes. And traveling on foot from the Great Palace, they arrived at the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of Blachernae. The patriarch also performed another litany with the clergy." Now there was such prolonged drought that it did not rain for six whole months; the emperor's brothers instituted a supplicatory procession; one of these carried the sacred mantle (or the Edessene veil); another, the Great Domestic, the letter sent by Christ to Abgar; the third, the Protovestiarius, the sacred wrappings of Christ. These men, walking on foot from the Great Palace, proceeded as far as the Mother of God of Blachernae. The patriarch also performed a procession separately with the clergy. It is understood from this that sacred relics were carried around in processions, and that there were generally two choirs of those proceeding, one of which the emperor or his legate would lead, the other the patriarch. These choirs, meeting on the way, would join together and then depart again, regarding which there will be an occasion to speak elsewhere in these notes. The Muhammadans recognized this custom of praying to God for rain in public processions quite early from the Greeks or Eastern Christians, as they adopted many other religious rites. Thus Abulfeda narrates under the reign of Omar in the year 18, or 639 A.D.: "As the drought grew critical, Omar went out [from al-Madinah] with al-Abbas to the field, and a great crowd of people having gathered, he beseeched God with supplications that He might be willing, having regard for the merits and holiness of this man [namely, Abbas], to pour forth abundant rain: and in truth, his prayers were of such effect that before return was made to the city, dense and pushing clouds poured forth abundant rain from their bosom." Through this miracle, Abbas acquired such authority and reverence from the populace that they would touch the fringe of his cloak with a venerating hand, and from this, as if from the blessing of his holiness, would rub their foreheads. [Regarding the ancient procession at Rouen for the fruits of the earth, see Moleon, *Voyage*, p. 307. Procession with psalmody or psalms in Anastasius, *Vitae Pontificum*, p. 120, excellent passages about the cross carried in litanies.] To obtain victory, Scylitzes, p. 816, relates that the Emperor Constantine Doukas instituted a long and extended supplicatory litany. "Having proclaimed a fast to the populace and himself, he made an extended litany, himself walking on foot with tears," having proclaimed a fast, he instituted a processional supplication for the people and himself, extended [that is, long; the interpreter here did not correctly perceive it, rendering it "assiduous supplications"], he himself walking on foot together with the crowd in tears, etc. I do not recall any such procession other than one performed by an emperor on foot. In ancient times, however, it must have been the custom that the emperor was carried in a litter. It is clear from the words of Theophanes. "Before the feast." That is a standard way of speaking for the new Greeks. Thus elsewhere in our author, *pro hemeron hosos an keleusosin*, as many days before as they command; Malalas, vol. II, p. 10, near the end: *pro oligou diastematos tes poleos*, that is, *oligo diastemati pro tes poleos*. Photius in the unpublished Lexicon at Dodwell: *hoi tetrakosioi pro hepta eton katestesan ton l' tyrannōn*, four hundred were established seven years before the XXX tyrants. Now the ancients also spoke this way, both Greeks and Latins. Olympiodorus in Photius, *Bibl.*, p. 106, ed. Hoesch., penult., *pro triakonta tes Rabennes milion para tous horkous prostattei toutous anairethenai*. Diodorus Siculus, p. 160, ed. Wessel., *pro mon eikosi*, twenty days before. In Capitolinus, *M. Anton.*, "before two days" (that is, two days before) he expired. See vol. I, *Scr. Hist. Aug.*, p. 567, and Corsini, *Append. ad Notas Graecos*. In a similar way, they use *apo*. The Novella of Zeno: *photagogous poiese apo hex podon tou patou eis to hypsos*, that is, at a distance of six feet *apo tou patou*, from the ground. Aristides, vol. II, p. 123. *Apo pollou tou douleuein einai*, for *einai poly apo tou douleuein*, *poly apeinai vel aphestanai tou douleuein*, to be far from slavery. Not much different is that expression of Theophanes, p. 125, *meta ten trihemeron tes prodosias*, that is, on the third day after the betrayal.

^A ...entering, that is, when the daily procession is at hand, ^A [is] in the Chrysotriclinos (14), of the daily...

JOAN. JAC. REIKSII COMMENTARY. [Referring to] Theophanes p. 94, concerning the Emperor Marcian: "But Marcian was very pious and God-fearing, and he used to go out on foot in the processions of the Campus, doing many good deeds to those in need. When the Patriarch Anatolius saw this, he himself no longer went [carried] in a litter according to custom, but went on foot." Moreover, Marcian worshipped God with great pious fear, and in the processions held to the Campus he proceeded on foot, and bestowed many benefits upon the needy. Wherefore, seeing these things, Anatolius the patriarch went about the supplications of the processions no longer in a litter, as the custom then carried it, but traveling on foot. Therefore, in the time of Marcian... ^B ...than the age of this [Book of] Ceremonies is, [there were] the *praepositi* [prefects/chamberlains]; especially the *praepositi* of the sacred palace, and of the bedchamber, and of the military. But the *praepositi* who are mentioned in this book are none other than the *praepositi* of the bedchamber. Certainly, those two offices of *praepositus* of the palace and of the bedchamber were at that time so joined, that they could not be separated, but adhered to the same man. In more ancient times, however, the *praepositi* of the sacred palace and the *praepositi* of the bedchamber were different. For although in the 4th and 5th centuries *praepositi* of the sacred palace are found who were Eunuchs, it does not follow from this that the *praepositi* of the palace and of the bedchamber were the same at that time, or that all the *praepositi* of the palace were eunuchs, just as all the *praepositi* were and were required to be eunuchs. For there are found blameless men among the *praepositi* of the palace of those times, such as Boethius and Cassiodorus; nor was there any cause why the V.C. Hagenbuchius in his *Commentary on the Brixian Diptych*, p. 28, should either doubt the faith and skill of those who extracted the title of Cassiodorus from his manuscript codex, which is preserved in the library of the illustrious Leipzig Senate, or accuse the scribe of that codex of ignorance, for the reason that he called Cassiodorus *praepositus* of the palace. The V.D. [Vir Doctissimus] thinks either that those who gave information of that codex did not correctly transcribe the abbreviation of the writing, or that the scribe himself did not correctly render the abbreviation which he found before him in the ancient codex from which he derived his own. But I myself have seen with my own eyes that it was written there: *ex quaestoris et sacri palatii praepositi et patricii Romanorum*: nor do I indeed see why the authority of a handwritten book should be disparaged, and the word *praefecti* be substituted for the word *praepositi*, since both the titles of dignities and the duties have varied with the passage of time. In the *Basilian Menology*, vol. I, p. 20, he is called *praepositus* of the king [praepositos tou basileus], according to the usage of those times, that is, *praepositus* of the palace; Saint Romulus, who, for those times in which he is said to have lived, could scarcely have been other than *praefectus praetorio*, and by others he is called *praepositus* of the court [praepositos tes aules]. And indeed whatever dignity was the *praefectura* of the praetorian [guard] under the first Augusti, that same was the *praepositura* of the palace under the Theodosians and those who followed. But those who are called *praepositi* simply among the Greeks of the Middle Ages, they are always eunuchs, and indeed the princes of the eunuchs. How many there were in number, I do not know: at one time there is talk of one, at another time of many as in this place. Since, according to the witness of Theophylactus Simocatta, the Romans were accustomed to call the *praepositus* the chief of the eunuchs appointed for the royal bodyguard [eunouchon ton eis ten basiliken doryphorian tetagmenon koryphaiotaton], and he is called so by others *archieunouchos*; see Malala, vol. II, p. 31, and there Chilmead; it is credible that there was [usually] but one. But when there were very often many emperors as colleagues, sometimes three or four, almost always two, it is credible that each one of them had his own peculiar service of chamberlains or eunuchs, or household; and that there were as many *praepositi* as there were households of eunuchs. Moreover, the Augusta also had her own *praepositus*, and more if there were [several] Augustae, as there often were, so many were their *praepositi* and households of chamberlains. As many [in number] as they themselves were. Finally, the patriarch also had his *praepositus*: but not always. Certainly our author mentions him as a thing obsolete; and in the end it does not pertain to this. From this it may be understood why in Book II, ch. 2, p. 304, he is termed *protopraepositus* [chief prepositus]. Concerning the office of the *praepositus*, I shall say a few things briefly now: for more things regarding this matter will occur in the course of the work. He was [the one] from the sacred body of the emperor at home and abroad, in the church, in the senate, in the bedchamber, everywhere, the next [person]; he spoke immediately with the prince, he reported to him concerning matters as they occurred, he received commands from him, which he then imparted to other dignitaries to whom each [matter] pertained. Here, for example, we see the *praepositus* on the day before a great festival to have admonished the lord concerning the impending religious [celebration], and to have received from him the command to announce the procession on the morrow. He accompanied the emperor into the church, even to the place of sacrifice, he extended wax candles to him where there was need, and in turn received [them] back as they were returned by him; he served him the *apocombia*, or offerings, which the emperor was accustomed to deposit on the altar on great feasts; he donned and doffed his regalia, as the situation required, he gave at the nod of the emperor the sign to the Ceremonial master, when he ought to give the signal, that is, to urge the gathered dignitaries to proceed; he received from the emperor the congratulatory scrolls of the factions delivered to him, he introduced the patriarch to the emperor after the sacred office was finished, and led him out again; he carried with him from the church into the palace the *eulogiae*, or blessed breads, given by the patriarch to the emperor. I omit other things. Concerning the *praepositi*, one may consult Du Cange in both Glossaries under this word; Fabrottus in the Glossary to Cedrenus, Bacchinus to Agnellus p. 70, where he thinks not implausibly that the *praepositus* of the sacred bedchamber was called by Agnellus the greater of the bedchamber. Concerning the *praepositi* of the cohorts, or military [divisions], see Valesius to Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 500.

(14) It is said that the *praepositus*, while standing in the consistory during the daily procession, or in the body of dignitaries who by office had to gather daily in the hall, upon entering the Chrysotriclinos had admonished the emperor concerning the impending festival. But why in the Chrysotriclinos? Obviously because there was the emperor's own proper seat. These buildings, called the golden triclinium, were the ordinary habitation of the Byzantine princes, [being] not the most principal part of the great palace. Truly Luitprand calls the golden triclinium the most excellent part of the palace, and says that Romanus Lecapenus, at the time when he enjoyed the highest power, lived in it, as the supreme emperor, while the other colleagues, his sons and son-in-law, reigned only in name, and therefore were relegated to other, as it were inferior, parts of the palace. The words are from *Legat.* c. 9: "In this golden triclinium, therefore, which is the more excellent part, Romanus lived most powerfully, having distributed the other parts of the palace to his son-in-law Constantine, and his sons Stephen and Constantine." And from p. 5, of our *Ceremonies*, it appears that there was [there] the *ton hieron koitona*, the sacred bedchamber, or the dormitory of the emperor, and adjacent to this the *secretum*, in which he was accustomed to receive dignitaries who came to pay their respects. In that *secretum* was a shell, or arch, with a window, under which arch stood a golden image of Jesus Christ sitting on a throne, before which the emperor performed his devotion in the morning upon rising, before he attempted anything else; likewise before that image he used to make prayers having returned from the church into the palace; and thus at last he would withdraw into his private bedchamber. "(The silver doors of the golden triclinium, and the silver table, the work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. A purple guard for the vestibule of the emperor's bedchamber. Writer after Theophanes p. 281. The same Constantine [added]... the golden triclinium.)"

^A And the lords of the feast who admonish them, and command them to... JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

...of the highest men, carried on litters, performed these religious processions. A little later, in the same Theophanes, p. 104, we have an example of the Patriarch of Alexandria, who, while staying in Constantinople with his people, came from the palace in a procession to the church, riding on an ass; which action, however, is criticized as insolent. Sigonius also remembers, in his work *On the Kingdom of Italy*, p. 48 (39), that the legates of the bishops sent to the council held in Trullo were invited to the sacred procession for the sake of invoking the Holy Spirit, to be led through the city on horses with trappings, by the wondrous kindness of the prince (Constantine Pogonatus, I suppose). Especially if a church was to be consecrated and the relics of the saints were to be placed in it, that honor was held for the patriarchs, that, although the emperor himself walked on foot with the processional crowd, they nevertheless were carried in an imperial carriage, holding the venerable relics upon their knees. (See Theophanes, p. 184, 192, 193, 202.)

Let us now consider the antiquity of these processions. That such pomps were already customary in the Italian churches in the time of Valentinian is established by the passage of Agnello, *Pontificalis*, in the *Life of Exsuperantius*, vol. II, *Scriptores rerum Italicarum*, p. 63—to which place the evidence brought by Benedict Bacchini deserves to be compared. Since, therefore, the Italian churches, according to the opinion of a learned man, received this rite from Constantinople, it is necessary that it immigrated into the Church immediately with the first Christian emperors. May I be permitted on this occasion to propose my own opinion concerning the very obscure passage of Agnello. The words are these: *In the times of this (Exsuperantius) the church of St. Agnes was built by Gemellus, a subdeacon of that holy church of Ravenna, and rector of Sicily, and he endowed it much in gold and silver and sacred palls and the city...* ^B Ibid., p. 284.] Both passages which the learned man cited are worthy of further consideration. I will not indeed speak now of the silver doors and the silver table, of which there will be a more convenient occasion to speak elsewhere, but we must see what this "purple guard" might be. There is indeed in the Greek, just as in the Latin of Combefis, πορφυρᾶ φυλακή, "purple guard." But if we examine the Greek more attentively, it is not difficult to detect and correct the error. The words are: *And he made a purple guard before his bedchamber, having created a container of waters, which he surrounded with marble columns, the smoothness of which radiated.* It appears that that work was intended for containing waters. Therefore, the author did not write *phylake* (guard), but *phiale* (basin). For they call a *phiale* a water reservoir, a vast basin holding water, especially when there are pipes placed above it ejecting water. Such a fountain of porphyry marble did Constantine build before his Ceton. The following confirms this: *He places an eagle of silver upon the water-pipe, etc.* He placed a silver eagle upon the water-siphon. ^C But it is faulty and incomplete, and obscured by the affectation of a flowery style. Behold it: *It is necessary, then, to speak also about the Chrysotriclinus, which the most mechanical sovereign made to be like a flowering and sweet-smelling rose garden, imitating the colors of various flowers newly sprung with many-colored and very fine tesserae. By the middle of the spiral knots they are enclosed and formed by their composition, and they bring forth an incomparable wonder. He crowned this with silver, and taking it like a rim, he provided inexhaustible pleasure to those who see it.* Thus, at least, I believe the passage must be established according to the laws of grammar so that the full sense emerges, and this I believe to be its meaning: "It is necessary now to speak of the Chrysotriclinus, which the master, most clever in building, made to be ^D like a garden of roses, overflowing with flowers and sweetly fragrant, imitating the colors of various flowers, as if they were fresh, with varicolored and very subtle tiles; which tiles, intercepted in the middle and enclosed by the winding braids of branches and by the artificial composition of innumerable parts, fashioned into the imitation of flowers, exceed all comparison. He [not the Chrysotriclinus, but the *ergon*, the mosaic work] crowned this with silver, and having encompassed it as with a circle, he exhibited to the spectators a spectacle of insatiable pleasure."

I conclude from these words that the floor of the Chrysotriclinus was made by mosaic or tessellated work, in which stones of various colors and sizes, variously composed, represented flowers, which, separated by intervening branches of trees and distinguished into many small plots, were finally encompassed by a silver circle. I further note that *triclinium* in this book and in Byzantine writers does not signify what it does to the Latins—not a conclave, a dining room, or a private apartment—but the whole building, containing several chambers, synonymous with "palace," as is apparent from *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 89 sqq. and 91, and in many other places. *At the time of Saint Louis and long before, the word "Sale" signified palace, a great house*, says Du Cange on Joinville, p. […]. That in the age of Marcellinus, *triclinium* was used for a tribunal or palace is evident from his book XV, where he mentions the minister of the *triclinium* of the treasury. Indeed, long before him, from the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, p. 648, 5, it is clear. In our text, I have found everywhere *ho triklinoi* (the triclinos), not *to triklinon*, nor *triklinion*. It seems that *kline* in this composition signifies the same as *stege* (roof/covering), *triklinon, plateon*, a building of three stories, even if it were of fewer or more.

...in the hall of speaking, there will be a more abundant place for the first chapter of the second book, where its rites and laws are set forth. It will suffice here to note that it is to be traced back to the rite of the ancient Romans, by which, of course, the clients were accustomed to frequent the thresholds of their patrons in the morning—which the first Roman emperors also retained from ancient custom as a sign of friendship, and following the process of time, received into the laws and religious ceremonies of the court, which no one could omit while safely maintaining the cult of the prince. That custom of saluting patrons, senators, and emperors is well enough known, so that it would be superfluous to speak of it here. See *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. I, p. 29. I will only say this: as the power of the ancient emperors was greater, and their cult less invidious and more relaxed, so the veneration of the later ones, or the Byzantines, was, under lesser power, more ambitious and pompous and *fortike* (burdensome); and likewise the salutations of the great, no longer as of friends slightly inferior, but as cult owed by servants and rigidly exacted. In those daily morning processions from the first hour of the day (or the seventh by our reckoning) until the third (or nearly the tenth) and in the afternoon the palace was open; at the remaining time it was closed, as is learned from our *Ceremonial* l. c. and from Liutprand's embassy. Those processions were like the assemblies of our nobles in their tribunals, or to discuss intimate counsels with the master. For through those processions the affairs of the empire were administered. It is evident from our *Ceremonial* and from the Continuator of Constantine in *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 88 B, where the interpreter did not perceive the mind of the author and the expression *he kath' hemeran proeleusis*. The words are: *He performed the customary reception of matters and the daily [as it is read there] processions in the very Triconchos.* He performed the management of affairs and daily processions in the very Triconchos. This is how it should be translated. The historian notes this fact as unusual. For other daily processions were held in the Chrysotriclinus, as is apparent from our passage.

When those of the cubiculum and the praepositi depart, the masters return and give thanks to God, offering prayer in the apse of that same chrysotriclinium, in which is depicted the holy, god-manlike image of our Lord and God seated upon a throne. And then they enter their own sacred bedchamber. It should be known that according to this order and rule the holy and great Sunday of Pascha is celebrated, as well as the holy Pentecost, the divine-splendor-coruscating Transfiguration, the holy feast of the Nativity of our Lord and God, and the holy and most-resplendent day of the Theophany.

[XVII] It should be noted furthermore that, when they proceed during the holy and great Sunday according to the rite and custom explained above, and change their *dibetesia* in the bedchamber of Daphne, after all the senators have gathered in the portico of the great triclinium of the Nineteen Couches and in the Onopodium, the praepositi enter to admonish the masters. They put on their *tzitzakia*, and after the great couch—that of the Nineteen Couches—has been prepared, they go out into the midst of the obsequies of the cubiculum, the manclavitae, and the body guards, who stand to the right and left of the triclinium, and they take their seats in the right part of the same triclinium upon golden and gem-encrusted stools. Then the rector, the praepositi, and the cubicularii enter and kiss the masters. Afterward, at the nod of the master, the praepositus, by a gesture of his cloak, gives a signal to the ostiarius who is holding the golden rod. He goes out to bring in, from the right side, in a line, both the ^B *katepano* of the *basilikoi*, along with the *domestikos*, and those in charge of the chrysotriclinium, the *katastaseos*, the *silentiarii*, and the *admensionalis*. And as the ostiarius enters inside the veil, he stops, and the praepositus receives a nod from the master, and by his cloak gives a sign to the ostiarius. He, bowing becomingly at the feet of the masters, strikes the veil behind him with his right hand, through which they are brought forward by the silentiarii, the aforementioned persons, who also themselves kiss the masters, and— ^{C D} [alt-version omitted] [index: entries preserved]

^A And the silver city in the procession for the birthday of that selfsame martyr has lasted even to our own times. What is the meaning of the "silver city" in the martyr's birthday procession? I, for my part, think it was a mass of silver fashioned into the form of a city—one or two towers, to be sure, not of very great bulk—which was carried about in the processional pomp on the martyr's birthday, that is, the day sacred to the memory of the martyrdom of Blessed Agnes, in order to show that their city was dedicated to the patronage of that blessed [saint]. It seems to me that this signifies the images of pious men that one encounters here and there, who are seen carrying houses or towers in their hands. Bishops, in particular, are depicted in this way, as if they were carrying in their hands the churches committed to their care. If I remember correctly, I saw such an image of Leo III in the Lateran ruins in Germany. The illustrious Muratori, in vol. II of *Scriptores rerum Italicarum* (p. 73), provided an effigy of St. Ecclesius in the same habit. We have a very recent example in the dedication of the most beautiful work of Dio Cassius by Reimar to the Eminent Cardinal Quirini, at the front of which is an image in which, among other things, Piety is seen, bearing a cross in her right hand and the church of Brescia in her left. Similarly, founders of cities are also depicted bearing their cities by hand. I have seen—though I cannot recall where—an image of Charlemagne which bears Aachen in its hand. But, above all, the second volume of Ciampini's *Veterum Monumenta* is full of such images. See plates 16, 19, 27, 29, 31, 37, 42, 47, 52, and what I state below concerning temples or coats of arms made in the form of towers [Β] and accustomed to being suspended inside a tribune. See Du Cange s.v. *templum*. They used to dedicate not only votive offerings in the likeness of towers, temples, and cities, but also golden ships, and hang them in churches (see *Chron. Casin.* III, 57).

I come now to the other kind of sacred procession, namely, that when the emperors, on Sundays and feast days at morning and evening hours, went out from the palace to the churches to perform the divine office. Depending on the times, they were different, and they were greeted by the factions on both sides of the streets through which they had to pass, and were received with different acclamations in different open spaces. Our author is quite diligent in describing these *doxai*, or receptions, as they are called, or *beneventations*, or *proastolations*. The Bishop of Cremona, Liutprand, who was present at the rite, also described them excellently. It is worth the trouble to transcribe his words, so that we may immediately at the beginning grasp a clear and full idea of the matter so often mentioned throughout this book. He says as follows (p. 913, ed. M.): "The second hour," says Nicephorus, "has already passed (which is, according to our way of counting, eight in the morning), the *proeleusis*, that is, the procession, is to be celebrated by us. Let us do what now lies before us." To these claims, when it is opportune, we shall respond. It does not tire me to describe the *proeleuis* itself and to hear my masters. A copious multitude of merchants and ignoble persons, having been collected for that solemnity for the reception and praise of Nicephorus from the palace even to Hagia Sophia, held the edges of the street as if they were walls, adorned with shields of quite thin material and cheap spears. Contributing also to the augmentation of this disgrace was the fact that the greater part of the common folk themselves walked with bare feet. I believe they thought that in this way they would rather adorn the holy *proeleusis* itself. But even his grandees, who walked with him through the plebeian and barefoot multitude, were dressed in tunics that were old and frayed through excessive age. It would have been far more decent for them to walk dressed in their daily clothing. There is none whose ancestor possessed this, a new one. No one there was adorned with gold, no one with gems, except for Nicephorus alone, whom the imperial orna^C ments intended for the persons of the elders and made up, had rendered more unsightly. "By your salvation, which is dearer to me than my own, one precious garment of these hundred nobles and more, is more precious [than his]." "I was led, therefore, to the *proeleusis* itself and placed in a more eminent spot near the *psaltae*, that is, the singers. And as that monster was moving along, as it were, crawling, the flatterers shouted, 'Sing! Hail, the morning star comes, the dawn rises, it strikes the rays of the sun with its look: the pale death of the Saracens, Nicephorus *medon*, that is, prince.' Whence also it was sung, '*medonti*,' that is, to the prince, 'to Nicephorus for many years be it.' 'Nations, adore him, venerate him, bend your necks to this great one...'" Therefore, puffed up by these false flatteries, he enters Hagia Sophia, with his masters the emperors following him at a distance and adoring him as far as the ground, with the kiss of peace. The armor-bearer of this man places the arrow into the reed in the church, which follows, at the time, of course, when he began to reign, and thus those who have not seen it understand the era. On this same day he ordered me to be a guest at his table. But not believing myself worthy to be placed before any of his own nobles, I sat fifteenth from him without a bench, no one of my own companions [with me]. It appears that the Latin prelate, swollen with pride both by reason of the authority of his order among the Latins and by the favor of his master, the Saxon emperor Otto I, had cast much envy upon the Greeks, and upon Nicephorus Phocas especially, from whom he had not only received a rebuff but also believed that he had been offended in many ways. But this is irrelevant to the matter. Let us proceed with the plan. The day before, therefore, before such a procession was celebrated, it was proclaimed by the voice of a herald that the streets and alleys through which the procession was to pass should be clean, and that the inhabitants should hang silken cloaks, golden and silver vessels, and all their precious furniture in front of their houses, and that they should plant fragrant trees and pleasant-looking ones, and scatter roses, rosemary, and other things upon the ground. It is probable that such things were commanded by the voice of a herald, the nature of the matter demanding it, and although I do not find it noted elsewhere, I seem nevertheless to find it in these words of Cedrenus (p. 750): "On the Sunday after holy Easter, having proclaimed a public *proeleusis* in the church of the Holy Apostles, he went out crowned, with the senate, the whole city having gathered for the spectacle, the inhabitants of the main street hanging gold and silver vessels, and veils and other gold-woven fabrics, and in the acclamations [the people were] eager to pour out their very souls, if possible." On the day which is the Sunday next to Easter, he proclaims a public procession for the people in the church of the Ss. Apostles... He comes, therefore, crowned, with the senate, with all the urban [population] rushing to the spectacle, and those who [were] at the royal road ^D (16) They consult, and interrogate, and ask for his assent or dissent, and his will in either direction. Thus Constant[ine] uses it in *Vit. Basil.* p. 144. And other Byzantines more often, and Marcus Antoninus the philosopher himself (IV. 16, p. 81, ed. Mer. Casaubon), and indeed Demosthenes himself (p. 47. 38, ed. Lambini). Thence they are called *hypomnemata*, or consultations of the patriarchs, those letters through which they are asked for their opinion on doubtful cases and to which they subscribe what they deem right. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* s.v., and what the learned Benedictine authors of the *New Diplomatic Art* (vol. I, sect. 2, cap. I, art. 3) argue at length concerning *indicula*. Sometimes also it can be taken for "cites," "evokes." And that it was used in that way to mean "remind" among the Latins of the Middle Ages is apparent from Du Cange, *Gl. Lat.* s.v. *admonitio debitoris*, *sommation*, *ajournement*. It is also called "suggest" and "suggestion." See Alteserr. on Anastas. p. 56.

then they each depart one by one by the same way they came.

^B XVIII. After this the masters arise, and the cubicularii take up the seats and place them in the middle of the same triclinium in the form of a frame made of ivy, myrtle, and rosemary, in the shape of the letter T. Then again the praepositus receives a signal from the master, and bowing respectfully, he enters the middle portico; afterwards he goes out in order to have the veils brought forward. Two ostiarii go out together with him, and they stand inside the veil; ^C one of them, who is stationed on the right, bows respectfully before the masters and with his right hand strikes the two veils behind him. The silentiarii draw the veils in two directions, specifically to the right and left, and the praepositus enters, preceding the order of the magistri and proconsuls, that is, those who are wearing the twelve gold-woven loroi. And the praepositus stands in his own place, just as the ostiarii stand in their own places; but the magistri and the rest kiss the masters according to the custom: first indeed their knees, then their hands, afterwards their mouth, and they stand on the right and left according to their proper ranks.

XIX. In the same way the praepositus goes out again with the same ostiarii, and the two ostiarii enter again as it was previously said, and the ostiarius who is stationed on the left performs everything that we have observed regarding the other. In the same manner as the first, the second veil is brought...

then the masters order them to be brought to ^A perform [the ceremony]. Going out, they inhabit the royal ^A gold and silver furniture from the buildings dependent, and veils [that is to say, silken ones] and garments interwoven with gold, and in boisterous acclamations readily promising even their own blood to be shed for him. This custom of decorating homes and streets they received, like many other things, from the Greeks by way of the Muhammadans. Thus, it is frequently read in Abulfeda that Cairo (Misr or al-Qahira) was adorned if, for instance, a messenger of a victory reported from the army arrived, or the sultan himself returned home victorious, or other matters of public joy occurred. In processions, the order was maintained such that soldiers went ahead, followed by the nobles, while the emperor was surrounded by eunuchs; regarding this matter, I shall speak more clearly in its proper place. The pious vows which were shouted by the factions to the passing emperor were called *euphemiai*, and *acta*. And of these, as of the factions, I shall speak more conveniently in their own place soon. See p. 287. I only touch upon the fact that on various feast days, the procession went to different sacred buildings, such as on the feast of the Nativity and the Pascha to the Great Church, or Hagia Sophia; on the Sunday after Pascha to the SS. Apostles; on the day of the Assumption or the Ascension of Christ into heaven to the Regas or the Springs; on the feast of Pentecost to S. Mocius; on the feast of S. George to Magnaura, etc. These processions were typical, or fixed and bound to certain days according to the prescribed ceremonial formula, so that the emperor could not conveniently remain at home or go elsewhere than was prescribed. On other Sundays, the emperors remained within the palace and attended their own court churches, among which the most notable were those of the Lord and of the Theotokos of the Pharos. From this it is understood why Cedrenus said, on p. 633, of the typical processions: "Never in the typical processions for the viewing of the divine temples was he found empty and without fruit." ^C This rite flowed from the custom of the ancient Roman emperors of proceeding and sacrificing on certain days to Jupiter Capitolinus, on others to the temples of Victory in the suburban camps, a fact which is established from Herodian and similar writers.

The Russians, who assumed almost all civil, sacred, and courtly rites from the Greeks, keep almost the same order in their own sacred processions; one specimen of which I shall excerpt from a book written in English and in the Belgic version which I use, inscribed *Staat van Groot Russland*, in which place no other can be found that illustrates the present matter more clearly. Our commentaries can stand in place of this chapter, and all those of his in which the sacred processions are described. Since few know the Belgic language, it is necessary, for the sake of the reader, that a place, although prolix, be translated into Latin. It is read on pp. 355-361 of the said book. For the original English exemplar, from which that book was made in Belgic by the author A. Moubach, is not at hand. Therefore, his words are these: "Seeing that concerning the sanctification of the waters [on the feast of the ^D Epiphany, regarding which see chapter 26 of our work], which is customarily done with many ceremonies, it will not be unpleasant for my reader to read them described. This sanctification of the waters took place outside the city, on the Moscow river by the same name; in which, cut through the ice, a large square window is made, fortified with railings... Around these steps a tribunal is erected, covered with red cloths, within which was a small covered enclosure, in which the emperor remained with the chief of the clergy. This enclosure had four doors in the manner of apsidal arches with golden apples placed on top. (See what we say below on p. 242 concerning the golden apples of the imperial carriage.) The railings of the opening made in the frozen river, being one and a half feet high, were likewise covered with red cloth. At their four corners stood columns... apsidal, so as to form a throne or tribunal, within which eight glass lamps hung, burning. From one side one could descend into the water by two steps, covered with red cloth... The ground was covered with Turkish carpets; the imperial throne stood further out than the floor by three or four steps, gilded, covered in silver cloth extending somewhat onto the floor, and provided with little towers upon which stood gilded crosses. The throne of the patriarch, placed to his right, was one step higher, but less splendid. [A memorable spot here regarding the pride of the Russian clergy, craving a summit beyond the imperial one, which the Greeks, however, dared not do.] The procession to this place was made thus. First went the Captain, whom the protectors of the emperor followed. After them followed the Venetian company in the same order, then the Green, and lastly in place the Russian, carrying artificially turned spears; the last arrivals were the musketeers. These protectors were all of noble blood, placed in a circle around the place dedicated to the ceremony. There succeeded a huge number of clergy, before whom hung images of the saints; after them came the priests with lanterns and enclosed burning candles, then others carrying painted saints. Then emerged a large and heavy cross, around which were carried gilded Seraphim on long poles. Again, other pontiffs emerged carrying silver trays and patens, and cups covered with red skins, in one of which patens was the patriarch's *kamelaukion*. Sacerdotes of various orders received them, dressed in vestments rigid with gold and silver, then bishops indeed and archbishops splendidly dressed. The miters of the archbishops shone with gold and silver, and with edges of ermine fur, which some bishops carried in their hands. After the archbishops walked boys singing, splendidly dressed, then three or four monks with smoking thuribles, which they swung before the patriarch, who was led by two other monks, having in his hands a golden cross upon a red cushion. The patriarch was dressed in silver cloth, to which were attached before and behind ribbons of satin cloth with crosses sewn in gold thread. To his right knee hung from a gold-embroidered belt a square *gonation*, likewise embroidered with gold, with golden villous tassels depending [quasten]. Succeeding the patriarch were the Boyars splendidly dressed, and then the Czar himself, dressed in an unbelievably splendid golden cloth, wearing on his head a golden crown, adorned with gems and pearls, led by the arm by two princes, with other nobles following as far as the place of ceremony. Where, some delay having passed, the patriarch took the thurible, which he moved toward the water, then approached the Czar at a distance of three or four feet, and swung the thurible before him. The Czar descended from the throne, inclined himself before the patriarch, while the latter swung the thurible several times over the emperor's head; and both bowed to each other with inclined body. Which being done, the Czar returned to the throne and waited until the patriarch had initiated the present nobles and the people with holy incense. After other ceremonies had been interjected, several priests proceeded with a sacred codex [book] very splendidly bound, wrapped in red hexamitos with golden clasps and gems of great worth. From this codex the patriarch read text, with the emperor standing in the meantime...

^A Once the reading was finished, the patriarch approached the emperor with the codex and offered it to him to be kissed. The emperor kissed it, and together [they] kissed the hand of the patriarch. When this was done, both returned each to his own throne. Then two priests again took away the sacred codex. The emperor and the patriarch each descended from his throne and proceeded toward the open water. The patriarch descended to its surface by means of prepared steps, while the emperor in the meantime stood uncovered before the railings as long as the act of consecration lasted, which, after many ceremonies, was performed by means of a golden cross into which a silver shallow bowl had been inserted. When this was finished, the Czar again placed the crown upon his head, and the patriarch his episcopal mitre, and they returned each to his own throne. ^B Then there was brought to the patriarch the consecrated [element] and some of the holy things in a silver bowl, and also a golden cross and a sprinkler, each on separate silver platters. With this equipment the patriarch again approached the Czar, who uncovered his head, kissed the golden cross offered by the right hand of the patriarch, and was thus at last sprinkled with the consecrated water; the same thing was done for the imperial crown and the banners that were present. When this was done, each returned to his own throne. Then archbishops and nobles came to kiss the golden cross which the patriarch held in his right hand; some archbishop standing near the patriarch sprinkled the lower clergy. Other priests sprinkled the surrounding people with the water full of the consecrated element from the platters. A crowd flocked from everywhere to draw the water with pails and pitchers. When all these things were finished, the patriarch blessed [them] three times with crossed hands, first the Czar, then the clergy and nobles, ^C and thirdly the people; which being done, the last of the protectors departed again, and the whole procession retraced its steps in the same order as it had come, and that day was passed happily." So far the Englishman Moubach. Now we return to our theme and add a word about civil processions, which were either daily, solemn, or peratic. The daily procession was that of the Senators, or nobles, who gathered in the hall to greet the prince and to carry out their duties. This was fixed and was not announced, and it took place twice a day, in the morning and in the evening, or after noon. The first chapter of the second book of our ceremonial treats this explicitly, but here mention is made only in passing in the words of the *kathimerines stamenes proeleuseos*, "daily standing procession," that is, the beginning [of the] procession. Solemn [processions] were announced the day before, and then the nobles had to proceed into the palace *rallagmenoi* [changed], that is, in new robes, in gala, in splendid garments composed for pomp. Processions of senators into the court on solemn days to congratulate and acclaim the prince *en esthēti hiera*, that is, in white clothing, as Petavius interprets, Themistius mentions (p. 55 init.). ^D Such processions were to the Circus, seven each year formerly, then five; also to the public granaries, for the sake of inspecting the grain stored there; also to the bath. For when the emperor or empress went to bathe, a procession took place; as also when foreign envoys were received; and other such things, which it may suffice to have touched upon here. I refer to peratic processions when the emperors, having left the palace, retired to estates either urban or suburban, in Pera, across the Ceratinos gulf, or situated in Asia; at which time many court offices and daily processions ceased. Such absence from the palace and moving to the country is called a process, because the emperor proceeded from his august seat to another place. I refer here also to the vintage [customs]; when the emperor invited friends, whom he wished, to himself at his own vineyards.

(17) The *tou kouboukleiou* are the chamberlains, who are frequently mentioned in this work. They were all eunuchs, and under the disposition of the praepositus, of whom we treated above. I see that by Fabrot and Du Cange, cubicularii and coetonitae are considered the same, on not insignificant authority. The glosses certainly and other ancient [writers] explain one term by the other. But it is clear from our Ceremonial that these were different from them. The coetonitae only had charge of the coetona or dormitory, and cared for the nocturnal needs of the holy person: the cubicularii, however, the diurnal [needs]. The duty of these was mainly to bring out the wardrobe chests, and to bring what was needed, and to put it back and store it. They themselves, however, did not dress the emperor: for that office pertained to the vestitors, of whom [we speak] presently. Those of the chamberlains who performed this duty are called in our Ceremonial *hoi tōn allaximōn tou kouboukleiou*, prefects of the changing-room of the chamber. Others took care that the chamber of the Augustus remained clean, and these were the *stōratōres* of the ancients. Vid. Athen. p. 48. or *hoi epi tais pastasin hestōtes*, as in the Anthology p. 32: others brought drink to the holy table, others read aloud what the emperor commanded to be read to him from a written book; others held burning candles, which the emperor, performing his devotion in the churches, took into his hands [when] offered by the praepositus, or placed [them] near the sacred images. Others sang and performed music before the emperor; others carried the oblations which the emperor was to place on the altar, and handed them to the Lord through the hands of their praepositus; others made a circle around the emperor when he was in the vestibule of the church to change either his shoes or his garments, or to uncover his head for the sake of putting on the diadem, lest he be seen bareheaded by any bearded man. There were many other duties of the chamberlains. The Augusta also had her chamber-women. *[Concerning the great chamberlain of the emperor see Villehard. pag. 301, with the note of Du Cange.]* But were the silentiaries and cubicularii the same? Or at least, were the silentiaries a certain peculiar kind of cubicularii? Indeed, Alemanus put forth that opinion in his notes on Procopius' *Secret History*. But the most learned man is undoubtedly mistaken. For not only does our Ceremonial clearly distinguish the cubicularii from the silentiaries, but this also clearly refutes him, [namely] that on p. 41 and elsewhere in our work *silentiarioi*, the wives of the silentiaries, are commemorated. Therefore the silentiaries were not eunuchs, since they were married. But the cubicularii all had to be castrated.

(18) From [this] the *catapan* name flowed in a depraved manner into Apulian history, and some think the name "Capitanei" was derived from it. In William of Apulia in the *De rebus Normannorum* at Du Cange on the *Alexiad* p. 229, it is *Catapan*. He who was Catapan was the Greeks' envoy from the city. Conf. the same p. 275, where he says it designates any prefect of a province. *[From the Greeks the magistracy of Apulia and Naples, the Stratigi and Capitani, whose name still survives today, takes its origin. The dignity the Gauls had from the Goths, Conf. Freccia de Subf. and Giannon. p. 243 sqq.]* But the *ho katepanō* or Capitaneus, of whom there is speech here, did not exceed the sacred palace, did not go into the provinces, but ruled the *basilikous* or Caesarians. He had under him...

^A the *basilikoi*, and together with these the two demarchs [(20)]. They also send mandates to the Domesticos of the Basilikoi, and he would introduce foreign princes, the emperor’s vassals, to an audience, as is evident from p. 81 D ult. In the letter of Alexius to Henry V, in the *Alexiad* p. 94. 1, some *protoproedros* and *katepanō* of the dignities is mentioned. But he also is different from ours, and seems to be the same as the Master of the Offices.

[(19)] *Verti* ["I translate"] *passim Basilikos*, while retaining the Greek term, which in such matters is safest, often as *Caesarianos* ["Caesarians"], following the example of others. Goar at Cod. p. 23, n. 8, translates it as *regios domesticos* ["royal domestics"] (they certainly resided in the palace); Combefis in the script post-Theophan. p. 197 as *comitatenses*. In the Middle Ages, the *Basilici* were called *Gasindii*, from the German word *Gesinde*, as if one were to say "familiars," belonging to the family: *cortigiani*, "name of the family," as Muratori interprets it, vol. I, *Ant. Ital.* p. 124. They were also called *Vassos* or *basos*, that is, companions; likewise *Gardingos*, from *warten*, *Aufwærter* ["attendant"]. They seem to have corresponded with the order of ministers which today prevails in the Turkish court under the name of *Cjauschi*. For they were sent, as is their custom, into the provinces with royal mandates to expedite affairs of minor importance. It is evident from our Constantine’s *Life of Basil the Macedonian* l. c., Scriptor post Theophan., where it is said that that wealthy matron who visited Basil and was called "mother of the king" by him—by a title unique to that example—had asked that a *Basilikon* should be sent to register and take over [her property], having taken away her wealth, to send some *Comitatensem* who would reduce her assets to acts and take them into trust and hand. Cf. Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Basilicus*. Whether there were also female *Basilicae*, I would not say. It might almost be gathered from the place in Scriptor post Theoph. p. 244 ult., where some *Basilix* is mentioned, unless she were the wife of some *Basilicos*. There will be a chance to speak elsewhere of the *domestici*, who were more numerous and of various kinds. In general, it must be held that in more recent Greek, *Domesticus* was called any greater prefect, the first of his kind. See Goar and Gretser ad Codin. Guther. p. 423. Vales. ad Amm. Marcell. p. 52, and 94. The origin of the *domestici* seems to me to be this. In the beginning, they were *domestici*, which the appellation signifies, *oikeiakoi*, familiars, ministers of more intimate admission, of all lords, and specifically of judges, praetors, and magistrates; the same who are called by another name *apparitors*, who were present to the commander, and would execute mandates, and protect their lord. Hence grew the order of *palatine domestici*, who at the beginning were nothing other than apparitors, and accompanied the emperor only in the city, with protectors flanking him in battle. At length, with the passage of time, they were merged into one body, both the urban and the camp bodyguards, and called *domestici protectores*. But neither did this always remain. For the name of *domestici* gradually fell into disuse, and was changed by the name of *scholarii*; yet so that their prince by excellence was still called *domesticus*, as if in memory of the ancient *domestici*; who were no longer *domestici*, but partly *oikeiakoi* or *basilikoi*, that is, urban or palatine, and partly indeed *Scholarii*, that is, camp defenders. From that *Domesticus of the Schools*, that is, the prince and president of the schools, they were thereafter called *domestici*, whoever were first in their school, office, or duty; such as the *domesticus* of the Hicanati, the *domesticus* of the camps, the *domesticus* of the Chancellors, etc. The greatest of all was the *domesticus* of the East, and sometimes a lesser one of the West. They understand the Eastern one if they speak simply of the *domesticus*. He is also called *megadomesticus*, but only after the times of Isaac Comnenus. See Scylitz. p. 807. [The *domestici* of the Frankish kings in the time of Greg. Turon. and the *megadomesticus* and the grand seneschal are the same. He was second from the emperor. Fauchet, p. 483.]

^B ...*dēmoi*, the crowd or factions, the Veneti and Prasini, of which the former had a white, the latter a red, appendage; there were also two demarchs, or decurions, or almost supreme magistrates, yet distinct from the two democrates, and moreover eminent beyond the demarchs themselves. For the *democrates* of the Veneti faction was always whoever might be the *Domesticus* of the Schools, and of the Prasini, whoever might be the *Domesticus* of the Excubitors, as is clear in many places of ours. Concerning the office of the demarchs, it will be said a little later: now it must be stated who those *dēmoi* were. For I see they are distinguished from the citizens, and from the tenants and artisans, and from the soldiers, so that it is quite obscure what kind of men they were, and for whose benefit they were instituted, those who history says caused so many disturbances and had to be repressed so many times to the great danger of the empire itself. Cedrenus p. 765 joins *tous politas kai ton dēmon*. The expression of Scylitz p. 813 also seems to suggest this: *hapan to dēmotikon te tēs poleōs kai to koinon*. For if *to koinon* is the community of citizens, who are ruled by the urban magistrate, it is necessary that *to dēmotikon* of the city, which is separated from it, did not depend on the urban magistrate, and therefore did not belong to the community, as they spoke in the Middle Ages. Our author also openly distinguishes p. 132 *ta merē* from *tous tēs poleōs*, and p. 356 in the end *ta merē* from *tous politas*. Nicephorus the patriarch of CPtanus p. 136 distinguishes the orders thus: "A number of men from the military lists, and also from the agricultural, and from the mechanical arts, and from the senatorial council, and from the *dēmos* of the city." You have here soldiers, rustics, artisan craftsmen, the senate, and the people of the city. Perhaps Nicephorus understands by "people of the city" the *ktētores*, called possessors, that is, more elegant men, opulent, the optimates, who in the city had their own houses and in the fields estates, "peculiar" men. However, it is certain from elsewhere, and from those things which will be said shortly, it will be certain that the *dēmōtai*, whom we would call the rank-and-file or factionists, were mostly taken for the vile, unendowed plebs, and were distinguished from those so-called possessors. More clearly, therefore, the same Nicephorus p. 215, c. fin., distinguishes factionists from citizens: *Hous epēgageto tōn exōgrēmenōn tois te politais kai tois ek tōn legomenōn chrōmatōn dēmōtais paradidōsin*. Chronicon Alexandrin. in the year 11 of Heraclius: *meta tinōn archontōn kai tinōn ou monon ktētorōn kai klērikōn, alla gar kai ergastēriakōn kai dēmōtōn ex hekaterou merous*. We have here *tous archontas*, the nobles and courtly grandees, then *tous ktētoras*, the more respected citizens, those who once in free Greek and Asiatic republics *eleitourgoun*, took on public burdens to be carried out, as supporting the cavalry, equipping the naval fleet, and so forth; then the clergy, following this *tous ergastēriakous*, by which name are contained all who sit in public shops, and sell either others' goods, brought from elsewhere, or purchased, or those made by their own hands, and so both merchants and artisans, otherwise *banausoi* and *epidifridioi* and finally *banausoi epidifridioi*: the rank-and-file of both groups, namely the Veneti and Prasini. Theophanes p. 62 joins Thessalonica *dē mous kai laos*, the rank-and-file and the townspeople or citizens. From all these things, and those which I have now connected, I conclude that the groups were indeed not the same as the citizens, and yet not different, that the groups consisted of almost every order of citizens, but were viewed as groups insofar as they did not have the appearance of citizens,

^A with the cross and the Gospel, follow, and the [patriarch] enters ^B.

XXV. The lords arise and meet him, and they kiss [him], and both stand at the imperial gates. When the customary prayer has been performed by the patriarch, as stated above, the entry takes place. And as the lords enter the bema and deposit the *apocombion* upon the holy table, they depart through the left side of the same altar, and traverse the *gynaecite* of the same church. Now the entire senate remains in the gynaecite, ^B offering prayers for the lords. The lords, along with the patriarch and the *cubicularii*, enter through the *tropice* to the holy table of the holy sarcophagus, and again, after the threefold adoration with candles, they render thanks to God; they deposit another *apocombion* in the holy sarcophagus. And then, in the left-hand oratory of the same church, praying with candles, they deposit another *apocombion* in the holy sarcophagus. And from those parts they enter into the *tropice* of the holy sarcophagus, and kissing [it], they take leave of the patriarch, and the lords change their gold-embroidered purple *scaramangia*. ^C And after the dismissal of the Gospel and the *ektene*, the patriarch again enters into the same *tropice*, and crowns the lords, and gives the customary blessings, and bids farewell to the patriarch, [the one] who precedes them as they depart.

^A but rather as an organized body, enjoying their own laws and rights. I believe such colleges were the *demoi*, into which all orders of citizens were received, though—because the base, needy mob everywhere in the world outnumbers them—they were composed almost exclusively of the lower classes. Or rather, they were those same bands as our civic guards, which citizens are required by law to perform for a certain number of years; yet because this duty would call each one away from the exercise of his trade or business, they assign substitutes, to be maintained at public expense, as urban soldiers. These civic guards sometimes convene for solemn acts in arms, and drill under their own instructors. In another respect, too, those *demoi* were similar to that kind of militia which is enrolled from the civic and rural youth in the necessity of a quick supplement to the regular army, and is drilled in arms, yet receives neither military uniform, nor pay, nor military leaders, nor is moved from its own dwellings, but remains in the place and in the trade or mode of living of each, gathering at appointed times to drill in arms; such as we are accustomed to call provincial soldiers. In these bands, there could be the wealthy and the poor, merchants, craftsmen, porters, all citizens, yet at that time they were distinct from the citizens and exempt from the jurisdiction of the urban magistrate when they performed the functions of the groups. And what exactly were those? In great sacred processions ^B to the churches, the cohorts of those groups would stand in different, appointed places in the streets through which the procession would pass, stationed in a line on both sides of the street, awaiting [δεχόμενοι or ἐκδεχόμενοι] the arrival of the Emperor; and receiving him as he approached with joyful acclamations, signifying their joy and expressing wishes for all prosperity. For this reason, this act was called *doxe*, that is, either expectation, or reception, salutation, or welcoming. If the church to which the progress was frequently made was situated at a distance from the palace, the small particles of each group stationed at certain intervals performed the duty of saluting; whence it is read that the Emperor was sometimes acclaimed or saluted eight times before he reached the church to which he was headed. The same formula was repeated on the return from the sacred places to the palace. In every first reception of each faction, the demarch would hand the Emperor a scroll containing a poem, by which the faction would congratulate the Emperor on the feast day, and it often wished him a similarly happy return. For the composing of these poems, each faction had its own special poets hired for a fee—not indeed equal in poetic art to Pindar, but just as much mercenaries as he was, and using the same trade. The focus of our discussion will return to these poets later. The groups performed the same duty of saluting and acclaiming the Emperor in the Hippodrome, with the *kraktai*, or clamorers—that is, the heralds and precentors—leading the formula. Our codex abounds with such formulas. These group members, therefore, were to that extent imperial parasites constituted by law and hired by palace stipends to sing the praises of the Emperor as if by a public voice. The result was that each group member, as such, looked not to civic judgment, but to the palace. For the demarchs, who were the highest magistrates of the groups, set over the resolving of causes and quarrels of the group members and the governing of the groups, were nevertheless subject to the *democrats*, whose *Venetus* [Blue] was indeed at times the same as the Domestic of the Schools, while the *Prasinus* [Green] was the same as the Domestic of the Excubitors, with both offices thus joined so that they could not be separated. Hence it is that Sidonius Apollinaris in his panegyric on the city of Narbonne calls these factions "aulic youths." Then, he says, the gathering of youths, but of the palace, ^C / Elai, the grim simulacra of the field, / Exercises with chariots wandering about. They gathered, therefore, with those Augustan or Augustinian soldiers instituted by Nero—so that they are not undeservedly believed to have originated from them—from the equestrian and plebeian youth, five thousand and more, who, divided into factions, gave effort to Nero as he sang, and, having been trained, produced various kinds of applause, regarding which the learned Reimer gave an excellent account on Xiphilinus p. 1000, n. 38, those words: "There was also a certain system of his own, prepared for five thousand soldiers. And they were called Augustians and they led..." ^D [21] *Numeri* elsewhere are *speirai* (cohorts of soldiers). See Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 42 and p. 255; Goar on Theophanes, p. 43 and 89. [*Fauchet, p. 479.] The Greeks render it as *arithmos* [number] throughout. What Theophanes, p. 185, has as *noumerioi* are the same as *noumeroi* or *arithmoi*. Let his Latin interpretation on p. 43 be corrected on this occasion: *tribunus tōte ōn tagmatos kōrōnātōn legomenōn noumerōn*, "tribunus legionis coronatorum, quibus numerus nomen." It is so translated. It should have been rather: "tribune of the cohort, to which the name was *numerus* of the coronati so called." But when *numerus* designates a peculiar kind of militia, as in our passage and throughout, I believe those soldiers are designated who guarded the walls of Constantinople, and the Hippodrome, and the prisons, and any public buildings, and performed the watches. For I seem to myself to be able to gather from the passage in the authors after Theophanes, p. 267, that the *Noumera* were a prison, although Du Cange, on Alexiad p. 423 and Constantinople Chrétienne p. 125, relates that they were porticoes in which the praetorian soldiers kept watch. I am confirmed in my opinion by what I read on p. 416, that the *doorkeepers* are subordinate to the Domestic of the Numeri, who certainly can be none other than the "janitors" of the prisons; and also from the fact that *Arithmos*, which I think is identical with *numeri*, seems to me to be the same as *tē viglē* [the watch], guards, and vigil-soldiers. I conclude this from the fact that the Acolouth, prince of the Varangians, is sometimes said to be under the Drungary of the Watch, and sometimes under the Drungary of the Arithmos. Constantine Porphyrogenitus also, in the *Book on the Administration of the Empire*, p. 140, says that Leo, his father, if he were to go into processions near the city, was accustomed "tēn mian ousian," one dromon of the two that he had had made for himself, "katalimpauein eis ton hippodromon," to leave in the Hippodrome (therefore the Hippodrome extended as far as the sea "pros phylaxin tou palatiou," so that the constituted guards of the Arithmos could also patrol the palace from the sea side, "dia to tagma tou Arithmou kata ton epikratesanta palaion typon meta tou domestikou ton scholōn taxeideuei," because the tagma, the cohort, of the Arithmos, according to the form which has been in force for a long time, performs garrison duty under the inspection of the Domestic of the Schools, "kai enapomenontes eis ton hippodromon ou synexiousi kata typon tois basileusin eis ta proskeusa" (this is the way that passage is to be read), and, since he remains in the back in the Hippodrome, he does not go out with the Emperors in processions (or rustications) according to the prescribed formula. In this passage, the word *ousia* denotes a dromon destined for carrying the sacred body of the Augustus, together with the "pleromati tōn iretōn" [crew of rowers]. See on p. 334.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

^A Whether [the garment] was accustomed to be thrown over, and whether it was loose or tight, encompassing the body on all sides, or hanging open in certain places, and whether the color of all scaramangia was one and the same, or if it varied, and whether each was of a single color or multi-colored, is not clear. I conjectured, however, at the end of the preface to the first volume, that the scaramangia are those pallia which three of those four dignitaries wear, who stand about the Emperor Nicephorus Botoniatas in that image which Montfaucon exhibits in his *Bibliotheca Coisliniana*. These pallia cling tightly to the body; they are fastened on the chest by one or two clasps; then, again, around the belly and the legs, the edges separate from one another, and the garment retreats into itself, being very narrow at the bottom and almost round, resembling a shield that is broad at the top and tapers at the bottom into an imperfect circle or apsis. If, therefore, I have not been mistaken in my conjecture, and the scaramangia are truly those pallia which are seen in the mentioned image, then the description agrees with it, with a few exceptions. [Consider] the description of the mantles which Jo. Mussus, a man of the xivth century, gave in the *Chronicon Placentinum* in Muratori, vol. II, *Antiq. Italic.*, p. 319: “Matrons, or ancient ladies, will wear a noble mantle, wide and long down to the ground, and round towards the ground, and crimped along the whole [circumference, that is], and open from the front down to the ground. Yet it is pommelled towards the throat (that is, in the region of the chest, where it is nearest the throat, it has pommels, this is to say, little balls or knots, by means of which it is tightened,) with pommels of gilded silver, or of pearls, for one span, [that is, a *spithama*,] and they are made for the most part with a collar, that is, a neck-piece, of twisted silk segment.” Du Cange, in his *Glossary of Latin*, thinks this garment was a *paenula*, which would cover the whole body, and he describes it, following Leunclavius, thus: “The scaramangium is a garment which military men wear over other inner garments for the sake of warding off rains, snows, frost, and the other inconveniences of the air, finally.” It seems completely to belong to the *paenulae*. For since the scaramangium was a garment of the honorable, that is, of men of the senatorial order and those performing public duties in the palace and city, it seems one can rightly conclude that the ancient glosses look towards it: *panulatus*, a senatorial man, he who wears [the *paenula*]. For if this is not understood as concerning the Byzantine palace and subsequent times, and established [as the rule] that what was once a *paenula* was called a scaramangium at that time, the passage conflicts with the truth and with ancient Roman institutions through the first three centuries after Christ, in which the *paenula* was no more of the senators than of any person of the common people. Basilius, also, the presbyter, in his notes to the *Steliteuticus* of Gregory Nazianzen, pronounces that *tribones*, to which *paenulae* are said to be equivalent, are the same as scaramangia. His words are: “Tribones, garments of some kind, red and crimson for orators, but dark for philosophers. This was their badge, worn every time, just as the scaramangium is for those in political life.” ^B It would, therefore, be clear that the scaramangium and the *paenula* were the same, or nearly so. But what was the shape of the *paenula*? It is not known. Was the scaramangium fur-lined, or doubled with skin? It is not known from our author, who almost nowhere mentions linings. That which is here called a "castor" scaramangium could just as well be woven from the hair of a beaver as lined with beaver skin. I think, however, that the Byzantine Greeks, as inhabitants of the cold of Thrace and linked by the most frequent commerce with the Russian people, received not only other Russian goods but also furs, of which that region is the mother of the most precious kinds. And that *paenulae* were furred is clearly apparent from the fact that *penulatus* signifies the same as *pellitus* or doubled with fur; see Du Cange, s.v. *Penulatus*. And indeed, a *penula* is nothing other than a little skin (*pellula*); *pelos* and *pelas* is a skin; [thus] for *pellula*, as *ovilla* for *ovina* and other things of that sort. But enough about the shape of the scaramangium. Let us see now about the etymology. As is usual in obscure ancient matters, various conjectures born about this subject have distracted the mind in different directions. Whether I should put them forth, or suppress them, I am of an uncertain mind. I shall, however, put forth one or two, which recommend themselves with some semblance of truth. It seemed, therefore, at one time that the origin of the word was to be sought from an Arabic verb which sounds [like] *longus* [long], *prolixus* [prolix]. In this sense, the rarer word is used by Jarir, a poet of the eighth century: “When I expect that they [my camels] might at any moment burst from exhaustion, then their generous ones, long [striding], notwithstanding the weariness of the journey, are carried on with insane impetus, as if contending in a race.” But the word is also poetic and far removed from common usage, and it is not certain that the scaramangium was a *syrmatosa* [trailing] garment. ^C The scruple, therefore, arises: could this word be from a very frequent ancient Arabic word, *saraballa*, for which they also said *sarabara*? It is known that B and M, and likewise N and L, can be interchanged. With this posited, *saramanna*, *saramannium* might have been said initially for *saraballa*, then scaramangium, since the Greeks and Latins would pronounce a double N like *ng* or *gn* as in the word *Bretigne*, *gagner*, etc. But there is another thing that could stand against this opinion, that *saraballa* was ample, covering the whole man, and accustomed to be tightened at the loins with a belt, which is evident from that saying of some Caliph in Abulfeda, affirming to the Cadi, while admiring the youths who were the spatharii of the prince, that he had never untied the *saraballa* of any of them, that is, that he had never improperly tempted their chastity. But this does not fit our aforementioned description of the scaramangium. There was also a suspicion that our word might hide a corruption under the word *sagomanion* (as they called the *chlamys* in later times, according to the *Etymologicum Magnum*). Finally, I acquiesce in this, that I believe this to be Gothic, that is, Saxon or Germanic. That the Goths were neighborly inhabitants of Thrace is evident from the ancient history of the Emperor Valens, and from the fact that it is said that even today, among the inhabitants of the Cimbrian peninsula, a language is in use that is or is completely ancient Gothic, or at least its remains. Specimens of that language, which Busbequius gave in Epistle IV, p. 244, surely reveal clear traces of German. Old history and the Saxon language still surviving in Transylvania tell how the Goths once lived around the Borysthenes, when Greek and Roman affairs were flourishing, and then, with the indulgence of the emperors, a little before and after Constantine the Great, they crossed the Danube and moved closer to the Roman world. People commonly believe that Charlemagne led a colony of Saxons into Dacia. To me, however, that smacks of a fable. Finally, there were many Goths in the palace guard, at least in the fifth and sixth centuries; from whom the word scaramangium, along with the object, could appear to have been sent into the Roman world and transmitted to posterity, just as the word *Chosbaitae*, etc., was. If, therefore, we derive it from the Goths or Saxons or Franks or Varangians, whose language was once one and the same, the word scaramangium denotes the same as *tegmen*, *tutamen*, *defensio*, *protectio* [cover, protection, defense]. They once said *scharmen* for what we call *schirmen*, *beschirmen* [to shelter, to cover, to defend] against injuries. *Schamarag* and *Scharamang* once...

^A In this passage, the word *ousia* denotes a dromon destined for carrying the sacred body of the Augustus, together with the crew of rowers... and, to speak simply, all the arrangements ^A and the proper secret form which are convenient to them.

JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS'S COMMENTARY. ...of praise, and all others were compelled, even against their will, to join in (as the text reads). From Nero onwards, these Augustiani were either retained by the emperors who followed, or, as it were, recalled by the Byzantines *postliminio* [by right of return], with their form somewhat altered: so that I do not doubt that these factions received pay from the imperial palace just like true soldiers. Furthermore, the *gregales* [common members] were employed in the construction of public works, as is evident from Codinus, who writes that Theodosius the Younger restored the collapsed walls of the city, with the two factions, the Veneti [Blues] and Prasini [Greens], being set to that work, and that their diligence in hastening and pressing on the work was such that it was completed within sixty days, the Prasini starting from the Golden Gate and the Veneti from the Blachernae, meeting at the Polyandrium. See Du Cange, *Constantinopolis Christiana* I. 15, n. 10. It is credible that the magistrates of the *gregales* had kept watch over the building of the walls and had pushed the work forward, while the *gregales* themselves did the manual labor. They also guarded the city and the city walls during the absence of the soldiers to whom that duty otherwise belonged. Maurice, in Theophylactus Simocatta VIII. 8, commands: "He orders the factions to guard the walls of Theodosius." Theophanes (p. 235) says, "The factions guarded the city," and from p. 259 of our text, I conclude the same, where it is said that the august city was guarded, during the absence of the emperor who was in the field, as much by the local garrison soldiers, who had nothing to do with the palace, as by those who were under the prefect of the city. What if these were the *gregales*, at that time entrusted to the prefect of the city, while the domestics of the *scholae* and the *excubiae* were in the field? Finally, too, when there was need, and the regular soldiers were not sufficient, the *gregales* were sent into the field. Thus Cedrenus (p. 386) says that Justinian enrolled many of the *demotai* [the citizenry] into the *greges*—that is, into the provincial militia—and threw them against the encroaching Huns. These *greges* were not only in Constantinople, but also in the municipalities. Procopius (p. 129, *Anecdota*, Lugdunum ed.) mentions the Veneti of Tarsus. [In Thessalonica, Emperor Theodosius handed over the factions and the people, who had been brought into the circus, to the soldiers to be slaughtered, and 25,000 fell. Theophanes, p. 62.] And certainly, since there were circuses in all the great cities, there were necessarily *gregales* of the circus as well. Regarding the riots, outrages, and massacres of which these *gregales* were the authors, there are two famous passages in Procopius: one in the *Anecdota* (p. 31 et seq.), from which I shall take only what pertains to their appearance, and the other in the *Persian War*, Book I. Of the former, these, therefore, are the particulars:

"Concerning the factions, their hair had been changed to a certain novel fashion. For they did not cut it at all like other Romans. For they did not touch the mustache or the beard, but they let them grow as long as possible, just as the Persians did. But on the head, they sheared the front up to the temples, and let the back hang down for themselves without any restraint, like the Massagetae. And for this reason, they called this the 'Hunnish' style."

^D Understood: the Roman Byzantines, or Greeks, used to shave the beard and cut the hair so that it did not hang past the neck, and they would cover some part of the forehead, with the hair combed forward toward the nose—not backward, as we do. I have heard that this custom of hair-cutting is still in use among the Russians. The *gregales*, however, with the forepart of the head shorn up to the crown, let the rest of the hair hang down behind, as the Abantes once did, according to Homer, and as the Massagetae did in the time of Procopius, and the Turks and Tatars in our own time. Procopius continues: "Then, as for their garments, they all insisted on having them with broad purple borders, dressing themselves in clothing more ostentatious than was appropriate for the station of each. For they had the means to acquire such things to which they had no right. The part of the tunic around the wrist for them... [Greek text follows: "the part... gathered at the wrist for them mostly in a tight fit, but from there up to each shoulder it was puffed out to an unbelievable width, and as often as the hand moved for them, while they were shouting in the theaters and hippodromes, or when they were cheering, as was the custom, it was raised to a height for them—their shoulder-pieces and trousers and most of their footwear were then assigned to them after the name and fashion of the Huns. They also carried iron weapons: at night, the first and almost all of them openly, but during the day, they hid two-edged daggers around their thighs under their cloaks, and gathering in gangs, they would commit robbery, etc."]

After describing their clothing, crimes, robberies, muggings of those they happened upon, and murders, Procopius continues—which I omit here for the sake of brevity. But I cannot pass over the other passage. It runs as follows (p. 39, Augsburg ed.):

"The factions in every city have been split since long ago into Veneti [Blues] and Prasini [Greens], and it is not much time since they have been spending both their wealth and sacrificing their bodies to the most bitter tortures for the sake of these names and colors, and they do not deem it unworthy to die a most shameful death. They fight against those who stand opposed to them, neither knowing for what cause the danger is for them, and well knowing that, even if they defeat their enemies in battle, it will remain for them to be dragged immediately off to prison and, after suffering the ultimate tortures, then to perish. A hatred for their fellows grows in them which has no cause, and it remains unending for all time, yielding neither to kinship nor to the bond of friendship, even if a brother or another such person were among those who are different and fondly attached to these colors. Neither divine nor human affairs matter to them, beyond winning in these things—and even if they are in want of necessities, perhaps—they do not pretend to care, if only it happens that this side of theirs is to be considered in a good position—for that is what they call the partisans. Women also share in this pollution with them, not only following the men, but even opposing them, should that happen, even though they do not go to the theaters at all, nor are they led by any other cause; so that I for my part have nothing else to say than that it is a disease of the soul."

I omit, lest I be too long, the rest of this notable passage, from which it is clear how great the insanity of the factions was. If we compare this with certain Italian writers of the Middle Ages, it appears that the same frenzy passed also to the Italians, and that from it were eventually born those equestrian games called tournaments, unless you would rather say they were propagated to our people by the Saracens of Andalusia. There is a notable passage concerning these factions in Agnellus (Vol. II, *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum*, p. 154, at the end): "Every Sunday, or on the day of the apostles, the citizens of Ravenna, not only the illustrious but also those of varying ages, after their meal, go out through the various gates in groups to proceed to battle, delirious and insane, when they subject themselves to death without cause—and the rest of what he tells concerning this horrific civil frenzy." Those things which the Aulic of Ticinum, a writer of the 14th century, has to say about his own countrymen are in agreement: "But so that they may be better taught for war from boyhood, on every Sunday and feast day they hold certain spectacles, which are called *battaliolae*, but more conveniently *bellicula* [little wars] in Latin. For they divide the city into two parts, each of which has many societies or cohorts. And they fight against one another with wooden weapons, etc." It is clear that our societies and archery exercises (Schützen-Companien) and our...

(22) *Comes murorum* [Count of the Walls], whose duty it was to protect the walls, and also to be in charge of the soldiers who kept watch along the walls; see Goar on Codinus, p. 33, n. 59, and Du Cange, v. "Archōn tōn teicheōn" [Archon of the Walls].

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY ^A

to procuring them. They also make this known to the Prefect of the City, and to all the ^A *secreta* [(23)], and they report this to all [(24)].

And our areas, in which civic youths exercise themselves with firearms and bows (we call them *Schiesgraben*—shoots or valleys of archers), to those meadows of battle and circles used in the Middle Ages, and the circles of the hippodrome—as Gualvaneus de la Flamma calls it, in Muratori’s *Antiquità Italiche*, vol. II, p. 833, where he relates excellent things about these games, and also provides a passage from Augustine, which serves excellently to illustrate the Procopian passage cited above: In Caesarea of Mauretania, he says, when I was dissuading the people from civil war, or rather something more than civil, which they called a *Caterva* [crowd/band]—for not only citizens, but also relatives, brothers, and finally parents and children, divided into two parties, fought solemnly for several continuous days at a certain time of the year. Here Augustine calls those clashing parties *catervae*. What is this other than calling them *dēmoi*? To the Greeks, *dēmos* is a people, and a *caterva* of birds is a flock of birds. The customs of the Italians agree with the Greeks in their zeal for factions and the exacerbation of spirits of one party against the other; in the nature of the fighting they differed. Among the Italians, almost entire cities, boys and old men, were committed to it, and they fought with staves, or sticks, for the sake of a game, but often not without bloodshed. Among the Greeks, they competed primarily with horses in matched four-horse chariots, and sometimes also in foot races, with runners proper to each group, while the rest of the company looked on from the steps of the circus and encouraged them, applauding, and signifying favor or insult with insane clamor, and likewise asking of the emperor those things they wished to be granted to them, and either praising him or often shamelessly lacerating him with bitter invectives. ^B I believe the parties or *catervae* also distinguished themselves among the Italians by different clothing, and this is understood from the *Chronicle of Rolandino of Padua*, book I, ch. 10, which says that a game was played in the *prato vallis* [alias called the *prato Communis*], and all the *contratae* [dēmoi, bands] of Padua, individually, that is, to one and the same sign of garments ([Muratori explains: *a una stessa divisa*] that is, one company white, another red, another green, another blue), arrayed themselves in new clothes. And then, at the aforementioned place of the meadow, the ladies with the soldiers [that is, matrons of the highest rank with knights], the nobles with the commoners, the aged with the young, existing in great comforts [that is, joys], during the feast of Pentecost, and before and after for several days, singing and chanting, showed such great joy. That custom of meeting in the common meadows after the feast of Pentecost, and exercising themselves by dancing, drinking, shooting arrows, and setting off firearms, still prevails in our cities and villages. There was something similar to these bands among the Athenians, the *ēphēboi*. For just as these bands had to be present at all *pompae*—solemn processions—both with sacred rites to the churches and profane ones to the Circus, and in a way provide security for those proceeding against the force and insolence of the arriving mob: for they were armed with shields and spears, as is evident from the capital passage of Luitprand, whose words are these: A large multitude of merchants and ignoble persons, gathered for that solemnity [he describes the procession of Nicephorus Phocas from the palace to St. Sophia] for the reception [apodoxē] and praise [euphemia] of Nicephorus from the palace to St. Sophia, held, as if for walls, the borders of the road, adorned with shields quite thin and cheap spears; so the *ēphēboi* among the Athenians from the eighteenth year of age to the twentieth had to, while the people were in assembly, stand around, and go around the city and keep watch with shield and spear, publicly given for the assembly; and these youths, the *peripoloi* or patrols, had their own clothing, and in ancient times indeed black cloaks, from the gift and institution of Herod Atticus, ^C but afterward white ones, according to Philostratus, whose words are these in *Vit. Sophist.*, p. 550, ed. Lipsiensis: "He reorganized the Athenian *ēphēboi* into the current fashion, first clothing them in white *chlamydes*. For until then, wearing black, they sat around the churches and sent off the processions." Just as these youths with arms stood around the people gathered in the assembly, so did the company members surround the common people in the circus, standing or sitting on the rows closest and lowest to the circus, with the rest of the commoners watching from more remote and higher rows. Considering all these things, I find nothing in our institutions that can be more aptly compared to those bands than the civic cohorts [*Brügerwache*], who, although they are citizens and obey the civic magistrate, even in those cities where garrison soldiers, distinct from the military, keep watch, nevertheless have a place and their own captains, and without pay from their office, for a certain number of years, perform a bloodless civic militia that is to be feared by no one. [On factions see Banduri, p. 501; on their colors, p. 644.] I had to premise these things about the *dēmoi*, because mention is made of them on almost every page of our codex. There will be a broader place to speak of the circus games and the parts of the bands when we reach Book I, ch. 65, from which the exposition of the circus rites begins. Concerning the Demarchs, I still have one thing to warn, that they were once called Alytarchs, as is evident from that vexed passage of the *Theodosian Code*, bk. II, on circus horses. The reason for this appellation is easily clear. The Alytarchs were formerly among the Eleans at the Olympic games the leaders of the *rhabdophoroi* [rod-bearers] and the *mastigophoroi* [whip-bearers], whom they called *alýtas*—compellers—from *alýein*, *aollyein*, and *alein*, meaning to compel or congregate, as men who would restrain the crowd rushing into the stadium with whips and clubs and force them back, and make a free field for those running or going through another kind of competition. The *dēmotai* performed exactly the same thing in the Circus and in the sacred processions. Wherefore their Demarchs could rightly have been called Alytarchs in the Theodosian age. They agree, as is evident from what was said above, with the civic captains of our cities. ^D *Taxis* was used for civic duty, just as *sekreton* is. *Taxis* is a cohort speciously armed for the custody, retinue, and pomp of great men, such as a consul, praetor, prefect of the city, and governor of the province, but especially added to the emperor. Georgius Alexandrinus, in the *Life of St. Chrysostom* in Fabrott, *Gloss. Ced.*, under the word *Cubicularius*: "The empress also stood before the doors of the church with all her imagery and the *koubouklarioi* and the *taxis*"—with all her pomp, and chamberlains, and order, that is, the pompatical militia to protect the body of the Augustus. Du Cange, *Gloss. Græc.*, has many more examples under this word. But there were many such orders, as the following lines immediately teach: *hekastē taxis*, each order. There were Scholarii, there were Ilicanati, Numeri, etc. ...a place where judges sit before the tribunal, says Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 97, where he treats of the *secreta* at length. They called the places *secreta*, says Casaubon on Vopiscus, where each person would gather to handle business according to the nature of his own duty. Cf. Goar on Codinus, p. 74, and Gretser, p. 167. [On *Secretarii*, see Du Cange on Alex., p. 269; on the secretary of a bishop, where he was saluted by the entire clergy. The same, *CPlis Christian.*, p. 255, and on Zonaras: *Secretarium* is what the Greeks call the *diakonikon*. Alteserrus on Anastasius, p. 58.] Cf. Du Cange, *Gloss.*, in both places.

^A for the imperial procession, so that each rank and each secretum according to its own rank and the custom of the secretum (25) ^B prepares, cleanses, and adorns with a boxwood prism, and with ivy, laurel, myrtle, and rosemary (28), the paths and all public ways leading to it, through which they themselves are to pass, and adorns this also with other things which the season then brings—fragrant and variegated flowers.

II. On the following day, that is, on the day of the same ^C feast (29), from early morning the praepositi enter the caballarium (30) with the whole order of the cubiculum, and sit there. And when the Magnus and Domesticus Papa open the palace...

[index: entries preserved]

(25) One secretum was suitable for another in habit and place.

(26) The words of Nicetas Choniates (p. 252, ed. Ven.) agree: "On the day of the birth of Christ, he himself put on the jeweled robe, and gave instructions to all the others to put on the gold-woven and broad-bordered garments." *Lord* refers to the Emperor.

(27) This is from ancient Rome. *Praefectus urbis* is meant, now called *eparchos*. Harduinus on Themistius (p. 480) says that the prefects of the city of Constantinople were first established as the heads of the senate. This should be understood strictly regarding the urban senate, which is called the *politeuma*. This dignity was of the greatest authority. In the absence of the Emperor, he ruled the city, as is clear from our *Military Tactica* (p. 259). It is clear from the present passage that he saw to it that the ways through which the public royal procession was to pass were cleansed, and adorned with garments, candles, garlands, and topiary work. Below him was the *sacrum praetorium*. (See Scriptores post Theophanem, p. 294). To him it pertained to execute punishments on the guilty, which took place in the Circus. Examples of this are found passim in Theophanes and Cedrenus. He was obliged to read the Emperor's mandates to the people in the Forum of Constantine. Cedrenus (p. 750) writes: "Having composed an *anaphora* (report)... he ordered the city prefect to read it to the citizens in the Forum of the great Constantine." The title was *Prefect and Father of the City*. [The title "Eparch and Father of the City" is found in the Scriptores, Theophanes (p. 287), and Agathias in the Epigram in Banduri, *Antiquitates Imperii Orientis* (p. 148).] It seems the title of *Father of the City* was always joined with the title of *Prefect of the City*. When the title *patrician* came to mean the same as *father* (for all imperial patricians of the first institution were also called fathers of the Emperor), it is clear from this what the title *Patricius of the Roman City* signifies, which the Roman pontiffs bestowed upon the emperors of the Frankish line and others. He notes "Father of the Roman city." [Alberic. *ad ann.* 1084. King Henry is constituted patrician of the Romans and is blessed by Pope Clement as emperor, p. 188.] Note that the *Prefect of the City* subsequently judged cases of the patriarch along with the *Magister Officiorum*. (See Theoph. p. 133, unless that case was peculiar.) He preceded the population in sacred processions in which the Emperor was present, for fear of sudden sedition; as is evident from Theophanes (p. 128), and from the place of Theodorus Lector cited by Goar in his notes on that passage. There were still other *eparchs*, namely the prefects of entire eparchies; likewise the *eparchoi* of the army, the *quaestors*, about whom I speak elsewhere.

(28) *Dendrolibanon* is rosemary, a shrub, if we follow the common interpretations of the lexicographers, which I have frequently done, not being a great botanist. Yet in the *Glossae Iatricae* at Du Cange (*Gloss.*, p. 362), it is finally rendered *Ekilla melek*. *Ekilla* is Arabic for "crown of the king." Thus the Arabs call *melilot*. Texeira (I. I, *de la Relacion de los Reyes de Pérsia*, p. 193): *Melek* means king, and by this name the etymology of the herb which physicians call *melilot* occurs to me, and which we commonly call "King's Crown"; it seems deduced from the Arabic, which calls it *Equelilal Malek*, which is the same thing. Cf. *Du Cange*, v. *Sed*. And as for what he refers to the same place, it does not pertain here; *Eclil almalek*, "crown of the king," is *melilot* to the Arabs. *Ahlileg* or *Ehlileg*, and by a more corrupt pronunciation *Halileg*, are myrobalans. Du Cange, v. *Lexeli*, which is correct, and is explained as *Libanotis*. There is no doubt that *Libonatin* and *dendrolibanon* are the same. As for the rest, regarding the custom of strewing the ways through which the procession was to pass with flowers and covering them with topiary work, I believe it can be confirmed from the above, and from the passage of Paulus Rhamnusius (lib. III *de bello CPtanos inter et Venetos*, p. 140, early 13th century), where he describes the procession of the coronation of Baldwin of Flanders in the Empire of Constantinople. "The apparatus of the procession," he says, "was so magnificent that the Greeks who were in the city had never seen a more sumptuous one—that it easily equaled the splendor of the triumphs of the ancients." Indeed, the transit from the palace of Blachernae to the Augusteon, and thence to the church of St. Sophia and to the Bucoleon, was such that you could see huge arches raised with festive branches and topiary work, and clouds of flowers and perfumes poured into the ways and the crossroads of the regions. Nicetas, describing the entry of Manuel Comnenus into the city of Antioch, narrates regarding the Latin Antiochenes (p. 57): "they prepared his entrance in a more processional manner, and decorated the streets and crossroads with tapestries and carpets, and adorned them with newly plucked branches of trees, as if trying to reflect the graces of meadows and flowers." Cf. Wetstein on the New Testament, t. I, p. 460.

(29) ...contemporary Greeks often use... for "on the day of the feast," or for "on the day of *this* feast." They often use the same for "that."

(30) In manuscripts, it is *caballarion*. It seems to denote the place where horses were tamed and exercised.

^{A B C D} and of the great and familiar *pappias* opening [the doors] (31), they enter and sit in the *velum* (32) of the Pantheum (33), and then the *vestitores* (34) enter and take up the Mosaic rod (35) from the oratory of St. Theodore, which is in the Chrysotriclinium; and they are accustomed to carry it with the prefects of the bedchamber and the *diaetarii*, who are accustomed to carry candles.

VARIE LECTIONES

(...) [index: entries preserved] ... (31) *Pappias*: He held the keys of the palace, and the same person opened and closed its doors, in the morning at the seventh and tenth hour, according to our reckoning, and after midday at the second and fifth hour; after which time it was permitted to no one to enter the palace. See Leo Grammaticus, p. 469; Goar on Codinus, p. 26; Du Cange on Cinnamus, p. 479, at the end. Those committed to his custody were hidden in the palace prison, as is evident from the history of Michael Balbus and in Cinnamus, p. 135, at the end. [The *pappias* was accustomed to light a lantern during the moon's phase. Contin. Const. p. 123.] From the name of this office, which agrees with *papa*, or priest, some have concluded that the *pappias* was a priest; a plausible opinion indeed, but supported by an argument that is very weak, or rather null. For the name *pappias* ought not to be derived from *papa*, a priest, nor did it derive its origin from it, but rather from the Arabic word *Bab*, "gate," and from that a gentile noun was produced, *Babi*, "gatekeeper." For the *pappias* was indeed the gatekeeper of the palace and the palace prison. I would not, however, deny that he was one of the palace clergy; perhaps he was even their head. If you deny this, I do not see how the *pappias* could, as is said in our Book II, c. 11, p. 317, take down the Holy Cross from the palace chapel, carry it about, expose it for veneration, replace it, and lock and unlock it, a task which it was not permitted for a layman to handle. It could be concluded from pp. 143 and 148 that the *pappias* was a priest, because it is said there that in a solemn assembly of the nobles, upon the imminent promotion of someone to the patriciate, he would carry a censer around the consistory and offer incense; unless one concludes from the addition of the "measurer" (*mensurator*) to him, who most certainly was not a cleric, that it was not a religious, but a profane and pompous fumigation that is designated there. I also do not doubt that only eunuchs were admitted to this office, certainly in the time of our Constantine. For it was necessary that customs changed with the times, if it be true what they claim, that that John Cantacuzenus, who was subsequently Emperor of Constantinople, and who recorded in writing the events done by himself and in his own time, was at the beginning of his career a *pappias* and prefect of the bedchamber—both of which offices formerly belonged to eunuchs—though it was certainly only one of them; nor were they ever united in one man at the same time. A twofold title is attributed to the *pappias* in our place: "great" and "domestic." He is called "great" either with respect to his vicar or *secundicerius*, called the *Deuterus*, or because of the innate vanity of the Greeks in placing *megas* and *protos* before even the smallest dignities, which Goar, Gretser on Codinus, and others have rightly mocked. Yet in the age of our Constantine, that arrogance was not yet raging so intemperately as it did later. He is called *oikeiakos* because he was not a minister of public affairs, but was assigned to the private household of the emperor and lived inside the palace together with the other palace clergy. For all those dwelling inside the palace, and not assigned to any secret or particular chamber, but deputed to the needs of the sacred body or the watch of the palace, were all *oikeiakoi*, domestics or members of the household. ... (32) The term *velum* has a threefold meaning among recent Greeks and in this code of ours. 1) It signifies the same as the Latin *velum*, or *parapetasma*, which is stretched before doors as a curtain. 2) The doors before which a *velum* is stretched and hung. 3) Any body of nobles or college, which is admitted through the curtains being lifted and the doors opened. The second meaning holds here. ... (33) The Pantheum appears to have been either the Chrysotriclinium, or a part of it, and it took its name either from the multitude of images kept there for sacred use and exposed there to be watched and venerated, or from the fact that it was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin and all martyrs and saints, after the example of the Roman Pantheum, which was in great fame in those very times. ... (34) The *vestitores* are those who used to put the emperor's vestment around him in the *vestiarium*. ... (35) The Mosaic rod was a principal relic of the Constantinople empire, as is evident from the fortieth chapter of the second book, where the treasures stored in various buildings are enumerated. I do not think the Greeks were so foolish as to believe they possessed the miraculous rod of Moses himself. But, as it seems to me, they made an imitation of that rod out of silver or gold with gems, which they called the "Mosaic rod" from the similarity. They still have a rod of Moses in Rome, Florence, Vienna, and Hanover.

and the earth prepares a cave to receive the Creator of all. But He who took our flesh from the Virgin ^A will keep your God-crowned sovereignty in the purple." The songs of acclamation are sung by the criers and the people, just as was said in the first reception of the return.

Third reception inside the Chalce: the demarch of the Veneti, that is, the domestic of the schools, receives the Emperor there with the sea-faring faction of the Veneti, and the criers say in apelaticon of tone III: "The Virgin opened the Edenic paradise in Bethlehem," and so forth. The songs of acclamation are sung by the criers and the people, just as was said in the first reception of the return.

VI. Fourth reception at the Holy Apostles, that is, at the schools: the tribune of the Prasini, that is, the excubitor, receives the Emperor there with the sea-faring faction of the Prasini. And the criers of the sea-faring faction say in tone III: "He who fills every creature and is its Lord is poured out for us in a pouring without emptying, that He might fill the world above from our lowest genus. This life-giver ^B will exalt your horn, O Lords, in all the world; He will bring all nations into servitude, to offer, like the Magi, gifts to your sovereignty." The songs of acclamation are sung by the criers and the people, just as was said in the second reception.

Fifth reception at the tribunal, that is, at the Lamps: the demarch of the Veneti, that is, the domestic of the schools, receives the Emperor there with the sea-faring faction of the Veneti, and the criers say the apelaticon of tone III: "A star runs before and shines in the cave," and so forth. The songs of acclamation are sung by the criers and the people, just as was said in the first reception. ^C It should be known that according to the pattern and order of this feast, the receptions and acclamations for the feast of the Lights, for the feast of Holy Easter, for the feast of Holy Pentecost, and for the feast of the Transfiguration take place, both when the lords go to Saint Sophia and when they return from there to the palace.

CHAPTER III.

First reception, of the Veneti, in the voice of the oblique tone IV: "Today He who crushed the heads of the dragons in the waters..."

of the oratory ^A of Saint Theodore which is in the Chrysotriklinos, and those of the *allaxima* [change-garments] ^B of the *kouboukleion* [private chamber], together with those of their order, the *diatarioi*, bring the *tablion* [chest/table], in which the emperor’s clothing and the *korniklia* [caskets?] are kept, which...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

...belong to their order—the *tablion*, in which imperial clothing lies, and the chests where imperial crowns are kept; the spatharios of the emperor’s arms, the shields and spears of the emperor; finally, the office of the *mutatorium* [changing-room] takes his robe, and in the octagonal chamber...

[Commentary begins]: Commonly, *vestiarii* [wardrobe-keepers] were, so to speak, tailors for garments, while *vestiaritæ* were the guardians of sacred vestments and their storerooms. Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* p. 1285, has iambic verses about the "tailors, or *bestiarioi*." The phrase *hoi epi ton allaximon* or *allaximaton* includes all of them under one name. If you look at their office, the "vestitors" ought indeed to have been eunuchs: you would certainly expect this of men who came so close to the sacred body. Yet that they were bearded, or intact men, is clear from the fact that I see the wives of the *vestitores* mentioned on page 41 of our codex, and on p. 413, *vestitores* are numbered among the Synclete proselytes, not the palace eunuchs. Therefore, they could not be eunuchs. It is also clear from the fact that on page 173 (end), the *vestitores* are said to depart from his sight after they have placed the chlamys on the emperor, so that the emperor might be *infulari* [crowned/filleted]; for it is an ancient custom that the emperor is not *infulari* in the presence of a bearded man—that is, he must bare his head, which must be done if, after removing the *camelaukion* [cap], the *stemma* or *infula* is to be placed on him. Cinnamus, p. 23, calls these *vestitores* "the servants in charge of the emperor’s purple"; for their office was almost solely to place the purple chlamys on the emperor. For there were others who provided him with shoes and stockings, called *zozistai*, and others who would place the *infula*, namely the prefects. ^C ...in churches other than those built in private houses, consecrated by a bishop, and equipped with images and an altar, in which it was permitted to perform sacred rites, except on the major feast days. See Du Cange, *Gl. Lat.* v. *oratorium* and *oraculum*. If such oratories existed in other temples, they were inside the Bema, or tribune, and were dedicated to another saint than the one to whom the rest of the temple was dedicated. We have an example of an oratory attached to private houses or a bedroom, besides this present passage, in the Scriptores after Theophanes, p. 8, where one that private oratory is said to have had two *bemata*, or tribunes with small altars, one for the Blessed Virgin, another for Saint Michael the Archangel. Even in Justinian’s time, such private oratories were in use. Innocentius, Bishop of Maronia, who heard him in person, narrates in a letter to Thomas these words from his mouth: "I entered into the oratory of the glorious Michael the Archangel, which is in the Cochilus, and I prayed to the Lord saying," etc. I owe this passage to the notes of Alemannus on Procopius, p. 72. But what *Cochilus* is, I do not figure out; perhaps it is *chrysoboulo*, under a golden veil. [Regarding the Chapel of the palace, where annually on the fifth day of the Great Week of Pascha the Gospel of Saint Matthew was read, see Du Fresne on Zonaras, p. 51.] ^D ...offered to the emperor, in which sense *ta allaxima*, with the writers whose passages Du Cange collected in both Glossaries. The latter called precious garments, which those later called *allaxima* and *allaximata*, *katakleista* [shut away], because they were enclosed in chests; whence the custom passed to the Arabs, of which remains exist in the Quran, of calling precious garments "recondite garments." Regarding garments *katakleista*, see Salmasius on Tertullian, p. 128. Following the example of Greece, the Latins used the word *mutatoria*, whence in the German tongue the word *Gewand* remains for a garment, because indeed it is turned over, cast aside, changed for another, and stored in a chest. *Allassein* denotes to make someone new by putting on clean, splendid garments, to repair, and to make another man as if from the previous one, in Leo Grammaticus, p. 460. The later Latins also said *alterare* for "to clothe." Life of Saint Neolus the Abbot in Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Alterare*. Sometimes someone would spend the night in the church clothed in the garments of strangers. Also *parare*, whence the German word now becoming obsolete, *parden*, and *parade*: splendid garments are *paramenta* because they "prepared" themselves with them—that is, they decorated themselves—and *paratica*. Hence *parator*, or tailor, or one who dresses, an adorner. The consuls of the *paratici* were, in the Middle Ages, consuls or prefects of the merchants. See Du Cange v. *Paratici*, and Muratori, t. II *Ant. Ital.* p. 876, who were indeed those who sold *paratica* and *paramenta*, new cloths. In the *Ordines Romani* it is: "The Pontiff prepares himself solemnly with the ministers... with the vestments convenient for the time... Meanwhile, the king, clothed in military garments with his domestic prelates not *paratis* [prepared], that is, *ouk ellagmenois*." Those who in our passage are called *hoi epi ton allaximaton* are, on p. 81, *hoi epi ton allaximaton* in the full phrase. They may be compared to those *a pendice cedri*, to those *epi tou pegmatos*, if the exposition of Salmasius is correct, who thinks this was an office of the Augustan house, which had the care of little chests and other things made of cedar. For garments in *tablia*, as follows immediately, were stored in cedar, because that wood would ward off worms. Anastasius, p. 108, translates "palace courtyard," but on p. 39 he retained the word *diatarius*. Fabrolius, *Gloss. Cedr.*, translates it "atrienses." There seem to have been youths added to each office, especially nobles, who would help those to whom they were assigned throughout the weeks; and when they had grown up, they were removed from the palace and promoted to offices. Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Dietarius*, notes that they were so called because they ministered in the *diætas* or dining-hall, arranged tables, and kept the *diætas* clean. [Their office was to perform the watch of the palaces by night and by day, as appears from Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *Continuator* lib. iv, p. 123, where *hoi en to megalo palatio kata to heliakon tou pharou* are mentioned. Menolog. 38 July. Below, in our author, p. 135, *hoi diatarioi ton holon diaiton* occur.] For very often recent Greeks write *sigma* for *tau*, and *i* or *upsilon* for *omicron-nu*. Thus *stomin* is in Theophanes, p. 312, and the book-copyist, a man of modern Greece from whose codex Plutarch’s *Eroticus* has come to us, very often wrote *Pemptides, -in, -i* for *Pemptidios, -idion, -idi*. But in the future I shall not record such trifles. My predecessor did not do badly by replacing *tablion* for *tablen*. Nor did I do badly, in the part I edited, by strictly following the example of the membranes in such matters. *Tablion* in this place denotes a wide, flat chest, such as our people call *Schubladen* or *Schubkasten*, the French *une layette, un tiroir*. ...in which those large fur gloves, called by us *Muffe* (see Du Cange, *Gl. Lat.* v. *Muffulæ*), are stored. They have their name from *cornu* [horn], by which name the later Latins called any cylindrical box suitable for holding any matter, of whatever material. Thus, *cornu* was to them an inkwell, or...

^A of the Jordan, gently bows His head to the Forerunner." Second reception, of the Prasini, in the voice of the oblique tone IV: "Christ sanctifies by a holy washing His Church collected from the nations." Third reception, of the Veneti, in the voice of the oblique tone I: "With the fire of Divinity in the Jordan [(52)] He extinguishes the flame of sin." Fourth reception, of the Veneti, in the voice of the oblique tone IV: "The Word of God, coeternal with the Father [(53)], came today into the Jordan to be baptized, and bows His head like a servant to the Forerunner, whom the powers of the heavens tremble to behold. But may He who enlightened the world by His appearance increase and magnify the power of your reign for the good fortune and glory of the Romans." Fifth reception, of the Prasini, in the voice of the oblique tone IV: "Christ enters the streams of the Jordan out of love for mankind." Sixth reception, of the Veneti, in the voice of the oblique tone I: "On the divinity of the Jordan," and so forth. ^B Acclamation of the sixth reception: The chanters say: "He who was baptized in the waters of the Jordan." And the people cry out three times: "May you have many years!" The chanters: "And bowing His head like a servant to the Forerunner." And the people cry out three times: "May you have many years!" The chanters: "May He multiply your years with the Augustas and the Porphyrogennetos!" The people: "May God make your holy reign long-lived for many years."

The return of the lords on the same feast.

First reception, of the Veneti, in the *apelatikon* of the oblique tone I: "The Word of God, coeternal with the Father," and so forth. Second reception, of the Prasini, in the *apelatikon* of the oblique tone III: "He who enlightens [(53)] in the Holy Spirit was baptized in earthly water, and bestowed the light of baptism upon men; but Christ, who having accomplished these things out of love for mankind, commands your imperial power to prosper ^C in an unbroken succession [(54)] and to reign over the Romans." Third reception, of the Veneti, in the *apelatikon* of the oblique tone I: "He who crushed the heads of the dragons, O beneficent lords, in the streams of the Jordan, shall crush the heads of the Barbarians before your feet. O God-crowned beneficent lords, may the thrice-holy Trinity multiply your victories; He who was baptized for us according to the flesh and hallowed the nature of the waters." Fourth reception, of the Prasini, in the *apelatikon* of the oblique tone IV: "He who was baptized today by the hand of the Forerunner, proclaims you, O God-crowned beneficent lords, emperors with His own terrible hand [(55)],

^A a vessel, whether made of horn, ivory, pottery, or metal. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, v. *Cornu*, where he cites an account from the Chronicle of Hugo of Flavigny concerning a golden box marked with the relics of the twelve apostles, and two ivory horns likewise filled with relics. Whether the horns of candelabras in Anastasius [*in Benedict.* III] denote handles, or those discs that catch the dripping wax and other filth, I shall leave in doubt. In the same way, later Latin writers used to call these wardrobe boxes, specifically intended for storing head-coverings, *calamaria* [pen-cases], because they were similar to those bronze or metal-plated tablets that we are accustomed to use for storing and carrying our writing reeds. Perhaps to some, a derivation from *cornua* [horns] or *infulæ* [headbands/coverings] will seem more probable. Certainly in the thirteenth century they called *infulæ*, or hollow head-coverings, *cucufæ* (for I use the word *infula* everywhere in that sense), "horns" or "cornets." See Du Cange, *Gloss. lat.*, *h. v.* But I do not know if the same was done more quickly, and whether the Greeks also called *infulæ* *kerata* [horns] or *korula*. If they did—which I leave in doubt—then *corniclia* [little horns] would be the boxes in which the *cornua* or *infulæ* were kept.

^B By *infula*, I mean a *cucufa* [skullcap] formed in a certain way with various ornaments; its types exist in coins, in Goar at the end of the *Euchologion*, in Rhamnusius *de bello Veneto* with CPanis, in Banduri, in Du Cange in the *Familiæ Byzantinæ*, in the *Dissertatio* to Joinville XXIV, in the *Dissertatio de nummis ævi medii*, and elsewhere, where images of the Byzantine emperors are seen. For there are those who use the words *vitta* [headband] and *infula* differently than we do. The term comes from *a stefein* [to encircle], because it encompassed the whole head like a helmet. It differs from *stephanos*, a crown. *Stephanos* in the *Chronicon Alexandrinum* (in Salmasius, vol. II, p. 851) is a golden circle with projecting sharp rays, like the teeth of a saw; such as is seen on Roman coins. But the *stemma*, deriving from a helmet, was a *cucufa* with golden circles, one round one enclosing the whole head horizontally, and two semicircular ones intersecting at right angles, and for the most part with a cross placed on the top; the rest consisted of precious cloth, encrusted with gems and pearls. Anna Comnena, describing the imperial *mundus* [attire], thus described the *stemma*: "The imperial diadem," she says, "like a half-circle, surrounds the head on all sides, adorned with pearls, some inlaid, some projecting." ^C She adds a distinction between imperial *infulæ* and the *infulæ* of Caesars and lesser persons: first, that the latter did not have the little chains—*flectas*, as they spoke in the Middle Ages—woven from pearls and gems, hanging down by either ear; second, that they were not as accurately round as the *infulæ* of the emperors; and finally, that the imperial ones shone more, being sprinkled with more frequent pearls. "For from either temple, certain strings of pearls and stones hang down and brush the cheeks. And this is a thing reserved for the emperors of the garb. The *stephanoi* of the *Stratokratores* [Generals/Commanders] and of the Caesars are here and there [spotted] with pearls and stones, without the spherical ornament [the cross/globe]." Regarding the *Caesaricia*, or *infulæ* of the Caesars, I shall treat in its proper place. When such *infulæ* were received into use, it is not clear to me. In the seventh century, there were still in use now the *stephanoi* with radial circles, now the *diademata*, or—which is the same thing—the *tainiai*, the broad purple ribbons which were tied at the back of the head; if indeed Nicephorus the Patriarch of Constantinople is worthy of belief, relating (p. 39) that Heraclius, the more safely to hide and escape the slaughter of his own men, "miserable and wretched, so that he might appear as a private citizen to those he met, having wrapped himself in a garment, and having tied the imperial *stephanos* [diadem] to his arm—betook himself to flight." I find a *stemma* already on the coin of Eudocia Augusta, wife of Theodosius the Younger, in Du Cange, *Famil. Byz.*, p. 67. But because she is a woman, I will not invoke that example. I further find the figure of a *stemma* on the coins of Leo and Zeno, and Anthemius, *ibid.* p. 77. But because it could be objected that those figures are of helmets, not *stemmata*, I will not press those coins. However, on the coins of Justinian the Great, pp. 88 and 93, the *stemma* is expressed so clearly that he might appear to be the first after controversy to have used it. The Ravennate monument, which Alemannus was the first to present in his work on Procopius, and which Du Cange repeated from him (*l. c.* p. 97), could also be cited as an argument (for on it Justinian is seen wearing an *infula*), if its age were certain regarding that mosaic painting; but I am not at all persuaded by those who commonly make it contemporaneous with Justinian, so that I should agree with them. ^D On the coins of the succeeding emperors—Tiberius, Maurice, Phocas, and Heraclius himself—a *stemma* is seen. Therefore, that account of Nicephorus is suspicious, and fabricated after the example of Alexander the Great or some ancient king. For from the time the use of the *stemmata* prevailed, the use of the so-called *diademata* strictly speaking ceased; and Cinnamus offers no argument to the contrary in these words (p. 15, end) concerning Manuel Comnenus: "wearing [he used this word newly and improperly for 'clothed in,' for it signifies stripped by the ancients] the *chlamys* and having been ribboned with the royal diadem, he was proclaimed king by the whole army." For the author uses the term *diadema* improperly and affectedly, as many others have done. Therefore, the *stemma* was nothing other than a *cucufa* or biretta with a golden crown in one mass. Western kings of the Middle Ages were accustomed to wear golden crowns over a removable and free biretta, so that they could be removed, with the biretta remaining on the head. But the Constantinopolitan emperors did not place their crowns over their birettas; rather, they wore them together with them, as two things adhering in one mass. Cf. Du Cange, v. *Almutium*, where he cites this passage: "99 large round pearls to put on the *aumuce* which supported the crown of the king at the feast of the star." These *almutia* (a German word with the Arabic preposed article *al*—we still say *Mütze* for a biretta or *cucufa*) were suitable for emperors as laymen and men of military rank, just as the *phialin*, or the cowl or *cappa*, was for clergymen; and this distinction in head-attire seems to have already obtained in ancient times. Theodoret, *Hist. Eccles.* IV, 12, says of Eusebius of Samosata: "having learned that many of the churches were devoid of pastors, he wore a military habit, and covering his head with a *tiara*, he went around Syria ordaining presbyters and deacons." The emperors, therefore, wore the *stemma* as soldiers and supreme commanders of soldiers, in place of a helmet, which it resembles so closely that, as I was saying a little while ago, on the coins of the later emperors—whose images on the coins can be said to bear a helmet—it is doubtful whether that figure signifies a helmet or a *stemma*. Selden also usually calls these *stemmata* helmets in his book on titles of honor. See *Menolog. Basil.*, vol. II, p. 112, where the *stemma* and habit of Constantine the Great presiding at the Nicene synod are exhibited. Regarding the diadem of the former emperors, to which the *stemma* subsequently succeeded, Valesius treated in his notes to Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 286a; Du Cange spoke copiously of the ancient and new crowns of emperors and kings in his *Dissertatio* XXIV to Joinville. (v. Anna Comnena regarding the emperors, and that particularly which Charlemagne used, v. Aleman. to *Pariet. Lateran.* p. 49, concerning the crown with bells, Alteserr. to Anastasius, p. 146). [It is noted that Hungarians are Greek].

^A And the imperial spatharioi carry the imperial arms, that is, the shields and the spears, ^B and the order of the changing guard wears the imperial robe and deposits it in the octagonal chamber which is in the palace of Daphne. ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(42) They were the guards of the sacred body, noble by birth, who stood by the emperor as he proceeded, carrying his arms, that is, the shield and the spear, as is evident from this passage. *See Du Cange on Alex. p. 259.* We have frequent mentions in Byzantine history of protospatharioi, spatharioi, and spatharocandidati. Nicephorus Gregoras interprets the latter as "shield-bearers." Rightly so, because of the arms and the duty of carrying them. But the spatharioi and protospatharioi also carried the same. Goar on Codinus, p. 25, writes that all spatharioi were protospatharioi, in which he is mistaken. Nor did the emperor alone have spatharioi, but also the higher magistrates, as is evident from Theophanes, p. 368, where *ho kata Bisere* or *ho kata Himeriou patrikion spatharios* is the spatharius of Bisiris and Himerius. Where Goar does not translate correctly. They were called from *spathé*, a spatha, a long and broad sword which they carried by hand.

(43) In regard to the meaning of *hopla*, *harma*, and *harmata*—the latter being a term translated from the Latin—it appears, and indeed was the case, that while it came to the Greeks from the Latins, it is in its origin good Greek, from *arō*, "I fit" or "I equip," an instrument; and the fastidious and otherwise, for his age, elegant—but to us today ridiculous—affecter of ancient words, Nicetas, page 35, did not hesitate to use it: "he orders all, having dined, to become horse-tenders, and to look after their *harmata* [that is, *hopla*] so that they may fight the Turks more readily in the coming year." I doubt, therefore, whether *harmata* here signifies only swords, or, as I am more inclined to believe, the latter—that is, the shields and the spears (for so one must read)—as an explanation of the preceding "imperial *harmata*." I do not remember having found the word *harma* used for swords. Modern Greeks use [the word] for cuirasses, as they also use *hoplon*. See the distinguished Hemsterhuis on Aristophanes' *Plutus*, vs. 450. But much more frequently, both Latins and Greeks, whether new or the most ancient, use *hoplon* as *hopla*, and similarly *arma*, to which it corresponds, for the shield. See Salmasius on *Hist. Aug.* Vol. I, p. 212, and II, p. 354. Hence it is that to handle a shield and to wield arms are the same thing. This, Du Cange has proven with many examples under the entry *Arma*. The ancient glosses [interpret] *pelta* [as] "having bells attached, which the Romans call *armaturia*." In which place *kymbala* are the same as *kombos*, bulbs, knobs, bosses or bronze or iron umbilici, cheek-pieces, protruding from the middle of the shields to receive and blunt the force of blows received. *Kymbalon* and *kombos* are anything swelling into a spherical shape. Our own author himself, page 176, called the shield a *skoutarion*. From this the reasoning of Diodorus Siculus, Book XV, 44, p. 368, is now understood, and its integrity for that passage is attested. "Those who were previously called *hoplitai* from their shields (*aspides*), were then renamed *peltastai* from the *pelta*." The arguments with which H. Stephanus attacks that passage are indeed specious, yet Wesseling correctly defends him. So too the same Diodorus, XVII, 18, p. 173, 67: "He dedicated his own *hoplon* to the goddess [Minerva], and taking the best of the *hopla* lying in the temple, and being armed with that, he used it." That a shield is signified there is obvious and [clear] from p. 175. In the same author, XVIII, 27, p. 278, there are the *hoplo-phoroi* (shield-bearers), armed with shields and spears, which were never separated, and in that respect they are opposed there to the *mēlophoroi*, those who carried *spathobaklia* or iron-tipped staffs with apples at the end. *Hoplon Athēnaiēs* in the poem of Lucillius in the *Anthology*, p. 151, ult. ed. H. Steph. is the Aegis of Pallas, and p. 204. "He was pleased by the shield covered with the slaughter of Othrys, O Zeus, the shield of the Lacedaemonians."

Aristophanes himself already used *hopla* for a shield in the *Wasps*, vs. 819, compared with verse 590. For he who himself is without *hopla*, Cleonymus, this is the one who is the "shield-deserter." The distinguished Hemsterhuis also correctly rendered the sense of the Comic poet in the *Birds*, vs. 390. To Pindar also, *hopla* from Argos are Argive shields, in that place which Athenaeus, 1, c. 22, cites at the beginning, not correctly accepted by the interpreter. In the same way, the Latins said "to collect themselves into *arma*" for "to receive themselves beneath a shield." Virgil: "Aeneas halted and collected himself into *arma*, kneeling on his ham."

In the Middle Ages, they also said *arma* for a shield. A. Cutheis on the deeds of the Spoletini, in Du Cange, under the entry *Grampha*. "His attendants preceded him, armed with *tabularii* and shields painted with *grampha*, that is, a club or mace, his own *arma*, that is, shield, and swords and naked *spathae*." From this flowed the French *les armes*, for gentile insignia. For since ancient knights carried the insignia of each one's own people on their *arma*, that is, shields, it came about that what was painted on the *arma* was called by the very name of the arms metonymically. Of such a shield with insignia and of the royal *spatharioi* or candidates with a spear holding the shield, one may see the image in that Ravennate [mosaic] of Justinian the Great, which I mentioned a little before, in Alemannus and Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.*, and also in Ciampini, Vol. II, *Monum. Vetust.*, tab. 22. Those who stood by the Constantinople emperors, ^D *spatharioi*, or candidates, or bodyguards, were armed with a shield and spear; they were their armor-bearers, since it was not fitting for the emperors themselves to carry arms. Hence they were "scutarii," once called "the troops about the emperor," according to Zosimus I:1, p. 188. Conf. Valesius on Amm. Marcell. p. 352. Whence it is evident that the phrasing of our author, p. 237, *to harma kratei*, was correctly rendered by us as "they hold *arma*, that is, shields and spears," and in Georgius Monachus, p. 541, *meta harmaton* must be translated as "with *spatharioi* or attendants, or armor-bearers." For, not to mention that the expression there signifies "with a large number of carriages or nobles proceeding in carriages," the custom of the Constantinopolitan court, by which it was not permitted for anyone else to ride in a carriage in a public procession if the emperor were riding in a carriage, but all the nobles either followed on foot, or, honored with great favor, on horseback, makes this clear. From that it eventually also came to be that *Harma* was the name for the place in the Circus where the armor-bearers stood in *arma*, that is, shielded and speared, concerning which [more] below.

(44) The custom of building [with] corridors or octagonal porticoes still obtains in the East, as is evident from Della Valle, *Itiner.* b. iv, 14, who reports that such buildings, round or multangular, intended for ambulation, in which one is accustomed to walk on their flat roofs—which, however, lack parapets or railings—and frequently also to play at ball, not without recklessness and often with peril to life, are called *Ginsek* by the Persians and Turks. "Corridore," if I remember correctly, is the name given by Italians and French to such galleries that revolve and return upon themselves in a circle, whether round or angular.

(45) In all the greater cities of the Roman empire, there were certainly those which had a theater, or amphitheater, and staged games; there were also "Daphnae," that is, tribunals or basilicas, in

^A which the sacred image is placed upon the throne. They have finished, and the ^B those appointed by the veil of the pantheon entering, they adore the masters: they immediately don their gold-embroidered robes, and go out through the guard. In the sigmaton, the bodyguard—which is called the manclavium and hetaeria—and the logothete with the prefect of the canicleion, the protosecretary, and the protonotary receive them, and having made their salutation, they proceed with them. The spatharioi who are carrying the chariots stand with them in the onopody; and, indeed, as the masters go out from their *scaramangia* [(47)] from the sacred bedchamber [(48)], and render the customary prayer in the apse of the Chrysotriclinos, in which is depicted the God-like holy image of our Lord and God [(49)] sitting upon a throne, ^C they go in—the praepositi [having entered] from the veil of the *tantheon* [and the spatharioi]—and they reverence the masters [(50)], and thereafter...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

...in which laurel wreaths were bestowed upon victors. That custom of awarding crowns to victors in such tribunals called "Daphnes" did not begin with Diocletian, which could be conjectured from the words of Malalas (vol. 1, p. 407: "He ordered by imperial command that those competing in the Olympic games,"—that is, the Antiochenes, not the Pisans—"should be crowned with laurel in Daphne"). (The same Malalas, vol. II, p. 62, calls it an "Aprix" of Antioch; understand 'basilica,' and he says that two of its gates were covered with gold plates by Theodosius.) The Chronicon Alexandrinum calls the Alexandrian Daphne by that name in the third year of Commodus. It is possible, however, lest I be mistaken in the truth, that these Daphnes had the name from elsewhere: either because there were laurel trees there, under which one might stroll, or because, according to Codinus—a writer of I know not what degree of credibility—the consuls on the Kalends of January received laurel crowns from the people in those Daphnes. The triviality and ignorance of the later Greeks concerning the rites of ancient Rome makes me regard this tradition, which I do not recall reading elsewhere, with suspicion. I conclude from these things that the Daphnes of Constantinople were from their first institution the triclinium or basilica in which circus victors were crowned with laurel or palms (for it was not far from the Circus); and in which emperors, returning from their royal city from campaigns with a triumph, or at other times, were wont to receive first only laurel crowns, and then these, and also golden crowns. And because in later centuries golden crowns or circles, which those wearing them inserted upon their arms, took the place of laurel crowns, hence the name "Stephanos" also grew for the Daphnes. This is also from the fact that emperors were wont to put on there a nuptial crown and to be joined to their spouses with patriarchal blessing. But as the triviality and ignorance of the Greek populace was incredible in later centuries, it could not be but that the people, merely *sanctos sonians*, would turn it out of the name of the building "Stephani" into "Saint Stephen," for whom a temple was also built there, in which emperors for good luck used to receive their nuptial crown, and deposited the golden and laurel crowns offered to them by the royal city to be kept. Now the Daphne, with the shrine of St. Stephen which it contained, was part of the Augusteum, or the palace of the Augusta, the empress, of which hereafter.

(46) That this oratory in Daphne was dedicated to St. Stephen is also affirmed by Theophanes, p. 374. "An oratory," he says, "of the holy Stephen in the Daphne." (Acta SS. 11 Aug.) See Du Cange, CPol. Chr. l. vi, p. 137.

(47) It is that *apò* occurs for *metà* in the Greek of this book, especially if it is about clothing. That use of the particle is ancient and correct, though rarer among the ancients. Thus Appian used it on p. 33, 14, in the edition of Robert Stephanus: "he is crowned *apò* [with] gold and precious stones"; and Plutarch, Vit. l. I, p. 405, said *apò kraugês* for *metà kr.*. Polyenus p. 228 (VII, 6): *kálathos apò kóprou* (that is, *metà kóprou*), a basket full of dung. (For so it is read there.) Regarding the *scaramangion*, I speak at p. 254.

(48) *Koitôn* (I thought in translation) is the interior cubiculum of the emperor, in which he sleeps, as a cubiculum is an interior parlor, in which one spends the day when he is alone. The *coeton* was within the cubiculum, this being in front of it. In the cubiculum slept the *parakoimômenos* [chamberlain], and in the *coeton* stood the guard. Cf. Goar on Codinus, p. 33. Valesius on Ammian. Marcell. p. 324, where someone is mentioned to whom the care of the Constantinian bedchamber was entrusted, or *proestôs tou basilikou koitônos*, as Socrates calls him. These *coetonitae* involved duties different from the cubicularii, and were higher than them, concerning which more will be said below at p. 13. He says here that the emperor exits from the *coeton* into that great hall of the Chrysotriclinos, where the throne stood, and he himself presided over the assembled consistory of the great, and there, under the concha—that is, an apse or vaulted ceiling—had worshiped before the image of Christ crucified, and then prepared himself in his robes before he admitted the great to be saluted. Whether the emperor, as soon as he rose from bed, had noble and beautiful girls with him, who offered water to him as he washed his hands, and a comb for him to arrange his hair, I would not say. However, I doubt very much whether he had them, since not only is there no mention of such a thing in our author, but also *spadones* [eunuchs], the *nipsitarios* or *malluviarii*, are mentioned, and the office of combing the beard and hair undoubtedly belonged to the same or other *spadones cubicularii*. Ordericus Vitalis indeed says (l. VII), telling of the daughters of Robert Guiscard who were captured by Alexius Comnenus and taken to Constantinople and hidden in the gynaeceum of the Augusta, that it was their duty in the morning, when the Constantinopolitan emperor had risen from his couch and was washing his hands, to bring a towel and an ivory comb and to comb the emperor's beard. But that was either a particular case and a custom of Alexius, which expired with him—he who wished to burn and debase a man most odious to him—or Ordericus recorded a falsehood, which seems more likely; just as many Latins [wrote falsehoods] about the Greeks and these in turn about them, [motivated by] ignorance of the truth, hatred, bitterness, and finally a lust for triviality, which plagued those centuries, they invented absurd and ridiculous things. What is here called *kato* [concha], Monachus Sangallensis calls the "dormitory walking-gallery" (l. V), telling of Charlemagne. Having finished morning prayers, when the king might return [from church] to the palace or to the dormitory walking-gallery for the sake of warming himself and dressing [that is, preparing himself with clothes].

(49) Edessa, namely, which the emperor Romanus Lecapenus had at last sought long and hard from the Barbarians, and which, as appears from this text, had been placed on the imperial throne during solemn feasts. This is singularly confirmed by our Constantine in his oration on the Edessene image and the *ton ton basileion*, etc. I would not wish to agree with the most learned man. The image of which there is talk here is different from the Edessene one; it was golden and always fixed in the same place. The Edessene [image] was on linen and was kept in Hagia Sophia. That image was about the height of a sitting man, and it sat on a throne which stood to the right of the imperial one. Can one read such things and keep one's mind from the memory of the Olympian Jove of Phidias? But why do I accuse a fault, inwoven in human nature and to be conquered by no art? Let us assume that, although he is speaking of one emperor...

Veneti is received with the populace of the Leucoi. The acts of acclamation are sung by both the praecentors and the people, just as in the other receptions. In the final act, the praecentors say: "Well has come the destruction of those of Hagar." The people: "May God make your holy reign long-lived for many years." Reception IX at the Fornix of the Milion. The same demarch of the Veneti returning with the populace of the Leucoi makes a reception there. The acts of acclamation are sung by both the praecentors and the people, just as in the other receptions. Again, after a short while of such a reception, the demarch of the Prasini, or the domesticus of the excubitores, is received. The acts of acclamation are sung by both the praecentors and the people, just as in the other receptions. Again, after a short while of such a reception, the demarch of the Veneti, or the domesticus of the scholae, is received at the cancellus of the Chalke. The acts of acclamation are sung by both the praecentors and the people, just as in the other receptions.

CHAPTER VII. Acts for the festival of the Sunday of Antipascha.

It should be known that on the Sunday of Antipascha, when the masters sit at table, the same order and sequence takes place as on the second day of the Renovation [Easter Monday], specifically including the acclamations of the two factions, and everything as previously stated; except that the Veneti say in the apelaticum, plagal mode IV: "Renew thyself, O creation; Christ is risen, celebrate your feasts to the Lord. For the tomb being sealed, the Sun of life has risen, and having appeared to the apostles while the doors were shut, He renews the Holy Spirit through Himself, and bestows peace on the whole world; and the sovereign power [He] renews and magnifies, as a brilliant sun, the rising of the star of the Unapproachable, appearing today for the honor, for the glory, for the rise of the Romans." The Prasini say this: "The apostles, having cast off the symbols of sad dejection, went forth rejoicing into Galilee, and saw Him whom they had longed for, raised from the dead. They received from Him an ineffable initiation, and running forth like rays throughout the world, they proclaimed the bright day of the Resurrection. Their protection, through divine grace, shall guard you, masters, for the prosperity of the Romans." It should be known that when the masters return in the evening from the Holy Apostles to the palace on this feast, the same order and sequence occurs as on the second day of the Renovation, specifically, the receptions occur in the aforementioned.

^A in the plural, they would say: "The lords are casting" 51 this or that, "the lords are casting their raiment," "the lords go forth": "The lord puts on his vestments," "the lord goes out." We shall show below, even in the times of Augustus Cæsar and much earlier, that it was already the custom to address a single person in the plural, or to speak of him as if of many, a custom which obtains today among all more refined peoples. However, the title "Despot," when used absolutely, denotes the Emperor Augustus, as is evident from coins and various places in this Code. The appellations Despotes, Despoina, and douloi [servants] were introduced by Justinian and Theodora. See Procopius, *Anecdota*, p. 134. The title, which specifically denotes a dignity inferior to Caesar, is more recent, yet not as recent as Du Cange thinks, asserting against Cinnamus (p. 468) that the dignity of Despot was finally instituted by Michael Calaphates. For in our author, Book II, ch. 27, p. 362, two sons of Heraclius the Great, Constantine and David, are mentioned as despots; and to the former is attributed the title of Augustus—"Constantine Augustus, may you conquer"—but the latter is said by his father to have been promoted from the dignity of Despot to the dignity of Caesar.

51. "Induunt" [They put on]. The verb βάλλειν used for "to put on" is very familiar to us Greeks. It is found in Theophanes, p. 238, likewise in the same author, p. 246, "having shaved his hair, he put on (ἐνέβαλλεν) the clerical habit," that is, he put it on. The expression βάλλειν μετάνοιαν, to put on penitence, is frequent among Greeks, about which I shall speak at p. 300. Salmasius, *ad Hist. Aug.* vol. II, p. 437, compares it with the Latin *mittere vestem* and the French *mettre son habit*.

52. These [ornaments] have golden fringes or borders; see Du Cange’s Glossaries for both words. Hence, the glosses in which *Attogatio, paradisis*, L. *periclisis* appear, are to be amended, for *attogatio* is that which is attached to a toga. I also thought of *arrogatio*, *paraclisis*, *paralisis*. In the Middle Ages, even Latins used the word *periclysis* (as it is usually written), see Du Cange *Gloss. Lat.*, and they also spoke of golden stripes. This word is Germanic; *Leiste* denotes the border of a thing.

53. These are cloaks, I know not of what form among the ancients, but they extend almost to the knees, are wide, and almost the same as chlamydes, the image of which one may see on those nobles who stand near Justinian the Great in the Ravennate monument, in Du Cange’s *Famil. Byz.*, p. 97. But I speak more of this matter at p. 355.

54. The *Phylax* was called "of the imperial treasuries," otherwise known as [the guardian] of the, (subunderstood *oikos*), the house, that is, one guarding and preserving the royal treasures, the treasury; see Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *Life of Basil the Macedonian*, pp. 157 and 159. Since the *Phylax* and the *Vestiarium* were adjacent and under one roof, it came about that one was used for the other. It is evident from p. 71 of our author that the *Phylace* was situated between the Chrysotriclinium and the *Deipara* of the Pharus.

55. *Sigma* was the name of a certain porch and region in the great palace, the work of Emperor Theophilus, which, because it resembled a *sigma*—a Greek *sigma*, that is, a Latin C—or a semi-circle, is so referred. Cf. Leo Grammaticus, p. 435; *Continuator of Theophanes*, p. 87, where it is elegantly described; and Du Cange, *CP. Christ.*, p. 112.

56. The whole body of the *Maglabitai* [are] lictors, apparitors, the rod-bearers ^D who used to precede the emperor with *maclavia*, or *manclavia*—that is, hand-clubs—to prepare the way for one proceeding and to drive off the crowd. Authors report differently concerning the *maclavium*, even the Greeks themselves; so that you might swear it was a staff, and they say this rightly, sometimes *loron* [strap], a thong, or a *protis* [whip], a lash, which do not consist of such things. Codinus, *Offic.*: "There hang from the belt of each of these *loroi*, which they call *maglabia*, like staffs or rods to scourge those worthy of being scourged, always carrying *dicanicia* [staffs]. But when the emperor rides, they go before, and carrying them upright, they keep the people in order." These things cannot be reconciled unless we say that the word *loron* was accepted by Codinus, not in the sense it is usually and properly accepted, but for a rod, club, spindle, or switch. But why does a man who understands neither his own language nor the things equal to it delay us? That the *maclavia* were clubs, not whips, is clear both from the custom of the Turks, whose Janissaries walk with clubs—a custom handed down from the Greeks—and also from the fact that the Greeks explain the word *maclavium* as *allakton*. Regarding this word we must speak more carefully. Therefore, *allakta* are clubs, either solid or so split that many splinters, emerging from one shaft and running parallel to one another, can be moved somewhat, and when struck, they rattle, such as we call *Pritschen*. That I may believe the *allakta* were the last things, and that men armed with such rattles were sent ahead in processions to clear the way, is made credible by a custom still obtaining among our street-performers, those quack-doctors, for instance, who, for the sake of stirring up the crowd, drag along with them a fool dressed in multi-colored patches and the clothing of the old world, having in his hand a rattle.

57. The *Hetæria* was a type of military or guard unit for the custody of the sacred body and the palace, conscripted from foreigners only, such as Persians, Chazars, Franks, and English. Once Gentiles, the School of the Gentiles, the palace auxiliaries...

58. When *Logothete* of the Dromos is used plainly, it is intended to denote the *Rationalis* of the public course, whose authority was then greatest under the emperor, inasmuch as he had to refer to him the matters of the whole empire that were happening and occurring, and to deliberate with him, to introduce ambassadors, and to answer them in the name of the emperor. Cf. Book II, ch. 228, at the end, where it says: "He who carries the *hypomneseis*—that is, the significations, notifications—of public affairs to the emperor, those around the palace call *Logothete of the Dromos*." But *pragmata demosia* [public affairs] exist when an enemy invades the provinces, when there is sedition somewhere, or plague, or shortage of grain, or fires, or other evils occur, etc. Cf. concerning his office, Du Cange *ad Alexiad.*, p. 262. Moreover, there were other *rationales*, such as the *ton oikeiakon*, namely the general or public [treasury], and the *idikon*, of the private treasury, also *to stratiotikon*, of the military treasury, and also the *praetorii*, and of the *agelon*, of the imperial herds or droves, about which in their own place. Casaubon confuses the Logothete of the Dromos with the *curiosi* and *stationarii* ^D (at *Script. Hist. Aug.* vol. I, p. 15). Yet their power and dignity were far less than they became later. When Du Cange (l.c.) says the Logothetes used to subscribe with the *bulla*, that is not true, unless the Logothete was also the *Canicleus*, to whom that duty of subscribing belonged. Such an example exists in *Scriptores post Theophanem* p. 92, and Leo Grammaticus, p. 457. However, the functions were properly diverse and not always joined, as is evident even from this present place in our author. Cf. Goar *ad Cedren.* p. 24, and *ad Codin.* p. 27, n. 27. Whence Du Cange *Gloss. Gr.* p. 822 is to be corrected, making the Logothete of the Dromos and the prefect of the Canicleus the same person.

as the Theotokos, and we entreat with unsleeping mouth ^A that by the wings of your intercession you may guard so-and-so and so-and-so until the end." The Apelaticus, in the fourth tone: "Thee, the bridal chamber of Christ, through whom Christ appeared in the flesh to mortals, we peoples worthily praise. O Theotokos, preserve the sovereigns as lights for the resurrection of the world, and be ever the bulwark of help for the Veneti who possess you." But the Prasini say the strain in the plagal fourth tone: "O Fountain of the life of the Romans, Virgin, Mother of God the Word, campaign alone with the sovereigns in the purple, who have taken from you the crown, because they possess you in all things as an invincible ^B shield in the purple." Another, in the fourth tone: "Christians, having obtained you, the all-holy one, as a hope of refuge and a glory of salvation and assistance, we entreat you to cover us with your intercessory wings; for they possess you as an invincible power against enemies."

B. It should be known that on this feast the receptions take place as follows. The first reception is outside the chamber of the Embolus, where the column also stands. The demarch of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, receives there with the fleet-faction (peratikos demos) of the Veneti. The second reception is at the aqueduct, where the water flows. The demarch of the Prasini, that is, the Excubitor, receives there. The third reception is at Saint Mocius. The demarch of the Veneti receives there with the White faction. The fourth reception is in the Exacionion. The demarch of the Prasini receives there with the Red faction. The fifth reception is at the Xerolophos, opposite the oratory of Saint Callinicus. The demarch of the Veneti also receives there with the White faction. The sixth reception is at the Bovis. The demarch of the Prasini, that is, the Domestic of the Excubitors, receives there. The seventh reception is at the Amastrianum (81). The demarch of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, receives there. The eighth reception is at the Philadelphion. The demarch of the Veneti, returning with the White faction, performs a reception there. The ninth reception is at the Taurus. The demarch of the Prasini receives there with the Red faction. The tenth reception is at the bakery arch. The demarch of the Prasini, returning with the Red faction, performs a reception there. The eleventh reception is in the Forum. The demarch of the Prasini, returning with the Red faction, performs a reception there. The twelfth reception is at the Praetorium. The demarch of the Veneti receives there with the White faction. The thirteenth reception is at the arch of the Milion. The demarch of the Veneti, returning with the White faction, performs a reception there. And again, after a little while from that reception, the demarch of the Prasini, that is, the Excubitor, receives with the fleet-faction of the Prasini. And again, after a little while, the demarch of the Prasini returns with the Red faction, and they perform a reception there opposite the baths of Achilles towards the gate of Meletes, and again after a little while of such...

^A Maglabitae and those of the imperial household. Constantine, in the life of Basil the Macedonian, in the collection of writers after Theophanes, p. 250, mentions someone who was honored with the rank of the Maglabites. Cf. Constant. *de admin. imper.* p. 126. From these two passages it is understood that the Maglabites were not such base men. For sometimes they were also protospathars at the same time, or they are said to have the rank of Maglabites. I believe, however, that in these passages it is not every Maglabite, but only their prefect, who is designated by the name of *maglabites*. For it is said there that a certain protospathar and Maglabite was sent to the prince of Iberia to bring him the robe of a master and to invest him with that dignity. A task which does not seem to have been entrusted to a common man. They were also sent with a sword to behead criminals, as is clear from Leo Grammaticus, p. 466. Whether they were eunuchs is not clear. They seem generally to have been, from the fact that they are occasionally mentioned in the *Articlina* as the prefect of the Maglabites. However, the consequence does not hold that if the prefect was a eunuch, the whole bureau consisted of such people. ^B In the Roman court, they were called *majorentes* or *stimualti*, who remove the people from the path. *Ord. Rom.*, p. 198. Whether queens formerly had female *rhabduchoi* (rod-bearers) is a question which does not pertain here, nor is it of great moment. I gather, however, that they did have them from Polybius, p. 716, ed. Wechel.

They were called *palatina foederati*. See Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 352. [Rabani Martyrolog., Book VI, Canisius p. 742, *the company of Caesar*, a cohort of Caesar's foederati, is mentioned by the Continuator of Theophanes, p. 228.] It could be concluded from this passage, if that version of Combefis were admitted, that Caesar, if there were one, or a junior emperor, or the future heir to the empire, had a private cohort of foreign military for himself. Nor is this improbable; such persons rather seem, from many other arguments, to have had their own courts, but smaller in number and imperial splendor. In truth, in the cited passage of the anonymous Continuator, *hetairia* simply denotes a faction. Regarding this word, see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.*, under the word, and on the *Alexiad*, p. 227, who, however, errs in saying that it was the function of the Great Hetæriarch to introduce ambassadors, based on a passage of Pachymeres, which seems to imply something else entirely. But their own duty was properly to guard the sovereign from suspicious persons, as it is in *Script. post Theophan.*, p. 294, to keep those suspected by the master away. ^C There were, if I am not mistaken, three Hetæriæ, or associations: the great, the middle, and the small. The prefect of the great was called the Great Hetæriarch. Dexippus in *Excerpt. Legat.*, Hoeschel p. 7, calls him the leader of the foreign camps, and ibid., last line, he joins *the hetæric order and all the bodyguard of the ruler*. Later, the Hetæriarch is called the Ethnarch; see Du Cange, under the word *ethnarch*. There were also certain foot-soldiers who were *hetairoi*, and others who were cavalry.

^D (59) The *Canicleus*, the prefect, is the same dignity as that which was formerly called *he epi tou grammatikou* (the one in charge of the archives) in the court of the Macedonian kings. Polyb. p. 485, 20, ed. Gronov. The *Canicleum* is a little vessel containing red liquid or sacred encaustic, with which the emperors signed official documents; and he who held this in his possession, and offered it to the emperor at the time of use, was the *Canicleus*. *[Regarding the prefect of the Canicleum, see Michael Lazari, Confutatio dissertat. Maffei de fabula ord. Constantiniani, p. 24.]* Regarding the etymology, see below at p. 417.

reception, the demarch of the Veneti, that is, the domestic of the schools, along with the sea-going populace of the Veneti, receives him at the railing of the Bronze [Gate].

^A III. It must be known that the acclamations of the factions are the same on the second day of the Renovation. The hymns of the Veneti, which they call *dromika* (cursorily): "Hail, most powerful emperor," etc. The Apelatici: "Having received an indestructible protection and a virginal shelter, God-crowned benefactors, and glorying in her all-immaculate intercessions, you appear invincible to hostile nations. For she herself overshadows your heads in the day of battle, and shows you loaded with the crowns of victories for the happiness and glory of the Romans."

Another of the third tone: "Let the Mount of Olives be praised; for in it the chorus of the apostles is celebrated, who saw the glory of the Most High, the God taken up into heaven in the flesh, and the everlasting gates opening and receiving the Master. The armies of the angels also hymn the Father, saying to the Son: Sit at my right hand, until all creatures bow the knee to you."

Another in the oblique third tone: "Christ stood by the apostles and appeared to them, saying peace, and interpreting for them the words of the prophets, he led them all out to the Mount of Olives and, lifting his hands to the heights and blessing them, he was taken up into heaven, having announced to them the presence of the Holy Spirit and filled them with joy. Therefore, our God, beneficent emperors, will bless you in all things and will fill your majesty with joy."

The songs of the Prasini, which they speak in the fourth tone: "Hope of refuge and of salvation," etc. Another in the third tone: "All the apostles together, having worshipped Christ taken up into heaven, reached Jerusalem with joy, because they found Christ Jesus the Son of God, concerning whom Moses and the rest of the prophets had written, and they beheld his glory with the cross, seated at the right hand of the Father. He, beneficent emperors, will preserve the happiness of the Romans." Another in the grave tone: "A strange miracle! For as the rain upon the fleece, so the Word of the Father; and now see him who carries flesh…" ^B

^A And the Lords, proceeding to the first-built temple of the most holy Theotokos, receive candles from the praepositi—that is to say, those provided by the cubicularius 61 who are the praepositi—and through the triple 62 adoration 63 with the candles, they give thanks to God. And then, in the same way, in the adjoining or subsequent oratory of the Holy Trinity, there also, through the triple adoration with the candles, they give thanks to God, and then 64

^D III. The Lords, however, proceeding to the ancient temple of the most holy Mother of God, receive candles from the praepositi—specifically those handed over by the cubicularius praepositus—and venerate God with the candles through a triple adoration. Afterwards, in the second or next chapel, they pray to God three times with bended knees while holding the candles; then they approach the relics stored there in the narrow passage, and here also they adore God three times with bended knees, holding the candles. Furthermore, at the baptistery, where three great

[COMMENTARY] ...equites, which I gather from the diction of Theodoret, *Hist. Eccl.* 44, *pezetairoi*. Suidas in *Rufino*: "The command of those around the king, the *pezetairoi*, the shield-bearers, and the bodyguards, was entrusted to him." Since the *Hetaireiai* consisted only of foreigners, they are distinguished from other *tagmata*, or types or garrison schools, such as the *Scholarians*, the *Hicanati*, etc., who could be natives. Thus one may understand the passage of Scripture after Theophanes, p. 248, "of the *basilikoi* and of the *hetaireia* and of the *tagmatikoi*." Where Combefis neither correctly translates the word *basilikoi* as "praetorians," nor *tagmatikoi* as other cohorts. For the *basilikoi* are not soldiers, but court attendants, and the *tagmatikoi* are the garrisons of the city or of the imperial palace, made of natives. Liudprand narrates in *Legat.* p. 485, that Nicephorus Phocas had acquired Hungarians, adorned in most precious robes, as patrons and defenders for himself. Which is the same as if he said that he had enrolled them in his *Hetaireia*. These patrons themselves are helpers, auxiliaries, as the Arabs call the praetorian soldiers the "helpers" of some city or town, and *praetorium*, the house of help, because, indeed, help, or *boetheia* in new Greek, that is, the praetorian militia, keeps watch there. Codinus gives the etymology of the name in *De Offic.* p. 65, not altogether certain indeed, but not entirely to be rejected: "The *hetairiarch* is the one who receives the *hetairoi*, that is, the friends." Certainly, the new Greeks called foreigners not of their own race coming to Constantinople *hetairoi*, as the old Greeks were wont to do, but I demonstrate this in another place. I thought at one time that the appellation of *hetairoi* was either born from the Roman term *commilitones* (fellow soldiers), or brought down from the ancient kings of Macedonia, who also had *hetairoi* in their militia, as attested by Polybius, p. 534, ed. Gronov. Then it seemed simpler to me that the Byzantines, without any imitation, had so affectionately called strangers passing over to their camps *hetairoi*. But all those things are extraneous, and the reason for this appellation must be sought from our own ancestors, those Saxons and old Franks. They were accustomed—and we, by the example of our fathers, are still accustomed—as are the Dutch, the offspring of the old Germans, to call free men serving for wages, soldiers, workmen, and others, "Gesellen." "Matten," "Folger," that is, companions, followers. See what I shall say below concerning the Acoluthos of the Varangians. The Greeks, having rejected the German word, called those whom they received into their cities and pay, being foreigners, by the Greek word, which signifies the same as the German. *Etairoi* to wit, and *akolouthoi*, of which the former expressed "Matten" or "Gesellen" (whence "Vasalli" were born, for "Vasallus" is the same as "Guesell"), and the latter "Folgher." The word "Mat" (companion) is still in use today among the Dutch. From this you may understand what "Frangomates" are in the *Assizes of Jerusalem*, according to Du Cange, v. *Franchire*: "Of those who acknowledge themselves as Frangomates or free slaves." The word is compounded of "Franc" and "mat" (companion, a slave made free, or given into liberty). But as in later times these Frankish mercenary soldiers called themselves "Matos" and "Folgheres," *hetairoi*, *akolouthoi*, so in ancient times the Celts were fond of being called "Gæste," *xenoix* (guests). Polybius I. 11, 22, says that the Celts were called *Gaisatous* because they served for pay. For that word implies this precisely. But Polybius rightly states it. These *Gæsati* are guests, *Gæste*. "Gast" is strictly a foreigner who dwells outside his fatherland. These Celtic *Gæsati*, or *Gæsti*, did not remain at home, but emigrated from their fatherland and tried their fortune with arms in a foreign soil, which the Normans did in later times in the 11th century. What I was saying a little earlier, that the word *Vasall* denotes a partner, a companion, an *hetairos*, appears from the *Miracles of St. Ludger* in Du Cange, v. *Phasallus*, where a "phasalus" of the monastic life, that is, according to the custom of the Arabs, is called a companion of the monastic life, and its devotee. Now the custom of feeding foreigners in the main palace for the guarding of the sacred body began under the Roman emperors, who, involved in war with the Celts and Germans, appointed them as guards for themselves because of their proven faith. The Byzantines later did the same with the Khazars and other Scythian tribes, Persians, Saracens, Hungarians, English, and others. The Swiss in particular serve this use in royal palaces today. The Turks still nourish today in their militia the so-called *Garibos*, that is, *xenoi* (foreigners); v. Du Cange v. *karipides*. I have treated them more extensively in *Albufeda*. [Notes (60)-(64) omitted as per instruction.]

^A and very beautifully the crosses stand, and when the sign is given by the praepositus, they go out, and there the cubicularii lay down the candles they are holding. Then the lords pass through the hall of the Augusteon, in which the ministers and imperial attendants of the golden triclinium await them: for there also, along with the manclavitae and the guards of the palace, or *hetaireia*, they salute the lords. These, however, with the cubicularii and the *coetonitae*, proceed to the octagonal chamber before the church of Saint Stephen, in which the imperial robe lies; and there the cubicularii, saluting the lords, are present. Then, with the praepositi, they go to the temple of the holy protomartyr Stephen, and kneeling three times with the candles, they give thanks to God, and before that great, most beautiful, and most venerable cross of Saint Constantine, they prostrate themselves.

^B IV. After these things are accomplished, they enter the chamber of Daphne, awaiting the moment, that is, the referendarius, bringing the order concerning ecclesiastical ceremonies.

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JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(65) *Augusteon* and *Augustabus* is a name proper to the Byzantines, and indeed of two: one situated inside the Chalce near the Chrysotriclinum, which was called the *Augusteon of Daphne*, or the *Augustale of Daphne*; the other, which was simply called the *Augustale*, and was situated outside the Chalce between this and Saint Sophia; see p. 43, it is called the *Augustale of Daphne*, so that it may be distinguished from the Augusteon strictly so called, and p. 75, that one went from the Chalce into the Augusteon, and thence to the horologium or atrium of Saint Sophia, appears from this place and from p. 9. Concerning the Augusteon, the August forum, and the statue of Justinian called the Augustean, Du Cange has much at *Silentiarus* p. 540, and in *CPli Chr*. I conclude that the *Augustabus* was a proper building of that name, from the fact that the empresses were crowned in it; see p. 119, p. 120; and because when proceeding with the Lord to the Church, it was permitted to none of the nobles, except eunuchs, to enter the Augustale; see p. 13. It seems, therefore, to have been as it were the Seraglio of the Constantinopolitan emperors. [Concerning the Augustale, where the empress was crowned, see *CPli Chr.* p. 37 and the note on Zonaras p. 155, not next to the altar, as Goar translates, but on a table prepared for this rite; see Pachymeres' *Ecphrasis of the Augusteon*...]. That *Ecphrasis* of Pachymeres with the Latin translation of Banduri also exists in his *Imp. Or. L.* vi, p. 114.

(66) *The Schola* mentioned here. For there were seven, as there were once *vexillationes comitatenses* (see Panciroli, *Notit.* p. 22 b, cap. 34). Wherefore also p. 238, I have rendered them by *vexillationes comitatenses*. For the *scholae* are the same as *contubernia*, as are orders of soldiers, pertaining to one standard... ^C ...holding, numbers, cohorts. From these *scholae*, the *scholarii* were called soldiers in a general sense, indeed all, even common and provincial ones. ["Seven numbers of *scholarii*, who reside in Bithynia, Theophanes has, p. 200."] But in particular, they were soldiers for the guard of the palace, concerning whom the origin, number, and other things pertaining there are learned from a distinguished passage in Procopius' *Anecdota*, p. 106. These *scholarii* stood guard inside the Chalce, or the atrium and entrance of the palace; but they lived in the propylaeum of the church of the Holy Apostles, as appears from various places of this *Ceremoniale*. There were foot soldiers and horsemen. But I do not wish to be prolix on this subject. Conf. Guther. p. 399 and 599 Vales. et Lindenbrog. *ad Amm. Marcell.* p. 38 and 479, also Du Cange *Gloss.* for both.

(67) *Referendarius* is a political, and is also a sacred dignity. The latter is discussed here. For the referendarius is a sacred minister of the patriarch, who carries the commands of the latter, that is, the significations, the new things which he wishes to indicate, to the emperor or the nobles; as here the referendarius reports to the emperor in the name of the patriarch that it is time to come to the procession. See Goar *ad Cudin.* p. 13, n. 22. Du Cange *Glossar.* for both this word. Gather. *de Offic.*

(68) *Mandatum* is any signification of anything at all, whether done with imperial authority, so that something may be done, or referred to another, or a simple historical narrative, a message. It obtains this sense in Theophanes, p. 376. See Du Cange *Gloss.* for both. This sense can obtain here and in this place, and that other can also, by which it denotes that a signification is referred to another by order. *Mandare* for "to signify" obtains today in the French language, and once obtained among the Latins, as is evident from Martial's epigram in Lampridius in *Script. Hist. Aug.* t. 1, p. 954.

^A from the patriarch regarding the ecclesiastical state, and then the praepositi enter and give the notice of these things to the masters [despotae]. The masters, while exiting into the octagonal cubiculum, the praepositus cries out in a loud voice, saying: "Vestitores!" And then the vestitores enter and place their splendid tunics upon the masters, and immediately they exit; and the praepositi crown the masters, clearly with the entire service of the cubiculum standing by also, when these things are being performed, and after the masters have been crowned, they go out through the triclinium of the Augustus; for there the logothete of the drome stands, and the one of the canicleus, and the one over the basilika, and the maglabion, and the hetaeria. 15 For inside the great gate of the Augustus stand the niphestiarii, ^B bearing the gold *cherniboxesta* fashioned from precious stones, and the masters stand at the "golden hand," that is to say, at the portico of the Augustus outside the great gate; for there also those of the chrysotriclinus stand. And then by a nod of the master, the praepositus, with his head inclined toward the masters, gives a sign with his own vestment to the usher holding a golden rod: for four ushers carry rods of gold and precious gems. Then he goes out, and magistrates, proconsuls, patricians, strategos, officials, and the prefects of the divisions follow. ^C

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JOHN JAMES REISKE'S COMMENTARY

^A are to be touched upon; second, that I might demonstrate the origin and reason of both terms, which signify the same thing; and third, that I might prove the custom of carrying mappas, oraria, and sudaria for wiping the nose and mouth, as well as scrolls, pipes, and parchment volumes, was in use among the Romans from the most ancient times.

Codinus, in his *De Officiis* vi, 27, relates that the *akakia* is a small bag made of purple cloth, wrapped in a thin silken napkin, and filled with earth (ἐντὸς ἔχει χῶμα), so that it might signify, both by its name and by the earth contained within, that the emperor ought to be humble and mindful of his earthy origin. Symeon of Thessalonica agrees with this, and the passages of both are provided by Du Cange in his entry *Akakia* and in the dissertation cited previously. Without a doubt, from this arose what Peter Damian recounts in his *Epistle* 1, 17—though he is alone in this—that it was a custom among the Greeks for someone to offer a newly crowned emperor a vessel full of the bones and dust of the dead (a little later he will call them ashes) in one hand, while in ^B the other hand he held fine-combed flax or tow, softly loosened [ἠρέμα εἰς ὕψος ἐπηρμένην, ὑποκεχαυνωμένην], to which fire was immediately applied, and suddenly, in the blink of an eye, it was consumed by the devouring flame. This was so that in the one he might consider what he is, and in the other might see what he possesses. For in the ashes he recognizes himself as ash, and in the flax he gathers how suddenly the world will burn on the day of judgment, etc. Greek writers are silent about the burned flax. However, in the Roman curia, it was the custom to burn tufts of flax before the crowned Pope, while the herald cried out: *Sic transit gloria mundi* ("Thus passes the glory of the world"). Regarding that vessel full of bones and ashes, it seems to have been misunderstood and poorly reported from the *akakia*, which in truth was a silken bag filled with earth, as is evident from the fact that it was used ^C not only by the emperors who were contemporaries of Codinus, but already in the age of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, as is clear from page 443 of our work, where it is said: "The emperors hold the victorious trophy of the Cross in their right hands" (the Cross, the idol of the Christians, having succeeded the ivory staffs of the ancient consuls), "and in their left hands they hold the resurrection, that is, the symbol of the resurrection of our earthy substance." It is clear that nothing else is intended than the *akakia*.

But why did they call these bags *Akakias* and *Anexikakias*? I shall explain. The ancients knew nothing of these trifles, but carried papers, that is, membranes, τόμοι, rolled segments of membrane, scrolls, and pipes. This was generally common for all who appeared in public, both men and women, so that whoever did not carry a handkerchief, *mapla*, or *sudarium* in one hand, would carry a segment of membrane, either rolled up or held in the hand by only one end with the rest hanging down, or hanging down halfway, being held by both ends, for the sake of memorials of matters conducted or to be conducted. Emperors, however, unless they were carrying a *mapla*, would carry the *akakia*, or segment of membrane, which was a supplicatory petition that commoners had offered to them when they proceeded into public. Therefore, the name *akakia* and *anexikakia* preached, or at least admonished, that they should be received *akakōs*, that is, gently, without any bitterness or moroseness, and *anexikakōs*, with a tranquil tolerance in reading and hearing the grievances created for them by their subjects, or at least that they ought to be so received. For *akakia* to the modern Greeks is clemency; see Nicetas Choniates, p. 24. At first, indeed, naked parchment rolls were handed to the emperor by the supplicants, ^D but subsequently it was ordained that whatever was handed to the emperor of that sort should not be delivered except wrapped in a thin silk cloth, *meta mandylou*. That custom of including supplicatory petitions, and likewise any letters, in silken cases—and finally of sealing these cases—spread from the Greeks to the Saracens and Turks, as I shall say more fully regarding Abulteda, and it is evident from Busbequius alone on page 76, where he says that he received the letters of Soliman to the Emperor Ferdinand covered in golden cloth and sealed. The same was in use among the Latins of the Middle Ages, as is evident from Du Cange s.v. *Armigeri*, where he illustrates an image of Charles the Bald published by Baluze on page 1278 of his *Capitulare Francorum*, in which three monks offer a sacred codex to Charles, wrapped in a precious cloth. For this custom, according to Du Cange, was observed among the monks, such that they would wrap the codices they received for reading in a towel, as is in the epistle of Theodomarus to Charlemagne, which the ancient statutes of the Carthusians call *manutergia camisias librorum* ("towels for the shirts of books"). Therefore, the Greek monks, seeing their own emperors proceeding according to ancient custom with such a supplicatory petition as an admonition, and knowing that they proceed in order to receive the complaints and supplications of the citizens—or rather, the monks, either being ignorant of the reason for this ancient custom or feigning ignorance, and always desiring to introduce their own mystical theology or analogy—persuaded the emperors to have a small purse filled with dust or earth made for them and placed in their hands instead of a bundle referring to a supplicatory petition, as if they were mindful that they would one day be dust, or that having seized such a purse they would forthwith put off all pride. Other Greeks, doubting what that procession and picture with parchment scrolls meant, conjectured that those scrolls were volumes of the Gospels. Indeed, Rhamnusius, perhaps prompted by Villehardouin, everywhere attributes a book of the Gospels into the hands of the CPtan (Constantinople) emperors instead of the *akakia*, as on p. 140. This is not entirely improbable or incongruous to them, and I might admit it in the case of other persons, however, it is clear from the surviving evidence of the ancient custom that the origin of the imperial *akakias* is as I have said, from the fact that even today the prayers and requisitions of the Parliament are submitted to the Kings of England not in letters folded in our fashion, but in volumes of parchment rolled up (called "pipes"), on the back of which the King writes, or by his order it is written, if he assents to the petitions: *Soit fait comme il est désiré* ("Let it be done as is desired"), but if he refuses: *Le roi avisera* ("The King will consider"). Regarding the images of others besides the emperors, I would not deny that the parchment volumes carried in the hands represent evangelical codices. The author of the *Life of Basil the Macedonian* (n. 58 ed. Allat.) relates that Basil, in a certain sacred temple founded by him, took care to have his children painted with volumes in their hands, which contained divine precepts. ὧν οἱ μὲν ἄρρενες, φησί, τόμους ἐπιφερόμενοι δείκνυνται τὰς θείας ἐντολὰς, αἷς στοιχεῖν ἐπαιδεύοντο, περιέχοντας· τὸ δὲ θῆλυ γένος καὶ αὐτὸ βίβλους κατέχον ὁρᾶται νόμων θείων ἐχούσας περιοχήν. Basil himself on a coin found in Du Cange's *Famil. Byz.* p. 138, is seen in his left hand with a globe or orb of power with a cross, and in his right, not a volume or a scroll, but a square, leather-bound codex of the Gospels. Paulus Silentiarius, Part II, v. 361, concerning a certain image of Christ in St. Sophia:

Εοικε δὲ δάκτυλα τείνειν δεξιτερῆς, ἅτε μῦθον ἀειζώοντα πιφαύσκων, λαιῇ βίβλον ἔχων ζαθέων ἐπιίστορα μύθων.

Joannes Moschus, *Limonarion* c. 87: Ἐκράτει δὲ καὶ μεγαλεῖον ἔχον ἀργυροῦν σταυρόν. Whence it is clear that such volumes sometimes had crosses affixed to them instead of bosses. *Megaleion* is a volume, not

^A bowing to the masters, by means of his own cloak, ^B signals to the ostiary, the one with the golden rod, ^C to show those outside the entrance by his gaze. ^D

It is fitting that the entire passage be put forward. It will illustrate both this passage of ours and many subsequent ones of ours, in which the procession or meeting of the senate in the consistory and the silentiaries are discussed, as it clearly teaches how the emperor presided, how the protectors of the sacred body stood by, what place the men of royal blood held, what the senators held, what was done during the silences, and how the procession went. "The guards assigned of old to the imperial bodies first moved toward the royal tent; some, girded with swords [these are the spathars, and all named from *spathe*], others carrying spears [these are the troops of armigeri], and others carrying the heavy iron-bladed *rhomphaiai* on their shoulders [by *rhomphaiai*, Anna understands either the *spathakia*, or the axes of the Varangians, although the word is not used in its proper sense]. They positioned themselves at some distance from the royal throne in a crescent shape, as if embracing the emperor, all of them directed by courage—as much of his kin as belonged to him by blood and affinity stood close on either side of the royal throne. On the right and on the left, other guardsmen took their places. The emperor sat, fearsome, upon the throne, equipped not so much royally as militarily. For these things were conducted in the camps. A voice was heard by no one, but they stood there in fear, looking intently at the one posted at the door of the tent (that is, the ostiary or silentiary). The emperor, having looked toward him, indicated by his gaze to give entrance to those outside. He immediately makes way for them at the entrance. Although they were afraid, they nevertheless entered, eyes cast down, walking with slow steps. Having been allotted their places in ranks, they stood there looking at what was to come, each one afraid, as if about to run the final race for his life."

When the emperor's speech was finished, there was a great shout, as some praised the emperor and marveled at his forbearance and gentleness, and the rest. Anna relates that the ancient guards and protectors of the royal persons arrived early at the praetorium, some having swords hanging from their belts, others spears in their hands, others heavy and broad swords of iron, or axes carried over their shoulders; and that they stood in a crescent formation. Near the royal throne stood those joined to the lord by blood and affinity; behind the emperor, above his head, as the Arabs say, stood the armigeri to the right and left, without a doubt eunuchs. Those standing before the veil did not dare to whisper, but all looked to the ostiary, placed at the entrance of the praetorium. He, having received the nod of the emperor, by which he understood that the nobles were to be sent in, let them in. These, having entered with a slow step, stood according to their ranks, and having heard the speech of Alexius, acclaimed with great noise and praised it.

...tranquilly, and with a certain expression of veneration and majesty, they were meant to proceed; he himself signaled silently by a nod what he wished to be done, and the praepositi and others usually indicated what was commanded by a nod, by the gesticulation of their hands, and in other cases as well by the shaking of their tunic [*By this sign the ancients gave a command; see Drakenborch on Livy, vol. III, p. 906*]. To indicate different things, and at different times and places, the ancients shook or raised their garment, once in the theaters for the purpose of signaling favor, then in the Byzantine court, if the praeposi of the palace or sacred chamber wished to warn the emperor of any matter, because it was held to be indecent and injurious to majesty for them to command by voice. In the church, when deacons or presbyters recited prayers, or when the psalters needed to be used in the ambo, or the faithful people needed to acclaim. The emperor himself in the Circus, having raised his purple, composed into a certain form of folds, which they called *phakeilon*, adored or greeted the people; which rite succeeded the ancient consular map of the *missio*, as we shall see in its proper place.

Now let us add a few things concerning the individual points. Casaubon and Salmasius have treated abundantly the custom of shaking tunics—and later, oraria—in days of old to signal Circensian favor, at Vopiscus's *Aurelian*, chapter 49, where it says that he was the first emperor to give *oraria* to the Roman people, with which he might court favor. Petavius also treats it at *Themistius*, p. 500, where, however, he misinterpreted a passage of Philostratus, *Life of Apollonius of Tyana* 1. 5, and the expression *othone didonai* regarding the custom, which is later than Philostratus, let alone Apollonius. Olearius interpreted it more correctly. Very recently, the renowned Reimar discussed this custom at that passage of Xiphilinus, p. 1000, regarding Seneca and Burrus, who, while Nero was singing on the stage, "would wave their hands and their garments whenever he spoke, and led others to do the same." A notable passage on this matter is Georgius Alexandrinus, in the *Life of St. John Chrysostom*, chapter 40: "They cheered him, raising into the air some their *chlanides*, others the flaps of their *koutzoula*, others their daggers, and others their *takiolia*." The author says that some raised their *chlanides* or tunics on high to signal favor, others their outermost edges, points, or corners, or the wings of their cowls, others manual cloths, and finally others their tiaras, or head-coverings, called facialia.

That our present text, and others of our codex, and that in particular, I. II, c. 10, p. 315—"The praepositus enters and bows schematically, bending his head somewhat, and with his hands lifting his tunic somewhat"—testifies to the custom by which the praepositus, with head slightly lowered and tunic lifted a little, would warn the emperor that it was time to rise and proceed. In our passage and elsewhere, instead of *sagum* or *sagion*, the word *chlanis* is used. Is *sagum* therefore the same as *chlanis*? Indeed, to confess the truth, I do not know. Writers speak so inconsistently and obscurely about all matters of clothing, as about the *sagum* and *chlanis* as well, that it is not clearly established whether it was different from the *chlamys*, or the same. There are places from which it appears that *sagum* and *chlanis* are the same, and there are, in turn, others from which one might gather the contrary; wherefore I would wish to be excused if anyone believes we err in rendering the word *chlanis* as the Latin *tunica*. There is no doubt that *sagum* and *chlamys* are either the same or nearly the same. Since, therefore, in the same matter... (74) The ostiary is of two kinds, palatine and ecclesiastical. The former is the one discussed here. He was the one who stood by the veils and introduced those summoned to the emperor. See Du Cange *Glossary* on both. *[Regarding who the adextratores and ostiarii were, see Ord. Rom. p. 169, concerning the formula when the ostiary of the Church is elected; Durand, Rational, p. 54].* Asterius mentions the golden rod, the symbol of the ostiary, in his *Oratio in Oeconomum iniquitatis*, apud Du Cange *Glossary*, under the word *Cura*, calling it *kalamida chrusen*. One may see the image of such a golden rod in Banduri, vol. II, p. 633, in that plate which presents the finding of the Holy Cross to the eyes. There, two silentiaries, or ostiarii, stand by the empress sitting on the throne, wearing tunics and humerals, each holding in his right hand a golden rod adorned with gems and with that double row of pearls.

^A The Drungarios of the Watch stands on the left, along with the bearded [(9)] Protospatharioi; and the emperor, being led by the lords of the cubiculum, passes through the portico of the Great Triclinium, where the *ekthesis* [(10)] of the nineteen *akoubita* is placed, and having gone forward, he stands in the midst of the two columns. And there the patricians and generals receive him upon the onopodion; and after they have worshipped the emperor, without bowing down to the ground, the Praepositus nods to the one in charge of the arrangement, and he says: "Command." And they say: "For many and good years." And in this reception the spatharocandidati and the spatharioi stay on this side and that. ^B

JOANNES JACOBUS REISKE, COMMENTARY.

The Greek word, though of Hebrew or Arabic origin, *megillah*, is a most familiar term among the Jews, from whence it passed to the Christians.

As to which hand the emperors held and carried the *akakia* in? Sometimes the right, sometimes the left. For no certain manner was observed in this matter, but usage was subject to whim. In our text, p. 16, it is said that the emperor carries the *akakia* in his right hand and the cross in his left; and on p. 38, the Emperor carries the *akakia* in his right, with a staff resting on his left shoulder. Conversely, however, on p. 443, in the place cited a little before, he holds the cross in his right hand and the *akakia* in his left in the opposite manner. Likewise, Constantine the Great is depicted in the Basilian Menologion, vol. II, p. 112, carrying a rolled *tomos* in his left hand. Leo the Great, however, was the first—if I have observed correctly—among those on their coins who carried the *akakia* or something of the sort; on the fourth coin in Du Cange, *Familiae Byzantinae*, p. 77, he carries a volume in his right hand and a cross in his left, on the obverse as well as the reverse. In the same way, Phocas on a coin in Du Cange, p. 109, Leo the Isaurian, p. 123, Isaac Angelus, p. 201. A consul on a royal diptych in Du Cange, *Dissertatio de Nummis*, tab. I, holds an ivory staff, a precursor to the cross, in his right, and a *mappa*, of which the *akakia* was the successor, in his left. And thus Constantine Ducas on a coin in Du Cange, *Familiae*, p. 159, Manuel Comnenus, p. 168, Isaac Angelus, p. 201, Theodore Lascaris, p. 218, Michael Palaeologus, p. 233, and Manuel Palaeologus, p. 242, also hold the cross in their right hand and a volume in their left. ^C

But lest we remain too long on trifles, it remains to be demonstrated that the ancient Romans themselves, when proceeding in public, were accustomed to carry something in one hand or the other, whether a *manipulum* or a parchment volume. Truly, nothing is more frequently seen on ancient marbles than their holding a *manipulum* in the left hand, which is sometimes similar to a *mappa*, and sometimes clearly shows a rolled parchment. Look at the philosopher in Montfaucon, vol. III, *Antiquitates Explanatae*, vol. I, fig. 2, as well as tables V and VI. Lucian, II, 467, 92. On the Arch of Constantine the Great and Theodosius, each emperor holds a scroll. The sculptor of that bronze plate which covers the door of the Basilica of St. Paul Outside the Walls on the Via Ostiense, which Ciampinus displays in his first volume of *Monumenta Vetera*—a work of the XI century—whether it also bestowed such a scroll into the hands of the saint (I do not recall which one), it is not clear. The image of the Bosian diptych in Montfaucon, I, I, tab. XXVI, shows on the *tablio* of the *pallium*—which a queen wears—a king, as I suppose, carrying a *manipulum* or *mappa* in his right hand, and in his left an ivory staff, which approximates the form of a cross, and at the top presents a bundle of flowers with a globe placed above it. Ciampinus, in the monuments just praised, displays so many images with parchment papers either rolled, or crinkled like a *mappa*, or unfolded and hanging, or finally with both ends only folded and clasped by the hand ^D pressed, with the rest of the fold hanging down, so that one almost regrets noting those tables; see Vol. I, tab. 15, 27, 32, 36, 76; Vol. II, tab. 43, 47, 50, 52, 53, 54. Compare Muratori, *Inscriptiones*, p. 1461. Such a scroll was once a garment for both sexes, but with the passage of time, while in some cases the scrolls remained for men for a certain time, others passed into the carrying of gloves or finally into imperial staffs (Commando-Stäbe). Women, however, instead of scrolls, took fans to their hands, *ripidia*, which was not outside of use in ancient times. Certainly St. Pudentiana in Ciampinus, Vol. II, tab. 49, holds something in her hand which is similar to a fan. Whether I should call that thing which certain Lombards on the table of the coronation of the Lombard king in Monza in Horatius Blancus, *ad Paulum Diaconum*, carry a *manipulum* or a glove, I am in doubt. For scrolls, emperors towards the end, as that empire was collapsing, carried *narthecas*, or ferulas. Codinus, XV, 34. Hence the staffs of supreme military commanders, which are called *Commandostäbe* from the command or the authority to command.

(9) *Barbati*, that is, not *castrati*. For there were also very many eunuch *protospatharioi*.

(10) What this signifies at this place, I do not know well. Nevertheless, the learned Leichius rendered it as "apparatus." It seems, indeed, that the provision of dishes, of gold and silver plate, of wines, etc., which were to be set before guests, is designed to be exhibited to public view. This word occurs with a somewhat obscure, but similar, signification in the writer following Theophanes, p. 107, *penultimately*: *erga tes basilikes ektheseōs*, where it is translated as "the regalia of royal magnificence." Perhaps it is the finery of ostentation accustomed to be exposed to view. By that notion, certainly, the word was used by the ancients, and very often Athenaeus calls that little table an *exēthēsis*, [or] a *paratrapezion*—called a sideboard by those of later times—on which cups, dishes, platters, and the rest of the table-furniture were exposed to the view of the diners. Aptly, he [Athenaeus] p. 142: *poterion pollōn ektheseis, ei bromaton pantodapon paratheseis* joins them. The same author, p. 197, names *klinē*, a table, *pros tēn tōn kylikōn kai poteriōn tōn te loipōn tōn pros tēn chrēsin anēkontōn kataskeuasmatōn ekthesin*, and p. 212, a house *kekosmēmenē strōmnais te kai graphais kai andriasi kai argyrōmatōn ekthesei*, ornamented with coverlet and paintings and statues and with an exhibition of silver plate exposed to view. From this you may understand how elegantly the Greeks say *ekthēsai* for "to declare the sentiments of one's mind," and the Latins likewise "to expose," like setting out luxurious furniture in clear light and view. The same Athenaeus, p. 211, says, of the diction of someone: *ei kai makrotera estin ekthēsomai*, "if it is even longer, nevertheless, as a sign, I will set it forth in the middle, having been contemplated and judged." See at p. 420 what is to be said. Concerning another signification of the word *ekthesis*, by which it signifies public census tables, and which flowed from the same source, I will speak at *Taxidium*.

And he goes out, and brings in the magistri ^A (75) to the emperor, [and] the praepositus says clearly and harmonically: "Command." And after they have gone out with the masters to the *onopodium*, where the drungaries of the watch and of the naval force [126/B]

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

in the one place [it is called] *chlanis*, in the other *sagum*, one might not improbably conjecture that all these things are the same. This is still more tightly grasped by the fact that concerning the *chlanis* it is said that it is *periballesthai*, to be cast around, which is done (p. 175 end, and 175), *haplousthai*, to be spread out, to be extended, which is appropriate for a cloak, but not for a tunic; also what Nilus says (L. II, Ep. 245): "Monks who are clothed [in this way] cast it over the left shoulder, leaving the whole left side bare. But those living in the world, who wear *chlanides*, make the right side of the body visible to all." The place attributes this to the *chlanis*, which all other writers attribute to the *himation*, although I doubt, or rather know, that the custom described by Nilus from his own age was not observed at all times, namely that laymen should wear the buckle of the *chlanis* or *chlamys* on the right shoulder, and clerics on the left. But perhaps there will be a place elsewhere to deal with these at greater length. I do not wish to repeat that remark of Balsamon concerning the movement of the *orarion* in sacred rites, which has already been cited by Casaubon. It is clear from it that the deacons assisting the priests performing the sacred rites observe the times for silent prayers and exclamations, and give a sign to those standing in the *ambo*, with the *orarion* moved, so that they may recite in a clear voice what must be recited again and again. The same is commanded by the Pontificale of Habert (p. 53). "The second deacon says: 'Let us pray to the Lord,' holding the *orarion*. And the patriarch and the others say the prayer of the entrance mystically. And when this is finished, the deacon says to the patriarch: 'Bless, master, the holy entrance,' gesturing at the same time toward the east with the *orarion*, holding it thus." The same (p. 112): "The second of the deacons, having bowed his head slightly and pointing with the *orarion* to the holy disk, says: 'Bless, master, the holy bread.'" That in the upper passage he had said "thus," which [ought to] be assisted by the living voice of the teacher, [and] by teaching the gesticulation of the one showing it before [the others], that same Pontificale (p. 28) expresses more clearly "with the three fingers of the right hand," in the following words: "Then he [the deacon] turns toward the patriarch, and having bowed his own head, holding the *orarion* with the three fingers of the right hand and pointing underneath [i.e., slightly lifting it into the sight of the patriarch], he says: 'It is time for the Lord to act; Master, bless,' time stands, at which the dominus [patriarch] should recite: 'Lord, bless.'" Truly it was considered indecent to direct a superior with a bare hand and to order him to look at something. Therefore, they pointed with the hand covered by the *orarion* or garment; just as those who were offering golden crowns or garlands or other gifts to the church, to the saints, or to kings, seemed to themselves to detract from the value of the gift, and to stain its purity, and to violate the majesty of those for whom they were destined, if they were to touch them with bare hands: for which reason in ancient monuments found in Ciampinus (such as Vol. II, tab. 26, 27, 46, 47, 49, and others), those offering gifts are seen supporting and presenting their offering, either with both hands or at least with one hand placed under a chlamys. The Greeks of the Middle Ages were also accustomed to challenge one another to a duel by shaking their garment, just as the Latins of those times [would throw down] a glove; as is evident from the Anonymous [work] *On the Loves of Lybistros and Rhodamne* in Du Cange, s.v. *Rhentai*. Now, *rhenta* is a military or gladiatorial arena, a place agreed upon where duelists meet by agreement to settle their quarrel, the *rendez-vous*, from which it originated: "I stand in the middle of the *rhenta*, I ask that I may give him [a blow], And I moved my *pharin*, I descended upon him, He again [attacks] with me. A great noise occurs." The expression *hina ton doso* signifies in the Greco-barbarous tongue the same as *hina auton pataxo* [that I may strike him]. Concerning the speech ^D of the magistri: For there were indeed, as I believe, as many magistri as there were emperors; if there were two emperors, there were as many magistri. For example, our Constantine had one magister for himself, and his son Romanus another. So too Leo the Wise and Alexander, his brother. But this is a mere conjecture, to which the passage of Luitprand (*Legat.* p. 481, at the beginning) seems strongly opposed, where he says that Basil the *parakoimomenos*, protosecretis, and protovestiarios, and two magistri had stood near Nicephorus, who was admitting him as ambassador for the first time. Nicephorus can then be said to have reigned either alone, or with his colleagues Constantine the younger and Basil, the sons of Romanus, of whom he acted as tutor. If alone, why did he have two magistri near him, if our conjecture stands on firm ground? If, however, he had colleagues, why not three, since there were then three emperors? But one may set forth that conjecture as much as one likes. Otherwise, there were many magistri in the Byzantine court, and Luitprand in his own time—that is, in the time contemporary with our Constantine—counts twenty-four of them. To be sure, any more noble dignity, as much palatine as military, had the title of *magister* prefixed to it, just as shortly after the title of *proedros* was accustomed to be prefixed. Although a trace of this matter does not exist in this codex, yet in other writers of Byzantine history, the *axiomatici* often occur with the prefixed title of *magister*. Thus Leo Grammaticus (p. 453, 461, 475) mentions a magister and domestic of the schools, and p. 491, "magister and great hetaireiarches." Cedrenus (p. 593) has "magister and stratelates," and "magister and logothete of the dromos"; likewise p. 604, "magister and drungary of the watch," p. 613, "magister and strategos of the Armenians, and magister and prefect of the excubitors." "Magister and domesticos of the West" is in the writers after Theophanes (p. 293). Scylitzes (p. 822) has "magister and protoasecretis." In general, the individual palatine offices had their own magistri, who were also called princes, as Salmasius observed on the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* (Vol. II, p. 239), who adds (p. 220) that the magister of all the offices and prince of the palatine office was accustomed to be called simply "magister." Cf. Agathias (p. 116, ed. Vulcan.) and Procopius (*Anecdot.* p. 109 end), which passage Alemannus well restored. [Concerning the magistri of the palace and their origin from the Byzantine court, see *les Dignitez de la France*, p. 227.] Concerning the office and duties of the magister officiorum, Valesius has written learnedly and at length on Ammianus Marcellinus (p. 296). In the Middle Ages, they also called these magistri the preceptors of the palace, whose duty it was to define the rite of the imperial court and major affairs at the discretion of their own judgment, as is said in the *Life of St. Aldricus, Bishop of Sens*, in Du Cange, s.v. *Praeceptor*. Either with the magister of the sacred offices or with the praepositus

^A with the imperial spatharii, the emperor's arms, ^A consuls (76) and patricians (77), generals (78).

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. A *Siniscalcus* is appropriate, concerning whom see Muratori, vol. I, *Antiq. Ital.*, p. 119. In this age, there was a dispute concerning the office and etymology of the *Senescalcus* or *Sinescalcus*. It seems to me to come from the ancient word *sinde* and *scale*. Now, *Sinde* denotes the same as the word still surviving with a prefixed preposition, *Gesinde*, that is, a household, a retinue, or service. Gregory of Tours, VI, 11, calls *Nutritii*, *τῶν συντρόφων*, those *Nutritii* who were necessary for exercising royal service. *Gesinde-knecht*, a servant who had the inspection and procurement of the other servants entrusted to himself.

(76) *Anthypati* [Proconsuls] of later times are far different from the proconsuls of the ancient flourishing Roman state. It was then a mere title, void of authority, unless those who were *anthypatoi* of the themes were provincial proconsuls. Perhaps they were called so, not because they were in the place of consuls, but because they were before the *Hypati* and preceded them. They seem to have succeeded into the place of the *Illustres*. For just as the title of *Illustris* was not attached to any single office, but merely accompanied the highest dignities, so afterwards the same persons were called *Anthypati* who were formerly *Illustres*, as that title vanished. Did individual provinces have their own proconsuls? Indeed, Antiochus, the *Anthypatos* of Greece, is mentioned in Zosimus [v, 5], 84, and it is evident from our *Cletorologium* that the generals of most of the major provinces were at the same time *Anthypati*; not by this title, but by that one which conferred authority upon them. The title of *Anthypatos* was also accustomed to be joined with the title of *Patricius*; but each was a mere title, an index of no power or authority. [See *Const. Porph.*, III, p. 67, where dignity was conferred by Theophilus upon Alexius Moselli, first as patrician and proconsul, then indeed he was also created magister and Caesar by him.]

^C (77) This title confers honor and dignity, but no authority. It had Constantine the Great as its author, as Zosimus testifies [II, 40], where he mentions someone who had attained the dignity of patrician from Constantine, and he ordained that this honor should also take precedence over the holders of the powers of the court. *Patricius* signifies the same as father. *Etymol. M.* [says]: *Patricius* is as if the father of the community. For the patricians of cities, regions, and emperors were the same as the fathers of the cities, regions, and emperors; who cared for, loved, and cherished them, as a father does his own children. Formerly, in the age of Constantine the Great and the Theodosii, as many as were patricians were also called fathers of the emperor, as his counselors and directors, and privy to and administrators of all his counsels. In Menander, *Exc. Legat.* Hæschel, p. 102, mention is made of someone named Pampherius, [with the] dignity of the emperor’s father, and on page 110, he is called *among the fathers of the emperor*. Therefore, there were many fathers of the emperor, and all participated who were summoned to sacred consultations. The same [Menander] on p. 132: "Trajan, appearing as an ambassador throughout the Persian territory, [was] among the fathers of the emperor and occupied the so-called office of the questor." Olympiodorus, in Photius, *Bibliotheca*, p. 106: "Jovinianus, having often served as ambassador, stays with Attalus [that is, with Attalus], having been named Attalus’s patrician," that is, his counselor. Rightly, therefore, Ducas compares the *Patricii* to the *Weziros* of the Turks, *Hist.* c. 22: "He summons the first of his magnates, whom they call *vizier* in their own language, whom the Romans call *patricius* and *mesazon*." Compare H. Steph., *Antholog.*, in the poem *outos ò xoσμήσας* p. 299. In the *Theodosian Code*, the prefects of the praetorium and other *illustres* officials were called by the emperors not only by the name of brother (whence that abbreviation F. A., *frater ave*), likewise *dearest and most beloved brothers*, but also *fathers*; see Guther, *de Off. Dom. Aug.*, p. 314, 465, and Negelin in his dissertation on the Nuremberg diptych. But what is to be decided concerning Cedrenus, who, on p. 595, tells of Leo the Wise, the father of our Constantine, that he first instituted the title of *Basileopator* [Father of the Emperor], and granted it to his father-in-law Zautzes; although he himself, on p. 327, said that Theodosius the Great placed Arsenius over his sons Honorius and Arcadius, [he being] adorned with the title of *Basileopator*? See the dissertation of the famous Lechi on Constantine, prefixed to this work, c. 3. Plainly, Cedrenus anticipated the times. Indeed, in the age of Theodosius, the custom was in use of calling all patricians or court counselors "fathers of the emperor" in Latin and Greek; but that compound name *Basileopator*, and the whole character of that dignity, was an invention of Leo alone, and in earlier times was a thing unknown, as will be clear from those things which will be said on p. 413. I shall not transcribe what Goarus brought forward in his *Codinus de Offic.*, p. 29, n. 36, concerning the *Tata* or "father of the court," by the dignity of later ages. [Paul, father of the emperor, Fredegar, p. 206—Mary Stuart sent James Hamilton to Scotland to negotiate his return, the head of his house, the most illustrious of Scotland. She gave him the title of her lieutenant-general in the kingdom, and adopted him as her father, a new title, except in ancient times. Pitaval, *Causses illustres*, t. IX, p. 127. He was called Patricius.] *Id est*, procurator, rector, deputy; see what is to be said at p. 154. Thus the *patricius* of Africa in Theophanes, p. 235; the *patricius* of Sicily and Calabria, p. 309. [In the *Liber Diurnus* there exists an epistle to a Patricius of a province, by which Garnerius says is understood either a prefect of a province sent into the West by the Constantinople emperor, or one who was delegated by the king of Gaul, p. 107. In the *Chronicon Vulturnense* in Muratori, I. I *Scr. Ital.* p. 425, this formula is held: "In the name of our God J. C., in the year of the reign of our Lord Constantine VII, and the V year of the patriciate of our Lord Landulf, as well as the V year of our Lord Prince Athenulf—and p. 417, Adenulf the Lombard of the tribe, Anthypatus and patricius, is mentioned."] The Lombard prince of Greater Greece, who is mentioned here, since they held their provinces from the Constantinople emperors as vassals, were patricians of the Constantinople court, and numbered the years of their patriciate, that is, of their principate depending from the Constantinople court, as the emperors [numbered] their empire. Gaimerius, prince of the Beneventans, was made patricius after he had arrived in Constantinople. Anonymous Salernitanus, t. II, p. 11.

(78) Generals in later ages were the same as those who were formerly propraetors and proconsuls in the provinces, namely, prefects of the provinces and spokesmen of the law in civil as well as military affairs, and at the same time masters of the soldiers and governors of cities. The generals were of the military order, contrary to what [was the case] formerly, when they were civil magistrates. This arose from the diverse usurpation of the word *stratos* [army], or rather from a diverse kind of militia. Initially, the citizens of a city themselves went into arms against their enemies. For this reason they were called *stratos*; and the people and the army were the same, and Pindar often placed it later [in the verse], where others would have preferred to place it earlier; and their masters, the demagogues or praetors, were called *strategoi* or *stratarchai*. Then indeed the meaning of the word *stratos* remained, and thus those who carried arms against the enemy were called [generals], but the townspeople themselves no longer went into the field, but soldiers hired for a time or permanently fought for them. From which it happened that their masters, although they did not immediately command the plebs, were called *strategoi*.

^A ...and officials [(79)] and *kleisourarchai* [(80)], and as these were accustomed to do obeisance to the lords ^B standing before them, the masters and the rest bow down there, and salute their lords, namely the master of the ceremonies.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

^A ...son of Desiderius, king of the Lombards, is constituted a patrician by the Emperor Constantine. Schminck, *ad Eginhard*, p. 40. Gilimer, king of the Vandals, was not made a patrician by Justinian because he refused to abjure the Arian heresy. Procop. and Theophan. p. 170.] Western kings and princes of those times, by receiving the patriciate from the Constantinian emperors—of which thing Du Cange provided very many examples in *Gloss. Lat. v. Patricius*—acknowledged themselves to be their vassals, and his patricians, that is, their procurators, those holding their place, their vicars. That the term "patrician" meant this at that age is clear from the passage of Benzo, p. 1062: "On the following day, a council having been assembled in the church of the Prince of the Apostles, King Henry sat in the midst of the bishops... The king said: 'Seniors, let it be done in the customary manner regarding our election. Accept whom you wish from the whole assembly present.' They replied: 'Where the presence of the royal majesty is at hand, there is no consent of election in the power of our will. Even if perchance you are sometimes absent, yet through the office of the patrician, who is your vicar, you are always present at the apostolic promotion. For the patrician is not the Pope’s patrician, but is the Emperor’s patrician for the preparing of the affairs of the commonwealth.' It is decreed that King Henry, with all who would succeed him in the monarchy of the empire, should be made patrician, just as we read was done for Charlemagne. The king, therefore, being brought forward, is betrothed in a very green chlamys with a patrician ring, and is crowned with the golden circle of that same prefecture.] This passage leads us to that famous question concerning the Roman patriciate which the Western emperors held, the first origin of which seems to me to have been this: The Constantinian emperors formerly sent patricians to Rome to manage Roman affairs in their name; when thereafter it did not agree well with the Roman bishops and those Greek patricians, and they intended to defect from the Eastern empire, they invited the Frankish kings to undertake the administration of civil affairs at Rome, or the patriciate. *[See Muratori, Annali d’Italia, vol. II, pp. 397, 405, who believes the patriciate consisted in the defense of the Roman Church. Cf. Later. pariet. p. 32, where it treats of the patriciate of Charlemagne. Concerning the dignity of the patricians, and that they were prefects of provinces, but afterward relinquished that title, see p. 34. Patrician is the same as he who was afterward called duke, p. 35, from Henry the Monk. The patriciate of Charlemagne consisted mostly in the defense of the Church. The same therefore we also call defender. Cf. p. 58. The keys of the sepulcher of St. Peter were accustomed to be sent to the patricians. Witness Charles Martel, vol. IV, p. 282 [I believe in Muratori’s Annali d’Italia], cf. p. 407. Charlemagne laid down the patriciate when he assumed the title of emperor, *Cærim. Gall.* p. 94; that he was accustomed to use the dignity of emperor and patrician appears from *l. Hadrianus et seqq. Dist. LXIII*, cf. note to *Constant. Donat.* p. 64. In the age of Anastasius and Leo, Pope Hadrian returns to Rome, by whom Charles, king of the Franks, had been constituted patrician of the Romans, and had received the kingdom of Italy. *Museum Ital.* p. 41. Charles called himself patrician in letters to Alexius, in Baronius and *Act. SS. mens. Jun.* vol. I, p. 714. Henry IV, in Otto of Freising, *de reb. gest. Friderici Barbarossæ*, l. I, c. 1, calls himself patrician for the first time. At the city of Brixen, in Bavaria, he celebrated a great court, where he complains affectionately of the injuries inflicted upon him by the Roman Church, because, forsooth, without his counsel, they had preposed a pontiff to him, who, as king and the first patrician, should have been of his city’s bishops. Emperor Henry, that he might assert his ^B dominion over the city of Rome, created two annual consuls, wished himself to be called the first patrician, and instituted a triumph, in which it was shouted: 'To Henry Augustus, crowned by God, defender of the Church, life and victory.' Goldast, *ad Eginhard*, p. 170.]* Already the title of 'first patrician' was ancient, signifying the same as prince or senator; regarding which matter Du Cange provided examples in *v. patricios*, whose entire Glossary, but especially the Latin one, teaches many noble things about the patricians of the old and of the more recent age. *[Clement II crowned Henry III and his wife Agnes, on which occasion the Romans swore that they would never again elect a pontiff without the will of the emperor. They granted him moreover the patriciate, and ordered that, besides the emperor’s crown, he should wear a golden circle. Leo Ost. l. II, c. 69. After the death of Nicholas, the Romans sent a crown to Henry IV, asking at the same time that he should give them a new pontiff. He, having called the princes to Basel, placed the crown upon his head, and for that reason he was called the Roman patrician. Berth. Const. ad a. 1061. Cf. Hermann the Lame to the same year. Otto Fris. l. VI, c. 34, Petr. Diac. II, 21, Lamb. Schaffnab, 1063, 64. Ughelli, vol. II, in Vita Cadoli, p. 211. It is understood from the aforementioned passage of Leo of Ostia what a patrician circle is, which Benzo mentions in *Panegyr. Henrici III*, p. 1064: 'The Romans, remembering for the better, coming together in one place, promise to amend whatever they had sinned against the boy-king. Therefore, they send both the chlamys, the miter, the ring, and the patrician circle through the bishops, through the cardinals, and through the senators.' It seemed, therefore, to the empress and her silentiaries that the gifts of the capitol were not to be received, except to the patricians of the kingdoms. Temporal lords marked with the Circle of Pairs (des Pairs). *Cærim. Franc.* p. 158. That the Peers of the court descend from the patricians is denied, p. 195, *dissert. Du Cangii ad Joinville*. The Peers of France arrogate to themselves precedence before all other dignities of the kingdom. Fauchel, p. 401.]* Patricians preceded bishops among the Greeks, witness Luitprand, *Legat.* p. 481 a, init., who also on p. 471, *Histor. l. VI, c. 5*, states the annual pay of the patricians to have been twelve pounds of gold and one scaramangion. From this our code, p. 141, it is clear that the patricians had a bench peculiar to themselves in the Church, on which they sat; and from p. 142, that there were different patricians—the *synkletikoi* and the *protospatharioi*—the former civil, the latter military. Cf. p. 138, in fine. ...are in the retinue of the emperor. They are often mentioned in this code after the patricians and the greater civil and military axiomatici, such as those of a lower, yet not the lowest, grade, as are, for example, notaries, chartularii, senators, mandatores, hypati, dishypati, counts, silentiaries, etc. The office is *apparitio*, and the *apparitors* are the gathering of those who serve a magistrate. Guther. *Off. D. A.* p. 626. Vales. *ad Amm. Marc.* p. 93, 483. Du Cang. *Glossar.* in both. ...Cange *ad Joinvill.* p. 179, "until the *kleisourai*" *Euplas. Script. past Theoph.* p. 519. Perhaps it agrees with the *Capitaneus* for guarding the frontiers of the Christians in Leibniz, vol. II, p. 245. Cf. the passage of William of Apulia, vol. I, p. 380.] Cf. Du Cange *Gloss. h. v.* and *ad Alexiad.* p. 300, whence it is clear that those who were in charge of the castles through the *clusæ*, that is, narrow places or difficult passages, near the border of the enemy, or situated in the middle of a territory, were called *kleisourarchai*. *Kleisoura*, for a smaller district than a *thema*, occurs frequently in Constantine's *de Thematibus*, as on p. 23. You could compare it with the ancient Margraves and Counts of the frontiers.

^A the emperor stands at the gate with the patriarch, while the praepositus and the argentarius stand outside the same door. And then, at the hand of the argentarius, the praepositus takes the golden purses and gives them to the emperor, and the emperor gives them to those who are to receive them, the argentarius proclaiming, that is to say: "N. [Name], may the good masters [grant you this]." Now those who receive this bounty are the archdeacon, the ostiarii, the psaltae, and the keepers of the church. Afterwards they enter within the curtain hung in the sacred fountain, where the praepositus takes the crown and hands it to the patriarch, who places it upon the emperor, and the patriarch hands the blessed bread to the great emperor, and likewise to the little one. The emperor, in return for these, gives the apocombium brought by the praepositus to the patriarch, and the patriarch offers unguents to the emperor, which the other emperor likewise does.

^B 42 IX. After both the emperors and the patriarch have worshipped and kissed one another, the emperor goes out from there and passes through the Middle, and enters the great gate, the Chalke; and from there [he proceeds] through the scholae and the excubia, as the factiones and the politikai perform all things according to their custom and usage. The senate, having gathered in the consistorium, awaits the emperor to greet him with auspicious acclamations. As he descends the steps, he stops there, and the cerimoniarius with the silentiarii and the vestitores acclaim him: "To many and good years," etc. Then, accompanied by the prefects of the cubiculum and the patricians, he goes as far as the stenon, where the patricians are present to receive him with auspicious prayers. But when he enters the imperial triclinium, the cubicularii occupy the doors: the emperor, however, [goes] to the praepositus.

^A Stantant nobles before the emperor sitting upon the throne, and not only the nobles, but also legates and foreign princes, unless they were expressly ordered by word to sit. If that were to happen, they would sit on a lower seat. We have many examples of this matter. I cited one from the *Alexiad* above, on p. 20. I shall add another from that same source. Anna relates that one of the Latin nobles, who had come to Alexius for the purpose of swearing homage, sat down upon the emperor’s stool (*skimpoda*), and having been dragged away from there by Baldwin, the brother of Godfrey of Bouillon, said with anger in his speech: "Behold, what a rustic man sits alone among such princes standing by him!" (He was designating Alexius). "He sits alone while so many princes stand." It is also amusing what Maître Wace narrates in his *Roman de Rou* (in Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, v. *Bancus*), that Robert, Duke of Normandy, speaking with Alexius in Constantinople, when he did not see a seat offered to him, and disdained to stand, spread his own cloak upon the ground and sat upon it. Which the rest of the Norman nobles, when they saw it, imitated. From this, Alexius commanded that benches for hearing should be made by the walls of the Consistorium. The passage is worthy to be read, and it will not be annoying to transcribe it:

He passed through Constantinople, And turned to the Emperor; While he spoke to him, According to the custom that is there, His cloak downward, to the ground he cast, Beneath the feet of all it was cast. On departing when he turned, The cloak he did not deign to take. One of the Greeks took it away, And raised his cloak for him, He told him to take his cloak, And hang it again about his neck. And he replied with nobility: "Every one of the Normans likewise With his cloak left the earth."

Isaac had refused them, as is established from the same Nicetas, p. 215, where he says that Isaac, among other proud actions unworthy of an emperor, did not permit the legates of Frederick Barbarossa to sit in his presence, although Frederick had ordered not only the legates of Isaac, but also their men, to sit. The passage is witty—which I do not regret transcribing—and that neat comparison of the Greek custom to the pens of swine: *"That I may pass over the things in the middle, having more accusation of the viewer and speaker than praise, he was persuaded with difficulty to allow the legates to return to the King [Frederick Barbarossa, staying in his winter quarters near Philippopolis]. But he himself, having seen and learned that the emperor had offered them neither chairs, but that they had stood enslaved, equal to the Romans, in his presence, nor had been deemed worthy of any other singular good, although they were bishops and kinsmen to him, was indignant, and was clearly seen to be cut to the quick by what had happened. And when our legates also arrived before him, he made them sit alongside him, and also their attendants. He did not allow even the grooms, and horse-tenders, and bakers to stand by. And when they said it was not fitting for servants to sit with a most great sovereign (for it is sufficient that their masters sit with him), he did not yield a small part of his purpose, but even made them sit against their will with their masters, in which he was acting. Mocking the Romans and showing that there is no distinction of virtue and birth among them, but as swineherds drive those into one pen, not separating the sows, so the Romans have them all standing."* ^B This comparison of Frederick Barbarossa, not Nicetas, is that of the Greeks, who treat nobles and ignobles by the same law, comparing them to swineherds driving fat and lean pigs into one pen; it is indeed ambiguous, for it could have been retorted against him in the same manner; it is also unworthy of an emperor according to our customs, yet it suits that ruder age, and the disposition of Barbarossa; and that taunt most of all, subjoined there, is truly very witty, where he said, while distributing and dismissing the troops in winter quarters, with their leaders, such as the bishops: *"It is necessary that you rest here, so that you may recover your relaxed shanks and weakened knees from standing before the Emperor of the Greeks."* From this, it appears that it happened very inconveniently for the Latins, who had business with the Greeks, that this custom of theirs of standing before the emperor existed. For before the emperors of the West, their counselors and legates to them did sit, although more humbly, as is evident from the cited passage of Nicetas and from that of the *Chronicon Casinense*, IV, 6β. Peter the Deacon, acting as *apocrisiarius* [legate] for the monastery for the responses [that is, business], directed to Lothair III, Roman Emperor, after he granted him a sitting at his feet, that is, he admitted him into the more sacred senate, into the Consistorium. ^C It is understood that the same custom of standing obtained in the fourth century from the passages of Augustine and the *Theodosian Code*, which Du Cange cites in v. *Consistorium*, and from the word *consistorium* itself, which in general denotes any place in which a gathering of men stands, but in particular, a hall into which the nobles gather to deliberate before the emperor sitting on the throne; likewise from the formula *ἵσταται κονσιστώριον*. Compare Du Cange, v. *παρίστασθαι*. Indeed, among the Roman emperors of the second century after Christ, it is not improbable to infer from a passage of Lampridius (*I. Ser. H. Aug.*, p. 907) that it obtained that senators stood in the Consistorium, where it is praised in Alexander Severus as an example of rare humanity, that he offered a seat to all the senators. Therefore, before that time, either they all stood before the emperor ^D with many other institutions of the Greek Constantinopolitan court, which followed it. The Ottoman court, as if by inheritance, also accepted this, that no legate, nor anyone else, should sit before the Grand Seigneur. Whence it happened that some English legate, whose name has slipped from memory, sent by Cromwell to the Sultan, disdaining to stand before the Sultan, sat down upon a certain servant of his own, creeping on hands and feet, *tetrapodēdon*. The clergy also stood before the Greek emperor. Wherefore, when at one time Andronicus Comnenus had permitted them to sit on benches before him, to return grace for grace, shortly after that privilege was lifted and the old custom was restored, as Nicetas witnesses, p. 146: *"He provided a certain wonderful reward to those who fulfilled his commands. And this was, for those who asked at that time, a quick decision—but the greatest was [that he permitted] them to sit with him, stools being placed and chairs being brought into the imperial throne-room. Which fact, no less to the laughter of the bishops who chose and accepted it, did not happen on auspicious days, than as a fantasy of honor, and for a spectacle, he returned to the former custom, etc."* Therefore, they notably honored those emperors who permitted them to sit before them in the Consistorium and in public pre-session; and the same Nicetas narrates, p. 292, as an unusual thing, that Isaac Angelus permitted the Latins, by whom he had been restored to the empire, to sit with him, as benefactors to whom he owed everything: *"The leaders of the Latins come into the palace, not these alone, but also those distinguished by birth among them, and stools having been brought, they all sat with the emperors, being called benefactors and saviors."* Which before this the same

the golden table (44), they perform a double station. One must know that if ambassadors of great nations happen to be present, and the emperor commands them to be called, the small golden table is stationed above where the pentapyrgion (42) stands, ^A and the emperor sits there, while the ambassadors sit at the great golden table. To the left of the pentapyrgion stands a bench (43) having steps, and the one in charge of the table ascends by it (44), and stands above to minister to the emperor, while all the engistiarii (45) stand below; they stand similarly also on the left of the same pentapyrgion, which also has steps, and the cupbearer ascends by them (46). ^B It should be noted also that two side-tables (47) stand in the bay of the Chrysotriclinos that leads to the tripeton; but if the emperor commands that two other side-tables be added, one is stationed in the left bay, and the other in the right.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

(43) It is evident from this passage that the golden table, at which the emperor sat or reclined, called the *apocoptam* or *separatam* ["separated" or "cut-off"], was higher than the others.

(44) Also called *ep' tēs trapezēs* ["over the table"]. [Dapifer and the king's seneschal. Du Fresne on Zonaras, p. 85. Eccardus, prefect of the royal table, appears in Eginhard in the year 778.]

(45) So it is edited. Moreover, the *engistiarioi* are *enginarium*, that is, movers and controllers of the machines by which heavy dishes were raised to the golden imperial table when they could not be lifted by the shoulders of men. Luitprand, *Hist.* VI, 3, brings excellent light to this passage; his words are these: "After the meal three golden vessels were brought containing apples [the *doulkian*], which, because of their immense weight, were not brought by the hands of men, but on vehicles covered in purple." They are set as follows. On the table, through holes in the ceiling, there are three ropes covered with gilded leather, with golden rings which are placed on handles, as they protrude from the platters; being assisted from below by four or more men, they are hauled up to the table by a turning device which is above the ceiling (the *ergalium*), and in the same way they are lowered. See Du Cange, Gloss. Lat. v. *Ingenium*, *machina bellica*, *Ingeniosi*, *ingeniarii*. The word is of good Greek origin. What the more recent writers preferred to call *angos* and *angeion*, the ancients called *engos*, whence *engothēkē*. See Athenaeus, p. 153 and 209, whence the Latins got their *incitheca*, concerning which see Casaubon on Athenaeus, p. 368. It was the duty of these *ingeniarii* to receive and keep the robes taken off by the nobles before the banquet, and at the end of the banquet to return them to each one. See p. 162.

(46) *Epigkernēs* (otherwise *epigkertēs*), which according to the custom of those times is well enough. *Pincerna* is derived from it. The primary and correct spelling is *epigkernēs*, from *epikirnan*. Cf. Goar on Codinus, p. 24. Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. v. *pigkernēs*.

(47) Thus the manuscripts, but they might have preferred to say *paratrapeza*, as is also had on p. 57. They were known as *credentiae* by the Latins of the Middle Ages. ^{C D}

^A by a signal of the emperor, the praepositus says, in a pleasant and harmonious manner, "Jubete." And when these go out, clearly together with the sovereigns, again in the onopodion, where the droungarios of the watch and of the fleet stand, along with the imperial spatharioi who carry the imperial shields, the magistroi and the rest also fall down there, and they render thanks to the sovereigns, clearly with the one in charge of the arrangement ^B standing in the middle, and at a signal of the emperor, as is customary, the praepositus nods via his chlamys to the one in charge of the arrangement, and says, "Jubete."

VARIOUS READINGS

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...say, if you wish for anything other than what pleases you, let it be granted, or I have rendered it in other similar ways. The celebrated Leiche [renders it] *jubete*, strictly to the letter and the example of the Latin Middle Ages. The scriniarius meets the pope, and says in a loud voice: *Jube, domine, benedicere*. Ordo Roman. p. 186. The lector ascends the cathedra, and does not say: *Jube, domine, benedicere*, Moleon. p. 135. Already in that age, in which the author of the testament of M. Grunnius Corocotta Porcellus lived, *jubete* was in use for "if you wish," as is clear from his closing *jubete* to sign. Regarding the date of which testament, see Fabricius, Bibl. Latin., p. 749. I, indeed, think that on both sides a misunderstanding has been a fault, at first from the Greeks poorly comprehending the Latin *juvet, domine*, the solemn formula of courteous kindness. For having heard it poorly, they returned *jube* for *juvet* as if deceived. The Latins then, taking it from the Greeks, began to return this base *jube et jubete* too faithfully or stupidly. To me, indeed, the etymology of this formula seems clear. But if it should seem otherwise to anyone, let him embrace this more subtle and—if one loves a puzzle—no less plausible one. *Κελεύω* comes from the ancient verb *κέλω*, whence *cello* in Latin compounds, signifying the same as *κέλλω*, to drive. For the Aeolians and κ used to alternate. Note *antecello, praecello, excello, percello*. Hence also Jupiter *κελαινεphής*, as if the driver or pusher of the clouds. It is, therefore, *κελεύειν* the same as *ὁρμᾶν*, to impel, to urge. In that sense, Oppianus has it in *Halieutica* 2, v. 528, speaking of a rock: "No impassable crag keeps back the taurine Onrush, when it boils, acutely impelling The ox-striking [instinct] by quick tortures urging on." *Non scopulus ullus invius arcet* *impetum taurinum, quando fervet acute impellens* *stimulus pertinacibus adigens doloribus.*

As here in this passage *κελεύων* is impelling, urging, as if with an embedded stimulus (the Scholiast indeed explains it as "piercing"), so *κελεύσατε* in our formula can be rendered "urge, stimulate, yourselves." In such verbs it is implied, as in *ὁρμᾶτε*, "give impetus," that is, yourselves. *Κελεύσατε* can also be rendered "hasten, accelerate," that is, yourselves. A known *celeusma* is an instigation, something that gives impetus. Hence it is understood why, when it is necessary to leave some place or to rise from a seat, the modern Greeks say *κελεύσατε*. Guarus refers to the *Euchologion*, p. 29, that among the modern Greeks the word *κελεύσατε* is proclaimed in a clear voice during sacred rites, when the people are to be instructed to rise. Then it is implied: *στῆναι κελεύσατε*, that is, *ὁρμᾶτε*, rush, hasten. ^C ...to rise. But they also say *κέλευσον*, "rush," when they urge a priest to sit down, "hurry, lord." Likewise, for sitting down and for rising, there is a need for the impulse of spirit and body. The same word 107, which properly was *ὁρμᾶν*, denoted to rush, and to leap down, and to sit down. Hence note that fable of the grammarians in Pocock, *Specim. Hist. Arab.* p. 151, about a certain Arab from the province of I know not which, coming to the king of the Himyarites. When the king, in his Himyaritic dialect, ordered him to sit, the man, taking the word in the dialect of his own province, leaped into a precipice and broke his neck. In many passages of ours *κελεύσατε* could also be rendered *celeusma* [i.e., a call], "proclaim" or "shout out," as p. 153, where the nobles, warned by the formula *κελεύσατε*, are said to "pray for many and good years and to go out." And you may read this very often in this book as the formula of the praepositus *κελεύσατε*, the acclamations of the conscript fathers, so that the praepositus is their *celeusta*, portisculus, and this formula of theirs appears to have been a *celeusma*, an exhortation. To return to our *κελεύσατε*, I believe I have already observed this meaning of the verb *κελεύειν* in Euripides, meaning "to wish." Thus I accept it in Rhesus v. 881 and in Heraclidae v. 491. Finally, it must be noted that these two words *καὶ εἰσέρχονται* are missing here after *κελεύσατε*, which I have supplied in the Latin. Yet no trace of a lacuna appeared in the manuscripts.

^D (83) A droungarios is the commander of a *drungos*, or a military unit, *χιλίαρχος*. Regarding the origin of the word, see Gretser ad Codin. p. 191, and Goar ad the same, p. 26, where he says that it was for the droungarios of the watch to provide for fires, to look after gates, [to deal with] street-robbers, [and] to oversee the vigils and patrols in the camp. Conf. Du Cange in both Glossaries and ad Alex. p. 315. *[Jo. Zonaras, from the court of the CPt. emperor, is called "Great Droungarios of the Watch" and "Protosecretary Asceia," or monk, in cod. 206 apud Lambec. L. IV.]* Could someone therefore be simultaneously a Great Droungarios of the Watch and Protosecretary? I can hardly think so. For the offices conflict with one another. The former is in military attire, the latter is in formal robes. Were there also several droungarii of the watch, because the "Great" one is cited as if for the sake of distinction? It seems so, indeed. Yet I have not found traces of that fact in this codex. From it, it is clear that it was the duty of the Great Droungarios to lead the military schools daily to exercises in arms with the masters.

(84) *[Delongaris, under whom is all the power of the ships? Liutprand. An Drungarius?]* But the V. D. rightly corrects the error of the scribe, which recurs in the same historian, bk. vi, 5, p. 471: he writes of *Longaristis Plous*, *Drongaris tis ploas*. *Δρουγγάριος* (thus modern Greeks write and pronounce for *δρουγγάριος*) *τῆς πλώας*. I do not find this form *τῆς πλώας* elsewhere, but in this codex it occurs everywhere: *τοῦ πλωίμου, τῶν πλωίμων, τοῦ πλοὸς* and *τῆς πλώας*. It seems to be for *πλόης*; and it is formed like *πλόη* from *πλέειν*, like many other things. Elsewhere there is also *ὁ δρουγγάριος τοῦ στόλου*.

(85) *Κατάστασις τῶν πραγμάτων* is in Theophan. p. 63. "The restoration and return to order of things previously disordered." In the same author there are *ἀκατα...*

^A It should also be noted that if the feast of the Annunciation happens to fall on the same day as Easter, it is celebrated as follows: he goes out with a procession from his God-guarded palace, from the church of the Theotokos of the Pharos (48), and passes through the *diablatika* of the Forty Holy Martyrs (49) and the apse (50), and goes to the church of the Theotokos in the Daphne. From there, he goes to the church of Saint Stephen, and once the usual rites are performed 57, the priests from there, processing, return to the palace, while the Emperor enters the Augustan bedchamber that is there, awaiting the proper time; and when the time arrives, he performs everything pertaining to Easter in order, as was said above.

CAPUT X.

Things to be observed on the second day of the week of renewal.

I. All the prefects, dressed in white tunics, proceed quickly ^B to the apse; the patricians don tunics with gold studs, while the others wear garments according to their rank and dignity; the praepositi of the bedchamber and the primicerii of the ostiarii wear tunics with gold studs, and the spatharocubicularii carry their swords. Once the palace is opened (52), all of the bedchamber staff enter through the *diablatika* 58 of the Forty Holy Martyrs, awaiting the Emperor there; meanwhile, the patricians and the strategoi, together with the domestics, stand in the hemicycle of the triconch, as is customary for them. The Emperor, surrounded by the cubicularii and adorned with a golden sagion, exits through the railings of the triconch, and the patricians, strategoi, and domestics receive him there. Afterwards, by the proto-

ἀκατα...* ^A Then, with the lords, the masters and the rest proceed as far as the great consistory, in which stands the cross of St. Constantine and the rod of Moses, and they go out together; and there the first of the secretaries and the protosecretary, with the secretaries themselves, the imperial notaries, and the rest of the secretarial notaries and chartularies, and all who are gathered in that place, are present: and while the lords are standing above the pulpit before the camelaucium, the praepositus again, at the nod of the emperor, gives the signal to the silentiary, as is the custom (for the silentiaries are present in the midst of the consistory), and he exclaims in a loud voice: "Command." Then the lords proceed to the triclinium of the candidati, where the clergy sacred to the Lord are present, and they kiss the cross brought to them by the treasurer of that church. Furthermore, to the octagonal dome or the first school, which place the ancients called... ^B

VARIOUS READINGS AND REISKE’S COMMENTARY

[Summary of commentary: The term *katastasis* refers to orderly procedure, as seen in the office of the patriarch (*ho tēs hieras katastaseōs*). The *ceremoniarii* had the duty of arranging the nobles by precedence. The *consistorium* is defined as a place of consultation for the prince, as supported by Du Cange and Gutherius. Regarding the silentiaries, Reiske contests the notion that they were merely cubicularii, noting instead their function as imperial messengers and ushers. The *candidati* were elite soldiers, named for the white (*candida*) garments they wore—the *camisia* or linen undergarment reaching to the feet, similar to that worn by ministers of the divine Word. Reiske disputes the etymology connecting *candidati* to skin color, affirming instead their distinctive white dress as a royal color, as confirmed by various historical citations and liturgical examples.]

(90) the sovereigns the cross of the Lord, it being clear that it is presented to the sovereigns by the sacristan (91) of the same church. And from those parts the sovereigns pass on, going into the octagonal vault, that is to say, into the First School, which the ancients call the *Charage*, where the highly beautiful cross made of silver is set, and through the triple prostration with candles they give thanks to God. And again from there they pass through the triclinium of the *Excubitors*; for there they stand in a row on the right and on the left according to their proper ranks, awaiting the sovereigns, and also the [sovereigns] themselves who are being shown [the cross] ^A in military garb, bearing lights.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

Regarding military service, or the candidate strictly so called, as opposed to service in the toga. For the garment of all those serving was white. See Juret on Paulinus of Périgueux, Life of St. Martin, 4, v. 108. Although, therefore, both soldiers strictly so called, and those serving in the palace, or performing duties in the toga, wore white garments, nevertheless the *candidati*, strictly so called, were those protectors of the sacred person who wore these alone, and always, while the remaining officials and honorary [attendants] sometimes took other colors according to the requirements of the times. It seems also that there was a diversity in the formation of the *candida*, by which the soldiers and the palace dignitaries were distinguished. Certainly in the martyrdom of St. Acacius, n. 15, certain military *schemata* are mentioned as wearing lights. That ancient custom of wearing white [garments], whether from the Romans or from the Greeks, whether these were the first inventors of it or imitators of the Romans in it. That the ancient Greeks certainly proceeded to the forum as *candidati* is apparent from Artemidorus, p. 83. 13. ed. Rigalt. The same [custom] was carried over to later times, so that even under Justinian the Great the people would gather to celebrate the feast day happily and splendidly in white. Wherefore Paul the Silentiary in *Ecphrasis*, invoking the dedication of Sancta Sophia to be celebrated with solemn and joyful rite, says thus:

^B He does not await the shield-bearer as a companion, / Having a golden collar on his unturning neck. / Neither a golden rod always going before... / Nor an army adorned with the speeches of nimble youth, / Running together on the well-equipped, broad-beaten path. / Come, having cast off for me the misty sorrow, / Rejoicing, put on white robes upon your limbs.

He mentions the *candidati* in the first place; then the ostiaries, or the silentiaries, finally the spatharii, or the Maglabites, for he signified them more obscurely. Also, *spatharocandidati* are commemorated, who were spatharii and *candidati*, a different kind of militia, who besides the shield and weapons, the property of the *candidati*, also carried spathas, either in the right hand or at the belt, such as the monk of Saint Gall seems to me to describe in his work on the deeds of Charlemagne, I: *The footwear of the Franks was of a certain sort, then a 'glizzina' tunic (that is, white, shining and stiffened with wheat flour), afterwards a belt to which the spatha was tied.* Which spatha was in a wooden scabbard, with a second covering of leather, and a third of the whitest linen, strengthened with the clearest wax, so that it was girded in such a way that it shone through the middle by means of small projecting crosses for the destruction of the Gentiles. See p. 334 regarding the Saponistae to be discussed. A procession went from the *candidatus* to the *strator*, thence to the spatharius, from this to the *spatharocandidatus*. The appearance ^C of the *candidati* is to be seen on a monument at Ravenna in Du Cange, *Famil. Byzant.*, p. 97, and Alemanni on Procopius, p. 77, holding, in reverse order, a spear in the right hand, and before the right knee a shield with the Christ-monogram painted [on it], with a *colobium* extending to the middle of the arm, and a round, low *camelaucium* on the head. A *candidatus* armed, or at least some praetorian soldier, is seen standing near the emperor in the *Menologion of Basil*, vol. I, p. 64, 176. The Turks, as [they did with] many other institutions of the Byzantine palace, also carried over the *candidati* into their own [realm]. For Leunclavius, in Du Cange under the word *Λαχίδες*, says that these are a species of attendants, called by the Turks *Solacleri*, who ride around a Sultan on horseback in white *subuculae*. The Ferriol table, however, n. 16 and 17, does not agree.

They trace the origin of the *candidati* strictly so called to the Gordiani; see the authors cited above and Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 75. But Alexander Severus already instituted it, or certainly renewed those who had ceased [to exist], as is evident from Lampridius, vol. I, *Scr. H. A.*, p. 939, where he says: *He decorated the soldiers, whom they call 'ostensionates', not with precious, but with showy and clear garments.* He signifies white [lines], which are purchased at a small price, and yet please the eye and shine. Clear garments are white. Greeks also use *λαμπρός* for *clarus* [bright/clear] and *λαμπροφορεῖν* for *λευκοφορεῖν* [to wear white]. Thus I accept that [passage] of Diodorus Siculus XX, 7, p. 410, *coming forth in a white garment.* Thus Job the monk used it before Photius *Bibl.*, p. 308, and to wear a white [garment] in them. Hence the day of Pascha was called *lamprophoros* [bright-bearing], as Du Cange proves with many examples under the word *Λαμπρά* and p. 769, not because they proceeded in splendid, precious garments, ^D but because they proceeded in white [garments]. For on that day others and those recently baptized proceeded in white. Du Cange has many examples of this use of *λαμπρός* for white in his *Gloss. Gr.*, p. 787. These *candidati* wore a golden torque, as is clear from many places in our codex; and the emperor's weapons, that is, the shield and the spear, accompanying him as he proceeded. For that reason he calls them *sunemporoi aspidiōtai* [fellow shield-bearers].

(30) They kiss, *ἀσπάζεσθαι* is proper [to use] for drawing together, which those do who wish to kiss a thing or a person. Procopius used it in the very rare, but original, sense in his *Anecdota*, p. 49, ed. Alemann.: *ἐσπάζετο*, he snatched to himself. The custom of offering the cross to the emperor to kiss upon entering the church was therefore introduced by the clerics, so that under the appearance of venerating the cross they might obtain for themselves honors from the emperors which were not owed to them, nor to be desired by those claiming humility.

(91) Concerning the guardian of the sacred treasury, or of the church's equipment, see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* under that word.

^A Roman sceptres (92), those things called *bēla*, likewise the other *eutychia* (93), and the other sceptres, in addition to these the equipment of the *protectores* (94) and *sinatores* (95), and the equipment of the *draconarii*, the *labourēs* and *kampidēktōria*, along with the *banda* (96), to accompany the lords.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(92) The Roman ones are in Greek; for the Greeks were wont to call themselves Romans, as is known. But sceptres are a certain kind of long-shafted banner fastened with golden or silver plates and nails, and, as indeed it seems to me, fashioned in the form of a cross, pure, that is, without iron or a sharp point, but with cloths hanging from them, as can be gathered from the author’s words. Yet an unskilled scribe of the Latin tongue might have inscribed *bēla*, that is, veils, for *bēla*, *pila*, columns. Certainly the added word "Roman" seems to hint at some banner or military instrument known among the Romans and customary to them. The word *pilatikia* in Codinus, which Goar (ad Codin. p. 87, n. 39) contends signifies the same as the word "sceptre," also favors this. Yet it seems to me that the Greeks gave the Roman *pila* a different form, namely that instead of a sharp point they added a transverse ^B piece of wood at the top, so that it became a cross, either simple and ordinary, such as we all know and such as the emperors of Constantinople are generally seen to carry in their hands as a royal sceptre on coins, or composite. It is composite, moreover, if it consists of two transverse pieces of wood of unequal size, or of two small poles placed parallel to the larger pole on either side of the transverse wood, as is seen on the coin of Romanus Lacapenus in Du Cange, *Famil. Byz.* p. 136 and p. 123, on the coins of Leo the Isaurian, cf. p. 127, and on the coin of Nicephorus the Logothete. Since the cross was generally the sceptre of the Constantinopolitan emperors, and here "sceptres" are mentioned as some distinct and peculiar kind of banner, from this I conclude that the sceptres were staffs made in the form of a cross; see Du Cange under this word and Goar ad Codin. p. 88, n. 39. That crosses were not absent from public processions, and the exceptional piety of the Greeks toward the sign of the cross and the custom of the Latins, who also carried crosses in front, make this clear. The Pope met him [Henry V] (Paschalis II; the words are from the *Chronicle of Cassino* iv, 37) with candle-bearers [that is, of the candle-bearers], cross-bearers, eagle-bearers, lion-bearers, wolf-bearers, dragon-bearers [that is, bearers of banners on which the images of eagles, lions, wolves, dragons were seen], *candidati*, defenders, *stratores*, and a vast multitude of the people with flowers and palms. That the sceptres had no iron with which they could strike or wound, I seem to be able to gather from the passage of Psellus in Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* p. 1389 init., if it is permitted for me to judge from a passage placed outside of its context: "Gleaming with gold-plated weapons and surrounded by guards, not with non-striking [unconquered] sceptres, but with shields and long spears." Sceptre is, for the rest, a general name for every kind of banner. For it even includes the *ptychia*, of which it will be spoken immediately (for why else would it say "and the other sceptres"?); and *labara* are a species of sceptre. Indeed, Sozomen, *Hist.* IX, 4: "The other of the sceptres, which the Romans call *labarum*..." I have come, however, to this opinion as well, which I submit to the judgment of the more learned, that perhaps the Roman sceptres were banners preserved from the military institutions of the ancient pagan Romans, as for example the eagles; and that these eagles were specifically designated by the name of Roman sceptres; they could also have come by that name because of the poles with tablets fixed at the top indicating the unit or name [the text continues with the description in the Latin column: "Those are, according to our view, *protectores* or *candidati*, others are golden eagles and imperial images (according to our view *signa* and *sēmeiai*) and registers of the camps, manifested in golden letters, all of which appeared on silvered poles."]

(93) *Eutyxia*, that is, standards, or banner-bearers, so also *Fortunulae*, or little victories, for those who carry the sign of fortune or of a little victory on a pole before their college, legion, or cohort. Since "victories" or "little victories" were accustomed to be kept in the *praetorium*, the learned Leiche seems to have been moved to interpret *eutyxia*, or rather *eutychia*, that is, signs of good fortune or of victory, as the Praetorians. The name of the Praetorians had ceased under the Constantinopolitan emperors, and from our p. 415, it is evident that the "little victories" and the sceptres were the standards of the *Scholares*, but the dragons were the standards of the *Excubitores*. I speak more fully of this word on p. 332, and of the word *skeuē* on p. 332, antepenultimate, and 415.

(94) *Protectores* were a certain kind of Latin pompous military force meant for shielding the prince’s body, of such a nature that it is not clear how they differ. They already existed in the times of the Antonines, v. Spartian, in *Caracalla* t. I, p. 718. Guther. ^C *O. D. A.* p. 423, 617. Vales, at the beginning of the preface to the first edition of Ammianus, where he says that the sons of dukes, comites, and masters served in the school of the *protectores*, and p. 38, ad Amm. Marc., it. p. 52, where he says that the *protectores* simply called as such were different from the *protectores domestici*, who were also called simply *domestici*. A memorable passage concerning these *protectores* and *domestici* is in Procop. *anecd.* p. 108. In the middle ages, *protectores* were called *conservatores*, which word occurs often in the *Ceremonies* of the Roman Church. Certainly he does not note the members of the Senate here, but seems to note some kind of palatine military force, and indeed not of a very honorable order; Jerome lists senators among the military magistrates, *epist. ad Pammach.*: "After the tribune the primicerius, then the senator, the ducenarius, the biarchus, the circilor, the eques."

(95) What the *Senatores* were here, I do not know, but he does not note the members of the Senate, and seems to mark some genus of palatine ^D military of some kind, and indeed not of a very honest order. Hieronymus lists the Senators among the military magistrates, *epist. ad Pammach.*: "After the tribune the primicerius, then the senator, the ducenarius, the biarchus, the circilor, the eques." *Draconarii* are standard-bearers. Modestinus in Lindenbrog. ad Ammian. Marcell. p. 264: "Sign-bearers, whom they now call *draconarii*. For dragons are carried into battle by individual cohorts." See Guther. p. 409, Vales. ad Amm. Marcell. p. 142, Goar. ad Codin. p. 86, n. 31. Hardin. ad Themist. p. 371, and Petav. ad eumdem p. 482, and especially Du Cange *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Draco* and *Draconarius*. That dragons were still carried as signs in the 12th century appears from Nicetas p. 209. Concerning the *labara* conf. the same *Gl. Lat.* h. v. *Campiductoria* seem to be the signs of the *Campiductors*. Whether *campiductors* and *campidoctors* are different is debated by Vales. ad Amm. Marc. p. 236. Conf. Du Cange Gl. L. h. v.

(96) *Labourēsioi* or standard-bearers. These are the *bandiferi* who carry *banda* or *banni*, which are called *banderoles* by us today. *Sēmeiaphoroi* are those who carry the *sīgna*, banners with cloths upon which the purple images of the princes were sewn, or poles at the top of which were fixed gilded wooden images of the princes. *Labara* are square or oblong cloths hanging from a transverse piece of wood, showing the cross or the Latin number of the decury. [Concerning the *bandora* as a military sign, Du Cange treats this at Jom-

God of the Deaconess, where the emperor hands over the processional candle. Passing as far as the Philadelphium, he turns to the right side, and makes his way through those of Olybrius and the Constantianæ as far as Saint Polyeuctus. Having exchanged the candle there and received another from the præpositus, he passes through the middle as far as the Holy Apostles, and entering the narthex, sits upon a chair awaiting the patriarch.

When the patriarch has arrived with the procession, the common clergy and the officials ^B enter the church through the right-hand door near the imperial gates, while the orphans enter through the middle door. Likewise, the metropolitans and bishops, entering through the imperial gates, do obeisance to the emperor, without prostrating themselves. As the patriarch approaches, the emperor rises, and having performed mutual obeisance and exchanged the kiss of peace, they go to the imperial gates, where the patriarch begins to perform the prayer of the entrance of the divine liturgy. The emperor having lit candles and prayed, hands them over to the præpositus, and he to the one in charge of the arrangement; and when the patriarch has finished the prayer, the emperor does obeisance to the immaculate Gospel and the precious cross, and ^D passes through the middle of the temple by the side of the ambo, arriving at the solea, and the patriarch enters the sanctuary. But the emperor, having prayed as is his custom before the holy doors, enters the sanctuary and, having done obeisance to the holy Table and received the apokombion from the præpositus, places it upon the holy Table.

V. The emperor then pours forth prayers at the monument of our Father Chrysostom and ^C the theologian Saint Gregory; and with candles lit, both of them—the emperor and the patriarch—depart through the left side of the sanctuary and make for the sepulcher of Saint Constantine, where likewise, having prayed with lit candles, they depart to go to the sepulchers of the most holy patriarchs, Nicephorus and Methodius. There, after the emperor has prayed with burning candles, he enters the imperial monuments, and there too, with candles lit, they depart. Then both of them, the emperor and the patriarch, pass through the left side of the temple, that is, the gynaeceum, opposite the sanctuary, and after they have saluted one another with mutual obeisance, the patriarch returns to celebrate the divine office; the emperor, however, by

- ^A VI. In the left part of this same hall of the Excubitors, in a long bench, the first order stands: the cancellarii of the quaestor with their domestic, uttering in the Roman tongue the acclamations appropriate to the feast. The second order: there also stand on the long bench those who are called *dipanitai*, and they also acclaim according to custom. The third order: there also stand on the long bench the *nomikoi*, and they also offer the customary prayers for the lords. And from there they depart to the *lychnoi*, where another silver cross has been set up, and through the triple prostration while holding candles, they offer thanks to God, and there in the tribunal ^B takes place the first reception; that is, at the *lychnoi*, clearly implying the ^{C D}

^A And, as he ascends, two silentiarii escort him from there to the church. And when the divine liturgy is completed, the emperor passes through the 73 front catechumena, and through the inner rooms he departs to the Theophylact palace, that is, the one that is there, and he enters his bedchamber. ^B And two silentiarii descend by imperial command and summon the patriarch, and when he has come up and drawn near, the officials of the cubiculum receive him; and having come, he sits for a little while, and when he has entered, the praepositus reports this to the emperor. ^C But the emperor commands the praepositus to summon the patriarch; and both being united, both the emperor and the patriarch, in the triclinium where the table stands, he summons the priests, and they perform the *stichus* 74, and having blessed the table, the patriarch 75 changes his *omophorion* 76, and [the priests], having taken it...

VARIOUS READINGS

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

(73) The *front catechu-menia* seem to be those which were above the narthex, and which looked out toward the tribunal from the opposite side.

(74) They recite the verse, that is, prayers to be said before lunch. See at p. 433. The *stichus* is some excerpt from the Psalms or Holy Scripture, an invocation of God, of which the ancients perhaps used a part, as is done among our people, Psalm 147: "Give thanks to the Lord, for the Lord is good, and his mercy endures forever." The Patriarch used to bless by adding the sign of the cross, that is, he said: "The blessing of the Lord be upon you and upon this table," and his clergy would do likewise, that is, they would recite the verse, one reciting one period, the other another, both receiving [the text] from each other and continuing the sounds as if they were antiphons. There is also another *stichus* which is an invocation of a saint, male or female, as in the Pontificale of Habert, p. 279: After, "The blessing of the Lord be upon you," he says this verse instead of the dismissal: "Through the intercessions," etc.

(75) Concerning the blessing of the table or of foods, see Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinum* v. *Benedictio*, and Joseph Catalani on the *Ceremoniale Episcoporum* of Augustinus Patricius, p. 155, regarding: "After all have washed, the pontiff blesses the table." Synodus Nannetensis, canon 54: "When presbyters meet for a feast, let one of them begin a verse before the table, but let them bless the food and drink in turns; then let them sit down in order, and after the meal let them recite a hymn after the example of the Lord."

(76) The *omophorion* was the garment of patriarchs and bishops, similar to the pallium which the Roman pontiffs send to bishops today; and it was a sign of dignity: so that to "bestow the *omophorion*" was the same as to declare and invest a patriarch or at least a bishop, and the *periairein*, to take away the *omophorion*, was the same as to remove him from the episcopal chair. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, *Breviarium*, p. 95: "Pyrrhus the patriarch, having taken off the *omophorion* that was upon him, lays it down upon the holy table, saying: 'Without withdrawing from the priesthood, I take leave of the disobedient people.'" The Latins called this an *orarium*; and to take the *orarium* from someone was equivalent to deposing him from the episcopate. Anastasius in *Silverio*: "John the subdeacon took the pallium from his neck." He rightly says "from his neck." For, as is evident from images, it went around the neck, descending a little in front and behind over the chest, coming together at the shoulders into a sharp angle, and likewise on the back. Some added nothing to such a form, as can be seen in the images of St. Nicholas, Chrysostom, and Basil in Du Cange, Plate IX, before his dissertation on Byzantine coins; others added ribbons hanging down almost to the feet, made from the *tablia* or broad strips of the laity, as can be seen on p. 166. *Menologium Basiliani*, vol. I. Exceptional, but needing illumination, is the passage of the same Anastasius in *Stephen IV*: "The aforementioned Constantine having been brought to the middle again, and the most sacred canons having been read, he was thus deposed. For Maurianus the subdeacon approaching took the *orarium* from his neck; and threw it before his feet, and tore apart its fastenings." But what were the fastenings of the *orarium*? They were those crosses which are visible in the cited [works] of Du Cange, *Menologium Basiliani*, Muratori vol. II, *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum* p. 73, tab. 2, and others of the images of *oraria* or *omophoria*. Namely, the *omophorion* is properly and was formerly, at the beginning, a solid pallium, *amphibaldos*, wrapping and encompassing the whole man, open nowhere except where the head and neck are thrust out. This garment was properly the external [garment] of the bishops. And for that reason the *maphorion* too, which is a shortened and altered pronunciation of our word, signifies a pallium, such as we have described. But because such a garment deprives the arms of free use, indeed restricts them greatly, it was necessary in the meantime that they have [its] use free; they used to straighten, or fold back this pallium over the shoulders, and there they would fasten it with fibulae, or pins, or thongs, or ribbons of cloth, so that it might not fall over the shoulders and disturb them as they performed the sacred rites. It could not therefore be otherwise but that the garment should hang down over the chest and back, bunched and narrowed on the shoulders by the rest of its bulk. Such a habit, since it was heavy and inconvenient, fell in time into disuse, with its shadow and likeness remaining, namely the *orarium*. And because that age labored under "stauromania" (cross-frenzy), to which nothing was pleasing that was not either formed in the likeness of a cross, or at least signed with a cross, they fashioned in the likeness of a cross those fastenings too, which had held and restrained the bunched bulk of the pallium on both shoulders, which the Greeks call *anaboleas* and *anabala* [sic], and the Latins call *rebrachiatoria*. For *aneballon*, they threw back onto the neck, and *anebalon*, they took up from above and lifted that part of the pallium on each side, which would have fallen down without them, and moved it behind the arms. Cassianus on the monks of Egypt: "They wear small strings [some wrongly say small garments. Rightly, therefore, *resticulae*, that is, *brandeae*, ribbons] woven with a woolen warp, which the Greeks call *anabola*, but which we can call *succinctoria*, or *redimicula*, or properly *rebrachiatoria*, which, descending through the top of the neck and divided from the sides of the neck [to reach] the folds of both wings (that is, those parts of the pallium which the shoulders...

^A *kamara* (7), where the emperors stand; the democrat of the Veneti, that is, the domestic (8) of the schools, receives him, together with the *peratikos* (9) people of the Veneti, and the democrat (10), that is, the domestic, delivers the *libellárion* to the master ^B, having arrived, clearly, by way of the *katastasis* before the emperor, and the emperor delivers this to the praepositus, and they proclaim aloud (11).

^A there the parties, that is to say the faction, in accordance with the custom, ^B towards the masters, and during the *aktologia* the *domestikos* seals (13) the masters and returns the splendid vessels. For in that same tribunal, to the right and left, they make light-stands, and after them those who at this time are tarrying in the city.

JOAN. JAC. REIISKII COMMENTARY. One may read in the writers of the *Historia Augusta*, as for instance the acts of the Senate sent to Marcus Antoninus the philosopher were among the works of Vulcatius Gallicanus. In the life of Avidius Cassius, vol. I, p. 467, to which passage Casaubon, after his own custom, discusses learnedly and at length the rite of acclaiming and the etymology of the word *acta*. On p. 524 there are acts concerning Pertinax after the murder of Commodus, p. 772, acts concerning Macrinus and Diadumenus, p. 890, concerning Alexander Severus, from which passage the etymology of the word is sufficiently clearly apparent. "I shall add," says Lampridius, "the acclamations of the Senate, by which that decree was made." From the acts of the city, at (or rather before the day, as Casaubon wishes) the day before the nones of March, etc. Whoever considers these and many other such acts in vol. II of the writers of the *Historia Augusta* will discover a great similarity between them and the acts frequently recited in our present Code. Consult Sigonius, *De regno Italiae*, p. 28, last. Usually *acta* (*aktai*) is said in the plural. I find, however, a singular in this Code also, p. 31: *En de to teletaio akto*, in the final acclamation, in the last particle of the acts. See a little later regarding what should be said concerning the *cractis* or heralds. The illustrious Leichius has gathered much concerning the custom and formulas of acclaiming in his *Adversaria* to this codex, from which I shall transfer here that whole chapter, to which he had inscribed the title *Acclamationes*, just as I found it in his *Collectan.*, pp. 39, 40, 41.

[Acclamations. The customary acclamation for emperors. Const. Vit. Bas. c. IX, Benno in the life of Pope Hildebrand: Emperor Henry was content only with the triumph he had at Rome. The triumph is that applause acclaimed to the one inaugurated: "To Henry Augustus, crowned by God, great and peaceful, Emperor of the Romans, life and victory." Cf. Goldast ad Eginh., p. 170. The sons of Basil the Macedonian invoking God in an old painting, that He might crown their father with his own hand together with their mother, making him worthy of the heavenly kingdom. His life, p. 155. *Pax Augustae*, Du Cange ad Alex., p. 267. Cf. *nix*, where you expressed *vincas*, which is the same as *toumbēkas* in Suidas. Thus *omphikion* instead of *officium* in Theophanes 316. Thence it appears that *mu* is inserted before labials. In our case, however, [*praephēktōr*] for *praefectus*. Under Anastasius, when the monks proceeded singing a chant, the people exclaimed: *kalōs ēlthon o orthodozos*. p. 136. Theophanes. Du Fresne ad Zonaras, p. 106: *Kyrie, boēthei*. See the same in *Dissert. de nummis* below, § 28, 30. In the synod against the images under Copronymus, it was acclaimed to the patriarch: "To Constantine, ecumenical patriarch, many years." Zonaras p. 188.

^C Acclamation made to Charlemagne, pp. 93, 94. *Cerim.* ^D *Franc.* t. I. In the mass of the terce after the prayer, two great canons, priests, chanted and still chant the praises or acclamations: "Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat," Melon. p. 17. The praises, or the acclamations: "May God confirm this day, may He confirm this see for many years," etc., p. 18. Of Aurelian, "Christus vincit," etc. To the Bishop of Orleans by all the clergy: "Pax, vita, etc. Domine, tu illum adjuva, etc.," p. 189, cf. 205. "Christus vincit," etc., "To King Louis of the Franks, peace, etc.," p. 323. "We wish you to fare well for many years, most blessed Lord Pope." *Liber Diurnus* p. 57, in the decree subscribed for the elected pontiff. The archdeacon begins the praise with a loud voice: "Life to our Lord the Pope." The scribes respond: "You help him." p. 168. cf. p. 227, 257, 266. Acclamations made to the crowned emperor similar to the Greeks, p. 403. *Augousta tou bēchas*. Theophanes 211. *Philanthrōpou despotou polla ta etē*. p. 247. "May the Divinity preserve you for many years, most holy and most blessed Fathers," Donat. Const. p. 20. Acclaimed in sacred synods, to the sons of emperors and to patriarchs: "Many years." Thus in the pseudo-synod of Photius p. 226, t. VI Harduini. Ibid., p. 231: "Basil, Leo and Alexander, victorious trophy-bearers, emperors and eternal Augusti. To the God-chosen emperors." p. 259. Other *euphemiai* 213. Legates of old Rome, they acclaim the emperor and their pontiff John, p. 278. Concerning the allocutions of emperors and concerning the acclamations themselves made in the theater, and regarding that rite which lasted until the times of Theodoric, king of the Goths, dissertations read in the royal academy of inscriptions. *Mémoires de Trévoux* A. 1705, p. 1230. "To the emperor crowned by divine providence from above, guided and governed, the benefactor, peaceful, victorious, God-allied master, etc.," p. 289. *Annales Bertiniani*, year 812: Legates of Michael sent to Charlemagne accepted the written pact from him in the church, and in their own way, that is, in the Greek language, they spoke praises to him. p. 509, ed. Murator. "Laudes facere" (*euphēmein*); thus the author to Innocent III, an equal in Alem. *de par.* p. 10, etc., and *Annal. Franc.* It was acclaimed to Charlemagne: "To the most pious Augustus, crowned by God, great, peaceful Emperor of the Romans, life and victory." p. 30. [*diat Deus concessi tibi coelitus imperii robur inviolatum in annos multos, ac deinde coelorum regna tibi impartiatur bonorum dator et largitor.*] *Vita S. Basilii Junioris* p. 673. *Cont. Constantin.* in Romanus Lecapenus: "This John shall be for the redemption and relief of the Romans." p. 261. *Mezeray Abrégé* p. 325. Pope Stephen coming to France is awaited at Rheims. King Louis I received him at the descent from the horse, and prostrated himself before him. Then he accompanied him to the church of the Abbey of Saint Remy, and on entering it gave his hand to support him. The clergy of France sang the *Te Deum*, and that of Rome made the acclamations, the praises of the Emperor. The Pope and he together partook of blessed bread and wine. "Nicephorum gaudere pacis" — him and the light-bringer they shouted. *Legat. Luitpr.* 145. Acclaimed to Nicephorus: "Euge, the morning star comes," etc., p. 138. Clergy: "These applaud with praises, they dance in many ways to him. And with equal piety they salute the common ornament," p. 58, b. *Vita S. Germani* written by Heiric.] Hitherto the Leichian Adversaria. (12) Who pertain to the faction, the Latins also said *pars* for *factio*. See Salmasius ad *Scr. Hist. Aug.* t. I, p. 534. (13) How the cross was made, see Pantin in l. 1, *De vita S. Theclae* n. XIX. and Wagnereck, in *vita S. Cosmae* p. 38.] and Du Cange *Glos. Gr.* v. *sphragis*. As is apparent from the added scholium and other places in this code, this blessing or sealing was performed with the lappet of the garment, not with a bare hand. And thus also the emperor

^A stands alongside the ^B lamps of the factions, and beyond those at that time ^C present [in this place].

VARIOUS READINGS

Note that when the people are chanting in accordance with the sequence of the acclamation—that is, when the people are responding to the *kraktes*—the domestic of the schools makes the sign of the cross thrice toward the emperor with the edge of his *chlanis*. And when the *kraktes* say, "He has it bound in his hands," again as the people say [the response], he makes the sign of the cross until the whole acclamation is finished. This order and acclamation is performed in the remaining processions of the Veneti and the Prasinoi. Note that [the domestic of the schools] makes the sign of the cross with the edge of his *chlanis* toward the emperor thrice. And again, while the *kraktes* say, "He stands with bound hands," [he does so]. And again [they] would proclaim the divine hymns to those singing... from both sides of the church on wooden platforms made for this very purpose stand the *protopsaltai* [and *kanonarchai*], who are also called domestics and others possessing knowledge of ecclesiastical order, whom it is customary to call *kraktes* at such ceremonies, singing certain melodies.

The *kraktes*, those who lead the singing of the acclamations, Constantine and Anna, were mentioned together at the times of the acclamation by those who were leaders of the acclamation.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...when he wished to sign the people with the cross in the Cathisma or elsewhere, the praepositus would make a peculiar fold from the lappet of his garment, which he gave into his hands, so that he might sign the people with it. This custom of the emperors flowed from that old one of the Roman Augusti, who were venerated by the people of the Circus with their own purple. Claudian, *Consulate of Honorius* VI: "The crowd venerates the purple bowed upon the steps of the Circus."

The custom of expressing the sign of the cross with a garment might also be believed to have been so born, because it was permitted to no one, except priests, to sign another with the sign of the cross with a bare hand. That scholion pertaining here, because it was written on the extreme margin, which the bookbinder's knife later cut off, and was written in small letters and with contractions, as are the scholia of this Codex in various places, was therefore difficult to read, which is why it resulted that it was published in print not accurately enough according to the faith of the manuscripts. But it ought to be restored thus: [When the people say], etc. The domestic of the schools signs the emperor thrice with the lappet of his tunic; and again, when the [actors/kraktes] say [it], that is, those performing their duties, the heralds or singers, he stands with hands bound, that is, crossed over his breast; in which posture it was the custom of old for the nobility to stand before the kings of Persia and Armenia, and then before the emperors of Constantinople, a custom which still exists today in the Turkish court, which took it from the Greek along with many others. See at p. 303, to be spoken of. Mention is made sometimes in this scholion of the *kraktes*, clamators, that is to say, heralds or singers. These clamators agree in some way with the *psaltai*, or rather with the *kanonarchai*, from whom, however, they are different. For the *psaltai* were of the order of the clergy, and only led the sacred hymns for the people in the churches; the *kraktes* were not ordained, but were laymen, and led the acts ^D for the people, that is, the praises, which either the people would render entire, or only the ends of them, or to which the learned man would append other fitting formulas; as the *kanonarchai*, who lead—as Symeon of Thessalonica says. John Cantacuzenus, p. 123, is therefore to be excused in his account of the ceremonies of his coronation for taking the *kraktes* and *psaltai* as the same. Gather from this place that they were the same, but changed names according to the different reason for their functions: called *kraktes* in profane ceremonies, such as in the coronations of emperors, in the Circus, in processions to the churches, but *psaltai* in the actual administration of divine worship through sacred hymns. Whatever the case of that matter may be, it is certain that these *kraktes* led the formulas of praise—not for all the people, I think, but for the factions gathered and taught to say the praises of the emperors—with which our codex teems. Therefore Anna Comnena calls them [the leaders] of the acclamation, p. 167: Constantine and Anna [leaders] of the acclamation were mentioned together at the times of the acclamation. V. what I shall say later concerning the *psaltai*. And surely it was necessary that even those who were expected to sing the praises of the emperors should first be taught them and hold them in memory, and that they should have moderators who would dispense the times of each formula, and who would lead and give notice of the formula that was to be recited again and again. Hence the "monitors" mentioned by Tertullian in the *Apologeticus*, looking toward the monitors of the pagans, who led the solemn formulas in those sacred rites which they performed. In the Middle Ages, the Latins called these men *Archicori*, a very apt term. S. Eulogius in a document of martyrdom, apud Du Cange under *Psalmista*, seems to make a distinction between a *psalmista* and a *cantor* in these words: "The cantor does not perform the divine song in public, nor does the voice of the *psalmista* ring in the choir," etc. Yet I do not well know the reason for the distinction. Perhaps the *cantor* led the sacred hymns for the people outside the church or for a choir of his own disciples, which the *psalmista* might do in the church under the very act of the sacred office.

(14) The *bestiopratai* are clothing merchants, as silver merchants, that is, money-changers, bankers, usurers—concerning which meaning see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* under the word and at p. 11. "Argentarii" were heard of by the Latins in the Middle Ages.

(15) The word *blatta* is accepted in such a diverse sense that nothing certain can be decreed concerning its meaning, but it must be estimated from the connection of each place where it occurs, whether it wishes to signify silk or purple. E.g., in the word *sericoblatia*, it notes a dyeing, a color with which those things are dyed. Indeed, Salmasius, in *Scr. Hist. Aug.* t. II, p. 546, determines that *blattia* is the same as simply *himation*, a garment. Cf. the same ibid. p. 540. Du Cange ad *Alexiad.* p. 275 and in both Glossaries. Here indeed it is clear from the place that *blattia* are silk cloths. But when *diblattin*, *tri-blattin* occurs, it is clear that a second or third purple dyeing is understood.

(16) If in the use of these words some writers permit themselves something, the *aplomata* are bedspreads, cloths which are strewn over altars, tables, e.g., or any flat surface lying prone, but the *peploi* hang downward.

(17) This place may be explained in a twofold way: either from the factions hence, or behind the factions: or from the steps thence. They were called *gradus circenses* [circensian steps], on which the factions were standing and watching; from this it could happen that all the steps were called *demoi* [people/factions], especially those on which the factional groups were standing, even if outside the Circus.

^A Foot guards go in order before the emperor. The ^B *stratores* also walk along on foot with shields, holding laurel branches in their hands; and these walk in front, while behind them pass the eunuch *protospatharioi*, dressed in authentic *specia* adorned with gold, and swords, and they also hold their *spathobaklia* resting on their shoulders; their horses are caparisoned with armor. Near these same eunuch *protospatharioi* is the *logothete* of the *dromos*, dressed in an authentic *sagion*, on a caparisoned horse; and after them the *barbatoi protospatharioi*, dressed in *specia*, holding *spathobaklia* resting on their shoulders, likewise also on caparisoned horses; then in this way the mounted *koubouklarioi*; and the *droungarios* of the *vigla* and the *maglabitai*, with the rest of the domestic staff who are not on foot, the lieutenants of the regiments, and the *comites*, pass by at intervals, guarding the procession behind according to their order, and behind him the lieutenant of the *arithmos*, holding back the throngs of the people so that they may not be confused in the procession.

VIII. The emperor, attended by all those mentioned above, ^B arrives at the marble lions, where the *demokratēs* of the Venetians, that is to say the Domestic of the Schools, together with the migrant faction of the Venetians, receives him, and the *demokratēs* himself, supported by the keeper of the station, approaches and, having prostrated himself, kisses the emperor's feet; the emperor, having received him, delivers him to the Count of the Stable; and the *demokratēs*, standing again in the same station, while the faction acclaims, blesses the emperor. When they have finished...

[together with] the civic guilds 19 and the officials surrounding the Eparch, along with the symponos and the logothete of the Praetorium.

VII. ^A And then from those places the masters [the Emperors] proceed as far as the triclinium of the *Scholae*, and in the vestibule of the Holy Apostles, having thrice bent their knees, they offer thanks to God with lit candles. And a second reception takes place there, and the *demokrates* of the Greens, that is the *excubitor*, receives them with his own faction of the Greens, and what follows is performed, as has been said before regarding the first reception. ^B And then a third reception takes place inside the Chalce 20, that is, at the gate of the *Scholae* which leads into the dome of the Chalce, and there the *demokrates* of the Blues—that is, the Domestic of the *Scholae*—receives them with the faction of the Blues, and what follows is performed as has been said before. And inside the gate of the Chalce, towards the great dome, on the right stands the medical staff, offering prayers for the masters, and on the left are those of the *palaestra*, they too acclaiming the masters: «May God bring [you] to many 21 and good years,» and what follows.

VIII. And when the masters exit into the Chalce gate, ^C there stand on the right and on the left the organists 22, in their customary manner acclaiming the masters. And then a fourth reception takes place outside the railing of the Chalce, and the *demarchos* of the Blues receives them there with the White faction, standing clearly behind the *demarchos* and his second-in-command, and what follows is performed, as has been said before. ^D And from those places a fifth reception takes place before the Great Gate which leads into the Augusteum, and there the *demarchos* [of the Greens] receives them with the Russian faction, that is, [while he is] standing, and with him, the one who holds second rank.

the cubicle members, and they pray for the Emperor; and the praepositus having taken the *tuga* from the Emperor's head, the Emperor enters and stands before the holy doors; and having lit candles, he enters there, and having finished his prayers, he passes through the Lord’s passages and enters into the hemicycle of the tricongch; and having passed also through the passages of the Holy Forty, he enters into the Chrysotriclinium; and when all the cubicle members stand in the same ^A triclinium, they pray for the Emperor: "For many and good years." And they depart.

IX. Regarding the Annunciation coincident with the renovation week

IX. It must be known that if the procession of the second day of the Renovation Week falls upon the feast of the Annunciation, it is celebrated as follows: The Emperor comes out, changed into the vestment of the Annunciation, and ascends to the Forum, following the order and procession of the feast of the Annunciation. And having ascended to the Forum and performed all according to the custom he is wont to perform on the feast of the Annunciation, he proceeds through the middle, making a litany, while the master of ceremonies begins the troparion of the feast: "Today is the summation of our salvation." And he departs as far as the Church of the All-Holy Theotokos of the Deaconess. Having reached that place, he enters the church and performs the *prokeimenon* (99), the reading of the Apostle (1), and the holy Gospel, and after the litany, the Emperor removes the vestment which he wears for the Annunciation, and puts on the vestment of that day, that is, of the second day of the Renovation Week, as was said above. And when the chanters have begun at the ambon the "Christ is risen," the Emperor comes out from those places and departs, making a litany, while the master of ceremonies begins the troparion of the feast in the church of the Holy Apostles; and there the rites of the procession of the second day of the Renovation Week are completed, as was said above. It must be known also that under Leo of divine memory (2) this ^B order was instituted. The Emperor travels to the Holy Apostles wearing a *scaramangion* interwoven with gold, and on his return, he is clothed in a *colobion*—which is called a *botrys*—and on his head is placed a white crown.

VARIOUS READINGS.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII. COMMENTARY.

(99) The *Propositum*, that is, the portion from the Psalms of David appropriate and assigned to that feast day. The Greeks proceed with verses from the Psalms, singing others every day, which correspond to the Gospels and epistles of each day. ^D And these portions from the Psalms they call the *prokeimenon* of the day—the *propositum*, the argument, the matter of the day. (See below p. 355. Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. h. v., and Goar's Euchologion.) And indeed, in the first place they read the *Propositum*, then the *Apostolon*, that is, the epistolic text from the epistles of the apostles, and finally the Gospel. Moreover, it was called *prokeimenon* thus, because it is placed before (*prokeitai*) the Apostle, and is read before the reading of the Apostle or the epistle; and so it is an elliptical expression: for the full form is the *prokeimenon* of the Apostle. (Habert's Pontificale p. 71 in the beginning: The deacon exclaims: "Wisdom! The Word of God, the eternal wisdom, will be announced to you." The reader: "Psalm of David." The deacon: "Let us attend." And the reader says the *prokeimenon* of the Apostle. The deacon: "Wisdom." The reader [scil. speaks] the inscription of the Apostle. The deacon: "Let us attend." The reader reads the Apostle.)

(1) The *Apostolos* is an ecclesiastical book of the Greeks containing readings excerpted from Paul's epistles. (See Du Cange h. v. in Gloss. Gr.).

(2) Recurred in the following passages [re: the] emperors, "of divine memory." Its origin and meaning must be explained. (Alemannus on Procopius p. 13 translates it "piously deceased." Gretser in Co-

in command, and the rest is performed as has been said. And after this, a sixth reception takes place at the Horologion of Hagia Sophia, and there the *demarchos* of the Venetians receives them with the White faction, and the rest is performed as has been said before.

IX. And from there the lords enter through the Beautiful Gate, and they are uncrowned. ^A

COMMENTARY

(...) and this, even now a miracle of that age, has not easily gone unmentioned by any of the ancient writers or recent travelers. Paul the Silentiary in his *Ekphrasis* and Du Cange in his notes to it, as well as in Book III of his *Constantinopolis Christiana*, have exhaustively examined its structure and magnificence. The name "Hagia Sophia" does not refer to some holy martyr named Sophia, but to Jesus Christ, the Wisdom of God, as the Greeks designate Him, as they themselves desire, or that church received that name because the Holy Wisdom of God, that is, the Word of God, was taught therein; and before the custom prevailed of dedicating churches to martyrs and martyr-esses, all, certainly the major ones, were everywhere called "of the Holy" or indeed "of the Holy Sophia." Thus, Matthias of Miechów in his *Treatise on the Two Sarmatias*, book 2, chapter 3, mentions that in the city of Novgorod there was a principal church of Saint Sophia, that is, of the Savior, roofed with golden lights shining brilliantly. Paul Jovius, in his minor work *On the Muscovite Embassy*, calls this same temple very old and venerable, which four hundred years ago [in the age of Jovius], in emulation of the Caesars of Byzantium, was dedicated to Saint Sophia, the Son of God. It is also established from the *Chronicle of Monte Cassino*, book 9, that there was once a church of Saint Sophia in Benevento: "Here, within the walls of Benevento, he built a temple to the Lord, most opulent and most becoming, which he called in Greek Hagia Sophia, that is, Holy Wisdom." [Also, there was a temple of Saint Sophia in Thessalonica; p. 326. Written after Theoph.] Likewise in Nicaea; Theophanes, in the eighth year of Constantine and Irene: "The first assembly and seat of the bishops took place in the catholic church of Holy Sophia of Nicaea," and in Antioch, as witnessed by Nicetas. ^B

(...) the outermost part of the church, through which access was provided from the Pronaos into the Narthex, as the Royal Gate is that which led from the Narthex into the Nave, and the Holy Gate, which led from the Nave into the sanctuary. See Du Cange s.v. πύλη, Heineccius *De habitu et statu ecclesiae Graecae* p. 99, and Goar on Codinus p. 133, n. 27, and 134, n. 39. But they do not agree with our author. Perhaps there was one system of appellations in the time of our Constantine, and another in that of Codinus. Nicetas Choniates, p. 241, agrees with our author, narrating thus concerning the crowning of Alexius Comnenus: "Then, having approached the doors of the temple called 'Beautiful,' he remained there for a significant time, awaiting when the entry might be directed by those who were authoritative regarding the opportune moment of the sacred catechumens...," from which it is evident that it was expected at the Beautiful Gate, until, by a sign given by the catechumens, the time for entering was signified. ^C

(...) who is inferior in the sight of one more honorable, in order to demonstrate the humility of his own condition and the reverence with which he follows another, uncovers his head. Hence, it was permitted only to the more honorable nobles to stand before the emperor of Constantinople with head covered; the younger attendants, although noble in lineage—though *archontos*—were required to proceed with head bared. ^D

- ^A lumns 299-300:

Chapter XI

I. All the dignitaries proceed in white tunics, each according to his rank and dress, and the procession enters the Triclinium of Justinian. About the third hour, a *metastasis*—that is, a procession—is instituted, where the emperor, dressed in a white *dibetesion* and a *tzitzakion*, with the prefects of the bedchamber... ^{B C D}

[alt-version omitted]

[JOHN JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY] ...dino p. 183, and Combefis in *Scriptores post Theophanem* p. 192, render it "of pious or blessed memory." This is well enough as to the sense, but they do not express the force of the word. Perhaps they derived it from *леро́*, "I cease," but it comes from *λγχάνω*, "I obtain." I would approve this, however, if it were certain that only the dead are honored with that title, and not the living. As to which I cannot yet decide in either direction, since I have neglected to investigate it. If it were applied only to those who have finished their life, it would signify those who belong to the special portion of God, having divested themselves of all fellowship with human affairs. Indeed, *τῆς ἄνω λήξεως* [of the heavenly lot], says Cedrenus p. 519, is to be blessed in the lot or condition of the inhabitants of heaven; *πρὸς τὴν ἐκεῖθεν λῆξιν μεταστῆναι* [to depart to the lot thereafter], says Cinnamus p. 15 at the end (as the age would have it for "thither"), means to go there—that is, to God—and to depart from human affairs. Christians may have imitated the pagans in this, who said of those dying, *πρὸς τὴν καλλίω καὶ θεοφιλεστέραν λῆξιν μεταστῆναι* [to depart to a better and more god-beloved lot]; see Aristides, vol. 1, p. 70, where it is either a lot or condition, or an *διατριβή* [dwelling], a place in which one lives; just as *λῆξις τῶν ὀμμάτων* [lot/seat of the eyes] means the seat or socket of the eyes. Eusebius, *Hist. Eccl.* IX, 10: "His eyes jump out and, having fallen from their own seat, leave him blind." Nicetas p. 34: "The King having crossed over to the heavenly lot," and p. 199: "Already the morning and evening lot that had produced the Romans went over to him." Likewise, if anyone is called [partaker] of the *σοφίας λῆξις* [lot/portion of wisdom], as was the case with Theodore Metochita (see Du Cange under *Σκιάδιον*), it is doubtful whether it is he who has passed into the portion of wisdom, or a *ἐνδιαίτημα*, a lodging or dwelling place of wisdom. But if it can be proven by examples, which I hardly doubt it can, that this title was also attributed to emperors as citizens, its reason must be summoned from that custom of calling everything "divine" which pertained to the emperors. He, then, whose condition is divine, whose commands, writings, and institutions are all called divine, will be called by that title. This interpretation is confirmed by the phrase *ὁ τῆς εὐσεβοῦς λήξεως* [he of the pious lot], which Eustathius uses in his notes to Procopius p. 87, a man in whose titles also the title "pious" would be present; item *ὁ τῆς ἀοιδίμου* [he of the glorious], a man in whose titles also that *τοῦ ἀοιδίμου* [of the glorious] would be present, according to Nicetas Choniates p. 28.

(3) *Metastasimon*, or *metastasis*. The Greeks are accustomed to use the termination *-imon* for the termination *-isis*, as *diakainisimon* for *diakainisis*, *analepsimon* for *analepsis*, *deximon*, *saximon*, for *dexis* or *dochi*, *saxis*, and so also *metastasimon* for *metastasis*, meaning "withdrawal"; a withdrawal by command—that is, when the silentiary or master of ceremonies orders the dignitaries gathered in the consistory to depart from there, to remove themselves. Rightly, therefore, the illustrious Reimar, in Xiphilinus, translated *metesti* as "emigrated," "went into exile," p. 1087. Hence, the imperial processions from the city to the suburban estates are also [called] *metastaseis*, withdrawals. Goar cites this on Theophanes...

^A At the Narthex atrium, the crown is removed. The Patriarch, however, receives them at the door of the Narthex with the customary ministry and order, to whom the crown is...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY: I conclude that the custom was to lay aside the *melancia* [a dark mantle], from the second Invective of Isaac against the Armenians, if it is safe enough to posit this when taken out of context. They also laid aside their *omophoria*, as a sign of the episcopate, just as the imperial diadem is a sign of empire, at the reading of the Gospel, as is evident from Isidore of Pelusium, book 1, ep. 136, where, explaining the nature of the *omophorion* mystically, he alleges the reason why the bishop lays it aside at that time: "When the true Shepherd himself arrives through the opening of the adored Gospels, the bishop puts off the vestment of imitation, declaring that the Lord himself, the Leader and God of the pastoral office, is present." Conf. Du Cange, s.v. *Cervellerium* and *Almucia*.

Since our author begins to describe those rites which emperors in solemn processions were bound to observe in the celebration of divine worship, and since that matter cannot be understood without knowledge of the sacred rites which constitute divine worship among the Greeks, I have decided here, at the beginning of this treatise on sacred matters, to provide a general view of the Greek liturgy and Greek churches, from which what is to be said hereafter may be better understood. I will therefore follow the whole order of the Greek liturgy according to the account of La Croix and Stephan Gerlach, who was present at the sacred rites of the Greeks not once, and who diligently recorded in his itinerary what he saw and heard. There will henceforth be room for discussion.

Regular churches are divided into three parts, called *narthex* (the vestibule or fore-nave), *naos* (the nave), and *bema* (the sanctuary). The vestibule serves at present for baptizing children and exposing the bodies of laymen during funerals. It serves also for the congregation of the faithful who do not enter into the *naos* before the arrival of the patriarch or priest and the emperor, or of the principal man in any given communion. The nave serves to receive the faithful, who assemble to sing the praises of God and seat themselves according to their rank without confusion. The ministers of the church and distinguished persons occupy the part most advanced near the sanctuary, which is surrounded by stalls, as in our choirs, and is not separated from the rest where the people are ranged. The sanctuary is at the back of the church, separated from the nave by a large painted entablature with paintings of Jesus Christ, the Virgin, and the Patron Saint. One enters the sanctuary through three doors, two small ones and one large one named by excellence *pylē hagia kai basilikē* (the holy and royal door). [I truly believe that it is so named in the new manner; but in the time of our Constantine, that door was only called "the holy doors," and what was called "the royal" was the door through which one entered the *naos* from the Narthex.]

There are three enclosures in the interior of the sanctuary destined for different uses; that in the middle, which is of a single stone marked with a cross, is called the sacred, divine, and mystical table, because of the mystery, and is adorned only by a cross and the book of the Gospels. The altar to the right is intended to receive the gifts of the faithful and to deposit the elements of the sacrifice. That to the left serves for placing the vestments and sacred vessels, and the deacons, subdeacons, and minor officers station themselves there during the sacrifice to light the candles and heat the water for the chalice. In patriarchal and metropolitan churches, there is at the back of the sanctuary a throne next to the great altar for the patriarch or metropolitan during the celebration, which is named *hagion synthronon* (the holy throne), to distinguish it from the ordinary chair ^D which they occupy among their clergy during the rest of the office.

Women do not mingle with men; they withdraw to the galleries around the church or to a tribune closed with lattices, where they are not seen, to prevent the distraction, scandal, and bad practices which frequently occur in our churches, and which are not encountered among the Greeks, who are very attentive to the office, which is sung almost entirely in common Greek. It is not permitted for laymen to enter the sanctuary, the door of which opens three times on solemn feast days: the first before the consecration, and it closes at the same time; the second at the Communion; and the third at the beginning of vespers; and on ordinary days it is opened only twice for the sacrifice. One lights during the office a quantity of candles and lamps in the interior and before the three doors of the sanctuary, but one places none on the altars.

After these things, which contain the parts of the Greek churches and some order of the liturgy, I judge it necessary to append the entire chapter of the same booklet which deals with the manner in which the feast of Easter is celebrated in Wallachia and Moldavia. It illustrates this location of ours quite excellently.

The feast of Easter is celebrated much more solemnly in Wallachia and Moldavia, where there are only Greeks, than in all other places, because of the liberty. The prince and the *domna* princess go in ceremonial dress, followed by a very elegant court, three hours before daybreak to the Church, in the courtyard of which there are two thrones, one for him and his spouse, and the other for the metropolitan, who receives them in pontifical habit followed by his clergy. The officers of the prince's court are behind him, namely, the principal lords and the nobility to the right, and the officers of justice and the corps of merchants to his left; and the militia makes an enclosure to prevent the people, who come in a crowd to see the ceremony, from incommoding those present. There is in the middle of this square an altar upon which the Mass is celebrated; and after the Gospel, the prince and the metropolitan depart at the same time from their thrones and meet at the altar, where they salute one another face to face, give each other to kiss mutually a small cross adorned with precious stones that they hold in their hand, saying *Christos anesti*, and return to their places. Afterwards all those present, regular and secular, go in their order to kiss the hand of the metropolitan and of the princess to the sound of drums, trumpets, timbales, and hautboys, at the noise of multiple discharges of cannons and musket fire, and of the acclamations of the people, who make the air resound with these words of the Resurrection, while embracing one another.

This ceremony is followed by a public feast of the prince in his palace for the principals of the clergy and nobility; the clergy are served fish, like the *caloyers* (monks), and all sorts of meats for the others. There are three tables: a small one on a dais under a canopy for the prince, who eats alone, and two very long ones to the right and left of that one, one for the metropolitan and the clergy and the other for the officers of the nobility and the nobles. The metropolitan performs the blessing of the table; during the meal the prince sends plates loaded with the best dishes to those he wishes to favor, and drinks the health of the *domna* to the rim, on his knees and bareheaded. This same meal is repeated two other times in the course of the year, at the feasts of Christmas and Epiphany; but that of Easter is accompanied by gifts of vestments, which are distributed to the clergy and the nobility, namely three [types]: of velvet, satin, and cloth.

^A to the metropolitan, and to the eight principal nobles, and two of satin and cloth to each of the others, with which they withdraw full of the liberalities of their prince, who returns to his palace to amuse himself with the princess, his family, and his principal officers, whom he regales with garments of gold brocade.

^B Addenda, at length, excepting certain things from chapter 19 of the same, because the Liturgy explains that order itself somewhat more fully. The celebrant and the deacon publicly wash their hands to prepare for the reception of the loaves of proposition which the people present, and to make it known to him with what purity of soul and body one must celebrate the sacrifice and assist at it. Then, having approached the altar of proposition, the celebrant takes the bread destined for the sacrifice, separates the square portion and marks it with the paten, and blesses the rest, which is distributed to the people at the end of the Mass. After this prayer, a procession is made around the nave to the sound of bells, with incense; they exit by the small door of the sanctuary and re-enter by the large one, and the deacon carries the book of the Gospels between his two hands, held high to show it to the people, and he rests it in the middle of the great altar. A hymn of adoration is sung, which ends with these words: ἅγιος ὁ Θεός, Holy God, ἅγιος ἰσχυρός, Holy Mighty, ἅγιος ἀθάνατος ἐλέησον ἡμᾶς, Holy Immortal, have mercy on us, along with the Gloria Patri, and then the Epistle and the Gospel of the day. The Gospel being finished, the presentation loaves are removed from the altar of proposition, and a second procession of the species is made; the acolytes carry the cross, the candlesticks, the bells, and the censer, followed by the sub-deacon who holds the paten high, by the deacon carrying a box where the bread of the sacrifice is enclosed, covered by a veil, raised and supported upon his brow, and the celebrant walks last, having the covered chalice between his hands. This ceremony is performed with as much modesty as devotion and with very slow steps, to give time to the cantors to recite the Gloria in excelsis, and to the people, prostrated on the ground, to kiss the ends of the officiant’s stole, saying the words of the good thief: "Lord, remember us in your kingdom," which the celebrant and his assistants repeat from time to time in a low voice, and the procession re-enters through the holy door, which closes at that instant, and the chalice and the species are placed in the middle of the altar. Several hymns, canticles, antiphons, verses, and responses are sung, and a quantity of genuflections, adorations, benedictions, and incensings are performed according to the Greek ritual, after which the celebrant offers his sacrifice with these words. All these ceremonies of the consecration are performed behind closed doors within the sanctuary, to which the people join their intention, and assist with the eyes of faith at this secret mystery, during which the Creed and canticles are sung. The consecration is followed by the elevation to the sound of bells, to warn the people to redouble their attention and their devotion, and by the breaking of the bread into four parts, just as it is divided; of which he mixes one into the chalice, communicates from another, and keeps the other two to communicate the assistants. The celebrant having communicated, the deacon opens the holy door and invites the people to communion, saying: "Approach with the fear of God, with faith and with charity," and he communicates them under both species, taking from the chalice with a small spoon a part of the body of Jesus Christ and a little of the blood mixed together; but the ecclesiastics receive the species separately. Communion is followed by the distribution of the blessed bread by another deacon; the Greeks do not eat it ^C on the spot, and they keep it in clean purses, which they hang around their necks when they travel, to use it, and to eat it when they are attacked by mortal illnesses in places devoid of a church and priests to administer the Viaticum, pretending that the blessed bread strengthens them against the temptations of the demon and helps them to die well in the absence of the Viaticum.

So that this location of Gerlach may be compared with these things and with our ceremonial, I will place here, translated into Latin, what is read in his German itinerary, p. 62 ff.: "On September 19, A.D. 1574, we entered the Greek church in the suburb of Galata, called Hodegetria by the Greeks, where we observed their whole liturgy. The Chaplain stood before the choir with his back turned to the people, reciting prayers, to which the people frequently clamored *Kyrie eleison*. After the prayers the priest began to sing together with three others and one monk, to whom the canonarch responded with the boys singing, as if [they were] another choir. There were therefore two choirs, as it were, the priest’s within the choir, and the canonarch’s outside it, alternating with one another. After that, a boy read a text from the Apostle’s Epistle to the Corinthians. Which having been done, all the priests in priestly garb proceeded outside the choir [that is, the tribunal], one of whom carried the codex of the New Testament [or rather, of the Gospels] adorned, and placed it upon the ambo, situated in the middle of the church and adorned with a wooden cross. ^D They then returned to the choir, in whose wainscoting, or wooden screen, on that side which looks toward the nave, a painted image of Christ is visible, with the inscription *Pantokrator*, before which they bowed themselves. Having returned to the choir, the priests alone sang within it. They continued those canticles, interrupted by the reading of the Gospel, and various rites of their liturgy having been performed, they opened the choir again, swung the thurible three or four times, and they all proceeded in this order: First went out two boys with burning candles, then two others with staves bound with laurel. The priest received them, carrying the bread covered with a shroud over his head. Two priests followed, each carrying a chalice, not as if there were need for so many, but for the sake of spectacle and pomp. Two boys flanked their sides, each with staves bound with laurel, the tops of which bore a cross, shining like a mirror. After they had returned from this procession into the choir, they closed it so that no one could see what was being done inside; and the senior of the priests shouted in a clear voice: *Labetē, phagete, outos estin artos, touto estin aima* (Take, eat, this is [my] body; this is [my] blood). Separate from then on they themselves communicated within the choir; then the chalice was shown to the people, who followed it with the highest veneration, and as it were adored it. Finally, they performed prayers for the Patriarch of Constantinople, the Alexandrian, the Hierosolomitan, the Antiochene, and for all the remaining bishops. All prayers, canticles, and communion having been finished, a certain monk, an envoy of the Patriarch of Antioch, read an epistle in which he asked that charity might be given to him. Lastly, the whole assembly, one after another, proceeded toward the choir, where each one took a piece of bread, called *agape*, which having obtained, they approached as if in a procession and venerated with an inclination of the body and kissed the images." With other things inserted, the same Gerlach continues in this manner: "When the ministers of the church enter the choir, they incline themselves toward the wooden cross placed on the ambo in the middle of the church, then with their face turned to the image of Christ they sign themselves with the sign of the cross. All who gather in the church do the same; then each sits in his own place, awaiting certain voices in the prayers and canticles, at the hearing of which they incline themselves and sign themselves with the cross, saying: *Kyrie eleison*, or: *Sophia Patros*. With these things premised, many things will be more explicit for us hereafter.

The lords enter before the patriarch, and first of all they venerate the holy Gospel ^A borne by the archdeacon, and then in this manner they greet the patriarch, and they kiss him, and they depart as far as the imperial gates, and there, through the triple veneration with wax candles, they offer thanks to God, and when the prayer has been performed by the patriarch, the entrance takes place. The scepters and all the aforementioned vessels enter, and they stand in the church on the right and on the left in their own places. Indeed, the Roman veils and all the cohorts mentioned above enter, and they are present in the church on the right and left sides in their proper places. But the Roman veils and the cohorts stand on both sides in the holy solea, and the cross of Constantine stands on the right side of the bema. The masters, proconsuls, and other senators and imperial ministers stand in the right part of the church, and the rest stand in their places, and having arrived at the imperial gates, there also, with knee bent three times and with wax candles lit, they adore God, and when the supplication has been carried out by the patriarch, the entrance takes place. But the troops of soldiers and all the cohorts mentioned above enter, and they are present in the church on the right and left side in their proper places. Moreover, the Roman veils and cohorts stand on both sides in the holy solea, and the cross of Constantine stands in the right part of the bema. The masters, proconsuls, and other senators and the emperor's ministers stand in the right side of the church…

exits and calls the Patriarch. The Patriarch, leaning on the hand of the praepositus, enters the Chrysotriklinos, and the Emperor receives him in the middle of the same triclinos. And having venerated one another and embraced, both the Emperor and the Patriarch sit together in the same triclinos. When the hour arrives for the distribution of the *agape*, those of the *kouboukleion* enter by command. And the lords of the *kouboukleion* stand here and there by the golden table, near the golden vessels, while the *spatharokoubouklearioi* and *koubouklearioi* stand behind those standing in the Chrysotriklinos, here and there, so that ^A there might be space for the priests who are to enter for the *agape*. And the Emperor sits on a golden stool in front of the Pentapyrgion, and the Patriarch likewise himself sits on a stool to the left of the Emperor ^B, though not at the same height; and the eunuch *protospatharioi* stand behind the Emperor according to their rank. And the praepositus, having received a signal from the Emperor, nods to the *ostiarios*, and he exits… ^{C D}

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(16) That they may be able to be contained, and that they may have a space sufficiently spacious and capable for the priests who will come to the *Agape*. See pp. 143 and 150. Procopius ed. Hoeschel. p. 173, between Justinian and Theodatus, King of the Goths in Italy, narrates these things to have been agreed: That the Roman people, cheering, should always proclaim the Emperor first, then Theodatus in the theaters and hippodromes — and that a bronze image of Theodatus alone should never be set up, but that it should always be made for both, and that it should be set up thus: on the right, that of the Emperor, and on the other side, that of Theodatus. (17) He was sitting on a lower chair, as Luitprand says, p. 47, speaking of the sons of Romanus the Younger, at the left on the same line, but far down below, more humbly, of his [Nicephorus Phocas] former master, now a subject. Hence he relates among the rare and praiseworthy deeds of John Comnenus, that while the empire was still gathering and being born, he took his brother Isaac as an equal partner in his chair and at his table, and shared the acclamation with him; by which words he sufficiently indicates that in the process of time and with the empire established, it happened otherwise. (18) Notable is the passage of Nicephorus Gregoras, who at the end of Book XI, praising Andronicus, demonstrates his humanity from the fact that, although the pavement of the imperial *triclinia* was constructed in such a way that the extreme edges of each chamber, facing one another, were a third of a *spithame* higher than the remaining middle level, especially there where the imperial throne stood, so that in that matter also the majesty might possess something extraordinary standing above the rest, whether in the chanting of sacred hymns or in speaking with subjects or with foreign legates, and that it was permitted to no one to ascend to that station and stand on an equal footing with the Emperor, except for his wife and children and siblings, and perhaps also the Emperor's paternal uncles, yet Andronicus himself permitted the noble youth, and others even of lower rank, to ascend there and stand by him; whereby it happened that he was often forced to cede his place by the pressing crowd. His words are these: It is evident to all that the extremities of the level from diameter to diameter of the imperial *triclinia* both rise above the middle level to the extent of a third of a *spithame*, and especially where the imperial throne stands, so that perhaps the Emperor, standing there, might have something more than the rest, whether in sacred hymns, or when he conversed, now with subjects, now with ambassadors of the nations. It was, indeed, permitted to no one at all on that station to stand with the Emperor, except for his spouse and sons and brothers, to which I would add his paternal uncles. But while he was standing and speaking from there to those whom it was necessary, they used to come up and stand there—not just all the youth of the nobles, but also those of commoner status and those holding the rank of servant, to whom it was a wish, etc. Cinnamus, lib. v, p. 120 init.: regarding the arrival of Kilij Arslan, Sultan of Iconium, into the Royal City, he narrates: When Kılıç Arslan had come into the midst, he was completely astounded. And when the Emperor encouraged him to sit, at first he most strongly refused; but as he saw the Emperor insisting, he sat thereafter on a certain low stool, and by no means on a raised chair. The King of France himself, Louis VII, when he was passing through Constantinople on his expedition to Palestine and was visiting Manuel Comnenus, was ordered to sit on a lower stool. The same Cinnamus describes the ceremony of his reception in lib. ii: Entering, therefore, the men who belonged to him, as many as by lineage and fortune were near the Emperor, and as many as were then managing the haughty offices, escorted him into the palace magnificently and according to the customary honors. And when he was already inside the palace, where the Emperor sat on a raised seat, a low chair was brought for him, which men call in Roman *sellion*, upon which having sat, and having said what was customary and heard [the response], he was then departing to the suburb before the enclosure, etc. French writers indeed deny this fact, and accuse the Greeks of arrogance. Nevertheless, it is highly probable that Cinnamus has handed down here the truth. For otherwise, the Emperor would not have admitted Louis, a lesser king than the Emperor Conrad.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(33) Concerning the *solea*, Leo Allatius published a complete treatise on the *solea* of the ancient church in the first volume of his *Symmicta*. Consult also Du Cange, s.v. *solea*, and in the Latin Glossary at that word, and also Paulus Silentiarius, pp. 584 sqq. [Thomas Smith, p. 47, *De Ecclesia Græca*. *Solea* is the same as the *peribolum*, says Moleon, p. 206.] *La Nef*, says La Croix (*De l'Eglise Grecque*, p. 22), serves to receive the faithful; the ministers and the most distinguished persons occupy the part most advanced toward the sanctuary, which is surrounded by stalls, as in our choirs, and is not separated from the rest where the people range themselves. But formerly, the *solea* was entirely separated from the nave by lattices or a wall raised to the height of the breast; whence it also derives its name. For *solear* and *soleas* (like *honor* and *honos*, *arbor* and *arbos*) signify a *dryphakton* (a wooden fence) and the space intercepted by such a fence. The ancient glossaries have *solear*, *dryphakton*, not *dippax*, as is edited. Codinus in *Origines CPtanae* where he speaks of the Hippodrome: "With the breastworks (*stetheion*) or enclosures (*systremmaton*), and the steps and the *soleon*." Where *stetheion* and *systremma* and *solea* are a fence or enclosure. The *solear* was placed between the ambo and the tribunal, and was properly the station of the clergy and those who pertained to the clergy, such as the chanters and lectors; yet the emperor had the right of entering the *solea* and residing there, if he wished, in the quality of lector and subdeacon, which right we shall presently demonstrate he enjoyed. The clergy possessed a double throne: one, the "upper throne" or *synthronon*, situated at the summit of the bema, near the altar; the other, outside the tribunal, in this same *solea*. The *solea* was, therefore, the space between the ambo and the lattices of the bema, such that it touched neither the one nor the other, but was free on all sides, enclosed on the eastern and western sides by either wooden lattices or a wall, or by a pavement of cement or marble, and on the northern and southern sides having benches laid out, on which the clergy—when they had nothing to do inside the tribunal—as well as the lectors, chanters, and the emperor, used to sit. This enclosure had an entrance on the western side and another on the eastern, as is evident from the places in our and others' works where the emperor and others are said to enter the *solea*. That this was the seat of the clergy is made probable by the formula "the upper throne," which looks to another that was necessarily "lower," and since the superior one was inside the tribunal, the other necessarily was outside it; and canon 18 of the Fourth Council of Toledo: "the priest and Levite [that is, the presbyter and deacon] shall communicate before the altar, the clergy in the choir [that is, in the *solea*, the subdeacons and the rest of the lower orders, such as lectors, chanters, exorcists, etc.], and the people outside the choir." Also, the present custom of the Greeks makes this probable, for their clergy have a station or seat assigned to them outside the tribunal along with the more honorable persons; and finally, the custom of the Latin church, which no reason suggests has deviated from the Greeks in this matter, and no author holds otherwise. A notable passage is that of Durandus and another from the Chronicle of Casinum, from which you may understand the structure of Latin churches to be congruent with the Greek. *Triplex veli genus* ("A triple kind of veil"), says Durandus, *Rationale divinorum officiorum*, lib. I, c. 3, p. 17, "is suspended in the church, namely, that which reveals the sacred, that which divides the sanctuary from the clergy, and that which separates the clergy from the people." Having set forth the first two, he adds the third, saying it had its origin because in the primitive Church the *peribolum*, that is, the wall which circles the choir, was not raised except to the height of a breast-rest [the *appodiatio*]; which is still observed in some churches. This was done so that the people, seeing the clergy chanting, might take good example from them. Nevertheless, at this time, a veil or wall is almost universally suspended or interposed between the clergy and the people, so that they cannot see one another, as if it were said by the very act: "Turn away thy eyes, lest they see vanity." Those who have read the witty poem of Boileau, *Le Lutrin*, will understand this passage. We learn from this that this bema of the lectors (for so it is called by Symeon of Thessalonica) was separated from the station of the people either by a suspended veil or by an interposed wall for leaning, that is, *mechri tou epakoumbizein*, so that one could conveniently lean against it; that is, support oneself on it, rest one's arms on it. See Du Cange, s.v. *Podium*. The passage from the Chronicle of Casinum cited by us a little earlier is this, lib. III, 29, p. 447: "He enclosed the front of the choir, which he placed almost in the middle of the basilica, with four large marble slabs." Therefore, the *solea* was closed on all sides. Angelus a Nuce notes on that passage that the author refers to the ancient structure, now obsolete. For according to more recent architecture, the choir was constructed behind the main altar, where the apse or tribunal once was. Yet in the cathedral basilica of Monreale in Sicily, one may still see, among other things of the ancient institution, the *jodeum* or choir in the old form, almost in the middle of the church. That the emperor had a station in the *solea* already obtained from the times of Ambrose and Theodosius the Great. For whereas it had once been permitted to emperors to enter the tribunal, Ambrose excluded Theodosius by the lattices of the sanctuary, and "ordered that the place for the king in the church be set before the lattices of the sanctuary, so that the occupant of the government might hold the preeminence of the people, and the priests might preside over him." The *solea* was therefore the same as the *senatorium* or the place of the princes, as it is in the *Ordo Romanus*. See Du Cange on Paulus Silentiarius, p. 560. Yet no one of the magnates sat or stood in the *solea* except the emperor, as is evident from the words of our author on this page, 9: "The masters and proconsuls stand in the right part of the church."

(34) *Bema* is any place raised by a step, from *bema*, "a step, to ascend." It is that part of the church raised by some steps higher than the area of the church; we today call it the "choir" (which in the Middle Ages signified another term), the Italians call it the *tribuna*, and the Greeks also called it *kypton* or *hierateion*; because in it they were accustomed to *hierateuein*—that is, to perform the sacred rites and to offer the bloodless sacrifice to God; whence also the Latins call it the *sacrificatorium*. In the Latin Middle Ages, it is also called the *presbyterium*, or the station and mansion of the presbyters, and the *capitium*. See Du Cange's Glossary on all these words, and *Constantinopolis Christiana*, and the notes on the Ecphrasis of Paulus. Otherwise, *parea* are the smaller chapels in the Great Churches dedicated within the major bema to patrons different from the patron of the church. See p. 70, item 71, and elsewhere.

the *cucumaria* (from which the cubicularii take a drink during the meal), they drink once. For in this order do the *cucumaria* enter via the cubicularii, when the emperor is dining with the patriarch. And then, as has been mentioned, the official in charge of the table enters and stands at the threshold ^A of the silver doors. Then the emperor nods to the praepositus, and he to the one in charge of the table. When the one in charge of the table has touched the curtain with his hand, the silentiarii lift it from above, and the friends enter; for throughout the week, at every entrance and exit of the same curtain, it is carried by two silentiarii. Once the friends have entered, they sit at the honored golden table of the emperor, and likewise at the side-tables, and likewise in the entrances and exits of the guest-chambers for the tables and other needs. And at the entry of each individual table to the dining hall, the emperor asks the patriarch to bless it. The patriarch is invited-to bless each metropolitan table by table, according to their own precedence, and he blesses them. And when the entire order of the table is completed, they rise, and having prayed for the emperor, they go out, and the emperor remains with only the patriarch at the table. Having drunk once more, they rise, and immediately the emperor is clothed with his *sagion*. The priests, having been summoned, also enter, and the patriarch, having been clothed with his *omophorion* in the aforementioned chamber by the priests, goes out. And they perform the stichos; and after the stichos, the patriarch gives blessings to the emperor, and the priests go out. And having venerated one another, both the emperor and the patriarch, and having exchanged the kiss of peace, the emperor enters his bedchamber, while the patriarch is received by the officials of the bedchamber and the cubicularii, and they escort him as far as the gate of the *spatharikion*. ^B

CHAPTER XV. Observations for the vigil of the week of Renewal.

All, having put on white tunics as has been mentioned, assemble in the palace, and once it has been opened, the procession enters the new triclinium, which is called the Justinianic. And when the hour arrives, the guest-list is set out, and then the tables are arranged. And those friends who have been called stay, while all the others go away to their homes. The emperor, having gone out, sits at the golden table in the Chrysotriclinium with those friends whom he has ordered to be called, and when the entire order of the table has been completed, they rise and go away, each to his own home. It must be known also that this same order continues on the following day, that is to say, the Saturday of the same week. ^C

and the remaining senators, along with the imperial attendants, also stand in the right part of the church in their own places, where the Lords also pass.

X. And when the Lords arrive at the holy doors ^A (35) at the purple [omphalion] (36), the patriarch alone enters inside the cancelli, holding the [eunymon] (37)—that is, the left—holy door. And having offered thanks to God through the triple proskynesis with the candles (38), the Lords enter. ^B

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(35) *Alias quoque* Bēlo-thura. Thus it must be read, for the term is everywhere about those doors through which one enters into the sanctuary. For it is written *bēlo-thyra* everywhere erroneously. This is not without some appearance of reason, for veils were also spread across these holy doors, and the Greeks call doors over which veils are spread *bēlo-thyra*. For the sake of distinction, however, I think that where the holy doors are being discussed, it must always be read *bēmo-thyra*. Examples of both terms may be found in Du Cange under *Bēlo-thyron* and *Bēmo-thyron*.

(36) They used to have, in churches and tribunals, large round stones placed at intervals, on which they would perform scheduled solemn stations or actions. The Latins called these *rotae* and *bilici* (a corruption of the word *umbilicus*), both terms referring to their roundness; the Greeks called them *omphalia*, from which the tribunals themselves, in which such marble wheels lay, were called *rotas*. The judgment at Rome called the *Rota* is famous and known to everyone; see Du Cange under *Rota* and *Billicus*. Agnellus, *Pontif.*, p. 68 D: "Some say that Galla Placidia Augusta herself ordered that lamps be placed upon four red marble wheels, which are before the aforementioned royal [stations]." They also called these stones *circuli*. It is useful here to transcribe the words of Josephus Catalanus from his notes to the *Cæremoniale* of Augustinus Patricius, tit. II, § 11, regarding these matters: "Progress up to the second porphyry circle. This porphyry circle is a large, circular, marble stone placed in the pavement of the Vatican Basilica, and it once designated the place where certain functions were performed by the pontiff. This porphyry circle was also called the porphyry wheel in this same *Cæremoniale* of ours, and long before that by Cencius Camerarius in *Ordo Romanus* XII, cap. 39, n. 64. Such porphyry stones exist today not only in the Vatican Basilica itself, but also in other churches of ours, concerning which the learned Turrigius may be seen among others in his *De cryptis Vaticanis*, cap. 8." Thus far Catalanus. Furthermore, they had other square stones in churches and tribunals, on which one had to stand—called *pinax*, *fines*—because they were limits beyond which it was not permitted to proceed. Of these I have already mentioned above. There were also others called *potamoi*, or "rivers," either from the natural undulating course of the veins or from incisions made by art—channels proceeding not in straight lines but with a waving motion. ^C And just as previously the emperor, about to worship the sovereign or the sanctuary of the tribunal, had to prostrate himself three times—namely, once at each *umbilicus* disposed at certain intervals: so, subsequently, those approaching the holy places had to worship *kata potamon* ("along the river"), prostrating once at each "river," that is, three times in total (for there were three "rivers" in the tribunal). See Habert’s *Pontificale*, p. 27, c. 7, where "to worship along the river" is not correctly rendered. Confer p. 2 B of the same *Pontificale*.

(37) Three sanctuary doors exist in the temples of the Greeks. The middle one, which is absolutely called the "doors" or "royal doors," and two smaller ones on either side of it. Images are seen erected between those doors: one of Christ, beside which—contrary to our custom—is on the right hand of those entering; another of the Blessed Virgin occurring on the left. The patriarch, approaching them more closely, [proskynei], worships—not with that adoration with which one is only kissed, but with a sign of lesser reverence, which is indicated more than once in this business by the word [proskynēsis]—that is, by a nod only, an inclination, and a most reverent salutation. Habert, *Pontif.*, p. 62.

(38) The emperors once had the faculty of sitting and remaining in the tribunal for the whole liturgy. But after the wranglings of Ambrose and Theodosius, they were excluded, so that the laity, the emperors (see below to lib. II, cap. 26, and Du Cange to Zonaras, p. 104), and the veils of the tribunal were drawn by the clergy, who wished to act without an arbiter and to distribute the offerings of the faithful to the whole assembly in such a way as to do injury to him who would say that they had kept the worst part for themselves. Therefore, only on festival days were they given permission to enter the tribunal for the sake of offering gifts and laying aside their holy vestments, ^D as is evident from many places in our codex: and from the decree of Theodosius the Younger and Valentinian after the Council of Ephesus: "We approach the holy altars only for the sake of offering gifts, and when we have entered the area enclosed by the sacred adyta, we withdraw immediately, so that we may not arrogate to ourselves anything from the proximity of the divinity." Words worthy of Theodosius the Younger. And although the Greek priests in truth sold that permission for ten, and sometimes for a hundred, gold coins and other gifts, which the emperor had to offer repeatedly, so that they might not seem to violate their own law about not admitting a layman inside the holy cancelli, they granted the emperor (and all those laymen who were defenders of any church, as all emperors were born) the character of Lector or Subdeacon, and thus the right to enter the tribunal. That opinion certainly prevailed in the Latin Church; that the Greek Church thought the same, although no author explicitly says so in clear words, is gathered, however, by not obscure indications. It is confessed that the Russians received their institutions, both sacred and profane, from the Greeks. Since, therefore, the Emperor of Russia is even today accustomed to intone the hymn himself and read the epistle on the feast of the New Year according to the old custom, that is, for that while acting as Canonarch and Lector (see *Verändert Russlandt*, p. 59), and Byzantine writers record that certain emperors, such as Leo the Armenian and Theophilus, intoned hymns with their own mouth in public gatherings: it is credible that the Greek clergy were also able to bring it about by their arts that the people and the emperors themselves believed, being persuaded, that they were granting them a great thing if they allowed them for a short time, and not for free, to play the role of Canonarch or Lector, or even of a Subdeacon. For the reading of the Apostle belonged to the Subdeacons. It is evident that in the Latin Church emperors held the rank of Subdeacon, as seen in Du Cange under *Evangelium*, and Durand, p. 56; *Ord. Rom.*, p. 398, 400; Sigonius *De regno Italiæ*, p. 176 and 177, ed. Wechel. Furthermore, it was the duty of the Deacons to spread the cloth or corporal on the altar, to offer incense, and to drive away flies with a fan. These very things the Constantinopolitan emperors are also read to have done in various places of our codex in solemn processions to one church or another. Elmacinus also relates, page 180, that Patriarch Nicholas of Constantinople wished to intervene in the second marriage of Leo, called the Wise, after the death of St. Theophano, for the reason that he was a deacon, and had threatened exclusion from entry [into the tribunal].

^A into the holy doors, and having arrived at the holy table, they kiss the "tablion" (40) of the holy covering, that is to say, the one held by the patriarch and presented to the sovereigns for the purpose of kissing, and thereafter they spread the two white veils (41) upon the holy table according to custom, and they worship through the hand of the patriarch ^B wishing to intervene in the second marriage of Leo, called the Wise, after the death of St. Theophano, for the reason that he was a deacon, and had threatened exclusion from entry into the sanctuary. For the deacon, Eutychius Patricides placed a reader, telling the same story, without much difference. For even deacons used to read in the church, but the evangelist, as subdeacons read the Apostle. The learned Leiche desires that this charming fable be told to us by these Christian Arabs. I, for my part, would not wish to call it a story based on any foundation. It is clear, at least from it, that the Melkites were of the same opinion as the African Church, that the emperor, by the force of his imperial dignity, was born, as they say, either a deacon or a reader. I seem to myself to find a trace of this opinion of the African church also in Papias in the word *Lictor*. "Lictors," he says, "are the defenders of the church." These are laymen, and in the choir among the clerics at the mass they read the Apostle, or, because they perform the duties of subdeacons, they do this. Africa or [that is to say, "and"] other regions have them. Therefore, so does the Greek, and so does the Latin Church. Him whom Papias here calls a lictor, when the Greeks have retained the Latin words *deputatum* and *defensorum* [they say *depoutaton* and *defensoma*]. It was once the custom for the emperor, as one born as the defender of the Church, to appoint someone in his own name and in his own stead to act regarding his service in the Church—that is to say, a "mittero," who would proceed before the patriarch, check the clergy ^C with a staff, and introduce the clergy with the holy items into the tribunal. Whence it happened that those who do the same things are today called by the Greeks "deputati." Compare Saxius to the History of Landulf the Younger, Milan, p. 489, ed. Muratori. Symeon of Thessalonica says in very clear words that to the emperor, by the title of *deputatus* and defender of the Church, the right had accrued of entering into the tribunal and receiving the holy bread there from the hand of the patriarch and drinking the life-giving blood from the chalice. "And this was deemed lawful from of old, and he held this honor on account of the anointing of the kingdom, as having also taken the place of a *deputatus* of the Church, and having been called its defender."

(39) Namely, he worships the cloth held by the patriarch with a kiss, or by pressing it with his lips, or by moving his hand to his mouth and waving it, or at least by an inclination of the body and head. The emperor used to do this toward the doors of the tribunal, just as others did toward the entrance of the "pronaos" or atrium of the church, as testified by Chrysostom, homil. 30 on the 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians: "The porches of the church are the porches of Christ; therefore we kiss the porches of the temple, and the entrance, kissing one another. Or do you not see how many kiss the porches of this temple, some bowing down, others holding it with their hand, and bringing their hand to their mouth?" These are remnants of paganism.

(40) It was not permitted to other laymen to kiss the altar covering; which, later, was not permitted even to the subdeacons themselves. Deacons used to kiss only the horns or corners of it, priests and the higher clergy the middle. Therefore, to the emperor, as being reputed to be a deacon, there was granted, as a great thing, the faculty of kissing the sacred "endyta," yet not with his own hands, but by having it lifted and moved by the holy hands of the patriarch. Our ceremonial says the altar covering is worshipped by the emperor "in the tablion." Where, therefore, was the "tablion" placed on the covering? Either in the middle, or the "tablion" was stretched out like a long and wide band through the middle of the covering, or finally it was embroidered in all four corners in such a way that all four joined together formed one complete "tablion," but the separate corners held only a quadrant of the "tablion."

The "endyta" is the cloth spread upon the altar: Agnellus calls it the "theca" over the altar, p. 108, and the Greek word itself is retained, "endothim," in many places, as on p. 103, which passage is memorable and deserves to be transcribed in full. "He made an 'endothim' over the holy church of pure gold with silk threads, too heavy, having a middle coccus [red spot], and between the five images we see his own [image] there, and carved underneath are the feet of the Savior, and the 'grafia' [that is, the writing] context is purple: Victor, bishop, etc." Bacchinius leaves in the middle regarding that passage what "middle coccus" means. It seems to me to be "mesokokkon," which has a crimson cloth in the middle, having a golden border on all sides, like "porphyroporos," "mesoleukos," and suchlike. I will speak of the annual changing of the veils, or that done on great feast days, in another place.

(41) *Aër* is the "corporale," or white linen shroud by which the sacrifice is covered for consecration. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* under the word. From this, the passage of Paul the Silentiary receives light, where he recounts various kinds of marble: "One to look upon of a rose color, mixed with white air [aër], another at once gleaming with purple and silver." One kind, which brings back the rose color to the view, with broad white spots scattered here and there similar to that shroud which is called "aër": another kind, however, delicate and gleaming with purple and white flowerets. Our ceremonial recalls the "white aëres." For they were several, and indeed in number three shrouds, which were used to cover the sacrifice, all of which "our" author calls "aëres": for the name *aër* is common to every thin and transparent shroud, such as the Latins call "nebulæ," whence the Greeks have interchangeably called them "nephelas" and "aëras," holdng these words as equivalent. In species, however, the "aër" and "nephela" is wont to be called the outermost shroud, which covered the chalice and the disk and their own proper covering. It would be tedious to transcribe the things the Greeks dream up regarding the mystical significance of these wrappings, and they can be read in Du Cange, s.v. *Diskokalouma*. That custom, whereby the emperor, coming into the church in a solemn procession, had to offer gifts, flowed from that ancient custom of the Church, whereby the faithful coming into the church were wont to offer and place in common signifiers / symbols for the celebration of the agape, such as those which the old pagans also used to conduct in temples. In place of these symbols, it happened subsequently that the emperor would offer other gifts of use to the church, such as candles, coins, "endytas," corporals, golden disks, golden cups, and would deposit them on the altar before the consecration of the holy gifts. Therefore, entry into the tribunal was granted to him, but it was not permitted to stay there; rather, he had to withdraw into his "metatorium." Synod. Trullan. cap. 6: "Let it not be permitted to any at all of those who live as laymen, to enter inside the holy sanctuary; the imperial power and authority being in no way restrained by this, whenever he might wish to bring gifts to the Creator according to the most ancient tradition."

^A And so, through the right side of the same holy sanctuary, the masters enter with the patriarch into the *Cyclion* ^B, in which is established the gold-covered holy Crucifixion; and again there, according to custom, by the triple genuflexion with candles, they give thanks to God. The patriarch hands the censer to the great emperor, who censes the same holy Crucifixion; and, having kissed it, they bid the patriarch farewell and enter into the oratory which is before the *Metatorium* ^C, and there, by means of the triple [genuflexion] with candles...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS

(42) Sacred cloths of Christ, I think, were called *fasciae* and were of two kinds; children’s cloths, which lay in Hagia Sophia and are mentioned here, and funeral cloths, which lay at the Blachernae church of the Mother of God along with other relics, concerning which see Du Cange, *ad Alex.* p. 329, and *ad Cinnam.* p. 442. It was customary for the cloths of Christ to be carried about in processions to obtain rain. Cedren. p. 739.

(43) If we compare our text here with page 326, line 5, it is clear that what is said there in summary is explained more fully elsewhere... ^D Nam ibi ubi signum Christi stabat, erat oratorium sub Cyclio. Sed quid est Cyclium? Est idem, quod camara. Scilicet Tribuna, vel Bema, vel Apsis, vel Exedra (nam idem omnia ista valent), habebat tres conchas, vel cyclia, medium, sub quo altare, idque cæteris excelsius; et duo alia lateralia aliquanto humiliora, columnis, ut videtur, a majori cyclio distincta, per quæ lateralia cyclia intrari poterat in porticus Nai laterales, borealem et australem, adeoque in metatorium. Sub iisdem Cycliis et quidem sub sinistro, seu boreali, erat etiam diaconicum, seu scenophylacium, vel sacristia. V. Du Cange Gloss. Gr. v. *Διακονικόν*. Corrigi proinde velim meam interpretationem pag. 310, ubi cyclium verti cochleam. Sed alterum istud cyclium reponi debet; quemadmodum p. [166] habetur. Cyclii nomen dextræ camare laterali tribunæ proprium, non item sinistræ commune fuisse puto, ut conchæ nomen mediæ camaræ, sub qua ciborium stabat, proprium erat; v. Du Cange *CPli Chr.* III, c. 50, et *ad Silent.* p. 565, et p. 579, ubi de prothesi agit, quæ est concha sinistra, cum ara, in qua sacerdos et ministrantes ante Missam res sacrandas, panem, vinum et alia proponunt, ut in promptu habeant. Dextra concha Secretarium quoque et Paratorium appellabatur, quia ibi aut apparabantur liturgiæ faciendæ necessaria vasa et alia; aut quod sacerdotes ibi pararentur, id est induerent vestes pontificales, et quidem secreto, nemine vidente. Ait idem ibidem, metatorium, vel potius mutatorium, scenophylacium, paratorium et secretarium unum idemque fuisse. Vid. de metatorio paulo post.

(44) Non reperio in hoc codice ritum σταυροειδῶς incensandi, qui hodie Græcis usitatus est. De ritu incensandi imagines in altari constitutas v. *Ord. Roman.* p. 240. Duo canonici incensant magnum altare intra cancellos et extra. Moleon. p. 88. Memorat Noster, sed nunc non succurrit quo loco, incensati imperatoris: qui mos a gentilismo asservatus fuit. Veteres enim, si quem honorare vellent, inter alia quoque thuribulum fumans ipsi offerebant. In monumento Pergameno apud Chishull. p. 147, leguntur hæc: Ἔνδοξεν ἐπαινέσαι τε αὐτὸν καὶ στεφανῶσαι χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ, εἶναι δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ σίτησιν ἐν πρυτανείῳ, προσφέρει... De thuris in vet. Christianorum sacris usu dissertationem superiore anno in hac academia edidit M. Georg. Henric. Martini.

(45) In inferiore porticu meridionali [Sanctæ Sophiæ] exstitit ædicula vel aula, in qua imperator cum sacrorum librorum lectionem auditu exciperet, consistere solebat. Ait enim Silentiarius stare ad meridiem porticum marmoream septentrionali omnino similem, sed illam quiddam habere amplius, muro enim seclusum locum, ubi imperatores sacrorum librorum lectiones auditu excipiant. Sic enim ille part. 2. vs. 164: Tείχει γὰρ τινι χῶρον ἀποκριθέντα φυλάσσει Aὐσονίων βασιλῆς θεοστέπτοις ἐν ἑορταῖς. Ἐνθάδ' ἐμὸς σκηπτοῦχος ἐφήμενος ἠθάδι θώκῳ Μυστιπόλοις βίβλοισιν τὴν ἐπέτασσεν ἀκουήν. Verba sunt D. C. ad Silent. p. 55. Idem p. 580, hæc habet, ubi loquitur de concha: Quæ ad sinistram seu meridiem altaris est paratorium alias dictum, et Cyclium (vide paulo ante). Peracto sacrificio eo secedebant sacerdotes et diaconi, et sacrorum librorum lectioni operam dabant. Certe in ea conchula factas ejusmodi lectiones, docet satis superque Codinus *Off. C.* XV, n. 4, dum ait: Imperatorem in ædem Sophianam secedere, ibique M. Basilii precationes a patriarcha prælectas audire πλῇσιον τοῦ Διακονικοῦ, hoc est juxta conchulam, quæ Διακονικόν vocatur. Nam haud procul exstitisse sedem imperatoris, cum sacrorum librorum lectiones auditu excipiebat, supra probavimus ex Silentiario. Diaconicum igitur appellata hæc conchula, quod esset quodammodo appendix majoris diaconici seu secretarii, in quo Ecclesiastæ vestes et sacra ministeria asservabantur. Scenophylacium interdum vocatur. Metatorii denique appellationem habuit eadem conchula, quemadmodum majus diaconicum. Conf. p. 593 sqq., ubi diaconicum secretarium, sacristiam, et Metatorium idem fuisse probat multis. Forte mutatorium simpliciter sic dictum erat in Cyclio seu minore concha Apsidis et australi, atque id sacerdotibus proprium; aliud metatorium autem imperatori, aut et proceribus proprium supra Narthecem. Qua de re viderint alii. Debuit Metatorium duplicem aditum habuisse; unum orientalem, e Cyclio, per quem veniens e Tribuna imperator transmisso Cyclio intrabat; alterum occidentalem, per quem e Narthece et Nao veniens intrabat. Patet ex Cedreno in Leone Philosopho: Διὰ ταύτην οὖν τὴν αἰτίαν ὁ πατριάρχης εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰσέρχεσθαι ἐκώλυε τὸν βασιλέα. Ὅθεν διὰ τοῦ δεξιοῦ μέρους διήρχετο εἰς τὸ Μετατώριον, ἐκεῖσε παραμένῃ μετὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων αὐτοῦ καὶ πολλάκις ἐσθίῃ, devitata Tribuna, eaque non calcata. In Metatorio celebrata fuisse ab imp. convivia cum proceribus, e Codino patet qui metatorium a Justiniano excitatum scribit, ἵνα πολλάκις ἐσθίῃ. Vide quæ dicam ad Crama p. 11, et ad p. 40, ubi monstrabo tria fuisse in Ecclesia cubicula, usibus imperatoris dicata, contigua, et propterea sæpe inter se confusa: 1) triclinium, in quo imperator cum patriarcha et proceribus convivabatur, e quo euntes versus orientem intrabant in 2.

^A of worship, they give thanks to God, and kissing the venerable cross, in which all the symbols of the passion of our Lord and God 31 are contained, they are brought in and enter into the Metatorium. ^B XI. When the holy gifts 47 are about to be brought to the holy table, the præpositi enter and remind the masters, and put on them their chlamydes; and the masters, wearing their chlamydes, go out, and pass through the right side of the same church with the cubicularii and the senate, accompanied by the scepters and the rest of the vessels, and they proceed behind the ambo 49. For there the holy vessels stand waiting 50, and the masters' lamps stand there lit in this way. And so, when the masters have arrived there, the præpositi take the lamps and deliver them into the hands of the masters, and the masters follow the holy things with the lamps, along with the senate and the cubicularii. And the scepters and other vessels stand in their proper order, and the masters, proceeding through the solea, stand outside the holy doors, the first master on the right, and the second on the left, placing their lamps on the breast-pieces 51 of the holy doors. But the holy things [proceed to] the Great Entrance.

VARIOUS READINGS

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. IAC. REISKE

Metatorium, where the emperors used to spend time either for solitary meditation, or to listen to public teachings recited from the ambo, or to give ear to the reading of sacred books. From this, finally, proceeding further towards the east, one went into the 3 Coton, where it is probable the emperor was clothed or prepared, or even slept if he stayed in the church overnight. From this Coton there was an exit outside the church, and another also into the Cyclium, or the southern conch, under which was also a sacristy or diaconicum, behind which ran the Coton. By the name of Metatorium, sometimes also Coton, the whole connected system of imperial chambers was understood. Thus the Anonymous Combetisianus says that the beautiful Coton was built by Justinian in Hagia Sophia, so that he might sleep there, and that it was called Metatorium by him: ^C [It is] understood: in which image are contained all the significations of the passion of Christ, all things that denote the diverse kinds of the passions of Christ; they bring themselves in, namely the masters, that is, they proceed and enter. ^D [holy bread] blessed. Simply also "gifts" are called, as also [in other places]. See Du Cange Gloss. Gr. h. v., and [Latin] v. Donum and Munus. [of the] rite. [In the] church [the] text of the Gospel, epistles, psalms, and holy prayers are recited. [The] ambo of the church, of the Gospel and epistle see Giorn. dei Letter. XXIII, 346 and 347. The figure of the ambo is shown, besides Du Cange, in the CPli Christiana Menologium Basilianum, vol. I, p. 37 and 135. The word is truly Greek. An ambo is a contraction from *ambon*, meaning a locus, into which one ascends. [The term *stêthê*], which Vitruvius called *plutei*, we today call balustrades from a stake or fence—all those partitions, either wooden, with stakes or walls standing in order, or marble or bronze columns that imitate stakes, composed and joined above by an epistylium, of such height that they reach to the chest of a man standing erect. On this account also [they seem to have been] so called. Theophanes Cerameus describes it elegantly in Homil. 55, (in Du Cange v. *Kangkellos*): "The place of the ineffable rite, a marble breast-work encloses for the priests, upon which it is permitted both to rest and to stand with safety, and to delight the sight with the vision. This is a barrier if any rash and unholy person strives to leap inside the inner sanctuaries." *Dryophaktoi*, wooden breast-works, partitions, or inclosures. They are also called *diastola* (v. Du Cange h. v.), because they separate—those [structures] of wooden lattice. [Thorakeion [original-script column: see facsimile]]

waiting for the right time. When the time for the procession has arrived, he exits from his bedchamber into the catechumena above the imperial gates and changes into the vestment which he is accustomed to wear on this feast. The praepositus takes the tiara ^A and places it upon the head of the emperor, and as the emperor is supported by the cubiculum, he descends by the aforementioned western spiral staircase; they are all dressed in real sags, and the officials of the cubiculum likewise receive him at the narthex outside the door of the same staircase. And the praepositus, receiving a nod from the emperor, signals to the master of ceremonies, and he says: "Command."

V. Concerning the procession of the emperor on foot and on horseback

^B V. Accompanied ^B by them, the emperor exits through the middle gate of the narthex which faces the gradilia, and there he mounts a white horse, saddled with a golden saddle-cloth set with stones and adorned with pearls; the other officials ride outside the gate. During the emperor's procession, the order of the procession is carried out by those on horseback and those on foot, as well as by the factions, in the manner which we have briefly set forth above for the second day of the renewal week of the Holy Apostles. When the emperor has gone out through the gate by which he passes in every procession, that is, the one ^C facing north, he is received there first by the domestic of the schools together with the nomadic faction of the Venetians, and he presents a libellus to the emperor, wearing a Venetian-colored chlamys woven with gold, and the same faction escorts the emperor as far as the Hexakionion. The domestic of the excubitors together with the nomadic faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Hexakionion, and when the demarch presents a libellus, they escort him as far as the Moneta; the demarch also wears a Green chlamys woven with gold in proportion ^D to his faction. And the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Moneta, and the demarch presents a libellus to the emperor, and the same faction escorts the emperor as far as the first arch of the Xerolophos, the demarch wearing a Green chlamys. And the political faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the arch of the Xerolophos, the demarch wearing a Venetian chlamys, and he presents a libellus to the emperor, and those of the faction escort the emperor as far as the middle of the Xerolophos; the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the middle of the Xerolophos and escorts him as far as the Bous. The political faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the Bous and escorts him as far as the Amastrianum, and there the excubitor together with the nomadic faction of the Greens receives him, and they escort him as far as the Philadelphion; the nomadic faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the Philadelphion and escorts him as far as the Modion; the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor...

standing inside the solea ^A and the archdeacon comes and censes the lords, and then the patriarch, and following these the holy table. And then all the holy things enter, and after the entry, the lords all bid farewell to the patriarch, and passing through the right side of the bema from the outside, they enter the metatorium. And after this, the lords go out again in the same manner to the agape, ^B and the patriarch stands in the right side of the bema toward the metatorium inside the railings, and first the lords kiss the patriarch as he stands ^C outside the railings, and after him the syncellus and the metropolitans and the archbishops and the protopapas of the Great Church and the lords of the patriarch; and all these who...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

Latin: *maceria*, a *θώραξ* (breastwork); see Comment. on the three Greek inscriptions brought to Smyrna. *Calandra* is also found in Jacob of Vitry (see Du Cange under that word): "The elders are gathered at the *calandra* of the temple, about to deliberate on what they should do." The word is German, *Geländer*; we call such things *podia*. The passage in the *Chronicon Casinense* III, 33, is significant: "He made four cancelli cast of bronze, before the altar [that is, before the tribunal or bema; for 'altar' is the same word as *βῆμα*, any high place one ascends by steps], specifically here and there (on the right and left transversely across the whole width of the church) between the choir and the adytum [that is, between the solea and the adytum], and above them a beam, likewise cast of bronze, with fifty candlesticks, on which fifty candles were placed for the principal feasts, with lamps [fed with oil] hanging from the same beam on bronze hooks, thirty-six in number." Under this beam he placed five round (that is, spherical) images, and thirteen square ones of equal size and weight, surrounding all the round ones with a silver *urna* (that is, an *ἄμυξ*—or what our people call a *Rahmen*). These accounts of the candles placed on these *cancelli*, of the venerated icons, and of the three sacred doors, match well with what our Constantine writes throughout. For since the *Chronicon Casinense* counts four *cancelli*, there cannot have been other than three doors. Anastasius in *Sexto* III called these *stηθέα* a *transenna*: "He adorned the *transenna* and the altar and the confession of St. Laurence."

(52) This is the same as "about to enter," for while they are in that place, so that they may enter into the sanctuary, or while they celebrate the introit, the greater one, they stand in the solea. Furthermore, that carrying around and showing of the holy gifts through the church flowed from the custom of the ancient pagans of carrying around entrails in their hands and showing them to those sacrificing or assisting at the sacrifice; see on this Polybius, p. 334, ed. Maasvic. n. 14.

(53) In our author, expressions of this kind. See pages 106, 130.

(54) Concerning the *agapai* of the ancients or banquets in memory of the martyrs, as also concerning holy communion, also called *agape*, many things are written by scholars of ecclesiastical antiquities. *Agape* with us is also a feast of charity, in particular that which the emperor used to give to the patriarch and the clergy on the Thursday after Easter; see p. 55, and Du Cange under *Ἀγάπη* which is *Charitas*, and also Muratori, in *Analecta Graeca*, p. 241, sqq. But in this place, *Agape* is nothing other than the kiss of peace, which the bishop used to give in the church to those who were about to communicate with him, and to the faithful before communion began. This kiss was performed either with joined lips, or through a *tradux* (an intermediary), by means of an extended cross, or a tablet on which Christ crucified was painted, according to the diversity of persons and times: on which matter it is not opportune to treat here. Pachymeres, quoted in Du Cange under *ἀσπασμός*, used *ἀγάπη* for *ἀσπασμός*; where among other things a passage is cited from the *Typicon* of St. Sabas, from which the entire rite of the kiss of peace is learned. The same author says, under εἴρήνη, that the faithful were said to give *εἰρήνη* to one another, when they kissed each other during the solemnities of the Mass, while the priest after the breaking of the host says these words: "The peace of the Lord be always with you." See the same author under *Osculum pacis*. The passage in Chrysostom is significant, where he follows the principal parts of the sacred office in the order and language in which they succeeded one another. "When the head of the church enters, he immediately says 'Peace to all'" (cf. Antholog. H. Stephan. p. 130, end, where he alludes to this custom of wishing peace in a bitter gibe at a bishop living with a sister named Irene); "when he speaks: 'Peace to all'; when he blesses: 'Peace to all.' When he commands them to kiss: 'The peace of Christ be with you'; and in between again: 'Grace be to you and peace.'" These salutations and kisses took place on every Lord's Day, and on feasts that fell on Lord's Days, especially the greater ones of Easter and the Nativity of Christ. It is evident from Liutprand that after the adoration or deep inclination of the body, the nobles were admitted to the kiss of the emperor. That passage where he says that Nicephorus, puffed up by "falsidical* naeniae* (so he calls the acclamations of the people), enters St. Sophia with his lords the emperors (he means Basil and Constantine, the sons of Romanus, whose stepfather and tutor Nicephorus was) following from a distance and on the kiss of peace worshiping the earth. Concerning the kiss of peace and the *ἐν τῷ ἀσπασμῷ* see Vales., on Ammian. Marcell. p. 97. [Alteserra on Anastas. p. 87. Regarding the kiss of peace on the feast of Easter with the added words: "The Lord is risen," Moleon, p. 27. The same on p. 420 notes that the *Agape* was once given to those being married. Concerning the rite of bishops kissing those who wished to communicate, see p. LVI. Comment. in *Ordin. Roman.*]

(55) *Iσταμένου* above at note 5.

(56) Of the Syncellus, see p. 306.

(57) The *protopapas*, i.e., first priest of the Great Church, or St. Sophia. See Goar on Codinus, p. 14, n. 42, and Gretser, p. 172. A passage of Codinus, not correctly understood, persuaded Fabrot that he should transmit in the Glossary of Cedrenus that he was the first priest after the patriarch. Among writers after Theophanes, p. 240, there is mentioned Constantine...

at the Modion and they escort him as far as the Taurus; from there, the political faction of the Venetians escorts him as far as the Artopoleia. Then the faction of the Greens escorts him as far as the Forum; then the political faction of the Venetians as far as the Praetorium, and again as far as the Milestone; the political faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the Milestone, having him under the arch, and escorts him as far as the Marmarotos; the nomadic faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Marmarotos and escorts him as far as the Zeuxippus; the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Zeuxippus and escorts him as far as the Chalke; the nomadic faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the Chalke; and then everyone proceeds on foot, and the emperor alone remains on horseback.

VI. It must be known that each faction at every one of their receptions recites the customary ^B *akta*; in the procession, however, they recite the *dromika* in the front, and if it happens by command, they also recite the *apelatikoi*. From there, the emperor, escorted by all as has been said before, passes through the curtains as far as the inner gate of the Excubitors, where the promotion of the Scribones takes place. At this same gate the emperor dismounts, and having gone as far as the three gates of the Consistorium, where those of the Senate remain, they pray for the emperor. The emperor enters the middle gate toward the temple of the Lord, and there the patricians and *strategoi* remain, they too praying for him likewise. When the emperor has entered the Chalke gate of the Lord, immediately those of the cubiculum close the doors and pray for the emperor; and after the praepositus has taken the tiara from the emperor's head, the emperor enters and stands before the holy doors, and having lit tapers and prayed, he passes through the *diabatika* of the Lord and enters into the hemicycle of the triconch. ^C Having passed through the *diabatika* of the Holy Forty, he enters into the Chrysotriklinos, and all those of the cubiculum standing in the Chrysotriklinos pray for the emperor: "May God bring your Majesty to many and good years," and they depart.

VII. Furthermore, it must be noted how many receptions are instituted by the factions in this procession. The *demokrates* of the Venetians, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, with his nomadic faction of the Venetians, makes three receptions; the *demokrates* of the Greens, that is, the Excubitor, with his nomadic faction, makes two receptions; the *demarchos* of the Venetians with the White faction institutes seven receptions. The *demarchos* of the Greens with the Red faction institutes five receptions. The total number of all receptions is XVII.

CHAPTER XVIII

I. All the officials go forth at night into the palace dressed in *skaramangia*, and if the emperor commands to depart by boat, as is the custom,

^A welcoming the masters by the hand of the referendarius (58), and then they salute the patriarch again, and stand a little below the chancel, and salute those of the senate (59); for all these people are brought in by the hand of the one in charge of the arrangement; and as the masters take their leave of the patriarch, they enter the metatorium.

XII. When the communion arrives, the masters go out again in the aforementioned manner, and go to the right side of the bema, and there receive the holy communion, and saluting the patriarch according to custom, they enter the metatorium, and they partake of the ^B *krama* (61) there with the nobles and the more intimate men of the senate; and after the masters have partaken of the *krama*, the praepositi enter along with those in charge of the change of garments, and put the *chlanides* on the masters ^C, and then the same praepositi bring in the patriarch, and he salutes the masters, and he goes out with them as far as the small door that leads to the holy well (62). For at the threshold of this same door stand the masters and the patriarch, but the praepositus and the argyros (63) stand outside ^D that door; and indeed—

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

*(58) "Referendarius": Whether this means the emperor's or the patriarch's, it is doubtful. However, I should think it ought to be understood as the former rather than the latter, since from almost all the passages of this codex in which mention is made of the imperial referendarius, it can be gathered that he had business solely with the patriarch and ecclesiastical matters.*

*(59) "Comitatenses": All or the nobles of the court. Concerning the stricter meaning of the word "senators," I speak on p. 37 and p. 38.*

*(60) "Communion": Or the participation of the whole congregation in the holy Eucharist, and here it refers to the time of receiving it. See Du Cange, Gloss. Gr., s.v., and infra, p. 79.*

*(61) "Krama" or the mixture that the celebrant consumes with a drink of wine and a little bit of breads or confections. That "krama" means the same to the new Greeks as "ariston," or breakfast, is evident from our p. 216, where the Latin singers are said to say these words during the "krama": "Dine in joy, masters." Therefore, our interpreter correctly renders it on p. 40 as "celebrates a banquet." Cf. p. 47, 53, 58, 62, 65, where it is evident that the emperor was accustomed to refresh himself with select nobles, and sometimes with the patriarch, in the triclinium of that church into which he had repeatedly processed, after the divine service was completed, with the "Mixtum"—that is, the breakfast—before he returned to the palace for his midday meal. Concerning the custom of dining in churches, carried over to the Christians from the pagan Greeks—among whom a special "epulum" was prepared in their temples (v. Philostratus, p. 605, ed. Olear.)—testifies Codinus (*Antiq. CPL*), stating that the metatorium in St. Sophia was built by Justinian so that "he might remain there with his nobles and frequently eat." But I have said more about this rite below on p. 324.*

*(62) "Cistern" or the basin [lacus] in the vestibule of the church, in which whoever wished washed himself before he entered the narthex. Such basins the Mohammedans have in front of their mosques—vast marble ones—a custom undoubtedly passed on from the Greeks. This sacred well must be distinguished from the "louter" or baptismal font, which was inside the narthex; see p. 45. The sacred well was a place of asylum for those fleeing thither, as it was established within the bounds of the church. V. Procopius, *Anecdota*, p. 75.*

*(63) "Argentarius," or moneychanger, a court exchanger, who procures the money that is needed and delivers the imperial requests and gifts, the largition purses to be distributed by the emperor, to the praepositus. It was also his duty to name—that is, to call out by name—those who were to receive the largition, as is evident from this passage. Cf. p. 41 and Muratori, *Ant. Ital.*, vol. I, p. 884. In the same volume, p. 812, there is a document to which many officials of the lord Pope or the holy Chamber subscribed, and among them also a certain Paschalis, a moneychanger. It is not doubtful that he also belonged to the apostolic ministry. Those who lead there, the *viserii*, seem to be the butlers, whose job it was to inspect the wine casks—that is, by using a lead weight [bolis] to explore how much wine is inside and of what grade. In the old *Laudum* in Du Cange, Glossary of the Archbishop of Cologne. I will add the passage, because it teaches at the same time why these men were called "argyropratai." We say that, except for the *campsores* of the Lord Archbishop, no one should buy silver unless it is bought for the uses of travelers or for the fashioning of silver plate. Silver—that is, solid and large silver masses—is opposed here to the *kerma*, or small change, such as is used in daily life; the *argyropratai* buy the former, sell the latter, and trade the former for the latter. They are said in Symmachus X. 49 to "sell *solidi*." In selling *solidi*—those are the small coins, the *kerma*—which public use generally demands, the body of the *collectarii* (these are the same as the *argyropratai*) is liable. Hence the *monetarii* and *nummularii* are spoken of similarly. *Tabular. Eccl.* ap. DC. s.v., "Nummularius," which can be compared to the entries under "Collectarii" and "Argentarii," where from Salmasius and others he brings forward that these men were also called "coactores," and from there the old glosses are to be corrected, which have "komitor" as "argentarius"; it must be read "coactor." But indeed, if those glosses are to be composed for Latin grammatical usage. But what if the common people pronounced it thus, so that they inserted an 'i' and an 'o' as if it were a winter, and brought forth *coiactor*, from which *comactor* was subsequently born? Certainly they said *clovaca* for *cloaca*, and *aporrophe* for *aporrhoe*. See Du Cange, s.v. "aporrhoe," a defluxion. These are remnants of the Aeolic digamma. These *campsores* not only

^A procured large sums of silver and counted them from the princes and the commoners to whom they belonged, as they were ordered, but they themselves also took care that the coins be struck, and they were the same as those who were once the prefects of gold, silver, bronze, of melting and striking, and they received and kept the money struck by the moneyers. It is clear from the privilege of Louis, Margrave of Brandenburg, in the year of our Lord 1343, granted by J. P. de Ludewig, vol. VII, *Reliquiae Manuscriptorum*, p. 89, published, where the following is read: “If we have decreed to apply the *varam* to the denarii of the aforementioned moneyers, we shall do this nowhere other than in their workshop or their counter [bank].” The formula “to apply the *varam*,” that is, the test or exploration, whether the coins are of good quality, comes from the German word *Wahre*, observation, consideration, whence *Warte*, *Guarde*, and *Wahrnehmen*, to explore, and *bewähren*, to prove, to test, to test what is genuine. In the Laws of the Visigoths, lib. II, Tit. 4, § 4, money-changers are also numbered among the more honorable palace offices: “That they not undeservedly be liberally honored with palace offices, that is, of the equerries, of the *Gillonarii*, that is, of the cupbearers, from *gillo*, *ἀρύταινα*, whence our *Gelle*,” and the headmen of the cooks. That money-changers were employed to provide money immediately for imperial or military dignity, if anyone should buy it, we learn from Zosimus IV, 28, p. 412, ed. Cellarius.

^A ...by the hand of the silver-master, the praepositus receives the gold purses and hands them to the emperor, and the emperor gives them to those who are about to receive these, the silver-master evidently shouting: "Good masters, to so-and-so" (64). Those who receive this benefit by the hand of the emperor are the archdeacon, and the ostiarii (65), and the chanters (66), and the poor, and the prosmonarioi (67). And after these things, they go forth into the veil which is hung at the holy well, and the patriarch crowns them (68). And after this, those who receive the blessings ^B of the patriarch, that is, the offerings of the Lord, this gift, this purse. "To so-and-so" is a new Graecism. The ancients simply said "to the so-and-so." This *to* remains so attached to the word *deina* that it is not varied, whatever other case or gender may be placed with it: *ton ho deina*, *te ho deina*, *tous ho deina*, etc. Examples of this strange diction abound in this manuscript. Similarly it obtained in the court of the ancient kings of France, that at public royal banquets on greater feasts a herald would proclaim with a clear voice, under the signal of a trumpet, *Largesse*, and would call out specifically each person for whom the gift was intended. See Du Cange on Joinville p. 88, where he cites from ancient accounts that so much and so much was given to this man and that man; *hérauts poursuivants* are either announcers or the *ménestrels* of our manuscript [histrions, actors, buffoons.] And *trompettes pour avoir au jour de Pentecôte crié au diner du roi : Largesse devant sa personne*. The manner in which the Roman pontiff formerly used to give the presbyterium ^C or apostolic gift to the Cardinals and other nobles of the Roman see, the pontifical describes thus: “The Pontiff, sitting, gives the *presbyterium* in this manner: to the Cardinals two gold coins and two silver groats. The Cardinals come and bow their heads deeply before the pontiff, and stretch out an open mitre, into which the pontiff puts the money. And they, having accepted the money, kiss the pontiff's hand. The pontiff takes the money from the hand of the purse-bearer [cumerarius]. Other prelates bend the knee before the pontiff, and receive in their mitre one gold coin and one groat, and kiss the right knee of the pontiff. But other prelates and officials receive as much in the hand, and kiss the foot. The Emperor used to distribute gifts with his own hands, adorning what was given with his hand, acting himself, not through others, as Libanius says in the *Excerpt. rhetor.*, p. 122.

...the ostiarii, the chanters, the poor, and the keepers of the church are affected by the lord. Then the lords go out with the patriarch, and they enter the veil suspended in the sacred well, and the patriarch crowns them. Which being done, they receive the sacred things offered ^D from the hand of the patriarch, or the blessed bread, and they restore them to those in charge; then the patriarch offers them ointments, and receives *apocombia* from them, and the lords having kissed him, they withdraw from the sacred well. And the first reception takes place outside the sacred well.

(65) These are understood to be the ostiarii of the church, not the Latin ones. Their office was this, as Isidore the Younger reports in Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, h.v.: “To the ostiarius of the church belong the keys, that he may close and open the temple of God and all things which are inside, and may guard, and receive the faithful, and reject the infidels and the excommunicated.”

(66) Chanters, religious vocal musicians. Music, whether instrumental or vocal, as a secular thing, has no place in the Greek churches. That these chanters were ordained and belonged to the clergy, Habertus has demonstrated in *Pontifical*, p. 44. Therefore, there could never be secular, theatrical music. Whether they were the same as the *Cractae*, I have already said in the foregoing that it is doubtful. If they were, they were called chanters in the churches, but outside them *Cractae*. It is certain that the chanters in the churches led the praises of the emperors for the people, as the *Cractae* did outside the churches. These chanters had a *canonarch*, or director of the musical choir, who would lead the voices and melodies which they were intended to follow, Symeon of Thessalonica says: “He announces the holy hymns to those chanting, that is, he *canonarchizes*.” That they stood on the ambo is clear from various places of ours and from Canon 15 of the Council of Laodicea: “That no others than the canonical chanters, who ascend the ambo and chant from the parchment, shall chant in the church.” What *chanting from the parchment* means in this place, I confess I am ignorant, unless the parchment might be an ecclesiastical manuscript codex, in which were written the formulas of the hymns to be sung with musical notes. Nor do I entirely understand that place of Nicon the monk (in Du Cange, v. *Bematikia*), by which the office of the chanters is set forth: “For this reason the ecclesiastical order appoints chanters, readers, and subdeacons and priests. Chanters, indeed, for the sake of chanting and singing with melody and mode and song, and for leading the people in the *Trisagion* [Agios ho Theos], and for the *prokeimena*, and the *prospsalmata*, and the *bematikia*, and for the procession.” They sing the Hymn *Agios ho Theos* or *Trisagion* at the entrance of the church. See the place cited above of La Croix, p. 31. The *prokeimena* are texts from the Psalms or from some other book of the Old Testament, suitable to the present day. The *prospsalmata* are prayers which are said before the reading of the Psalter. The *bematikia* are, if I am not mistaken, hymns or prayers at the entrance to the tribunal, or the minor introit, dictated or sung. The *Bematikia* seems to be that here which is identified as the greater introit by others. It is apparent from this, that it was the chanters' duty, not only to sing hymns, but also to initiate the prayers to be recited in a harmonic voice or melodically, and to lead the people.

(67) They are also called *paramonarioi*, because they *remain* in the temple, keepers of the temple, *mansionarii*, who always remain in it, and take care of it. They are the sort as the *Mudzeni* are among the Turks, who live in the prayer-towers [minarets] of the churches, and indicate the time of prayer by a cry, or like our sacristans, who live in buildings neighboring the church, or, to use the diction of the middle age, *remain*; see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.*, h.v. and v. *Superista*.

(68) It was that the emperor, arriving at the church...

^A of the patriarch, received the *eulogiae* (69), that is to say the offerings, and they give them in return (70) to the *praepositi*, and after these things the patriarch gives the *aleipta* (71) to the masters, and he receives in return from the masters.

VARIE LECTIONES. 33 *antididousi*: ed.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. Before entering the *naos*, he would lay aside the *infula* or crown, which he would either not put on during the entire sacred office, or at least, if he had placed it upon his head, he was accustomed to remove it for the reading of the Gospel, for the procession of the holy things, or the Great Entrance, for the *agape* and communion; until at last, when all the sacred rites were finished, when the emperor wished to depart and return home, the patriarch would with his own hands replace the crown, not as if it were at his discretion whether to grant or deny the crown to the emperor—as some have misinterpreted this custom—but because all these rites were done in sign of the reverence with which the emperor uncovered his head.

(69) That is to say, benedictions, or particles of those blessed breads, which the faithful brought with them into the church and offered to the priest to be blessed. It was the custom of old, mindful of pagan superstition, either to bring bread or food into the temple and, having been made holy by the priestly benediction, to bring it back home, part of which was left to the priest as remuneration for his labor, or even to bring bread and other things for communion and place them in the common store, and from thence to make communal meals, which they would consume in the church itself. This custom was changed to the extent that the priests would bring the bread and other foods offered by the faithful into the sanctuary, consecrate a portion of them, from which they themselves would communicate, and to such of the faithful as wished, they would add a portion for the rest as they departed for home, which was called the *eulogia*, while the rest they would keep for themselves, with the distribution made at their own discretion. The Gentiles also, after the hymns were sung and the sacrifice completed, would consume part of the victim in the temples, and take the rest home with them, either to be consumed there or to be exposed for sale in the market. Christians likewise would take home particles either of the consecrated bread itself, which they had received in communion, handled by the men with bare hands and by the women with a linen cloth, and keep it for as long as they wished; or they would carry away particles of bread that were blessed indeed, but not consecrated, called *antidoron* and *eulogia*. There exist many documents of this matter in the writings of the ancient theologians. See Du Cange, *v. Oblata* and *salutes* and *Eucharistia*. The Gentiles used to call those *massae*, or cakes and small crusts, which they distributed among the communicants during the sacrifice, and which it was permitted either to consume in the temples or to carry home, *uyieias*, that is, wholesomenesses, neither in name nor in substance differing much from the *eulogiae* of the Christians. See Athenaeus, Book III, ch. 30, p. 115, and the note of Casaubon there. From these *eulogiae* or benedictions, that is, the particles of blessed bread which were given to the faithful for eating, it came about that the word *eulogia* came to signify both a feast and a gift, see Du Cange, *v. Alogia*, which the Latins made from *eulogia*, perhaps deceived by the guide of the Greek scribes, who often write the *e* so that it cannot be distinguished from *ai*. Ordericus Vitalis (apud Du Cange, *v. Benedictio*) called the *eulogiae* of the benediction, for which Peter Damianus said 'a gift of benediction.' From this, the passage of Gregory the Great may be understood, Book II, Epist. 33: "We have sent to you the benediction of St. Peter the Apostle, a small cross, in which benefits from his chains are inserted," that is, relics of his chains. Likewise, the Council of Laodicea, canon 14, mentions *eulogia* for a gift, especially of the kind that friends are accustomed to send to one another on a feast day: "It is not permitted for the holy things to be sent to other parishes by way of *eulogiae* during the feast of Easter." It signifies that it was the custom at that time that a bishop would send particles of the bread consecrated by him into the churches under his inspection and to their presbyters, as a sign that he was in communion with them, and that he regarded them as brothers ^B and fellow members of his church; because later times attached the opinion to this that, by the *eulogia* sent from the bishop, the bread consecrated by the presbyters was communicated with the force of sanctity, they began to call it 'ferment.' See Du Cange, *v. Fermentum*. The *eulogia*, however, of which this discourse treats, was a particle of bread that was blessed indeed, but not consecrated, which the patriarch would add for the emperor as he returned home from the church, in sign of charity, as a father adds a small crust to a son, along with a prayer or benediction, as a small gift with which he would congratulate and increase the joy of the feast day for him, and satisfy that custom by which friends on feast days send baskets with bread, meats, and other edibles and potables, and other pleasant things, called *sportulas heortastikas*, or simply *heortastika*. See Du Cange, *v. Festilia and Feriatica*. Therefore, *eulogia* and *antidoron* are in a certain way the same. If there is a difference between them, it is this: that the *antidoron* is given only to those who had not communicated, while the *eulogia* is also given to those who had already communicated of the consecrated bread. For it was said above that the emperor had communicated, yet the patriarch is said here to give him the *eulogia*. The priests of the Russians assumed this custom of distributing *eulogiae* from the Greeks. On the very day of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist and the three magi, says Paulus Jovius in his little book on the Muscovite embassy, and at Easter, the priests distribute sacred small breads to the whole people, by the eating of which they believe those afflicted with fevers are relieved. It is sufficiently established from Codinus *De Officiis*, p. 98, that the emperors themselves, through the joy of the feast days, distributed breads baked in the form of a ring among their friends, where he says that the emperor would give at his own hand a *kolikion*, that is, a circular twisted cake, to the Genoese Podestà coming to congratulate him on the feast day. See Du Cange, *v. Oleum benedictum*. Because *eulogiae* were accustomed to be given to those departing, it came about that *eulogein* signifies the same as to ask for leave to depart. The *Book of Penances* says: "If anyone should go out of the monastery having received the *eulogia*, or having been released by the archimandrite with a prayer, let him be excommunicate." Before I depart from this topic, I will point out one more thing: that this custom of taking bread and wine with them into the church still obtains in the Church of Milan, most retentive of ancient rites, as Angelus a Nuce reports in *Chronicon Casinense*, p. 373, edit. Muratori, whose words are congruent here: "In the public mass there was once made by the people an offering of bread and wine for the sacrifice, according to the will of those who wished to confer it. For they were not compelled. From which offerings the priest would select some part to be consecrated, while the remaining parts, blessed by the priest and therefore called *eulogiae*, the clerics would divide among themselves and the faithful, but not the catechumens." But the ambition of the offerers grew to such an extent that sometimes the names of those who had offered were recited publicly. I also find that *eulogiae* or blessed morsels were given to the faithful on Easter day by the pontiff, in addition to the kiss of peace, as well as *trikephala* or coins stamped with the faces of the three emperors. See Balsamon. The passage is cited by Du Cange, *v. Aspasmos*. The patriarchs had no need of such liberality toward the emperor, who would make an exchange with Glancus, receiving golden coins for himself, and in their place returning morsels of bread, and minute incense, and aromatic boxes, and candles, and other trinkets of that sort. "Set," etc., are constantly observed in them: alte-

^A emperor, a small silver cross is distributed; and the patriarch is advised that he should come on the following day to celebrate the holy liturgy. Therefore, in the morning, the whole senate dons white tunics, the masters their purple *dibetesia*, and around the second hour they order the masters (praepositi) ^B to enter; which done, they rise and depart to the chamber of Saint Theodore, that they may put on their tunics. But before they go out, the great emperor sits upon his throne, and the lesser ones on either side upon golden stools. The cubiculum enters according to the rite that is wont to be observed on the feast of Palms, and in its own order, that is, to the right and left, stands; and the sacellarioi, the xenodochoi, and the gerontokomoi offer to the emperor crosses adorned with gold. And thus, in order, all the ministries of the masters, proconsuls, patricians, and other officials whom the emperor has commanded, are brought in; the emperor distributes to each one a cross.

69 II. Then the reception takes place, and all enter the narthex of the Great New Church, but the masters rise ^C awaiting the patriarch, while in the meantime the praepositi, with a few cubicularii, the papas, and the hetairiarch, depart and bring him along with the metropolitans and the rest of his ministry. The patriarch, having entered through the portico of the triconch, sits in the chamber of the golden triclinium which is near the pantheon, until the praepositi enter and announce his arrival to the masters, who command that he be brought. The praepositi go out and bring him; but the masters, after they have kissed him, depart with him alone through the oblong portico of the cubiculum to the temple of the Most Holy Mother of God of the Pharos, and there at

and the masters salute this, and they depart from the Holy Well. And the first reception takes place outside the Holy Well. ^B

XIII. The faction of the Venetians also receives them there with its own tribune, and acclaims the masters according to custom; for libelli are not given on the return of the masters as they are at their arrival; however, the remaining parts of the reception are performed as was previously stated. And again, a second reception takes place outside the vaulted chamber of the Chalce at the iron gate, and the tribune of the Greens receives them there with his passing faction of the Reds; the rest, moreover, which it is fitting to observe in receptions, are carried out as was noted above. ^C

VARIAE LECTIONES. 34 SCHOL. It should be known that the apocombion must have a gold litra: and if there is one emperor, he gives the ten litrae, but if there are two, or three, the ten litrae are given. . . [illegible] . . besides the emperor, the amount for the others of the four must be [this], equally as... of both. . . the ten litrae. Supplied and emended from the codex, as exhibited here, by Reiske. 35 "and" . . . "well" omitted in the edition.

JOAN. JAC. REISKI COMMENTARIUS. ...that they give or give: I do not remember having seen it there. ^D It is possible this offering was a sign by which the emperor might demonstrate his gratitude toward God, who had indulged him the use of life even to this festive and joyous day. Nicetas, at the beginning of the life of Manuel Comnenus, p. 27, ed. Venet., does not seem to speak of those apocombia, or bags full of gold, which were accustomed to be offered by the emperor on the festival days of the Church, but of some other annual gratuity or stipend, although by naming two hundred minae and a talent he brought it about that we understand the quantity of the sum less than if he had called these things by names used in his own age, litrae and numismata, instead of using ridiculous and obscure terms affected by his antiquity. The passage is: "A missive marked in red with a golden seal and bound with a silken thread, tied with a thread of the conch, he gave to the clergy of the Great Church, bestowing annually upon them silver coins, totaling up to two hundred minae. It is said also that another kingly message marked in red was carried by the *aqsouk* [this is a Turkish name, *uqsouk*] bestowing 650 golden talents." I think it should be read thus, and I believe, if I understand anything in this passage, that *mna* is, for Nicetas, what is a *litra* for our author, and *talanton* is what is a *kentenarion* for ours. The golden libra, which Paulus Warnefrid, I, III, 13, mentions, is Frankish or Lombardic, and differs much from the Constantinian. For Paulus mentions there golden coins of single libra weight sent by Tiberius Augustus, the Constantinian emperor, to Hilperic, king of the Franks, which it is established were the same as the coins or golden solidi mentioned by us, 72 of which came to the pound or Constantinian litra. The passage of Joannes Paulus Mucantius in *Cerem. Coronationis Clementis VIII* makes excellently for the illustration of our apocombia: "The Pontiff approached the altar, and there, having deposited the miter, kissed the middle of it. Over it he offered 50 golden scuta, which R. P. D. Bartholomaeus Gæsius, S. S. General Treasurer, included in a red silken purse and ministered to the pontiff." In which place is to be noted first the *apostepsis* or *aposkeuasia*, the deposition of the miter, performed for the sake of reverence by one approaching the altar, second the *asphasmos tes endytes*, the kiss of the sacred vestment or the cloth laid over the altar, and indeed in the middle, impressed, as by a bishop. For deacons and lesser ministers kissed only the corners of the vestment. Third, the deposition of 50 golden scuta or scutati upon the vestment in a silk sack. Regarding the offering of the kings of the Franks, see *Ceremoniel de France*, t. I, p. 24. It consisted of bread, wine, and 13 aurei. I still owe a scholion to this place, written in the margin of the parchment, but miserably truncated by the bookbinder, of which only a part was published, since the rest could not be read (see var. lect.).

^A they depart to the oratory of Saint Elias; and while the masters stand in the narthex, the patriarch enters the sanctuary, and when the customary prayer has been performed, the chanters begin the troparion. The patriarch, departing from the sanctuary, carrying the holy Gospel, comes to the imperial doors of the same oratory, the subdeacon also carrying the processional cross. The masters receive candles from the praepositus, and by means of a triple veneration with the candles, they give thanks to God and kiss the Gospel and the cross, being censed by the deacon.

III. Procession to the New Church

^B III. Then, supported by the patriarch, the emperor departs from the church, and as he proceeds through the middle of the temple of the Pharos and goes out through the door leading to the heliakon, the masters receive processional candles from the praepositi; and they proceed, making a litany through the middle of the heliakon and the narrow passage of the single door, and descend the descent of the Bucoleon; and turning to the right, they descend toward the narthex of the New Great Church (for there stand all the senators, and the customary ecclesiastical rites of entry are celebrated). However, the masters, with the patriarch and the emperor, remain in the narthex, while the patriarch enters the sanctuary, where, solemn prayers having been performed, the psaltæ begin the troparion. The patriarch, having gone forth from the sanctuary carrying the holy Gospel, proceeds to the imperial doors of the same oratory, the subdeacon carrying the processional cross. Meanwhile, the masters receive processional candles from the praepositus, and after offering triple adoration with the candles, they pray to God, and, having been censed by the deacon, they kiss the Gospel and the cross.

III. Then, supported by the patriarch, the emperor returns from the church, and having passed through the middle of the temple of the Pharos, he exits through the gate leading to the solarium, where the masters receive processional candles from the praepositi, and proceeding through the middle of the solarium and the narrow gate, they go down through the descent of the Bucoleon; and inclining to the right, they depart for the narthex of the New Great Church, where all the senators stand and the customary ecclesiastical rites of entry are celebrated. The masters, however, with the patriarch...

The THIRD reception takes place inside the Chalce, at the gate which leads into the Schools, and there it is received by the demarch of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, together with his transitorial faction of the Whites; and the rest of the reception is carried out as we have described above. Then the FOURTH reception takes place in the atrium of the Holy Apostles, that is, in the Schools, and there also the tribunus of the Prasini, that is, the Excubitor, is present with his transitorial faction of the Reds: and the rest of the procedures are carried out by the faction as was explained above. The LAST reception takes place at the tribunal, or before the lamps, where the prince of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic, awaits with his transitorial faction of the Whites; and the rest of the observances are kept as we have previously shown. ^A

XIV. After this reception, the masters depart through the lamps and the triclinium of the Excubiti, where again both the legal officials, as well as the dipanitae and the chancellors of the quaestor, stationed in their proper places, recite the customary acclamations as mentioned above. But as the masters pass through the triclinium of the Candidati, at the door of the same triclinium which leads to the atrium of the Nineteen Accubita, two vocal musicians stand, offering to the masters the acclamations that are the custom for this feast day. Thence they go to the consistory, where also the protosecretary and the protonotary, together with the a secretis and the remaining offices, the notaries, the chartularies and the rest, are present to receive the master and offer him good wishes. On the Onopodium stand the emperor's servants with their captain and domestic: the magistri, proconsuls, patricians, and officials enter, together with those of the status-corps, into the narrow passage of the Golden Hand, and these stand on the right, while the ministers of the golden triclinium stand on the left. ^{B C}

XV. When the masters depart with the mace-bearers and the Great Company, all who are stationed there, both those who were already there and those who accompany the masters, acclaim them. They themselves alone enter the triclinium of the Augustus (for there, too, the cubicularii proceed in advance with the praepositi), and they stand there in rank upon the accubita; and when the masters with the cubicularii alone have entered, the doors of the Augustus are closed by the cubicularii: the praepositus pronounces the Roman word: *Fit*. The precentor of the cubiculum receives them, and says sonorously and harmoniously: "Feliciter." The cubicularii... ^D

all reply and say: "Feliciter venistis!"—or, in the holy and great Sunday of Easter, they add only this Roman word: "Annos felicissimos!"

XVI. After this, the masters with the cubicularii enter the octagonal chamber, which is before the church of Saint Stephen, and there lay aside their tunics and crowns. Having entered the chamber of Daphne, they put on the *dibetesion*, and, adorned with gold-embroidered cloaks, they enter the sacred palace, the praepositi with the cubiculum obviously walking before them. And when, together with the praepositi, they have entered the golden triclinium, they stand in rows across the width of the same triclinium; and as the masters pass through, they acclaim them, saying: "In multa bonaque tempora Deus majestatem vestram inducat!" After the cubicularii have gone out with the praepositi, the masters return and pray to God in the concha.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. KEISKI

(79) That is, in the manuscripts. Why they might have said *Bit*—which the celebrants use—I do not grasp. Perhaps they wished to say *fit*—that is, "it be done"—meaning "well," but through ignorance of the Latin language they said *bit*. Or perhaps they wished to say *sit*, that is, "may it be," for "may it be happy and auspicious." Or is it for *vivat*—"may he live"—*bibat*? This last one pleases me most of all. For *kalōs* does not seem to be drawn to this *bit*, but is a classic, or synonymous, term to be chanted by the cubicularii as an antiphon, *kalōs elthes*. See what is to be said on p. 42.

(81) The precentor, the one who begins the sound and whom others join in the antiphon.

(81) A customary formula for greeting among the Greeks. See Sponeck, *Itiner.*, vol. II, p. 19, German edition. *Kalōs elthete, archontes* means the same as "Good day, gentlemen." Properly, it is "Welcome." For the imperfect is improperly changed in that phrase with the subjunctive. For it ought to have been *elthois* and *elthēte*. "Welcome," that is, "hither to us"—let us see you safe and happy, with good tidings in everything. Or, if by that formula they offered an office to someone new, it signifies "Welcome," "may you approach that dignity with a lucky foot." Thus, they used to say to a new patrician, already a colleague: "Welcome, Lord Patrician," etc. See Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinitatis*. Below, in our military *Tacticon*, the soldiers acclaim the emperor coming into the camp: *Kalōs elthete*, and similarly throughout the Circus and in churches the people: *Kalōs elthes, hē probolē tēs Triados*. It can also be rendered as "may you arrive well," or "may you come." The later Latins used *provenire* and *pervenire* for rejoicing at the happy success of one's affairs, at arriving at a prosperous fortune (see Spartian. at the end of ch. 1 of *Pescennius Niger*, and what I have annotated on that of Trimalchio in Petronius: *Satis vivus pervenero*). Indeed, Virgil himself already [Eclogues IX, 2]: *Lycida, vivi pervenimus* [that is, to that famous fortune], *advena nostri, Quod nunquam veriti sumus, ut possessor agelli Diceret: Hæc mea sunt, veteres migrate coloni.* Whence the Franks retained their *arvenir*, to which our *fortkommen* corresponds; thus also the vulgar Greeks used *elthein* for enjoying life and fortune, especially good fortune, as is evident from the Greek inscription cited by Du Cange in *Glossarium Graecitatis*, v. *epidemēin* and *CPli Christ.*, p. 175: *Bizzos Pardos epidēmēsa kalōs, ēltha kalōs, kai kim [that is, keimai] kalōs*.

*Euxētai* [that is, *euxete*, *euxasthe*], "for me" [that is, "for us"], he says. By the interpreter's mark, *Bizzos Pardos* [means] that he had immigrated well, namely into this world, born under a lucky star and to parents who were not lowly; for this is what *epidēmein* signifies; that he had used life and fortune comfortably, that he had arrived well, namely at the goal of his wishes, or, if you prefer, at the end of life: that he finally lies well with honorable funeral rites and grave-monument. *[Under Anastasius, when the monks were proceeding singing a canticle, the people cried out: "May they arrive well," or "May they arrive well here," or "May they have arrived."]*

(82) An adjective *moultousannos* meaning "for many years," or "having passed many years," formed by the Greeks from the Latin *multos annos*, namely "we wish for you," for which the Latin plebs said *multus annus*. See on p. 235 and what we said above on p. [penult.] regarding the polychronion.

(83) I approve of this interpretation, *ēgoun tou hagiou Pascha*. For the feast of Easter was at all times held by the Greeks to be the highest of all festivals, as attested by Procopius, book 1 of the *Vandalic War*. See Du Cange, v. *Kyriakē*, and at the end of this very page, and p. 14.

(84) That this is two words, and what the learned interpreter meant by it, is evident from his interpretation. What if "here" (*hōde*) means the same as that term known to our countrymen, *hoch*, in acclamation and jubilation: *Vivat hoch*? As *tieff* in the opposite acclamation to it, *pereat tieff*, denotes a downfall from the height of glory, so, as our author speaks, thus *anō*, *hoch*, signifies elevation into a high degree of honor and fortune. So that in this manner it signifies: "May God set you on high, may you go upward, may you stand out above your enemies and all expectations and prayers, O most fortunate one." Moreover, *Felicissime* was a form of address proper to the Caesar, as on p. 256.

^A of the golden triclinium, where the divine and holy image of our Lord and God is seen placed upon a throne in human form, after the prayer is made: after these things, they withdraw to their own sacred bedchamber. It must be known, however, that according to this order and rite the holy and great Sunday of Pascha is celebrated, as well as the holy Pentecost, the Transfiguration radiant with divine splendor, the holy and natal feast of our Lord and God, and the holy and most brilliant day of Lights.

XVII. It must furthermore be noted that, when they proceed on the holy and great Sunday according to the rite and custom set forth above, and change their *dibetesia* in the Daphne bedchamber, ^B after all the senators have gathered in the portico of the great triclinium of the XIX Accubita and in the *onopodion*, the *praepositi* enter to remind the masters; and the masters put on their *tzitzakia*, and they go out through the great *accubitum* of the XIX Accubita, being escorted by the *kouboukleion*, the *maglabitae*, and the *Hetaireia* standing to the right and left of such triclinium, while they sit in the right part of the same triclinium upon golden and gem-studded seats. And then immediately the *raiktor* and the *praepositi* and those of the *kouboukleion* enter, and they kiss the masters; and after this, by a nod of the master, he nods through his own cloak to the *ostiarios* who holds the golden rod, and he goes out to bring in, in order from the right side, the *katepano* of the *basilikoi*, together with the *domestikos* and those in charge of the gold triclinium, ^C as well as the one in charge of the state and the *silentiarii* and the *admensuralis*. And as the *ostiarios* enters— [alt-version omitted] [index: entries preserved]

^A inside the veil, he stands and receives a nod from the *praepositus* [authorized] by the emperor; and through his own mantle he signals to the *ostiarios*. And then the *ostiarios*, bowing in a formal manner to the emperors, strikes the veil with his right hand behind him, and through the veil being drawn aside by the *silentiarii* the aforementioned enter. They also offer a kiss, and again they go out one by one by the way they came.

XVIII. After these things the emperors rise, and the *koubikoularioi* remove the seats and place them in the middle of this same triclinium, in the shape of the letter T, constructed—from ivy, myrtle, and rosemary—into a sort of bench. And thus the *praepositus* again receives a nod from the emperor, and enters the middle of this same bench and bows in a formal manner, and goes out to bring in the veils. And the two *ostiarioi* also go out with him and stand inside the veil. And one of them, namely the one on the right, also bowing ^B in a formal manner to the emperors, strikes the two veils with his right hand behind him. The *silentiarii* draw the veils in two directions, that is, to the right and left, and the *praepositus* enters, preceding the order of the *magistri* and *anthypatoi*, that is, those wearing the twelve gold-woven *loroi*. The *praepositus* stands in his own place, just as the *ostiarioi* stand in their own places; the *magistri* and the rest offer a kiss to the emperors according to the custom—first on their knees, then on their hands, and then on the mouth; and they stand to the right and left in their proper ranks.

XIX. The *praepositus* again goes out ^C in the same manner with the same *ostiarioi*, and the two *ostiarioi* enter again as was said before, and the *ostiarios* standing on the left performs everything as the one on the right did, that is, as written above. And the others, too, offer a kiss to the emperors according to the custom, and then in the same manner on the mouth, and they stand on the right and left ^D according to their proper ranks.

^A

The praepositus, in the same manner as has already been stated, exits for the third veil to bring in the protospatharioi and the officiales, and they too kiss the emperors and stand on the right and left according to their proper ranks, under the second veil. And again after this, in the same manner as has been written, the praepositus exits and brings in the fourth veil, the asikretas and the notarioi of the secretum, and they too kiss the emperors and stand on the right and left below the order of the third veil. ^A

XX. When all have been set in their proper places, the praepositus, by a sign from the emperor, says in a clear and harmonious voice: “Command.” And after this, all acclaim: “May God lead your just imperial rule to long and good years!” And after everyone has gone out, the emperors rise ^B and go up into the great accubitum with the praepositi and the koitonitai alone; for in the silver columns of that same accubitum, veils are hung so that the emperors may not be seen when they put on the loroi; for in that same accubitum, those of the changing-room of the cubiculum and the vestitores, together with the praepositi and ^C the—

^A *heteria* or praetorian cohort, acclaim them. They then exit through the middle of the triclinium, escorted by the cubicularii, to the portico; thence to the onopodium, where the magistri and proconsuls wearing the loroi, and the others with their change of clothes, are waiting to receive them. Afterwards, they proceed to the consistorium, and the rest is carried out as has been said above and performed in other processions.

XXI. Furthermore, it should be known that on the Holy and Great Sunday, for the divine rites, for the kiss of peace, and for the holy communion, the masters go out wearing tunics as in other processions, and not with the loroi; after they have conversed with their ^B friends, they put on these. The rest is carried out as in other processions.

It should also be known that on the feast of the Nativity of the most holy Theotokos, the masters do not wear the crown as in other processions, but after all has been performed as described above, the masters proceed from the dibetesion of the Daphne cubiculum, and in the octagonal cubiculum they put on their tunics, the custom of the aforementioned processions being observed, and the rest performed just as in other processions. Factions, however, are not organized by the people, ^C but in those places where acclamations are accustomed to be made, the notaries and masters of the two factions acclaim the masters with Roman words that are appropriate for the feast. Indeed, the notary of the Veneti faction is present at the place where the lamps are accustomed to stand; he must approach very close behind the masters and, according to custom, recite iambics as far as the gates that lead to the scholae. For from the great gates leading there—that is, from the propylaeum of the Holy Apostles—the master of the Prasinoi faction begins to recite iambics as far as the great gate of the scholae which leads out to the tholos of the Chalke. ^D Inside the same gate stands the master of the Veneti faction, and from that point he himself begins to recite iambics as far as the narrow passage leading to the embolon of the holy well; for outside the iron gate of that narrow passage, in which the vaulting is, stands the notary of the Prasinoi, who himself begins to chant iambic verses from there as far as the holy well.

^A. Then, having returned, he enters the *metatorion* and holds a reception with the patricians and the rest of the officials whom he may have summoned. Then he is robed in his *chlamys* by the *vestitores*, and he commands the *praepositos* to summon the patriarch. He proceeds with the emperor to the Holy Well, and the emperor standing there, the *argyros* calls out those accustomed to receive the gold purses. The *praepositos*, receiving the purses from the *argyros*, hands them to the emperor, and the emperor distributes them to those whom the *argyros* calls out. Then, having entered inside the veil with the officials of the *kouboukleion*, the *praepositos* hands the crown to the patriarch, and the latter crowns the emperor. Then the patriarch hands the *eulogiai* to the emperor; having received the *apokombion* from the *praepositos*, the emperor gives it to the patriarch, and the patriarch gives *aleipta* to the emperor in return.

VI. After the mutual kisses, the emperor, having exited, stands outside the gate of the Holy Well which leads to the *embolon*. There the faction of the Venetians receives him, the *demarch* wearing a blue *chlamys*, and they perform the *acta* as is their custom, acclaiming the emperor. In like manner, the *demokratai* of the Pera faction and the *demarch* of the Greens perform this according to their order. Again he passes through the *scholai* and the *exkoubita*, and the senate stands there in the *consistorium*, saying, "For many and good years!" They remain there, while on the *onopodion* the master of ceremonies ^B waits with the *silentiarii*, and they also pray for the emperor. The patricians and the *strategoi* stand in the *stenon*, likewise praying like the senate, and they remain there.

When the members of the *kouboukleion* have entered into the *augusteion* and have stood in the shape of the letter Π, and the emperor has entered, immediately the great doors of the *augusteion* are bolted. Having received a signal, the *praepositos* says in the Roman dialect, "Bit," and one of the *kouboukleion* replies, "Kalos," and the *kouboukleion* members answering say in Roman, "Venias in multos annos felicissime." ^C Then the emperor enters the *octagon*, and the *praepositos* having taken the crown from the head of the emperor, the *vestitores* enter and remove his *chlamys*. Thus he enters into his chamber. Then, having come out, he sits down to eat, and having risen, he is clothed in his *sagon*, and being escorted by the *maglabitai* and the members of the *kouboukleion*, he enters the palace. The members of the *kouboukleion*, standing in the *chrysotriklinon*, say, "For many and good years!" and each departs to his own house.

^A XXII. Having entered the holy well of the Lord, after a prayer with candles and genuflection, they pour out orisons to God; and having adored the holy well, they enter through the gate leading thence to the church; for there the patriarch is present with his customary ministry and office. And while he censes the lords as is the custom, they kiss him and proceed through the door leading to the right side of the sanctuary, where all the senators have gathered to pray for the lords. Then they go to the holy doors, and having performed a triple adoration with candles, they pray to God and perform the rest according to custom. Afterwards, the patriarch takes the censer from the *kastresios* and hands it to the emperor, who censes around the holy altar; which being done, the patriarch and the emperor stand before the holy altar, and, with an intonation by the archdeacon and a prayer by the patriarch, and all ecclesiastical ceremonies finished, the lords depart with the patriarch, while the cross and the holy Gospel are carried before them. ^B

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKE

(9) *Embolon* implies a reception, refuge, or shelter where one may be safe from rain, snow, and other inclemencies of the weather. There were two kinds of *emboli*. Some streets were not entirely roofed over, but allowed, in the center, a free view of the sky, and both their sides were merely extended with porticos, as can be seen here and there in the cities of our Europe; other streets were entirely roofed or vaulted. The former kind is indicated by Papias when he says: "They are called *imbuli*, either because they are under a vault or because we walk under them." For they are porticos of streets on either side. The other kind is still very common today in the Ottoman Empire and is called *Bazzar*. Now, *Bazzar* is a narrow passage, vaulted above, more or less long, in which on either side, in a continuous series, stand the shops of merchants selling the same wares, through the middle of which those wishing to buy can pass and inspect the goods. Therefore, Cinnamus, p. 164, says that *stenopos* signifies the same as *embolon*; and many call it *embolon*.

(10) *Kastrisios*—here the letter *nu* is inserted. It does not follow from this that *kastrensis* was derived from *kanistron*. For the new Greeks insert that *nu* at their will, as if it signified nothing. ^C The Glosses say: *Kastrisios* is an officer of the camp or a servant of a commander. Thus it seems to me that passage should be read. Salmasius, in *Script. Hist. Aug.* vol. I, p. 981, construes it otherwise. For in truth it was some camp official, though of the lowest rank, a minister in respect to soldiers if he were an officer, or in respect to superiors whose commands he was to execute. Initially, *castrensis* was indeed only a certain military grade; not one who marked out the camp, but whose duty it was to distribute camp bread to the soldiers. Afterwards, he who would place bread on the imperial table or the patriarch's, or distribute bread and other alms to the poor in their name, was also called *castrensis* after the example of that military one. ^D Often in this *Cletorologion* mention is made of the *kleinou kastristiou* of the imperial table. He is also called *ho terpnos kastrisios*, the pleasant *castrensis*. For the guests watched his arrival eagerly and gladly, as one who would bring them dishes laden with food from the royal table, as appears from p. 431. The patriarch also had his *castrensis*, who was in a way his chamberlain, as is evident from Habert's *Pontificale*, pp. 18 and 52. Cf. Du Cange, *Glossarium*, s.v., and Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 75; Goar on Codinus, p. 13, n. 21, and Gretser on the same, p. 164.

(11) In Habert's *Pontificale*, p. 54, end: "As soon as the patriarch enters (the tribune), the *kastrisios*, having the censer prepared, having put incense into it, says: 'Bless, Master, the incense.' And the (patriarch) blessing it, says the prayer of the incense to himself, and taking the censer from his hands, censes around in a cross-shape the holy altar. — Then he takes the *dikērion* from him."

(12) The Greeks call *ekphōnēsis* an exclamation or intonation when the priest recites a part of the prayer—usually the last part—in a clear and ringing voice, while the others are recited silently. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* s.v. *phōnē*, p. 1714, and the Latin s.v. *secreta* et *actio*. *Patricius's Ceremonial II, 11*: "He says the *Pater noster* etc. towards the altar in silence, then he begins aloud for Terce: *Deus in adjutorium* etc." *Continuator of Theophanes*, p. 125: "And since it was necessary for them to chant and perform the mysteries, they would fulfill the odes with citharas, sometimes playing them quietly and musically, imitating the mystical, at other times with a wide sweep and ringing sound according to the *ekphōnēseis* of the priests." Missa celebrated with lowered voice began to be called *missa secreta*, p. 1371, *Mémoires de Trévoux*, where there is much on the mass and its origin from Claude de Vert, *Explication des Cérémonies de l'Église*, Paris 1706, 12. Vid. Habert's *Pontif.*, p. 145. *Ekphōnēsis* is also the response *Amen* to the preceding prayers; thus in Habert's *Pontificale*, p. 46, *meta dē tēn ekphōnēsin* is translated as "after the response Amen"; and hence any antiphon, same *Pontificale*, p. 53: "Saying the prayers of the three antiphons together and the *ekphōnēseis* to himself," reciting the prayers of the three antiphons and the three antiphons themselves silently to himself. Here *ekphōnēsis* is recited silently, and on the same page *ekphōnēseis* is sometimes translated as antiphon, and in the mar-

^A II. The cubicularii, upon a signal given by the praepositus, enter, and having entered, they stand to the right and left, as is the custom in an imperial reception. This having been done, the praepositus gives the signal to the ostiarius holding the golden rod; he goes out and conducts the first veil—the magistri; the second—the patricians; the third—the senators; and in a word, he brings in all the veils according to the custom and order of receptions. When all these have been stationed there, the praepositus gives the signal to the ostiarius holding the golden rod, and he, having entered, conducts the first veil: the magister and the ruler of Taron. 82 He, being supported by the katepano of the imperial household and the logothete of the dromos, enters, proceeds, and does obeisance to the emperors, then he is led by them to a small distance from the imperial throne. ^B Being asked the customary questions by the logothete, the protonotary of the dromos brings in his *kaniskion*, and indeed, after the completion of the *kaniskion*, falling to the ground again and having done obeisance, he departs. And again, by a signal from the praepositus, the ostiarius holding the golden rod descends, and conducts the second veil: the Bulgarian "friends," who come according to the custom, and when everything is well prepared... ^{C D}

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

- ^A gin, you see *ekphōnōs*—that is, "with an audible voice."

23. When they reach a position behind the ambo, or rather before the great doors, 14 the lords and the patriarch, with the cross and the Gospel, stand there. As they arrive, a prayer is offered there according to the ecclesiastical rite. Then the patriarch goes out with the lords through the imperial doors, and he kisses them there. The lords enter beneath the veil hanging in the narthex, and having been covered there, they come out again and kiss the patriarch. After this, they depart with their own litany ^B towards the great porphyry column of the Forum, 15 and the lords stand on the steps of the great porphyry column. The magisters, proconsuls, patricians, and the rest of the senators stand in the portions on the right before the station of the lords—that is, within the colonnade 16 of the Forum. Those of the *kouboukleion* stand on the right-hand steps of the same column, while the factions of the two parties stand on the small steps there opposite the lords—that is, outside the colonnade on the right side, in the place where those of the senate stand.

else changes their ^A office on that evening, except for the patricians and the cubicularii.

II. The emperor, wearing his dibetesion and tzitzakion, stands in the octagon, performing the divine liturgy. When the divine liturgy is finished, the patriarch enters the temple of St. Stephen, and when he has begun to perform the great prayer of consecration, the praepositus immediately hands candles to the emperor, and the emperor stands ^B behind the baptismal font until the patriarch has finished the entire prayer. The protospatharii who are eunuchs stand behind the emperor, and the patricians also stand similarly, holding imperial candles. When the prayer is finished, the emperor hands the candles he was holding to the praepositus, and the praepositus hands them to the priests. Having taken the sanctified water, the patriarch pours it into the hands of the emperor; the emperor, having washed his hands and anointed his head and face, and, if he wishes, having drunk from it, and both the emperor and the patriarch having bowed to each other, the emperor goes away to his bedchamber. There, standing behind the veil, he waits for the patriarch until he has fulfilled the ministry, that is, of pouring the sanctified water upon the patricians, the cubicularii, the strategoi, and the domestikoi. Then the praepositus notifies the emperor, and he gives a sign to the praepositus, who goes out and calls the patriarch in the church; and both the emperor and the patriarch are joined in the octagon, and the patriarch gives blessings to the emperor. The emperor, having received an apokombion from the praepositus, gives it to the patriarch.

III. ^C Then, the emperor and the patriarch having clasped each other's hands, they go out as far as the Augusteum, and having bowed to each other and embraced, the patriarch departs for the Great Church, and two officials of the cubiculum and the master of ceremonies and two silentiarii escort him as far as the Onopodes or the Consistorium. The emperor departs for his own God-guarded palace, and having taken off the tzitzakion and the dibetesion, he puts on a variegated scaramangion with gold clavi, and thus he sits at his honorable table. Similarly, the patricians also change, and having put on their scaramangia, those who have been invited enter the kletorion; for there are no changes of clothes from the Church, nor are all the members ^D of the cubiculum present at the emperor's throne on that day. It should be noted that on that evening, that is, on the eve of the Lights (Epiphany), the changes of clothes are performed in white tunics, and on that evening the patricians do not wear tunics with gold tabula, but purple ones: for on the feast of the Lights the emperor and the senate put on white vestments, the ostiarii wearing their paragaudia and the protospatharii eunuchs carrying their staves and wearing dibetesia and swords, before the emperor...

^C And indeed, as the patriarch approaches with his own procession, the defenders (17) enter first, carrying their staffs, before the first ascent of the imperial approach of the column; and the metropolitans and archbishops enter and perform the customary obeisance—that is, being guided by the Master of Ceremonies and the Referendary, they worship the lords—and these stand in the left-hand part of the steps of the column. And after these, those who walk before the ecclesiastical procession enter, chanting (59), and thus the patriarch enters with both the cross and the Gospel, being supported (18) by his first and closest attendants; and when he arrives at the (19) first step of the imperial approach, the Praepositi hand over the customary candles to the lords according to custom, and they worship the venerable image of the life-giving (20) cross, kissing both the holy Gospel and the precious cross itself, and then the patriarch. And while the lords stand in the place where they stood before, the cross is set up on the base placed on those same steps, but the patriarch, with the Gospel and his own deacons and chanters, ascends into the oratory of the same column—that is, of Saint Constantine—and at the nod of the Praepositus, they begin to chant the two parts of the *katabasia* of the feast. And this being chanted three times, the customary *ektenē* (21) is performed by the deacon, namely, leaning out through the windows (22) on the left side of the same oratory. And indeed, once the *ektenē* has been completed, after the patriarch’s...

[[A]] the man of state with the silentiarius brings him inside to the inner consistorium, ^B and having clothed him with the sticharion and girded him with the balteus, he leads him out and stations him before the emperor below the pulpit. And all who have entered make obeisance, in the same manner as also at the presentation of the patricians; and the man of state leads him to the emperor, and having made obeisance and kissed his feet, he rises, having prayed for the emperor. And the man of state, having taken him, leads him in backwards and stations him in the order and position appropriate to him.

II. Afterward the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, nods to the silentiarius standing at the gate and says: "Order (it)." And thus the emperor proceeds through the excubitors and the scholae as far as the Great Church, in that order and with that pomp which we explained in the procession of the Nativity of Christ. And having entered the narthex, he enters inside the veil. Then the praepositus removes the crown from the emperor's head; the emperor, approaching through the narthex, is met by the patriarch, with whom, after mutual salutation, he enters and stops at the great doors. The praepositus hands the lighted candles to the cerimoniarius, and the emperor, having adored the holy Gospel, enters the church, and having passed through the solea, he stops before the holy doors. Having received the tapers from the praepositus and offered a prayer, he hands them back to the praepositus. And thus, having entered the sanctuary, he spreads two cloths upon the holy table, kissing two holy chalices and two holy discos and the wrappings of the Lord; and having taken an apokombion from the praepositus, he places it on the holy table, and having gone out through the side of the sanctuary, he enters the metatorion; and into the holy place he goes, and performs the agape and the communion, as the custom is. And after having mixed the chalice and come out from the Holy Φρέαρ, he enters inside the sanctuary with the patriarch, and stands by him. Then the emperor, having received an apokombion from the praepositus, hands it to the patriarch, and the patriarch gives the emperor blessed bread in return.

III. And after they have kissed one another, the emperor, passing through the middle, enters through the great gate of the Chalke; and the receptions of the Peratai and the politicians are performed in the order and position in the manner in which they were performed in the procession of the Nativity of Christ. And having passed through the scholae and the excubitors, and the consistorium and the narrow way, he enters the Augusteum; and those of the cubiculum, having performed the custom, enter the octagon, and the praepositus takes the crown from the emperor's head, and the vestitores entering remove his chlamys. Then...

proclamation, ^A the lords take their leave of him at the places where they stand (23); and with their own litany, he descends to the church of the most holy Theotokos of the Chalcoprateia (24). And they sit in the narthex of the same church, the imperial retinue standing there—that is, the cubicularius and the asēkrētai, the chrysotriklinītai, and the imperial men. And as the metropolitans pass by, they again perform a prostration, according to the rule of prostration mentioned above, and thus the members of the patriarch's litany enter, preceding and chanting; and after them, the patriarch enters with the cross and the Gospel.

^B XXV. The lords rise and go to meet him, kiss him, and both stand at the imperial doors; and after the customary prayer is performed by the patriarch as was stated above, the entrance occurs. And as the lords enter the sanctuary, depositing the *apokombion* upon the holy table, they depart through the left part of the same altar and traverse the *gynaikitēs* (24) of the same church. Throughout the *gynaikitēs*, the whole senate remains, praying for the lords; and the lords enter with the patriarch and the cubicularius through the *tropikē* (25) to the holy table of the holy tomb (26). And again, after the threefold prostration with candles, they give thanks to God, depositing another *apokombion* on the holy tomb. And thus, praying with candles in the left oratory of the same church, they deposit another *apokombion* on the holy tomb. From there they enter the *tropikē* of the holy tomb, and by kissing, they take leave of the patriarch; and the lords change their gold-embroidered purple *skaramangia* (27). And after the dismissal of the Gospel and the *ektenē*, ^C the patriarch enters again into the same *tropikē*, and he crowns the lords and gives the customary blessings, commanding those who precede them as they depart.

the patriarch enters into Saint Stephen, and, as the emperor is about to recline at the nineteen couches, he signals to the praepositus, and the patriarch is summoned. When this has been done, they reverence one another, ^A and the priests enter, and after they have performed the stichos, the patriarch enters again into Saint Stephen and removes his omophorion. Likewise, the emperor also removes his sagion, and they are joined together again; and then they go out, being escorted by the cubiculum, and the two recline equally in the accubitorium and drink once. And then, the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, signals for the service, and it enters; this same procedure is performed also for the rest of the friends.

IV. When the emperor wishes to rise and the friends have gone out, those who hold a place at the upper couches remain, the metropolitans, and those who are in the first couches—that is, the bishops—at the right and left. The emperor and the patriarch and the friends who have remained drink once more, and thus, having received a signal from the praepositus, they themselves go out; and when the protospatharios has received the signal, the service ^B is again dismissed. When this is done, the emperor remains with the patriarch alone and the cubiculum. And after both have drunk once again, they rise, and the patriarch departs to Saint Stephen and puts on his humerale, and the emperor his sagion, and they meet again in the octagon and perform the stichos. Then the emperor, having received blessed bread from the patriarch, proceeds as far as the augustale, and after they have revered and kissed one another, two cubicularii take the patriarch and conduct him as far as the stenon or to the onopodos. The emperor, however, being escorted by the cubiculum and the maglabitae, enters into the palace, and all those of the cubiculum standing in the chrysotriklinos pray for the emperor, saying: "To many and good years." This blessing is performed when the twelve days are completed. ^C

CHAPTER XXVII. Things to be observed on the feast and procession of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

I. If the emperor desires to depart and perform the night vigils at Blachernae, he departs on the day before the feast and performs the all-night vigil. On the following day of the feast, all change from white chlanidia; the cubicularii change their camisia only, and likewise also the spatharocubicularii carry mutatoria and spathabaculi, ^D and the bearded ones...

JO. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

^A Whether it [the scaramangion] was accustomed to be thrown over, and whether it was wide or narrow, enveloping the body on all sides, or hanging open in certain places, and whether the color of all scaramangia was one and the same or various, and whether they were each unicolored or particolored, is not clear. I have conjectured, however, at the end of the preface to the first volume, that scaramangia are those cloaks which three of those four nobles wear, who surround the Emperor Nicephorus Botoniates in that image which Montfaucon exhibits in the *Bibliotheca Coisliniana*. Those cloaks cling tightly to the body, are fastened together by one or another brooch on the breast, then again around the belly and the legs the edges recede from one another, and the garment curves inward, at the bottom most narrow and almost round, resembling a shield that is broad at the top and tapers at the bottom into an imperfect circle or apsis. If, therefore, I have not been false in my conjecture, and the scaramangia are truly those cloaks which are seen in the said image, the description of the mantles provided by Jo. Mussus, a man of the fourteenth century, in the *Chronicon Placentinum* (in Muratori, Vol. II, *Antiq. Italic.*, p. 319), agrees with it, certain things being excepted: "Matrons," he says, "or ladies of old, will carry a noble mantle or cloak, broad and long down to the ground and round toward the ground and crisp throughout the whole [circumference, that is] and open from the front down to the ground. Yet it is pommelled toward the throat [that is, in the region of the chest, where it is near the throat, it has pommels, that is to say, small knobs or beads, by means of which it might be fastened], with pommels of gilded silver or of pearls for one span [that is, a *spithama*], and they are made for the most part with a collar, that is a manicium, of twisted silk segment." Du Cange in his *Latin Glossary* thinks this garment was a *paenula* that would cover the whole body, and he describes it after Leunclavius thus: "A scaramangion is a garment which military men wear over other inner garments for the sake of warding off rains, snows, frost, and finally the other discomforts of the air." It seems entirely that the scaramangion pertains to the *paenulae*. For since the scaramangion was the garment of honorable men—that is, of men of the senatorial order and those conducting public duties in the court and in the city—it seems that one may correctly conclude that the ancient glosses look to it: *paenulatus*, a senatorial man, he who wears a *porphyra*. For if this is not accepted and established regarding the Byzantine court and subsequent times—that what was once a *paenula* was called a scaramangion at that time—the situation fights against the truth and the ancient Roman institutions during the first three centuries after Christ, in which the *paenula* was not more of the senators than of any of the common people. Basilius the presbyter also, in his notes on the *Steliteutic* of Gregory of Nazianzus, pronounces that *tribones*, to which *paenulae* are said to be equivalent, are the same as scaramangia. His words are: "Tribones are certain mantles; for the orators they are red and purple, for the philosophers they are grey. And this was a mark for them, worn daily, just as the scaramangion was for those engaged in politics." It would therefore follow that the scaramangion and the *paenula* were the same, or nearly so. But what was the form of the *paenula*? It is not known. Was the scaramangion furred or lined with fur? From our [text] indeed it is not known, for it almost nowhere makes mention of fur. That which is here called a "beaver" (*castoreum*) scaramangion can just as well be woven from the hairs of a beaver as lined with beaver fur. I think, however, that the Byzantine Greeks, as inhabitants of the cold of Thrace and linked by very frequent commerce with the Russian people, received not only other Russian wares but also furs, of which that region is the mother of the most precious kinds. That *paenulae* were furred, ^C it appears clearly from the fact that *paenulatus* signifies the same as *pellitus* or lined with fur (*pellitio duplatus*); see Du Cange, s.v. *Penulatus*. And indeed a *penula* is nothing other than a *pellula*; *pelos* and *pellas* is a skin; for *pellula*, as *ovilla* for *ovina* and other such things. But enough about the form of the scaramangion. Let us look now at the etymology. As is usual in obscure ancient matters, various conjectures have been born on this account and have distracted the mind in different directions. Whether I should bring them forward or suppress them, I hesitate. I shall bring forward one or two, however, which commend themselves with some appearance of truth. It seemed therefore at one time that the origin of the word was to be sought from an Arabic verb which sounds "long, prolix." In this sense the poet Gerir of the eighth century has the rarer word: "When I expect that they [my camels] will be broken in a moment by exhaustion, then their noble ones, long, notwithstanding the weariness of the journey, are carried with insane impetus, as if contending in a stadium." But indeed the word is also poetic and remote from common usage, and it does not stand that the scaramangion was a trailing garment. A doubt therefore falls: whether this word might be from the older and very frequent Arabic word *saraballa*, for which they also said *sarabara*. It is known that B and M, and likewise N and L, are interchangeable. Given this, *saramanna*, *saramannium* might have been said initially for *saraballa*, then *scaramangium*, when the Greeks and Latins pronounced a double N as *ng* or *gn* in the word *Bretigne*, *gagner*, etc. But against this opinion, besides other things, weighs the fact that the *saraballa* was ample, enveloping the whole person, and accustomed to be tightened at the loins with a belt, which is evident from that remark made by some Caliph against a Cadi in Abulfeda, asserting in the presence of the Cadi that he had been shown noble youths of the prince, the *spatharii*, and that upon none of them had he ever loosened his *saraballa*—that is, he had never improperly tempted their chastity. But this does not fit our previous description of the scaramangion. There was also the suspicion that the word *sagomantion* (as they called the chlamys, according to the *Etymologicum M.*, in later times) lies hidden under our word as a corruption. Finally, I acquiesce in this insofar as I believe it to be Gothic—that is, Saxon or Germanic. That the Goths were neighbors and inhabitants of Thrace is evident from the ancient history of the Emperor Valens and from the fact that they say that even today among the inhabitants of the Cimbric Chersonese a language is in use that is either entirely ancient Gothic or at least its remains. The specimens indeed of that language which Busbecq gave in Letter IV, p. 244, reveal clear traces of German. Old history and the Saxon language surviving in Transylvania speak of the Goths having once dwelt around the Borysthenes, when Greek and Roman affairs were flourishing, and then, with the emperors from Constantine M. slightly earlier and later showing indulgence, having moved closer to the Roman world by crossing the Danube. Men commonly believe that Charlemagne led a colony of Saxons into Dacia. To me, however, that smacks of a table. Finally, many Goths were in the palatine militia, at least in the fifth and sixth centuries; from whom the word *scaramangium* with its object and image ^D could be seen to have been sent into the Roman world and transmitted to posterity, as was the word *Chosbaita*, etc. If, therefore, we derive it from the Goths or Saxons or Franks or Varangians, whose language was once one and the same, the word *scaramangium* denotes "cover, garment, defense, protection." They once said *scharmen* for that which we call *schirmen*, *beschirmen*, to hide, to cover, to protect against injuries. *Schamarag* and *Scharamang* once...

^A V. When the time for divine communion approaches, the praepositus, by order of the official in charge of the ceremonies, commands two silentiarii to be sent to summon the patriarch, whom they lead through the styracium into the oratory where the emperor is. After the emperor has received the immaculate body and blood of the Lord from the hand of the patriarch, he enters into the koiton, into which the patricians, strategi, domestici, and those holding the primary offices enter and themselves receive communion from the hands of the patriarch. After all have left and the patriarch is about to come down, the emperor standing before the door of his koiton, they both perform mutual proskynesis to one another, and the patriarch, having departed, celebrates the entire divine liturgy. When the divine liturgy is finished, the emperor, having changed his vestments, passes through the triclinium of the Hagia Soros, with the cubicularii carrying the veils and curtains that are there, and the emperor ascends through the bisalouton and the cochlea, and enters into the Danubian triclinium, and his honorable table is set there, and there remain the protospatharioi barbati, the spatharocandidati, those of the maglabion, and all the rest of the household staff; and then those who have been invited ^B are awaited there, while the remaining archontes each stay in their own koiton.

VI. The emperor, having ascended into the Anastasiakos triclinium and having changed, remains in his dibetesion; the silentiarii, having summoned the patriarch, bring him up to the cochlea, and having sat there near the entrance gate in the triclinium where the table is set, the praepositus informs the emperor, and the emperor commands the praepositus to summon the patriarch, and the emperor stands, wearing his sagion, at the table awaiting the ^C patriarch. And when the patriarch has reached him, the priests are summoned by the patriarch and they perform the stichos. And after that, the emperor removes his sagion, and the patriarch his omophorion, and the priests, having taken them, depart. And the emperor and the patriarch having sat down at the table, two cubicularii bring in the cucumaria, and they drink once, and after that the friends enter, and the entire custom of the table is performed. And after the friends have risen and departed, the emperor and the patriarch remain, and the cubicularii again bring in the cucumaria, and after they have again each taken a drink, they rise, and the patriarch, having gone out a little ways, puts on his omophorion, and the emperor his sagion, and having said the stichos, the patriarch gives blessings to the emperor, and the priests depart. The emperor and the patriarch then sit ^D for a little while, conversing with one another; then, having performed proskynesis to one another and embraced, they depart. The patriarch is escorted by the prefects of the cubiculum to the cochlea, and thence by the silentiarii to the lower parts, but the emperor—for as long as he wishes and desires—remains there.

XXVI. WHEN the lords depart, a reception takes place in the said women’s gallery of the church by the masters, proconsuls, patricians, and the remaining officials, and at the nod of the praepositus, the ceremonial master says: "Order it." And as the senators go out, the lords go out with them, and they mount their horses in the portico, and a first reception takes place in the Milion, ^A in the vaulted chamber, where the demarch of the Venetians with the white faction stands ready to perform everything that the factionaries are accustomed to do. After only a short space, the demarch of the Greens with the red faction waits, and performs the rest according to custom. ^B Again, after a little while, the demarch of the Greens, that is the excubitor, with the sea-faring faction of the Greens, waits, and the rest is performed according to the form of the reception. Again after a little while, that is at the barrier that leads into the Chalke, the demarch of the Venetians, that is the domestikos of the schools, with the sea-faring faction of the Venetians, waits, and the rest is performed according to the form of the reception. ^C And from there the lords pass, and they descend before the great gate of the triclinium of the Candidates, and from there they pass into the narthex of the church of the Lord, and there, the gates being secured by the cubicularii, they are turned away by the praepositi.^D

[alt-version omitted]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[Regarding the etymological discussion of Germanic/Frankish terms related to "Schirm" (defensio/protection) and "Scaramuccio" (the clown/buffoon), Reiske concludes:]

Finally, I cannot suppress a conjecture which once came to mind, that the kind of striped colored cloth which we call "Calamank" came from *scaramagnio*.

(28) Concerning the Milion, see Du Cange, *Cpl. Christ.*, II, p. 72 and following.

(29) The church of the Lord, or also called *Kyrou* (of Cyrus), was within the palace. Indeed, sometimes in our codex I have found *Kyrou* for *Kyriou* (of the Lord), yet it ought not to be confused with the church of the Mother of God of Cyrus, concerning which see Du Cange, *Cpl. Christ.*

(30) Concerning the closing of the gates. The term *asphalizein* (to secure) is very frequent in the new Greek, nor was it unknown to the ancients. It has this sense in Polybius, p. 716, 34, ed. Wechel. In a passage of Theophylact Simocatta, *Hist.*, bk. IV: "He orders [him] to track with the *dexioladois* troops and to secure (*katasphalisasthai*) all the paths"; this can be translated with equal right as to close and to occupy. Below, our author has *asphalizein tēn thuran* (to secure the door), 199 and 200. See Du Cange, under the word *asphalizein*. For the Latins also used "firmare fores" (to secure the gates) for "to close," especially when bolts or bars were applied, which they called *firmacula*. "The janitor, when the signal [that is, the bell] was rung at Compline, immediately secures the gates of the monastery, and brings the keys to the Abbot." These are the words of the author of the *Life of St. Agilus*, according to Du Cange, under the word *Completa*. See the same under the word *Firmare*. Then *diffirmare*, that is *defirmare*, denoted in the Middle Ages to unbolt the gates, to open, and in contrast, to re-secure.

to complete the most venerable and holy Quadragesima. ^A And thus he instructs the secretary, and he reads the reading. When the reading is finished, all the people acclaim the emperor. After the acclamation of the people, the emperor departs, and passes through the left side of the Magnaura, escorted by the praepositus and the rest of the cubicularii and protospatharii, and passing through the excubia and the scholae, through the small bronze gate, he enters the holy well and lights candles. The patriarch receives him in the holy well, at the gate that leads inside the church, and both enter as far as the holy doors.

II. But when the emperor has lit the candles and prayed, he hands them to the praepositus. And after ^B the emperor and the patriarch have venerated one another, the emperor departs to the metatorium; for on that day the emperor does not enter the sanctuary. Having finished the "third-sixth" office, he departs from the metatorium. And after they have venerated one another and exchanged a kiss, the emperor passes through the right side of the church, of the narthex, and of the horologion, and exits through the great gate facing west that leads to the thyra. Having ridden on horseback from there, he passes through the Milion, the Forum, and the long portico of Maurianus and of Petrius, and departs as far as the Mother of God in the Blachernae. Once he has arrived there, he dismounts from his horse and ascends into the catechumena, and having prayed, he lights candles in the parakyptikon of the Holy Shroud, in the oratory, and in the outer cross of the catechumena. Having departed from those places, ^C he goes to the Anastasiacus triclinium, and thus he performs everything, such as the changes of vestments and the receptions. Both the meeting for the litany and the entrance for the Divine Liturgy and the prayer are done in the manner we set forth above in the first arrangement of this same feast.

Chapter XXVIII

I. The patriarch departs on the evening of the Sabbath to the church of the Most Holy Mother of God in the Blachernae, and together ^D

the masters, and they enter into the temple of the Lord, and through the triple prostration with candles they give thanks to God. And from there they enter into the sacred palace, the *cubiculum* also entering with ^A them, and they are acclaimed in the *chrysotriclinium*, as has been said before.

XXVII. It must be known indeed that this procession is celebrated according to the same pattern as that which is instituted for the day of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin. For if this should fall on a Saturday or a Lord's Day, the factions of the people gather, and the organs are played during those four receptions; but if it should fall on another day, the factions or the people are present in the said places of their order, and as the masters pass by with solemn pomp, they pray for their prosperity while standing in their stations and sign them with the cross, but they omit the acclamations. Furthermore, it must be known that the procession of the holy and great Sabbath is instituted according to the rite of this procession. For indeed, the masters change their garments, which they call *pagana*, in the Daphne *cubiculum*, and they withdraw into the octagonal *cubiculum*, where they take off their *pagana* cloaks. ^{B C D}

JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS' COMMENTARY.

...the organs mentioned here... it is evident from Nicetas Choniates, that they were similar to our own ecclesiastical organs... The Slavs were used, as slaves, for treading the bellows that would animate the organ pipes, just as the dregs of the populace are employed for the same task among us. And *organa*, properly speaking, are for the Greeks wind-instruments of music... nor is it to be denied that organs were already in use in the age of Augustus Caesar...

It is doubted whether the Greeks had organs in their churches and sacred rites. Indeed, in this codex, I do not recall reading anything that affirms it... They were said to be present and to sound, and they performed the use that today in our cities and courts is fulfilled sometimes by bells or smaller hand-bells, sometimes by trumpets—that is, they moderated the times of certain actions or words and indicated them, in the great triclinium of 19 couches, in the Magnaura, in the Circus, and elsewhere; and very often they are said to be used by our author when there is an exclamation to be made to the crowd in the Circus in praise of the emperors, or when it is time to sit down or rise from the table at the banquet of the Emperor, or when ambassadors are to approach or depart from the master.

It is evident that those organs were not large, but of a size that one man, or at most two, could carry. It is said everywhere *κρούουσι τὰ ὄργανα*, or even *παίουσι* (they are struck or beaten), at other times *αὐλοῦσι* (they are played like flutes). If anyone should come to the opinion that by pulses of organs we are to understand drums and cymbals, but by inflated ones those which we strictly call pneumatic organs, I do not know how far he would be from the truth. However, both terms can be understood of wind-instruments...

...we have shortly after *παγανὰς χλαμύδας* ("pagan" cloaks), and *παγανὸν διβητήσιον* ("pagan" *dibetesion*), and everywhere "pagan" processions, which are opposed to the solemn ones. For they were done on ordinary days—when, as Silentiarius says, there was no festival of the Theotokos where the emperor was obliged to wear a crown—without indictment, without candles, in common garments; and in them the emperor neither wore a crown nor did he receive acclamation.

with him depart the metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops, whoever happen to be in the city on that day. In the same way, the clergy of the Great Church and those of the suburban churches 21, and whoever among them practices a monastic life in all the monasteries in this God-guarded city, perform the all-night hymn in the venerable temple. On the following day, which is the Lord’s Day, the patriarch, together with all those aforementioned, proceeds from the church with a solemn procession through the public portico. The emperor, having departed from the palace, wearing his *sagion*, passes through the gate of the *spatharikion*, escorted by his chamberlains wearing their own *sagia*, and passes through the *mannaoura* and its upper transit-halls, and by way of the wooden staircase enters the catechumena of the Great Church. Having entered there, the emperor prays with lit candles; then he, as also all the others, according to their own rank, change into their white festival garments. As the procession approaches, silence is decreed, 93 and the emperor proceeds from the metatorium of the catechumena, where the patricians and the entire senate receive him in the great triclinium of the secretum, and they prostrate themselves. Then, the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, signals to the master of ceremonies, who says: “Command!” and they respond, acclaiming: “For many and good years.”

^B II. From there, the emperor, escorted by all those carrying candles, descends by the great spiral staircase and through the *didascalion*—where the paschal cycles are established—and descending the steps, he does not enter the great narthex, but turning to the left towards the metatum from the triangle, the master of ceremonies at the base says aloud: “*Caplate, Domini*.” And he descends the steps of the doorway and there receives the procession. Having lit his candles and prayed, he worships the venerable cross and the immaculate Gospel, and likewise greets the patriarch, and he walks in front of the procession. The master of ceremonies begins the troparion, “The [faith] of the true dogmas,” which all those processing chant as well. The emperor, having entered the narthex, sits and waits for a short time until the patriarch arrives with the procession. And when the patriarch has arrived, the emperor stands up, and both stand before the imperial doors. The emperor, having lit candles, prays, and the patriarch ^D performs the prayer of the entrance. The emperor, having finished his prayer, hands the candles to the praepositus, and he to the master of ceremonies. After the patriarch has finished the prayer and the emperor has worshipped the immaculate Gospel, they take each other by the hands, pass through the middle of the church, and turning through the side of the ambo, they enter the *solea* and stand before the holy doors; and there, with his candles, the emperor prays, then returns them to the praepositus. And after he and the patriarch have worshipped one another, the latter [proceeds] to the sanctuary for the sake of celebrating the divine liturgy, [while] the emperor, [having] performed the divine rites...

^A And through the Augusta they depart. Inside the great gate of the same Augusta his cubicularius is present, carrying a centenarium [(34)] on his shoulders, and he follows closely behind the masters. And indeed, with the customary order being performed at the receptions according to the custom of the procession of the Annunciation, the notaries of the factions and the masters also chant their iambics in their own places, as has been said before, and with the masters ^B entering through the holy well and the bema, as we have said, and the sacred carpet having been changed according to the rite of the Church, the curator takes the centenarium from the cubicularius and hands it to the emperor, who deposits it in the atrium of the sea at the holy table. Afterwards, the masters,

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

receives from the factions, nor did he place gold on the altar of the church to which he was processing, carrying out the procession, so to speak, anonymously. This seems to be the origin of the term. A *paganus* was properly one not yet marked by name, not yet baptized, not yet received into the company of the Christian faithful by solemn rites. Hence they were not called *pagana* as something mature and perfect, but only as affected. Thus, the *pagani patricii* are on p. 423, *hoi chopis ophikiōn*, as the author himself declares by way of explanation, mere patricians and titular ones, to whom offices had not yet accrued for the splendor of the patriciate. Elsewhere, there is the *pagana Dominica*, which lacks a public procession for honor and celebration, not officiated, or in which the office, the service, was not performed. See Du Cange, v. *Officiari* and *Inofficiari*. Anonymus, in Du Cange v. *Paganus*, says that he is a pagan who, without any right, is alien to the law and to the sacred constitutions. Therefore, that Sunday is *pagana* into which the sacred constitutions of the *Typicon* or Ritual do not fall. An infant is *paganus* who has not yet been given a name, not yet bound by Christian laws. All these things are not from *pagus* (village), but from *vagus* (wandering). Everything *vagum* is bound to no rule, rite, or name, but is permitted to itself; *zaganon*, *paganum*, it is.

[(34)] Whether this local *centenarium* is one bag, a single mass consisting of as many coins as are required to make up a *centenarium*, or an imaginary sum of money, is not clear. That minted coins existed equivalent in weight to a *centenarium* is clear from our page 272. For it is said there that the emperor, when going to camp, takes with him *centenaria* and *milliaresia* to suffice for necessary expenses, that is, huge masses and small change—the former for convenience of transport, the latter for small expenses. When I was reading sometime in the *Itinerary* of Keysler, vol. I, p. 367, that a large gold mass of the Greek emperor John VII Palaiologos, who attended the Council of Florence, is preserved in the Treasury of the Grand Duke in Florence, minted and brought there, the largest of any medallions in existence, I began to conjecture that it was perhaps a *centenarium*. However, it became clear to me from what that author adds, that the coin weighed 117 gold Louis, that it was a faulty conjecture. For a *centenarium* contained one hundred pounds of gold. A pound contained 72 coins. A *numisma* is believed to be equivalent to more or less a Dutch gold ducat or a Venetian sequin. If, therefore, you multiply 72 by 100, you will have 7200 gold ducats, or the value of one *centenarium*, besides the... It was the custom in the Middle Ages for princes, if they were traveling anywhere, to take with them huge masses of gold and silver so that they could be more easily placed on pack animals and transported. Such masses they called wheels, the Arabs almost like millstones, that is, masses similar to millstones. Thus Abulfeda narrates at the year of the Saracen era 360 (A.D. 971) about Almoezzo transferring his seat from Libya to Egypt, and occupying Al-Qahira (Cairo) newly founded under his auspices. He went out [namely from Africa or Mahdia] with his family and his treasures, which he reports to have been so great and so ^C brilliant, to the extent that he took care to have all the gold minted into masses similar to millstones and loaded onto camels. The same person reports these things about a certain king of Arabia Felix at the year 593. [Chr. 1197.] He collected incredible heaps of gold, so that he deposited the molten gold in the form of millstones in storerooms. They also had wheels of silver. Vincent of Beauvais, XXXI, 143, speaking of the Sultan of Aden: a *Lebena* is said to be worth three wheels of refined silver, which are worth three thousand *soldani*, with the workmen paid. I myself have held in my hands, and felt to be extremely heavy, such a silver *centenarium* in the Ducal Treasury of Gotha, offered to Aureng-Zeb, the famous king of the Indians in the previous century, commonly called the Great Mogul, according to the Persian inscription. This coin the learned Kehrius, formerly a lecturer in this Academy in the liberal arts, afterward a translator at the St. Petersburg court, illustrated in a special booklet, in which among other things he discusses the custom of modern princes in the East of minting coins like wheels, very large and heavy. Nor is that institution so new; for Heliogabalus is said by Lampridius in the *Life of Severus*, p. 967, to have invented *centenaria* forms or masses of gold.

Whether it contained only solid gold coins, it is inferred from the words. Which form agrees well enough with the aforementioned Florentine coin. Without doubt such round masses, wheels, were also the *centenaria* mentioned by our author, so large that a porter would hardly be able to carry one. For this reason, it is called *epōmion phortōma* (a load on the shoulders) in our text. It could, however, also have been a sack or a purse. Indeed, the Turks still pay and count by purses, and in the Middle Ages the Latins by deerskin bags, and the Arabs by *badras* or goatskin bags; and in the histories of the Arabs it is read that Almamon, in whose reign the affairs of the Bagdad Caliphate reached the highest peak of fortune, but for a short time, bestowed silver by *badras* with such profusion that you might understand the wealth of that empire to have equaled, nay exceeded, the stupendous wealth of the Romans formerly. Each *badra* held ten thousand silver coins, called *dirhems* by the Arabs, that is, drachmas, or *milliaresia* to the Greeks. But a sharper mind, and one more experienced in these matters, will explain these monetary ratios better than I. Constantine the Great first instituted the custom of offering gold to the church on the feast of Easter and depositing it at the altar. See Valesius on Eusebius, *Life of Constantine*, bk. IV, ch. 22. In the Great Sabbath, that is, on the day that immediately precedes the feast of Easter, the emperor deposited under the altar on a footstool placed there a *centenarium* of gold, as is said here or, which is the same thing, to use the words of Codinus, *Offic.* p. 107, n. 8, he offered through the *vestiarium* one hundred pounds of gold to be divided among the clergy. Our author himself also, below p. 107, commands one hundred pounds to be offered, so that there may be no doubt that a *centenarium* of gold is the same as one hundred pounds of gold, and not one hundred gold coins, or *solidi*.

^A According to the custom that holds on the feast of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin, they offer incense, and passing through the left side of the sanctuary, they enter the place where the sacred vessels are kept; and having offered incense in these, they themselves sit down upon their gold chairs, and the patriarch upon the throne placed there. ^B

XXVIII. Then the patriarch offers nard and cinnamon to the lords; afterwards the chartulary of the sacred vessels does homage to them, and having received a blessing from the patriarch, he goes out and distributes the nard to the members of the senate. This done, the lords go out with the patriarch, and passing through the left side of the sanctuary and the church of Saint Nicholas, they emerge at the great gate that leads to the holy well. For within this gate the patriarch and the lords stand, and the patriarch delivers the blessings, that is, the offerings, to the lords; and there the lords greet him and bid him farewell, and pass through the holy well. ^C

As the patriarch of the lords passes by ^D the holy well, as has been said before, and proceeds into the sanctuary, as we have said, and the vestment is changed according to ecclesiastical order (35), the praepositus takes the *centenarium* from the hand of the cubicularius and gives it to the emperor, and the emperor places it on the *pezoulion* of the *thalassidion* (36) of the same holy altar. And then, the sovereign offering incense according to the aforementioned rite of the Annunciation, they cross through the left side of the same sanctuary and enter the *skeuophylakion* (37), and there, the sovereign offering incense to the sacred vessels, they sit down on their gold chairs. The patriarch, meanwhile, stands upon the throne placed there (38).

XXVIII. Indeed, as the patriarch gives the lords the nard and the cloths (39), subsequently the chartulary of the *skeuophylakion* does homage, and receives a blessing from the patriarch, and going out, he makes the distribution of the nard to those of the senate. And after such distribution is completed, the lords come out with the patriarch, and passing through the left side of the sanctuary and Saint Nicholas, they emerge to the great gate leading to the holy well. For inside this gate, as the patriarch and the lords stand, the patriarch delivers the blessings, that is, the offerings, to the lords, and there the lords, greeting him, take their leave and pass through the holy well. As the lords are exiting the outer gate...

the prefect of the Veneti ^A stands there with the white faction, offering their acclamations; as the lords pass by, they offer the parts [as has been said before, they offer their blessings (40)] and offer the acclamations appropriate to the feast. For the lords do not stop, as is the custom, during the offering of the acclamations; instead, as the lords pass by, as has been said, they offer the acclamations. The prefect of the Greens stands with the Red faction at the iron gate, and as the lords pass by, they also offer the acclamations appropriate to the feast. And from there the lords pass through the Chalce, and the Scholae, and the Excubitors, and enter into the sacred palace through the Lord’s gate (41).

Chapter II. Acclamations for the feast of the Nativity of Christ.

I. When the lords have exited the palace for the procession and all the accustomed order has followed, the first reception occurs at the tribunal, that is, at the lamps, and there the ^B demarch of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Scholae, receives them with the faction of the Veneti, and before the lords have arrived there, the crier recites the chant in tone III (42): “A star announces the sun, Christ, having risen in Bethlehem from a virgin.” And as the lords arrive and stand in the place accustomed for their station, that is, in the chamber, the criers say: “Many, many, many years!” The people: “Many years for many!” And the criers again: ^C “Many years to you, O divinely appointed reign! (43)” The crier (44) and the people chant for the third time: “Many years to you!” The criers: “Many years to you, servants of the Lord!” The crier and the people chant for the third time: “Many years to you!” The criers: “Many years to you, [Name] and [Name], Emperors of the Romans!” The crier and the people chant for the third time: “Many years to you!” The criers: “Many years to you, [Name] and [Name], Augustae of the Romans!” The crier and the people chant ^D for the third time: “Many years to you!” The criers: “Many years to you, along with the Augustae and the Porphyrogennetoi; may God make your holy reign last for many years.” And the crier and the people chant once: “May God grant your holy majesty many years!”

II. Second reception before the gates of the Holy Apostles or in the schools

III. Third reception inside the Chalce

Fourth reception outside the Chalce

IV. Fifth reception at the place called Achilles, near the great gate of Meletius

Greens with the Red faction stands, and the criers say the chant in tone I: "He who is without mother in heaven, is born without father on earth." And the chants of acclamation are sung both by the criers and by the people, as also in the other receptions. Sixth reception at the horologion of Hagia Sophia: there the tribune of the Venetians with the White faction receives them, and the criers say the chant in tone III: "The virgin opened the paradise in Eden in Bethlehem, from whom Christ and our God was pleased to be born; for having been incarnate from her in his love for mankind, he delivered us from the bitter taste of sin; having found from her the sweetness of his ineffable great power and the hidden delight as our Savior, we have become heirs of his divine inheritance." ^B And when the lords come and stand in the accustomed place of their station, that is to say, at the horologion, the criers say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many." The criers: "The Creator and Lord of all." The people and the criers say three times: "Long seasons to you, O you who were born of the holy Virgin!" The people also cry out three times: "Long seasons to you!" The criers: "May he multiply your seasons with the Augustas and the Porphyrogenneti!" The people: "May God make your holy empire long-lived for many years." Reditus dominorum a templo Sanctæ Sophiæ ad palatium. V. As the lords are being crowned by the patriarch in the accustomed place of the holy well inside the veil, the criers say the chant in tone III: "The star announces the sun," and the rest. ^C And when the lords come out and stand, the criers say: "Welcome, you who have been promoted by the Trinity." The people also cry out three times: "Welcome!" And the chants of acclamation are sung by the criers and the people, as has been stated above regarding the other receptions; but the last chant the criers say: "Adoring the glory of the born Christ," and the people respond: "May God order the holy one to be long-lived," etc. Second reception outside the vault of the Iron Gate: the tribune of the Green faction is there with the White faction, and the criers say the chant in tone III: "Heaven sends the star, guiding the Magi in the birth; the earth prepares a cave to receive the Creator of all: he, who took on our flesh from the Virgin, [is the one who protects] your God-crowned majesty in pur- ^D [original-script column: see facsimile]

the purple. » And the acclamations are sung by the chanters ^A and the people, just as was stated regarding the first reception of the return.

The third reception is within the Chalke. The tribune of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, with the Venetian faction, receives the emperor there, and the chanters sing the *apelaticum* of tone III: « The Virgin of Bethlehem opened the Paradise of Eden, etc. » And the acclamations are sung by the chanters and the people, as was stated in the first reception.

VI. The fourth reception at the Holy Apostles, that is, at the Schools: the tribune of the Prasini, that is, the Excubitor, with the Venetian faction [of the Prasini], takes his stand there, and the chanters of his choir sing in tone III: « He who fills every creature and is its Lord, is emptied by an unchanging emptying for our sake, that he might fill the world above from our lowest race. He himself, the Giver of life, shall exalt your horn, O Sovereigns, in the whole world, and shall bring all nations into ^B servitude, so that they may offer gifts to your majesty, as did the Magi. » And the acclamations by the chanters and the people are arranged as was stated in the second reception.

The fifth reception is at the Tribunal, that is, at the Lamps: the tribune of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, with the Venetian faction, takes his stand there, and the chanters sing the *apelaticum* of tone III: « A star runs before and shines in the cave, etc. » And the acclamations are sung by the people and the chanters, just as was stated in the first reception.

It should be known that, according to the pattern and order of this feast, the receptions and acclamations are performed for the feast of the holy Pentecost, ^C and for the feast of the Lights, and for the feast of holy Pascha, and for the feast of the Transfiguration, both when the sovereigns are going to the Holy Sophia and when they are returning from it to the palace.

CHAPTER III

Feast of the Epiphany. Acclamations of the two factions.

The first reception, of the Veneti, voice of oblique tone IV: « Today He who crushed the heads of the dragons ^D upon the waters... »

^A a friendly manner inclines his head to the Forerunner." Second reception, of the Prasini, voice of oblique tone IV: "Christ sanctifies with holy washing the Church collected for Himself from the nations." Third reception, of the Veneti, voice of oblique tone I: "By the fire of Divinity in the Jordan 52 He extinguishes the flame of sin." Fourth reception, of the Veneti, voice of oblique tone IV: "The Word of God, coeternal with the Father, has come today into the Jordan to be baptized, and He inclines His head in a servile manner to the Forerunner, whom the powers of the heavens tremble to behold. But may He who enlightened the world by His manifestation increase and exalt the power of your reign for the good fortune and glory of the Romans." Fifth reception, of the Prasini, voice of oblique tone IV: "Christ, out of love for mankind, enters the streams of the Jordan." Sixth reception, of the Veneti, voice of oblique tone I: "Concerning the Divinity of the Jordan," and so forth. Acclamations of the sixth reception: the chanters say: "He who was baptized in the waters of the Jordan." The people also shout three times: "Long life to you!" The chanters: "And having inclined His head in a servile manner to the Forerunner." The people also shout three times: "Long life to you!" The chanters: "May He multiply your years along with those of the Augustae and the Porphyrogenneti!" The people: "May God grant the holy reign a long life for many years." ^B

Return of the Lords on the same feast. First reception, of the Veneti, apelaticum of oblique tone I: "The Word of God coeternal with the Father," and so forth. Second reception, of the Prasini, apelaticum of oblique tone III: "He who enlightens 53 in the Holy Spirit was baptized in earthly water, and He bestowed the light of baptism upon men; but Christ, who having accomplished these things out of love for mankind, commands your imperial power to prosper and reign over the Romans in an uninterrupted 54 succession." Third reception, of the Veneti, apelaticum of oblique tone I: "O benefactors, He who crushed the heads of the dragons in the streams of the Jordan shall crush the heads of the Barbarians before your feet; O God-crowned benefactors, may the Thrice-Holy Trinity multiply your victories; He who was baptized for our sake according to the flesh and sanctified the nature of the waters." Fourth reception, of the Prasini, apelaticum of oblique tone IV: "He who was baptized today by the hand of the Forerunner declares you, O God-crowned benefactors, to be emperors with His own tremendous hand 55, ^C and shows you as Christs to the whole world. For by the washing... ^D

it sanctifies, it baptizes the empire with the oil of incorruption, gifting salvation to the Romans, and the greatest support 57 and glory to the empire. ^A Fifth reception, of the Venetians, apelaticum, tone IV plagal: «The light has appeared materially in a body, that we, having become light, might be mingled with the light of God. He is present, washing with water and perfecting by the Spirit; let us go down with Him, that we may be raised up with Him. Let us be marked, having mystically known the power of the mystery; let us all take up the second, not the first, Adam, as those who have been regenerated.» The words of the acclamation are sung by the chanters and the people, as in the other receptions. And the final acclamation the chanters say: «Adoring the glory of the manifest Christ;» the people: «God will make the holy empire long-lived.»

CAPUT IV. Acclamations on the feast of holy Easter.

First reception, of the Venetians, tone I: «By the power of the divine resurrection, the war of death has been dissolved.» Second, of the Greens, tone I: «The rays of unapproachable light shone forth on the dead who were in darkness. For Christ appeared dead in the tomb, by death slaying death, and raised those bound ^B by His three-day resurrection; may He guard your glory, O masters, for a length of time in the purple.» Third reception, of the Venetians, tone III: «Seeing the Lord’s Easter today, we cry out melodiously and unanimously.» Fourth, of the Venetians, tone I: «By the power of the divine resurrection,» and the rest. Fifth, of the Greens, tone I: «He who reigns timelessly with the Father in the last days dwelt temporally with men, and having taken captive Hades and death on the cross, by His three-day resurrection renewing the resurrection for the dead 58; may He exalt your horn, O masters, with victories against the Barbarians.» ^C Sixth reception, of the Venetians, tone III: «The rays of unapproachable light,» and the rest. Acclamation of the sixth reception. The chanters say: «The Creator and Lord of all.» And the people cry out three times: «Many years to you.» The chanters say: «Miraculously from the sepulcher...» ^D

^B

He departs through the left gate of the sanctuary (68) and the patriarch gives him a blessing.

III. After both have passed through the narrow passage of St. Nicholas, which is behind the bema, they go to the holy well, where the patriarch again gives a blessing to the emperor. Then, after a mutual salutation and with all accompanying, the emperor departs, and proceeds through the small bronze gate as far as the consistory, where the senators are present, praying for his prosperity. When he reaches the narrow way, the patricians who are gathered there offer their prayers for him; from there the emperor enters into the palace, and when the *kleterion* has been drawn up, the *minsai* (banquets) take place, and all depart; those friends who were invited remain, while the others each go away to their own houses. About the ninth hour, he changes his vestments, and as the time of the divine office approaches, the emperor goes to the Pharos to celebrate the holy liturgy; if he has so commanded, the patricians enter and celebrate the holy office with him, but if not, they go to the Hippodrome and there celebrate the holy liturgy in the church of the holy protomartyr Stephen.

When the chanter is about to begin the "God, arise," the *cubicularii* who are holding the curtains suspended outside the golden veils stand, and while he begins the hymn "God, arise," they spread them out evenly, remove the exterior veils, and only the golden ones remain. The divine office having been completed, and after those assembled there have cried out, "May God preserve our emperor," the organ located in the *tripeton* is immediately played. The emperor, having departed, sits at his honorable table, clothed in a white *scaramangion* with golden embroidery, and the invited friends sit with him, some clothed in white *scaramangia* and others in variegated ones (68*). The officials of the *cubiculum*, having laid aside their robes, depart, while the *spatharocubicularii* and the *cubicularii*, having laid aside their robes, stand by in their *scaramangia*.

IV. It must be known that if the feast of the Annunciation falls on the same day as Holy Saturday, the emperor goes to St. Sophia and performs all the rites of Great Saturday as mentioned above; and during the changing of the holy table, and in the censing of the sanctuary and the offering of gold, he proceeds as is his custom to the keep of the sacred vessels. After he has fulfilled everything there as previously described, he departs through the aforementioned gate, and having received a blessing there from the patriarch, he goes through the narrow passage of St. Nicholas to the holy well; and having again received a blessing from the patriarch, he does not go out into the middle to depart for the pa^CD

and the people for a third time: «Many years to you.» The chanters: «And to Him who gave the greeting to the myrrh-bearers. ^A The chanters and the people for a third time: «Many years to you.» The chanters: «May He multiply your years together with the Augustas and the Porphyrogennetoi.» The people: «May God grant longevity to your holy empire for many years.»

Return of the Lords on the same feast.

First Reception: of the Venetians, tone 1: «The great and venerable mystery of the Resurrection is celebrated today by creation, as it is enlightened; for the Lord of glory, having dissipated the gloom of death and plundered the kingdoms of Hades, has raised up those dead from of old, ^B in unspeakable joy and divine Pascha. It is celebrated miraculously; may your power be magnified, lords, for the glory, for the fame, for the revival of the Romans.» And the acclamation verses are sung by the chanters and the people, as in the other receptions. And the last verse the chanters say: «Fairly have the lords arrived along with the Augustas and the Porphyrogennetoi.» The people: «Fairly have you arrived.» The chanters: «Worshipping the glory of the resurrected Christ.» ^C The people: «May God grant longevity.»

Second Reception: of the Greens, apelatikon, tone 1: «Today is celebrated the mystery of the Resurrection, ineffable to the angels. For He who fulfills every living thing with good will is put to death in the flesh as a man, and takes captive the insatiable tyranny of Hades, having put to death the Deather; now the shame from of old is vanished, now the joy of the ends of the earth has blossomed. ^D And the King of all, God and Giver of life, protect the lords in the purple.»

Third Reception: of the Venetians, tone 1: «Having endured cross and death, Christ descended of His own will into the tomb, and having shattered the gates of Hades by His divine authority, He renews the resurrection for all who have been dead from of old. Creation today celebrates a double Pascha of salvation, seeing your scepter, lords, rising together with the Resurrection of Christ.» And the acclamation verses are sung by the chanters and the people, as in the other receptions. And the last verse the chanters say: «Worshipping the glory of the resurrected Christ.» The people: «May God grant longevity to...» etc.

Fourth Reception: of the Greens, tone 3: «Beholding today the Pascha of the Lord,» and the rest.

Fifth Reception: of the Venetians, tone 1: «Today human nature is renewed, transformed miraculously from corruption into incorruption; it is adorned in the garment of its former glory, no longer held by death. For He who possesses the...

palace for the feast of the Annunciation, but returning, he enters by the small gate which is at the well, at which ^A he stands during the grand processions, and having given his lavish gifts to the chanters and the rest as the emperor cries out the gold. And from there he passes through the triclinium, in which the emperor makes his acclamations during the grand processions, and enters into the metatorium, and having put off the stola which he wears on Holy Saturday, he puts on that which he uses on the Annunciation. Whence, having changed his vestment, he goes to the doors of the sanctuary, where having prayed with lighted candles, he enters the sanctuary, and having worshipped at the holy table, he departs; and about to depart, receiving a processional candle from the praepositus, having done this, straightway they begin the troparion of the feast: "Today is the summation of our salvation." And being escorted by the officials of the cubiculum, the patricians, ^B and the strategoi, and the senate, he passes through the church, and departs through both the narthex and the bath. Having descended the steps of the thyra, he departs to the Milion, and passing through the middle, he ascends into the Forum and performs everything there in order, just as was explained above. And having descended to the church of the Most Holy Theotokos in the Chalkoprateia, he performs the divine liturgy there up to the Gospel. And from the Gospel he descends by the wooden staircase, and departs, the ektene having been completed; for on this day the divine liturgy is not performed in its entirety, but only as far as the Gospel and the ektene. And the emperor having exited into the portico, as has been said, rides on horseback there with those accustomed to do so, and being escorted from there, departs to the palace, performing everything on the way, at the station and in the reception, in the manner we set out in detail above regarding the general procession of the Annunciation. And having entered the palace, he performs all the rites of Holy Saturday.

CHAPTER XXXVI

Be it known that the procession for the union of the Church is performed just as the other processions are; for the emperor goes forth in state, and the receptions take place according to the custom, that is to say, with the factions acclaiming in their accustomed places. And the emperor, going as far as the holy well, is divested of his crown there, and then, having been received by the patriarch, they both go to the church of St. Irene. And when the entire ecclesiastical order has been performed, they raise the litany from the church of St. Irene itself, and return to the church of St. Sophia ^D processing, and enter through the gynaeceum side.

^A power of death, the Co-eternal and Co-enthroned Word of the Father, having despoiled the kingdoms of Hades, has broken the bonds of the captives, granting freedom to all. He also shall guard the power of the empire for glory, for boasting, and for the resurrection of the Romans.» The acclamations of the acclamations are sung by both the factions and the people, just as in the other celebrations. And the last acclamation which the factions say is: «Having worshipped the glory of the risen Christ.» The people: «Long life.»

Chapter V

After the dismissal of the church, when the masters take their places at the table, the organ of the Venetians sounds, and the people say: «Holy.» When the organ is silent, the factions cry out: «Thrice-holy, reign together with the masters.» And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «And do You ^B heal them in all things.» And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «Increasing the times of their life.» And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «For the perfect joy of the Romans.» And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «Together with the pious and God-loving Augustae.» And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «And for the precious Porphyrogenneti in the purple.» And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «And for the Venetians, your loyal servants.» ^C And the people intone three times: «Thrice-holy.» The factions: «Behold, our risen God, guard the masters.» And the people likewise three times: «Behold, our risen God, guard the masters.» The factions: «O all-holy Spirit, cover the Augustae.» And the people likewise three times. The factions: «Mother of our God, guard the Porphyrogenneti.» And the people three times. The factions: «Lord, life to them through our…» (II.) Hymn of Tone I: «Let the tombs be opened ^D and He has risen. Let the living rejoice, and let them exult for life, for the sting of death…»

the end of the gates, they betake themselves to the venerable and holy church of the Mother of God of the Fount, and, having entered, they pray, and in like manner, if the masters command, they are invested for this feast not with white and gold *scaramangia*, but with purple and gold *scaramangia*. ^A Be it known that on the feast of Mid-Pentecost the masters likewise change their attire. Be it known that on the feast of the Ascension, the masters depart from the palace with *triblatia scaramangia* and enter the *dromon* and proceed as far as the Golden Gate; there, having doffed their golden and jeweled swords and mounted their horses, they proceed to the church of the Most Holy Mother of God of the Fount, and there they change into their own white *dibetesia* and enter. The return is performed just as on the second day of Easter week. Be it known that on the feast of the New Great Church, the masters change into purple *dibetesia* and their corresponding chlamydes. Be it known that on the feast of Pentecost, the masters change in the chamber of Daphne into white *dibetesia* and their corresponding chlamydes and red crowns, but on the return into white crowns.

^B II. Be it known that on the feast of All Saints, the masters are invested with gold *scaramangia*, as they command, and crowns likewise. Be it known that the feast of the holy Apostles is performed in like manner. Be it known that on the feast of Saint Elijah the masters change into purple *dibetesia* and their corresponding chlamydes. Be it known that on the feast of the Transfiguration, the masters change in the chamber of Daphne into white *dibetesia* and their corresponding chlamydes and green crowns, but on the return into white crowns. Be it known that on the feast of the Dormition of the Most Holy Mother of God, the masters change from their usual palace attire, and entering the *dromon*, depart to the temple of the Most Holy Mother of God in Blachernae; and in the chamber there, the masters change into purple *dibetesia* and their corresponding chlamydes. Be it known that on the feast of the Nativity of the Most Holy Mother of God, in the chamber of Daphne, the masters change into purple *dibetesia* and their corresponding chlamydes, and proceed with the *lite* as far as the Forum; and after the prolonged prayer, they walk in the *lite* as far as the temple of the Most Holy Mother of God of the Chalcoprateia, and there change into purple and gold *scaramangia*, being girded also with their swords and crowns, ^C and after the Gospel has been recited, they return riding on their horses with ornaments arranged about the neck. On the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy and Venerable Cross, they put on purple *dibetesia* and tunics of the same color, a custom which they observe also for Saint Demetrius and the holy archangel. On the Nativity of the Savior, they put on purple *dibetesia* and corresponding chlamydes in the chamber of Daphne, and also green crowns, but on the return, white ones.

has vanished today. Let creation put on a white garment, praising the Creator; for the tyranny of sin has been destroyed today. Let your city, masters, greatly rejoice, worshipping the Godhead in Trinity today, for the downfall of the Barbarians and the rising of the Romans.» And from the voice ^B they say the *apelatikon* of Tone I: «The great and venerable mystery of the Resurrection...» and the rest. And after the faction of the Venetians has finished, the faction of the Greens likewise acclaims and says the *apelatikon* of Tone 1: «Today the mystery ineffable to the angels...» and the rest. And after the faction of the Greens has finished, the *kraktai* of the Venetians say: «Lord, save the masters of the Romans.» And the people intone three times: «Lord, save [us].» The *kraktai*: «Lord, save those crowned by Thee.» And the people intone three times: «Lord, save [us].» The *kraktai*: «Lord, save the masters with the Augustas and the Porphyrogennetoi.» And the people intone three times: «Lord, save [us].» The *kraktai*: «O Thou who hast risen, our God, protect the masters.» And the people intone three times: «O One, who hast risen, our God, protect the masters.» The *kraktai*: «Holy Spirit, cover the Augustas.» And the people intone three times in like manner. The *kraktai*: «Mother of our God, guard the Porphyrogennetoi!» And the people intone three times in like manner. The *kraktai*: «Lord, life to them through our life.» And the people intone three times in like manner. And immediately the *artoklines* throws the two portions ^C (the [i/]*apokombia*) from above out of the window, and they pray for the masters, and they depart.

Return of the masters in the evening from the Holy Apostles to the palace.

IV. First reception at the Lions. The democrat of the Venetians, that is, the *domestikos* of the Scholai, receives [them] there with the...

He proceeds to the onopodium, where the first solemn reception by the patricians takes place, the ceremonial official saying: "Command," and the others acclaiming: "For many and good years." Then they proceed to the great consistory, where the consuls and the rest of the senators are gathered. There the lords stand in the ciborium, and the senators with the patricians fall to the ground. After they have risen, the lords give a signal to the praepositus, upon which the silentiary says: "Command," and they acclaim: "For many and good years." The lords proceed to the church through the schools, while the factions remain in their places, having changed their vestments, only signing themselves with the cross. ^A

B. And when the Emperor enters the Horologion, the veil is drawn, and he goes into the mutatorium and changes his *dibetesion* and *tzitzakion*, and puts over them the *sagion*, and enters with the patriarch; he lights candles at the silver doors and enters the church, and goes into the soleas and prays at the holy doors, having lit candles, and ascends the ambo together with the patriarch. The patriarch then says the prayer over the chlamys, and when he has finished the prayer, those of the kouboukleion lift it up and vest the Lord with it. Again, he makes a prayer over his crown, and when he has finished, the patriarch himself takes the crown and places it upon the head of the Lord, and immediately the people cry out: "Holy, holy, holy! ^B Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace!" Afterwards: "N., great Emperor and Augustus, many years, etc." The Emperor, wearing the crown, descends. ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS' COMMENTARY. (81) It is evident from this that the *kibōrion* is not only that hanging covering which hung over the altar, but also that which covers the royal throne. The Franks call it *dais* from the Latin-barbarous *dagus*, which comes from the Germanic *Dach*, a roof. Cf. p. 136, 137, 138. (82) Add the third "holy." It is the canticle of the prophet: Holy, holy, holy, Lord, the whole earth is full of his glory: which they called the hymn of the Trinity. See Du Cange, v. *Hymnus*. Codinus, *Offic.* XVII. 18: "The patriarch anoints the head of the Emperor in the shape of a cross with the holy oil, saying in a loud voice, 'Holy.' And all who are present on the ambo, taking up the voice from the patriarch, say also themselves for the third time 'Holy.' Likewise, the rest of the people say the same word for the third time." This is confirmed by other passages of ours. See p. 169. But to whom does that "holy" pertain; to God or to the Emperor? At first sight it seems to pertain to God, as though they wished to signify him, shouting, as holy and venerable in his judgments, as he is admirable in the very election of every emperor. However, I think the appellation is rather one by which the patriarch, clergy, and laity, as it were, proclaim the new emperor, as if saying: "You are [the] holy, sacred and inviolable, henceforth your majesty is holy." You may conclude this from the words of Symeon of Thessalonica: "The high priest, anointing the emperor, proclaims him holy." Gunther in *Hist. CPians*: "It was acclaimed by the women: 'Holy emperor Marchio'; the city of Constantinople having been taken by the Franks." ^D Through ignorance of the origin and true signification and force that the word *holy* possesses, it came about that the Greeks called their emperor "the Equal-to-the-Apostles and holy emperor." See Du Cange, v. *Isapostolos* and the dissertation on Byzantine coins, n. 15. ... There is almost no Greek priest to whom the title "most holy father" and "your holiness" is not attributed today. Formerly it pertained to the emperors of ancient Rome. Lampridius in the *Life of Heliogabalus*, t. I, *Scr. His. Aug.*, p. 877. "Constantine the venerable," he says, that is *holy*, whom on p. 795 he had called "most sacred." The same in *Alexander Severus*, p. 888: "He was called Pius by others, but certainly by all, holy and useful to the republic." Salmasius has written excellently on the use of the word "holy" for "venerable" in the same *Scr. H. A.*, p. 629, t. II. In the same way the appellation "holy" and "Lord most sanctified" (in the novella of Romanus the younger in Labbe, p. 80, end) is not so much to be envied, and denotes nothing more than "your most sacred majesty," just as if you were to say "venerable," or "most venerable," or "most dear Lord." For "holy" comes from *agō* or *azō*, *azomai*, "I deem great, I revere"; likewise *agamai*, "I love, I hold dear"; and "your holiness" is properly "your venerability," or "your dignity," or even "your lovable qualities," or finally "your inviolability." Furthermore, regarding the feast of "Agios," celebrated formerly in the 12th century in the church of Milan, in which the hymn "Holy, holy, holy," or even "Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal," the holy God, the holy strong, the holy immortal, used to be sung, Landulf the younger reports in *Hist. Mediol.*, c. 22: "To the parishioners of the church of St. Mary with green fronds and branches..."

^A Venetian nautical faction, and the factionaries say: "Well come is the divinely inspired majesty." And the people cry out three times: "Welcome." The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just ^B as in the other receptions, and after the lords have set out, the people say the *dromika*: "Hail, most powerful emperor, joy of the world, servant of God, good fortune of the Romans, exultation of the Venetians, gladness and decorum, may the Divinity grant you to govern your own polity for a hundred years." Another: "Joy here today, tranquility and great gentleness! For the lords, clothed in joy like the morning stars, shine forth in the empire and extend good fortune to the world. For this is our joy and the exultation of the world." Another: "The right hand of our God has performed power, O lords; it has taken up the peace of its own polity, and in it, in the faith, it has exalted [you] to favor. Rejoice, celestial hosts of the bodiless ones, gather together the camp of the Romans, and rejoice, all Christians, celebrating the Lord." It should be known that these *dromika* are said also in the remaining processions.

II. Second reception at the church of Saint Polyeuktos. The *demarchos* of the Venetians receives [them] there with the white faction, and the factionaries say: "Well come is the divinely inspired majesty." The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. Third reception at Saint Euphemia of Olybrius. The *demokrates* of the Greens, that is, the *exkoubitos*, receives [them] there with the ^C Green nautical faction, and he says the *dromika* in tone I: "To the Father, as without time," etc. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. Fourth reception at the Philadelphion. The *demokrates* of the Venetians, that is, the *domestikos* of the Scholai, receives [them] there with the Venetian nautical faction also. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. Fifth reception at the Tauros. The *demarchos* of the Greens receives [them] there with the Red faction. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. Sixth reception at the Bakers' Arch: the same ^D *demarchos* having returned with the Reds, he receives the lords there. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the precentors and the people, just as in the other receptions. Seventh reception in the Forum; the *demokrates* of the Greens, that is, the *exkoubitos*, stands there with the Green faction. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. Seventh reception at the Forum: the *demokrates* of the Greens, that is, the

^A Acclamation of the factions at the coronation of the emperor.

The feast being celebrated according to custom, and the lords having made their procession to the holy church, and all things which ought to be observed in solemn procession having been performed, the lords come with the patriarch to the ambo, where a table—or altar—is placed, on which the tunic and the crown lie. The patriarch performs a prayer over the vestment, and when these are finished, he hands the tunic to the great emperor. He, with the praepositi, clothes the newly created Caesar in it. Then, after prayers have been recited over the crowns, the patriarch first places the crown upon the great emperor with his own hands; he next crowns the newly proclaimed emperor. With this done, the two factions shout with a loud voice: "Worthy!" And they adore the scepters and other vessels along with the ^B bands, standing here and there to the right and left.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY

[... ^D ...] (89) M. *basilean*. Because in New Greek, both the singular and plural of the third declension make the nominative in -as and -es, and from this they make their new accusative in -an; as from *basileus*, the plural accusative *basileas* is ordinarily formed, and the modern Greeks adopt this very word for the singular nominative, whence they form their accusative *basilean*. They proceed in the same way with the feminine. *Thygater* ordinarily forms *thygatera* in the accusative singular. They take this very singular accusative for the nominative...

^A *exkoubitoi*, with the *peratikos* demos of the Greens. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. Eighth reception at the Praetorium: the *demarchos* of the Veneti receives there with the White demos. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. At the final *akton*, the factionaries say: "Fairly has come the destruction of those of Hagar." The people: "May God make your holy empire long-lived for many years." Ninth reception at the Fornix of the Milion: returning, the same *demarchos* of the Veneti with the White demos performs a reception there. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. And again, after a little time, the *demokrates* of the Greens, that is, the *domestikos* of the *exkoubitoi*, receives after such a reception. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions. And again, after a little time, the *demokrates* of the Veneti, that is, the *domestikos* of the *scholai*, receives at the *kankellon* of the Chalke after such a reception. The *akta* of the acclamation are sung by the factionaries and the people, just as in the other receptions.

CHAPTER VII

^A and the newly crowned couple coming out through the octagon and the Augusteus and the Golden Hand, the magistri and the patricians receive him in the onopodion; and the newly married couple having taken their stand, the customary service is performed. And from there, the newly married couple being escorted by the magistri and the patricians and the rest of the entire order, they come to the secretum of the consuls, and there all the senators, together with the magistri and the patricians, receive them; and the newly married couple having taken their stand, the customary service is performed. The factions stand in the triclinium of the Candidati on either side near the stairs of the Magnaura, and as the newly married couple go out through the doors of the consistorium, the organs of the two factions, which are established on the left side of the place where one ascends the stairs, are played. ^B

II. And immediately the criers of the two factions, united together, cry out: "Multos, multos, multos!" The people: "Many years for many years." The criers: "Our Savior, protect the sovereigns! Holy Spirit, protect the Augustas! Lord, may their life be for the sake of our life! Newly wed emperor, may God protect you! Honorable, virtuous one, may the Trinity adorn you, and may God the heavenly One grant you joy, blessing your marriage, as the only supremely good One; He who in Cana of old was present at the wedding, and in it blessed the water as a lover of mankind, and provided wine for men for their enjoyment, may He bless you with your spouse, and may God grant you Porphyrogennetos children! This is the day of the joy of the Romans, in which you, O King So-and-so, were married to the most fortunate Augusta So-and-so!" ^C

III. And when the newly married couple move away, if the parties enter into the chamber, and the newly married couple having taken their stand in the chamber crowned, the criers of the two factions, both united, cry out: "Multos, multos, multos!" The people: "Multos

^A However, the Veneti say the *apelatikon* of the plagal fourth tone: "Renovate, o creation," and so on. The Prasini say those of the "mournful sorrow," and so on. Another tone, the first plagal.

CAPUT VII.

On the Feast of Mid-Pentecost.

CAPUT VIII.

On the Feast of the Ascension.

They lay aside their crowns upon the same bed, and the garlands are hung up by those of the cubiculum order in the Pentapyrgion, where the imperial bed stands 96. And immediately the masters go through the passageway as if to the Eros 97, to the nineteen couches, and recline at the table.

Acclamations for the Augusta

V. "Let us pray well, as becomes our joy, Augusta!" Criers: "Long life to you, God-chosen Augusta!" The people, three times: "Long life to you!" Criers: "Long life to you, most fortunate Augusta!" The people, three times: "Long life to you!" Criers: "Long life to you, wife of the Master!" The people, three times: "Long life to you!" Criers: "You have been appointed by divine decree!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "God the Almighty has blessed you!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "You were betrothed by God to the purple!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "He crowned you with His own hand!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "But He who called you to this dignity!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "And joined you, N., to the Master!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "He will multiply your years with the Master!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "God will hear the prayer of your people!" The people, three times, likewise. Criers: "Many years to the most pious Augusta, N.!" The people: "Long life!"

VI. It must be observed, moreover, that it is handed down ^B that this too once occurred: that after the factions had finished the aforementioned acclamation formula before the stairs by which one ascends to the Magnaura, the two factions would precede, and the Veneti would resort to the benches placed on either side in the place planted with trees at the Magnaura 98, and receiving no response to their chant, the criers would recite a formula 99: "Many years to the Emperors!" and the people would answer what is owed for the formula. And after the bridegroom and bride had stood, the first reception takes place, and the criers and the people recite the said acclamations. After this reception, a second is instituted by the Prasini at a small interval in the same arbor, and the betrothed standing, the criers and people acclaim, as we have said; which done, the rites of which we have spoken above are celebrated. ^C Furthermore, it is necessary to know that it is said 119 and that this also happened at one time, that after the parties have completed the aforementioned acclamation before the steps of the ascent to the Magnaura, the two parties advance, and the Veneti go up to the benches which are situated on either side in the arbor of the Magnaura 98, and receiving no response, the criers say a formula 99, "Many years to the Emperors!" and the people answer what is owed of the formula. And after the newly married couple have stood, a first reception takes place, and the criers and the people say the aforementioned acclamations. And again, after a little while from such a reception, a second reception takes place, and the Prasini receive them after a short interval in the same arbor, and with the newly married couple standing, the criers and the people say the aforementioned

...as the Theotokos, and we beseech thee with unceasing mouth, ^A cover and protect N. N. until the end by the wings of thy intercession. The Apelatikos, 4th tone: "Thee, the bridal chamber of Christ, through whom Christ appeared in the flesh to mortals, the peoples rightly praise, O Theotokos; save the sovereigns as lights for the awakening of the world, and be ever the bulwark of help for those of the Veneti who possess thee." The Greens say the refrain in the plagal 4th tone: "The source of the life of the Romans, O Virgin, Mother of God the Word, fight alone with the sovereigns in the purple, who received from thee the crown, since they possess thee in all things as an unconquerable shield in the purple." Another, 4th tone: "As the hope of refuge and the glory of salvation and succor, we Christians possess thee, the All-Holy, and we beseech thee as a shelter; shield us with thy intercessory wings; for they possess thee as a power bearing victory against enemies." ^B

II. Regarding the Receptions

II. It must be known that on this feast the receptions are accustomed to be made in this way. The first reception takes place outside the chamber of the colonnade, where the column also stands. There, the demarchos of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, is present with the maritime faction of the Veneti. The second reception is at the aqueduct, through which the water flows. There, the demarchos of the Greens, that is, the Excubitor, is present. The third is at St. Mokios, where the demarchos of the Veneti is present with the white faction. The fourth is in the Exakionion; there the demarchos of the Greens is present with the red faction. The fifth is at the Xerolophos, opposite the chapel of St. Kallinikos; there also the demarchos of the Veneti is present with the white faction. The sixth is at the Forum Bovis; there is the demarchos of the Greens, that is, the Domestic of the Excubitors. The seventh is at the Amastrianon (81). There the demarchos of the Veneti is present, that is, the Domestic of the Schools. The eighth is at the Philadelphion; the demarchos of the Veneti, returning with the white faction, makes a reception there. The ninth is at the Taurus; there the demarchos of the Greens is present with the red faction. The tenth is at the Vault of the Bakers. The demarchos of the Greens, returning with the red faction, makes a reception there. The eleventh is at the Forum; the demarchos of the Greens, returning with the red faction, makes a reception there. The twelfth is at the Praetorium; there the demarchos of the Veneti is present with the white faction. The thirteenth is at the Vault of the Milion; the demarchos of the Veneti, returning with the white faction, makes a reception there. And again, after a short while, the demarchos of the Greens, that is, the Excubitor, makes a reception with the maritime faction of the Greens. And again, after a short while, the demarchos of the Greens, returning with the red faction, makes a reception there opposite the baths of Achilles toward the Gate of Meletes, and again after a short while of such...

acclamation, and the parties perform the acclamation, as has been said. It should be known that in recent times the custom was introduced for the coronation of the emperor to take place in the palace church of the most holy Theotokos of the Pharos; and indeed when the newly married couple go out through the Chrysotriklinos, being attended by the cubiculum and the magistroi and the patricians, as they are about to exit through the silver doors of the Chrysotriklinos, the golden organ plays, and the factions, as we have said, chant the acclamations. ^B

CHAPTER XL.

Things to be observed at the coronation of an Augusta.

I. The emperor goes out to the Augusteum, wearing the chlamys and crowned, and makes promotions, and around the third hour he sits in the middle of the triclinium. The master of ceremonies arranges the curtains, as is the custom, and the Sovereigns nod to the Praepositus, and he goes out with the ostiarii and those carrying rods, and summons the first curtain, the magistroi, the patricians; second, the senators, consuls, counts, candidati, those from among the prefects and the stratelatai (1), curtain by curtain. The patriarch comes through the Daphne and enters into Saint Stephen and awaits the Sovereigns, and when all the curtains have entered and are filled, the Sovereigns nod to the Praepositus, and he goes off and summons the patriarch, and he enters into the Augusteum. And she who is to be crowned comes out, attended by the cubiculum, and the Sovereigns rise and go to where the antimission stands together with the patriarch, and the Augusta wearing a maphorion, the patriarch makes the customary prayers. And when he completes the prayer, they remove the maphorion from the Augusta, and the Sovereigns clothe her in the chlamys, and again the patriarch makes a prayer over the crown, and after the completion of the prayer the patriarch takes the crown and hands it to the emperor, and he places it on the head of the Augusta, and the patriarch takes leave (2) of the Sovereigns, and he goes out through the octagonal bedchamber, and the Sovereigns and the Augusta sit on seats on the right side, and the Augusta on the left side of Saint Stephen. ^C

II. Then the patricians and all the rest enter, supported by the silentiarii, falling and kissing their two knees, and giving thanks.

reception being received, the demarchos of the Venetians—that is, the domesticos of the schools—proceeds with the Venetian people of the suburbs to the chancel of the Chalkē. ^B

III. It must be known that the acclamations of the factions take place on the same day as the second day of the Renovation [Easter]. The hymns of the Venetians, which they call *dromika* [running/hasty], are: "Hail, most mighty emperor," etc. The *Apelatikoi* [say]: "Having received the immaculate protection and the virginal shelter, O God-crowned benefactors, and glorying in her all-holy intercessions, you are invincible to hostile nations. For she herself, in the day of war, overshadows your heads, and through your victories shows you to be winners for the good fortune and glory of the Romans." Another in the third mode: "Let the Mount of Olives be praised; for in it the chorus of the apostles is celebrated, who saw the glory of the Most High, the God taken up in the flesh to heaven, and the eternal gates opening and receiving the Lord. And the hosts of the angels sing also to the Father, saying to the Son: 'Sit at my right hand, until every knee of created things shall bow to you.'" Another in the oblique third mode: "Christ stood by the apostles and appeared, announcing peace to them, and having expounded the sayings of the prophets, he led them all out to the Mount of Olives, and lifting his hands to heaven and blessing them, he was taken up into heaven, having announced to them the presence of the Holy Spirit and having filled them with joy. Therefore, O our God, O benefactors, may you bless them in all things, and fill your majesty with joy." The songs of the Greens, which they say in the fourth mode: "O hope of refuge and salvation," etc. Another in the third mode: "All the apostles together, having worshipped Christ taken up into heaven, reached Jerusalem with joy, because they found Christ Jesus the Son of God, concerning whom Moses and the rest of the prophets had written, and they beheld his glory with the cross, sitting at the right hand of the Father. He shall preserve you, O benefactors, for the good fortune of the Romans." Another in the grave mode ^C...

CAPUT IX. In festo Pentecostes

I. Venetorum hymnus, tono obliquo quarto: ^B « Spiritus divini præsentia iis, qui in terra degunt, cum divina cognitione apparuit. » Item, eiusdem toni: « Ipse Paracletus, hodie cœlo delapsus, tamquam in igneis linguis apostolis apparens, consubstantialem Trinitatis fidem prædicare docuit, gentes illustravit, errorem igne delevit; benefactores opportunis victoriis beat, eorumque brachio Barbaros subiicit. Universus orbis gaudeat, quod victoria et gaudium apud Romanos imperant. »

Receptio II, Prasinorum, tono IV: « Quadruplici apostolorum trinitati flamma Trinitatis apparuit. »

Hymnus, tono IV: « Christus, in linguis igneis gentes ad cognitionem veritatis perduxit. Ipse, Deo coronati imperatores, Spiritus sancti præsentia sacratam coronam venerandis verticibus vestris imposuit; propterea eum ex animo indesinenter et venerabundi intuemur: Domine, æternum imperans, hos nobis in gaudium et salutem Romanorum serva. »

Receptio III, Venetorum, tono IV: « Ignis specie in apostolos Spiritus sanctus hodie e cœlo descendit. » Alia, eodem tono: « Deus, qui flammis linguas mutantibus gentium impietatem delevit, vobis, Domini fortissimi, vincere et exstinguere gentium impietatem edixit: qui diversis nunc linguis utuntur, hos una lingua in fide loquentes trahet N. N., gaudium et salus Romanorum. » ^C

II. Receptio quarta, Venetorum, tono obliquo IV: « Divini Spiritus præsentia, » et quæ sequuntur. ^D

^A Supreme Trinity, N. N. crowned by God, your crown delights in you perpetually. For on this day the Father delivers the tablets to Moses, the Son gives the holy Spirit to the Apostles, the Spirit Himself appears in tongues of fire. But today, on your triple-feast, the consubstantial Trinity, which has crowned you, is celebrated. » Fifth reception, of the Greens, hymn in tone III: « Haven of divine teachings, the grace of the all-holy Spirit. » Apelatic hymn: « By the holy Spirit you have been crowned, O masters of the Romans, and in Him you teach your people to adore in all truth the thrice-transcendent power. » Sixth reception, of the Venetians, hymn in tone IV: « In the form of fire the Spirit... » and the rest. Another in oblique IV: « God the Spirit was made known today to the Apostles in fiery-shaped tongues, and having glorified you, O God-crowned benefactors, with the purple and the crown, He deemed you worthy by divine-judging will to rule the Romans. Glory to God who has crowned you for the uplifting of the Romans. » Actology of the sixth reception. The criers say: « Many, many, many! » The people: « For many years, for many! » The criers: « The Maker and Master of all things. » The cantor and the people (thrice): « Long years be yours. » The criers: « He who the Paraclete and holy Spirit. » The cantor and the people (thrice): « Long years be yours. » The criers: « Having sent down in the tongues of the Apostles, » ^B the cantor and the people (thrice): « Long years be yours. » The criers: « Shall multiply your years, with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti, » ^C the cantor and the people (thrice): « May God make your holy reign long-lived. » Trilexia for the same feast, oblique IV: « Receive your servants, O Master, as they celebrate your piety with singing; O God, who with your own hand crowned your head with honor. ^D

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. (94) A rarer word, coined in new Greek, seems to signify that which is placed above every beginning, that which lacks a beginning. As we have seen twice above, *coeternal*. For here *anarchos* (beginningless) denotes *eternal* in a new sense. (95) By the word "Trinity" is meant that the Trinity is celebrated in sermons which assert that the three persons of the Trinity are equally divine and consubstantial. *Theologein* (to theologize) is to make sermons about God. See Theophan. pp. 59, 77, 350, and Combefis on his p. 59; *Theologis* (theologians) is specifically the sermon and disputation about the divine nature of Christ. See Valesius on Eusebius, p. 5. Thus, *kynologein* is to make sermons [on the Dog] at Athenaeus I, p. 23, where see Casaubon. (96) I cannot find who explained this word. It seems to denote a poem that was either repeated three times, or rather recited by three chanters simultaneously, which were recited by four chanters. See p. 165. (97) That something is missing here is manifest. For it ought to have been at least as on p. 30, but he will find much more missing who attentively compares the following with what precedes. For they do not respond to the inscription, but treat of another matter. The inscription promises and institutes the beginning of the ninth chapter, an account of the Acts of the Feast of Pentecost. But for the most part this chapter explains the rite of the Paschal procession, which I shall subsequently prove clearly. This discrepancy in the argument begins at § 3, and from the word *enthen* (whence) where it is clear that something had preceded, it is manifest from the fact that the speech gaps. At least the verb *epairousin* (they lift up) or *syrousin* (they drag) or something similar is desired. But very much more is missing regarding the procession of the nobles or the assembly in the hall before the Emperor in the Chrysotriclinum. Finally, the matter is clear from the fact that the reverse or back page of the folio ended at the word *axiosei*, and the opposite page of the folio began at the word *enthen*. Therefore, one folio, or rather many more, perhaps a whole quaternion or ten folios, must have perished. This is evident from the number of the chapters, which from this chapter onward differs from our edition. For that which is the tenth chapter in this edition is in the codex the second part of chapter xix; what is here the eleventh chapter is, in the codex, the twentieth; what is here the twelfth is in the Codex the twenty-first, and so this order continues throughout the whole first book, such that the codex always exceeds our edition by nine. For example, chapter 31 for us is 40 in the codex; 92 is 101 in the codex. I would have preferred that there had been no departure from this method of numbering. But since not only my predecessor, but also Mai, instituted the numbering of the chapters as it appears in this edition, I had to follow them in that remaining part of the first book which was printed under my eyes. But what is desired, or what kind of arguments those chapters treated,

^A led astray; however, it is not difficult to arrive at [the conclusion], if the order which the author instituted be considered. At first, in the beginning chapter, he wished to give a general idea of sacred processions by the example of the procession to Saint Sophia on the feast of the Nativity of Christ. Then he wished at the same time to relate before all else the Acts or the praises customarily said for the emperors on the occasion of such processions. And so, after the recited Acts of the feast of the Nativity of Christ, of the Epiphany, of Easter, of the Sunday after Easter, of Mid-Pentecost, of the Ascension, he came at last in this ninth chapter to the Acts of Pentecost, and he recites them through the first two paragraphs of the same. Since, therefore, the things which follow after the word *axiosei*, or the end of the second paragraph, do not pertain to this chapter, and there remain some feast days falling into summer and autumn, whose Acts it was proper should also have been described, both conformable to the plan of the book and also expected by the readers; it becomes likely to me from this, that the chapters which once existed, and have perished from our codex, had recited the Acts of those festivals. Then the author resumed the treatment of the processions themselves, and performed the processions of the individual festivals separately. Furthermore, those things which begin from the word *enthen* explain the rites of the Paschal procession, such as it was performed on the very first day of the Paschal feast, which is properly called Pascha. This is clear from the passage on page 40, where it is said that the nobles, while they give the kiss of peace to the emperor in the temple of Saint Sophia before communion, do not fall to the ground because of the feast of the Resurrection, *proskynousi ton basilea me piptontes dia ten anastasin*. Which words would be absurd if that passage were treating of the feast not of Pascha, but of Pentecost or any other whatever. On page 42, ^B *di' holes tes diakainesimou*, he says throughout the whole week of renewal, or paschal week. On page 43: *ei tyche he heorte tou Euangelismou te aute hemera tou Pascha*, if the day of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin should fall on that very same day of Pascha. At the end of the chapter on page 43, I read this: *telei hapanta akolouthos ta tou Pascha, hos anotero proeiretai*, he performs all the ceremonies of the feast of Pascha in the order previously explained. Therefore, the preceding parts treat without controversy of the feast of Pascha, not of Pentecost.

(98) These are not different from the proconsuls of the themes. Now these proconsuls were prefects of the legates for the administration of justice and for the maintenance of public order in the provinces, just as the proconsuls and strategoi administered the military affairs particularly; yet so, that their authority might also hold force in civil matters, inasmuch as they commanded the prefects themselves. You might compare these two magistracies with the Legate and procurator, whose duties you may understand from that passage of Tacitus in the *Agricola*, c. 15: to designate a separate prefect, a separate praepositus. Regarding the domesticos of the Hicanatoi, however, I wish for Du Cange’s *Glossarium Latinum*, under the word *Domesticus*, to be consulted. The Hicanatoi are a certain type of chosen soldiery, so called because they were men who were *hicanoi*, vigorous in body and mind and equal to the tasks to be performed. Du Cange, in the *Glossarium* under the entry *hicanos*, notes that this word denotes one who is energetic, and the Latins also used *idoneum* for this. Aristides, vol. II, p. 148, has *hicanos* for one who is lively, prompt, agile, vigilant; for it is contrasted there with the sluggish. Eusebius, *Hist. Eccl.* III, 23, calls a young man *hicanon to somati kai ten opsin asteion*, which Valesius translates as "distinguished in the stature of his body," and in Polybius in the *Excerpta Peiresciana* p. 125, at the end, a man *kata ten epiphaneian hicanon*, of honest appearance. From which it is evident that this word, in the vulgar Greek language in which Polybius wrote, had already come into usage in that sense in ancient times. Nicetas p. 136: *tes somatos e horas hicanotates metalachein*, to partake of a body or beauty most capable, that is, most fit for performing tasks. Cinnamus p.

243, prefects of the sacellum and private affairs, ^A tribunes of the factions, the grand curator, the vicar of the schools, consulars, spatharii, senators, consuls; the sixth vellum, the counts of the schools; the seventh, the imperial candidates; the eighth, the domestics ^B of the numera, the domestic of the walls, the sacellarius, ^C the one of the sacellium, the one of the idicum, the demarchs of the two factions, the grand curator, ^D the locotenens of the schools and the ...

JOANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS COMMENTARY.

74: *Hicanous*, he says, robust men. *Equipped with the strong men around him, who, that they might overlap shields against anything for him, had already given pledges.* Whence it is understood that the emperor had not only the Hicanoi with him, but also every one of the nobles; and that their office was subsequently to protect their lord against whomever it might be, even if it were the emperor himself who might wish ill to the lord. Cf. Zosimus IV, p. 229. Theophanes, p. 83, 89, 321, 391, 392, from which places it is clear that *hicanos* is properly said of a military man, as *logios* is of a politician, and *rhōmaleos* and *hicanos* are often joined. *Hicanos* in recent writers is, therefore, the same as *teleios* in the ancients, a man of perfect stature, age, and strength, who is *hicanōn* or who has reached the *telos* of youth. Anastasius Bibliothecarius looked to another etymology, who, in Council VIII (Act 1), interprets the Icanatori as parents. Perhaps because they were present at the master's command, parents, obedient. Were the *hicanoi* archers? It seems to me that I can infer this from the Alexiad, p. 115: *He had Hicanoi soldiers who were knowledgeable in archery.* From writers after Theophanes, p. 244, it is clear that the Hicanoi and Hicanatoi were garrisons not only in the august city, but also in the provinces. Leo in his *Tactics*, p. 33, describes them thus: "Most *hicanotatoi*, that is, those who appear faithful and grateful to our Roman polity, and are also witnessed to be most brave." This passage and the other in Theophanes, p. 392, *rhōmaleos te kai hicanōtatos*, lead me to believe that the word *hicanatos* is a contraction of *hicanōtatos*. The Greeks love to use a new superlative in place of the positive.

(2) The Optimates were at that time inferior soldiers, and it was almost an insult to be of the Optimates. The same as *garciones* among the Latins of that time. See Du Cange s.v., which word is Germanic, to be derived from *warten*, to watch, to serve. *Garciones* and *summularii* or *agasones* are joined in an old charter in Du Cange s.v. *Garci-fer*. From this the French *garde*. It was their duty to serve other soldiers staying in camp, to drive mules and horses to pasture, to load them, to guard the armies on the march, and to perform the most menial offices, as is evident from the appendix of our first book of the code. I shall not repeat what Du Cange has in both Glossaries regarding their origin, nor what Casaubon has (t. II, *Script. Histor. Aug.* p. 770). Cf. Constantine *De Thematibus*, p. 10. I note only this one thing regarding their name: that those Goths were so called because, from a great number of captives of their nation, they were chosen—that is, selected—and accounted as the best, enrolled in the military, and presented with military lands in Bithynia, which was subsequently called the theme of the Optimates from them.

(3) They are mentioned as distinct men, the prefect of the sacellarius and sacellium, and the Idicus, or prefect of private affairs. In what respect they were distinct, it does not clearly appear to me. For they were all prefects of the sacellum, or rather the *sacculus*, that is, the treasury. For the treasury was called a *saccus*. If I consider that the authority of the sacellarius was so great that he even had the Logothete of the Genikon, or the rationalis of the public treasury, the Quaestor, the Idicus, and others under him, and indeed all the offices and *scrinia*, as is apparent from p. 416 of our code; I wonder how it happens that his dignity is named here after the domestic of the Optimates, the domestic of the walls or camps, as a menial one. In the West also, the *sacellarii* possessed great authority; they judged the most grave cases and were sent by the Strategi to cities to settle matters of the greatest moment (see Sigonius, *De regno Ital.*, pp. 5, 44, 24, 34, 9, init.; Muratori, t. II, *Rer. Ital.* p. 99), and they distributed *rogas*, or stipends, to the soldiers, and thus they dealt not only with the private purse of the prince, but also with the public fisc. Indeed, in the Roman order (p. 572), among the officials of the Roman court, after the *arcarius*, the third in order—who presides over the tributes (he corresponds to the *Genicos*)—the *Sacellarius* is ranked in the fourth place, who distributes stipends to the soldiers, and in another place they kiss the feet of the pontiff and receive one bezant from the *Sacellarius*: see Du Cange in both glossaries. He discourses on the patriarch’s *Sacellarius* as an ecclesiastical dignity, as does Goar on Codinus, p. 10. He is mentioned here in our code at the end of p. 101, where it is said that he brings silver crosses to be distributed by the emperor on Palm Sunday. But that same thing is attributed to the *Sacellio*, who was lower than the *Sacellarius*, on p. 68. The writers almost agree that the *Sacellio* dealt only with the emperor's private business. See what I shall say concerning the *Sacellio* at p. 266. The *Idicus*, or *specialis*, the *eidikos* or *idikos*, and also the *one of the idicon*, or the *one of the oikiakon*, namely the treasurer, the Logothete, was the prefect of private affairs, for the sacred purse, concerning whom see Gutherius, *De Off. D. A.* Agathias describes him at p. 69: "The treasurer of the emperor's money, not indeed of that collected from taxation (for others were entrusted with that), but of that which came from the imperial treasuries, etc." Cf. Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* s.v. *Idicon*.

(4) The Grand Curator seems to have been in charge of all customs, and inspector of the *curatoriae*. Now, the *curatoriae* are estates, fields, houses, urban and suburban, and sometimes entire tracts of land whose income pertained only to the emperor, or to his private affairs. The Curators were once the same as the Logothetes or *rationales* (see t. I, *Hist. Aug.* p. 997), and were specifically called Curators, the prefects of the houses in which money was stored; see Du Cange in both glossaries and on the Alexiad, p. 339. Goar on Codinus, p. 31, n. 49. Concerning the curators of cities and provinces, see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 41, who, at p. 323, has the origin of the curators of private affairs. Goar on Cedrenus, p. 479. *Kouratōria* is interpreted as the prince’s private master of the purse. And from this it is clear what it means to reduce a province into a *curatoria*. Namely, a province which was conquered by arms and added to previous ones did not cede to the republic, but to the emperor, and its income did not pertain to the public treasury, but to the private treasury, yet in such a way that the emperor had to feed the garrisons imposed upon them from his own. Therefore, the province of Melitene, which Romanus Lecapenus is said to have reduced into a *curatoria* (see the dissertation of the celebrated Leichius on Constantine Porphyrogenitus, p. XVIII, § 5, where he excellently defends the passage of Anna against the attempt of Du Cange), pertained subsequently to the emperor's purse. The *curatoriae* were therefore opposed to the themes, or, as the Latins of the middle ages called them, duchies. Ekehardus the younger on the *Casus S. Galli*: "Not yet at that time had Swabia been reduced into a duchy, but it belonged peculiarly to the royal fisc, just as France does today." Both were procured by the *Camerae* [that is, *tou idikou*], whom they called nuncios. This office the Ottoman emperors, like many other things, retained from the institutions of the Byzantine court.

(5) He sees the vicar as the lieutenant of the domestic of the schools. See Du Cange s.v. *Lociservator*.

^A spatharios, senators, and hypatoi. The seventh velum, counts of the schools. The seventh velum, imperial candidati. The eighth velum, domestics of the schools. The ninth velum, those who have been eparchs (7). If, moreover, ambassadors of a great nation happen to be present, they enter by command, and having done obeisance to the emperor and exchanged the kiss of peace, they depart, doing nothing else.

^B IV. Then, having received a sign from the emperor, the praepositus says in a loud voice: "Command!" and all answer: "May God bring your majesty to long and fortunate years!" After which, those who had entered depart, with the velum, which is below among the columns, being carried by the two aforementioned silentiarii. When everyone has gone out, the emperor rises and goes behind the ^C acubita to change his attire through the vestitores, and when he has changed, the vestitores go out, and the emperor remains only with the cubicularii. He is crowned by the praepositus, and goes out, holding in his right hand an akakia, and in his left a baton resting on his shoulder (8), and he passes through the middle of the great ^D triclinios and the two columns where the hanging velum is. As the emperor goes out from the veil, the drungarius of the vigiles and the bearded protospatharios stand on the left.

VARIAE LECTIONES

^A

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

I shall touch upon this with my hand; secondly, that I may demonstrate the origin and reason of both terms signifying the same thing; thirdly, that I may prove that the custom of carrying napkins, head-cloths, and towels for wiping the nose and mouth, as well as rolls, pipes, and parchment volumes, was in use in the most ancient times of the Romans.

Codinus, *De Officiis* vi, 27, relates that the *akakia* is a pouch made of purple cloth, wrapped in a thin silken kerchief, filled inside with earth (*ἐντὸς ἔχει χῶμα*), to signify, both by the name and by the earth contained within, that the emperor ought to be humble and mindful of his earthy origin. Symeon of Thessalonica agrees with this, both of whose passages Du Cange has in the entry '*Axaxíα*' and in the dissertation cited above. Without a doubt, from this arose what Petrus Damianus narrates in *Epist.* 1, 17, though he is alone in this, that it was a custom among the Greeks that someone should offer an emperor recently crowned a vessel full of dead men’s bones and dust (a little later he will say ashes) with one hand, while in the other he holds flax tow, finely combed and softly smoothed into hanging hairs [*ἠρέμα εἰς ὕψος ἐπηρμένην, ὑποκεχαυνωμένην*], to which fire is immediately applied, and suddenly, in the blink of an eye, it is consumed by a devouring flame, so that he may consider in the one what he is, and in the other be able to see what he has. For in the ashes he recognizes himself as ash, and in the tow he gathers how suddenly the world will burn on the day of judgment, etc. Greek writers are silent about the burned tow. However, in the Roman curia it was the custom before the crowned pontiff to burn wisps of tow, with the herald crying: "Thus the glory of the world passes." But regarding that vessel full of bones and ashes of which he speaks, it seems to have been poorly heard and poorly reported from the *akakia*, which, as I have said, was truly a silken pouch filled with earth, as is evident not only from the emperors contemporary with Codinus, but even in the age of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, from page 443 of our work, where it is said: "The emperors hold in their right hands the ^C victorious trophy of the Cross" (the cross, indeed, the idol of the Christians, having succeeded the ivory scepters of the ancient consuls), "and in their left hands the resurrection of our earthy substance," that is, they hold the resurrection, the symbol of the resurrection, of our earthy part. It is clear that nothing else but the *akakia* is meant by this.

But why did they call these pouches *Akakias* and *Anexikakias*? I shall tell you. The ancients knew nothing of these trifles, but carried charts, that is, membranes, *tomoi*, scrolls of parchment, volumes, and pipes. This was generally common to all who went out in public, both men and women, so that whoever did not carry in one hand or the other a handkerchief, a napkin, or a sweat-cloth, would carry a parchment segment, whether rolled up, or held in the hand by only one extremity, with the rest hanging down, or hanging down halfway, but grasped by both ends, as a memorandum of affairs either already performed in public or to be performed. The emperors, however, unless they carried a napkin, carried the *akakia* or a segment of parchment, a petition, which commoners would have offered to them as they processed in public. That they therefore received such petitions *akakōs*, gently, without any harshness or peevishness, and *anexikakōs*, with a tranquil tolerance of the annoyances created for them by their subjects in reading and hearing them, is what both names, *akakia* and *anexikakia*, proclaimed, or at least admonished. For *akakia* to the modern Greeks means clemency: see Nicetas Choniates, p. 24. At first, indeed, bare parchment rolls were handed to the emperor by petitioners, ^D but later it was ordained that whatever of that kind was handed to the emperor should be handed over only wrapped in a thin silken cloth, *metà mandylou*. That custom of enclosing petitions, and indeed all letters, in silk capsules, and finally sealing these capsules, flowed from the Greeks to the Saracens and Turks, as I shall say at greater length regarding Abulfeda, and it is evident from Busbecq alone, p. 76, where he says he received the letters of Soliman to the Emperor Ferdinand covered in gold cloth and sealed. The same was in use among the Latins of the Middle Ages, as is evident from Du Cange in the entry *Armigeri*, where he clarifies an image of Charles the Bald edited by Baluze, p. 1278, *Capitul. Franc.*, in which three monks present a holy codex to Charles, wrapped in a precious cloth. "For that custom," Du Cange says, "was observed among the monks, that the codices they received to read they would wrap in a towel," as is in the letter of Theodomarus to Charlemagne, which the ancient statutes of the Carthusians call *manutergia camisias librorum* ('towel shirts of books'). And so, the Greek monks, seeing their own emperors proceeding according to the ancient custom with such a petition as an admonition, that they proceed so that they might receive the complaints and supplications of the citizens—the monks, I say, either ignorant of the reason for this ancient custom, or dissimulating and everywhere eager to infuse their mystic theology or rather allegory, persuaded the emperors that, instead of a bundle referring to a petition, they should cause a pouch filled with dust or earth to be made for them and placed in their hands, as if they would otherwise be mindful of their own condition, or, having snatched up such a pouch, they would immediately cast off all haughtiness. Other Greeks, doubting what that procession and image with membrane rolls intended, conjectured those rolls to be volumes of the Gospels. Indeed, Rhamnusius, perhaps on the authority of Villehardouin, everywhere attributes a codex of the Gospels to the emperors of Constantinople in place of the *akakia*, as on p. 140. This is not entirely improbable or incongruous to them, and I would admit it in the case of other persons; however, that the origin of the imperial *akakias* is as I have said is evident from that surviving document of the ancient custom, that the kings of England even today have the prayers and requisitions of Parliament exhibited not in letters folded in our fashion, but in volumes of parchment rolled up (called "pipes"), on the back of which the king inscribes, or it is inscribed by his order, if indeed he assents to the requests: *Soit fait comme il est désiré*, but if he denies: *Le roi avisera*. In the images of others, however, besides the emperors, I would not deny that parchment volumes carried in the hands represent evangelical codices. The author of the *Life of Basil the Macedonian* (n. 58 ed. Allat.) relates that Basil, in a certain holy temple founded by him, had his children painted with volumes in their hands, which would contain divine precepts. "The males, indeed, are shown carrying *tomoi* and revealing the divine commandments in which they were trained, containing... the female sex is also seen holding books having the containment of divine laws." Basil himself, on a coin in Du Cange, *Famil. Byz.*, p. 138, is seen on the left holding the globe or orb of the empire with a cross, but in his right hand he is seen carrying not a *tomos* or roll, but a square, bound codex of the Gospels. Paulus Silentiarius, part II, v. 361, concerning a certain image of Christ in St. Sophia: "He seems to extend the fingers of his right hand, as if declaring an ever-living word/myth, holding in his left a book cognizant of divine words/myths." Joannes Moschus, *Limonarion* c. 87: "And he held a *megaleion* having a silver cross." From where it is evident that such volumes sometimes had crosses attached to them as covers. Moreover, *megaleion* is a volume, not

^A of Greek, but of Hebrew or Arabic origin, for the word *megillah* is very well known among the Jews, from whom it passed to the Christians.

As to which hand the emperors held and carried the *akakia* in? Sometimes the right, sometimes the left. For no fixed rule was observed in this matter, but the use was at their discretion. In our work on page 16, it is said that the emperor carries the *akakia* in his right hand and the cross in his left; and on page 38, he carries the *akakia* in his right, with a staff resting on his left shoulder. Conversely, on page 443 at the place cited a little earlier, he carries the cross in his right hand and the *akakia* in his left. So also Constantine the Great, in the Basilian Menologion, vol. II, p. 112, is depicted carrying a rolled volume in his left hand. Leo the First, however, if I have observed correctly, in their coins — those who carry the *akakia* or something of that sort—in the fourth coin in Du Cange’s *Familiae Byzantinae*, p. 77, carries the volume in his right hand, and the cross in his left, in both the obverse and reverse. In the same manner Phocas in the coin in Du Cange, p. 109, Leo the Isaurian, p. 123, Isaac Angelos, p. 201. The consul in the imperial diptych in Du Cange’s *Dissertation on Coins*, plate I, holds an ivory staff, the forerunner of the cross, in his right, and a *mappa*, of which the *akakia* was the successor, in his left. And thus, Constantine Doukas in the coin in Du Cange, *Fam.* p. 159, Manuel Komnenos, p. 168, Isaac Angelos, p. 201, Theodore Laskaris, p. 218, Michael Palaiologos, p. 233, and Manuel Palaiologos, p. 242, also hold the cross in their right hand and a volume in their left.

But lest we dwell too long on minutiae, it now remains to be shown that the ancient Romans, too, when appearing in public, were accustomed to carry something in one hand or the other, either a *manipulum* or a membrane volume. Truly, nothing is seen more frequently in ancient marbles than those holding a *manipulum* in their left hand, which is sometimes similar to a *mappa*, and sometimes clearly shows a rolled membrane. Look at the philosopher in Montfaucon, Vol. III *Antiqu. Explical.*, Vol. I, fig. 2, and also plates V and VI. Lucian, II, 467, 92. On the arch of Constantine the Great and Theodosius, each emperor holds a scroll. The sculptor of that bronze plate which covers the door of the Basilica of St. Paul Outside the Walls on the Via Ostiense, which Ciampini depicts in Vol. I of *Monumenta Vetera*—a work of the 11th century—whether he imitated an ancient custom or whether he placed such a scroll in the hands of the saint (I do not recall which one) out of his own time, is not clear. The image of the Bosian diptych in Montfaucon, Vol. I, plate XXVI, shows on the tablet of the pallium, which the Queen of France carries (as I think), one carrying a *manipulum* or *mappa* in the right hand, and in the left an ivory staff, which approaches the form of a cross, and at the top presents a bundle of flowers with a globe placed over it. Ciampini, in the mentioned monuments, exhibits so many images with parchment papers, either rolled into a scroll, or crinkled like a *mappa*, or hanging unfolded, or finally with both extreme edges folded and... ^{B C D} (9) *Barbati*: this does not mean eunuchs. And indeed many were *protospatharioi* among the eunuchs.

(10) This signifies the *ekthesis* of this place, not *new*. However, the illustrious Leichius has probably rendered it *apparatus*. It appears, specifically, that the apparatus of trays, of gold and silver furniture, of wines, etc., which were to be set before the guests, is intended to be designated as displayed for public view. This word occurs with a more obscure, yet similar, meaning in the writers after Theophanes, p. 107, *ante-penultimate*: "the works of the imperial *ekthesis*," where it is translated as "regal magnificence of furniture." Perhaps "furniture of display accustomed to be shown for view." In that notion indeed the word was frequent among the ancients, and very often Athenaeus calls that little table *ekthesis*, the *paratrapezion* (sideboard, as they were called by later writers), on which chalices, dishes, bowls, and other triclinial furniture were displayed for the sight of the guests. Aptly he says on page 142: "the *ektheseis* of many cups and side-dishes of all kinds" he joins. The same author, p. 197, names the *kline* (couch) "for the *ekthesis* of the cups and glasses and other utensils pertaining to use," and p. 212, "a house adorned with rugs and paintings and statues and a silver *ekthesis*," that is, ornamented with a tablecloth, and with pictures and statues and silver ornamental furniture displayed for viewing. From this you may understand how elegantly the Greeks say *ekthesa* to declare the sentiments of their mind, and the Latins likewise "to expose," such as to place ostentatious furniture in clear light and view. The same Athenaeus, p. 211, regarding the diction of someone, says, "if even it is longer I shall *ekthesomai*," that is, even if it is longer, yet, like a sign, I will display it in the middle, to be contemplated and judged. See the remarks on p. 420. Regarding the other meaning of the word *ekthesis*, by which it signifies public lists of census, and which flowed from the same source, I will speak at *Taxidium*.

^A And there, the *spatharocandidati* and the *spatharioi* descend the steps of the consistory, some on the right, others on the left of the gates. The patricians and the *strategoi* pass through the middle gate, and immediately the patricians and *strategoi* on the right descend the steps ^B of the left gate. The emperor, being directed by the *kouboukleion*, descends to the pulpit and stands beneath the *kamelaukion* on the porphyry stone; the patricians and the *strategoi* with the senate receive him there. ^C And when they have done homage to the emperor without falling to the ground, the *praepositos* signals to the *silentiarios* by order, and he says: "Command."

V. Then, being directed by all these from that place, the emperor passes through the *exkoubitai* and the *scholai*, and exits the great gate, and passing through the midst of the Milion and the Augusteum, he enters the clock gate of the Great Church. It should be noted that in this procession of the emperor, all the auspicious rites ^D are performed step by step, in the same manner as we set forth above in the general procession for the Nativity of Christ. And when the emperor has entered through the aforementioned clock gate, those of the faction of the Venetai receive him there; but the *demarchos* does not hand over a petition there, if...

II. Then, having received a sign from the lords, the praepositus leads the one who is to be promoted to the rank of magister to their feet; he prostrates himself on the first step, then ascending to the third, he makes adoration and kisses the feet of the lords, who are standing, not sitting, because he is being created on a feast day during a church procession. Kissing the feet, the promoted one rises, and another praepositus offers the lords the sticharion and the balteon, and the lords give them to the promoted magister; the promoted one kisses the hands of the lords, receiving the sticharion and the balteon; the same praepositus receives them, brings him into the winter consistorium, and clothes him in the sticharion and girds him with the balteon, and he wears his own chlamys over the sticharion. And the same praepositus raises him up and leads him to the ciborium where the lords are standing, and he falls upon the first step ^B and kisses the feet of the lords, and having risen, he offers thanks; and the praepositus places him at the head of the secretum above all the patricians, and immediately the silentiarii lead in behind the secretum, from one side and the other, each according to his rank, and they fall before the lords offering thanks, as having received a head of the secreta, and likewise the consuls down to the last of the senators. Thereafter, the lords nod to the praepositus, and he, by means of his chlamys, signals to the silentiarius who stands in the middle of the secretum, and says: "Command;" and the whole senate prays: "To many and good years," and ^C he moves out in the church procession together with the lords.

Observances for the promotion of a master, if the emperor commands that it be celebrated on a pagan feast day.

I. On the evening of the day before, the three ivory gates of the consistorium, [and] those which exit into the macron of the candidati, are closed, and veils are hung on the three gates; the three-fold door of the onopodion is also secured, as are the doors of the delphax; the throne is set up in the ciborium of the consistorium, and at evening it is guarded by the silentiarii and the chosbitae; and no one passes through into the consistorium on that evening while the throne is set up. And the entire senate is notified from the evening to come forth for the procession, and in the morning ^D the senate changes in the macron of the candidati, and the patricians change in the place that is called the Indoi, since they are not permitted to enter the consistorium while the throne is set up. And when the lords command to sit upon the throne, they come forth from the Augusteum crowned, wearing also their chlamydes, and being secretly escorted by the cubiculum, they sit upon the throne; and the one in charge of the arrangement, outside the ivory gates in the macron of the candidati, where the procession takes place, arranges the veils for the magistri, patricians, and the remaining senators.

he is merely apologizing and doing nothing else. And then the emperor enters within the veils hung behind the door of the narthex in the metatorion. The praepositus takes the crown from his head, and they enter into the narthex; the patriarch meets him there, and the emperor venerates the Gospel and the cross. ^A And after the emperor and the patriarch have thus bowed to one another and exchanged a kiss of peace, they proceed toward the imperial doors. The patriarch goes to perform the prayer of the entrance of the Divine Liturgy, and the emperor, having received candles from the praepositus, prays. And after both have offered their prayers to the Lord, the emperor gives the candles back to the praepositus, and the praepositus in turn to the one whose office it is. The emperor then venerates the precious cross and the immaculate Gospel, and passes with the patriarch through the middle of the temple; through the side of the ambo they enter the solea. ^B Approaching the holy doors, the patriarch enters the sanctuary, while the emperor, having taken candles and prayed, hands the candles to the praepositus and enters the sanctuary. ^C When he is about to enter, the metropolitans stand holding the holy doors; and as they lean them slightly toward the emperor, the emperor kisses the crosses affixed to them, and enters into the sanctuary. Having prayed before the holy table, he spreads out two *eileta* upon it, and places upon them the offerings—two patens and two chalices—and then he kisses the holy wrapping cloths, and having then received the *apokombion* from the praepositus, he places that also upon the holy table. ^D

^A

The praepositus, having received a sign from the lords, proceeds out through the middle door of the consistory, escorted by two ostiarii, and arranges the veils: first, for the magistri; second, for the patricians; third, for the consuls; fourth, for the comites; fifth, for the ex-prefects and the generals of the armies. After the veils in this manner have been completely brought into the consistory, the lords give a sign to the praepositus, who brings forward the one from the order of patricians who is to be honored with the dignity of magister; and he places him in the middle of the porphyry gradus, before the ciborium, and then positions him on the third gradus. He prostrates himself to the footstool of the throne, and kisses the feet and both knees of the great emperor, as well as those of the minor one, and standing up, he spreads out his hands and receives the sticharion and the girdle from the lords. Then the praepositus, having led him into the winter consistory, clothes him in the sticharion and girds him with the girdle, and thus he is placed at the feet of the lords, whom, as before, he kisses, and gives thanks to them. Then the praepositus places him at the head of the secretariat of the patricians, and all the patricians are brought in, escorted by the silentiarii, and they give thanks, as if holding the head of the secretariat. The silentiarius, however, standing in the middle of the secretariat, receives a sign from the praepositus and says: "Command;" and the senate offers the prayer: "Many and happy years," and thus they betake themselves into the macron of the candidati, and the silentiarius distributes the missa. The one promoted to the dignity of magister departs to the Indi and puts on a purple cloak over his sticharion, and goes home; and if his house is near the palace, the nobles, domestic-officials, foot-scholarii, the scutarii units, the diaetarii, and the decani follow him; but if it is further away, the same men, with the exception of the nobles, accompany him. It must be observed, however, that even on a feast day, if he has been promoted, he returns home with these people accompanying him. ^B

CHAPTER XLVII

I. On the day before, a response is given, and the whole senate is notified to proceed in change-garments: in the morning ^C

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[index: entries preserved]

^A The Emperor and the patriarch salute one another with a bow of the knee, and the Emperor, exiting the sanctuary, goes to the metatorium, where he lights candles and, having prayed, changes his *loros*. When the divine liturgy has been completed ^B and the time arrives for the sacred elements to be carried in procession, the Emperor is clothed in the *chlamys* and, being escorted by those who customarily do so, goes to the place where the candle—that is, the lamp—which he is to carry is kept. When all the patricians are standing on either side, the Emperor passes through their midst. The praepositus, having taken the candle, hands it to the Emperor; the Emperor then walks as an escort ^C to the sacred elements, and having entered within the *soleas* and arriving near the holy doors, he hands the candle to the praepositus. The latter places it upon the *soleas* near the holy doors on the right side, and the Emperor stands near that same candle until the sacred elements have passed by. And when the sacred elements have passed by, both the Emperor and the patriarch salute one another with a bow of the knee, and the Emperor goes away, escorted according to custom by those outside of the sanctuary, to the metatorium. When the time for the *agape* approaches, the master of ceremonies communicates this to the praepositus, and he to the Emperor. The Emperor then comes forth, and being escorted by the aforementioned—that is, the officials of the bedchamber, the patricians, and the commanders, along with the senate—he goes to the right side of the sanctuary and leans against the chancel screen at the side *antimensium*, and there the Emperor gives the *agape* to the patriarch, the metropolitans, the bishops, those who preside over the church, and all the rest according to custom. And then, after he and the patriarch have saluted one another with a bow of the knee, the Emperor descends and...

^A of the afore-mentioned, they depart, and the silentiaries take their codicils, and each silentiary attends his own, carrying their codicils.

IV. They go out in procession to the church of the Hippodrome; surrounded by nobles, they light candles, proceed to the consistory, and there, just as in the Lord’s temple, they light candles. The nobles, the shield-bearers of the unit, the diætarii of all the diætæ, and the decani stand in the long portico of the candidates, and the patricians themselves also depart in attendance to the bronze curtain gates. The admissionalis—to whom the numerarius has gone ahead—repeats the words and says: "Stand." Then the numerarius holds the veil, and the admissionalis repeats the words of the numerarius: "Arise, ^B patrician strategus, from your place," and the first patrician goes out. Again he says to the second: "Stand," and says what the numerarius dictates—whether he is eparch, or logothete, or quæstor: "Arise, patrician-eparch, from your place." If he is merely a patrician: "Arise, patrician." And he too goes out to the gate. The same patricians proceed in attendance through the scholae, and each of them receives their shares in their own places, and they list one by one each patrician, according to his rank; and the demarch hands the libellum to the first as first, to the second as second, and likewise to the others, saying… ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

... In the Greek Church, they used to say ὀρθοί, στῶμεν καλῶς. For when the Gospel was to be read, they would rise and stand throughout the whole of that reading; likewise, when prayers were to be made, they would rise. Chrysostom, *Homily XXIX to the people of Antioch*: "Prayer and entreating intercession. For this very act of the deacon exhorting everyone and saying: 'Upright, let us stand well,' is not laid down simply or in vain. For this reason we are ordered to stand well at that time. For to stand well is nothing else but..." It is clear from these words that ὀρθοί should be pronounced separately and distinctly from the following στῶμεν καλῶς, and that modern Greeks, through ignorance of antiquity and an error of the ears, arising from their detestable iotacism, wrongly join them in their acclamations before the reading of the sacred books in church, *sophia, orthé*, as if it were "upright wisdom," whereas they ought to proclaim according to the ancient custom: *Sophia* (Wisdom)—meaning, "God will now speak, it will now be read"; *orthoi*, that is, "be upright, rise." Albert of Stade, A.D. 1179: "The sentence having been given [by the supreme pontiff] to one wishing to speak while prostrate [lying on his knees and the ground], no audience was granted, but the beadles shouted: *Levate, andate* (that is, depart hence)." "Holding a place and hearth," "lying down and rising," or "standing up," occurs in ancient documents. Thus also below in our text, p. 401: *transfer* (transfer yourself, move elsewhere); see Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinitatis*. To return to where I turned aside, it seems to me that the *numerarius* is some official of the cohort from the regiment called *Numeri* or *Arithmoi*.

Regarding the *numerarius*: who he was, I do not know well; whether he is the same as the *numerarius* about whom see Gutherius, *De Officiis Domus Augustæ*, p. 389. Valesius, *ad Amm. Marcell.* p. 93 and 353, and Du Cange in *Glossarium Latinitatis* and authors cited by him regarding the *numerosi*. These were accountants or calculators, later called *tabularii*, who paid public money into the treasury, or who collected royal money from tributes, harbor duties, and taxes for the treasury. There was also a *numerarius* who would count the gladiators and charioteers and enter them into a tally-book, on which see Salmasius *ad Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ* t. II, p. 192. Concerning another *numerarius* of the Granary, see the note on p. 405. If such a *numerarius* is intended here, I do not see the reason why he is added to the *admissionalis*, and what the two have in common in such a disparity of business. However, our author says that the *admissionalis* had preceded the *numerarius* with words which the *numerarius* then recited in a clear and loud voice; and that indeed ^D he first shouted in Greek, instructed by the *admissionalis*: *stēthō*, "let him rise"—namely, let the patrician rise from his place, or stand upright on his feet; and then, that he repeated the same thing in Latin: *Leva, patricie, loco*, or *Leva, patricie, stratege, loco*, or *patricie præfecte, loco*. I translated the word *leva* on p. 230 as "take up the veil." Nor do I lack reasons to defend that interpretation. But I would have preferred to translate it *attolle te, surge in pedes* ("raise yourself, rise to your feet"). In the Middle Ages, they were accustomed to use the word *levare* for *levare, tollere semet ipsum, surgere* ("to raise, to lift oneself up, to rise"), as is evident from the Roman Ordinals, which say: *Oremus. Diaconus: Flectamus genua.* (Let us pray. The Deacon: Let us bend the knees.) The response is: *Levate* (Rise), and the Pontiff says the prayer, etc.

stands where he is accustomed to give the kiss of peace at every procession. The magistri, the patricians, and the strategoi enter by way of one gate, together with the domestikoi, ^A along with those holding the first offices, the demarchs, and the one in charge of the katastasis. All of the aforementioned, as they enter to salute the Emperor, bow down—not prostrating themselves because of the Resurrection 26—but as each one departs in order, he gives the kiss of peace to the Emperor. And thus, all stand in their respective ranks, and both the Emperor and the patriarch bow to one another. The Emperor then goes away into the metatorion. When the divine communion is drawing near, the one in charge of the katastasis enters and informs the praepositus, and he informs the Emperor; the Emperor then departs, escorted by all the aforementioned, and goes and stands before the holy table in the imperial antimensium; and after praying there, he goes up and receives communion from the hands of the patriarch in the manner related for the previous feast of the Nativity of Christ. After the communion, both the Emperor and the patriarch bow to one another, and the Emperor departs into the metatorion; and going out into the triclinium, he drinks with the friends whom he may order.

VII.

[alt-version omitted]

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

^C ...antimensium, or small altar, also having its own chancel screens, before which one about to communicate, and behind which the priest about to give communion, would stand. Cf. this page, penultimate column, where it mentions the *basilikon antimension* before the holy table, and p. 47, from which places it is clear that emperors were accustomed to receive communion from that altar. In the same place (p. 47), another *basilikon antimension* is mentioned "in the catechumena." The *antimension* is a portable, consecrated altar, or a consecrated cloth; since consecrated altars cannot be carried everywhere, when spread upon an ordinary table, it serves as an altar for Greek priests. See Gretser on Codinus, p. 169; Goar on Theophanes, p. 379; Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* s.v.; Heinec. III, 430. Such an *antimensium* was called *credentia* by the Latins of the Middle Ages. *Cæremoniale Patricii* tit. II, § 1: A *credentia* is also prepared before the altar for the consecrator, and a *credentia* for the bishop-elect with the things needed for the ordination. The Greeks called it *prothesis*. It must be held, however, that the *prothesis* stood inside the sanctuary and served for housing the sacred vessels. The *antimensium*, however, of which the discourse is here, stood outside the sanctuary chancel. I said a little earlier that it seemed to me this small altar stood by the sanctuary chancel. It would perhaps be more correct to say it stood lower down, because a little later in the penultimate column it is said the emperor, after having stood before the royal *antimensium*, ^D ascends the steps of the sanctuary to receive communion there from the patriarch. *Antimensium* or *antiminsion* is etymologically *antimensa*, or a table placed in front of another, just as *anticonstistorium* (consistorium) is the first reached before coming to the true and great consistory, the vestibule of the consistory: like *anticamera*, the chamber or triclinium placed in front of another more noble one, the *anticantharus*, the atrium of the Cantharus, which name belonged to the Alexandrian bath. In Theophanes, p. 130, and in our own text, p. 97, *antiphoros* is an ante-forum, a lesser forum placed in front of a greater one. *Antipanon* that which is placed or sewn specifically before a cloth. See Salmasius on *Scriptores* II. A. t. II, p. 575. Now, for the ancient Greeks *anti-* and for the Latins *anti-* and *ante-* denoted "before" in compounds: so *antipuer*, not yet a boy, but soon to be one. ... 26 It is not allowed for the emperor to worship kneeling or lying on the ground on feast days and Sundays. See on p. 240. 27 The catechumena were the upper porticos surrounding the sides of the church, the northern, western, and southern, such that the narthex was under the western part, and the men's porticus was under the northern and southern parts; the catechumena themselves were the station of the women, specifically those who would not sit in the *gynaikion*. Therefore, that which we call, from the Latin word *porticus* corrupted, *Boorkirchen*, is what is meant; as if to say, church porticos. With usage reversed, however, the catechumena are occupied by men with us, but the women held them with the ancients; the floor of the church or the nave was filled by men, today women occupy it. One ascended from the narthex through a spiral staircase into the catechumena, and the emperor had a *metatorium* there in which he would *metabato*, that is, reside or remain while the sacred rites were being performed, and he did not have to go to the entrance of the sanctuary to hear the Gospel, to assist at the sacred rites at the great entrance, to give the *Agape*, and to receive communion, but was allowed to be free for the chanting of hymns or the listening to the homily. Attached to that *metatorium* was a triclinium in which he dined as often as it pleased him to remain in the temple, and not go home for lunch.

as we have said above, is carried by the ^A codicil-bearer before the masters. And they go to the church, and when the masters have changed their church vestments, they return to the palace and the newly created patricians change into white tunics, and the silentiaries lift their codicils. The strategoi, with their genuine cloaks, go to the church, as was mentioned, through the schools and the receptions of the factions, and the patriarch comes out from the sanctuary, and he performs the prayer, as is the custom, and they withdraw to their houses, as has been said above. On the day of the ^B phiale-viewing, it takes place, and he leans out with the codicil, and upon the completion of the viewing of the phiale of the Veneti, the factions go to their places in the schools, and likewise the newly created patricians, being looked after, go to the schools, and the factions receive them, and they go into the church, and the entire service is completed, as is the custom, as has been said above. But if the newly created patrician is not a senator, but is from the rank of the spatharioi, he does not enter the Chrysotriclinium, but the one in charge of the arrangement dresses him in a red cloak. And when they enter, the veils of the codicils are carried before the masters. And they go to the church, and while the masters have changed the church vestments, they return to the palace, the newly created patricians put on white tunics, the silentiaries carry their codicils, the strategoi in purple cloaks, as we have said above, go to the church through the schools and the stations of the factions; the patriarch having come forward from the altar, as is the custom, prays, and thus each one departs home, as we have said. Moreover, if the promotion is instituted on the day on which the imperial throne is placed in the phiale, he also looks out with the codicil, and after the Veneti have performed the solemn ceremonies of the phiale on that day, the factions betake themselves to their places in the schools: the newly created patricians also go with their retinue to the schools, where they are received by the factions, then into the church, and ^C every rite is performed there according to the custom which we have explained above. If the promoted patrician is not of the senatorial order, but one of the spatharioi, he does not enter the Chrysotriclinium, but the master of ceremonies dresses him in a red cloak. When all the veils have entered the Chrysotriclinium according to custom and have been stationed in the consistorium, the master of ceremonies holds the candidate on the pulpit of the silver doors with another silentiary, then the ostiary alone comes, places him at the inner veil, and upon a sign being given by the praepositus, he strikes the veil, which the silentiary lifts, and thus the promoted patrician in [his] cloak... [D ] [alt-version omitted]

^A And she sits upon a seat, and all the members of the bedchamber stand on this side and that, while the eunuch protospatharioi stand behind the Augusta. And having received a sign from the Augusta, the praepositus goes out with two ostiarii carrying rods, and he introduces the first veil, the patrician *zostai* [(29)]; the second veil, the magistrissai; the third, the patrician *proconsularissai* [(30)]; the fourth, the patrician wives of the strategi; the fifth, the wives of the eparchs and quaestors [(31)]; the sixth, the wives of the thematic eparchs and proconsularissai, the wives of the drungarii of the Vigil, the protospatharissai, spatharocandidatissai, spatharissai, the wives of the turmarchs, the consularissai, and the stratorissai. The seventh veil, in which follow the comitissai of the schools, the candidatissai, the scribonissai [(32)], the domestikissai of the tagmata, the vestitorissai, the silentiariassai, the comitissai of the numeri, [and] the comitissai of the hikanatoi. And after giving the kiss of peace to all, the Augusta nods to the praepositus, and he says: "Order it." And they [say] the, "For many and good years," and they go out. ^B And the Augusta, having risen, enters into the *metatorium* with her own members of the bedchamber, and the rest of the bedchamber staff go down to the emperor.

VIII. And when he has departed from the banquet, he is clothed in the *loros* by the vestitores, and having given order to the praepositus, he summons the patriarch; and the patriarch having arrived, they both bow to one another, both the emperor and the patriarch. ^C [The commentary following on this section, discussing titles such as *zoste* and functional roles for the wives of magistrates, is preserved in the original layout.] ^D

supported by the master of ceremonies and another silentiary, enters, and together with the silentiaries conducts his first prostration; the second in the middle of the triclinium; the third at a certain interval from the throne. Soon, led by them, he kisses the feet and knees of the great and little emperor, and with outstretched hands, after he has received the codicilli from the sovereigns, kisses their right hands; the master of ceremonies leads him back to the place where he made the third prostration, and the patricians, surrounded by the magistri, the other patricians, and the silentiaries, enter; of these, only the patricians give thanks to the sovereigns, while the rest of the senators, since no one of their own order has been promoted, do not prostrate themselves. Finally, in solemn attendance, he departs to the consistorium, thence to the church, where all the remaining rites are carried out according to custom by the other patricians as well, and departing from the church, he wears the purple cloak and goes home. ^A all according to custom in the Chrysotriclinium; and when they have reached the consistorium, the master of ceremonies holds the one who is to be promoted to the pulpit of the silver gates with another silentiary, and the ostiarius comes alone, and stands within the veil, and when he receives the nod from the praepositus, he strikes the veil, and the silentiary lifts it, and the promoted patrician enters, wearing a sagion of fine linen, held by the master of ceremonies and another silentiary, and the promoted one falls with the silentiaries the first time; the second time he falls in the middle of the triclinium; the third time he falls at a distance from the throne. And they bring him, and he falls before the footstool, and kisses the feet of the great emperor, and both his knees, likewise also those of the little one, and spreads his hands and receives the codicilli from the sovereigns, and kisses the hands of the sovereigns, and the master of ceremonies leads him backward to where he made the third prostration, and the patricians enter, from the magistri and the rest of the patricians, held by silentiaries, thanking the sovereigns; only the patricians [do this]; the rest of the senators do not fall, as they are not newly created senators. And he departs, being attended in the consistorium, and thus they go into the church, and all the rest is fulfilled as the custom holds, and for the others too; and when he departs from the church, he himself also wears a true sagion, and thus he departs to his house.

148 CHAPTER XLVIII. Things to be observed in the promotion of patricians.

I. When the emperor has entered the chamber near the church of Saint Theodore inside the veil, the praepositus calls the vestitores, who vest him in the chlamys; and when they have gone out, he is crowned by the praepositus; then he goes out from the chamber in which he was crowned, and ascending, sits upon his throne, which stands in the Chrysotriclinium. ^B And while the officials of the cubiculum stand on this side and that, the cubicularii and the spathocubicularii stand behind in a circle around the throne, as is the semicircle, so that those who are to enter through the eight curtains may have space; the eunuch protostatharii, however, stand near the throne. Then the mensurator or also the papias of the Great Palace takes the thurible, and coming from the raised veil of the Chrysotriclinium with incense, he incenses the emperor, and having done this three times, he departs. Then the praepositus, having received a sign from the sovereign, goes and stands before the emperor in the midst of the officials of the cubiculum, and having outstretched his hands with his chlamys, he makes obeisance to the emperor, without bending the knees, except only for the form of the prostration, in the manner that the order of the day requires. ^C And then in this way he goes out with two ostiarii, who carry before him their rods in the tripeton, and he finds the magistri, that is, those promoted by the master of ceremonies, and the praepositus calls them; and two silentiaries stand outside the veil of the gate of the Chrysotriclinium, and when the magistri are called by the praepositus, ^D and...

^A And they process through the triclinium where he has hung the curtains, and when they are about to exit at the holy fountain, the emperor stands at the gate with the patriarch, while the praepositus and the argentarius stand outside the same door. By the hand of the argentarius, the praepositus receives the gold purses and hands them to the emperor, and the emperor gives them to those who are to receive them, while the argentarius cries out, "N. of the good masters." Those who receive this beneficence are the archdeacon and the ostiarii and the psaltae and the prosmonarii, and thus they enter inside the curtain hung at the holy fountain. The praepositus, having taken the crown, hands it to the patriarch, and the patriarch crowns the emperor; and then, as the patriarch gives blessings to the great 33 emperor, as well as to the minor one, the emperor, having taken an apocombion from the praepositus, gives it in return to the patriarch, and the patriarch gives the emperor perfumed oils, and the other emperor does the same.

^B IX. After both have venerated and kissed one another, both the emperors and the patriarch, the emperor exits from those places and passes through the Middle 34, and enters the great gate, the Chalke 35. From there he proceeds through the Scholae and the Excubitors, while the Peratic divisions and the political factions perform all things according to custom. When the Senate has gathered in the consistorium, it remains there, praying for the emperor. Having descended the steps, the emperor remains there, and the official in charge of the arrangement, along with the silentiarii and the vestitores, prays for the emperor, saying, "For many and good years." The emperor, being conducted by the lords of the cubiculum and the patricians, proceeds as far as the narrow passage 36,

^A to the right side of the newly appointed patrician, and he also, having made an obeisance, prays for the emperor, and then departs to his own station and order. And when the first magister has finished the prayer and thanksgiving, the silentiarius on the left immediately takes over, leading a magister from the other side, and stands him on the left of the newly appointed patrician, and he also prays for the emperor, giving thanks; and when the same magister is about to leave, he who is on the right takes over, ^B doing the same. It should be known that all who have entered through the eight veils, apart from the asecretae and the vestitores and the referendarius, each of them, according to his own order, enters, being held by a silentiarius, near the newly appointed patrician, some on the right, others on the left; and they also perform everything in sequence, in the way the magister on the right and the one on the left performed it. And when all have made obeisance and given thanks to the emperor, the master of ceremonies and the silentiarius take the newly appointed patrician and lead him to ^C the emperor, and having fallen, he kisses the feet of the emperor, then his knees, and after praying and giving thanks to the emperor, he departs and stands in his order; then, having received a nod from the emperor, the praepositus says: "Command."

IV.

VARIE LECTIONES. 48 Pray for. 49 To depart, the same magister... 50 The om. 51 Dignitaries, sceuophori, soldiers, tagmata...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS. (82) By the honored (or senatorial or togati men), by the sceuophori (or military magistrates, whose duty is the sceuē, that is, vessels, like the shield, spear, standards, labara, etc., to carry them before the emperor, as are the spatharii, candidati), by the soldiers of the tagmata (that is, the city garrisons). Cf. p. 147, last line, where the dignitaries and the scutaria (these are the same as the sceuophori) and the diaetarii stand. (83) Thermastra is a bath or heating room. Puteus is better perhaps here than the former; for there were vaporaria and pyrilia in houses, in monasteries, in military schools, large rooms or halls in which a fire was kindled and those who wished to be warmed would gather; in which also they were accustomed to be refreshed or to eat. V. Du Cange v. Pyrile or Vaporarium. Here is the vaporarium of the scholae or of the comitatenses soldiers, as they had their station or schola not far from the circus. Since, however, they were accustomed to use steam baths, that is, Laconica (and *pyriasthe* denotes to bathe, also to be warmed), nothing prevents *thermastra* from also denoting a bath, especially since heating rooms and bathing rooms were usually joined and contiguous to one another. (84) Popular Greek *es* here is *es*, that is: you are a patrician, you have been created a patrician; we rejoice to hear you are such. *Eise*, or rather *eise*, is the same as *eisai*. For the later Greeks write *ai* and *e* interchangeably, and the substantive verb is not *eimi*, *eis* or *ei*, *esti*...

^A and the patricians remain, likewise praying for the emperor. Having entered the triclinium of the Augusteus, the cubicularii immediately secure the doors, and the emperor makes a sign to the praepositus and speaks in Latin: "Vivas" (37). And one of the cubicularii, answering, says: "Bene." And the rest of the cubicularii, all standing in the shape of the letter Π, they also say in Latin: "Vivas multos annos, felicissime." And the emperor having entered the octagon, and the praepositus having taken the crown from the head of the emperor, the vestitores enter and remove the loros, and go out. The emperor, being wrapped in a golden sayon, from those things there, being escorted by the cubiculum and the protospatharioi and the rest of the members of the household, passes through the Augusteus and the apse and enters the God-guarded palace.

X. Now, as the hour approaches, he sits at the table which is cut off, and the cubicularii enter and stand on both sides of the dining-room, as is the custom: the friends of the emperor also enter, and the patricians indeed wear their tunics, which, ^B when foods are brought, they put on again. It is to be known that the prefects of the cubiculum, throughout the entire week of the Renewal, perform a double concession at the same table, that is, the golden one. Furthermore, if ambassadors of great nations are present ^C, and the emperor has ordered them to be summoned, the table is cut off (38), and thus the men of the cubiculum enter, and they stand as the rank requires on this side and that of the Cletorium (39). The friends also enter into the Cletorium, wearing, some the patricians, their chlanidia, and again (40), when the dulcion enters, they put them on. It should be known that the masters of the cubiculum, through the whole of the week of the Renewal at the same table, that is... ^D

^A in the gate near the Chalke, he receives the *libellarion* from the demarch. And the demarch, having approached, hands over the *libellarion*, and stands in the middle, as is his custom always to be present at the receptions. Then, when the two factions have finished, he goes out through the Chalke, and having gone as far as the Holy Well, he lights candles there, and then in this manner enters the Great Church. Standing before the holy doors, he prays, and the patriarch, having called him, bows his own head, says a prayer, and then in this manner he receives communion of the immaculate body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ from the patriarch. And having embraced him, the patriarch sends him away. The patrician, having given the customary gift traditionally bestowed upon the church, goes out through the middle of the nave into the narthex. There he takes off the *skaramangion* of his and his true *sagion*, and then, having gone out, departs on horseback. The silentiary [goes] before him, carrying the tablets, wearing a true *sagion*; and the rest, whom we mentioned above, escort him to his house. It should be noted that those whom we mentioned above escort him on foot; but when the patrician reaches his house, he welcomes everyone. The seat of the silentiary at the table near the patrician is placed on the left side, sitting ^B with equal honor, as his dignity demands; for the order provides for this. And they themselves, the silentiaries and the soldiers, receive from the patrician the customary gifts traditionally given to them, and each departs to his house, thanking God and praying on behalf of our wealth-creating emperor.

Acts and acclamations of the factions at the promotion of a patrician

I. The usual rite of the promotion of a patrician having been performed in the palace, he proceeds in procession, accompanied by the silentiary—that is, the one who carries the *codicilli* of the patrician—and goes ^C to the church of Saint Stephen in the hippodrome, and lights candles there. Then, attended by the offices of the palace, he goes to the consistorium and lights candles there; likewise also in the church of the Lord, where the nobles, the *scutarii* regiments, the *diætarii* of all the departments, and the deans in the portico of the *candidati* are present. Attended by them, the patrician...

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JAKOB REISKE.

(85) The diction *kathēdra kathèzetai* is wonderful: *kathētai*, *kathietai*, *katatithetai*; or, if you prefer to refer *kathèzetai* to the silentiary, the words *hē de kathèdra* should be understood thus: as far as the seat of the silentiary at the banquet is concerned, he sits *isotimōs*, in the same line or altitude of the seat, *ex isou*, not lower. ^D (86) *Consuetudines* are honorary gifts, *conchiaria*, customary and established salaries, ordered to be given. See Du Cange *Gloss. Gr.* under the word and *Latin* under *consuetudo*, also under *Solēmonia* and *solemnia*. *Synētheia*, *ektagē*, *ektagiatika*, *sportula* all signify the same thing. Labbeus in *Synops. Basil.* p. 74, "to receive without any payment of a suffrage," is to arrive at an honor and some college, even if nothing is paid for the entry; Guther. p. 502. Our codex has some notices of such *consuetudines* in the second book. A notice of the *consuetudines* of the praetorian prefects and the *sportulae* of the office through Africa is in the Justinianic code, Guther. p. 436 sqq. A notice of the quantity of *consuetudines* to be given by the archons is in *Novell. Justin.* p. 47, sq. Furthermore, at the end of many constitutions it is added how much the honored should give for *codicilli* or insignia, as on p. 118, 412 in the end of the Scrimger edition.

^A the golden [table], they perform a double standing. It must be known that if ambassadors of great nations chance to be present, and the emperor gives orders to call them, the small golden table stands above where the pentapyrgion stands, and the emperor sits there, while the ambassadors sit at the great golden table. To the left of the pentapyrgion stands a bench, which has steps, and the one of the table ascends by way of it, and stands above ministering to the emperor, while the *engistiarioi* all stand below; and likewise they stand also to the left of the same pentapyrgion, which also has steps, and the *epigkyrnes* ascends by ^B way of it. Note also this, that two side-tables ^C stand in the arch of the Chrysotriklinos leading to the *tripeton*, but if the emperor orders others to be made by way of addition—two more side-tables—one stands in the left arch, and the other in the right.

If, however, the feast of the Annunciation falls on the day of Pascha, it is celebrated as follows. The emperor comes with a procession from his palace, guarded by God, from the Theotokos of the Pharos, and proceeding through the porticos of the Forty Saints and the apse, he reaches the temple of the Theotokos in Daphne, and thence he makes for Saint Stephen; and the solemn rites being observed, from there... ^D

the priests go in procession and return to the palace, while the Emperor enters the Augustal bedchamber that is there, awaiting the time; and when the time arrives, he performs everything in order regarding the Pascha, as has been said above.

CAPUT X.

Observanda die secunda septimanae renovationis.

^A I. All the officials, dressed in white tunics, proceed quickly to the apse. The patricians put on tunics with golden nails, and the others each according to his own rank and dignity. Of the cubiculum, the praepositi and the primiceri of the ostiarii are clothed in tunics with golden nails, and the spatharocubicularii carry their swords. ^B When the palace has been opened, all those of the cubiculum enter through the passage of the Forty Saints to receive the Emperor there; but the patricians and the strategi, together with the domestics, stand in the hemicycle of the triconch, as is the custom for them. And the Emperor, attended by the cubicularii and adorned with a golden cloak, emerges through the cancelli of the triconch, and the patricians, strategi, and domestics receive him there. After the proto-

-spatharii barbati, the maglabitai, and the rest of the household servants of the cubiculum have finished their duties, he proceeds through the Daphne, lighting candles in the chapels as is the custom, and enters the bedchamber of the Augustus, awaiting the fitting time. When the time has arrived, he is clothed by the vestitores in a white cloak shining with gold, and, attended by the lords of the cubiculum, he passes through the Augusteum. Standing outside the gate, where the veil hangs, are the proto-spatharii barbati, dressed in changing garments and bearing spathobaclia 55. And the emperor, having passed through the narrow passage of the Golden Hand, ascends to the Chalkê Gate of the Onopodion, and the patricians and strategi receive him. When they have performed obeisance to the emperor, the praepositus motions to the Master of Ceremonies at the command, and he says: "Bid them." And they pray: "For many good years," and so on. The spatharocandidati and spatharii, along with the spatharii barbati of the cubiculum, the manclavitae, and the rest of his right-hand men, stand on either side.

VARIAE LECTIONES

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS

(55) It might be doubted whether *spathobaclia* are two diverse and separate things, swords to be carried in the right hand and staves in the left; or one composite body, long wooden poles with swords fixed into them, or long and broad blades, spears, rhomphaiae, as you might prefer to call them; such as we are accustomed to call halberds. The Greeks, along with the ancients and the moderns, are accustomed to compose and mix two words in such a way that they signify both two separate and two joined bodies, as below p. 48, we have *selloxalinon*, a horse saddle and bridle; p. 205 *chartokalamarion*, paper with a reed case; p. 335 *toxopharetra*, a quiver with arrows and bow, where I would like "with a bow" added in the Latin. See what I said ad p. 6: concerning *cherionipptron*, a basin for washing hands with a ewer. So Brodaeus on *Anthol.* VI. 25, p. 444, explains *thyraspides* in the epigrams of Leonidas as parmae and shields. Yet that word can denote such shields as were perfectly round in the middle, to the shape, but had a double protrusion at the top and bottom, whence they shared in some way in the form and appellation of *thyras*. p. 180 ed. H. Steph. of the same *Anthology* is *artolagunos*, a flagon or basin, that is, a hollow bowl, full of wine with crumbled bread. In Du Cange *Gloss. Lat.* it is *Bactreperata* homines [men] equipped with staves and *perides*; ITEM *pharocantharus*, that is a pharos, or a hanging crown for carrying many candles, with *canthari*, that is, discs for receiving the drops falling from the candles. In the same *Gloss. Gr.*: *Androgunon* is a pair of humans of either sex, and *tyloproskephalaion*, a coverlet with a pillow. Huge heaps of similar examples could be brought from the Greeks of every age, if we were aiming for that. But we only wanted to demonstrate that this mode of composition supports both interpretations posited above. It shines forth, however, from our p. 49: *Spathobaclia* were poles tipped with iron at the top, where, after he mentioned the swords separately, he adds *kai ta spathobaklia autwn epikeimena tois wmois autwn* [and their spathobaclia resting on their shoulders].

This sort of ceremonial weapon seems to be described by the monk of St. Gall, lib. 1, on the deeds of Charlemagne cap. 36, as follows: "The equipment of the ancient Franks was a pole, admirable for its apple-wood with even knots, rigid and terrible with a manual point [that is, a battle-axe, otherwise called *dextrarium*] in gold or silver with singular engravings fixed on the end, carried in the right hand." Whence it is evident that in that age the custom already prevailed of adorning the blades of swords with gold and silver, and with inscriptions and figures of leaves, animals, or gentilicial insignia. Paulus Warnefridus, *reg. Longob.* V. 10, calls this kind of pole *contus*: "One of the king's army, who was accustomed to carry the royal pole, striking one Greek forcibly with the same pole with both hands, lifted him from the saddle upon which he was riding, and lifted him above his own head." In the Middle Ages they also had *spathobaclia* sharp on only one side. I have seen a remarkable image of these in a certain parchment manuscript of the Senatorial Library of Leipzig, illustrated with most elegant pictures, containing a Gallic interpretation of Valerius Maximus, made under Charles V, King of the Gauls, written in the year 1420. Such *spathobaclia* seem to me to have been those spears which the Flemings, who used them especially, called *Golenda*—that is, "good day," *bon jour*—much as we today call the bull's sinew, with which criminals are punished in houses of correction, *den Willkommen*. Those *Godendacas* are described by the French poet in Du Cange *h. v.*

^A II. The Emperor descends from the consistory stairs, attended by these men; the spatharocandidati and spatharii descend—those on the right, these on the left—and the patricians exit through the middle door, in such a way that as they stand to the right, they descend by the stairs of the right-hand door, and as they stand to the left, they descend by the stairs of the left-hand door. The Emperor, meanwhile, with the cubicularii, descends to the pulpit and stands beneath the camelaucium 57 on the porphyry stone; and they receive him again in the consistory, patricians and generals with the senate, and while they adore him, the praepositus silentii...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

56 *Dextralia.* They used to call the weapons *securis*, or otherwise *monopelekeis* (single-axes) or *heteropelekeis* (different-axes), which the protectors of princes carried on their right side. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* v. *Atorpia*, and Latin v. *Dextralis*, and below at p. 333 for more.

57 Mention is frequently made in this codex of a triclinium in which the camelaucium was kept. I believe it was a triclinium in the middle of which either stood a column with an umbrella or *uraniscus* placed upon it, or a polycandelon hung, so called from a resemblance to the camelaucium, because the camelaucium—that is, the infula or almuce—resembled a cap, or, to use examples perhaps easier for our people to grasp, a bell or a cone or a sugar loaf, with lamps fixed into it or hanging from it around the circumference, illuminating the triclinium. There were camelaucia of various kinds. One was completely vaulted or arched, like a helmet. Such are commonly worn among us by lowly men made of leather, whom we call *Blechmützen* in the vernacular, named after thin metal coins (*Bracteaten*), because, like a cup or bowl, they sit upon the head, conforming exactly to its circumference and not rising into a cone or empty space. We also call them *Fuhrmannsmützen* (wagoner’s caps), the almuces of carters, because carriers are accustomed to use such-shaped coverings made of linen with hair (*linomallotois*). The two noblemen carry camelaucia of this type: the eunuch protovestiarius and the canicleus, who in our Ceremonial image placed at the beginning stand to the Emperor’s right; likewise the protectors in the Justinian image at Ravenna in Du Cange, *Famil. Byzant.*, p. 97, those furthest to the Emperor’s right; as also those Gauls on the monument established under Tiberius Augustus, which is seen engraved in bronze in Murator., p. MLXVII. Josephus seems to call this type *pilon achonon*, which Rufinus translates as a cap in the manner of a calamaucus or helmet. I owe this passage to Du Cange, v. *Camelaucium*, where he has excellent material on this matter.

The second type of camelaucium was *oxyporon* (sharp-pointed), from the base (I call the base the extreme rim that covers the forehead), from a circular base, therefore, widening as it rises into a conical peak; to which peak, whether it stands straight and high in the manner of a sailor’s cap or an Arab cap, and partly also of an episcopal mitre (which they called Phrygian, because it was similar to the Phrygian cap; see at p. 332, A. 5), either drooping to the side, or with nothing, or with a *seira*, a plumb-line, something swaying and hanging loosely added—a *Troddel* or *Pommel*, what we call a tassel (*une Houppe* to the French, *dondola* to the Italians). The other two nobles in that image of ours, standing to the Emperor’s left, wear camelaucia of this type, as do the three Magi offering gifts to the newly born Christ on the coin of John Tzimiskes in Du Cange, *Famil. Byzant.*, p. 152, towards the front; and this was worn by the Prince of Antioch, Gerard, in the tournament instituted at Antioch with Manuel Comnenus, attested by Nicetas, p. 57: "Wearing on his head a *pilon* in the manner of a tilted tiara." Such was the camelaucium which is the subject in our present passage, on the occasion of which I began to speak of camelaucia. For because the luminous crowns, *ta polykandela*, were accustomed to be hung from the vaults of churches and triclinia, being wider at the bottom and having smaller circles the higher they went, and since the second type of camelaucium similarly tapered into a peak like a sugar cone, it happened that such a polycandelon came to be called a *camelaucia* by metaphor.

There was also a third type of camelaucium, like a small vessel (*modiolus*), narrower at the bottom where it pressed the forehead, and wider and flat at the top, like the one worn by the Emperor Nicephorus Botaniates in the image depicted. These and similar things were usually called *stemma* (crowns). Belonging to this third type are the Turkish turbans, of the shape and difference of which, as also of the Arabic ones, I speak under Abulfeda.

Let us now see whence the name *camelaucium* comes. I shall not now speak of *calamaucus* or *calamaucium*, as many Latin writers pronounce it, and whose origin I confess I do not know, if we do not wish, with the learned, to consider it a corrupt pronunciation of *camelaucium*. I dismiss the other derivations of others and contend that it is the same as *camella* and its derivative, with the ending *-acium* or *-aucium* added. Now, *camella* is a diminutive of *camara*, a camera. *Camella* has been said for *cameram*, as *capella* for *capera*. Therefore, *camella* is the same as a small chamber, anything vaulted or hemispherical. Hence a hemispherical basket, a drinking vessel or wooden scoop—*kypellon*, *cupella*—such as those in Dutch cities from which they sell milk, also a coat, a cowl, a cloth with which monks cover their heads; all these were called by the Latins *camella*, that is, a small chamber, a small vault: see Cedrenus, p. 169, C. 1, whose words, although obscure and perplexed, as is to be expected from a Greek-speaking person touching upon Latin, nevertheless make it understood that the Latins called a *sporia* woven in the manner of a half-circle a *camella*. And he is not mistaken in that, because he derives *camelaucium* from it. Petronius said *camellam* for a scoop or cup, ch. 137, where see the interpreters. For a coat or cowl, a hood, Theodulfus has it, Bk. vi, ch. 18, regarding the vestments of bishops, in an opinion that is as elegant as it is true: "The dark will covers the flowing (that is, ample, sinuous) *camilla* of the head, harsh wool the limbs, the sheep’s garment the wolf."

I will not argue, however, if one thinks *camella* is said for *capella*, and traces it from *capillus* (hair): it is not new for 'm' and 'p' to be swapped. The Italians also still today say *capello* for *capillo*. In the past, they also called *capellae* the same things as *camelaucia*. The *Ordinarius* of the Church of Rouen in Du Cange, v. *Peregrinus*: "Let them have *capelli* on their heads," and in another charter under the same word *Purpumtum*, an iron *capellus* is numbered among the arms—that is, a helmet. Therefore, *camelaucia* would be the same as *capellacia* or *capillatia*, coverings of the hair. *Chronicon Vosionse* (in Du Cange, v. *Boneta*): "They wore mitres..."

Again in the consistory (58) the patricians and generals, together with the senate, having done obeisance, and the praepositus beckoning to the silentiary by order, he says: "Bid them." And they: "For many and good years." And the emperor being led [therefrom] by those aforementioned, as the [official] of the place says, step by step: "Captate 59," ^A a sign is given by mandate, which says: "Bid them;" and they: "In long and good times." Then, surrounded by those aforementioned at the place, as the master of ceremonies speaks while he descends by the steps: "Captate, domini," he passes through the silentiary guards and the *scholae* and the *chalcē*, and departs to the holy *puteum*, the factions meanwhile marking the position in the solemn stations, and nothing more besides.

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youths of both sexes, which they called *boneta* after the *capellae* of linen or *coffiae*. It is clearly evident in this place that *capellae* are head coverings which touch the hair directly and come between the [hair] and the *boneta*, such as today only women among us still use (they call them *Hauben*), but formerly even men, as with us, so also among the Greeks, were using at least in the Middle Ages. The clerks of the Greeks and some few of our own still today wear double *camelaucia*, one interior and narrower, the other exterior and broader, and more splendid. The former they called *subcamelaucium*, that is, under-*camelaucium*, also *suppileos*, the latter *camilaucium* quite simply; see Du Cange, v. *Σακαμιλαύκιον*, p. 501, and *Ependecen*. ^B But the termination *-aucium* for *-acium*, *camilaucium* for *capillaceum*, should seem strange to no one. The Latins often interpose an unnecessary 'u', just as for *platus* they say *plautus* (see Salmasius on Tertullian, p. 475), *baccalaureus* for *baccalarius*, of which word I speak elsewhere in these notes.

Concerning other names for *camelaucia*, such as, for instance, the *theristrum*, by which Liutprand often calls them. I have not determined to discuss here the Greeks (if I remember correctly, never), nor the origin of them (they are very ancient, yet they seem to have come from the Scythians to the first Macedonians under the name of *causia*, and then to the rest of the Greeks as well); ^C nor concerning the diversity of *camelaucia* as an indication of different orders, just as there are different turbans among the Turks, as it is evident that there were also different ones among the Greeks, according as each rank of life had its own, as is confirmed from Nicetas, p. 143, d. 9. I proceed rather to the *polycandela*, which from the fact that they were similar to the ribbons of the head, called *camelaucia*, came to be named after them. The similarity of both will not appear better, namely, of the circular *phari* or crowns illuminated with many lamps and candles with the conical ribbon arrangement, than if you look at tab. 26 and 27 of Campini’s *Monimenta vetera*, where these crowns hanging from the vaults of churches with chains in the manner of an isosceles triangle converging at the summit exactly represent a sugar cone or a peaked *bonetum* or a sailor’s cap. ^D There still remains the proof of the ancient custom of suspending such illuminators of the *camelaucia* in churches in the basilica at Aachen founded by Charlemagne, a crown (for so they called those suspended light-bearing *phari*, whence we, keeping the name, call it *Kronenleuchter*), not of gold, nor worn by Charlemagne, as the mob supposes, but of iron, made to illuminate the church with lit candles and lamps. Eginhard writes of that crown in his *Life of Charlemagne* in the margin [that is, the iron rim or bottom broad circle] of the crown, which encircled the interior part of the building between the upper arches, containing a writing, synoptically [that is, in *ἐν συνοινῳ*, in large, clear, conspicuous letters, which might strike the eyes and be easily read by anyone], who was the author of the same temple. I once saw an impression expressed in brass of this crown, distinguished at intervals by images of towers and churches, in a description of the Antiquities of the city of Aachen, by, I know not whom; for the name has slipped from my memory. The Latins of the Middle Ages called these orbicular hanging *phari* 'crowns' from the figure of the arch, and *phari* from their function; the Greeks called them *πολυκάνδηλα* from the multitude of lights which they bore. [Combefis renders *πολυκάνδηλον* in *Contin. Theoph.* p. 131...] See Du Cange, v. *Arcus* and *Corona* and *Pharus*, and Angel. de Nuce on *Chronicon Cassinense* 1, 26, p. 300, whose words are these: "Crowns were certain large circles hanging by little chains from the lacunaria in churches, to which crowns lamps were attached for illuminating the darkness in night vigils and for ornament." Their use has now become obsolete except at Milan, whose church, most observant of ancient rites, persists. These crowns bore crosses, of which [is spoken] here and in book III, c. 73: "bearing a silver-gilt crown adorned with precious stones, carrying [for *ferentem*] six crosses." H. T. The *Chronicon Cassinense* III, 33 describes these *phari* elegantly, but Paul the Silentiary even more so. His words are these: "He also made a *pharus* or a most massive crown of silver of about one hundred pounds, having [they wrote and spoke thus in that age for *habentem*] in circuit twenty cubits, with twelve turrets protruding on the outside, and thirty-six lamps hanging from it, and he hung it outside the choir [that is, the *solea*] before the great cross by a sufficiently strong iron chain, distinguished by seven gilded spheres." But the passage of Paul, *Ecphras.* v. 457 (p. 520), where he compares the arches of the *polycandela*, very broad at the bottom, but as one ascends higher, becoming smaller and smaller, with the foliage of pines or firs going into a cone, which returns and is equally apt, and, which pleased later ages more, the comparison with the peaked *camelaucium*, is this:

For those one might call trees with cone-bearing boughs or delicate-foliaged cypresses, They are sharp-topped, and the circles go round Wider at the base, until you reach the final Rim, which winds around the trunk, and from there A flame has bloomed fourth as a fire-bearer.

(58) In *Consistorio*, we would not say here, as elsewhere, "place," but denotes the whole college of senators standing together in one place. (59) *Captate*, not only here, but also constantly thereafter; which, as it was repeatedly noticed by the editor, was presented in later [pages] with an abject emendation, which at first sight might seem probable, and indeed squares perfectly with the sense. For it is said that the master of ceremonies extends his right hand to the emperor as he descends the steps—not bare, which is not allowed without violation of majesty, but covered with a tunic—so that the lord might grasp it, and thus lead him down the stairs by the hand, saying *κατὰ βάθρον*, each step: *Captate Domini*, that is, firmly grasp my hand, and hold on, so that you do not fall, or wander by one step. See p. 88. A tedious duty, if at every single step

^A they receive him, and the notaries and masters recite the prescribed iambs in the places where it is the custom to recite them. The emperor, having prayed with lit candles, hands them to the praepositus; the patriarch, having gone out, meets him at the holy well, and after they have mutually adored and kissed, they enter the church, and when they have advanced to the holy doors, the patriarch enters the sanctuary. The emperor, standing before the holy doors, with his hands holding the candles, prays, and having prayed, hands them to the praepositus, and enters into the sanctuary, and having prayed, worships at the holy table, and passes through the solea; and when he is about to leave the solea, he receives from the praepositus a processional candle, and immediately the chanters in the ambon begin: "Christ is risen."

III. The emperor, accompanied by all according to custom, ^B passes through the middle of the temple, the royal doors, the narthex, and the baptistery, descends the stairs of the athyris, and proceeds through the Milion and the middle of the forum, and up to the column where the temple of Saint Constantine [stands].

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. ...was repeated, which is recounted here. But those centuries were ridiculously affected and pompous, which you may understand from the example of Charlemagne, whom Anastasius reports to have kissed every step of the most holy church of Saint Peter one by one, and so to have arrived at the pontiff, who stood in the atrium above the steps near the doors of the church. Therefore, the *Captate* has nothing in it that offends, if you look only at the sense. I might think, however, that *kapplate* is correct. It is certain that from the Greek verb *kapto*, I seize, from which *capio* and *capto* have flowed, there comes the word *capulus*, which is purely Greek. For from *kope*, a handle, anything that can be seized by the hands and held, *kopelion* could have been formed. From *capulu* was made the verb *capulare*, and by contraction *captare*, as in Greek one could also say *koptellein*. Indeed, they called *caplum* a rope, from seizing: whence for the Belgians the remaining word became *Cabel*, for a nautical rope. Isidore: *Caplum* is called a rope from *capiendo*; just as the Greeks said *skaphulion* for scapula, and *tablion* for *tabuliam*. Therefore, they could also say *kapplate* for [this meaning], and this for [that]. The Latins in the Middle Ages also said *capulare* for to squeeze, or to apprehend, or to stroke. "If anyone has *capulaverit* the breast of a woman," it is the same as [if he had taken her] hand, arm, or elbow, as [is found] in the Salic Law. See Du Cange s.v. *stringere*. From that office, which formerly belonged to the Praetorian soldiers, they were called *dexiolaboi*, because they apprehended their right hands, and the emperors, while walking, supported themselves by them. ^C Whence it is clear that the Latin interpreter in the Acts of the Apostles, ch. xxiii, 23, rightly rendered the word *dexiolabous* as "spearmen." For the protectors of princes were shielded and spearmen, although I would not dare to promise that at that age of Luke the office of providing the right hand as a support to walking emperors already belonged to the Praetorian soldiers, or that the emperors were already so insolent and affected that they maintained special men by whose hands they were led about like little children. I would not want this to be accepted, however, as if I wished to make a controversy about the antiquity of the Acts of the Apostles. But as to what I was saying a little earlier, that the *Cerimoniarii* [held] not a bare, but a covered hand, [if] it was apprehended by the emperor, [this] is due to the envious ambition of those princes who believed their majesty was violated if they themselves apprehended the bare hand of another, or allowed theirs to be apprehended bare by another. ^D Hence it is that we read in William of Tyre, XIX, 18, that the Caliph of Egypt, when entering a pact with Amalric, King of Jerusalem, through his legates, when he was pressed to give his faith by offering his hand, according to the custom of European princes, and could not escape doing so, although he resisted much—because to the Orientals this was held to be a wound and humiliation of majesty—he finally conceded that he would offer a covered hand. But finally (in the words of William), after much deliberation and the diligent persistence of the Sultan, he offers his hand, very unwillingly, but covered. To whom Hugh of Caesarea, with the Egyptians much admiring and astonished that he should speak so freely before the supreme prince, said: "In faith, by which princes are accustomed to bind themselves, all things ought to be bare; wherefore, either you will give a bare hand, or we will be forced to opine that it is something feigned and having less of purity on your part." Then at last, most unwillingly and as if detracting from his majesty—which the Egyptians took very much amiss—he offered his right hand into the bare hand of Lord Hugh.

^A And he abides, leaning upon the cancelli on the right side. Before he does this, he gives his candle to the praepositus. The patricians and all the magistrates stand below, each of them in their own order and station, as has been said before; and when the patriarch has arrived with the procession, he passes through the midst of them. And when the cross is about to ascend the stairs where the emperor stands, the emperor himself lights candles and venerates the honorable cross. Having venerated it, he delivers the candles to the praepositus, and he to the master of the ceremonies, who fixes them in the manualia of the procession; the cross is brought up and set upon the base before the door of the church. The patriarch enters the church with those who are accustomed to enter with him every day. And the clergy stand below with the common people to the left of the emperor. And when the litany is finished, the emperor ^B receives candles from the praepositus. He prays, and again gives them to the praepositus, and the praepositus to the master of the ceremonies, who fixes them in the manualia of the litany. Immediately the master of the ceremonies arranges the patricians and the other magistrates who are to accompany the emperor. After the emperor and the patriarch have saluted one another, the chanters begin to sing the troparion: "Christ is risen."

IV. Then, accompanied by the aforementioned, he proceeds through the middle in procession; the master of the ceremonies begins the troparion during the circuit of the litany, and because of this he passes through the middle. Through the inns of the bakers and the Forum of the Bull he passes, and...

reaching the church of the Theotokos of the Diaconissa, the emperor hands over the processional candle, and having proceeded as far as the Philadelphium, he turns to the right side ^A and passes through both the baths of Olybrius and the Constantianae as far as Saint Polyeuctus. Having there exchanged the candle and received another from the praepositus, he passes through the middle as far as the Holy Apostles, and having entered the narthex, he sits on a stool, awaiting the patriarch. And once the patriarch has arrived with the procession, the common clergy ^B and the officials enter the church through the right-hand door near the imperial gates, while the orphans enter through the middle door; likewise, the metropolitans and bishops also, entering through the imperial gates, do obeisance to the emperor, without bowing down to the ground. As the patriarch draws near, the emperor rises, and after they both have done obeisance to and greeted one another, they depart as far as the imperial gates, and the patriarch begins to perform the prayer of the entrance of the divine liturgy. The emperor, having lit candles and prayed, hands them over to the praepositus, and he to the master of ceremonies; and when the prayer is finished, the emperor does obeisance to the immaculate Gospel and the venerable cross, and he departs through the middle of the church, through the side of the ambo, and comes to the solea, and the patriarch enters the sanctuary. The emperor, having prayed, as is customary for him, in front of the holy doors, enters the sanctuary, and having done obeisance to the holy altar, and having received an apokombion from the praepositus, he places it on the holy altar.

V.

^A the gynaeceum enters the narthex, and as he turns toward the left side of the font, the patricians stand outside the door of the spiral staircase 67, calling out blessings to the emperor. The emperor, being guided by the officials of the cubiculum, the spatharocandidati, and the officials of the domestici 69, and those of the maglabion, and others, ascends by the same spiral staircase on the left into the holy catechumena; the silentiarii then draw the veils 68 hanging in the catechumena 71, and having gone away, he stands on the right side, where he is accustomed at every procession to stand, and celebrates the divine liturgy. The patricians and the strategi follow behind the emperor through the same spiral staircase and stand opposite the sanctuary, where the imperial antimensium also is placed, upon which the emperor communicates in such processions.

^B VI. When the time for the divine communion arrives, two silentiarii go by mandate and summon the patriarch; the patriarch, being accompanied by them, ascends, and they meet him at the landing 72 of the spiral staircase when he is about to enter the holy catechumena, together with the officials of the cubiculum. And once the patriarch has entered the catechumena, he places the gifts upon the imperial antimensium, and the praepositus, along with the officials of the cubiculum, goes and summons the emperor. The emperor, being guided by them, comes forward and communicates from the hands of the patriarch; afterwards, entering the right-hand veil, he sits there upon a stool until the patricians and the strategi, along with the others as is the custom, have received the divine communion from the hands of the patriarch. Then the emperor returns, and after he and the patriarch have saluted one another, he goes to the place where he celebrates the divine liturgy, as we have mentioned; ^C the patriarch, however, descends to complete the divine liturgy, and the officials of the cubiculum accompany him as far as the place where they had met him when he ascended; from there two silentiarii accompany him to the temple. When the divine office has been completed, the emperor, through the areas that are before the catechumena and through the interior parts, goes to the palace protected by God, which is to say there...

^A and he enters his bedchamber. And two silentiarii descend by mandate and call for the patriarch; and when he has ascended and approached, the officials of the cubiculum receive him, and after he has arrived he sits for a little while, and the praepositus enters and makes it known to the emperor. The emperor then orders the praepositus to summon the patriarch, and when both have been united, the emperor namely and the patriarch, in the triclinium where the table stands, he summons the priests, and they perform the *stichos* ^B, and the patriarch, having blessed the table, takes off his omophorion, and having received...

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(73) The aforementioned Catechumena appear to be those which were above the narthex and looked out opposite toward the tribunal.

(74) They recite a verse, prayers before lunch. See at p. 433. The *stichos* is some excerpt from the Psalms or Holy Scripture, an invocation of God, a portion of which perhaps [the ancients] used to perform, as do our people, Psalm 147: *Give thanks to the Lord, for the Lord is good, and his mercy remaineth forever.* The patriarch blessed, the sign of the cross being added, that is to say he used to speak: *The blessing of the Lord be upon you and upon this table*; the clerics used to do it, that is, they recited the verse, one reciting one period, the other the next, responding in turn and both continuing the chants as though they were antiphons. There is at other times also the *stichos*, an invocation of some saint or female saint, as in the Pontifical of Habert, p. 279: *After the blessing of the Lord be upon you*, say this verse instead of the dismissal: *Through the intercessions*, etc.

(75) Concerning the blessing of the table and of the food, see Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinae*, s.v. *Benedictio*, and Joseph Catalanus on the *Ceremoniale Ecclesiae Romanae* of Augustinus Patricius, p. 155, regarding these words: *After all have washed, the pontiff blesses the table.* Synod of Nantes, canon 54: *Presbyters when they gather for a banquet, let some one of them begin a verse before the meal, and let them bless the food and drink in turns; then let them sit in order and after the meal let them say a hymn according to the Lord's example.*

(76) The omophorion was the vestment of patriarchs and bishops, similar to the pallium which the Roman pontiffs send to bishops today; and a sign of dignity: as if [it were intended] to declare and invest [one] the same as a patriarch or at least a bishop, and the *periairesis*, [the] taking away [of the] omophorion, [is] the same as removing [him] from the episcopal chair. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, *Brev.* p. 95; Pyrrhus the patriarch... ^C Latins used to call this the *orarium*; and to take away the *orarium* from someone [is the same as] to depose [him] from the episcopate. Anastasius in *Silverio*: *John the subdeacon took the pallium from his neck.* He rightly says "from his neck." For, as is clear from the images, it went around the neck, descending a little from the front and back over the breast, converging from the shoulders into a sharp angle, and likewise also in the back. Some added nothing to such a form, as can be seen in the images of St. Nicholas, Chrysostom, and Basil in Du Cange, plate IX, before the dissertation on Byzantine coins; others added ribbons hanging down almost to the feet, born of the *tablia* or broad stripes of the laity, as can be seen at p.166. *Menol. Basil.* vol. I, notable, but deserving of illumination, is the passage of this same Anastasius in *Stephen IV*: *Again the aforementioned Constantine was brought to the middle, and the most sacred canons having been read, he was thus deposed. For Maurianus the subdeacon approaching removed the orarium from his neck; and threw it before [the] feet, and cut its fastenings.* But what were the fastenings of the orarium? They were those crosses which are visible in the cited images of Du Cange, *Menologium Basiliense*, Muratori vol. II, *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum* p. 73, table 2, and others of oraria or omophoria. Truly the omophorion is and at one time was in the beginning a solid pallium, an *amphibalos*, clothing and wrapping the whole man, open nowhere, except where the head and neck are thrust through. This vestment was properly the exterior one of bishops. And for that reason the *maphorion* also, which is a truncated and altered pronunciation of our word, signifies a pallium, such as we have described. But because such a garment hinders the free use of the arms, indeed restricts it greatly, it was necessary in the meantime, in order that they might have them free, [that] they would adjust or fold this pallium over the shoulders, and there they would fasten it with fibulae or pins, or thongs or ribbons of cloth, lest it fall off over the shoulders and disturb them while performing sacred rites. It could not turn out otherwise, therefore, than that the garment would hang down over the breast and the back, heaped and narrowed on the shoulders [by] the rest of the bulk. Such a habit, since it was heavy and troublesome, went subsequently into disuse, with its shadow and likeness remaining, namely the *orarium*. And because that age was laboring with "stauromania" (cross-mania), for which nothing was pleasing that was not either formed in the likeness of a cross, or at least marked with a cross, they used to fashion into the likeness of a cross those fastenings too, which had held and repressed the bulk of the pallium heaped onto both shoulders, called by the Greeks *anabolae* and *analaboi*, by the Latins *rebrachiatoria*. For *aneballon* [means] they would throw back onto the neck, and *anelabon* [means] they were taking up from above and raising that part of the pallium on either side which, without them, would have been about to slip off, and they would carry it back behind the arms. Cassian on the monks of Egypt: *They carry double resticulae [wrongly others have vesticulae. Rightly therefore resticulae, that is, brandeae, ribbons] woven with a woollen warp, which the Greeks call analaboi, we however can call succinctoria, or redimicula, or properly rebrachiatoria, which descending through the tops of the neck and divided from the sides of the neck [to] the folds of both wings (that is, those parts of the pallium, which the shoulders to...

^A the priests go out, and then both sit at the table, the Emperor and the Patriarch; and those of the bedchamber stand at the table on this side and that, as has been said. And when the Emperor and the Patriarch have drunk once, the praepositus beckons by order, and those of the ministry enter; but he of the table having entered stands at the lower gate before the veil, and the praepositus beckons to him by order, and he touches [the Emperor's cup].

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...the ribbons ^B gird about, and from thence [to the right and left shoulder] they cinch, so that they pull the width of the vestment tight to the body and bind it together, and are thus rendered ready and unencumbered for every task with arms free. Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. III, 14, is appropriate to this passage: "The girdle and the analoleus, the one constricting the loins, the other supporting the shoulders and arms, makes them ready for the service of God and for work." See Du Cange s.v. *Anaboulos* and *Rebrachiatorium*. These bonds, therefore, Anastasius calls *compages*; similar in use to those things in Roman togas which Tertullian in *De Pallio* calls *forcipes custodes*. For they guarded the *umbones* of the togas to which they were attached, so that they would not slip. See Salmasius ad Tertull. p. 348. These fasteners of the pallia being cut, it was necessary that the pallium, hitherto ruffled and compressed about the shoulders, should, with the bonds now untied, slip back into its original fullness, such as would impede the exercise of the episcopal function and lose the form, due to the episcopal pallium, whereby indeed it hangs before the breast and in the middle of the back with pointed wings, while being thrown back on the shoulders. Truly, ^C as I said, in time the custom ceased of wearing such pallia with such joinings or fasteners made like the cross, and there remained only their shadow, the pallium known today, such as the images of Chrysostom and his contemporary Fathers display; I would not have you believe, however, that they also wore these more recent and easier-to-wear omophoria. They wore solid, heavy old-style pallia. But painters credited them with the attire of their own centuries. In the Middle Ages, when pride and luxury had grown to an immense degree, they wore not only the image of the old pallium, but together with it the pallium itself, as is clear from the image of the Greek pontiff, which Du Cange provided before his dissertation on Byzantine coins, IX. The *sticharium* is either the *mandyas*, or (for it is the same thing) the ankle-length *dalmatica*, which that priest is seen to wear. That which hangs over it in two long, narrow straps or parallel ribbons is the *orarium*, different from that which Anastasius mentions in the places cited above. Between this and the solitary ribbon incumbent upon it, called the [?], the omophorium is placed, thrown over the shoulders—also called the *saccus* or the *phelonion*. Upon this, in turn, lies the shadow of the ancient omophorium or pallium. That the *orarium* and the superhumerale are different is clear from Codinus, *De Officiis eccles.* c. 9: "The *orarium* under the *saccus* with twin ribbons, the superhumerale over the *saccus* with a single one; the former was longer, the latter shorter." Therefore, when in our codex the Patriarch is said, when about to sit at the holy table, to take off the omophorium, this must be understood of his own *saccus* or *phelonion*, together with the superhumerale lying upon it, which adhered to it in such a way that with one removed, the other was also removed at the same time. But when the Patriarch and bishops are said, at the moment of the reading of the Gospel, to [remove] them in its honor, or (if the reading in Habert, *Pontificale* p. 72, is correct) the omophoria—which is the same as the removing of caps and miters by laymen—then it must be understood of the superhumerale alone. And it is easy to understand why it was said, if it was, for they used to throw back the part of the omophorium hanging before the breast onto the part that hung behind. Isidore gives the reason why bishops removed the pallium at the reading of the Gospel for a mystical one, the kind that, if anything can be known, is quite well known; what is mystical is certainly not laughable. *Epist.* 146, l. 1: Just as the political and military magnates had to lay aside the chlamys, the outer garment of honor of the lay nobility, when about to sit at the holy table, so too did the ^D Patriarch and bishops have to lay aside their insignia, the omophorium, at that time, seeing that the Emperor himself also sat without his chlamys. Concerning this rite of removing outer garments upon entering for sacred banquets, and putting them back on upon returning, I speak below regarding the *Clerotologium*. I add this one thing: the Latins called this pallium the *epidela* and *epiditem*, for which the Greeks said... [see facsimile]. As to the note, I would have annotated it had I not known that critics also hunt for such things. See Duker’s preface to Thucydides. It was the custom to drink three times during the banquet: first before the tasting, in the middle of the meal, and at the end. Which seems to have been transferred from the old custom of emptying three cups in honor of the gods. *Ordo Romanorum*: The primates of the Church go down to their seats, invited by the notary of the vice-dominus, and they drink three times: [with wine] from the Greek, first, from the Pactisi—that is, Naupactensis—second, from the Procopia—this is born among the Tartars near Precopia, or the Maeotic—third. After all the priests have drunk through the acolyte and each of the titulars, they return to perform Vespers.

^A the veil with his hand, and the acolytes raise it, and the friends enter (78), and the entire liturgy of the table is completed. And they stand up after having offered a prayer for the Emperor, and they go out; the Emperor remains alone with the Patriarch and the cubicularius standing by. And having drunk once, they stand up, and the priests, having been summoned by command, enter; and the Patriarch, being invested with his omophorion, performs the stichos, and the Patriarch, having given the Emperor the blessings, the priests go out.

VII. After the Emperor and the Patriarch have venerated one another and exchanged the kiss of peace, the latter departs, escorted by the cubicularii as far as the catechumena; the Emperor, however, remains there for a little while, and at the approaching hour, he puts on the triblatteum colobium, adorned with golden ribbons and set with stones and pearls, which is also called the botrys, and [takes] the golden sword and ^B [Z'] And then, having bowed to one another and exchanged the kiss of peace, both the Emperor and the Patriarch, the Patriarch departs, and those of the cubiculum escort him as far as the catechumena, while the Emperor rests a little while there; and when the time arrives, the Emperor is invested with the colobium (79) triblatteum (80) [which is] embroidered with gold pipes (81), with stones.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

(78) In this manuscript this expression frequently occurs. Sometimes he also uses this word for foreign envoys. That emperors were accustomed to admit clerics to the sacred table appears in many places throughout these *Ceremonials*, and from Leo the Grammarian, p. 481. *[Theophan. p. 17]* ... (79) Regarding the colobium, consult the Glossaries of Du Cange and Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus v, 51; Petavius on Themistius, p. 377 and 446, where he cites a passage from Servius, from which it appears that colobia were such small cloaks covering the neck, chest, shoulder blades, and shoulders down to the elbows, something like those worn by the rectors of the University of Leipzig and the Deans of faculties, from an ancient institution, the traces of which I find in Fortescue's *Encomium of the Laws of England*, c. 51, cited by Du Cange, where he names the colobium with two "labelluta" (that is, little bands or ribbons, which those in our country call *Quasten* and *Troddeln*), such as doctors of law are accustomed to wear in certain universities. But authors vary greatly in their description of the colobium. Some attribute very short sleeves to it, others none at all. Nor is it certain regarding its form and length, or whether it had an opening in the region of the shoulders, or was solid. Ugutio says the colobium is a virginal cloak, descending to the ankles without sleeves. If it were solid in the region of the shoulders, and reached the ankles, it would then be the same as a maphorion, or omophorion, or clocca, or saccus. For these are all the same thing. But if it were solid in the region of the shoulders, but only reached the elbow, it would be the same as an epomis. If it were open and reached about to the middle of the thighs, it would be the same as an armclausia or a sclavina. But it seems to have been a chlanis or a tunic reaching to the ankles, clinging tightly to the body, without sleeves, or with sleeves proceeding to the middle of the shoulder, yet with openings through which the shoulders could be thrust. If you judge according to Nicetas in the *Thesaurus of the Orthodox Faith* c. 39 and the author of the work on the origins of heresies c. 15, the colobium will be the same as the dalmatic. Yet the dalmatic was a long, ankle-length garment. But again, if you judge according to Symeon the Logothete, p. 402, compared with Genesius, p. 3, from which the mutilated passage of Symeon must be completed, the colobium will be the same as the *aetos*, a certain type of very light chlamys allowed to flutter in the wind; the words of Genesius are: "He sheds the garment which he had thrown on himself with two rose-colored hues, shining like an eagle, which in the local vernacular they call a colobium, and this was worn loose, without a belt, according to the ancient custom observed by the commanders." If you listen to Cassian, the colobium did not differ from other tunics except for this: that while the sleeves of tunics, as they approached the hands, were the tighter, the colobia themselves had sleeves that were equally wide throughout, though not much shorter than the sleeves of the tunics, but reaching almost to the wrists. His words regarding the habit of the monks, c. 5: "Clad also in linen colobia, which hardly reach to the bottoms of the elbows, they keep their arms bare for the rest." The bottoms of the elbows are undoubtedly the joints of the elbow with the hand, or the wrist region. This also seems to be meant by the passage of Dorotheus: "The colobium does not have a *cheiris*, while all the others have one." For *cheiris* is properly that part of the sleeve which tightly binds and encircles the wrist. But, as I said, colobium was the name for widely differing garments at various times. This came about as follows. The colobium of the ancient monks and priests was truly what the name suggests, namely a garment with either no sleeves at all, or very short ones, and it was itself short. Later, when it was considered indecent for the bare shoulders of priests to be seen while performing sacred rites, the colobium was indeed changed into a dalmatic, but the name remained with it. This is evident from Honorius of Autun, b. I, c. 211, concerning the vestments of the pontiff: "The colobium was a hooded garment without sleeves, as we still see in the hoods of monks or the tunics of sailors." This colobium was converted into a dalmatic by St. Sylvester, and it was instituted that sleeves be added to be worn during the sacrifice, which is therefore worn at Mass by the pontiff. With these words, others might see how to reconcile the *Decretal* of Anselm, who claims that the use of colobia began with Sylvester and his priests, but that after them they were converted into dalmatics. The reason for the change was that, as the author of the *Life of Pope Sylvester* writes, "the nakedness of the arms was criticized," and hence it happened that they were called "manicled dalmatics" rather than colobia. [alt-version omitted] ... (80) ... stained with a triple dye of purple, says Muratori, *Ant. Ital.* t. II, p. 409, where he discourses at length on purple garments; in this, however, if I see it correctly, he is mistaken in making "blatta" and the "vermiculum tinctorium" (from which the kermes is dyed) the same thing. Among the ancients, *blatta* was the name for that very purple, murex, and shellfish from which the purple color comes. The third dyeing was considered the best, of the most vivid light. Many, however, though rarely, are mentioned. In that Lombard-Latin alchemist of the eighth century, whom Muratori edited in the same volume, p. 367, four dyeings of "pellis aletina" or of purple are mentioned, and in an old chart in Du Cange, v. *Baldekinus*, "tetrablattum," for so I think it should be read instead of "catablatto." It happened subsequently, from the frequent use of such "diblattae" and "triblattae" garments, that it was believed that *blatta* was the same as any color whatever, and those cloths which were not dyed with purple were also called *blattae*. Petr. Damian. *Ep. IV, 7*: "The pallium," he says, "which is called *triblatton*, is indeed of three colors." It seems more correct, however, that the color should be understood as coming from immersion in the dye vat. (81) I am doubtful as to what kind of garment this is; whether they were garments that had golden tubes sewn onto them and hanging down, or whether their fabric was composed into many parallel creases running downward, and here and there traversed by golden threads, so that the creases or folds would not fall apart.

^A adorned with gems and pearls, which is also called a "bunch" (82), and a sword likewise golden, adorned with stones and pearls; and then the praepositus places the toga (83), that is, the tiara, upon the emperor's honored head. And the emperor goes forth, supported by the officials of the bedchamber, who are wearing *alethina* (84) sagia, and he passes through the catechumens' quarters of the narthex, ^B and the veils which are there are carried by the cubicularii, and he returns through the left spiral staircase through which he had come; and the masters and patricians outside the same staircase in the baptistery, where it was, await him.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

These pleated garments were called in Latin *crosnae* and *crusinae*, the etymological rationale of which words I shall presently provide. Both views have something to recommend them. That the ancients wore golden tubes—whether made of solid gold or of gold thread wound around wooden cylinders—hanging from the hems of their garments is evident from that passage in the Anthology, p. 425: "Golden reeds of folly," and most clearly from the place in Paul the Silentiary’s *Ekphrasis*: "The whole robe flashes with gold. For in it, a delicate perforated gold, wound around threads in the shape of a tube or some pipe, rests as a bond above the robe, fastened with sharp needles and the threads of the Seres."

You have here cylinders, perhaps of wood or rather of very slender parchment, first wrapped with silk threads, then with gold, and so sewn to the hem of the garment that they would hang freely and oscillate. Yet many other conjectures also find support. Not only is the modern custom of Greek women to wear *stolidōtai*—pleated garments, rich in many folds artfully arranged in a series—noted (witness Spon, vol. I, p. 41, *Itin.*), but so are ancient images, and among these the Farnese one, recently illustrated by an excellent commentary by the most learned Corsini, showing Hercules not the one "resting"—reposing—but the one "returning" from Hades, from the underworld; on which tablet the garments of two women offering sacrifice are seen to be pleated in a wondrous manner. However, I would not wish to risk the fraud committed on that Farnese tablet, for there is no lack of things which seem to betray it. See Salmasius on Tertullian, p. 334, where he says those creases of the garments, drawn into flutes and ordered, were called *sōlēnes*, or tubes, by the Greeks, and such garments themselves *sōlēnōtai* or *stolidōtai*, also "tubulated" and "strigulated." See below, p. 334, where our Author names *aetoi polygoroi*, which I do not think were different from these pleated garments. Understood as such waist-cloths (what we call *Schürzen*, the French *devanteaux, devantiers*) worn by women in the Middle Ages is a passage from Vincent of Beauvais, *Spec. Hist.*, bk. xxx, c. 85: "Other women are dressed in *boqueranno* [buckram] cinched with a narrow belt, worked with many sumptuous folds and stitched." See Du Cange s.v. *Buquerannus*, which means a cloth woven with figures. We provide the origin elsewhere. From *faltis* (that is, in German speech, folds or creases) these garments were formerly called *faltas* and *faltones*. Kilianus: *Falle* [read thus, not *falie*], a palla or cyclas, a woman's garment surrounding the whole body; such as I remember having seen worn by an old woman in my native town when I was a small boy; whence it is necessary that such a garment was in use within the memory of our fathers and grandfathers. My fellow citizens called that *cyclas* a *Schaube*; perhaps from *schieben*, *zusammenschieben* (*synōein*), to crowd together, because the folds in such garments are packed and compressed. We find other words of the same origin and meaning: *crusina, crusna, crosna, crocea* and *crosea*. All come from *craus*, which for us denotes "crisp"; whence also the *Gecros* [mesentery] and the intestines attached to it [are named] on account of their multiple coils, as well as those crisp trimmings of the finest Cambrai cloth, which, together with their supports—the undergarments made of whiter linen—our men let hang outside their clothes in the region of the chest, which we call [C] *Croseam*. The Author of the Ceremonies describes it thus: open from the front part, from top to bottom, and pleated. Nor were they fond of such folds only in garments, as can be seen among the rustics of the district they inhabit, called the Altenburgers, who are most tenacious of ancient dress: but they are also seen in collars, such as resemble large wheels, appearing very frequently in paintings and copperplate engravings of the 16th century, and monuments of them still survive in certain cities of Germany, whose priests wear such *croseas* or tubulated wheel-collars according to the ancient rite. Concerning their antiquities, the man most learned in ecclesiastical history, Urb. Gotfr. Siber, our recent contemporary, has published a special little book. Hence it also came to pass that every collar, even if plain and simple, is called in our tongue *Grause*, that is, "crisp."

(82) This garment was called "grape" because of the multitude of pearls formed into globes, or, if you accept our former interpretation of "golden tubes," from the multitude of golden tubes hanging from its hem. (83) *Toga* or *tufa*. See below, p. 291. (84) *Veri luminis* [true light], "purple." See Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. s.v., and Lat. s.v. *Alithinus*. For the Latins also use this word, and the word *verus* [true], for purple or red. Likewise Salmasius on *Hist. Aug.*, vol. II, p. 411, where he seems to me to attempt incorrectly a place in the Theodosian Code, Leg. XI, concerning the scenic ones: "Let them know they must also abstain from these garments which by a Greek name taken from the Latin they call *crustae*, in which, mixed with other colors, the pure red of the murex glows." This is the vulgate reading. He thinks that for *a* [Latino] one should replace it with *Latini*. I, for my part, would prefer *Aletinocrustas* or *alethinocrustas*, that is, such in which the weft of "true light" or purple is thickened by the weaving comb. Cf. Du Cange s.v. *Crusta*. Goar does not translate this word correctly in Theophanes, p. 263, rendering *tzaggion*—"from true and proper slippers"—as "made of true and proper." He intended "purple." See Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 326, where the place he cites from Constantine Porphyrogenitus is in the *Book of the Administration of the Empire*, p. 57; see Banduri, p. 35. The word *xarēria* which occurs there seems to be the Arabic *harir*, which denotes silk, or "silk-work." The use of the word *alēthinōs* [true] is not as recent as it might seem. Already in Xenophon’s *Oeconomicus* (p. 56, ed. Bacchii), *porphyra alēthinos*, "true purple," is contrasted with "pale," whose true light has been extinguished. Hence it appears that *alēthinon* and "true" properly denote "splendid," burning with splendor and dazzling the eyes, and thus are not used only of red—although they are mostly used of that—but also of other colors. Truly, in Anastasius we encounter *albaverae* gems, that is, pearls of true, bright light, whose whiteness burns and dazzles the eyes. See Du Cange, Gl. Lat. s.v. *Albaverae* [Conf. Schurzfleisch on Eusebius’ *Chronicon*, p. 93]. Among our own, we have below on p. 370, *alēthināerga chroaka*, garments of "true light" or "true-set," colored.

^A And the cubicularii carry the veils that are there, and one passes through the left spiral staircase, through which [others too] have ascended; and both the magistros and the patricians receive him outside of the same spiral staircase at the basin, where they also remained in the morning as the emperor was ascending, praying for the emperor. And when the emperor has come out, he ^B mounts in the gate [85] at which it is customary for him to do so at every procession, and the horse is harnessed with a golden saddle-cloth set with stones, adorned with pearls, and on the tail of the same horse and its four feet hang *petasoi prandioi* [86], and the officers of the cubiculum, the magistros, patricians, and the entire senate, immediately mount from there on horses outfitted with *kataphrakta* [87], and all of them in true *sagia*. The spatharocandidati also ride in the same way together with the spatharioi, and they ride on horses outfitted as has been said before, clothed in their coats, holding their swords and their *skoutaria* and *distralia*; but the spatharocandidati also wear *maniakia* [88], and both of them pass along the flanks of the paratrikia hither and thither. And the spatharocubicularii, wearing their swords over their tunics, hold *distralia* in their hands and they also pass through on horseback near the officers of the cubiculum hither and thither. And he who is in charge of the arrangement passes on foot before the emperor in a true *sagion*, along with the silentiarii on foot, who likewise are in true *sagia*, and they carry golden, gem-studded rods; and the protostrator and the count of the stable [are] hither and thither of the emperor, and the stratores round about, both [89] of them on foot. And the candidati and the scribones and the imperial mandatores proceed before the emperor on foot, changed [in their attire] according to their rank, and the coursers and the decani [90] proceed...

before the emperor on foot in order. And there also proceed ^A foot-soldiers of the [stratores] with shields, holding olive branches in their hands, and these indeed proceed out in front, while behind them proceed on horseback the spatharii who are eunuchs, clothed in true [specia] embroidered with gold, and swords, and they hold their shoulder-strap sword-belts lying over their shoulders; and their horses are caparisoned with armor. Near these same eunuch spatharii is the logothete of the drome, clothed in a true sagion, on a caparisoned horse; and after them [93] the bearded spatharii, clothed in [specia], holding sword-belts lying over their shoulders, likewise also themselves on caparisoned horses; then after these the cubicularii on horseback, and the drungarios of the watch, and the maglabitae with the rest of the domestics who are not going on foot, the topoteretes of the tagmata, and the counts, proceed at intervals, holding [94] the procession from the rear according to their rank, and behind them the topoteretes of the arithmos, holding back the crowds of the people so that they may not be confused in the procession.

VIII. The Emperor's Entry to the Marble Lions

^B VIII. The emperor, being preceded by all those mentioned above, proceeds as far as the marble lions, and the demarch of the Veneti, that is to say, the domestic of the schools, along with the transitorious faction of the Veneti, receives him; and the demarch himself, being held by those of the station, approaches, and having prostrated himself, kisses the feet of the emperor; and the emperor, having received him, hands him over to the count of the stable; and the demarch, having stood again in the same station, the faction of the side chanting, seals the emperor.

^C [The remainder of this page consists of the *Variae Lectiones* and the *Commentarius* of J.J. Reiskius regarding the term *specia* and related vestments, and the specific ecclesiastical and historical citations noted in the apparatus.]

(93) After *them*, he says, *they come* forward. Thus p. 36: *after the prefects of the cubiculum*, p. 103: *from the procession*, that is, when it is finished, *after the procession* 191, *to dance after the accepted palm*. And in that sense *and* was already present in the precedent passages, and is frequent in the ancients.

(94) *Finishing, closing, and as it were with a firm barrier restraining the procession of them, who go in the last rank.*

^A regarding the customs of the party, the Emperor sets out, while they of the party proceed ahead of the Emperor, reciting *dromica* and, if the Emperor so commands, also *apelatica*, safeguarding the Emperor as far as Saint Christopher’s. It must be known that the demarchs ^B of the two *peratikai* factions and the city demarchs, each of them according to his own party, present a petition during the first reception, but they do not present petitions during the subsequent receptions; for this is done once and only once. The city faction of the Veneti, together with their demarch, receives the Emperor at Saint Christopher’s, and the demarch presents the Emperor with a petition. Once the acclamations are finished, the Emperor sets out, and the party safeguards the Emperor, reciting *dromica* ahead, if he so commands, and *apelatica*; each party performs this in its own reception. While safeguarding the Emperor, the people of the *peratikai* faction of the Prasini receive the Emperor at the house of Olybrius, and the demarch presents the Emperor with a petition, and they safeguard the Emperor as far as the Philadelphion of the *peratikai* factions of the Veneti. The *peratikos* people of the Veneti then receive the Emperor at the Philadelphion, and they safeguard him as far as the Prasini of the city faction at the Modion; and they receive the Emperor at the Modion, and the demarch presents a petition to the Emperor. After completing everything as has been mentioned before, they safeguard the Emperor as far as the Taurus of the city faction of the Veneti. They receive the Emperor at the Taurus and safeguard him until the *artopolia* (bakeries) of the city faction of the Prasini, ^C and they receive the Emperor at the Forum of the *peratikoi* Prasini, at the *plakoton* of the Milion of the city faction of the Prasini. Having received the Emperor at the Zeuxippos of the *peratikai* factions of the Veneti, they receive the Emperor at the Chalke. And immediately all proceed on foot, and the Emperor alone remains on horseback; and from there, acclaimed by all as has been mentioned before, he passes through the *cortinae* as far as the interior great gate of the Excubitors, where the promotion of the scribes takes place. He dismounts there and passes through the guards positioned before the three doors of the Consistorium; the senators remain there, offering acclamations for the Emperor, ^D while he enters the middle gate leading toward the church of the Lord, where the patricians and the *strategi* are also present, they themselves likewise offering acclamations for the Emperor. And once the Emperor has entered the Chalke gate of the Lord, the cubicularii immediately shut the doors and acclaim the Emperor; after the praepositus has removed the toga or diadem from his head, he enters, stops at the holy doors, and prays. Having done this, he enters through the portico of the temple of God, the hemicycle of the triconchon, and through the portico of the Forty Holy Martyrs into the Golden Triclinium, where all the cubicularii are standing. They acclaim the Emperor, "To many and prosperous years," and soon they depart.

IV. When all the dignitaries have gone out, the emperor remains with the cubiculum alone. The praepositus, having taken the crown from his head, calls the vestitores, so that they may take off his chlamys. Then the emperor goes out from the triconchos and passes again through the same passages, and goes to the Chrysotriklinos; and the praepositus, taking the apocombion of the two factions, accompanied by the dignitaries of the cubiculum, passes through the passages and goes to the hemicycle of the phiale of the triconchos, and looks down from above. Those of the party of the Veneti hold out the extended chlamys (88) of their demarch, into which they receive the apocombion sent to them by the emperor through the praepositus. The Prasini do the same. Then the praepositus returns with the cubiculum; and after the emperor has sat upon the throne, wearing his sagion, and the cubiculum stands in the Chrysotriklinos, he orders the promotions of many dignities to be introduced, advancing [officials] from the mandatores in each rank up to the protospatharioi; and if he so orders, he also creates patricians. ^B When these things have been accomplished, he sits at his venerable table in the Justinian triclinium, and orders the saxima to enter. The first cubiculum is the first; in the second rank come the patricians with the protospatharioi and the rest of the imperial [officials]; in the third rank enters the domestikos of the scholai with the passing* (*peratikos*) people of the Veneti; in the fourth rank enters the excubitor with the passing people of the Prasini; in the fifth rank enter those of the party of the Veneti; in the sixth rank those of the party of the Prasini. And each of their ranks, having received an apocombion containing a sufficient amount of money, goes out, thanking God and praising and praying for him.

Chapter LXVII.

Concerning the place and order in which all the dignitaries are accustomed to stand in each of the receptions performed in the great phialai.

I. It is to be noted that after the emperor, according to the rite which we have explained, is seated upon the throne, the eunuch protospatharioi, dressed in more fitting attire [and wearing] their sabania, and also carrying their torques and spathobacula on their shoulders, stand near the throne. After them, in the middle of the solarium, stand the bearded protospatharioi in their changers* (*mutatoria*) with their insignia and torques. Two spatharioi, one after the other, carry their arms—that is, the scutarium; and with them stand the bearded protospatharioi. The spatharocubicularii and all the cubicularii have their place to the left of these on both sides. The ceremoniarius stands a little before the cubicularii, so that he may receive signals at the command of the praepositus. After the said bearded protospatharioi, ^D the spatharocubicularii...

of the cubiculum and pray for the emperor. Once the praepositus has taken the *tuga* from the emperor’s head, the emperor enters and stands before the holy doors; having lit candles, he prays there, then, after praying, he passes through the Lord’s passages and enters the hemicycle of the tricongch, and having passed also through the passages of the Holy Forty, he enters the Chrysotriclinos. As all those of the cubiculum stand in the same triclinium, they pray for the emperor: “For many and good years.” And they depart.

IX. On the procession of the second day of the week of renewal, if the feast of the Annunciation occurs

^B IX. It must be known that if the feast of the Annunciation falls on this same procession, that is to say, on the Monday [of the week of renewal], it is celebrated as follows: The emperor goes out dressed in the robe of the Annunciation and ascends to the Forum, in the order and procession of the feast of the Annunciation. And having ascended to the Forum and performed everything according to the custom he is wont to perform on the feast of the Annunciation, he passes through the midst in procession, the *cerimoniarius* beginning the troparion of the feast: “Today is the beginning of our salvation,” and proceeding as far as the *Panagia Theotokos ton Diakonisses*. Having arrived there, he enters the church and performs the *prokeimenon*, the reading of the Apostle, and the sacred Gospel; and after the *ektenes*, the emperor puts off the robe which he wears for the Annunciation and is clothed in the robe of the same day, that is, the Monday of the week of renewal, as has been said above. And when the chanters have begun in the ambo, “Christ is risen,” the emperor goes out from there and goes along in procession, the *cerimoniarius* beginning the troparion of the *katastasis* in the church of the Holy Apostles, and there the rites of the procession of the Monday of the week of renewal are performed, as has been said above. It must also be known that under Leo of divine memory [(2)] the order was instituted for the emperor to ride to the Holy Apostles...

delivers it to the emperor; and the emperor commands the peraton to be given to the praepositus, and having gone out with all of those of the cubiculum, he passes through the passage-ways of the Forty Holy Martyrs. Then, when he has come into the hemicycle of the triconchon, the official of the ^A *katastasis* meets him there with all the silentiarii, and the praepositus passes with them through *apsis* and *daphne*. And having gone as far as the Augusteum, he comes out to the narrow way in the Golden Hand, and finds there the cursors standing with their decani on either side. And having passed through the middle of them, the demarchs ^B and the actuarius and those approaching the praepositus, they prostrate themselves before him, and this having been done, the praepositus gives them the peraton, and then having returned from those things there, being escorted by the aforementioned, he enters the palace.

II. The emperor, donning his gold-bordered sagion and being escorted by the lords of the cubiculum, passes through the passage-ways of the triconchon, the apsis, and the daphne, lighting candles in the oratories as is his custom. ^C And having passed through the Augusteum, he enters into the Hagios Stephanos, and from there he ascends through the secret spiral staircase into the bedchamber of the Kathisma (92), and peers out from there until all things have been made ready. The cerimoniarius departs and announces to the praepositus that all the vessels are in readiness, and that the charioteers have gone out to the race.

VARIOUS READINGS.

JOANNIS JACOBI REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

Ubi egregie Casaubonus rendered it "the lords are positioned in their own viewing-box." The ruins of the Constantinopolitan Kathisma still survive today, at least in the image executed in brass, which Bandurius gave in *Antiqu. Imp. Orient* p. 664, in which seven porticos are seen, as is credible, surviving from those twelve, each six of which belonged to each faction, and which we said above served for sending out and receiving the horses after the race was finished. Although brief, Nicetas Choniates (p. 62, ed. Venet.) describes this *kathisma* quite clearly, calling it a "tower built at the theater, under which the starting-gates of those running in the stadium yawn into parallel arches," under which the mouths of the prisons, from which those running in the stadium are sent out, open into arches (or volutes), [near] and adjacent to one another; "and above, horses of cast bronze are attached, behind, gilded with gold, their necks arched, looking at one another, and breathing a race of the turning-post, they promised to fly through the stadium." On it itself stood four bronze gilded horses, as if panting for the race. This was an imitation of the seat of the ancient consuls in the Roman circuses of old, as is clear from Sidonius Apollinaris, whose iambics regarding the Narbonensian circus are these: It is the custom of Caesar here, twice on one day (the Kalends of January), (They call them the Privati) to prepare the games. Then a band of youths, yet of the court, Practicing the grim images of the Elean field, With wandering teams of four. And now the urn summons you; and the hissing acclamation of the raucous Crowd arises. Then where the gate is, and the consul's seat, Which the wall surrounds, arched on both sides with six Vaulted prisons. By one of the four axles, chosen by lot, You enter the curved reins in a throng.

crowned, and thus he goes to the Holy Apostles, and returning again on horseback he is clothed in the ^A *kolobion*, called the *botrys*; he is crowned with the white crown, and thus he returns, and it is performed in this way even to this day.

CHAPTER XI.

Observances on the third day of the week of renewal at Saint Sergius.

VARIOUS READINGS.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

praetorium and the quaestor are not patricians, they enter through their own veil before the senate; for the magister, having received the nod, nods to the one in charge of the arrangement, saying, "Comites," and he, going away, says, "Leva." And the members of the senate enter, and having performed the obeisance, they stand, each of them in their own order. Then the emperor nods again to the praepositus, and the praepositus to the magister, and the magister nods a second time to the one in charge of the arrangement, saying, "Praefecte," and he, having gone to the veil, says, "Leva." And the former eparch enters, and having himself performed the obeisance, he stands in his order. Then the emperor nods to the praepositus, and he to the one in charge of the arrangement, who says, "Jubete"; and they pray aloud, "For many and good years."

[IV.] Immediately the one in charge of the arrangement, having grasped the edge of the emperor’s chlamys and having performed the *rhosthelion*, hands it to the emperor, so that, having gone up into the cathisma, he may bless the people with it according to custom. Being acclaimed by them all as has been said before, the emperor goes out and goes up into the cathisma, and having stood before the cathisma, he blesses the people three times: first the middle, second the Blue faction, third the Green, and he sits upon the cathisma. And after the completion of the acclamation of the people and the soldiers, the emperor nods to the praepositus; and the praepositus, having gone outside the cathisma, stands above the steps and calls the patricians to perform the obeisance according to custom; and having entered in their order into the cathisma, they perform the obeisance to the emperor and go out praying aloud, and stand below the steps before the great gate. And after the completion of all, the praepositus, having received a nod from the emperor, goes out and stands again above the steps, and signals to those who have performed the obeisance to go away to their own orders on the benches. After the four palms have been performed, the emperor rises from the throne, and the patricians and the strategoi stand on either side in the triclinium where the emperor prepares a feast that day; he himself, accompanied by the prefects of the bedchamber, who pray for long and happy times for him, proceeds.

^A in whom the authority rests to command emigration from this life, and to take heed for themselves against a voluntary end. Indeed, *anastasis* and *metastasis* in this passage mean the same thing: a command to rise from the place where one happens to be and to depart to another, which occurs in the case of the *anastatoi*, those who are told: "Ye ancients, migrate from the colonies."

CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I

The King, being arrayed in the *dibetesion* and *tzitzakion*, and being escorted by the officials of the bedchamber, passes through the Chrysotriclinos and the Tripeton, and stands at the gate leading from the Tripeton to the Lausiakos; the patricians and generals stand at the same gate up to the gate leading to the Justinianic [quarters], on this side and on that. When all have performed obeisance to the Emperor, the praepositus, by command, makes a sign to the Master of Ceremonies and says: "Command." They then pray for the Emperor: "For many and good years." And, being escorted by them all, he goes out to the ^B triclinos of Justinian and stands at the first *omphalion* of the same triclinos. The patricians and generals having gathered there, as well as the rest of the senate, and having prostrated themselves, the praepositus makes a sign by command to the silentiary standing in the middle of the assembly, and he likewise says: "Command." They then pray for the Emperor: "For many and good years." The spatharocandidati and the spatharii stand behind the patricians, and the officials of the bedchamber on one side and the other, as is their custom to perform at each procession. The Emperor, being escorted by them, passes to the Skyla; in the Hippodrome stand the candidati, the scribones, and the imperial mandatores, as they are about to perform the acclamations. The Emperor, accompanied by them, passes through the golden triclinos and reaches its gate that leads to the Lausiakos; the patricians and generals indeed are present on both sides of the gate up to that which leads to the triclinos of Justinian. After all have adored the Emperor, the praepositus gives the sign by imperial command and says: "Command"; and they acclaim: "To long and happy times," etc. Escorted by all these, he goes out from the triclinos of Justinian and halts at its first *omphalion*. The patricians and generals there assembled, standing with the rest of the senate, adore him, the praepositus giving the sign in silence by command, and as he says: "Command," they themselves acclaim the Emperor: "To many good times." Spatharocandidati and spatharii stand behind the patricians, and those in charge of the bedchamber stand on both sides, as is the custom for them at individual processions. Escorted by these, the Emperor passes to the Skyla; in the circus, meanwhile, the candidati, the scribes and the imperial mandatores are present to accompany the Emperor as he proceeds into the circus. When he has entered the circus, escorted by all these and those aforementioned, he passes through it, while the multitude meanwhile gathers in the circus to wish him favor. Escorted by them, he departs through the ancient *secretum* to [the church of] Saint Sergius. While he is about to enter to hear the catechumens, the patricians and generals remain outside, [and] the abbot...

there he goes to the second tribunal ^A, and there likewise he marks the doors three times with the cross, and says three times with a loud voice: “Go, cast it up.” And immediately the *koustodiaris* hangs the veil up and the *manganarios* sets the lattices. The *tesserarios*, descending from those places, goes to the stable, and stands at the threshold of the great gate, and says in a low voice: “Come forward, children; rejoice, go!” And all the *stabulesianoi* answer, saying with a loud voice: “Rejoice.” Afterward the inspector says: “He has God’s victory,” and the *stabulesianoi*: “Thy face, O Heavenly One.”

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

Sponius exhibits the Salonina in his *Itinerary*, Vol. I, p. 20. In order that the form of the circus and the terms which will recur frequently hereafter may be understood, I shall submit a diagram, such as I have conceived in my mind from the direction of this ceremonial.

[Diagram: [original-script column: see facsimile]]

(9) I think this is the same as the *kritērion*, a judicial tribunal for the settling of disputes of charioteers and factions. See the writer after Theophanes, p. 119.

(10) This is the same as the *custos*, that is to say, the circus apparatus pertaining to the horses, chariots, charioteers, magistrates of the factions, etc., who would keep everything, bring them out at the time of use, and put them away again after use. Therefore he is perhaps the "founder of the herds" [conditor gregum] who is mentioned in inscriptions. But learned men differ greatly in their opinion about the circus founder; see Gruter's inscriptions, 338, ed. Graevius, where Graevius says that he is the founder of the herds, who would accustom and train herds of horses to the yoke; another interprets it as an "annointed of horses" [aleiptēn hippōn], which for Casaubon is an encourager and instigator, for Salmasius a doctor of horses. For Scaliger, in the *Catalecta*, they are the founders who would provide the faction and supply the missions.

(11) He is the one who takes care of the *mangana*, that is, the carceres or wooden lattices, from which the horses are released. The new Greeks call a *manganon*, in particular, a bolt, and that part of the bolt which has an iron shaped like an acorn, to be inserted into a hole made in the post, is otherwise called a *balanos*. The glossary manuscript in Du Cange, Gr. Gl., p. 841: *Balanos* is the iron [bar] in a lever, which they call a *manganon*. And perhaps Macarius also used the word *mangana* in that sense in the passage cited therein: "The multi-layered devil having *mangana* and three-doors and much variety"; or rather *mangana* may have been placed there for "machines." So that one may conceive what a *balanos* was in saw-work—a matter truly very obscure—I shall say in passing that it was the iron of a lever, either removable or fixed to the gate by the help of a nail, fixed to be movable up and down, spherical, in the likeness of an acorn, whence it had its name, which iron acorn was inserted into a cavity made in the post in such a way that it was fit for receiving and holding the acorn. Above the iron shaft, which joined the acorn with the lever, a nail was fixed in the post, which would prevent the lever, with the acorn and its socket, from being lifted. Therefore the carceres of the Constantinopolitan circus were wooden lattices with added levers or bolts, by the removal of which the course was opened to the horses. These carceres could be removed and put back at the time of use. He who took care of this was the *manganarios*. And since in the circus of each faction, the Veneti, I say, and the Prasini, there were six *mesostyla* or intercolumniations, of which four would release four chariots at the same time in each palm, and two would receive them returning from the lap-post: it was necessary that there be the same number of *cankella* (lattices) in each faction, and *mangana* (or bolts), which would close them when the horses were released and open them to receive the horses and chariots from the finished course, the work of the *manganarii* or *serarii*.

of that same church receives the emperor there at the gate, carrying a censer and censing before the emperor. The emperor, having entered the catechumena, lights candles opposite the sanctuary above the imperial doors and prays there; having prayed in the oratory of the Most Holy Theotokos which is in the catechumena, and having lit candles there too and prayed, he leaves, and stands in the *parakyptikon* of the sanctuary, in which he is accustomed at every procession to stand and celebrate the divine liturgy; he lights candles there as well.

53 II. At the time of the holy communion, the priest approaches with the rest of the clergy, bringing the precious gift; when this is brought, the emperor receives communion in the oratory, and having gone out, he enters the *metatorium*. But after the holy communion has been shared with all the chamberlains, the priests depart, and they re-deposit the precious gift in the *antimensium*, which is before the sanctuary above the imperial doors; and, having been invited by the cerimoniarius, the patricians, strategoi, and the senate communicate, and then the priests go off to perform the divine liturgy. ^B And the divine liturgy being concluded, the emperor passes through the catechumena and, having descended into the *triclinium*, sits at his own venerable table with the friends whom he has ordered to be called. When he has risen from the banquet and has put on the *tzitzakion*, and is escorted by the prefects of the bedchamber, the *manclavites*, and the remaining attendants, he passes through the catechumena, with the abbot censing before the emperor as far as the gate of the catechumena that leads out. The emperor having gone out through the same gate, he is received by the patricians and generals at the same gate where they had remained during the emperor’s entry, ^C and, being escorted by the aforementioned according to the same order, the emperor passes through the ancient *asekretia* and the Hippodrome; the patricians remain in the *Skyla*, praying for the emperor. And from there, the emperor being escorted by the officials of the bedchamber and of the *katastasis*, after

"...Olympie," and in the same way the Whites, and the Greens acclaim the head of the Russ faction. Again, he says with a loud voice: "Holy, thrice holy;" to which all respond, saying: "Victory to the Veneti;" the Greens: "To the Greens." The Inspector says: "Lady Theotokos;" the people: "Victory to the Veneti;" the Greens: "To the Greens." The Inspector says: "The power of the Cross;" the people: "Victory to the Veneti;" the Greens: "To the Greens." The Inspector says: "Thy face, O heavenly one, has God's victory:" the Greens: "Olympie!" And in the same way as they acclaim the factionary, they also acclaim the *micropannites*.

II. The acclamation finished, the tesserarius approaches, and ^B according to custom receives three heaped-up sieves of barley

[VARIOUS READINGS omitted]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(12) He who inspected the tablets of the combinations, the chariot-horses, the chariots, the drivers, and the rest, to see if they were fit for the course, and whether any fraud lay underneath. See no. II.

(13) That is, divine [victory], that is to be sought from God and granted, may your person have victory, Urani, Olympi.

(14) May your face or person, Urani, have victory from God, that is, may you yourself, Urani, win. *Prosopon* in modern Greek is the person himself, the man himself, he who is in the place of someone, or, as Anastasius puts it, deputized in the place of someone’s person. The Latins used to mispronounce it *emprosopus*; see Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* h.v., and Palairet, *Observ. ad N.T.* on Matt. xxii, 16. The obscure expression of Theophanes, p. 78, *apésteilan auton eis prosopon ten kathairesin autou*, which Goar did not correctly perceive, he notes, means they sent someone or others who might deliver the formula of his deposition into his ^C own hands. The ancients already used *prosopon* for a person, a subject. See Artemidorus, p. 27, 5, and often elsewhere. Now, the names Urani, Olympi, Icasi, Anatellon, etc., are names of agitators in the games, by whom the factions in the games jokingly wished for victory, at the time when this circensian fragment was written by its author, whoever he may have been. They are famous; Olympius indeed among the Greens, Uranius among the Veneti, Icasius among the Whites, Anatellon among the Russi. It is useful here to add the words of Franciscus Wesseling from the additions to his *Catalog of Coins of the Bodleian Library*, p. 343, where he treats of the contorniate coins: "Are these coins, then," he says, "votive, for the good outcome of the contests, or triumphal, on account of victories won? Antiquarians hold that Euthymius, Olympius, Stefanas, Cervomtius, and Filinus were the names of athletes and competitors in the games. Furthermore, they raise the question whether these coins were minted at Rome or Byzantium. The letters are indeed Latin, but the gold, silver, and bronze coins of the emperors sufficiently prove that Latin inscriptions had not yet died out among the Constantinopolitans. Nor do the inscriptions 'Euti vincas,' 'Urse vincas,' 'Petroni placeas' prove that the contorniates were minted in Rome, as some think, since 'Olympi nika,' 'Pannoni nika,' which appear on others, seem to belong entirely to Constantinople." Such circensian acclamations occur frequently in ancient monuments: such as *Garamanti Nica*, *Genti Nica* in the body of Gruter's *Inscriptions*, p. 338, 2, which I see is not correctly explained by learned men. For *Garamanti* and *Genti* are vocatives from the nominatives *Garamantius* and *Gentius*.

(15) In the codex it is *euphon*, whether it signifies that which has been ^D edited, or *euphomousi*, since I cannot decide, I leave it to others to judge. I incline, however, to the opinion that the vulgar reading *euphomousi* is superior to the other conjecture. Who the factionary was is not well established. See if it can be gathered from the famous passage of Leo Grammaticus (p. 453) [Symeon Logothete, p. 452 and George Monachus, p. 519] that every factionary belonged to the faction of the circus. But it is rather gathered from this passage, and from many others in our codex, that there was only one factionary for each faction. The glosses in Du Cange’s *Gloss. Gr.* h.v., which translate *factionarios* as "maker," "artisan," make the matter more obscure. For it is doubtful whether the word *poietes* should be taken for a poet, a composer of songs, or for any creator or fabricator of any work whatsoever. If the former holds, it is established from what precedes that the factional poet was different from the factionary. If the latter, it is not clear how he is different from a *manganarius* or a builder of lattices. [An elegant inscription in Muratori concerning a circensian factionary.] I wish the learned gentleman had indicated the page. From p. 182 of our codex it is clear that the factionary was of the lower ministry of the factions. Finally, it is equally obscure who the *micropanites* was, in whose possession the *to mikron panion*, the small cloth or small standard, seems to have been. But what the small standard was, and what the large one, and to what end and time they served, I do not know. Perhaps he was that factionary who would harness the circus chariot to the horses and compete at his own risk; the agitator, whose *deuterus*, that is, *secundicerius*, vicar or minor (as they used to speak in the Middle Ages), was the *micropanites*; indeed, at the end of p. 190, it is said that the *micropanites* becomes a factionary: and at p. 191 that the *deuterus* is promoted to factionary. Therefore, it is necessary that the *deuterus* and the *micropanites* were the same. In the same place, it is said that the *deuterus* is promoted to *heniochauriga*, the driver. Therefore, it follows that the driver and the factionary were the same.

(16) He receives according to his custom, by way of his customary right, three modii or heaped-up baskets of barley. Concerning the meaning of the word *logoe*, "by way of," I have spoken above. Custom, *synetheia*, here is the solemn, established, fixed tribute usually given to someone. And concerning this word, too, I have spoken above. *Tageion* is either a basket, a hamper, or rather a *modius*. In general, it is anything in which the *tagai*, the rations, fodder, and food for the horses are measured or contained; see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* h.v. That this word signifies a basket and its relative *tagitron* can be concluded from the fact that in Nicetas Choniates, p. 238, for *sporidion*

passing through the Justinian triclinium. The official of the *katastasis* remains with the *silentiarii* at the gate of the *Lausiacos*, they too praying for the emperor. And thence, being escorted by the lords of the bedchamber, he enters through the *tripeton* into the Chrysotriclinium, and having taken off the *tzitzakion*, he sits upon his precious and golden throne with his friends, whom he had ordered to be called on that same day. It should be noted ^A also that on this day the patriarch goes to Blachernae with a litany, and on this account he is not found at this procession.

Chapter XII. Things to be observed on the fourth day of the Renewal, and what is performed on it.

Everyone comes out changed from white tunics, as was said above, and the procession enters into the Justinian triclinium. The emperor is clothed in the *dibetesion* and *tzitzakion* and stands in the Chrysotriclinium in the archway that leads out to the *tripeton*; ^B and the veil of the silver doors is lifted by a *silentiarius*, and the *ostiarios*, having gone out by command, leads in the *orphanotrophos* (11) changed into a different garment, and with him there enter six *photismata* (12), and with him six orphans, holding [them].

65 opens everything, and when the *tribunus* hastens, the charioteers and the *begarioi* and the *theoretai* and the *epistates* (25) come down, and both enter into the *tribunalion*. ^A

Concerning the urn (26), how it must be rotated.

1. It must be known that the urn stands in the middle of the *tribunalion*, and the factionary places into the manger of the urn the two spheres (27) of his own side, onto their proper place, where he also sits; the factionary of the other side does the same. In the middle sits the silentiary, acting the part of the præpositus (28), the second after him is the tribune, the third the courier, as in the place of the actuary, the fourth is the imperial combinographer; and behind the urn two combinographers, one of the Venetian and one of the Prasin faction, and behind these combinographers stand the officials (29). The charioteers sit on the sides, two on this side and two on that, and with them the *epistates*. Then both sides bring forward one *theoretas*—namely the side that has precedence—in order that he may rotate it; and with him standing in the middle, he takes counsel from the four (30) and says: "How do you command? You have the horses that have previously performed (31) and are known, just as we have." And having reached an agreement, the *theoretas* says to the charioteers: "How do you command?" And immediately he takes the spheres from the manger and throws them into the urn and rotates it three times; and whichever sphere falls out (32), it comes out, and immediately they define it, and both name—

[alt-version omitted]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

of each faction, from which horses and chariots were to be sent into the race; nor was there reason to fear that one lattice was more fragile than the other. In the case of the horses, the ratio is different. For to obtain victory, it mattered much whether the horses were strong or weak, healthy or sick. Yet perhaps that was indeed the reason for comparing the lattices of both factions against each other, because there was a fear that the horses, panting for the race, might break through the wood of the lattice if it happened to be rotten. This seems to be sufficiently indicated by Sidonius Apollinaris in his Panegyric on Narbo with these words:

They encourage them by the way and assist with soothing Applause, and dictate voluptuous Frenzy to the four-footed. They roar at the barriers, and lean upon the rails, And at once through the closed Tables they breathe, and before the race The field is occupied by absent blasts. They push, tremble, pull, hold back, Inflame, leap, fear, and are feared, And do not restrain their step, but with restless Foot they lash the hardened post. Finally, with the murmur of the blaring trumpet, The trumpeter, calling the hanging chariots, Poured the swift chariots onto the fields.

(25) That is he who concerns himself that the *ἐπιστήμη*, good order, modesty, and circus discipline should be observed, regarding the notion of which word I treat elsewhere. (26) This circus urn, when outside the time of use, was kept in the imperial vestiary, as is clear from p. 211. (27) Therefore each faction had two spheres to be sent into the urn, which previously had to be [placed] in the manger—or box, an oblong little chest—so that the two spheres of the Venetian faction would look toward that part of the circus in which the Veneti sat, and the spheres of the Prasin faction toward that part in which the Prasini sat. (28) Performing the turn, holding the place, he who is instead of the person of someone. The Latini of the Middle Ages called such ones imaginary. See Du Cange on this word. (29) Officials, pertaining to the office, namely the democrats—or, if you prefer, demarchs—as were the masters, couriers, agitators, etc. (30) Namely of the agitators, of whom our author had said a little earlier that two of the Veneta and two of the Prasina had sat during that act of casting lots. (31) It seems to signify horses that have already run before in circus games and have been yoked to bigae or quadrigae, and have attained a clear name. But what the expression ἕως ὅτου, "until what," means for itself, I do not make out. That time is designated is clear from the following συνταξάμενος, after the inspector had established the time agreed upon by both factions. But I do not entirely understand this passage. (32) That is, *ἐξάλλεται*, it leaps out. For the urn was shaken in a circle three times in such a way that one sphere would leap out. That there was art in this matter, so that he who was shaking the urn could cause it to happen that the sphere of the party he favored would leap out, is clear from p. 212. But why four spheres and not two were thrown into the urn, when there were only two factions casting lots, I do not make out, nor what *ἐξέρχεται* signifies, and whether it refers back to *τὸν θεωρητήν* or to *σφαιρίον*. This part of our book, which treats of circus matters, is among the most difficult and most obscure.

^A And they wipe the foreheads of these; and the elder and the *orphanotrophos* wipe [them], and the emperor kisses that same *photisma* on the forehead. When these things have been accomplished with the remaining five *photismata* also, and the emperor has kissed them, the orphans immediately cry out as is their custom, and having received the *apokombia* [packets of money] from the emperor, they go out; and the emperor sits at the venerable golden table.

Chapter XIII. Concerning the invitation of the patriarch.

The *praepositos* must approach the emperor on the first hour of Wednesday and ask whether he commands the patriarch to be invited, so that on the following day the patriarch may come with all the priests who are accustomed to accompany him, to bestow the kiss of peace upon the emperor and to dine at the venerable golden table with the emperor, according to the accuracy ^B handed down from the beginning and of old. This is done on whatever day the emperor commands the patriarch to dine with him. For the invitation is made by command a day in advance, and the *praepositos* sends a *cubicularius* and a *silentiarius*, and the patriarch is invited with those aforementioned who are with him.

Chapter XIV. Things to be observed on the Thursday of the renewal [week], while the greeting is being performed in the Gold Triclinium.

1. All come forth changed out of white tunics, each according to his own rank, as has been said above, and the procession enters the Justinian Triclinium. ^C But it is sent by command through the *praepositos* that a *cubicularius* and a *silentiarius* invite the patriarch. After the patriarch has arrived, he enters through the apse, and passing through the passages of the *trichonchos*, he enters through the single door of the *eidikon* and descends the steps; and when he is about to descend the stairs of the *lausiakos*, all those of the *kouboukleion* receive him, and having gone through the middle of the *lausiakos*, those of the *kouboukleion* lead him into the *tripeton*, and he stands before the clock. ^D

-defended power of your duality, [N. N.] Emperor and [N. N.] glory of the purple, shine forth upon your true servants, gladdening, masters, your people.” And again the *kraktai* say: “Rise, Orthodox power;” the people thrice: “Rise.” The *kraktai*: “Rise, desire of the Romans;” the people thrice: “Rise.” The *kraktai*: “Rise, our joy and glory;” the people thrice: “Rise.” The *kraktai*: “Rise, [N. N. and N. N.], Emperors of the Romans;” the people—the *kraktai* intone, and the people thrice: “Rise.”

^B V. When the masters have ascended to the throne and stand before the *sention*, they make the sign of the cross with the hem of their tunics, first to the middle party, that is, the *mesodēmin*, then to the Blue faction; then in this way to the Green; and as the masters make the sign, the factions say: “Holy, holy, holy.” The *kraktai*: “Many, many, many.” The people: “Many years to many!” The *kraktai*: “[N. N. and N. N.], Christ-lovers, conquer in God!” and the people thrice in the same way. And whichever party has precedence says: “Heavenly one!” and the counter-chant: “Crown our Emperors with victories!” And the counter-chant: “Reign with them!” and the counter-chant: “Supreme power.” And the counter-chant: “Desire of the world!” and the counter-chant: “Imitate God’s philanthropy!” The Greens: “The power from above!” And the counter-chant: “But we, O troops, how shall we put foes to flight?” The Greens: “[By] the faith and gratitude of the masters, guard[ing] the God who crowned the masters of the Romans.” And the *kraktai* say: “Many, many, many!” The people: “Many years to many!” The *kraktai*: “Many years to you, offspring of the Trinity!” The Greens: “Election of the Trinity!” The people thrice: “Many years to you!” The Greens: “Holy one!” The *kraktai*: “Many years to you, [N. N. and N. N.], Emperors of the Romans!” The people thrice: “Many years to you!” The *kraktai*: “Many years to you, servants of the Lord!” The people thrice: “Many years to you!” And again the *kraktai* say: “How much joy the state has, because it sees its own masters!” The *kraktai* intone, and the people thrice: “The state has much joy.” The *kraktai*: “You are the joy of the Romans!” The people thrice: “Holy one!” The *kraktai*: “You are the desire of the Romans!” The people thrice: “Holy one!” And whichever party has precedence, its *kraktai* say: ^C “[N. N. and N. N.], Christ-lovers, conquer in God!” and the people thrice, and the same is said also by...

^A A low bench stands there, a small cushion is spread upon it, and entering, he sits upon it. The *praepositos* entering, makes it known to the emperor, and immediately the emperor, wearing his *dibetesion*, puts on his *tzitzakion*, and having received a sign from the emperor, the *praepositos* goes out and calls the patriarch; and the patriarch, leaning on the hand of the *praepositos*, enters the *chrysotriklinos*, and the emperor receives him in the middle of the same *triklinos*, and having performed obeisance to one another and embraced, both the emperor and the patriarch sit together in the same *triklinos*. When the hour for giving the *agape* has arrived, those of the *kouboukleion* enter by command. And the nobles of the *kouboukleion* stand here and there, by the golden table, near the golden vessels, while the *spatharokouboukleisioi* and *kouboukleisioi* stand behind those who occupy the *chrysotriklinos*, here and there, so that the priests who are to come in for the *agape* may be accommodated. And the emperor sits upon a golden stool before the *pentapyrgion*, and the patriarch likewise also sits upon a stool to the left of the emperor ^B, though not at the same height; and the eunuch *protospatharioi* stand behind the emperor according to their rank. And the *praepositos*, having received a sign from the emperor, signals to the *ostiarios*, and he goes out in accordance...

^A the other says: “One God!” The first [replies]: “Do you preserve them!” The other: “Yes, Lord.” Similarly, the lesser factions say the same things, and the major factions respond, saying thrice: “Increase their years.” Thereafter the *trilexia* and *tetralecta* suitable to the feast day, for which the equestrian games were held, are recited.

Acts upon the victory of the charioteers.

D. The *kraktai* say: “Many, many, many!” The people: “Many years for many [years].” The *kraktai*: “Welcome, servants of the God-crowned ones!” and the people thrice: “Welcome.” The *kraktai*: “Welcome, projection of benefactors!” and the people thrice: “Welcome.” The *kraktai*: “Welcome, heavenly one, with victory!” The Greens: “Olympian!” and the people thrice: “Welcome!” The *kraktai*: “Welcome, you who have conquered heroically ^B [or: as a victor]!” The Greens: “Rising!” The people thrice: “Welcome.” The *kraktai*: “We ask for the *isa* [the equals/the like] of your victory from God!” The Greens: “This is to conquer through God!” The people thrice: “Welcome.” The *kraktai*: “Many, many, many!” The people: “Many years for many [years]!” And when the charioteers receive the prizes, the *kraktai* say...

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JAKOB REISKE

...signifying: we request the *isa* of your victory, that is, the schedules whereby testimony of your victory is offered, by which the emperor authentically declares you to have won. An *ison* is certainly a copy of some contract or writing or act, of whatever nature it may be, both the original, the prototype, and the copy or transcript. See Du Cange, Glossarium Latinum, under *Appar* and *Copia*; where he cites from the Council of Constantinople: *ison praxeos systases*, a copy of an act formed against... But it also signifies sometimes the prototype, the original writing, as the word *par* does among the Latins. Radevicus, book 10: “Moreover, because many *paria* [that is, copies, autographs] of letters were found among them [which were all of the same subject-matter, and conceived in the same formulas, but written to different persons, and only differing in a few things, namely the names of the men to whom they were directed] and schedules sealed to be written at their discretion; which we call today *cartes blanches*.” In that sense a *v.* *ison* is used by Theophanes, page 114, where he narrates thus; for the passage is worthy of an exposition which the learned interpreter did not rightly perceive: “Upon the death of Acacius,” he says, “Fravitas succeeded to the CPtan [Constantinopolitan] bishopric, who gave letters to Felix at Rome, and to Mongus, the bishop of Alexandria, contrary to what he gave to the other, which were meant to deceive both.” But Felix received the letters to Mongus, intercepted by the orthodox, before the *apocrisiarii* or representatives or legates of Fravitas could come to Rome with their letters. Hence is the sense of the obscure diction: *Philix de ta isa pros ton Mongon pemphthenta edeksato para ton orthodoxon prolabonta.* In the same sense it should be accepted in that work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *On the Life of Basil the Macedonian*, page 197: *to ison tes diatakseos autes epi cheira labon*, taking the exemplar (prototype) of the testament into /his hands. I have brought what I could to provide for the appearance of my exposition. But when subsequently on page 187, we have *ta isa tes nikes umon kata barbaron* and *ta isa ton stratopedon* and *ta isa ton laon*: ^C it is effected by a comparison of these passages with our own, that the significance of this formula is this: We pray that such charioteers may always fall to our lot, such as you are, being blessed with victory by God. For it returns to the above: “Welcome, servants of the God-crowned ones, you who are the projection of benefactors.” In like manner, the formula *ta isa tes synkletou* signifies: we pray that there may always be such nobles or magistrates for our nation, as are present. *Ta isa tou laou*: we pray that our people may always be similar to the present. Page 187: *ta isa despotai, tes nikes umon*: we pray that victorious masters may always fall to our lot, as you are, or even: we pray that you may continue to conquer your enemies henceforth, just as you have done hitherto. Thus also the formula of our passage may be conceived in this manner: We desire that now also, God being propitious, you may conquer by your note of victory and dexterity, or just as you are accustomed to conquer.

(49) What the prizes of the charioteers were in old times is understood from Vopiscus, *Aurelian*, volume II, *Script. Hist. Aug.*, page 452. “We see,” he says, “recently the consulship” (that is, the *hypateian*, the consular office) “of Furius Placidus given with such ambition in the circus, that not prizes but patrimonies seemed to be given to the charioteers, when sub-silk garments were given, linen *paragaudæ* [fringed tunics], horses were also given, to the groaning of frugal men.” And from our codex, pages 192, 193. In the *senizo* or throne, and thus in the *cathisma*, it appears from the location of Chrysostom in Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, page 61, and from Theophanes, page 107, and from Malalas, volume II, pages 92, 111, and 180, that the charioteers were crowned and touched with prizes by the emperors, as the editors of the games. Whence it is evident that the victors received the palm from the emperor himself, or from whoever was presiding in his place and editing the games, which once was done in Daphne, in the tribunal or palace so called, because laurels were dispensed in it. Nor do I doubt that such a building was that *Aristeion* into which the body of Commodus, having been slaughtered, was carried, as Herodian narrates at the beginning of book II; “The body of the king, having been stolen and stripped in this way, ^D...

^A with the command, and signals with his hand to the *ostiarios*, who strikes the veil, which the *silentiarii* lift up. And the metropolitans and bishops enter through the left side of the Chrysotriclinium, the first veil; and when the *ostiarios* has stood beneath the said veil, they fall to the ground, and having risen, they pass through to the middle of the triclinium. The *ostiarios* proceeds before them, and standing opposite the chandelier hanging in the middle of the golden table, they fall a second time there; and having risen, they depart and stand at the golden table. And when their leader has stood before the golden table, all fall to the ground. Then the *ceremoniarius* and the *referendarius* [take] the first of them and lead him to the emperor; and he, having prostrated, kissing the knees and hands of the emperor, greets him, and having passed by the right side, stands among the princes of the *kouboukleion*. And when all those who entered after this have greeted him in this order, they depart and stand in a straight line from him on the right side, as it has been said before. And again, the *ostiarios* having gone out by command, leads in through the right side, [beneath] the second veil, the clergy of the Great Church; and when they too have in like manner worshipped and greeted the emperor, they depart and stand on the left side of his triclinium behind the princes of the *kouboukleion*. Thus the *ostiarios* by command, upon a sign given by the *praepositos*, going out again through the left side of the triclinium, [leads in] the third veil, the hegumens or ^B

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

^A in many [years]!” But when the charioteers receive the prizes of victory, the chanters say: “Long years to you, divine majesty!” The Greens: “Election of the Trinity!” The people thrice: “Holy!” Chanters: “Long years to you, servants of the Lord!” The people thrice: “Holy!” The Greens: “Holy!” Chanters: “Long years to you, N. N., Augusti of the Romans!” The people thrice: “Long years to you!” The Greens: “Holy!” Chanters: “Long years to you, masters, with the Augustas and the porphyrogeniti!” The people thrice: “Long years to you!” The Greens: “Holy!” Chanters: “Long years to you! We demand, Uranio, three gold coins!” (The Greens: “To the Olympian!”) and the people thrice: “Long years to you!” The criers: “Lord, save the masters of the Romans!” The people thrice: “Lord, save!” The criers: “The same, masters, for your victory!” The people thrice: “Lord, save!” The criers: “Lord, save those crowned by you!” ^B The people thrice: “Lord, save!” The criers: “Lord, save the wealth of the subjects!” The people thrice: “Lord, save!” The criers: “The same, masters, for the senate!” The people thrice: the same. Chanters: “May the divine Word increase your victories!” The people thrice: the same. Chanters: “The senate loves you unanimously!” The people thrice: “Holy.” Chanters: “The same, masters, for your victory over the barbarians!” The people thrice: the same; The Greens: “Holy.” Chanters: “May your enemies perish by divine judgment!” The people thrice: “Holy!” The Greens: “Holy!” Chanters: “The same, masters, for the camps!” The people thrice: “Holy!” ^C The Greens: “Holy!” The criers: “And may God work with you along with them!” The people thrice: “Holy!” The Greens: “Holy!” The criers: “The same, masters, for your people!” The people thrice: “Holy!” The criers: “Depart and pray for your own masters!” The people thrice: “Holy!”

II. After they have wished all things auspicious for the masters, the charioteers ascend the vehicle, and the chanters say with modulated voice: “Many, many, many!” The people: “Many years for many!” After this, they sing the saltatory hymn of the fourth tone: “Glory to our God, for he has been glorified; to the sole Creator of all things and the dispenser of mercy, let us sanctify our lips, acclaiming you, greatest benefactors, emperors of Rome.

Commentary of J. J. Reiske

(50) [Regarding] “we demand, Uranio, three gold coins,” or gold solidi, the prize for a circus victory, see p. 195 and 209 where [there is] “the two,” and “the one.” Formerly the actors, when the people clamored, used to receive five gold coins. Julius Capitolinus in [the life of] M. Antoninus p. 322, says that he tempered the theatrical gifts, so that the actors would receive five gold coins, yet so that no editor would exceed ten gold coins: and the same had already obtained before, as is clear from Suetonius, who relates of Galba that he presented five denarii to a choraules who pleased him mightily, having produced [them] with his own hand from his own private purses: where the denarius seems to signify the same thing that it signified later, namely a gold coin, as the drachma [signifies] a silver coin. But this price was perhaps diminished later after Alexander Severus, whom Lampridius (vol. I, Script. Hist. Aug. p. 939) says never gave silver, or scarcely money [that is, *kerma*, a small coin of bronze], to the actors.

^A He brings the prefects from the monasteries. They too, having entered and venerated three times, salute the emperor in the manner of the others who had arrived before them, proceeding thence to the right side, where they stand behind the metropolitans and bishops.

III. In like manner, the master of ceremonies casts the *referendarius* down at the emperor's feet; he kisses his knees and feet. This done, he rises and kisses the emperor; as soon as he has departed, he stands in the left area in the same rank as the clergy. The master of ceremonies immediately goes out, and the emperor gives a sign to the *praepositus*, who says: "Give the command." ^B And after all who have entered through the three veils have departed, they stand gathered together in the lower part of the golden table. The emperor and the patriarch rise and stand at the upper part of the same golden table, facing east, and the patriarch performs the *synapte* prayer [(20)]. When the prayer is finished, the *praepositus* says: "Give the command." And all the priests and hegumens go out and pray for the emperor. ^C The emperor enters with the patriarch into the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos, and there they perform the Divine Liturgy. When the *kleitorion* has been arranged, the *minsai* take place, and the summoned priests and hegumens remain in the palace; the others, having received money, also depart, praying for the emperor. Having finished the Divine Liturgy, the emperor exits from the church with the patriarch and enters the *Chrysotriklinos*. The priests who are accustomed to do so enter by command and perform the *stichos*; the patriarch, having blessed the table, departs and stands inside the veil in the chamber that is to the right of the silver gates [(21)] of the *Chrysotriklinos*, and he removes his *omophorion*, which the priests, that is, the *cubicularii* [(22)], take and carry out.

IV. After they have removed from the emperor the *sagion* which he wears, both the emperor and the patriarch sit down at the *apokopte*, the table, having brought in...

^A they enter the *stama*. It must be known that on the day of the *vota* (53) from the second palm, the cross-bearers descend from the four factions, carrying crosses woven of flowers, and they stand at the *stama*. The *cursors* meanwhile, taking up the crosses, bring them to the lords, and immediately they say the *akta*. The *kraktai*: “O life-giving Cross, bring aid to the lords!” The people chant three times: “Holy!” The *kraktai*: “In this you were crowned, O benefactors!” The people chant three times: “Holy!” The *kraktai*: “In this you reign and conquer!” The people chant three times: “Holy!” The *kraktai*: “In this you shall rule over all nations!” The people chant three times: “Holy!” And as the organ plays the Trisagion, the *kraktai* say: “O Thrice-Holy, bring aid to the lords!” And the people ^B chanting likewise three times. It should be known that if there is no *deile* (54), they are given in the morning; but if there is *deile*, they are given at *deile*.

Things to be performed at the evening hippodrome.

I. After the lords have ascended to the *kathisma* according to the pattern and ritual of the morning, and are standing before the *sentzion*, they make the sign of the cross with the tip of their *chlamydes* three times, just as we said before regarding the morning. And while the lords are signing themselves, the factions say: “Holy, holy, holy!” And the people chant three times: “Holy!” The *kraktai*: “Many, many, many!” The people: “Many years for many [years],” and the rest, just as was said in the morning. And if the Veneti have precedence, the *kraktai* say with the voice of the fourth tone: “Anana!” The people: “We glorify you, O Christ.” The *kraktai*: “Nana!” The people: “King of the ages.” The *kraktai*: “Nana!” The people: “Monogenous Word of the Father.” The *kraktai*: “Ananaia!” The people: “For you have visited and enlightened.” The *kraktai*: “Nana!” The people: “Your people.” The *kraktai*: “Agia!” And the people: “And by your power you have delivered us.” The *kraktai*: “Anania!” The people: “And you have brought us near.” The *kraktai*: “Ananaia!” The people: “to God and Father.” The *kraktai*: “Ana”

^A from the cubicularii the vessels which are called *cucumaria* (23), they drink once. For in this order the *cucumaria* are brought in by the cubicularii, when the emperor is dining with the patriarch. And then, just as has been said before, the lord of the table enters and stands at the threshold of the silver gates. Then the emperor makes a sign to the praepositus, and he to the lord of the table. When the lord of the table has pulled the veil with his hand, the silentiarii lift it from above, and the friends enter; for throughout the week, at every entrance and exit of the same veil, it is carried by two silentiarii. When the friends have entered, they take their seats at the venerable golden table of the emperor, and likewise at the side-tables, and likewise at the entrances and exits of the *kleteria* for the tables and other needs (24). At the arrival of each table at the banquet, ^B the emperor requests the patriarch to offer a blessing. The patriarch then invites each metropolitan, according to his own precedence, to bless each table; and when the entire service of the table is completed, they rise, and having prayed for the emperor, they go out, and the emperor remains alone with the patriarch at the table. Having drunk once more, they rise, and immediately the emperor is clothed with his *sagion*, and the priests having been called also enter, and the patriarch, having put on his omophorion in the aforementioned chamber by means of the priests, goes out. And they perform the *stichos*, and after the *stichos* the patriarch gives the eulogia to the emperor, and the priests go out; and after both the emperor and the patriarch have bowed to each other and kissed, the emperor enters his bedchamber, and the officials of the cubiculum and the cubicularii take the patriarch and escort him as far as the spatharicion gate (25).

CHAPTER XV.

All, dressed in white tunics, as has been said, assemble in the palace, and when it is opened, the procession enters the new triclinium, which is called the Justinian. When the hour arrives, the *kleterion* is arranged, and thereafter the tables are set. The invited friends remain, but all the others go home. The emperor, having gone out, sits at the golden table in the Chrysotriclinium with the friends whom he ordered to be invited; and when the entire order of the banquet is completed, they rise and each goes away to their own homes. It should be known also that this same order is followed on the next day, that is, the Saturday of the same week.

again to the actuarius. The actuarius ^B fastens his [ψύας] (61) and immediately the chanters say: "The three, O Masters, of the faction (62)!" and the people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save (63)." "The reception of the Veneti!" and the people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save. The renewal of the petitions!" and the people a third time: "Lord, save!" The chanters. And when the factionary who has been invested with the bulla receives the rewards of victory, the people say: "Depart and pray for your own masters," and immediately he goes up to his own chariot (64), and [σάσσει], that is to say, dances (65), as is the custom after a victory.

VARIOUS READINGS

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(62) If the term [φακτίων] here signified the factionary, I would believe that [τὰ τρία] meant the same as above p. 187, A, penult., namely that we are requesting the three coins owed to the factionary. But I believe rather that in this place [τὰ ἴσα] is to be understood; three examples, three copies, as they say, of the golden bulls, by which the factionary is named; one perhaps which might be carried into the royal archive, another which might be stored in the archive of the faction, a third which the factionary might keep for himself. Cf. p. 235, where [δύο χαρτία], two copies of the same formula, are mentioned.

(63) After this verse, a period should be placed here and shortly after. "Lord, save!" (we request) the gift of the Veneti, the conchiarium customarily given to the Veneti. For [ἀντίληψις] signifies to the new Greeks the same as a [δῶρον] (gift), and properly indeed an [ἀντίδωρον] (counter-gift), which those receiving it take in return for another gift. Cf. Script. post Theophan. p. 268 B, and our own p. 218 A, penult., Theophan. p. 422 C.

(64) That which is here [ἅρμα], or rather [ἄρμα], is called [σκεῦος] a little further on, D, penult. But it is my opinion that it is the place or building where not only the arms of the circus charioteers, such as helmets, leathers, whips, goads, etc., lay, but also where they practiced their pyrrhic dances; which is subsequently called [ἀρματούριον] on p. 194 C, penult., and p. 200 D, penult., and is said to be situated in the middle of the circus. They go up, therefore, into the "arms" or place where the arms lie and are put on, and the armings or pyrrhic dances, the [τὰ σάξιμα], take place. In this way our passage on p. 192 B, penult., is to be interpreted.

(65) It is well done that an interpretation is added in the text for an obscure word. This recurs frequently in the codex: [σάσσειν] for [saltare] and [σάξιμον] for [σάξει], a saltation. If Salmasius’s etymology is correct—*duntzen*, *danser*, deriving from the Latin *densare* (Script. Hist. Aug. Vol. II, p. 12), because the strikes of the feet in the dance are *densentur* (thickened) or made frequent—then the Graeco-Latin Glosses return a probable etymology: [ὀξυπόδια], *acupedium*, *adensatio* (that is, *addensatio*), [ὀξυποδῶ], *adenso*, *denso*, *acupedius cursor*, moving as if on sharp feet. A not improbable conjecture arises that from the same source for the Greeks came [σάσσειν] for *saltare*; [σάσσειν], namely to beat the feet, to stuff, to make frequent strikes of the feet; or even from [σάσσειν], that is to say, to kneel, because while dancing the knees are frequently bent, and the body is inclined to the sides. I find the verb [σάσσειν] for "to bend the knee" in the *Alexiad*, p. 311 C: "The greater part of the tower having been struck by feet from below, it happened that the tower [σάξαι], so as to seem to be inclined toward the knee." It has in this sense and meaning a great similarity to the Belgian *sacken*. Nevertheless, in the *Alexiad* passage, [σάσσειν] could perhaps be taken for [ἅλλεσθαι] (to spring), a meaning I find also in the compounded derivative [ἀνά-σπασμός], respiration, as if a subsult of the lungs.

CHAPTER XVI. Observances for the second Sunday after Easter, as the Emperor goes to Hagia Sophia.

^A The procession enters the mutatoria of the Justinian triclinium, and around the third hour the dishes are presented; the [metastasis] takes place in the consistory. The lords go away to the Augusteon, change their [dibetesia] and chlamydes, and come out. The first reception by the patricians takes place at the [onopodion], where the Master of Ceremonies says: "Command," and they pray: "For many years," etc. They go out as far as the Great Consistory, ^B where the counts of the consistory and the other senators are present. When the lords stand in the [ciborium] above the purple slabs, all the senators along with the patricians prostrate themselves. When they have risen, the silentiary receives a signal through the praepositus and says: "Command," and they cry out: "For many years." They leave through the schools. The Factions are also present, signaling only to the Emperor, while the notaries and masters recite the iambic verses. The lords go alone through the vaulted passage to the catechumena with the cubicularii and silentiaries; having performed the divine office there, they dine with the patriarch. Returning, the lords wear their [dibetesia] and [tzitzakia], and they return escorted by the patricians and silentiaries wearing true [sagia], and they enter through the Lord's [entrance] of the church.

CHAPTER XVII. Observances for the Wednesday of the fourth week after Easter and for the procession to the temple of Saint Mocius.

^C I. All the nobles go out by night in the mutatoria to the palace, that is, to the temple of the Lord, whom...

^Asidion, and for the third, the belt. Then the actuarius delivers the *aurigarium* into his hands, and places the *cassidion* upon his head, and binds the girdle around his middle, and then the *dēmos* says the *acta*: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many a time." The couriers: "Many years to you, chosen by the Trinity!" The people cry out three times: "Holy!" The couriers: "Many years to you, servants of the Lord!" The people three times: "Holy!" The Veneti: "Many years to you!" The couriers: "Many years to you, [Name] and [Name], Emperors of the Romans!" The people three times: "Many years to you!" The couriers: "Many years to you, sovereigns, along with the Augustas and the porphyrogeniti!" The people three times: "Many years to you!" The couriers: "[Name], may you be fortunate in this *dēmos*!" The people three times: "Holy!" The couriers: "A crown, sovereigns, for the begarius!" And then they send him a crown and a robe, and again the couriers say: "Lord, save the sovereigns of the Romans!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The couriers: "Lord, save the sovereigns, along with the Augustas and the porphyrogeniti!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" Then all say together the *polychronion*. The begarius signs the sovereigns three times, and bowing down, gives thanks, and departs with the epistates as far as the Daphne; then the begarius goes away to the *dēmos*, and signing three times to the *dēmos*, he ascends to the *kankella*, and bows to the factionarius and all the charioteers of the two factions and the tribunus. ^B

Acta, when triumphal victories are celebrated in the hippodrome.

"Glory to God, the Master of all; glory to the Creator and Maker of the universe. Glory to God, who has triumphed over those of Hagar. Glory to God, the King of all ages. Glory to God, who has strengthened the orthodox emperors. Glory to God, who has looked upon us with love for mankind. Glory to God, who has struck down the Ishmaelites, the Christ-haters. Glory to God, who has rescued the captives from their enemies. Glory to God, who has brought down the cities of the Arabs. Glory to God, who has cast down those who deny the Trinity. Glory to God, who has destroyed those who deny the Theotokos. Glory to God, who has put to shame the arrogance of [Name] the Christ-hater. Glory to God, who has been pleased thus. Lord, who shall not praise thy counsel? Lord, who shall not hymn the works of thy hands? Lord, we thank thee for all things, that thou hast had great mercy upon thy people, [permitting them] to be ruled by such a power." And when the captives fall prone upon the earth, the actuarius gives a signal, and the couriers say: "Our enemies have fallen by the judgment of God!" and the people likewise three times. ^C

[index: entries preserved]

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(72) Signs of victory, with solemn pomp brought into the city. [A triumph vowed for solemn entry, used by Aimoin in *Hist. Franc.*]

^A patricians, strategi, præpositi, ostiarii, and primicerii [attend], wearing true saga. The eunuch protospatharii [wear] true specia, and likewise the bearded protospatharii; the spatharocubicularii and the cubicularii from the camisia, the spatharocubicularii carrying their own distralia; and the candidati and the mandatores, and likewise the scribones, [wear] their own stoles, as is customary for them. When the palace has opened at the Lord’s [temple] ^B, the emperor, wearing a white skaramangion adorned with golden clavi and crowned by the præpositus, goes out from the gate of the Lord’s temple, where the patricians and strategi receive him. Escorted by all of them, he proceeds to the great gate of the excubitors, where the scribones are stationed; there the emperor rides upon a horse saddled with a golden bridle set with precious stones ^C of the winter variety.

VARIAE LECTIONES.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(31) [iota] is protospatharii. Often at the beginning of a composition, the initial letter [alpha] is taken for [rho-omicron-iota]. In our manuscripts, [alpha] of that notion was represented either by an isosceles triangle without a base, or by a transverse stroke. I have taken care to have this character, [alpha]’, set by the printers in that portion which was printed under my eyes. That old custom of writing [alpha] for [rho-omicron] is ancient. Artemidorus in his *Onirocritica* says that an eagle signifies the first year. Therefore [alpha-epsilon-tau-omicron-sigma] (eagle) is the same as the first year. This passage is on p. 107, line 17: "The eagle also signifies the present year. For its name written is nothing other than 'first year'." But since [pi-rho-omega-tau-omicron-sigma] and [epsilon-iota-sigma] were accustomed to be expressed by the same sign [alpha], it happened that lazy or unskilled copyists or readers or typesetters put one for the other; for example, [mu-iota-alpha] [tau-omega-nu] [Sigma-alpha-beta-beta-alpha-tau-omega-nu] is found for [eta] [pi-rho-omega-tau-eta] [tau-omega-nu] [Sigma-alpha-beta-beta-alpha-tau-omega-nu], on the feast of Pascha, which error was born from the sign [alpha] or [alpha]’.

(32) So too M. But I do not doubt that some things have fallen out here.

(33) Recent Greeks frequently prefix the particle [delta-iota-alpha] to color-designating compounds, such as [delta-iota-rho-omicron-delta-iota-nu-omicron-nu], [delta-iota-kappa-iota-tau-rho-iota-nu-omicron-nu], [delta-iota-beta-epsilon-nu-epsilon-tau-omicron-nu], etc. This does not increase the meaning; they simply denote white, rose, citrus-colored, venetian-blue, etc. The Italians still retain some of these, as *diaspro*. Truly, [delta-iota-alpha] in this composition expresses incrustation, and it signifies that this or that color is visible on the outermost surface of the thing. Thus it is called [delta-iota-alpha-chi-rho-upsilon-sigma-omicron-nu], not because it is entirely gold, but because it appears golden. Indeed, on pages 369 and 382, [alpha-rho-gamma-upsilon-rho-alpha] [delta-iota-alpha-chi-rho-upsilon-sigma-alpha] are opposed to [omicron-lambda-omicron-chi-rho-upsilon-sigma-omicron-iota-sigma]. On the contrary, Du Cange, under the word *Diagnatus*, asserts that [delta-iota-alpha] in such compounds strongly increases the meaning, and therefore he translates *diacitrinus* as "of a more intense citron color"; *diacynthinus* as "of a more intense hyacinth color," etc. But does not [delta-iota-alpha] in these colors rather note the mottling, the nonuniformity, the [pi-omicron-iota-kappa-iota-lambda-o-tau-eta-tau-alpha] of the color? [Delta-iota-rho-omicron-delta-iota-nu-omicron-sigma], sprinkled with rose-colored spots. [Ch-rho-upsilon-sigma-omicron-kappa-lambda-alpha-beta-omicron-nu], adorned with golden clavi or with a golden nail. If indeed a "nail" is taken for a long or wide purple or golden band. But learned men think that the *clavi* were knots or little rings by which garments are tightly bound to the body and held together, *Knöpfe, des boutons*. That the ancients wore such knots on their clothes, at least men of low rank, such as soldiers, apparitors, etc., is apparent from the Basilian Menologium, Vol. II, p. 143. Goar, on Theophanes, p. 207, interprets [kappa-lambda-alpha-beta-iota-omicron-nu] as a ring, and Du Cange [interprets] *chrysoklabarikon* as "adorned with golden rings" (Gloss. Gr. v. *Ath.,* p. 34); but Goar, on Codinus, p. 45, translates in the margin as "painted with Phrygian workmanship in ductile gold." Cf. the same, p. 47, n. 3, and at the beginning of chapter 4, p. 50, [kappa-lambda-alpha-omega-tau-omicron-sigma] (which is the same as [kappa-lambda-alpha-beta-omega-tau-omicron-sigma])] he translates as "woven with silk threads covered with gold." *[See Du Fresne on Joinville, p. 295.]* But the learned men did not remember what a *clavus* was. It is, namely, a broad [strip], or a long, thin rod, not very wide, but of the same thickness and width throughout. Whence a wide purple band woven on a tunic was called a *clavus*. Salmasius learnedly explained the meaning of the word in [his work] on *Scr. II. Aug.* I, p. 279 ff., where he taught what a *clavus*, what *cursus clavularis*, and what *plaustra clavularia* were.

(34) Expounding [this] to me, as I have an opinion on things obscure and arts touching upon things completely unknown to me—namely that painting which is called *smaltitum* or enamel—I beg pardon immediately at the entrance of this dispute if I, like a blind man, as the proverb says, dispute about colors. It is written sometimes [chi-epsilon-iota-mu-epsilon-upsilon-tau-omicron-nu], sometimes [chi-upsilon-mu-epsilon-upsilon-tau-omicron-nu]; both are correct. For if [chi-epsilon-iota-mu-omega-nu] is said from [chi-epsilon-omega], it is also possible that [chi-epsilon-iota-mu-alpha] was said, although [kappa-epsilon-ch-upsilon-mu-alpha-iota] is frequent in books, whence [chi-upsilon-mu-epsilon-upsilon-tau-omicron-nu]. And indeed [pi-epsilon-rho-iota-chi-epsilon-iota-mu-epsilon-nu-omicron-nu] [epsilon-upsilon-nu-eta] (for [pi-epsilon-rho-iota-kappa-epsilon-chi-epsilon-iota-mu-epsilon-nu-omicron-nu] or [pi-epsilon-rho-iota-kappa-epsilon-chi-upsilon-mu-epsilon-nu-omicron-nu]) Herodes Atticus said in the Dedication of the statue of Regilla, verse 24, where there was no need for Salmasius to substitute [pi-epsilon-rho-iota-kappa-epsilon-iota-mu-epsilon-nu-omicron-nu]. For [pi-epsilon-rho-epsilon-chi-epsilon-iota-sigma-thai] [epsilon-upsilon-nu-eta], to surround oneself with bedclothes, is the word proper to that matter. See Athen., p. 484, "resting slightly covered." The ancients said [chi-upsilon-mu-alpha] not only for something liquid, but also for a solid mass whose surface is level, shining, as if it were glass or ice. Thus Sophocles, in Stobaeus in the *Eclogae Grotianae*, p. 263, calls [chi-upsilon-mu-omicron-nu] "congealed water," comparing a piece of ice held in the fingers to a love of ice. It is doubtful, therefore, whether [chi-upsilon-mu-epsilon-upsilon-tau-omicron-nu] is that which the Latins in the Middle Ages called *fusile*, that is, not forged and drawn out by a hammer, but formed into the required shape by a single casting from hot liquid metal; or whether it is a composition of such a kind as was, according to the authors, that sacred table dedicated by Justinian the Great in the Hagia Sophia which he founded, with a golden ground, but to which crushed gems, pearls, silver, and other precious materials had been added and melted and liquefied into one mass; or finally whether [chi-upsilon-mu-epsilon-upsilon-tau-omicron-nu] was enameled, such as our present-day [work] is; or [whether there was] some other method of [making] images in

194 Acts when the emir, ^A prince of the barbarians, was defeated and slain in war.

« Glory to God who crushes his enemies! Glory to God, who has removed the godless! Glory to God, the author of victory! Glory to God, who has crowned you, O master of the earth; rejoice, King, the good fortune of the Romans! Rejoice, King, the strength of your army! Rejoice, King, through whom such-and-such a one was laid low! Rejoice, King, such-and-such a one’s destroyer! May God preserve you in the purple for the honor and exaltation of the Romans, together with the venerable Augustae in the purple! May God hear our prayers. »

Concerning the horse which competed unsuccessfully in the first palm, and how the other horses are to be substituted for it.

If it should happen that a horse competes poorly during the night in the first palm, the procedure for substituting another for it is as follows: The two masters of the opposing party, along with two inspectors and the director, are present; they go to the place where the horse is standing, and they lead it out into the middle ^B and examine it with care. And if it is certain that it cannot be produced, they select a similar horse from the third palm, to run in the place of the injured one, whatever bit it may have been allotted. This horse, however, ought to start the competition in its own palm—namely, the third—and if it pertains to the second or fourth, the same rule is observed as we have said. In the evening race, also, all the rites are similar to those of the morning, except for the ball coming from the urn and the case of the horse that is failing. After the charioteers have arranged everything, namely, the ropes and the barriers, they remain in the armamentarium. But when the wood of the holy church gives the signal, they rise ^C and go to the church and light their candles, and holding them they return, and after making a circuit in the circus they go to the oratory of the holy Mother of God, which...

metals for painting. None of these conjectures lacks plausibility, as I shall demonstrate in the case of each.

The Latins called it *fusile*, as I have said, the opposite of things hammered out. A memorable passage exists in Du Cange under the word *Absida*, that is, a bier laden with the relics of saints. The *absida* which they were carrying was *fusile*, made of gold and silver, which is called electrum. Indeed, that [alloy] from a composite [material], where to three parts of gold a fourth of silver was added, was called electrum in that age; see Chilmead, on Malelas, vol. II, p. 161, and Du Cange under *Freda* and *Capa cum tintinnabulis*. Both designate the same thing, *fusile* and electrum; namely, fused, liquefied, melted: and thus it can be the same as *χυμευτόν*; and subsequent times could have called the same thing *χυμαυτόν*, that is, *χυμόν*, which the ancients called *fusum*, *fusile*, and *electrum*.

But what are images chased in *fusile* work? The Chronicle of the Abbey of Saint-Trond, book VI, p. 403, cited by Du Cange, mentions a small basin containing small images chased in *fusile* work. I cannot conceive of it in any other way than as a basin which was not hammered by a mallet, but was cast in a crucible and a certain clay mold, in which those images had been previously fashioned; such as it is also necessary for the *fusile*-chased engraved glass vessels to have been, which Peter Damian mentions in the *Life of St. Odilo*. For he seems to contradict himself otherwise, when he speaks of *fusile*-chasing. The word *chased* must therefore be understood as having figures in relief, and these not engraved with a burin but, from that mold into which the glasses were cast, impressed during the very process of fusion and solidification.

Was there also such a dish, which John of Damascus in his *Synodica to the Emperor Theophilus* says was engraved with beautiful enameled [ἐγκαυστικοῖς] images: "Touch and see his greatest dish, on which the mystical supper of Christ with the twelve apostles was engraved with enameled works." I would understand the passage if the author had either omitted *ἐγκαυστικοῖς* or had said *ἐγγέγραπτο* [was written/inscribed] instead of the last word. But now it cannot be understood in any other way than that this dish was cast and formed in a mold which would imprint its marks upon it. And thus the *ἐγκαυστικά καλλιεργήματα* were beautiful images impressed by fusion. Or the passage can also be rendered this way: figures engraved with a burin [and] subsequently inlaid with colors, and these colors were burnt in on a live fire. Of which kind of painting we shall speak hereafter.

Furthermore, I have said that *τὸ χυμευτόν* can be that composition which the modern Greeks call *electrina*, describing the magnificence of the table which Justinian installed in St. Sophia. If that composition was such as the modern Greeks claim (but to me they seem to dream, and to attribute their own trifles to Justinian), it was without doubt ridiculous and insane; yet that age was capable of every folly. Let us hear, therefore, what that composition was like: "Gold and silver," says Codinus (cited by Du Cange on Paul the Silentiary, p. 567, who has more on this table), "and precious stones of all kinds, pearls, copper, iron, lead, glass, and all materials ground up and mixed together and melted, he formed into a small dish." Another says: "Justinian, having collected all the precious and base things that the earth, air, and water bring forth, melted the better and more valuable parts, and added the poorer ones, and thus having poured it into a mold, he finished it. Whence, a multifaceted appearance also provides wonder to those who gaze upon it." In the same place, Du Cange cites from the manuscript Glossaries these things: "Electrum is a copper-plated [work] either pure or of a different type of gold, mixed with glass and stones, of the sort that the construction of the St. Sophia table was."

^{A B C D} Yet such a composition seems not even possible. Wherefore, I would rather believe that gems and pearls had been fixed to that Justinianic table, and that various colors had been sprinkled on with smoke or other chemical liquids, so that it might exhibit various colors to the viewer at different distances. The bridle and saddle, which our text mentions, adorned with such *χυμευτῷ* gold, can have been in this manner sprinkled with gold molten into various forms and fixed with gum and pearls by the help of a certain glue.

But they could also have been painted with images. Certainly there are places in which *χυμευτῷ* appears to denote a painting on metal, whether it was already, while still fresh and moist so that it might remain, cooked into the metal, or whether a glass crust was induced over it that was also to be cooked, or finally whether thin gold or silver plates, colored at the painter's whim, were first composed in that way, then fused by the power of fire and cemented together, as was done in mosaics with vitreous filaments. That the ancients did not overlook the art of coloring metals is clear from Plutarch’s *Pericles*, p. 289 (ante-penultimate edition of H. Stephanus), where one must distinguish: *βαφεῖς χρυσοῦ*, dyers of gold; *μαλακτῆρες ἐλέφαντος*, softeners of ivory, for making various bodies from it. Philostratus also relates (Book 1, *Life of Apollonius of Tyana*, p. 71) that the Indians had images composed of various metals and variously colored. Although these are fabulous and concocted, it appears, however, that Philostratus invented them according to the custom of his own age, which he would not have done if a method of painting metals, or composing metals of various colors into the mass of one image, had not then been known. If it were certainly known what "enamelled work" [*smallitum opus*] was in the Middle Ages, it could be said what *τὸ χυμευτόν* was. For it is quite probable that both were one and the same, as is shown by other arguments and by the passage from the *Chronicle of Monte Cassino* (III, 33), where it is said that very skilled artisans of the enameled work [*operis smaltiti*] were sought from Byzantium, at nearly the same time when *τὰ χυμευτά* were in use in Constantinople. "Sending to the royal city a certain one of the brothers with letters to the emperor, and with thirty-six pounds weight of gold, he ordered a very beautiful golden tablet to be prepared there for the face of the altar, with gems and enamels, with which enamels, indeed, he had some histories from the Gospel, but almost all the miracles of St. Benedict, depicted." I seem to myself, however, while considering these words well, to understand from them that enamels were glasses imbibed with metallic liquids and variously colored, which, being ground up, were lifted with a stylus and arranged at the painter's whim upon the metal, with the entire apparatus being subsequently sent into a furnace, by which the glasses were liquefied together with the metal to a certain degree and coalesced into a solid. And thus *χέυσις* and *ἔγκαυσις* were the same. Constantine (in *Life of Basil the Macedonian*, p. 203) mentions "sturdy silver with *ἐγκαύσεως*" [burning in], and on the same page, in a verse, "a golden beam, on which the image of Christ is impressed *μετὰ χυμεύσεως*" [with fusion/enameling]. Golden enameled [*smaltitae*] plates in Anastasius (in *Benedict III*) seem to be small golden tablets with images painted in enamel and burnt in. "The entire net," he says, "of gems and pearls and golden studs, having also enclosed in it small golden enameled plates." That enamel was to the ancients the same as it is to us—namely, small, hollow, variously colored glass cylinders, such as even today some still wear on silk threads as ornaments for their robes or tunics—is clear from the *Chronicle of Monte Cassino* (III, 57), where "a silk altar cloth is mentioned, ornamented with a purple border [*urnam id est ora*] of pearls and enamels." Conf. Du Cange under *Pernae*, where enameled [*smalta*] things are pierced cylinders or [worked] with threads in the manner of pearls.

his concurrents according to custom, from whichever party he may be. If God grants the victory, the deputy does not ascend onto the equipment to dance, unless he is one who possesses the bulla and is a factionary and a micropanites; and if he is deputizing for a factionary, he walks in his place to the right of the micropanites, and likewise if he is deputizing for a micropanites, to the left of the factionary. If it happens that one of those holding the bulla as charioteer fails, or if he ceases entirely for any reason whatsoever, the fifth charioteer is raised ^B from the remaining bigarii, whichever represents the most suitable choice; and if the charioteer selected is from another party, and his own people wish him to maintain his position on their side, they will surrender the micropanites and promote the bigarius to the place of the one who withdrew. If the deputy is from the opposite party, as he wears [the colors] (91), he is in this way raised and drives, and he carries a cloth standard known as an allipanision for one equestrian event. But if he is transferred to the party where he is acting as deputy, he also wears the gymnastic garment (92) for the party.

196 Concerning the contest of the different factions.

When evening arrives, the emperor ordering the diversium to take place, the actuarius descends and brings the four charioteers, the ^C prefects of the two parties, and the inspectors to the first marker, and he permits them to hold the diversium and to exchange the horses. And the charioteers bring the starters (94), the horses, the gatekeepers (95), and the inspectors, and they surrender to one another the chariots, without dissolving the morning combination of the first palm or the stalls, but, as we have said, they relinquish the horses and the ministers to one another, because they know the quality of the horses and the method of handling them. The equipment ^D is not changed, but each persists in his own equipment, having given their pledge, moreover, before everyone that they do not intend to bring out a chariot in a disorderly manner by way of some ruse; they also bear cloths or signs, by which those carried by the Veneti signify the Prasina, those of the Prasini the Veneta, those of the Albi the Russa, and those of the Russi the Alba. The victors depart to the faction to which the horses belong, and after they have received the prizes and have been crowned by the emperor, they proceed to their own faction and recite the acclamations. If, however, the charioteers who supplied the chariots to one another did not grant [the services of] janitors and inspectors to perform the duties, when the four charioteers are exchanging the chariots,

^A officials of the *kouboukleion*, together with the entire Senate, wearing true *sagia*, ride on horses outside the curtains; and these—some on horses, accompanying the Emperor with the silentiaries and the *apoeparchoi*, and the one of the *katastasis* passing in the middle and arranging the procession, and the ones on foot accompanying the Emperor—are these: the spatharioi carrying *distralia*, also wearing their shields, the candidati likewise carrying [them], the scribones and mandators carrying their rods; and all these accompany the Emperor on this side and that, and in their midst four silentiaries, carrying golden jewel-encrusted rods, wearing true *sagia*.

II. Accompanied by all these, the Emperor, partly on horse and partly on foot, passes through the Forum, the Taurus, the Philadelphion, the Forum of the Ox, the Xerolophos, and the Hexakionion. ^B But when he reaches the crossroads where the church of the holy Apostle Onesimus is situated, he turns to the right and passes by way of Saint James of the Persians; and from there he enters the holy church of the holy martyr Mocius. And when the Emperor has entered the bathing area and passed through the steps leading up into the narthex, and has washed there, he passes through the narthex, and the patricians and strategoi with the Senate, standing near the gate leading to the spiral staircase, offer good wishes to the Emperor in the manner we have described. Then, surrounded by the officials of the bedchamber and the imperial ministers, by the cerimoniarius and the silentiaries, he ascends the spiral staircase and, turning slightly to the left, passes through the catechumena of the narthex and enters his own cubicle. Having entered, he changes his white *dibetesion*, and the eunuch protospatharioi change [his] white *dibetesia* and *sabana* (35), and carrying his *spathobaklia* and swords, they proceed behind the Emperor, as is customary for them. The cerimoniarius enters and warns the praepositus that the time for the procession with the patriarch is at hand, which he indicates to the Emperor. Whereupon from his cubicle into the catechumena above [the text ends here].

^A (4), and his left [wheel] steps upon the same second white line, he has stopped. If a charioteer, while the chariot is driven, engages with his opponent, and is able to extend his hand and remove his helmet, and is [even if] behind him, he has won, and the one whose helmet was removed has been left behind. If, while the chariot is driven, a charioteer’s helmet falls off, if he is in front, and his horses run more than all the chariots, he will make a surplus and will stop.

On the hanging and lowering of the veils.

On a horse that has suffered damage.

On the test.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

imperial doors, the vestitors enter and change the Emperor’s cloak, while the cubicularii set up the curtains hanging there in the catechumena. ^A And when the Emperor has emerged from behind the curtains, accompanied by the dignitaries of the cubiculum, the patricians and strategoi who are there outside the curtain receive him, and prostrating themselves, they venerate him; and the praepositus nods to the official in charge of the arrangement, who says: "Command!" And they pray in return, saying: "For many and good years!" And accompanied by all who are wearing their gold-bordered cloaks, he descends the spiral staircase, and there, that is to say, in the landing of the spiral, he is received again by the patricians and strategoi together with the entire senate; and after all have prostrated themselves, the praepositus nods to the silentiarius, who says: "Command!" And they pray in return: "For many and good years!"

III.

[alt-version omitted]

[index: entries preserved]

In the other *kamptos* and in various places of the *euripos* they similarly prepare both vegetables and flat-cakes, that is, on the day before the horse races; and this *kamptos* is kept guarded for the sake of the Greens. The *bigae* also stand in the *kritēria*, and after the emperor has gone out into the *kathisma* and has signed the people and has seated himself in the *sentzos*, and the homage of the patricians has been performed, if they are present, and the generals, the ^A leaders of the factions come with rose-woven crosses, and they stand in the aisles, and then the actuarius gives a signal by command, and the *bigae* are released. And when they reach the imperial table in the *kathisma*, they pray for the emperor; then the actuarius gives a signal by command, and the imperial organ plays, and they themselves descend from their *bigae* toward the factions and enter into the *stoma*, and having both taken their crowns, they depart. And then the aforesaid members of the factions go out, and they hand over the crosses, and having prayed for the emperor, they too depart.

IV. ^B And then the first *baion* is celebrated, and the victorious charioteers receive their prizes in double measure, and by request of the faction the public gifts (23) are given, and having received them, the *chosbaitai* carry them through the middle of the hippodrome to the armatorium of the victorious charioteers. And when the four *baia* have been completed, those of the *logion* (24) perform all things according to custom, and the charioteers having changed the public [garments] of victory...

VARIOUS READINGS. JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...this circus game was so named because, indeed, ^C *lachana*, vegetables, flat-cakes, and fish were given to be plundered by the people, and this *Lachanikon* was celebrated on the birthday of the city. These, therefore, are the remaining items of the institutions of Constantine the Great, founder of the city, for civil bread or *grudilia*, which used to be distributed daily up to the times of Heraclius to the *kalamēphoroi* [reed-bearers] or distributors of tokens; concerning whom Salmasius discourses learnedly in *Scr. H. A.*, vol. II, p. 502, ff., regarding whom I would wish only this to be observed, that the *ktētores* were the rich and noble, but the *ergastēriakoi* were the mechanics, as they said in the Middle Ages, or those cultured in the sedentary arts. They did not receive bread alone, but also wine, oil, lard, and other things. But these *panes gradiles* [step-breads] were abolished, and their obsolete custom was recalled in memory on only one day per year. Vestiges of this still survive in those things which the common people call *spendis*, instituted by men according to the ancient custom of the pious and liberal, but without great emolument for the community. This very *lachanikon* ^D still flourishes today in Naples, as I understood from the itinerary of Keysler, whose significant passage, illustrating the present matter, deserves to be transcribed. *Man sagt insgemein*, his words are, *wenn ein Viceroy* [namely of Naples] *das gemeine Volk im Zaume und Ruhe behalten wolle, müsse er besorgt seyn, dass es an drey Dingen, so mit dem F anfangen, niemals mangele. Diese sind Ferte, Farine, Forche*, because the common folk always demand public amusements and pageantry, along with the cheapness of bread and flour, but they must also be kept sharply in check, and therefore more frequent death sentences are to be carried out on evildoers. Among the public amusements belongs the procession, which is made on the four last Sundays before Lent with four triumphal chariots, the first of which is provided with bread, the second with meat, the third with greens, and the fourth with fish. They are nearly as high as a house and have musicians upon them, and are guarded by armed artisans for so long until they are given up as a prize. An even greater crowd attends a *Castell*, called *Cocagna* or *Cucagna*, because it is as it were put together and covered with quarters of oxen, hams, bacon, geese, capons, and other victuals, with which the land of Cokaygne or *Cocagna* is described as being filled. This whole work is arranged according to architecture, and is performed once annually and has fountains on both sides, from which wine springs for the whole day, and it is guarded by soldiers until the Viceroy lets himself be seen on the balcony; for this is the signal or sign that permission is never given to the people to master the *Castell* with a storming hand.

(23) They called the garments which the *dēmosion*, the "commune" as they said in the Middle Ages, gave to the victors, [taken] from the public treasury; see p. 192 and p. 340, from which, however, it is permitted to conclude that those garments called *dēmosia* were taken back again from the victors once the game was finished and stored away in the faction’s vestiary. *To dēmosion* [the public] is also the public or civic treasury, from which public buildings were constructed, circus games and other spectacles were given, lamps burning at night through the streets were maintained, etc., see Procop. *Anecdot.*, p. 114.

(24) Already on p. 199, this word appeared, which I do not understand, nor do I know to what *buccine* it pertains, or what it signifies, which the membranes written in the margin around this place gave as *mimolo*, you would think *memologion* or *mimologōn*, but not *mimologiou*, on account of the accent. But I confess that in this place, as in many others, I am a Davus, not an Oedipus.

When he is about to enter the sacrarium, the metropolitans bend the holy doors toward the emperor according to custom, and after the emperor has venerated the crosses affixed to them, he enters the sacrarium, and having prayed and exchanged the holy table, as is customary for him, he places his modest offering upon it and passes with the patriarch through the side of the sacrarium from the right as far as the holy doors of the bema. ^A And the patriarch remains in the sacrarium to celebrate the divine liturgy, while the emperor, exiting from the sacrarium, passes through the side of the gynaeceum; the patricians stand outside the gate that leads into the cochlea with the strategi, those of the establishment, and the silentiarii, along with the senate, praying for the emperor.

IV. ^B The emperor, accompanied by the lords of the cubiculum and the imperial household officers, ascends through the secret cochlea and enters the parakyptikon, where he also celebrates the divine liturgy. And if the emperor commands, he awaits the patriarch there until the time *propinquavit* [to recline] at the table; if not, he passes through the catechumena, accompanied by the aforementioned, and departs to his bedchamber. When the time for the *kletorion* arrives, the emperor exits from his bedchamber, accompanied by them, and departs to the catechumena where his precious table stands. ^C And indeed, once the patriarch has arrived by invitation, the lords of the cubiculum together with the cubicularii receive him by command in the cochlea, through which the emperor first ascended before accomplishing the lite, and they bring him through the catechumena, and having entered, he is joined to the emperor. The priests also enter and perform the verse, and the same priests, having taken the patriarch's omophorion, depart, and both the emperor and the patriarch sit at the table. When they have drunk once as is their custom, the friends enter, and when the whole service of the table has been completed, they rise and depart; the emperor remains with the patriarch in the kletorion, and when they have both drunk once again, they rise. ^D Then, having venerated one another, the emperor and the patriarch, the patriarch departs, and the lords of the cubiculum escort him as far as the aforementioned cochlea. The emperor, accompanied by the lords of the cubiculum and the imperial household officers, departs to his bedchamber, *expecting* the time of the procession. When this approaches, he departs from his bedchamber to the catechumena above the imperial gates, and there he takes the garment which he is accustomed to wear on this feast; the praepositus places the tiara on his head, and he himself, accompanied from the bedchamber, enters the said western cochlea, and all those in purple cloaks in the narthex outside the cochlea door together with the prefects of the cubiculum...

^A side. And the emperor having stood at the gate, all those aforementioned fall down, and having stood up, the *praepositus* at the command signals to the master of ceremonies, and says: "Command." And they themselves pray in return: "For many and good years."

VI. And then, the master of ceremonies having taken hold of the edge of the emperor’s *chlamys* and having made a *rhosthelion*, he gives it to the emperor. Then, being conducted from there by the officials of the *kouboukleion*, the patricians, and the strategoi, the emperor ascends to the throne with only those officials of the *kouboukleion* and two *maglabitai* and *spatharioi* carrying *diastralia*, wearing their swords also, as in every equestrian event. And having ascended to the throne, and having marked the people with the sign of the cross three times, the emperor sits; and after the completion of the acclamation, the *praepositus* goes out at the command, and signals to the patricians and strategoi to go away, each to his own order and seat. And when the four palms have been performed, the emperor stands up from the throne, and the patricians standing in the triclinium where the emperor dines, being conducted by the officials of the *kouboukleion*, he passes through the midst of them, and they pray in return: "For many and good years." And having passed through the narrow triclinium, he enters into the bedchamber, and having put off the crown and his *chlamys*, he puts on a *sagion*, and descends through the secret spiral staircase, and being conducted by all ^B of the *kouboukleion*, he passes through the *Augusteon*, the apse, and the *trichonchos*, and through the *monothyron* and the porticoes of the Holy Forty, and he enters into the *Chrysotriklinos*. And those of the *kouboukleion*, having stood and prayed for the emperor, "For many and good years," go out and depart home.

Things that must be performed on the eve of the Lachanikos Hippodrome, that is, the birthday of this God-guarded and royal city.

One should know that the *demarchoi* of the two factions, together with the seconds-in-command and the rest of the officials of the factions and the people, go in the evening, each to his own stable, ^C and immediately the inspector of each faction sounds the *triplokon* with a *tavria*, and the people say three times: "Nike, Venete!" Likewise also the Greens: "Prasine!" And the *phonobolos* takes it up saying with a loud voice: "He is present who helps us, Jesus." The people: "Always conquer." The *kraktai*: "One is the God, do Thou save them." The people: "Yes, Lord." And when they go out to the *hexaeron*, the inspector strikes the *tavria* three times, and the people say: "The faith of the emperors conquers, the faith of the Augusti conquers, the faith of the city and of the Venetoi conquers" (the Greens: "of the Prasinoi"). And the *kraktai* say: "So-and-so and so-and-so of the great emperors, yes say, so-and-so and so-and-so of the great emperors." And the people: "Lord, help." The *kraktai*: "One is God, do Thou save them." The people: "Yes, Lord." And then thus the *dromikon* poem is said in front of the hippodrome: "We, the of the games, implore Thee, our God and Savior: make victories"

waiting for the timing. When the time for the procession has arrived, he comes out from his chamber in the catechumena above the imperial gates and changes the vestment which he is accustomed to wear on that feast. And the praepositus, taking the tiara ^A, places it upon the head of the emperor, and the emperor being attended by the cubiculum, descends by the aforementioned western spiral staircase, all of them in true sagia, and the officials of the cubiculum also receive him in the narthex outside the gate of the same staircase. And the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, nods to the one in charge of the station, and he says: "Command."

V. Attended by them, the emperor goes out through the central gate of the narthex which faces the gradilia, and mounts there upon a white horse, adorned with a golden, jeweled, and pearled saddle of harness, and covered with pearls; the rest of the ^B officials ride outside the gate. During the progress of the emperor, the order of the procession is performed by both the horsemen and the footmen, as well as by the factions, in the manner which we have briefly set forth above on the second day of the renewal week of the Holy Apostles. When the emperor has gone out at the gate through which he is accustomed to pass in every procession—that is, the one towards the north—the domesticus of the Schools with the peratic faction of the Venetians first receives him there, and presents a libellus to the emperor, wearing a Venetian chlamys ^C woven of gold, and they escort the emperor through the same section as far as the Hexacionion. The domesticus of the Excubitors with the peratic faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Hexacionion, and as the demarchos offers a libellus, they escort him as far as the Moneta; the demarchos also wears a Green chlamys woven of gold according to the proportion of his faction. And the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Moneta, and the demarchos presents a libellus to the emperor, and the same faction escorts the emperor as far as the first vault of the Xerolophos, the demarchos ^D wearing a Green chlamys. And the political faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the vault of the Xerolophos, the demarchos wearing a Venetian chlamys, and he presents a libellus to the emperor, and those of the faction escort the emperor as far as the middle of the Xerolophos; the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the middle of the Xerolophos and escorts him as far as the Boun. The political faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the Boun and escorts him as far as the Amastrianum, and there the excubitor with the peratic faction of the Greens receives him, and they escort him as far as the Philadelphium; the peratic faction of the Venetians receives the emperor at the Philadelphium and escorts him as far as the Modion; the political faction of the Greens receives the emperor at the Modion and leads him to the praetorium, and again to the Milion, and the Venetian political faction escorts him to the chamber of the Milion. The political Venetians receive the emperor at the Milion or in the chamber and lead him up to the place encrusted with marble:

for the Veneti," (the Prasini: "for the Prasini"), "and grant through the Heavenly One" (the Prasini: "through the Olympian One"), "that we may again dance after victory." Another [is said] for the white: "As a strong shelter is the Theotokos, and a sure help to those who flee to thee, we, the Veneti," (the Prasini: "Prasini"), "beseech that this be granted to us, through Icasios, who excels in victories with him in the contest, and that we also may be gladdened." ^A

CHAPTER LXXI.

I. In the evening, the two factions enter the secret *phiale* of the triconch with torches, and the *facularia*, as it is called, is held, and while dancing, they sing the *apelatikon* in the fourth tone: "May thy hand be strengthened, may thy right hand be exalted, O Emperor [Name]. For behold, thy city sees thee as a lover of the city, O Emperor, and it is renewed by thy manly deeds against the enemies, and grace manages in the midst of the empire, because thy *politeuma* has been seen, oh city of the great king, whence thy weapons are armed with power, and the enemies are surrounded by the hatred of the one who crowned thee with the natal glory of thy city." And after these things, they go up to the stands, and when each has taken his own place, the *kraktai* recite the acclamations: "He who helps the masters;" the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save them;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "He who helps the Augustae;" the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save them;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "He who helps the Porphyrogeniti;" the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save them;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "He who helps the city;" the people: "One is God." The ^C *kraktai*: "Do Thou save it;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "He who helps the Eparch;" the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save him;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "He who helps the Ouranios" (the Prasini: "the Olympian One"); the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save him;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "He who helps Icasios" (the Prasini: "the Rising One"); the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save him;" the people: "Yes, Lord."

II. Then another *kraktes* enters and recites the *synapheia*: "He who helps the masters, the Augustae, the Porphyrogeniti, the city, the Eparch, the Ouranios" (the Prasini: "the Olympian One"), "Icasios" (the Prasini: "the Rising One"), the people: "One is God." The *kraktai*: "Do Thou save them;" the people: "Yes, Lord." The *kraktai*: "of such and such great kings and emperors;" the people: "Lord, help." Then another *kraktes* enters and says: "Always, always." The *kraktai*: "Always and victorious;" the people: "Forever, O most illustrious." The *kraktai*: "Holy, thrice-holy, victory to the Veneton" (the Prasini: "to the Prasinon"). ^D

the Pera faction of the Greens receive the emperor at the place encrusted with marble and escort him to the Zeuxippus; the political faction of the Greens receive the emperor at the Zeuxippus and escort him to the Chalke, the Pera faction of the Venetians receive the emperor at the Chalke, and then they all go on foot; the emperor alone remains on horseback. ^B

VI. It must be known that each faction at every reception recites the customary *akta*, but in the procession, it recites *dromika* in the front, and if ordered, it also says *apelatikoi*. From there, the emperor, surrounded by everyone as described above, passes through the curtains up to the inner gate of the Excubitors, where the promotion of the *scribones* takes place; at this same gate the emperor dismounts, having walked as far as the three gates of the Consistorium, where the senators remain, praying for the emperor. The emperor enters the middle gate toward the temple of the Lord, and the patricians and generals also remain there, likewise praying for him. When the emperor has entered through the bronze gate of the Lord, the officials of the bedchamber immediately close the doors ^C and pray for the emperor; and after the *praepositus* has taken the tiara from the emperor’s head, the emperor enters and stands before the holy doors; having lit candles and prayed, he passes through the passage of the Lord and enters the hemicycle of the Triconch. Having passed through the passage of the holy Forty, he enters the Chrysotriklinos, and all the officials of the bedchamber, standing in the Chrysotriklinos, pray for the emperor: "May God bring your Majesty to many and good years," and they depart.

VII. Furthermore, it must be noted how many receptions the factions institute in this procession. The *demokrates* of the Venetians, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, with his Pera faction of Venetians, makes three receptions; the *demokrates* of the Greens, that is, the Excubitor, with his Pera faction, makes two; the *demarchos* of the Venetians with the White faction institutes seven receptions. The *demarchos* of the Greens with the Red faction makes five receptions. The total number of receptions is XVII. ^D

CHAPTER XVIII

Observances for the feast and procession of the Holy Ascension of Christ our God.

I. All the officials proceed at night into the palace wearing *scaramangia*, and if the emperor orders it, [they proceed] by ship according to custom; immediately with those whom he orders,

the public [liveries] of the charioteers, and they make a turn of the Green and the Blue, and they come to their own faction, and they raise up the partisans, and making a turn, they turn, as has been said before, the turning-post of the Green. And they come to the *stoma*, and the actuator comes down and releases them, and they go out dancing into the public square. ^B

Concerning the *bigai*, how they must be performed.

When an equestrian contest of adoration is held, the *bigai* stand at the first starting-gate, and the *bigarioi* [charioteers of the *bigai*] are upon the chariots; and as the Emperor ascends, the four charioteers enter and take the golden *pissia* [balls]; and they turn and stand at their own separate intervals. And then the actuator beckons, and they enter again and take from the golden armilla, and returning, they hold them up high ^C toward the factions, and the *bigai* go out. Now the *bigarioi* wear tunics—one in Blue, the other in Green—having what look like wings, fastened from the *kentoukla* at the back towards their loins, and instead of steel caps they wear *kentoukla* *kamelaukia*.

Acts after the victory reported in the same hippodrome.

1. From the second *baion*, the chanters say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many [years]!" The chanters: "Many seasons to you, divine majesty!" (The Greens: "Bulwark of the Trinity!") And the people thrice: "Many seasons to you!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "Many seasons to you, N. N., Emperors of the Romans!" The people thrice: "Many seasons to you!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "Many seasons to you, servants of the Lord!" The people thrice: "Many seasons to you!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "Many seasons to you, N. N., Augustae of the Romans!" The people thrice: "Many seasons to you!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "Lords of the world, receive the Blues who entreat you!" (The Greens: "The Greens!") And the people thrice: "Holy!" The chanters: "As servants we dare to entreat!" ^D The people thrice: "Holy!" The Greens likewise. The chanters: "With fear we beseech the lords!" The people thrice: "Holy!" The Greens likewise. The chanters: "Have mercy on us, benefactors!" The people thrice: "Holy!" The Greens likewise. The chanters: "To the prayers of your servants the Blues!" The people thrice: "Holy!" The Greens likewise. The chanters: "Public [bounties] for your servants, if you command!" The people thrice: "Holy!" The Greens likewise. The chanters: "Lord, save the lords of the Romans!" The people thrice: "Lord, save." The chanters: "Lord, save those crowned by you!" The people thrice: "Lord, save." The chanters: "Lord, save the lords of the world!" The people thrice: "Lord, save." The chanters: "And with them may God work in us!" The people thrice: "Lord, save." The chanters: "And with them..."

^A the *chelandion* enters and [the emperor] goes as far as the *brachiale* of the Golden Gate, and there upon disembarking from said *chelandion*, a silence 43 is ordered by the *praepositus* at the emperor's command to the officials there, and the officials of the *kouboukleion* step aside a little and stand [in a circle], wearing true *sagia*; the emperor enters into the middle 25 of them and is crowned by the *praepositus* because, as has been said above, he is never 26 crowned before the *barbatoi*; for this reason, the aforementioned officials of the *kouboukleion* perform this circular formation. And after this, he rides on horseback from that place, wearing a gold-embroidered *scaramangion*, and passes through the meadow 44 that is there and the *parateichion*, and departs as far as the gate leading out opposite of the *Pege*, and there outside that same gate, the *domestikos* of the *noumeroi* receives him, wearing a true *sagion*, and holding a censer. And from there he departs as far as the Holy *Theotokos* of the *Pege* 45, and before the emperor enters the outer gate, the patricians and the entire senate go on foot, and the emperor, being escorted by them—he alone on horseback—enters as far as the *louter* [baptistery], and having dismounted his horse there, he enters through the gate leading in on the right of the *louter*, and the patricians remain there outside the gate of the cochlea. ^B The emperor, with the officials of the *kouboukleion* accompanying him, ascends through the same cochlea, and proceeds through the august *triklinion*, where also the banquet is celebrated on that same day, and passes through the *metatorion* and enters the sleeping chamber.

^C After the *praepositus* has taken off the crown, he remains there awaiting the time, and [the emperor] changes into a white *dibetesion*. When the time has arrived, and the *praepositus* has been signaled by the one in charge of the arrangements, he enters himself and informs the emperor; and when silence has been given by command through the official in charge of arrangements, the patricians ascend through the same cochlea and enter the aforementioned narrow *triklinion*. The emperor, garments put on, as is customary for him, comes out of the sleeping chamber, and being escorted by the officials of the *kouboukleion*, departs as far as the gate of the aforementioned narrow *triklinion*, and he enters into the sleeping chamber.

^D II. Here, after the *praepositus* has removed the crown from his head, [the emperor] remains, awaiting the time, and puts on the white *dibetesion*. When the time is at hand, the *praepositus*, having been warned by the master of ceremonies, enters himself, notifies the emperor, and upon silence being given by the master of ceremonies, the patricians ascend by the same cochlea and enter the said narrow *triklinion*. The emperor, donned in a tunic as is customary for him, goes out from the sleeping chamber, and being escorted by its officials, goes to the gate of the said narrow *triklinion*, where the patricians and the *strategoi*, wearing tunics with golden keys, receive him, and while kneeling, they venerate the emperor; the *praepositus* from...

^A

Acclamations, while the urn of the foot-soldiers is being carried around.

"To those gates let us go, God and Lord of all, where it shall be to win by God. This is to win by God. And we beseech thee, Theotokos, that this faction may obtain the victory."

Acclamations while the mapparius is laboring in the foot-race.

"Nana! Ananaia!" The people: "The day has arrived." The chanters: "Nana!" The people: "Holy Theotokos!" The chanters: "Nana!" The people: "The victory of the Venetoi!" (The Greens: "Of the Greens.") The chanters: "Nana!" The people: "May the republic rejoice!" The chanters: "Nana!" The people: "Holy Theotokos!" And when the blessed one lifts his hands, they say: "Now and now, Lord, help."

Acclamations, when he who is ^B to receive the prizes of the winner and the second place are about to do so.

"A garland, lords, for the winner! Lord, save the lords of the Romans! Lord, save those crowned by thee! Lord, save the lords together with the Venetoi!" (The Greens: "Together with the Greens.") "Two garlands, lords, for the winner; one, lords, for the second. Lord, save the orthodox state! Lord, save the lords together with the Augustas of the Romans."

CHAPTER LXXII.

Concerning the votum, how it ought to be celebrated.

I. It must be known that the prize is not given in the morning, as in the horse-races, but the praepositus receives from the emperor on the day before the votum an answer, and he gives an order to the one in charge of the arrangement, so that it may be carried out the next day. And in the evening, at the 9th or 10th hour, the parties of the Venetoi and the Greens go up to their demes; and the demarchs stand below, speaking skaptika to one another, and whatever is necessary— ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(38) The learned interpreter has rendered it "he who first reaches the goal"; it seems to have derived from *symperainein*—to come to an end—and the very obscure passage of our author on p. 211 gives great weight to his opinion, where it is said that the runners stand [but where? is it at the goal?] and hold—*kratēsai tous symperestas pros to katechein autous en asphaleia, hopōs mē genētai ti sphalma di' autōn*—the symperestai, to hold them in safety so that no mistake might happen through them. The *symperestai* were therefore also a part of the circus games; and from that it is also inferred that they were to receive the prizes. There was a time when I believed these *symperestai* were guardians or vergers of the circus church of St. Stephen, who, because they lived in the heights, had to watch the fortune of the contest and record the order and names of the victors in writing; for which reason they received the prizes, as offerings for their church. And I interpreted *deuteros* as their deputies or second-in-command. Indeed, the Latins of the Middle Ages called a verger a *superista*. But I myself attach little importance to this conjecture.

(39) Namely, coins or gold solidi, as *to hen*, namely, a *nomisma*.

(40) From other places too, where the pedestrian *botos* is mentioned, as from this one of ours, it is gathered that in the votum or votive games, contention was only by foot-runners.

(41) The license of attacking those present with insults and sarcasms in this game of vows drew its origin from the ancient circus freedom, concerning which see Salmasius *ad Scr. H. A.*, p. 848. That abuse of throwing insults with impunity and with the utmost license flowed from the satyrs, the games of the Greeks, from whence *satyrae* or contumelious songs also obtained their name; and likewise from those famous *gephyrismoi* of the Athenians. That in the processions of the votive games, as well as in triumphal and also funerary ones, choirs of satirists were present, *meta tēs kertomou kai tōthastikēs paidias*, Dionysius of Halicarnassus teaches in *Ant. Rom.* I. VII, p. 477, in a notable passage which I commend to readers. Herodianus, book X, says the same was done during the Matronalia. Dio Chrysostom, in the Alexandrian oration spoken about them, gravely rebukes those to whom he spoke it, for their own scurrility and petulance, by which they sullied and harassed even the greatest men and the innocent with injuries heaped upon them. Lampridius in the *Life of Alexander Severus*, p. 909, at the end, notes this custom of theirs in the Antiochene and Egyptian—or Alexandrian—games as a known thing during the festive time, or, as Salmasius says, as found in the Palatine manuscripts, the time of the *frusta*, of insulting3 the emperors themselves, let alone others. This is the passage: "He wished..."

the command of the master of ceremonies says, "Command!" and they shout back, "For many and good years." ^A And being ushered out from there by the lords of the *kouboukleion* and the Senate, he goes down by the spiral staircase by which he had ascended, and there, in the space of the staircase, the patricians and *strategoi* together with the Senate receive him again. And the *praepositus*, having again taken a nod from the emperor, signals to the *silentiarius*, who says, "Command!" and they shout back to the emperor, "For many and good years." And being ushered out by them, the emperor goes out through the gate of the bath, the master of ceremonies crying out according to the custom of the master of ceremonies, "Caplate, Domini," and immediately the *demokratēs* of the Venetians, that is, the *domestikos* of the *scholai*, receives him, and while being held by the master of ceremonies, presents to the emperor crosses woven of roses; and after a little while the *dēmarchos* of the Venetians is received, and while he too is held by the master of ceremonies, he presents to the emperor crosses and bunches of flowers, as has been said before; and immediately the notary of the same party begins to recite the iambs of the feast. At the outer gate, the *demokratēs* of the Greens, that is, the *domestikos* of the *exkoubitai*, receives him, and he too, while being held by the master of ceremonies, presents to the emperor crosses woven of roses and bunches of flowers. Then the *dēmarchos* of the Greens is received, and he too presents to the emperor, as did those before him.

III. The emperor, having departed a little from the faction of the Greens, accompanied by those mentioned above, receives the litany, and having lit candles, he prays before the precious cross and venerates the immaculate Gospel and the precious cross itself. ^B And just so, after both have venerated each other and exchanged the kiss, the emperor returns, ^C accompanied by the lords of the *kouboukleion*, the patricians, the *strategoi*, and the Senate; he passes in front of the litany, and having entered through the middle gate of the bath, he enters into the narthex and sits upon a stool, waiting until the litany with the patriarch arrives. And when it arrives...

the patricians and the rest fall down, and the praepositus, having received a signal, nods to the master of ceremonies, and he says, "Order it." And they go out officiating for the emperor as far as the gate to the steps. The emperor mounts his *sentzion*, with the officials of the *kouboukleion* standing by, and two *spatharioi* on this side and that, bearing their *distralia*. The eunuch *protospatharioi* stand upon the dais behind the *sentzion*. After he has signed the people three times, he sits down. When the acclamation is completed, the praepositus, receiving a signal, goes out and finds the patricians and commanders standing at the great gate, gives them a signal, and each goes off to his respective rank. ^A

III. Regarding the Day of Vows

IV. The praepositus must issue orders and provide for the security of all those performing their customary duties in the Hippodrome. He must warn the *manganarioi* not to dare to take gifts from either side and commit fraud; and the *koursoras* who are to stand and hold the *symperetai* must hold them securely so that no error may arise through them. Likewise, he must warn the other *koursoras* who occupy the *Euripus* not to allow anyone to come down or to do anything contrary to order. Similarly, he must instruct the *dekanoi* to guard with all care the lines and the gates leading out from the *kyphe*, so that, when the event is being conducted, someone might not go out and obstruct any of the runners; and he must not allow the Sclavs who blow the instruments to stand there, but must lead them up to the steps. As for the *paraskeuai*, two *koursoras* should stand there so that no one may go out and cause any obstruction. He must also not allow the *demotai* and those carrying the tunics of the runners to go down to the *paraskeuai*, but they must remain above the four ^D *tagmata*, with the officials who are descending...

the litany is finished, the emperor stands up, and both having made obeisance and exchanged the kiss of peace, they depart and stand at the threshold ^A of the royal gates. The emperor, having received tapers from the praepositus, prays there, while the patriarch performs the prayer of the entrance of the divine liturgy. Once the emperor has prayed, he hands the tapers to the praepositus, who gives them to the official of the katastasis; and when the patriarch has completed the prayer, the emperor venerates the immaculate Gospel and the precious Cross. Then, taking the hand of the patriarch and escorted by all the aforementioned, both proceed through the middle of the temple and through the right side of the ambo; both the emperor and the patriarch enter the solea, along with the officials of the cubiculum, while the rest remain outside ^B the solea, standing here and there. Having come as far as the holy doors, the patriarch enters into the sanctuary, while the emperor stands before the holy doors; having lit tapers, he prays and hands them to the praepositus, and having venerated the holy doors, he enters into the sanctuary. He venerates the holy table and places an apokombion upon it, and having come out of the sanctuary, escorted by those whose custom it is, he passes through the right side of the temple and ascends through the aforementioned spiral staircase into the catechumena, and having gone thither, he celebrates the divine liturgy in the customary place.

IV.

When the divine liturgy is finished, silentiarii are sent by the praepositus by command, and they summon the patriarch. The patriarch ascends, held by the silentiarii, through the aforementioned spiral staircase and enters the catechumena; and having waited there for a little while, the praepositus enters and makes it known to the emperor, and having received a nod from the emperor, he goes out with the officials of the cubiculum, and they summon the patriarch. He is joined to the emperor in the triclinium where the kletorion has also been prepared; and once they have recited the stichos, the patriarch withdraws a little ^D and removes his omophorion; likewise, the emperor removes his sagion. And both sit down…

into the openings of the Euripus, so as not to cause any disorder among the runners out of partiality, but rather to stand with great fear and perform what has been ordered to them. One must know that the demand of the people to hang the *velum* ^A is made from the third *baion*. The *praepositus* must, three or four days before, order the *silentiarius* who is to rotate, to take the *kylistra* from the *vestiarium* and rehearse it, so that on the day itself no mistake occurs through lack of experience.

Chapter LXXIII. On the Macellarian Hippodrome, called the Lupercal.

I. One day before the same hippodrome, the *praepositus* comes to the emperor, reminding him if he commands the same hippodrome to be brought forth, and having received the consent of the emperor for it to be held, he departs; and, having summoned the official of the *katastasis*, he sends him to the demarchs and the *politeuma* to tell them that a hippodrome is being held. The *tessarius* also enters, and is ordered by the *praepositus* by command to hang [the *velum*]. On the following day, the emperor departs from the palace, escorted by those of custom, and passes through the Augusteum and the secret staircase, and ascends into the palace of the *kathisma*—that is, to the *parakyptika*—waiting until all have arrived. The official of the *katastasis* informs the *praepositus* that all things are ready; and he enters to the emperor, and immediately descends by the stone staircase to change in his bedchamber. Then, coming out, he says to the *praepositus*: "Give the *metastastimon*." And he says: "The *metastastimon*." ^B The emperor, having entered the *metatorium* there and put on his *chlanis* and been crowned, as is the custom, comes out; and, escorted by the officials of the *kouboukleion*, he comes out and stands in the *triklinon* where he dines on that day. And the patricians and generals receive him there, and after these have prostrated themselves, he receives ^C a signal from the emperor, and the *praepositus* says: "Command." And all having gone out—both the patricians and the generals—they stand outside the gate with the senate; the emperor stands at the threshold of the gate, and after all have prostrated themselves, the *praepositus*, on the command, gives a signal to the official of the *katastasis* and says: "Command."

II. Then, these accompanying him, the emperor ascends to the *kathisma* with the officials of the *kouboukleion*, and when he is about to move, the official of the *katastasis* taking the edge of his *chlanis*, performs the *rhosthelion* and delivers it to the emperor in his ^D hand...

^A and, having drunk once, they rise, and the emperor dons his sagion, and the patriarch his omophorion; then they recite the stichos and bow to one another, and the emperor departs to his bedchamber, and the patriarch whither he wishes.

CHAPTER XIX.

I. In the evening, about the seventh hour, the senate proceeds in skaramangia to the hippodrome, and after the papas has opened the palace, the senate enters through the skylla, the Justinian, and the Lausiac into the Golden Triclinium, and from there passes through and enters into the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos. The papas stands at the eastern ^B [doors], on the porphyry marble, with the dietarioi carrying the imperial [garments], and as the senate passes…

[VARIAE LECTIONES: 13. NOTE: It should be known that this feast was renewed in the time of Basil, the Christ-loving.]

[JOAN. JAC. REISKI COMMENTARIUS: (48) It is well known from Byzantine history that Basil the Macedonian, grandfather of our Constantine, venerated the prophet Elijah with great devotion, to whom he believed he owed all his fortune. [Regarding the prophecy of St. Elijah, Symeon the Logothete mentions it on page 466. Basil cultivated this devotion. The cause of this devotion is set forth in the Life of Basil the Macedonian, page 139. There, on page 203, it is said that Basil built a special chapel to Elijah in the palace, besides the one that was common to him with the Lord, the Mother of God, Michael, and Nicholas in the New Church, where his μnλωτή or rheno was brought to be kept in his oratory under the altar. See our page 70. There was also a small chapel of Elijah repaired by Basil at the Tzykanisterion, as Cedrenus states on page 588. But the procession of St. Elijah described here was to the Mother of God of the Pharos, as appears from the following page 69. The Greeks, says Liutprand, celebrate the ascension of Elijah into heaven with scenic games on the 13th of the Kalends of August, Legat. p. 483. On the scholion pertaining to this, read in M: "this". p. 73.]

(49) Nothing more in M, [read] "doors," as on ^C page 73.

(50) What "basilicia" vestments were is not yet sufficiently clear, nor whence they were so called, whether from the imperial workshop where they were woven, or from arms or imperial insignia, or finally from the image or bust of the emperor woven into them. Indeed, I think the latter is more likely, although I had previously given the former in my Latin translation. For if "basilicia" were garments that had the insignia of the Greek kingdom woven into them, they would certainly not differ from "aeta." For the emblem of the Greek empire was the eagle. I was at one time of the opinion that this type of garment was called "basilicium" and by the Latins "imperial," because it was worthy of emperors and was accustomed to be worn by them. Thus, "xηροὶ βασιλικοί," candles such as were accustomed to be carried by emperors, in the Anonymous [work] on the feast of the restoration of images, page 738: "Each of them carrying a royal candle." In the same way, Balsamon in that place calls it "βασιλικόν λῶρον," where he says that the Roman Pope by the concession of Constantine the Great uses all the rights of emperors, "without only the crown; for because of this, in whatever processions of his occur and in divine ceremonies, his head ^D is covered by an imperial lorum." The Latins also called all excellent royal things in this manner. Gregory of Tours IV. 28: "he watches [the wool-worker] fashioning royal 'lascias' [laschen, borders, trimmings]." Anastasius [records that] Hormisdas placed a "chlamydem" [that is, a cloth of fabric] "imperialem," that is, a stole, and a "substratorium" [Du Cange rightly corrects this in this entry] over the confession [that is, the altar] of Blessed Peter. The term "scaramannia" of the emperors adds weight to this interpretation; see Du Cange, v. "Imperiale" and "Scaramanga." Du Cange himself thinks that the cloth received its name from woven borders, birds, and what are called "basilisci"; see the entry "Basilicus," where he cites this passage of William the Librarian as being very appropriate for ours. For just as in this one of ours "eagles" and "basilica" or "basilicia" (for it is the same) are linked, so also he links "aquilata" and "de basilisci." This passage is: "He made in the church of the Lord Savior four silk veils of Byzantine fabric around the major altar; two of these [were] 'aquilata' and two of 'basilisci', decorated around with gold fringe." I, however, would think these clothes were so-called rather because they were either made in the imperial workshop, or because they showed the royal bust woven into the entire fabric and enclosed in circles; just as eagles [are] so called [because of] the eagles. The wording of our codex on page 180, C. 1 and 5, and elsewhere common, favors the former opinion, where "basilica" seem to be opposed to those sold in the forum. Nevertheless, I am persuaded that the latter opinion is none the less truer, because not only those properly called "basilicia" but also "aeta" and all other kinds of cloth were woven in the imperial workshop. Nor was it unusual in that age to wear royal busts on garments. I will not repeat what I brought forth above concerning the tablets [tablets with royal signs], which might seem not to belong here, because the garments of which Theophanes and the Chronicon Alexandrinum speak, "tablets... royal" illuminated only on the tablet and not elsewhere displayed a single royal bust; but our "basilicia," in our opinion, would have many small busts scattered throughout the whole cloth, circumscribed by circles of white color. Therefore, a more suitable passage confirming the custom I mentioned of wearing garments scattered with images of kings or at least with busts will be in the Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. III, page 314, where are mentioned...

^A to the *deuteron*, they sing a processional hymn in the first mode; the chanters begin, and the people respond: "Behold, the sweet spring rises again, bringing joy, health, life, and prosperity, fortitude from God to the emperors of the Romans, and victory divinely granted against their enemies!" And when they reach the turning point of the Green faction and turn, they recite the *apelatikon* hymn in the heavy mode: "Your city, flourishing, O Emperor N., prays for you dutifully, for seeing your gentleness, it calls you another David. It sees the most wise herald of the faith, the apostle Paul, who clothed himself in Christ, turning aside the arrows of the foreigners; therefore you are powerful and you reign, as one anointed by the Lord." And when they arrive at the H, in front of the emperors, they stop, and the chanters say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "May there be many years for many." The chanters: "May you have many years, divine empire!" The people: "May you have many years." ^B The chanters: "May you have many years, O Emperor N. and Emperor N., emperors of the Romans!" The people: "May you have many years." The chanters: "May you have many years, O servants of the Lord!" The people, for the third time: "May you have many years." The chanters: "May you have many years, O Augusta and Augusta of the Romans!" The people: "May you have many years." The chanters: "May you have your years. The three for the Prefect!" The people: "May you have your years." The chanters: "Lord, save the masters of the Romans!" The people, three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save those crowned by you!" The people, three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save the majesty studious of right doctrine!" The people, three times: "Lord, save!" ^C The chanters: "Lord, save the renewal of the petitions!" The people, three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save the wealth of your subjects!" The people, three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "But may the Creator and Master of all lengthen your years, together with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people, three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "God shall hear your people!" The people, three times: "Lord, save," and they all pray; and they speak a poem of long life.

CHAPTER LXXIV

What is sung by the cancellarii of the quaestor in the processions of the masters at the Great Church in Latin, these are.

In the Nativity of Christ: "He is born of the Virgin Mary, and the Magi from the East adore him with gifts." ^D Response: "May Christ our God preserve your empire for many good years!" On the Day of Lights: "John baptizes the Lord in the Jordan: he again (or, after) cries to him: I wish from you..."

sandals with leggings, made of red diasperate samite, embroidered ^B with simple images of kings, that is, with the same thread of which the rest of the cloth is made, not made of gold or silver. See Du Cange s.v. Circumrotatus where he cites this passage from the Chronicle of the Bishops of Auxerre: "second pallium with royal images circumrotated [that is, enclosed in a circle] in a royal manner riding on horseback [that is, proceeding on horses with pomp] excels." The Latins, however, used to depict their kings with radiant crowns on their heads and scepters in their hands, while the Greeks used fillets, the cross, and the acacia. Nevertheless, certain passages, which Du Cange cited s.v. Imperiale, stand in the way of this interpretation, so that I may hide nothing. For "imperial" and "basilic" cloth are the same. For example, the Visitation of the London Treasury mentions a tunic of imperial cloth with red trees and lions. If, therefore, the "basilic" [cloth] contained trees and lions, it certainly did not contain the faces of kings, and therefore this etymology, which is drawn from their woven images, seems to waver; see what I shall say a little later regarding the term ρηγικός. But whatever the etymology may finally be, I shall append certain examples in which mention is made of imperial cloth, omitted by Du Cange in his Latin Glossary s.v. Imperiale, from which it will be clear that this cloth was precious and famous in the Middle Ages. The Chronicle of Reichersperg (s.v. Examitum in Du Cange); to the brother of Saladin, Sabidinus [the Arab Saiffidinus, whom Arab authors love to cite as al-Malec al-Adel], he sent six Samita and two imperial garments. Radulphus de Diceto (s.v. Pannus in Du Cange): "having gone abroad [namely, into ^C Palestine as he had many altars throughout the churches of England in memory] and thus returning, he had the cloths which the city of Constantinople calls 'imperial' in veneration, distributing them here and there to religious houses." In an ancient charter in Muratori, *Ant. Ital.*, vol. II, p. 894, I read *drapes de batilicio*; which, if another codex did not offer *bambucio*, I would not doubt to amend to *basilicio*. The Greeks called this cloth not only "basilic," but also by another name that nevertheless signifies the same thing, ρηγικόν, "regic," that is, royal: see Du Cange s.v. ρηγικός, where among other things he says that in a certain manuscript codex of the Royal Library of Paris there exists a description of a "regic" curtain, in which a spring [the season] had been depicted. He describes, he says, in ms. reg. 791 of Manuel Palaiologos: "an image of spring on a woven curtain, regic," which was also published by Leunclavius p. 442; with this Latin title: *An image of spring on a textile curtain of Phrygian work*, etc. If, therefore, spring was depicted on the royal curtain, it could not have been called "basilic" or "regic" from the woven faces of kings. Perhaps, therefore, it would be most safe to seek the reason for this name from the fact that these cloths were woven in the imperial factory. That the Byzantine ^D emperors had factories of silk and precious cloths of their own, many things suggest. Procopius, certainly, *Secret History*, p. 124, at the end, says that Justinian drew the monopoly of silk and purple garments to himself and established such factories, which reduced merchants to straits and to changing their trade; and I do not doubt that later emperors retained that institution and engaged in commerce with cloths prepared in their own factory. In the same way, Muhammedan princes, such as the Sultans of Egypt, had their own cloth factories. Abulfeda often relates that he, when he came to Misr, was given as a gift from the Sultan cloths from the Sultanic factory at Alexandria. Thus, for example, at the year 728 (Chronicle 1327) he writes: "He was donating to me and my son principal chlamydes, beyond the usual custom, beautiful and with golden jeweled laces and most excellent cloths of the kind that are elaborated in the Alexandrian factory for his own and the rest of the highest bodies." Whether the names of princes who reigned there again and again were also woven into the cloths that were prepared in such a factory in Byzantium, I would not say and I would scarcely believe, since I find a trace of that thing nowhere. The Eastern princes, indeed, took care to have their names and titles woven into the cloths that were woven in their factories and into their banners, as is evident from that passage of Abulfeda at the year 724 [Chr. 1323], where he writes that the ambassadors of Abu Saidi Bahadur Khan sent to the Sultan of Egypt brought among other things eleven pack-camels, splendidly adorned and loaded with chests, which contained cloths of the manufacture of those regions, for example of Parthia and Chaldea, seven hundred fabrics in which the titles of the Sultan were woven. It was therefore royal to have the name of the prince woven into cloths, carpets, and banners; and if any prefect of a province caused the name of the prince, whose vassal he was (to speak in the manner of the Arabs), to fall from the factories, that is, to veil it when the cloth was henceforth woven, it was a denunciation of rebellion and of defection from office. Thus Abulfeda narrates at the year 269 [Chr. 882] that Tholunus, a famous name in Egyptian history, forbade public prayers for health to be made at the temple for Mowaffaki and abrogated his name from the cloth factory.

^A a small silver cross is distributed by the emperor: but the patriarch is notified so that he may come the following day to celebrate the holy liturgy. In the morning, therefore, the whole senate puts on white tunics, and the lords put on purple *dibetesia*, and around the second hour the lords order the *praepositi* to enter; which having been done, they rise and depart to the chamber of Saint Theodore to put on their tunics. When they are about to go out, the great emperor sits upon the throne, and the lesser ones sit on either side on golden stools; the *cubiculum* enters with the ceremony that is wont to be observed on the feast of Palms, and it stands in its own order, that is, to the right and to the left; the *sacellarii*, the *hospitalarii*, and the keepers of the elders offer to the emperor crosses adorned with gold. And thus, in order, all the ministries of the magistri, proconsuls, patricians, and other officials whom the emperor has ordered are brought forward; and the emperor distributes a cross to each one. ^B

69 II. Then a *metastásimon* occurs, and all go down into the narthex of the Great New Church, while the lords, rising, await the patriarch. The *praepositi*, therefore, with a few of the *cubicularii*, together with the *papias* and the *hetaeriarch*, go off and bring the patriarch along with the metropolitans and the rest of his retinue. As the patriarch enters through the portico of the *trichonchos*, he comes and sits in the chamber of the golden *triclinium* which is next to the *pantheon*, and the *praepositi* entering, announce the arrival of the patriarch to the lords, and the lords order the patriarch to be brought in. And the *praepositi*, departing, bring him; but the lords, after they have kissed him, depart with him alone through the long portico of the chamber to the temple of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos, and there at ^C...

^A the oratory of Saint Elijah they depart, where they indeed remain in the narthex, but the patriarch enters the sanctuary, and when the customary prayers have been performed, the chanters begin the troparion. The patriarch, departing from the sanctuary, carrying the holy Gospel, comes to the imperial gates of the same oratory, with the subdeacon also carrying the processional cross. The lords take candles from the praepositus, and through the triple adoration with the candles, they give thanks to God and, being censed by the deacon, they kiss the Gospel and the cross.

^B III. Then the emperor, supported by the patriarch, goes out from the church, and passing through the middle of the temple of the Pharos, and going out through the gate that leads to the heliakon (58), the lords take processional candles from the praepositi and proceed, officiating as they go, through the middle of the heliakon and the narrow pass of the monothyron, and they descend by the catabasion (59) of the Bucoleon, and turning to the right, they descend toward the narthex of the New (60) Great Church (for there they remain ^C everyone of the senate), and the customary ecclesiastical ritual of entry is performed. But the lords with the patriar- [alt-version omitted]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(58) Ἡλιακόν, or the heliakon, a place, an area, an open-air, sunny promenade—whence it gets its name, indeed from the rays of the sun to which it was exposed. Constantine explains it thus in the *Life of Basil*, p. 207, calling it *heliaboloumenon* (sun-struck) marble-paved promenade. And it is used in that sense in the passages of Eustathius and Leo the Wise in Du Cange’s *Gloss. Gr.* under the word; likewise in that passage of Anastasius in *Gregory IV*, the word *solarium* ought to be understood: a house sufficiently dignified, surrounded on all sides by porticoes [covered walking-galleries] and *solaria* [walking-galleries on a level surface, sunny]. But in the other two passages of his, from Michael Attaleiates and Theodore Hermopolites, in which it is translated by *heliakon*, this word has another meaning. Namely, it denotes *exostes* [balcony], or rather a projection, a *maenianum* [balcony], a building protruding somewhat outside the houses themselves, from which one can look out; such as our *Erker* or *Balcons*. And in this sense even the Latins sometimes called them *solaria*, as in that passage of Jerome; they had *domata* on the roofs, which in Rome they call *solaria* or *maeniana*. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* v. *exostes*, and Carolus Majellus’s dissertation *de Stylitis* in Assemani the younger, *Acta Martyrum Syriacis* vol. II, p. 247, item Alteserr. to Anastasius, p. 122. Finally, *heliaka* were also sunny walkways on top of the roofs themselves, such as our people call *Altane*. The Latins of the middle period called them *epicaustoria*, because they were over *hypocausts* [heating chambers], or because they were in the sun. MS Gloss at Du Cange under the word: *Epicaustorium*, a high place in a building for watching, or a *solarium puellare* [girls' balcony]. It is called *solarium puellare* because the *gynaeconitis* [women's quarters], both among the ancient Greeks and the Latins of the middle ages, was in the highest parts of the house, just as even today among the Moors or in Barbary in Africa the women dwell in the highest parts of the houses, which is evident from travelogues. Therefore Athenaeus says, p. 57, from the fact that Helena swam in the *heliakon*, in the upper part of the house, the legend of her birth from an egg was born. Cf. the beginning of Euripides’ *Phoenissae*. And these [rooftops] were in the highest, and those *maeniana* in the middle of houses were ^D protected by bronze railings. Anastasius in *Hadrian*: "Where he also had a deambulatory, namely his *solarium*, built most beautifully with bronze railings." From such a *solarium*, an *Altano*, our locus on p. 284 must be understood, where the *heliakon* is either the prefect or the entire ministry and guard ordered to keep watch in the *Heliakon* or the other Pharos. [Combefis in *Contin. Theophan.* p. 125 wrongly translates Ἠλιακόν as "sundial".]

(59) Per *scalam*, via the steps. It occurs with this meaning in Sozomen, *Hist. Eccl.* IX, 2. Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* sub voce, has this place; but in the other places he cites there, the word means the place itself, as well as [the place] into which one descends by a staircase (they used to call them "confessions"), in which caverns Christians, afflicted by persecutions, were once accustomed to hide. See also Corsini, dissert. 2, Appendix to *Notae Graecorum*, where the inscription on p. 27 seems to be able to be restored in this way: QUORASY NOMINAE MASIME MARTYRE DOMI HIIV X CASTULU ISCALA CATABATICT SECUNDI, that is, *Corasii* (of the girl) *nomine Maximae Martyrae* (that is, of the female martyr) *domini Jesu Christi Castulu* (that is, at Castulum, the name of the place where she was buried—the Greek ending Castulu for Castuli) *in scala Catabaticii* (the confession) *secundi*. They were called "confessions," not because sins were confessed there, but because the relics of "confessors" were situated there. Regarding the Bucoleon, see Du Cange, *CPI. Christ.* I, II, p. 119, and to the *Alexiad*, p. 265. [Regarding the monastery of the Satyr and the Bucoleon, see *Script. post Theophan.* pp. 13, 14.]

(60) *Novae*, that is, of the New Church, founded in the palace by Basil. Liutprand, *Hist.* I, c. 2, at the end: "He (Basil) built by precious and wonderful work near the palace, towards the east, a church, which they call *Nea*, that is, New, in honor of the prince of the highest celestial militia, the archangel Michael, whom they call in Greek *archistrategos*. See Constant., *Vit. Basil. Maced.* p. 196 and 200. It must have been not far from the sea, as is clear from page... of our codex and from the fact that this is between the ch-

- aratory (oratory) of the holy Elijah, which is in the same New Church, ^A they enter according to custom; the patriarch enters first. The masters, however, standing outside the holy doors, receive tapers from the praepositi and, on bended knee, pray to God three times. Then, entering into the sanctuary, they first kiss the holy doors, then the covering of the holy table and the mantle of the holy prophet laid there, and placing a small offering upon the holy table, they pass through the bemas, lighting tapers at each individual bema and kissing the coverings according to custom. And passing through that same women’s gallery, they light tapers before the image of Basil, the Christ-loving Emperor, and having immediately bid farewell to the patriarch, they enter into the oratory there, and from there they emerge into the narthex facing the sea, where seats are set out and a veil is hung; they change their robes, and stand awaiting the reading of the holy Gospel. Then, receiving tapers from the praepositi, they listen to the holy Gospel. After the conclusion of the *extensa* prayer, they sit down, and the table-steward, along with the *artoklinai*, brings in the table-invitation, and the great emperor authorizes it. Then the masters pass secretly through the same narthex and the hidden staircase located there, and through the uppermost solar of that same narthex the masters enter into the palace. It should be known that on this feast the emperors sit at the table in their changing-robes. ^B

CHAPTER XX. The Dedication of the New Church on the First of May, and concerning the rites to be observed on the feast of the dedication of the New Great Church.

I. On the day before [the feast], the masters notify the praepositi that the entire senate is to go in procession the following day in changed vestments. After the day has dawned, around the second hour of the morning, they order the praepositi to enter; this done, they depart with a few cubicularii, along with the *papa* and the *hetaeriarch*, ^C and they lead in the patriarch with the metropolitans and the rest of his office. Who...

^A enters through the passage of the triconchon, and comes and sits in the chamber of Saint Theodore, and there they put on their robes, and going out they stand outside the veil of that same chamber. The *praepositi* then go out and bring in the patriarch, whom the masters—having greeted him according to custom—join for a short time to sit in the *chrysotriklinos*, and immediately the movement takes place. The *magistri*, *anthypatoi*, *patricii*, and the rest of the senators go down into the narthex of the New Great Church, while all the *cubicularii* pass through the *horologion*, the *chrysotriklinos*, the chamber of the Pantheon, and the *phylax*, and coming out of the *monothyron*, they depart to the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos. The masters then, rising, enter with the patriarch secretly through the long corridor of the *koiton* to the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos. The masters stand in the narthex, while the patriarch enters the sanctuary, and the customary prayer being performed, the chanters begin the *troparion*. Then the patriarch, coming out of the sanctuary, carrying the holy Gospel, comes to the imperial doors, the subdeacon clearly carrying the processional cross; the masters receive candles from the *praepositi*, and with a triple act of worship with the candles, they give thanks to God, and they kiss both the Gospel and the cross, being censed by the deacon.

II. And the emperor, sustained by the patriarch, ^B goes out from the church, and when they have passed through the door which leads to the *heliakon*, ^C the masters receive from the *praepositi* processional candles, and they go out in procession through the middle of the *heliakon* and the narrow passage of the *monothyron*, and they descend the *katabasion* of the Boukoleon, and turning to the right, they descend to the narthex of the New Church (for there the members of the senate stand), and the service of the entry of the *encainia* (dedication) takes place. The masters having entered, according to custom, with the patriarch into the sanctuary, the patriarch goes in first, but the masters, standing outside the holy doors, receive the candles from the *praepositi*, and with the triple act of worship with the candles, they give thanks to God. Then, entering into the sanctuary, first they kiss the holy doors, then the covering of the holy table, and placing an *apocombion* (offering) upon the holy table, they pass through the *bemata*, lighting candles at each individual ^D step, kissing the coverings according to custom, and passing through the *gynaikion*, they light candles at the image of Basil, the Christ-loving emperor, and immediately, having bid the patriarch farewell, they seek the elevated place where they are accustomed to stand while praying, then they ascend to the narthex near the sea of the altar, where the chairs stand and a veil is suspended, and their tunics...

^A are changed, and they stand awaiting the reading of the holy Gospel; then, having received candles from the praepositi, they listen to the holy Gospel. After the dismissal of the litany, they sit down, and the one in charge of the table, along with those of the bread-distribution, brings in the meeting-list, which the great emperor confirms. Then the sovereigns pass mystically through the same narthex and the mystical ascent, and through the uppermost solar of the same narthex they enter the palace. It should be known that according to the order of this feast, the feast of the Archstrategos is also celebrated on the eighth of the month of November (68). It must be known, however, that on this feast of the Archstrategos, such a festival is celebrated in the oratory of the temple, that is, of the Archstrategos.

CAPUT XXI. Observanda in festo et processione Sancti Demetrii.

^B I. One day before, the sovereigns command the praepositi that on the following day the entire senate should go forth with their changes of clothing, and in the morning, about the second hour, they command the praepositi to enter; this having been done, they depart with a few cubicularii, the papas, and the hetairiarch, and they bring the patriarch with the metropolitans and the rest of his order. When the patriarch enters, he passes through the passages of the triconch and sits in the chamber of the chrysotriclinium that is near the pantheon. The praepositi, entering, announce the patriarch's arrival to the sovereigns, and the sovereigns immediately rise and enter the chamber of Saint Theodore, ^C where they put on their tunics and, going outside the veil of that chamber, they stand. The praepositi, going out, bring in the patriarch; the sovereigns, having greeted him according to custom, sit with him for a short time in the chrysotriclinium, and when all things have been well prepared, the praepositi enter to announce this to the sovereigns, and the sovereigns immediately rise with the patriarch and, going forth in the manner customary for them, pass through the tripeton, the Lausiacus, the Justinianeum, the scylla, and the exterior Marcian porticoes, and they go to the oratory of Saint Peter, which is situated there.

II. It should be known that, as the sovereigns go forth ^D from the chrysotriclinium with the patriarch, the eunuch protospatharii and the logothete of the public post, with the protoscriniarius and the first notary, stand opposite the silver doors of the chrysotriclinium.

^A It should be noted that when the lords emerge from the bronze doors toward the Lausiacus, 49 all the mandlator and cubicularii receive them and accompany them. Inside the scylla or at the extreme part of the Justinian triclinium, the magistri, proconsuls, and officials are present, and as the lords pass by, they fall to the ground and do them obeisance. The lords, as has been said before, proceed as far as the church of St. Peter the Apostle; the patriarch enters the sanctuary, and when the customary prayer has been performed, the chanters begin the troparion. The patriarch, upon coming out from the sanctuary carrying the holy Gospel, comes to the imperial doors of the same oratory, with the subdeacon 51 clearly carrying the processional cross. The lords receive candles from the praepositi and through the threefold obeisance they give thanks to God, and they kiss both the Gospel and the cross, being censed by the deacon, and the emperor, being supported by the patriarch, goes out from the church. ^B It should be noted that when the procession leaves from St. Peter's, the chanters say the troparion of the martyr to the melody of "Thou wast born secretly,"

which Leo the most wise and good emperor composed;

happens there is an entry. And the patriarch enters into the sanctuary, while the lords, passing through the middle of the church, go out and stand in the tetrastoon there 72, awaiting the reading of the Gospel. And after the reading of the Gospel, going out through the silver gates of the makron, they lay aside their chlamydes, and entering, they take their seats at the chrysotriklinos, as is customary for them, and after a little while, tables are provided. And on the same day they banquet with the patriarch and the metropolitans and the senate, with whomever they may command.

CHAPTER XXII.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. 72 This is taken to be the same as the tetrathyrōn or tetra-porticus. 73 Concerning the origin of the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, see Sigonius, *De Regno Ital.*, p. 36, who refers it to the year 629. Yet the rite itself of raising crosses in churches and squares by hand and depicting them on the pulpit or altar for the people to see and adore is much older [(a)]; and as most Christian rites flowed either from the Jews or from the Gentiles, so it is to be traced either from the Ithyphalli, which it is known from Aristophanes and others that the Athenians carried about in their sacred rites, or from those Agyrtae of Cybele, who, by placing a palm at the crossroads, showed from it an image of their goddess hanging down, and showed off the miracles of it to the credulous, and scraped alms from them. That is, what Arrian calls the *phoenix* [*dendrophori*]; and these are those *dendrophori* of the inscriptions, about which there has been much dispute, and about which see Salmasius, *ad Script. II Aug.*, t. I, p. 729. Just as once in the Middle Ages they received kings coming into the city with offered censers and crosses and sung hymns, so, as Athenaeus reports, p. 253, the light-minded Athenians, upon Demetrius Poliorcetes coming to Athens, received him not only with incense and crowns and pouring of wine, but also with *prosodia* and choruses and ithyphalli with dancing and singing. 74 This is the fourth or fifth hour of the morning according to our reckoning. See Cedrenus, p. 495; Theophanes, p. 402, notes the fourth hour of the night before midnight. There are others in him noted, from which it is understood that the Greeks reckoned hours from the beginning of the night up to 12, and likewise for the day from its beginning. 75 The Magnaura was the great hall, a spacious and splendid palace, which was destined chiefly for admitting foreign embassies and for celebrating weddings there. In it also the emperor used to recite his prayers in the Silentia. [The emperor used to receive great dukes in the Magnaura. See Constantine, *Vit. Basil. Maced.*, c. 53. Leo celebrates the nuptials in the Magnaura and at the XIX Accubiti, Georg. Monach. p. 574. Legates of the Saracens are received by Leo in the Magnaura, *Script. post Theophan.*, p. 231. Basil sits for judgment in the Magnaura, as well as in the Circus. Glycas, p. 295. Regarding the Magnaura, see best Du Fresne in *Zonar.* p. 54.] And regarding the etymology, it is certain. For the Greeks often interchange *e* and *ai*, as Luitprand correctly observed, *Hist.* VI, 2. Thus what is heard elsewhere, I find in Codinus, Lambecius p. 91, called *anemodourion*. In this very codex, p. 380, we have *areurion* for *aleurion* (flour), *phragellion* (flagellum), p. 110, is in Cedrenus for *kainophrourion* (new fort). Elsewhere indiscriminately, and *Tessisos* or *Telmissos* and *korphos* for…

^A the king having sat down, he goes out, and departs into the little *secretum*, where the precious wood is laid out, awaiting the king. And as the church begins, "Glory to God in the highest," the king departs, being led by the *kouboukleion* to the veneration of the precious wood; and having venerated the precious wood, he goes out into the great *secretum*, and the patriarch gives him a *litanikion* taper 76 without a phial. Now in the same *secretum* the patricians, along with the senate, receive the king, carrying tapers without phials, and they do not fall down. Then the king, with the nobles of the *kouboukleion* and the patricians and the whole senate, venerating the precious wood, descends through the great spiral staircase, and bending to the left side, he passes through the *didascaleion*, where the paschal tables are inscribed 77, and the stairs ^B towards the oration he goes, and this being finished, the patriarch gives him the processional taper without a phial. In the same *secretum*, the patricians with the senate, carrying tapers without phials, receive the emperor, though he does not bow his face to the ground. Then, with the prefects of the bedchamber, the patricians, and the entire senate, he proceeds to the venerable wood, descends through the great spiral staircase, and inclining to the left, departs through the *didascaleion*, where the paschal cycles are written; and after he descends via the staircase, he enters the great door of the narthex. When he arrives at the imperial doors, he stands still, returning the taper 75 which he had been holding to the *praepositus*, and receives others from him; and having prayed, he returns those to the *praepositus*, and he again gives it to the *ceremoniarius*. Then he again takes his processional taper from the *praepositus*, and the holy Gospel having been venerated, with the patriarch through ^{C D}

^A the middle of the church, and into the right side of the ambo, he enters through the *solea*, while the patricians stand in the *solea* and hold their tapers.

II. The emperor, standing before the holy doors, gives his own taper to the *praepositus*, and having taken others from him and prayed, he gives them back to him; and having entered the sanctuary and venerated the precious Wood, he goes out, and then having turned back through the *solea*, he ascends the third or fourth step of the ambo and stands there, holding the taper. The officials of the *cubiculum* stand in the *solea* before the emperor; the eunuch protospatharii stand on a bench on the left side of the ambo; the *manclavitae* stand behind them on the left side of the ambo, since no one is allowed to walk in front of the emperor. When the patriarch has ascended the ambo with the precious Wood, the emperor gives his processional taper to the *praepositus*, and having received others for the prayer, he stands with them until the exaltation of the Cross has been performed on the four sides of the ambo. Afterwards, the tapers having been returned to the *praepositus*, the emperor and the patriarch, having departed through the *solea*, enter the sanctuary. The precious Wood having been set forth there, and the emperor having prayed and venerated the precious Wood, he goes out through the side of the sanctuary, and the patriarch accompanies him as far as the holy font. When they ^C have kissed each other there, the emperor with the procession enters through the small gate of the *Chalke*, where a portion of the Greens is stationed and signs the emperor as he passes, doing nothing else besides this. When the emperor has entered the *Chalke*, a portion of the Venetians receives him on the right side of the *triclinium*, and they sign the emperor in the same manner as the Greens. Having passed through the *scholae* and the *excubiae*, he departs through the consistory, where the senate stands, acclaiming the emperor: "For many and good years." As he passes the *Onopodes*, the *ceremoniarius* with the *silentiarii* receives him, wishing him good fortune, which the patricians also do in the *stenon*. Finally, he enters through the Augusteus into the palace, where all the nobles lay aside their *mutatoria* and remain in their *scaramangia*. No procession, however, is held to the palace on that day. ^D

CAPUT XXIII. Observanda in festo die et processione sacrae Christi, Dei nostri, Nativitatis secundum carnem.

I. All proceed in their *mutatoria* to the hemicycle of the apse, the patricians, the *cubicularii*, and those of the highest office.

the prefects, some in Tyrian and yellowish-green tunics, as likewise the tunics of the bedchamber, others wearing peacock-dyed and conch-dyed ones, and others still wearing *marzaulia*; these same men serve in the same tunics until the eve of the day before the Theophany. When the palace has opened, the patricians and the *strategoi* and those of the bedchamber enter into the hemicycle of the apse, just as those who enter by custom do. And when all have entered the palace, the patricians, together with the *strategoi* and the *domestikoi*, receive the emperor in the hemicycle of the apse, that is, the triconch niche; and all those of the bedchamber enter through the *diabateka* of the Forty Holy Martyrs. From there, being conducted by them, the emperor passes through the *daphne* to the Holy Trinity, and having lit candles there, he goes out through the side of the sanctuary and enters where the relics of the saints are stored, lighting candles there; likewise, he lights candles also at the baptistery outside. ^A Cubicularii, they wearing Tyrian tunics, some embroidered with peacocks and shells, others wearing *marzaulia*, minister in their own tunics on that day which precedes the vigil of the feast of Lights. The palace being opened, the patricians, *strategoi*, and *cubicularii*, with the others who are accustomed to enter, enter the hemicycle of the apse; which being done, the patricians, with the *strategoi* and the domestics, receive the emperor in the hemicycle of the apse or triconch. All the *cubicularii* enter through the porticoes of the Forty Martyrs, whence the emperor, escorted by them, goes by way of the *daphne* to the Holy Trinity, where, with burning candles, he exits through the obliquity of the sanctuary, and seeks the place where the relics of the saints are stored, and there, just as in the outer part of the baptistery, he lights candles on the crosses. Then, having departed through the *augusteum*, he goes to Saint Stephen’s, where, having prayed with lit candles, he enters his own bedchamber to await the time. The master of ceremonies comes, and signifies to the emperor that the hour is imminent for the office, and he emerges from his bedchamber.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. ^B ...that he donated to the altar, upon which was woven a large middle cross, and throughout the whole cloth small crosses, called *gammadia* of the quadruple type. For four right angles opposite each other form one cross, just as in French coins the four 'L' initials of the name Ludovicus. ...*alt-version omitted*... ^C ...Anastasias says of Paschalis that he made a vestment of *stauraces* having peacocks, and offered a gold-embroidered vestment made of gold and gems, having the story of the virgins with lit lamps wonderfully adorned. In [the reign of] Leo IV, he mentions a veil embroidered having the image of a man sitting upon a single peacock. The Chronicon Casinense frequently recounts palls with elephants, signs of the twelve months, eagles, lions, and elsewhere occur woven images of unicorns, horses, birds, griffins, ducks, trees, etc. ...*alt-version omitted*... ^D ...As for the *melinokathrypta*, I do not know. This much I see, that there is in the word *to melinon*, a yellow or golden color, such as that of apples. ...[And regarding] *kathrypta*, I do not grasp what this whole composition signifies. Perhaps they were yellow garments, of a citrine or apple color, with woven round, square, rhomboid, or other figure-shaped tiles, which might have been called *kathrypta* from the figure of mirrors. See above, note 92, col. 000. ^D ...regarding garments with woven figures of animals, see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 26, and Salmasius on Historia Augusta, t. II, p. 300, where he writes that garments were called *zodiota* that were distinguished by images of animals rather than other things, likewise sealed, that is, decorated with seals, namely, images. Anastasius frequently mentions garments of *stauraces*, that is, those upon which crosses are woven. Thus p. 127 he says: He made a vestment of *stauraces* with a cross and *gammadia* at the same time and its *paratrapela*, that is, he took care to have the vestment made.

^A to the crosses. Moving through the Augusteum, he enters Saint Stephen, and having there lit candles and prayed, he comes out, and enters his bedchamber, awaiting the time. When he who is in charge of the arrangement has entered and brought the response to the praepositus that the hour has drawn near, the praepositus enters and speaks to the emperor, and [the emperor] comes out from his bedchamber, and while he is being draped in his chlamys by the vestitores, and after they have gone out, he is crowned by the praepositus and comes out through the Augusteum to the *stenon*, while the bearded protospatharioi stand outside the gate on the left side toward the veil, and the emperor stands there with the lords of the cubiculum, he makes a sign to the praepositus, and the praepositus gives a sign to the ostiarius at the veil below, and the patricians enter the *stenon* with the generals, and they bow before the emperor, and the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, says: “Command.”

II.

within the gate to the strongylo, where the cross stands and the men of the logothesion, he lights candles there also, and standing in the chamber of the strongylo, if there are counts who are to be promoted, they are promoted in this manner.

III. Regarding the promotion of counts, domestics, and protectores.

IV. Regarding the entrance into the Great Church.

having prayed, he hands them back to the praepositus and enters inside into the sanctuary, and he spreads ^A out two veils upon the holy table, kissing two holy chalices and two holy discos and the linens of the Lord; then the emperor, having taken a small parcel from the praepositus, places it upon the holy table and goes out through the side of the bema, and enters into the metatorium, lighting candles there as well. When the divine liturgy is being celebrated, and the time comes for the holy gifts to be processed, the emperor goes out, escorted by the patricians and the rest of the officials, and he descends through the side of the temple and departs to where the candle stands, which he is about to carry; and when the emperor has approached to the place where his candle stands, the senate stands on either side, and he passes through the midst of them. And having approached his lamp, that is, his candle, the praepositus takes it and hands it to the emperor; and having taken it, he turns back again, escorted by the officials, and he passes behind them, escorting the holy gifts, and passes through the solea, and having come near the holy doors, he hands the candle to the praepositus; and the praepositus places it upon the solea near the holy doors, and the emperor, standing near it, waits there until the holy gifts have passed; and they both do reverence to each other, both the emperor and the patriarch. V. The emperor goes away again to the metatorium; and when the time for the ritual kisses ^B arrives, he goes out again, and having approached, he kisses the patriarch, the metropolitans, and the bishops, and the officials of the Church, and the clergy who according to custom receive the kiss from the emperor, and likewise the three fonts, and the emperor having taken his stand in the place where he is accustomed always to distribute the *agape* to the officials, the patricians, the strategi, and the domestics, and those holding the first offices, the demarchs, and the one in charge of the order of precedence enter; and all these, according to their own ranks, do reverence, kiss [the emperor], and stand in their own ranks and stations on this side and that; and after all those mentioned have kissed the emperor, both the emperor and the patriarch do reverence and kiss each other. Then the emperor goes away again to the metatorium, and when the divine communion draws near, the cerimoniarius notifies the praepositus, and the praepositus the emperor, and he goes out escorted by those ^C mentioned above, and having come near the patriarch to partake of the immaculate body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, two ostiarii hold a *doumnikalion* [a linen cloth] spread out, and having received the holy gift in his own hands, he kisses the patriarch, and descending from the pulpit and signing himself three times with the cross, he communicates. Thus he ascends to the same pulpit, the ostiarii fold back the *doumnikalion*, and having received the sacred wine from the patriarch, he departs, and after he has prayed, they [do reverence] to each other. ^D

[alt-version omitted]

Then he returns ^A and enters the metatorium, and there he holds a banquet with the patricians and the rest of the officials whom he has ordered. Afterwards, being reclothed in his tunic by the vestitores, he commands the praepositus to summon the patriarch; and he goes with the patriarch to the Holy Well, and when the emperor has taken his place there, the *argyros* points out those who are accustomed to receive the gold purses. The praepositus, therefore, taking the purses from the *argyros*, gives them to the emperor, and the emperor gives them to those whom the *argyros* points out. And having entered within the veil with the officials of the *kouboukleion*, the praepositus hands the crown to the patriarch, and he crowns the emperor, and then the patriarch gives the emperor "blessings," and then, the emperor having received an *apokombion* from the praepositus, gives it in return to the patriarch, and the patriarch gives [it] in return to the emperor, and [gives] perfumes.

VI. After the mutual kisses, the emperor goes out and stands ^B outside the gate of the Holy Well which leads to the portico; and there the Venetian faction—the *demarchos* of which wears a Venetian chlamys—receives him, and they perform their acclamations as is customary for them, honoring the emperor; and likewise the people of the *peratikos* demos and the *demarchos* of the Greens perform this according to their order. And again he passes through the *scholai* and the *exkoubitai*, and there the senate stands in the consistorium, saying: "Unto many and good years," and they remain there; but the *cerimoniarius* and the *silentiarii* stand in the *onopodion* and acclimate the emperor; the patricians and the *strategoi* stand in the narrow place, likewise acclaming as the senate does, and they remain there. ^C When those of the *kouboukleion* have entered the *augusteon* and have stood in the shape of the letter Π, and the emperor has entered, immediately the great gates of the *augusteon* are fastened. And the praepositus, having received a sign, says in the Roman tongue: "Fit"—but one of the *kouboukleioi* says: "Bene,"—the others respond in the Roman tongue: "Venias in multos annos felicissime." After the emperor has thus entered the octagon, the praepositus takes the crown from the head of the emperor, and the vestitores enter and change his tunic. Soon he seeks his private chamber, from which he emerges and reclines, and rising, he is clothed in his cloak, and accompanied by the *manglabitai* and those of the *kouboukleion*, he enters the palace; and those of the *kouboukleion*, standing in the *chrysotriklinos*, say: "Unto many and good years," and each departs to his own house.

CHAPTER XXIV. Observances for the first of the month of January, on the feast of Saint Basil.

^A When the solemn and daily procession takes place in the sacred palace, and all come forth in festive garments for the days of the Dodecaemeron—since they are festive days—at the second hour the masters summon the *praepositos*. He, entering with those in charge of the festive robes, clothes the masters in their tunics, and the masters enter privately through the long corridor of the *koiton* to the narthex of the Holy Theotokos of the Pharos. The ^B *magistri*, patricians, and other senators, along with the *kouboukleion*, stay in the solarium of the *chrysotriklinos* if the weather is clear; if it is not clear, they stay inside the *chrysotriklinos*. Then the masters begin the litany from the church of the Holy Theotokos and proceed in procession to the church of Saint Basil. Arriving there and concluding the litany [(91)], they remain until the end of the Holy Gospel, and after the conclusion of the *ektenē*, they enter the *chrysotriklinos* again in private fashion. It happened on this same day in the third indiction that, the litany having been performed as stated above, after the conclusion of the Liturgy, a *metastasimou* took place, and all the dignitaries went off to the Magnaura. The Christ-loving emperors went off, having put on *dibetēsia* (outer garments) and cloaks decorated with gold, and having sat in the *koiton* of the Magnaura. ^C When every rite of the reception had been performed, they took up their tunics and the things pertaining to them, and their crowns, and ascending, they sat down on the newly constructed *senzios* (throne) positioned in that hall of the Magnaura. The *cerimoniarius* separates the *magistri*, patricians, and other senators outside the curtains as custom dictates, and when all things have been well prepared, notice is given to the emperor, and they put on [(93)] the cloaks and crowns, and going up, they seat themselves on their thrones.

^A II. Cubicularii, upon a signal given by the praepositus, enter, and having entered, they stand to the right and left, as is the custom in the emperor’s reception. This being done, the praepositus gives a signal to the ostiarius holding the golden rod; he goes out and brings in the first veil, the magistri; for the second, the patricians; for the third, the senators; and in a word, he brings in all the veils according to the custom and order of receptions. When all these have been stationed there, the praepositus gives a signal to the ostiarius holding the golden rod, who enters and brings in the first veil, the magister and the ruler of Taron. ^B He is supported by the katepano of the imperial guards and by the logothete of the drome, enters, advances, and does obeisance to the emperors; then, at a short distance from the emperor’s throne, he is led by them. He is then questioned by the logothete as is the custom, and the protonotary of the drome brings his *kaniskion* (gift-basket); and upon the completion of the *kaniskion*, he again falls to the ground, does obeisance, and departs. Then, again by a signal from the praepositus, the ostiarius holding the golden rod goes down and brings in the second veil, the friends the Bulgarians, who are coming according to custom.

^C COMMENTARY.

(94) Taron would seem to be the same as Dara, or Darae, of which I shall speak below at chapter 89. Certainly, the geographical map of the eastern empire, drawn up according to the intent of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, which Bandurius inserted in vol. II, places the region of Taro there, where Dara was situated, at the borders of Mesopotamia. I still hesitate, however, whether it is perhaps Dara, which Abulfeda places in Thabarestan or Hyrcania. Dara is also the name of a well-fortified fortress in the mountains of Thabarestan. The whole of chapter 43 of Constantine’s *De Administrando Imperio* favors this opinion, where the affairs of the prince of Taron are intertwined with the affairs of the princes of Iberia, Abasgia, etc. This inquiry demands more leisure and greater care. Furthermore, it is evident not only from this passage but from many others that those petty kings of the regions of Asiatic Scythia, situated at the end of the Euxine Sea, were vassals of the Byzantine emperors, and therefore decorated with the honor of magistri; as for instance from our page 397 and the titles of the Hyrcanian princes cited therein, and from Constantine, *De Administrando Imperio*, p. 115, edit. Bandur., etc., item p. 126, ^D [that they were] vassals of the Byzantine emperors, introduced to the lord by the Logothete of the drome, and questioned by him. It was generally the function of the Logothete at audiences to question the envoys and to answer in the name of the emperor (unless he himself wished to do so). This is clear from Book II, chapter 47, page 393. Luitprand, *Hist.* VI, 2, page [397]: "The emperor does not speak with his own voice, but through his logothete, when speaking with envoys."

(97) The Greeks at Constantinople greatly revered and honored the Bulgarians, by whom they had been vehemently and most frequently defeated and driven into straits. For they granted them permission to live freely in Constantinople and to exercise business, or rather trade; and on feast days the emperors always admitted some Bulgarians, being merchant nobles in the city, to their public banquets, and assigned them a place above all other envoys of foreign princes. The passage of the querulous Luitprand in his *Legatio* (p. 48) concerning this matter is noteworthy, but I reserve it for a more convenient occasion. Moreover, those who were admitted to the banquets were called "friends," and in this sense the word *amici* also occurs in Lampridius for table-companions. See *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* vol. I, p. 957. Thus also Athenaeus, p. 15, at the end: "So that the friends may be spectators of the luxury" [convivae, i.e., guests]. "[He invited to the banquet constructed in the imperial palace, besides the senate nobles, the faithful Bulgarians who were then staying at Constantinople. Const. VII, Basil. C. 19.]." The word "friends" could also be understood as "envoys," such as those who were accustomed to be sent yearly by the king of the Bulgarians to Byzantium so that they might enjoy solemn and stipulated honors and spend the feast days merrily with the Byzantine emperors, or rather, I gather from the phrasing [that they were] as hostages of the loyalty of the Bulgarians toward the Greeks...

^A indeed, they and those who were to feast with the Christ-loving sovereigns, following the aforesaid order, likewise depart. And again, by a nod of the Praepositus, the other ostiarius, holding the golden rod, comes down and brings in the third veil, [and brings in] the prominent men of the Magister and of the Taronite ruler; and upon their following the aforesaid order, they too depart. ^B And when these things have been accomplished, and the Praepositus has said, "Command," and everyone has offered the prayer, "For many good years," the Magister, the patricians, the senators, and all the rest depart; and then, after the Praepositus has again said, "Command," those of the kouboukleion offer the prayer, as has been said before, and they too depart. And the sovereigns immediately come down from their thrones, and casting off their crowns and chlamydes and wrapping themselves in their gold-bordered sagia, they proceed into their God-guarded palace. The Taronite Magister and his Bulgarian friends, who are not invited to the imperial table on that day, depart for their own lodgings, not dining with the emperors on that very day.

CHAPTER XXV.

What must be observed on the vigil of the Holy Lights.

I. The Praepositus enters at the second or third hour of the same day—the vigil of the Lights, that is—to the emperor and reminds him concerning the Patriarch, that he should come in the evening for the consecration [of the water], ^C and at what hour he orders him to arrive, and whether he should consecrate first in the Great Church and then enter to consecrate in the church of Saint Stephen, or whether he should first consecrate in Saint Stephen and then return to consecrate in the Great Church. And as the emperor orders the Praepositus, he sends a koubouklarion and a silentiarius to summon the Patriarch to the consecration at the hour that the emperor orders. Note also this, that through the same men, and on the following day, the Patriarch is summoned to the kletorion; however, in the morning of the vigil, changing of clothes does not take place until the ninth hour, at which time only the kouboukleion changes. And when the Great Church is reciting the fourth or even the fifth lesson, a silentiarius comes and announces it to the one in charge of the katastasis, ^D and he to the Praepositus, and he to the emperor. The emperor passes through the enclosures of the palace and through the Daphne and the Augusteum, and enters the bedchamber of the Daphne near the church of Saint Stephen; and there having taken...

citation must be given by the officials ^A to the admissioners, and the admissioners make two papers, one written in large letters, and they give it to the silentiary, and he to the ostiary, and it is read beforehand by the chartulary in the cubiculum to the emperor; and they provide another slip to the magister for his remembrance. The tertiocerius (96) also receives a copy of the citation, and he stands behind the magister and reminds him. After the citation of the magister, therefore, the decurion enters into the small consistorium, and he takes the armed candidati, and brings them out, and stations them on the right and on the left in front of the archons after the consulars, and at that moment he goes out, and if he sees that the ambassador is ready, the decurion cries "Leva" ^B (97). And as the veil is lifted (98), the ambassador throws himself out onto the floor, where the porphyry marble is, and does obeisance, and rises. And after he has entered inside the door, he again throws himself down, and does obeisance on the floor, and rises. And again in the middle of the consistorium he does obeisance likewise, and then he comes and kisses the feet, and stands in the middle, and delivers the letters, and speaks the greeting of his emperor. It is necessary, then, for the emperor to ask: "How is our brother (99) by the grace of God? We rejoice at his health," and whatever other well-disposed words (1) he wishes, he speaks to the ambassador. After this the ambassador says: "Your brother has sent you gifts, and I ask that they be accepted." And the emperor permits this. And the ambassador goes out, and with his men he carries the gifts, and he enters carrying them, he himself being... ^C

[Latin Text] ...to be received by the Lord. The admissioner must then approach the magister and inquire of him regarding the barbarians, [whether and in what number he wishes them to be present,] and instructions are given that they too must be present and stand in their places with the armed men. All the nobles proceed and come together into the hall on that day in silken robes. The ambassador enters through the royal [gate]; the magister receives him in his hall and asks whether he has brought with him gifts, in the name of his lord, to be offered to the emperor, adding that he must inspect all those things before they come into the sight of the Lord, and take knowledge of them or make an inventory. That business being finished, the magister enters to the Augustus, and reports to him regarding the nature, number, and value of the gifts, and at the same time presents the information or inventory. Meanwhile, the ambassador waits in the hall of the magister. Afterward, once the nobles have been admitted by the Lord and have entered the consistorium, the admissioner and the chartularies of the barbarians and the interpreters must lead the ambassador up [from the hall through the palace] and set him down in the anticonsistorium [or atrium, through which the entrance into the consistorium lies]; the chartularies themselves and the interpreters are to exhibit the citation or memorandum of the magister to the admissioners; and the rest is done as in silence. In the meantime, the magister orders the armed candidati and the handsome boys, the attendants of those men, to be ready; and he goes out from the emperor’s bedchamber, accompanied by a patrician, and sits in the great consistorium; and the nobles enter, indeed in their attire, as is the custom. While these things are being done, the admissioner must lead the ambassador and place him at the wall which is opposite the great summer veil of the consistorium. If the ambassador also has horses among the gifts, the three doors of the consistorium are opened. But however it may be, always...

a sign from the praepositus, he tells the priests to begin the divine liturgy in the church of Saint Stephen, where the sanctification is performed. But in the Augusteum and in the consistory, the patricians and they alone change [their garments]; for on that evening no other official changes, except for the patricians and the cubicularii. ^B II. The emperor, wearing his dibetesion and his tzitzakion, stands in the octagon, performing the divine liturgy. When the divine liturgy is finished, the patriarch enters the church of Saint Stephen, and once he has begun to perform the great prayer of the sanctification, the praepositus immediately hands tapers to the emperor; and the emperor stands behind the font until the patriarch has finished the entire prayer. The protospatharioi who are eunuchs stand behind the emperor, and likewise the patricians also stand, holding imperial tapers. When the prayer is finished, the emperor hands the tapers he was holding to the praepositus, and the praepositus [hands them] to the priests. Having taken the sanctified water, the patriarch pours it upon the hands of the emperor; and the emperor, having washed his hands and anointed his head and face, and if he wishes, having drunk of it, both of them—the emperor and the patriarch—having bowed to one another, the emperor departs to his bedchamber; and there, standing inside the veil, he awaits the patriarch until he has completed the ministry, that is, of pouring the sanctified water upon the patricians and those of the cubicularium, the strategoi and the domestikoi. Then the praepositus notifies the emperor, and he gives a sign to the praepositus; and he, going out, summons the patriarch in the church, and both the emperor and the patriarch are united in the octagon, and the patriarch gives eulogiai to the emperor; and the emperor, having received an apokombion from the praepositus, gives it to the patriarch.

III. Then, having taken each other’s hands, ^C the emperor and the patriarch go out as far as the Augusteum, and having bowed to one another and kissed, the patriarch departs to the Great Church, and two officials of the cubicularium and the master of ceremonies and two silentiarioi accompany him as far as the onopodes or the consistory. The emperor departs to his God-guarded palace, and having taken off both the tzitzakion and the dibetesion, he is clothed in a scaramangion of white silk with gold embroidery, and thus he then sits at his honorable table. In the same way the patricians also change, and having put on their scaramangia, those who have been invited enter into the banquet; for there are no changes of clothes from the Church, and not all of the cubicularii are present that day at the emperor’s throne. It must be noted that on that evening, that is, on the eve of the Theophany, the changes of clothes are performed with white tunics, but the patricians on that evening do not wear tunics with gold-embroidered panels, but tunics ^D of purple; for on account of the festival of the Lights, the emperor and the senate wear white garments, and the ostiarii [wear] their paragaudia and the protospatharioi eunuchs [carry] their rods, wearing dibetesia and carrying swords, before the emperor, when he comes forth from the palace, proceeding...

^A a pallium (2) or a cosmetic gift (3) or whatever it may be, if it is valuable, while each of the others carries one item. They must be prepared by the interpreters in the anti-consistorium, and arrive carrying everything. And they all stand at the wall facing the imperial seat, outside the veil; and when the veil is lifted, they throw themselves upon the ground, and then re-enter the door, and throw themselves down, and they do this a third time. And then the silentiaries receive all the gifts, and have the charge (4) of conveying them according to the knowledge of the magistros into the *vestosacra* 21 and delivering them.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(2) It is permitted to no one to approach the kings of the East without a gift. Therefore, among the gifts to be offered, pallia—that is, silk vestiary supplies of any kind—hold the chief place, then horses; gold and silver are rare, gems are rare, slaves are rare. Those kings receive these things; they give them in return to those they wish to honor; see Muratori, *Ant. Ital.*, vol. II, p. 841 seq., from which I will cite only one or two passages. A marvelous wedding took place at Milan for this purpose, says the *Chronicon Astense*, and there were given *^B* to the minstrels more than seven thousand fine cloths... He gifted many *jocalia* to the noble ladies of Padua, and to the minstrels many garments; for those lacking gold and silver, he bestowed these as a supplement. The same custom holds in the *Historia orientalis*. What minstrels were to the princes of Europe, Arab poets were to Eastern princes. Therefore, if they wished to reward them for a panegyric poem offered, they gifted them with a horse or a *pallium*, which they call *challah*. Likewise, if a greater prince honored a lesser one, a *pallium* and a horse were sent. In the equestrian games of the Middle Ages, the first and greatest prize proposed among the three was a *pallium*, whence arose the expression "the race for the *pallium*," that is, for the obtaining of the *pallium*; v. Muratori, l.c., p. 850. But, as I said, the *pallium* is not only that which we strictly call by that name, but any *anabole*, everything that is worn or appended, or thrown over, is spread for covering, warming, or adorning the body; in a word, vestiary supplies, whole bolts of cloth, and indeed of silk. For the *pallium*, *pallion*, is nothing other than a *pannus* (cloth); v. Du Cange, *Glossarium*, s.v. In both, Otto of Freising, about to celebrate the opulence of the Byzantines, says that there is an abundance of gold, silver, and *pallia* there. Likewise, Radulph of Caen in the *Gesta Boamundi et Tancredi* introduces the Emperor Alexius Comnenus speaking thus in a letter fashioned by him: "Here (in Constantinople) are *pallia*, here is gold, here are horses, here remains for you the abundance of all treasures." John the Monk in the *Life of St. Odilo, Abbot of Cluny* III, 1: "For having left behind their native and customary garments, they began to carry about hooded cloaks decorated with *pallia* (that is, silk), dyed [namely with purple or at least with colors, colored] and flowing [that is, ample, long-trained]." Turpin, c. 29 (according to Du Cange, *Cacelum*, for which should be restored *caretum*, a cart, a type of vehicle): "Charles caused Blessed Roland, carried upon two mules in a golden cart, clothed in *pallia*, to be brought to Blaye." Liutprand in the narrative of his embassy says that he bought many precious *pallia* in Constantinople; but when he wished to send them to Italy, they were intercepted in the port itself and, by order of the emperor, were taken back. For the Greeks did not want to transmit the luxuries of their delights to the Westerners. Wherefore it happened that, although the Amalfians, Pisans, Genoese, and Venetians conducted trade with the Orientals, the silk garment was nevertheless held to be among the most precious and rarest treasures of our Europe, so that it was a gift worthy of the emperors themselves. Thus when the rumor had spread, says the *Chronicon Casinense*, III, 20, that the king [the German Emperor] was to come into Italy, the [Abbot of the monastery] of Amalfi set out, and there he bought twenty silk cloths, which they call *triblaitos*, so that if it happened to be necessary, he might certainly have something to give the king, for the protection, namely, and honor of this monastery. Regarding the custom of the princes of both worlds and the Middle Ages to give garments to those whom they favored, I will treat at p. 271.

(3) They called these *jocalia* in the Middle Ages. These pertain to works made of gold and silver, boxes, ribbons, gems, pearls, precious feathers of birds, finely made weapons, everything by which the body is adorned and brightened.

(4) This usage is rare, and to me nowhere else found; it denotes, what the context and logic of the passage show, *laborem*, that is, what is deputed or committed to his care. That it happens because of its novelty is improbable; it is necessary. But of this kind there are many in this book; and not even so does it lack reason. *Kindynos* for the later Greeks is torment, punishment, penalty; see Nicephorus Patriarch, *Breviarium*, p. 11 and 19. In the same sense, later Latin writers also use *periculum*. Hence to them *kindynos* is everything that is joined with pain—tribulation, labor full of weariness, exhausting struggle. I would dare to affirm that this meaning was not unknown to the ancient Greeks. Take the passages in which the word *kindynos* is read, all of them, and weigh them; you will see that in the far greater number of them, the meaning of "arduous labor" and "solicitude" (just as it is read in the *Codex Theodosianus* and *Justinian*) fits no less well than "danger." Diodorus Siculus, e.g., in book XVIII, at the end, *panta kindynon anadechesthai* does not tolerate this meaning more than that one. Rightly, therefore, Zosimus said at the end of chapter 62, book I: *Erga kai kindynous apodeixasthai*, where I doubt whether *hypodexasthai* was rightly emended. Certainly, no one has ever said *erga hypodexasthai*. I would cite Polyaenus, in whom p. 158, *kindynos* is placed in that position, where any other Greek writer of the purer style, a lover of elegance, would have used *agon*: *hos d' en ischyrō kindynō, tarachōdōs empesontes, kai dia nyktos peygein biasthentes, apeballon polloi tas aspidas*—many had made a loss of shields, as if in a vehement struggle (or contention), and carried off with tumult, and forced to flee by night. But far be it from me to deem a writer so infantile, so "old-womanish," and so bereft of all judgment and eloquence, the disgrace of his own low and iron Greek, worthy of the Silver Age (for so they call the age of the Antonines). This Polyaenus whom we have, some frivolous *Graeculus* (little Greek) stitched together from his commentaries with his own inserted comments. In Thucydides, I think I have detected the same meaning of this word, namely, III, 14: *Me proēsthe hēmas idion men ton kindynon tōn sōmatōn paraballomenous*—which passage I do not see how it can be explained, unless you accept *kindynon* for *ponon*: "do not abandon us, who are risking the labor of our bodies."

and when he returns to the palace, if he returns in a changed garment, they also return in [their] changing-rooms. ^A

CHAPTER XXVI.

I. All those who are accustomed to proceed in solemn procession go by custom at night to the hemicycle of the apse in the white changing-rooms, and, once the palace has been opened, they enter and receive the emperor in their order, as is customary for them. And the emperor, being escorted by those who do so by custom, passes through the Daphne, and lights candles in the oratories as is customary for him, and they proceed as far as the Augusteum, awaiting the time. And when the time has drawn near, the official in charge of the post indicates it to the praepositus, and the praepositus to the emperor, and the latter, having gone out from his bedchamber to the octangle, is clothed in his chlamys, and having been crowned, passes through the Augusteum and the Stenon and the Onopodes; and the reception and the obeisance are performed by those who do so by custom, in the manner which we have described in the procession for the Nativity of Christ, at the lower gate which is in front of the consistory. ^B And if the emperor wishes to bestow the dignity of magistros upon anyone, he nods to the praepositus, and the praepositus, having gone to him, tells him the name of the one about to be promoted, and the praepositus tells [it to] the one in charge of the post, and the latter takes him from his station with a silentiarius, and stations him below the pulpit in front of the patricians; and immediately the praepositus hands to the emperor the sticharion and the baltheion, and the one in charge of the post, having grasped the one about to be promoted, leads him toward the emperor, and having prostrated himself at the feet of the emperor and kissed them, he rises. ^C Then, having taken the sticharion and the baltheion from the hands of the emperor, he kisses the feet of the emperor, and, having received them...

^A that he should come to the palace on the following day; he also signifies this to him, if he wishes, through a silentiary. Silence is then called, arms—that is, shields and spears—are held by the candidates, and the labarenses stand [with their labara displayed throughout the hall of the palace]. The Magister receives the arriving envoy in his school, and leaving him there seated, he ascends to the emperor and signifies to him that the envoy is present. The emperor receives him inside, either in the portico [of the Augusteum] or in the Augusteum itself. If the envoy has gifts of his own with him which he wishes to offer to the emperor in his own name, he must, on the day before he is admitted to the Augustus for the second time, petition through the Magister that the Lord might deign to accept them. ^B With the Lord assenting, he then shows them to the Magister in his school on the day of the audience, and a list or inventory of them is drawn up, which the Magister must show to the emperor before ascending to him. Then, when the time is right and appropriate for the envoy to be received and admitted to the Lord, he enters, and now being present, he petitions the Lord to deign to accept his gifts kindly. And then, permission having been given by the emperor, the envoy’s servants enter, carrying his gifts, and everything happens in the same way as we were just describing when the emperor accepts the gifts of the King of the Persians himself. And then at last the conversation takes place.

238 The emperor should then remember, no less than at the previous audience, to mention the Persian ruler’s name diligently, anxiously, and frequently, with honorable praise, and to ask what disposition he shows toward him, and whether there is any hope of obtaining peace from him. After ^C

[index: entries preserved]

^D

^A from the official in charge of the arrangement, he brings him into the inner consistory; and, having clothed him in the sticharion and girded him with the baltheion, he brings him out and stands him before the emperor below the pulpit. And all who have entered perform obeisance, in the manner already noted in the reception of the patricians; and the official in charge of the arrangement leads him to the emperor, who, having performed obeisance and kissed his feet, rises, having offered up prayers for the emperor. Then the official in charge of the arrangement, having taken hold of him, leads him in backwards and stations him in the order and position appropriate to him.

II. Afterwards the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, nods to the silentiary standing at the door and says, "Command." And thus the emperor proceeds through the excubitors and the scholae to the Great Church, in the same order and with the same pomp as we described in the procession ^B of the Nativity of Christ; and entering the narthex, he enters inside the veil. Then the praepositus removes the crown from the emperor's head, who, proceeding through the narthex, is received by the patriarch, with whom, after mutual greeting, he enters and stops at the great doors. Having lit candles there, he gives them to the praepositus, and the praepositus to the official in charge of the arrangement, and after performing obeisance to the immaculate Gospel, he enters into the church, and having passed through the solea, he stands before the holy doors; and having taken candles from the praepositus and prayed, he hands them back to the praepositus. And then, having entered into the sanctuary, he spreads out two veils upon the holy table, kissing two sacred chalices and two sacred ^C disks and the swaddling clothes of the Lord, and having taken a pouch from the praepositus, he places it upon the holy table; and having gone out through the side of the sanctuary, he enters into the metatorion, and then into the holy [place], and performs the agape and the communion, as the custom is. And after performing the dilution and having come out of the Holy Well, he enters inside the veil with the patriarch and stands by him; and the emperor then, having taken the pouch from the praepositus, the patriarch gives the emperor blessed bread in return, and the patriarch gives the emperor various incense.

III. And having greeted one another, the emperor, passing through the middle, enters through the great gate of the Chalke; but the receptions of the people of the city and of the political factions are performed in the order and station in which they were performed ^D during the procession of the Nativity of Christ. And having passed through the scholae and the excubitors and the consistory and the narrow passage, he enters into the Augusteum; and those of the cubiculum, having performed the custom, enter into the octagon, and the praepositus takes the crown from the emperor's head, and the vestitores, having entered, change his chlamys. Then...

comitatenses, and finally the soldiers, as Anatolius ^A also, then the Archbishop of Constantinople, and Martialis the Master of Offices; with the labara and standards lying on the ground 15, they all began to cry out as follows: "Listen, O God, we beseech Thee. Hearken, O God; grant life to Leo. Listen, O God; may Leo reign. O God kindly to men; the state demands Leo as emperor; the army demands Leo as emperor; the laws await Leo; the palace awaits Leo. These are the vows of the palace; these are the petitions of the camps; these are the desires of the senate; these are the vows of the people. The world awaits Leo; the army awaits Leo. May the common glory, Leo, approach. May the common good, Leo, reign. Listen, O God, we beseech Thee." And immediately Leo, who was then a count and tribune of the Mattiarii 17, was brought forward, and when he had ascended the tribunal, Busalgus the camp-conductor placed 18 upon his head the torque, and another ^B also— Olympius, he too a camp-conductor—placed another torque upon his head.

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JAKOB REISKE.

...tribunal. It was the custom, to be sure, to perform solemn processions into the Campus. [Marianus along with the patriarch performs solemn processions into the Campus. Theoph. p. 94: Basiliscus was proclaimed emperor in the Campus, Theoph. p. 104. Concerning the Campus Martius of the Frankish kings, see Abrégé de Mézeray, vol. II, p. 128. Reinesius, *Variae et defensio Variarum*, Giornal. dei Letterati II, 104. Rivinus, *de Maiumis*; Du Cange, at *Joinville Dissert.* IV, p. 152.] It was the custom for emperors in the field, not only at Rome or Byzantium but elsewhere as well, to be proclaimed; cf. Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 262.

The fact that the patriarch or the Archbishop of Constantinople officiated at the proclamation of Leo is not indicated in our codex. Certainly, it does not state in clear words that he placed the crown on the new Caesar. However, Nicephorus, *Hist. Eccles.* XV, 15, says this about Leo: "By the common vote of the senate he is proclaimed Emperor of the Romans, with the patriarch Anatolius placing the diadem upon him." See what I shall say concerning p. 239 and 241.

...and standards, bearing the emperor's image, is a well-known fact, remarked upon by us elsewhere. Moreover, the custom of inverting standards or laying them upon the ground signified either mourning, or submission, or finally, the insult and humiliation of the one whose standards were being inverted. The primary meaning here is the latter. For the soldiers laid the standards down because the emperor in whose honor they were carried erected was not present, Marcian having been removed from the living, ^D and Leo not yet proclaimed. When the proclamation had been performed, they were raised again as a sign of joy; cf. Casaubon on Spartianus' *Severus*, vol. I, p. 601; Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 507 and 512. Other times, too, as often as a new emperor or Caesar was named, the standards and spears were laid down, even if a senior emperor were present, and they were raised again only when the coronation was finished, as we learn from Leo Grammaticus, p. 466: "With the scepters fallen, as was the custom, Michael crowned the emperor." Similarly, the standards of those cohorts or legions that were being discharged with dishonor were inverted. Spartianus reports this of the Emperor Severus, who, when he had come to Rome and had discharged the Praetorians who had opposed him, proceeded into the palace with the standards he had taken from the Praetorians lowered, not erected; cf. *Scr. Hist. Aug.* vol. I, p. 601. Tacitus also narrates, *Annal.* III, 2, in the funeral rites of Germanicus, that the ashes were carried on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions, and "unadorned standards preceded [that is, *litai*, stripped of purple and gold], the fasces were inverted." A similar custom existed in the Middle Ages, in interdicts or excommunications, of stripping altars, laying crosses and relics of the saints upon the earth, and inverting cymbals; concerning which see Du Cange at the word *Interdictum*. Concerning the inclination and prostration of spears and standards taken from defeated enemies and displayed in a triumph, there will be a place to speak below at Chapter 19 of the second book, p. 351.

...usually attributed. [The Life of St. Germanus written by Herricus, p. 58. "These applaud with praises, those jump with acclaim, And greet the common glory with equal piety."]

The origin of the name is not established; see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 311; Chilmead on Malalas, vol. II, p. 18, and Du Cange *h. v.* I shall say where the Mattiarii appear to me to have gotten their name. There was another military *tagma* called the Bucellarii; surely not because they received *bucellae* (morsels) or daily rations of hardtack, for all soldiers received those, but because they prepared them; they were the bakers of the entire army. Just as many things are necessary for an army, so too is there no less need for butchers than for bakers. What if, therefore, the Mattiarii were so called from the craft or trade they practiced? *Matare* is an old German word for "to strike," "to kill"; cf. Du Cange *h. v.* We still say *Metzger* today, and *Steinmetz* for a stonemason. The Mattiarii may, therefore, in my opinion, have been soldiers—certainly at the time of their first institution—who were Germans, as the appellation sufficiently reveals; but in later times, Romans and others could have been mixed in with them, who slaughtered sacrificial victims for the army. Papias: *Matia*, "intestines which discharge filth"; whence those who handle and sell them are called *mattiarii*. Cf. Du Cange at *Mazacare* and *Mazucrium*. Hence perhaps light might be shed on the word *Matteae*, concerning which see the commentators on Petronius. But if this seems improbable, the name could be derived from Mallius, a city of Germany, today Metz.

...formerly among emperors of the fourth and the two following centuries was a principal and most essential part of the inauguration. Frequent mention is made of the torque placed upon the head. Famous is that passage of Ammianus Marcellinus concerning...

the patriarch having entered ^A into Saint Stephen's, and the emperor being about to recline at the nineteen accubita, he makes a sign to the praepositus, and the patriarch is called forward; and this being done, they reverence one another, and the priests enter, and having performed the stichos, the patriarch enters again into Saint Stephen's and casts aside his omophorion. Likewise also the emperor casts aside his sagion, and they are joined again; and thereafter they go forth, being attended by the cubicle, and the two recline equally [(8)] in the accubitum and drink once each. And then, the praepositus having taken a nod from the emperor, he signals for the service, and it enters; and he does this also for the rest of the friends.

IV. When the emperor wishes to rise and the friends have gone out, they remain who hold a place in the superior accubita, the metropolitans and the bishops who sit at the first accubita, that is, at the right and the left. ^B They drink again once, both the emperor and the patriarch and the friends who remained, and thus, having taken a sign from the praepositus, they themselves go out; and then the protospatharius having taken a signal, the service goes out again. This done, the emperor remains with the patriarch alone and the cubicle. And both having drunk again once, they rise, and the patriarch departs to Saint Stephen's and casts aside his omophorion, and the emperor his sagion, and they are joined again in the octagon, and they perform the stichos. Then the emperor, having received a blessing from the patriarch, ^C goes forth as far as the Augusteus, and having reverenced and kissed one another, two cubicularii take the patriarch and convey him as far as the narrow passage or the onopodes. But the emperor, attended by the cubicle and the maglabitae, enters into the palace; and all of the cubicle being standing in the chrysotriclinos, they pray over the emperor: "For many and good years." And this prayer occurs once the twelfth day is completed.

CAPUT XXVII

Observances for the feast and procession of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary [(10)].

I. If the emperor desires to depart and conduct the night vigils at Blachernae, he departs on the day before the feast and conducts the pannyxis. On the following day of the feast, all change from white chlanidia; but the cubicularii change only chemises, and likewise the spatharocubicularii. Most of the eunuch protospatharii ^D bear mutatoria and spathabaculi; the bearded...

^A August, happily, happily, for long years, Leo Augustus, you shall reign! This empire God shall protect; the Christian empire God shall protect,” and other such things. And he spoke through the libellarius ^B (23) thus: “Emperor Caesar Leo, victor, ever-August: Almighty God and your judgment, most powerful [(24)] fellow-soldiers, have happily chosen me emperor of the public affairs of the Romans.” It was shouted by all: “Leo Augustus, you conquer! He who chose you will protect you; your election God will safeguard. The pious empire God will preserve. Both pious and powerful.” Answer. Emperor Caesar Augustus: “You have chosen me as sovereign ruler of your hardships, fellow-soldiers, which I learned to endure while still serving with you.” It was shouted by all: “Happily! The army desires you as emperor, O victor; the army desires you as emperor, O happy one, we all desire you.” The Augustus: “And I have known what gifts (27) I ought to provide to the forces (28).” It was shouted by all: “Both pious and powerful and most learned.” The Augustus: “For the sake of the intercession of my holy and happy reign, five gold coins each...”

VARIOUS READINGS. JOAN. JAC. REISKE. COMMENTARY.

(23) I believe *libellarius* and *libellensius* are the same, *libellensis*. For here *libellarium* does not carry the meaning of *libellus*, nor can it be translated from *libello* or *de libello*. Regarding *libellenses* cf. Fabrott. Gloss. Cedren. or Guther. p. 486.

(24) *Fortissimi*. It was of his time that *ischyros* was placed for *andreios*, in the Latin manner, by which *fortis* and for *andreio*, *tolmero*, *thymodei*, *strenuo*, and for *robusto*, *toroso*, *lacertoso* is used. I would scarcely think the ancient Greeks did this, although the opposite might seem to be the case from the passage of Theophrastus in Chapter VIII of his *Characters*, where it is *all' oun ischyros ge genomenos*, but after he has shown himself strenuous. Yet that author is more recent and, as it seems, from the age of Julian the Apostate, which I conclude from more than one argument. Plutarch also has *drasterion kai ischyron*, but even that is already infected with Latinisms. The Scholiast on Aristophanes' *Plutus* 1003 renders *alkimotatoi* as *ischyrotatoi*. Hesychius explains *thourain* as *andreian thraseian ischyn*. Elsewhere the proper predicate of soldiers was *ischyrotatoi* and *andreiotatoi* (most brave), concerning which see Lindenbr. on Amm. Marc. p. 95. Elegant is the passage of Themistius, p. 88 at the beginning: "The law of the state showed the virtue appropriate to both (emperors and soldiers) in their titles, calling you pious and philanthropic, and having decreed for the soldiers their names from bravery alone."

(25) *Regnum*; a word unknown to the ancients in Greek, they say *basileian*. It occurs throughout in our author and others; see p. 124.

(26) *Incrustavi*, as I was able, a flaw in the Latin. Yet I prefer *systratiotai*. Emperors used to call soldiers thus. See Vales. Amm. Marcell. p. 56. In the Latin versions I have looked to the passage of Spartianus in *Hadrian*, p. 81: "He exercised the soldier as if war were impending, imbuing him with proofs of endurance; he himself also managed the military life among the common soldiers, etc.," that is, he led them and taught them by his own example. Cf. ibid. p. 672. That passage of Herodian, II, 11, regarding Severus, singularly illuminates our text: "He shared their hardships, using a humble tent, and taking the same food and drink that he knew was available to all. And nowhere did he display royal luxury. Whence also he secured greater goodwill from the soldiers. For the soldiers, admiring that he not only shared their toil but also led their hardships, did everything with readiness."

(27) New emperors were required by ancient rite to give the soldiers largesse, a certain number of gold coins which were called *Augustiaca* and *Augustatica*. Ammian. Marcell. p. 487 calls that which is owed on account of an Augustan naming, where see Vales., and Theophyl. Simoc., *epibateria ton skeptron dora*. Cf. Procop. Anecd. p. 108. From this may be understood the oration of Macrinus to the soldiers in Lamprid. t. 1, Scr. H. Aug. p. 773: "Have therefore, fellow-soldiers, for the empire three gold pieces, for the name of Antoninus five, and the usual promotions, but doubled. May the gods grant that these things happen more often (that is, that the quinquennial festivals recur more often and the *augustatica* joined to them); we shall give for every five-year period that which we have declared today." He says *pro imperio* at this place, for that of Marcellinus owed on account of the Augustan naming or on account of the birthday of our emperor, *hyper tes autokratorias hemon*. By ancient custom, the Romans demanded from Frederick I Barbarossa as a debt five thousand pounds, which very thing kindled him into intense anger; see Otto of Freising.

(28) *Exercitui*, for *copiis*, *dynamis* for *exercitus* is used; and *pollakis dynameon aphegoumenos* are found in Diodorus Siculus. Below we shall have p. 246, *ta dynata stratopeda*. Hence the later Latins took their *efforcium*; see Du Cange Gl. Lat. under the word: also *virtus* for *legio*. Anastasius in *Vigilius*: "Which having been heard, the Augusta sent Anthemius the *scribo* with her commands and with greater *virtute*, that is, with most ample military forces."

protospatharii wear their stēkia and swords, but do not bear spathabaculi. The spatharocandidati and the spatharii and those of the maglabion and the rest of the household spatharii walk to and fro, behind the procession, to the sides of the officials of the cubiculum and the patricians, performing this at every procession; but at the great processions they wear their maniakia, also bearing their spathabaculi. The spatharocandidati [wear] their maniakia and scutaria and monopelyka distralia; and the spatharioi [wear] scutaria and distralia, both in skaramangia. ^B

II. When the one in charge of the arrangement comes and informs the praepositus that the time is near, the praepositus enters and informs the Emperor. The Emperor, having exited into the triclinium that is called the Anastasiakon, wearing his dibētēsion, stands there, and the officials of the cubiculum stand on this side and that, and the spatharocubicularii and the cubicularii behind them, and the eunuch protospatharii stand behind the Emperor. The praepositus calls the vestētores, and the Emperor, having changed his chlanidion by means of them, then coming down to the bēlon, stands; and the Emperor nods to the praepositus, and the praepositus to the cubicularius who is raising the curtain, and the patricians and strategi are brought in, and having entered, they prostrate themselves. And when they have risen, the praepositus, having received a sign from the Emperor, says: "Jubete" (Command). The Emperor, escorted by the officials of the cubiculum, the patricians, and the strategi, exits into the triclinium that is called the Danubion; and the bearded protospatharii and the drungarius of the watch stand on one side and the other with the senate; they prostrate themselves, and he receives a sign [from the Emperor] for the arrangement, and he says: "Jubete." And they cry out: "Unto many and good years." ^C

III. Accompanied by them he departs, and the one in charge of the arrangement [proceeds] in the middle, and upon the step, having turned toward the Emperor, and spreading his hands out under his chlanidion, he says to the Emperor: "Caplate Domini," doing this so that in the Emperor's transit he may not encounter the step. And having gone out of the door leading to the embolon, he proceeds along the right side of the embolon; and the patricians, outside the same door, take their candles near the door. And the patricians and strategi pray: "Unto many and good years." ^D

[index: entries preserved]

^A If it is not Sunday, he performs the adoration. If the warden of the palace is concurrently holding an honor or office, he greets him more submissively than the back, an inclination which we call by custom "fore and aft," because it begins facing east and ends facing west. There is a notable passage in Procopius (p. 133 of the *Anecdota*) concerning the adoration performed while prone upon the stomach: "Those who made their entrances before Justinian and Theodora, all others as well as those who held the rank of patrician, used to fall to the ground, immediately upon their mouths, hands and feet being stretched out to the utmost, and after touching the side of each foot, they would rise." Where he gravely reproaches that custom, recently introduced by Justinian and Theodora—doubtless in imitation of the kings of the Persians—as an argument of intolerable and inhuman arrogance; see the note at p. 278. An image of one prostrating himself is to be seen in Du Cange, Table II, of the dissertations placed before the *Glossarium Latinum*. Selden treated many matters regarding adoration (*Titulus Honoris*, p. 54 sqq.). But as to the custom for which this digression was instituted, namely, the fact that on Sundays they do not perform adoration as they ought to do at other times, that is ancient and already mentioned by Tertullian in his book *De Corona Militis*: "We consider it a sin to fast on the Lord's day, or to pray on the knees, and we enjoy the same immunity from the day of Easter until Pentecost." Josuas Arnd documented other sources in his *Lexicon Antiquitatum Ecclesiasticarum* (s.v. *Dies Dominica*, p. 307). To these I add the passage from Nilus the Monk (*Epist.* III, 21): "On the Lord's day we pray standing, representing the station of the world to come. On other days we bend our knees, declaring the fall of the human race caused by sin." Since, however, they were exempted from genuflection in the cult of God on the Lord's holy day, much less could a man demand of his worshipers a mark of honor for which God granted them a pardon. Consistent with this custom is the monastic one, whereby a monk who had committed some slight offense would, on feast days, only incline himself toward the ground with hands dropped, as a quadruped, and make his penance in that posture; but on other days he would satisfy the prescribed penalty "from the knee," as they said, or prostrate on his knees. The Cistercian Order (in Du Cange, s.v. *Articulus*): "On feast days indeed let them prostrate themselves upon their joints [at the seat], but on private days upon their knees."

(40) It is to be noted that *kampaia* or *kampadia* should be read. For although the form *kampaia* might be grammatically sound if one derives it from *kampē*, *campa*, *gamba*, and the word *kampotouba* (see p. 129)—which denotes *campagia* with leggings, or at least leggings pertaining to *campagia* or to *campas*, that is, the legs—favors it, nevertheless it is not in use, nor is it found anywhere. Now *campagia*, *campalia*, *cambadia* (for all these are used interchangeably) are a type of garment that covers the legs and knees, made not of leather but of felt or wool, and doubtless named from *camba* or *gamba*, that is, the leg (whence the French *la jambe* comes), and it was used only by more honorable men in the toga and in visible court offices, not by the common people, nor by priests, nor by soldiers. What the method of preparing and wearing them was is not so easy to state. However, since there is frequent mention of *campagia* in this code, I think it my duty to examine this subject somewhat more diligently, although Salmasius has treated it in various places so copiously that to one estimating the scholar's learning, it might seem he left no gleanings for those coming after. And in the first place, I shall propose conjectures about the etymology of the word, with which indeed I have been tossed about for a long time among many and diverse ideas, although among them all that one pleases me most which derives it from *gamba*, the flexure and joint of the tibia with the leg, *lagnu*. There will not be lacking those who, when I produce the things I myself might disapprove of, will marvel and laugh. Perhaps, however, the matter will not be without use. Therefore, a passage of Corippus once suggested to me—cited by Petavius against Themistius, p. 378, where that learned man deals with *campagia* and *tzangia*—that I should believe *campagia* is said from Campania, a region of Italy. This passage is: *And the royal stride bound up with crimson ties, Which the Parthian skins had given with Campanian dye.* "Parthian skins" are of that type of leather which we today call Turkish red morocco. The poet declares such skins dyed with the Campanian dye. Certainly the Canusian skins were quite famous, not because the tanning art was practiced there, but because they were dyed with red color; see Du Cange, s.v. *Canusinae pelles*. But I discovered later that *campagia* were not made of skins, but of felt, *pilōtois*. Wherefore that conjecture was invalid, unless perhaps one might choose to seek support for it from the so-called *calabricae*, which were a type of binding by which the legs were accustomed to be impeded and constrained, as is evident from Pelagius I, 1, *Hippiatric* ch. 38: *anapaueis autou kalabrikois ta skelē poiei katadesmesthai*. Then the thought came to me that the word should be traced back to *kamasōn*, with the letter *n* inserted as a servile letter according to the custom of the Greeks. The ancients called *kamasion* an *amphimallon*. Isidore: *Camasus*, *amphimallus*. Whence this is, I do not know. *Camasus* is certainly an Arabic word, and it denotes every *stolē*, *skeuē*, garment, especially one that is *eu chrēston*, useful, expeditious, nimble, in which a man can move himself easily. But although *campagia* were felt, I have not read that they were woolly, except in one place of Bernard Udo in Muratori, *Scr. Rer. Ital.*, vol. III, p. 629: *Illico summissi chiffonibus [Pontificis Romani recens electi] oscula figunt Villosis, dedit ora Pater, dedit oscula blanda.* For *chiffones*, *scuffones*, and *scaffones* are the same as *udones* and *campagia*; see Du Cange, s.v. This is also an Arabic word; *schoff* or *schuff* is a rag, a base cloth, worn out, thinned by long use. Yet this conjecture might not seem to be without merit, since we call the same thing that the ancients called *campagia* by the name *Camaschen*. I began furthermore to suspect whether the word should be derived from *campos*, as if by that word were signified the leg-coverings which were used in the camp (*in campo*). Certainly *femoralia campestria* were called so for that reason. And the name of the thing first invented in war and for the use of soldiers could have been retained afterwards, even if the thing had been transferred to the use of peace; as happened in many cases. The ancients formerly called greaves *aestivalia* (whence our *Stiefeln*), since they were used mostly in the summer. For most wars are waged in summer; whence the Spaniards, following the example of the Arabs, call a military expedition *Azeifia*, that is, summering, and Capitolinus said in *Marcus Antoninus* (p. 390) that he had them in summer (*in aestivis*), instead of saying he had them with him in camp and in war. Yet the word *aestivalia* remained, even if in the time that followed, there was greater use of them in winter than in summer. The word *lampadia* then offered itself. It is possible that in the passage of time, with barbarism increasing, *c* was substituted for *l*. But *lampadia* are bandages, long strips, wrappings, bindings, as they say today. The word is read several times in Dio Cassius. Thence our German word *Lumpen*, rags, and *Lappen*, *rhakos*. Since, however, *campagia* were already celebrated in writings from the third century after Christ, during which time the barbarism that deforms everything was not yet raging, it is hardly credible that *c* was substituted for *l*, especially since the scribes do not differ. Therefore, *kompadia* was more pleasing, and with the letter *m* inserted according to the known custom of the Greeks, *kompadia*, that is, rags, *lakē*,

^A Since one has finished the chant, another begins. When the emperor, having passed by the column positioned obliquely in the fullness of the portico, arrives there, he receives the patriarch who is with the procession; and having taken candles from the praepositos and prayed, he hands them back to the praepositos, and having worshipped the holy Gospel and the venerable Cross, the emperor and the patriarch venerate one another again and kiss. This done, the emperor receives a processional candle from the praepositos and, turning back, departs through the same portico. Then the master of ceremonies begins: "Hail, full of grace, Virgin Theotokos," which troparion all who are performing the solemn pomp chant. Then they enter the narthex of the Great Church, where the emperor sits on a seat in the narthex ^B and waits until the patriarch arrives with the solemn procession, while the patricians and senators enter the church and remain there, according to their custom, awaiting the emperor.

IV. But when the patriarch approaches with the procession, the emperor rises, and after mutual adoration, both depart and stand at the gate of the Great Church. Then, as the patriarch begins the prayer of the entrance of the divine liturgy, the emperor receives the candles of prayer from the praepositos and, having prayed, gives them back to the praepositos, and he in turn to the master of ceremonies. Having himself worshipped the immaculate Gospel, the emperor enters through the middle of the church with the patriarch, and through the side of the ambo he enters into the solea; and standing before the holy doors ^C and having lit the candles and prayed, he enters the sanctuary. Having kissed the holy vestment and received a small bag from the praepositos, he places it on the holy table and goes out, and the priests give him blessings through the middle of the church. When the emperor is about to go out into the narthex, the orphans stand above the benches to the left of the great gate, and raising their voices, they pray in abundance for the emperor, as is the custom. And when both the emperor and the patriarch have arrived at the styracion, having worshipped and kissed one another, the patriarch goes away to the Great Church to celebrate the divine liturgy, while the emperor, having ascended through the styracion ^D into the oratory, lights candles there, just as he does in the catechumena, at the Cross, and having entered into the oratory, he stands there, performing the divine liturgy, while the patricians and all the rest of the nobility remain outside in the catechumena.

lakē*,> and a white *auroklaubon* *dibētēsion* ^A and the purple *chlamys*, and from there as in March all of [the]...

Commentary of Joannes Jacobus Reskius

...the laciniae, that is, fragments. Paul the Deacon surely takes *compadiatim* for *frustatim* (by fragments); see Du Cange, s.v. *Copadium* and *Compadiatim*. That it comes from *koptō* is clear. It will undoubtedly seem strange to some that I talk of nothing but *chiffones*, *lampadia*, *compadia*, that is, rags, *laciniae*. But, as will be clear a little later, *campagia* were hardly anything other than *laciniae*. But, you say, give me another [explanation]. Behold. *Caba* notes a filter of fine material, prepared with great art among the Arabs and Persians. *Campagia* were made from felt. Why, therefore, should we not derive *campagia* from that? Indeed, the endings *-adion* and *-agion* could seem to be mere additions, and they exist in many words as well. For my part, in such a multitude of not-improbable conjectures and in the obscurity of a matter so ancient, my mind is distracted and hesitates, unsure to which to give its vote. I most incline, however, to deriving *campagia* from *campa* or *gamba*, the joint of the leg with the thigh, as I have already indicated above. This etymology is confirmed by the word *cambale*, which denotes that wide, circular, linen band of white, which is placed under the top of the greaves and fastened around the knee. The Germans, with a ridiculous and absurd turn of phrase, call them *Stiefelmanschetten*, as if to say "sleeves of summer boots or greaves"; see Du Cange, s.v. *Cambale*, where he cites an old document in which *cambalia* and *picralia* are mentioned along with other equipment necessary for a knight. *Picralia* there are spurs. But enough of etymologies. Let us see now what *campagia* were. Salmasius had learned from Pollio that *campagia* were reticulated, whence he declares this in his notes on Tertullian, p. 363: "The *campagia* were different from *perones* or *bottae*; for they did not cover the legs with solid and whole leather, but bound them with many bands, woven in a reticulated manner." The great man seems to have seen the truth, and *campagia* were nothing else than the bands with which the ancients clothed their legs—a subject on which he himself disputed much in his notes on Lampridius's Alexander Severus, p. 973 sqq., and in which he himself errs, because he claims that *campagia* were a kind of barbaric footwear, in his notes on Trebellius Pollio's Gallienus, p. 234, where he discusses *campagia* at length. This will appear more clearly ^C from his own words, which I am not loath to excerpt from there. "More truly," he says, l.c. p. 237, "the *campagi* seemed to Gallienus like nets because of the various and manifold, intersecting and twisted wrapping of the thongs and straps with which they were bound around the legs, which truly bore the likeness of reticulated work." That passage of Pollio is of great moment for settling this matter, in which he reports that the Emperor Gallienus called the *campagi* 'nets'. For from that we learn that *campagia* are that [thing] which we see almost everywhere in the depictions of the Christian martyrs being tortured by torturers in the images of the Basilian Menologium; it is a reticulated work, which often clothes not only the legs, but also the thighs in one continuous stretch. It is worth the effort, for the sake of knowing this matter of ancient dress, to inspect those images, however crude they may be. Some of those *compagia* or *compagobosai* have, just like our *Camashae* and the hose of the Hussars, on the external side up to the top of the thigh, small knobs, by which they can be tightened and again loosened from the body. Hence you might come to the suspicion that that reticulated work does not consist of the artificial and tedious complication of diverse bands, but is woven into the cloth or impressed by some other art. Since, however, it is known from elsewhere that the ancient Roman custom of clothing the legs with bands braided in a cross-wise manner persisted among the Western peoples until the 8th century and beyond: and [since] the painter who illustrated the Basilian Menologium with images showed things according to the custom of his own century, being entirely ignorant of antiquity, as those centuries went: it is necessary that *campagia* ^D were still in use among the Greeks in the ninth century, and they were not whole, solid cloths, but bands folded and woven cross-wise. Concerning the custom of the Westerners, to which I pointed, it is certain. For the leg-attire of the ancient Franks was this: they first wrapped their legs in linen cloth (I render the words of the illustrious Muratori, T. II, *Ant. Ital.*, p. 434), which they called *tibiale*; then they drew on *fasciolae supertibiales* (bands over the shins), and over everything they drew straps, so that they might fit and constrain the cloth to the shins. He learned this from the Monk of St. Gall, whose words here are very memorable: "The adornment or equipment of the ancient Franks were shoes gilded on the outside, marked with straps three cubits long: leg-bands of a vermilion color [that is, scarlet], and beneath them linen tibialia and coxalia [thigh-coverings], although of the same color, yet varied by the most artful work, over which those very long straps were extended, cross-wise, inside and outside, from front to back." The Monk says that that was the attire of the ancient Franks. And look at Charlemagne in the sixth table (if I remember correctly) of the Lateran wall-paintings, [you] German, you will see those Frankish *campagia* on his feet. Inspect the image of the Emperor Lothair in the Capitulary of the Frankish Kings by Baluze. Two nobles standing there themselves (if my memory does not fail, for this book is not at hand for the writer of these things) wear *campagia*. Furthermore, compare with the recently cited passage of the Monk of St. Gall those two [passages] dealing with *campagia*, which that futile and foolish chapter of our codex, the fortieth I suppose of the second book, provides, and you will understand that *campagia* were nothing else than woolen or felt bands, wrapped in convoluted turns over a linen garment that tightly hugs the flesh of the legs. In that chapter he wishes to give an account, from the mystical theology of the Greek monks, why the Roman consuls of old, and following their example thereafter the masters and patricians of the Constantinopolitan court, wore and bear on the feast day of Easter girdles or *trabeae* and scepters and *campagia*. To these *campagia* [in] that chapter: "And to be bound with linen at the garment, along with gilded footwear..." and afterwards towards the end of the chapter: "And from *campagia*, which in the Latin tongue are called... the agility of a soldier, but also being fortified through the wrapping of felt around the legs." We observe three different things here: gilded shoes, a linen covering surrounding the legs, which seems to have been the same as the *tibiae* (about which see the note on p. 245), and the wrapped felt. Thus, we have sufficiently satisfied what the *campagia* were; it must now be said that the *campagia* were worn by men of the senatorial order. This is clear from the fact that it was not permitted to appear before the Emperor except in *campagia*, or to recline at the sacred table, [for] not only the nobles conspicuous in their *toga*, but also in their *sagum*. Although soldiers wore *caligae*, whence they are also called *apotikalygoi* [from] the military duty of the *caliga* or what is done with the *caliga* (see Du Cange s.v. *Apocaligus*), yet the more honorable commanders of the soldiers, who made up no small part of the entourage, proceeded to the court and were invited to the sacred banquets in *campagia*, as is clear in many places of our *Cletorologium*. From this it also came about that the senate is often called in our codex *hē hypokampagin synklētos*. As the military order was called *apocaligus* from the wear on the feet, so the senatorial was called *hypokampagin*, as if [composed of] those who were *hypo kampagiōn* (under the *campagia*). The use of the particle *hypo* here is indeed unusual; yet it is easily clear that here it has the same force as *apo*; *apokampagin*, those from the *campagia*, that is, *meta kampagiōn*. There is frequent mention of this garment in our author, [though] rare among...

^C

V. When the time for divine communion approaches, the praepositus, by command of the master of ceremonies, orders two silentiaries to be sent to summon the patriarch, whom they lead through the styracium into the oratory where the emperor is. After the emperor has received the body and blood of the Lord from the hand of the patriarch, he enters the bedchamber, in which the patricians, strategi, domestici, and those holding the highest offices are also given holy communion by the patriarch. Once all of these have gone out, and while the patriarch is about to depart—the emperor standing before the door of his bedchamber—they bow to one another, and the patriarch, having departed, celebrates the entire divine liturgy. When the divine liturgy is finished, the emperor, having changed his vestments, passes through the triclinium of the Holy Shroud, while the cubicularii carry the veils and curtains that are there, and the emperor ascends through the bisalouton and the cochlea, and enters into the Danubian triclinium. His honored table stands there, and the protospatharii barbati, the spatharocandidati, those of the maglabion, and all the rest of the household remain there; at that time, those who have been summoned from among them wait there, while the rest of the ^D archontes each remain in his own bedchamber.

VI. The emperor, having ascended into the Anastasiac triclinium and taken off his garments, stays in his dibetesion. The silentiaries, having summoned the patriarch, lead him up to the cochlea, and when he has sat down there near the entrance gate to the triclinium where the table stands, the praepositus informs the emperor, and the emperor orders the praepositus to summon the patriarch; the emperor, wearing his sagion, stands at the table awaiting the patriarch. When the patriarch has arrived, the priests are summoned by the patriarch and they perform the stichos. And then the emperor sets aside his sagion, and the patriarch his omophorion, and the priests take them and go out. After the emperor and the patriarch have sat at the table, two cubicularii bring in the cucumaria, and they drink once; then the friends enter, and the entire custom of the table is performed. When the friends have arisen and gone out, the emperor and the patriarch remain, and the cubicularii bring in the cucumaria again, and after they have drunk once more, they arise. The patriarch, having gone out a little, puts on his omophorion, and the emperor his sagion, and after saying the stichos, the patriarch gives an invocation of blessing to the emperor, and the priests go out. The emperor and the patriarch sit for a short time, speaking with one another; then, having bowed to one another and exchanged kisses, they go out, and the patriarch...

In the same way, as had been done a little before in the Campus Martius, the emperor mounts into the carriage, with the cross and the Persian standards going before. He has as his assessor in his carriage the first patrician, or whomever else he chooses; and when he boards, he kisses the emperor’s hands. The other dignitaries precede the carriage. When he arrives at the Forum of Constantine, he descends from the carriage and salutes the prefect of the city and the senate. There, the prince of the senators, together with the prefect of the city, offers him a golden ^A *modiolus* [or curved crown]. After the senators have been greeted with words, the emperor mounts the carriage again, 1 but he sits in it alone; from there, led by the senators and the archons, he proceeds to the Great Church, passing through the Augustaion by way of the horologium, and enters through the great gate into the *mesaulos* or atrium. In the *marthece* a *mutatorium* or change of garments takes place, and the emperor removes the crown, handing it over to the *praepositus*. ^B The latter then returns it to his master, who deposits it on the holy table, along with such valuables as he may wish; and (46) he makes gifts of gold (for the emperors are shown to have used different gifts for this purpose), and he goes out and stands a little in front of the cancelli, and after this he enters into the *paratriclinium* (47), and hears the Gospel.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...does not fall down, but *prospiptein*, he happens upon the one who is standing, and *proskynei*, he bows down, and brings his mouth to his knees. For that is what *proskynein* properly signifies; *kynos* and *gounos* or *gouna*, and *gounaton* are all the same: a knee. Emperors hardly gave the grace of kissing the feet to the dignitaries, being content with only the kissing of the hands, unless it was on Sundays or feast days or some other solemnity where religion or ancient rite commanded them to practice modesty and to lower themselves from their rank. Examples of this are readily available in our codex, and those we brought forth a little earlier on p. 240 provide proof. The ancient ^C emperors indeed used to be kissed on the head by those to whom they offered their own breast to be kissed, as is learned from Ammianus Marcellinus; the later ones, carried away by insolence, thought they had indulged sufficiently in any of these things if they merely offered their hand. The passage in Ammianus is XXVIII: "Some of these, when they began with their breasts positioned to receive the greeting, would incline their heads so that they might be kissed, in the manner of threatening bulls, offering their hands or knees to be kissed by the toadies." Lower down, in chapter 51 of the second book, it is said that the prefect of the city, when he is about to board the carriage in which he is to proceed with the emperor to the granaries, ought to kiss his knees, but the muleteer, before he is ordered to sit to take up the guidance of the horses, should kiss the emperor's feet. But was it permitted only for emperors to admit the kissing of the feet? Or was it permitted for dignitaries to allow the same honor to be held for them by their clients? No example of a private citizen occurs to me to whom such great veneration was shown. Yet it was the custom to kiss the knees and hands of the patriarch, but not his feet. But how did the patriarch kiss the emperor, and the latter in turn kiss him during the *Agape* or kiss of peace? By the embrace, or by the cross being extended in turn? Certainly, priests to the laity, whose mouth or hands they disdained to offer, extended a silver cross or Christ crucified, painted on a tablet, to be kissed. The Muhammadans meeting one another kiss their beards. That rite, however, scarcely seems to have obtained among the Greeks, who were accustomed to shave their beards; although most patriarchs did grow them.

^D ...it grows together. The *modiolus* is also the boundary of the carpenters, or *Sims* or *Crantz*, denoting the projection or the walling of the columns upon which something can be placed. The *modiolus* is also that wooden fence formerly led around the top of the columns of the Stylites, like a crown, so that those living on the columns would not fall off; see Majelli’s dissertation *De Stylitis* in Assemani's *Martyrologium* vol. II. In general, they called all things round, narrower at the base and wider and larger at the top, *modii* and *modioli*. Thus, the *modius* was that *pyrgus*, or little wooden tower, through which dice and gambling tokens were thrown onto the board. See Du Cange s.v. *Modiolus* and *Modiolos* and *Modios*. The consistency with these of the *tou basilikou modiou*, the imperial *modiolus* or circle, of which Cedrenus speaks in the cited place, and our author here, is easily apparent, and one may see an excellent image of it in the Ravennate monument in Alemannus at Procopius p. 77. The comments that Goarus makes on Cedrenus p. 485 are strange. But pardon should be given to a learned man to whom many things necessary for this part of antiquity were lacking in his own age; this I also wish to be said concerning others, if by chance I touch upon the errors of certain people. And I desire that this pardon be given to me as well. Day teaches day. Banduri interpreted it better in vol. II of *Ant. orient. imp.* p. 497. Added to the shape of the *modiolus* is the *propoloma*, the turretted ornament of the heads of the Augustae, of which I speak on p. 151. This much difference lies between them: the *modiolus* was an open gold plate at the top. But the *propoloma* was a wreath or headband made of precious cloths, adorned with golden circles and gems, and closed at the vertex.

(46) It is easily apparent from my interpretation that [something] is to be inserted that is missing from the manuscript. (47) I do not know what this is. Perhaps it is the same as the *paratorium* or *diaconicum*, about which see Du Cange, *Constant. Christ.* III chap. 68 and *Gloss. Lat.* s.v. *Paratorium*. That place was where the bishops and priests prepared themselves, that is, they put on the sacred vestments destined for the performance of the ministry. Let others decide how much weight should be given to this conjecture. Or it can be conjectured that it should be written *paratriclinium* instead of *paratriclinon*. For I have demonstrated above, where I treated of the *cyclion* on p. 9, that the emperors in the *cyclion* on the right or southern part of the bema had three rooms: one, the *metatorium*; a second, the *triclinium*; a third, the *coton*; in which they would hear the readings of the Gospel and Epistle, dine after the completion of the divine service, and also sleep. One could also think of *paracyclion*, a side-cyclion: but I approve of that less.

is escorted by the officers of the cubiculum as far as the cochlias, and from there by the silentarii as far as the bottom. The emperor then proceeds as he may command and desire.

^A VII. It must be known that if the emperor does not order the procession to be instituted from the upper palace, that is, from the Anastasian triclinium, it is performed as follows. The emperor, having departed from the sleeping chamber of the Holy Sorus, changed, stands in the triclinium of the Holy Sorus, where the veils hang, with the officers of the cubiculum stationed there; and behind him stand the spatharocubicularii and the cubicularii. He there receives the patricians and the strategoi, who, having adored the emperor, rise up. The praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, says, "Command;" and the others say, "For many and good years." The emperor, being accompanied by them, descends via the steps leading from the banniarium, and after he approaches the steps of the lower procession, where those who are to process assemble, he stops. The patricians, joined with the senate, are present, and the praepositus, having given a sign to the master of ceremonies, says, "Command;" to which all the rest respond, "For long and good years." Finally, the master of ceremonies, stationed at the steps, says, "Caplate Domini," and thus from that place they institute the solemn procession, as we have said.

Observanda, when the feast of the Purification of St. Mary falls on the second day of the first week.

I. At the first hour of that day, the emperor is received in the Lausiac triclinium with solemnity; he, having put on his mantle, goes out and departs for the Magnaura, where, having stationed himself upon the green stone above the steps, he [addresses] the people [to celebrate] the holy and venerable... ^{B C D}

take their leave. And senators and the other magistrates remain standing there still, until the emperor has entered the chamber in the company of the patricians and given them leave to depart: but when these have left, finally the gifts are bestowed. It must not be overlooked that the palace dignitaries bind themselves by oath that they will never plot against either the emperor himself or the empire. The emperor keeps the written formula of this oath in his own possession. If the Augusta is in the palace, she meets the new emperor, but in the palace, that is, inside the Augusteum; and the emperor kisses her head. The emperor then retains at his table for dinner, in the great triclinium, at his own table—where he himself reclines—the praepositi and the patricians whom he wishes, as well as the prefects and the master; but at the other couches or tables, the soldiers whom he may designate, or the military commanders. ^A If the Augusta be in the palace, she meets the emperor in the palace, that is, within the Augusteum, and the emperor kisses her head. And the emperor feeds those in the great triclinium—in his own couch, the praepositi and patricians whom he wishes, and the prefects and the master; but in the other couches, the soldiers whom he shall command, or the military commanders. And jesters also enter during the dinner, if the emperor so intends. It is necessary to know that from the Eleniana to the gate, two counts of the schools hold the apples of the carriage, and from the gate to the forum, two counts of the domestics, and from the forum to the palace, two from the military consuls, according to the form to be told in those things written concerning the month of March. And if the emperor wishes, departing from the church he makes an assembly ^B.

Commentary of Joannes Jacobus Reisk

to complete the most venerable and holy Quadragesima. ^A And then the emperor orders the secretary to read the lesson, and when it is finished, the people offer whatever auspicious acclamations they wish to the emperor: after the solemn acclamation of the people, he departs, and passes through the left side of the Magnaura, escorted by the praepositus and the other cubicularii and protospatharii, and passes through the excubia and the scholae, and through the small bronze gate, and enters the Holy Well and lights candles. The patriarch receives him at the Holy Well, at the gate leading into the interior of the church, and both enter as far as the holy doors.

II. When the emperor has lit the candles and prayed, he hands them to the praepositus. And after the emperor and the patriarch have venerated one another, he ^B departs to the metatorium: for on that day the emperor does not enter the sanctuary. Finished with the office of the third and sixth hours, he emerges from the metatorium. And after they have venerated and kissed one another, the emperor passes through the right side of the church, the narthex, and the horologium, and emerges at the great gate facing west which leads to the athyra. Having mounted a horse from that place, he passes through the Milion, the Forum, and the long portico of the Maurianus and of the Petrius, and departs as far as the Church of the All-Holy Theotokos at Blachernae. Having arrived there, he dismounts from the horse and ascends to the catechumena, and having prayed, he lights candles in the parakyptikon of the Holy Shroud, in the prayer-chapel, and at the exterior cross of the catechumena; having gone out from those places, he departs to the Anastasiac triclinium, and then he performs ^C everything, such as the changes of clothing and the receptions. The meeting for the litany and the introit for the Divine Liturgy and the prayer are carried out just as we set forth above in the first state of this same feast.

CHAPTER XXVIII

I. On the evening of the Sabbath, the patriarch departs to the Church of the All-Holy Theotokos at Blachernae, together with the metro-

^A and was proclaimed emperor in the hippodrome or hippodromus in this manner. When Zeno, of divine memory, had departed this life, the palace dignitaries and men of the senatorial order 64 and the bishop [or patriarch] gathered by night, immediately after his passing, in the portico which is built out before the great triclinium. The people, however, gathered in the hippodrome the next morning, and each took up his station. The soldiers likewise stood in the hippodrome in their battle line. When they were all gathered, they cried out with great clamor and tumult, demanding a new emperor while the corpse of the deceased still lay within. The dignitaries, therefore, by unanimous consent, persuaded Ariadne, the Augusta of divine memory, to ascend to the hippodrome and address the people. She ascended, then, wearing the imperial chlamys, in the company of both ^B praepositi 65 and the magister, and the castrensis, and the quaestor, and all the others who are accustomed to watch the equestrian contests with the emperor. A few chamberlains of her own party also entered with her into the hippodrome, and not least, the archbishop of Constantinople, Euphemius. The other dignitaries took their places in front, where the heralds are accustomed to stand, at the railings and on the tiers according to their ranks; the chartularici [or scribes or togati] on the right, and the military men on the left. And when the Augusta stood and appeared to the people, all cried out: "Ariadne Augusta, may you be victorious. Pious Lady, grant her long life." And they repeated "Kyrie eleison" 66 many times, and said: "Many be the years of the Augusta; an orthodox emperor for the world 67." The Augusta then addressed them by means of petitions ^C from the very tiers. For the petitioner, standing in those very tiers at the railing in front of the sella, where the heralds stand, read as follows: "Your greatness 68..."

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

...are the three following immediately. For never would the Greeklings, those "clergy-mad" wretches, slaves of the priests, have called in the tenth century Anastasius an emperor of pious memory, who knew how to "depress the nose" (to be understood as "doing well") of an ambitious race.

(64) When archontes and syncretici are contrasted, the former seem to refer to the sagali, that is, the military, and the latter to the chartularici (as they are called on p. 243), that is, the togati dignitaries; but when they are mentioned simply as archontes and indefinitely, as in D. 7, all dignitaries of both types are designated.

(65) Namely, of both parties, one Augusta...

(66) A cry most frequent among Christians, although not of Christian origin. For even the heathens themselves already addressed their own gods with it, as is clear from Arrian's Discourses of Epictetus, p. 186.

(67) The chief concern of the Greeks, from which they learned to esteem and revere the priesthood as great, was to have an orthodox king. Compare the following chapters, in which the same formula is used. *Aitoumetha* (we demand) or something similar ^D is implied. Thus, the acclamations of the Council of Chalcedon, Act 1: "To the orthodox [synod...]," namely, we wish a bishop to be granted or restored. Among Malalas, vol. II, p. 63: "You, commissioner, Augustus, we demand; we ask of you." Among the same on p. 126, the victoriati shout: "Another emperor for Romania." Such examples abound in the writers. There is another ellipsis further down on p. 300, *ton logotheten* (scil. *kalei*—call the logothete). What the *oikoumene* (world) is there, I shall say when I come to treat of the meaning of the word *eremos* (desert) on p. 257.

(68) *Strenuitas*. Hence the custom remains among us Germans, though gradually dying out, of using the address *Eure Gestrengem* towards a nobleman or praetorian judge. This custom, today so trite and vulgar, of addressing men in the abstract, as the logicians say, as if I address a strenuous man with the title of "Your Strenuousness," others with "Your Excellency," others with "Your Magnificence," "Your Venerability," and so forth—"Your Clemency," "Celsitude," "Serenity," "Grace," "Dilection," "Majesty"—already obtained in those times, not born under Anastasius, nor under Leo the Great, who, after (see above p. 230) he had called Anthemium, a colleague in the empire, *praotaton archonta* (most gentle ruler), adds *he hemerotes autou* (his clemency or mildness or grace); but its traces already exist in the writers of the *Historia Augusta*. Spartianus, addressing Diocletian in the *Life of Aelius Verus*, p. 224: "In almost the same manner," he says, "as in our times Maximian and Constantine have been called Caesars by Your Clemency." The Council of Arles in the mid-fourth century: "Since his dignity [the Emperor Constantine's] ordered... bishops Lucianus, Capito, Nasutius to reach their own homes." The formulas of address to emperors were *he basileia, he autokratoria, he galene, to kratos hymon* (your empire, your autocracy, your serenity, your power), and others. Thus, above on p. 165, in an acclamation to the emperor: "God who has crowned Your Serenity." Towards the patriarch, the formula was *he agape sou* (your love) (see Sym. Nag. p. 457), *makariotes* (beatitude) (see Novell. Justin. p. 71, nov. 3). Constantine in a letter to Pope Leo: "We exhort Your Most Holy Highness," and likewise "the person of Your Holiness." To a bishop also belonged *he hymetera angelike strategia* (your angelic generalship), your leadership in the ministry of proclamation, that is: "O you who preside over those serving in the militia or the office of proclaiming the Word of God" (see Du Cange, v. *Angelus*); *he glykytes hymon* (your sweetness or your love), father to son. Theophanes, p. 87: *he se stibarotes*, *Eure Gestrengen*, your strenuousness and rigidness, your inflexibility in administering justice. Maxminus in an edict to the urban prefect...

metropolitan bishops, ^A archbishops, and bishops, whoever may happen to be in the city on that day. Similarly, the clergy of the Great Church and those of the suburban churches, and whoever practices the monastic life in all the monasteries in this God-guarded city, all perform an all-night hymn in the venerable temple. On the following day, which is the Lord’s day, the patriarch proceeds from the temple with all those already mentioned and with the procession, and they pass through the public portico. The emperor, having departed from the palace, wearing a *sagion*, and accompanied by those of the *kouboukleion* who wear their *sagia*, passes through the gate of the *spatharikion*, and proceeds through the *mannaura* and its upper passages, and through the wooden staircase enters the catechumena of the Great Church; and having entered the catechumena and prayed, lighting candles, he, as well as all the others, in accordance with their own rank, changes into their white vestments. As the procession approaches, silence is given, ^B and the emperor proceeds from the *metatorion* of the catechumena, whom the patricians together with the entire senate receive in the great triclinium of the *sekreton*, and they bow down. Then the *praepositos*, having received a nod from the emperor, signals to the master of ceremonies, who says: “Command!” and they acclaim: “For many and prosperous years!”

II. From there, the emperor, accompanied by all those bearing candles in *phialai*, descends through the great spiral staircase and through the *didascaleion*, where the paschal cycles are displayed, and having descended the steps, he does not enter the great narthex, but turns aside to the left toward the *metatorion* from the triangle, the master of ceremonies saying from the floor: “*Caplate, Domini*.” And he descends the steps of the door, and there receives the procession. Having lit candles and prayed, he worships the venerable cross and the immaculate Gospel, and likewise salutes the patriarch, and passes before the procession. The master of ceremonies begins the troparion, “Of the true doctrines,” which is chanted by all in the procession. ^C The emperor, having entered the narthex, sits and waits until the patriarch arrives with the procession. And when the patriarch has arrived, the emperor stands, and both stand before the royal doors, and the emperor, having lit candles, prays, while the patriarch performs the prayer of entrance; and having prayed, the emperor gives the candles to the *praepositos*, and he to the master of ceremonies. After the patriarch has completed the rite of entrance, and the emperor has worshipped the immaculate Gospel, having taken hold of each other’s ^D hands, they walk through the middle of the temple, and having turned aside through the side of the ambo, they enter the *solea* and stand before the holy doors,

For God first, and then we ourselves, have sufficiently provided for your well-being and all that pertains to your advantage, and having immediately consulted with the illustrious magistrates and the sacred senate, with the concurrence also of the consent of the most noble guards, we have put forward a man for the empire who is both orthodox and pure of vices. May envy be far from this most excellent counsel and policy." ^A After this address was made by her, the Augusta descended, and the magistrates followed her. And the Augusta entered into the Augusteum; but the magistrates, benches having been placed before the *delphax*, sat down and began to deliberate concerning what ought to be done, and much dispute was stirred up among them. But the praepositus Urbicius explained to them more astutely that, "You do well to grant the authority to the Augusta, so that she may choose whomever she may wish." The senate therefore asked the bishop to enter and exhort her, so that she might choose whom she wishes; she therefore chose Anastasius the silentiary, and the five magistrates, having learned this, were pleased, and immediately counts of the protectors and domestics were sent to the house of Anastasius by the magister, and they led him to the palace, and he was kept in the consistory, and thus occurred the funeral of Zeno of divine memory. On that same day, then, the *vestosakranoi* and the painters and the money-changers performed the customary rites, as has been said, and in the evening the *mandata silentium* and the *komenton* were given, and on the following day all went forth in white *chlamydes*, and were received in the consistory, and there were greeted, though not in the chariot. ^B And the archbishop also went forth according to custom, having entered through the *balniaria*, and after all had been received according to custom, Anastasius went up into the portico before the great triclinium, and stood in the middle of the portico; and all the magistrates and the senators entered to him, and they demanded that he give an oath to all, as not to anyone, toward whom...

^A the emperor asks for the candles and gives them to the praepositus. And having done obeisance to one another, both the emperor and the patriarch, the emperor enters into the sanctuary to perform the divine liturgy, and the emperor departs to the metatorium, performing the divine liturgy there. For on this day the emperor does not enter the sanctuary.

III. It must be known that at the entrance of the Holy Gifts and at the Love of the doors he does not go out, but at the communion he goes out and communicates, and when the divine liturgy is finished, the emperor goes out from the metatorium and joins the patriarch, and both walk together as far as the Holy Well, and having done obeisance to each other and exchanged the kiss of peace, the emperor goes out from there, and having entered through the cast door of the small bronze gate, and passing through the *scholae* and the *excubiae*, while the Master of Ceremonies says: "Caplate, Domini." And having reached the consistory, the senate remains there, interceding for the emperor, and the Master of Ceremonies and the silentiaries remain on the *onopodium*, also interceding in like manner. The emperor ^B passes through the Augusteum and enters the palace; and when the *knetorion* has been arranged, the *missae* are served, and immediately everyone departs. The emperor sits at his own honorable table in his *skaramangion*, and those whom he ordered to be called do the same in their *skaramangia*, but the members of the cubiculum do not perform the *parastasimon* on that day.

IV. It must be known that this rite was once practiced in this manner, but now the emperor arranges all other things differently up to the entrance, as has been stated. At the entrance, he enters into the *bema* and does obeisance to the holy table and the altar-cloth, and passing by the side of the sanctuary and the spiral stairway which is behind the apse, he ascends ^C into the catechumena, enters the metatorium, and puts off their chlamyses only, and they hear the divine Gospel and the litany; and after these things the Master of the Table enters with the *artoclins*, and the *kletorion* is arranged. And the lords go out and depart to the metatorium of the patriarch, and immediately *missae* are served, and, putting off their *dibetesia*, they wait for the divine liturgy to be finished and for the patriarch to ascend. The praepositi go away and sit on the ascent by which the patriarch ascends, and upon his ^D ascending, they hold his hands, kissing them, and having gone away they lead him to the lords. And the patriarch, having cast off his changes of clothing, taking the lords, goes out and reclines for the meal, and those who have been invited enter and dine with them; and when they rise, the lords depart again through the colonnades to the palace. It must be known that the masters, praepositi, and patricians receive candles from the *oeconomicon*, but under Lord Theophylact they also received fragrant ointments. Lord Theophylact the patriarch also prepared a banquet in part of the oratory of Saint Theophylact, to which the lords...

were leading him, and keeping him in the consistory for a while until the solemn rite should be inaugurated. Meanwhile, the funeral rites of Zeno of divine fortune were being performed. And so on that day, the vestosacrani, painters, and money-collectors performed the customary offices [regarding the adorning of the prince’s funeral], and evening orders were issued for the silence and assembly of the next day. ^A [The manuscript text continues:] ...that he would hold a matter, ^A keep grief, and that he will use the republic with an upright conscience. And after this oath was completed, ^B he ascended to the Hippodrome, and having entered into the triclinium, where by custom of the Hippodrome ^B it is the practice to worship the senators, he wore a sticharion, a dibetesion, an auroklabon, and a zonarion and toubia ^C and...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

...refused to give, before Anastasius had given him a caution written by his own hand and confirmed by oath, by which he promised that he would keep faith unviolated, and that he would bring nothing new into the holy Church of God if he became possessed of the empire, and this because Anastasius was believed by many to be addicted to the sect of the Manichaeans. See what I shall say at p. 768 on the word *opera* and Hubert, p. 633.

[On the fragment:] ^B “To have some matter.” Thus in an old inscription in Murator. t. 1, p. 322, 1: *Pentekaidekandron tôn ekdikazontôn ta pragmata*, i.e., at the age of fifteen, a man [fit] for judging lawsuits. Procop. Anecdota p. 121.

[On the textual notes:] ^C The *Hippikon* in the manuscript, in which an aspirated vowel but rarely appears even in those words to which we are accustomed to prefix it. Many things persuade us that the ancients varied much in aspirates, and either ignored or disregarded the traditions of the grammarians, and mixed everything together. *Hirenarches* and *heremus* are written in the Theodosian Code as *eirenarches* and *eremos*. Elsewhere *heresipelas* for *erysipelas*; *ekeuvazein* for *epeuvazein* is in Plutarch Vit. p. 556, 16; *epsidein* for *epidein* in Luke I, 25 in certain codices; see Wetsten there. Cited from Gruter's *Corpus Inscriptionum* p. 216, I find *KAOENIAYTON*. I do not doubt that Scaliger and Muratori noted a great farrago of such things in their indices. Our manuscript constantly shows *hippos* and *hippikon* written out; which is favored by the name Cratippus, which is written with a *t*, not with a *th*; just as also *photonapsiai*, not *phothapsiai*. The same [manuscripts] infra p. 450 have *ypexairesthai* for *ypexairesthai*, p. 353 *epistesi* for *ephistesi*, p. 152 *pelônion* for *phelônion*, 292 *ep’ hikanas* for *eph’ hikanas*. p. 419 *ephisses* for *in...* Nor did the new Greeks only vary thus, but the ancients also. In Athenaeus p. 401 there is *apavanthês*, although it is from *avanaidô*. Chishull *Antiqu. Asiat.* p. 69 gives *aphestalkamen*, and p. 91 *aphestalmenon*. The Pocokian inscriptions p. 17 [give] *katestamenous* for *kathestamenous*. In poem 49 of the *Anthologia inedita* there is *ephetêsion*, annual, for *epetêsion*, and in poem 329 *ephioulkis* for *epfioulkis*, alluding; *aphelkesmenô* is in Gruter p. 71. The Florentine edition of the Anthology, cared for by Constantine Lascaris, the first of all, also the parchment codex which Reimarus kindly shared with me, ^D has in *tôi histôi*. The same Reimarus codex has *apiptamenôn* for *apiptamenôn* [in H. Stephanus ed. p. 85 (n. 428 2)]. The same Florentine edition has *pot’ hamaxês*, where Stephanus' edition p. 287 exhibits *poth’ hamaxês*. All editions give *epistamenon*, even the Stephanian, p. 216 last line, for *ephistamenon*. New Greeks say *oporkizein* and *oporkistês*; *paplôma* for *epaplôma* and this for *ephaplôma*; *phetos* and *ephetos* for *ep’ etos*, in the year. In the Life of Simeon Salus (in Du Cange v. *Phouskarion*) *anoixon ephetos kai sympherei soi*, open the tavern for the year and it will profit you. That there was hardly any difference in the Middle Ages in pronouncing the aspirated and smooth spirit and the single and double letter is evident from Nicetas Choniates p. 232, where he recounts the eunuch's most frigid scommatic remark and the author’s crown, in which it was thrown, a game worthy of being among the ^D others. ...

[The textual commentary concludes regarding *tubia* and *hosae*:] ^D ...the inconstancy of authors, who call them now vestments of the thighs, now of the legs. I shall spare quoting their loci, since they are sufficiently copious in Du Cange *Gl. Gr.* h.v. The reason for this thing seems to me to be that the breeches (*braccae*) and hosiery (*tibialia*) for those men were made and worn out of one solid mass that could not be separated, like our own. But their femoral garments were so long that they reached almost to the malleoli of the feet, or at least to the mid-calf, so that they resembled tubes, whence they have their name, and whoever put on the femoral garments also put on the hosiery at the same time. This we see in those pompous satellites, dressed in the Hungarian manner, whom we are accustomed to call Heiducks. Over these, *campagia* were wrapped cross-wise, and at the top, below or above the knee, they were tightened with a wide bandage, usually precious, which was also called *toubion*. Yet the Greeks did not wear their femoro-crural garments like those Heiducks; that is, none of them were in the open, but they were hidden under the *esophoria* or innermost tunics. The Greeks did not tuck their chemises into their femoral garments, but these lay underneath them and touched the skin directly; the chemises covered the breeches, not the other way around, as with us. This custom the Turks borrowed from the Greeks, whose breeches are described in this manner by Rauchwolff in his *Itinerary*: "snow-white cotton wide pantaloons, which reach down to the ankles," whence it follows that they are quite close-fitting below. They have no flaps, which they also do not suffer others to have, nor foot-straps, so that they can wash themselves in secret places and on the feet, as well as on the arms and necks, in their daily cleansings without hindrance, according to the pointing of their Law. Such breeches they pull together with a band over the bare body, so that their shirts hang over them. When they wish (if I may say so) to urinate, they squat down, let down the bands, throw their clothes, like women, around them, and so let themselves go. The form of the breeches was the same, and what I have brought here concerning the tubes applies also to the breeches, about which I speak on p. 417. For *hosae* and *tubia* are the same. But of what material were the *tubia*? They were linen, woolen, or silk. But were they also leathern? I do not think so. But could the *tubia* be the same thing as what we today call hosiery, *les bas*, as...

with the magistroi and prepositi and the others they had commanded were invited.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Observances for the Sunday of the middle of the weeks of fasts, when the venerable and life-giving wood of the Cross is adored.

The patricians, the protospatharioi, the domestics, and the vicars and all the ministers go by night to the palace. As soon as it is opened, the patricians, wearing their sagia (cloaks) over their scaramangia (tunics/robes), and the rest, wearing their scaramangia, enter. Having passed through the great triclinium, they make their way to the temple of the Holy Mother of God in the Pharos, and after adoring the venerable wood of the Cross, they depart again and sit in the hippodrome. As the time approaches for them to enter the palace, they enter just as they do on other ordinary days into the great processional triclinium. And when the time draws near and the kletorion (reception) is arranged, the emperor comes out and reclines at his venerable table in the same processional triclinium.

It must be known that, in ancient times, on the feast of the Annunciation, the nobles changed into their white garments in the consistory, and when the time arrived, the lords departed and were received by the patricians in the onopodion, though not inside the portico, but in the augusteum. If it did not fall on a Sunday, the lords adored prostrate on the ground, and thus departed to the consistory; but if it was a Sunday, they did not fall down adoring, but offered the honor of adoration to the emperor only by bending the knee.^{A B C}

CAPUT XXX

^A I. Sciendum est, ubi festus Annuntiationis dies in Dominicam mediae hebdomadis jejuniorum inciderit, sic eum celebrari. Omnes nocturnam processionem ad palatium instituunt; patricii quidem tunicis albis cum orbiculis violaceis induti (hoc enim die tunicas aureis clavis praetextas non gerunt), senatus quoque omnis albis vestibus, praepositi et cubicularii ut semper solent. Aperto autem palatio, subito omnes a mandato intrant, perque aureum triclinium templum Sanctae Deiparae Phari petunt, ubi venerando crucis ligno adorato, statim processus ex mandato datur. ^B Hora secunda media imperator procedit, et per daphnem, accensis in ejus oratorio cereis, ut solet, venit et cubiculum augustale ingressus, mutato dibelesio suo, tempus praestolatur. Quo veniente, monitus a ceremoniarum magistro praepositus, ad imperatorem ingreditur eique tempus adesse indicat. Is tunica sua, ut mos est, indutus, progreditur et per augustale transit, unde a cubiculi praefectis stipatus, per stenon aureae manus ad onopodium ascendit: in porta aenea stantem patricii et strategi, inter quos medios cerimoniarius astat, excipiunt, et postquam omnes imperatorem adorarunt, praepositus a mandato signum cerimoniario dat, qui dicit: «Jubete;» posthac universo senatui juncti ad consistorium abeunt. ^C Imperator sub camelaucio in lapide porphyretico stat, dumque patricii cum senatu procidunt, praepositus silentiario e mandato, in loco inferiori constituto, signum dat, is dicit: «Jubete.»

II. Ab his stipatus imperator, per excubias, scholas magnamque portam chalces progreditur, factiones in suis stationibus, imperatorem cruce signantes et nihil praeterea agentes, adsunt, notarii etiam iambos dicunt. Imperator portam sancti putei ingressus, cereos accendit et precatur; patriarcha vero eum in porta, a sacro puteo ad templum ducente, excipit, unde post mutuam adorationem et salutationem templum ingrediuntur. ^D Imperator ad sanctas januas cum cereis accensis precatur, sacrarium intrat, sanctaque mensa adorata, precatur et e bemata abit, perque soleam transit. Unde egressuro praepositus cereum processionalem tradit, statimque troparium processionis: «Hodie salutis nostrae...

^A ...caput, omnes cereos tenentes ordiuntur. Imperator, omnibus comitantibus, per medium templum transit, et per regias portas egreditur perque narthecem baptisterii et athyrem ac millium, inde per mediam transiens, ad forum et columnam templo Sancti Constantini proximam pergit; ubi gradus qui ante templum sunt ascendit, et ibi constitutus, dextro cancellorum lateri incumbit. In hanc scalam ascensurus, processionalem cereum praeposito reddit, Patricii et senatus prope columnam, reliqua officia hinc inde in media fori, protospatharii et reliqui imperatoris ministri ad dextram et sinistram ejus in medio foro astant. ^B

III. Patriarcha cum solemni comitatu per eos medios procedit, patres conscripti in sinistro processionis latere prope senatum (aedificii nomen est), orphani in media procerum stant. Dumque crux per gradus, ubi imperator stat, ascensura est, cereos accendit, et cruce adorata, eos statim praeposito, hic cerimoniarum magistro tradit, qui eos in candelabris processionis reponit. Crux in media pone imperatorem prope templi portam collocatur, patriarcha vero cum iis qui una cum ipso pro more advenerunt, in ecclesiam ascendit; ^C caeteri autem et clerici infra cum populi turba ad sinistram imperatoris astant. Finita externa, cereos imperator accendit et precatur, deinde eos rursus praeposito, hic cerimoniarum magistro, tradit, qui eos in manualibus processionis reponit. Imperator, per scalam descendens, cereum processionalem a praeposito accipit, et a praedictis omnibus stipatus, per antiforum digressus, porticum prope lausi palatium ingreditur, unde ad templum Sanctissimae Deiparae Chalcopratiorum procedit et in narthece assidet, patriarcham exspectans. Quo cum processione veniente, senatus urbis et clerici communes per dextram portam regiarum intrant, orphani, metropolitae et episcopi in conspectu imperatoris transeunt, eoque adorato, per regias januas templum ingrediuntur. ^D Adveniente patriarcha, imperator

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

^A with the litany, the body of citizens and the common clergy enter through the right door of the imperial gates, while the orphans and the metropolitans and the bishops pass before the emperor, doing obeisance to him, and they enter into the church through the imperial gates. When the patriarch has arrived, the emperor rises, and after they have done obeisance to each other and exchanged the kiss of peace, they depart and stand before the imperial gates. The patriarch recites the prayer of the entrance, and the emperor, having received candles from the praepositus, prays and then hands them back to the praepositus, and the latter to the one in charge of the status.

IV. When the prayers by the patriarch are finished, the emperor does obeisance to the venerable cross and the immaculate Gospel, and taking each other by the hand, ^B they walk through the middle of the nave and enter the solea and go as far as the holy doors. There too, after lighting candles and praying, he hands them to the praepositus and enters the sanctuary, and having done obeisance to the holy table and received an apokombion from the praepositus, he places it on the holy table, and having gone out through the passageway of the left side, he enters the Holy Reliquary; and having stood before the holy doors, he lights candles, and having prayed, he enters the sanctuary, and having done obeisance to the holy table, he places an apokombion upon it, and having censed it round about, he departs. Likewise, having prayed in the oratory on the left, he places an apokombion on the holy table, and he departs and ascends by the wooden staircase into the catechumena, and there he celebrates the divine liturgy. And at the time of the divine communion, two silentiarii ^C go down to call the patriarch, who ascends and imparts to the emperor the holy body and the precious blood. And having communicated, the emperor enters the metatorium, and having received a nod from the praepositus, he summons all those of the senate, and they receive communion from the hands of the patriarch. And then the emperor goes out from the metatorium, and after both the emperor and the patriarch have done obeisance to each other, the patriarch goes down to complete the divine liturgy, and the emperor changes into a gold-embroidered skaramangion and takes a sword adorned with gems and pearls, while the patricians and the lords of the cubiculum put on real saga. And the divine liturgy having been completed, the patriarch ascends, and after the emperor and the patriarch have done obeisance to each other, he gives the emperor blessings, and the emperor gives him an apokombion, and the patriarch gives the emperor ointments.

V. And the emperor, having been crowned ^D by the patriarch, descends by the wooden staircase of the women's gallery on the left side, and having descended the steps of the conch into the didaskaleion, and having gone out to the gate leading to the embolos, he mounts his horse there, as do the praepositi and the ostiarii and all the others. And the one in charge of the status, wearing a real sagion, leads the way before the emperor on foot, and before him four silentiarii, wearing real saga and carrying

^A gold-embroidered garments decorated with jewels. And when the emperor reaches the Milion, those of the faction of the Veneti receive him, saying the acclamations according to their custom; and the demarch, held by the one in charge of the status, goes to the emperor, and having kissed his feet, offers him a libellary. And when the faction has performed everything according to custom, the emperor proceeds a little, and those of the faction of the Pera of the Prasinoi receive him, and they themselves, having performed the same things, with the demarch also offering a libellary to the emperor, he proceeds, and those of the faction of the Prasinoi receive him in the Augustaeum; and when they too have done the same, the emperor proceeds from them, and the demarch of the Veneti, that is, the Domestic of the Schools, receives him in the Chalke with his faction of the Pera. And when they too have finished everything, with the organ playing as in the other three receptions, he departs through the curtains.

VI.

Chapter XXXI. Things to be observed on the vigil of Palm Sunday.

^A On the Saturday of Lazarus, at evening, the palace being opened, the entire senate—magistri, proconsuls, patricians, and those of the cubiculum—enter, and only in scaramangia. The emperor stands in the church of Saint Demetrius before the cast image of the Theotokos, facing the door leading to the solarium. When the senators have passed out of the silver eastern gates, the Church gives the sign, and the senators enter in order, one after another, into the church of Saint Demetrius, and...

they receive from the hand of the emperor ^A one palm branch each, which contains palm leaves and marjoram and other sweet-scented flowers, such as the season then provides. And the magistroi and praipositoi each receive one large silver cross, and the officials and all the rest receive one small silver cross; the anthypatoi and patricians each receive one large silver cross; but if there is an excess of small silver crosses, they are given also to the first-sword-bearers who are eunuchs. And through the other door of Saint Demetrius they enter into the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos, and immediately the lucernarium begins, and at the dismissal of the lucernarium they chant: ^B "Buried with thee under the earth," and the cubicularii and the imperial clergy distribute one each. And the praipositoi depart, receiving large palm branches; and when the clergy have performed the lucernarium, all depart through the ivory gate.

CHAPTER XXII

Observances for the Feast and Procession of Palms.

I. All go through the hippodrome to the palace, to which, when the Papios has been opened, the praipositoi, patricians, and cubicularii enter, wearing white tunics. From there to the Justinianeum...

^A procession takes place, to which the orphanotrophos also comes with solemn pomp, and once all those symbols which are customary to be distributed have been divided, he departs again. After him, the tribunes of the factions or demarchs enter, and they distribute to all those mentioned—magistri, praipositoi, patricians, and the rest—as many venerable crosses as the order of the feast requires. When the time arrives, the emperor, having put on his dibetesion and chlanis, sits on the throne in the Chrysotriclinos, surrounded by the cubicularii, as is the custom. Then the ostiarius from the mandate, having received a sign from the praipositos, goes out, and holding a golden rod adorned with precious stones, he brings in the first veil, the orphanotrophos, offering the symbol of the faith to the emperor; he performs obeisance to the emperor, though not falling completely to the ground, because he is carrying the symbols. ^B When the suspended veil is drawn back and the orphanotrophos appears to the emperor, the emperor rises from the throne, intending to receive the symbol of the undefiled and holy faith, and after he has received and kissed it, he hands it to the praipositos; the latter, after three customary prostrations, returns the symbols to the emperor, kisses his hand, and, always keeping his face toward him while departing, stops in the middle, performs obeisance to the emperor with his face to the ground, and after wishing him all good things, departs.

II. Again, having received a sign, the ostiarius brings in the second veil, the sacellarios of Hagia Sophia, who is to offer crosses to the emperor, placed upon his left shoulder, while in his right hand he holds one cross; and having entered, he also performs the three customary obeisances, and first hands to the emperor the cross which he holds in his right hand, kissing his hand. The emperor, having received the cross, kisses it and hands it to the praipositos, and then he hands the remaining crosses to the emperor, who, having received them, kisses them and also hands them to the praipositos. And the same sacellarios, having departed, stops in the middle, and falling to the ground, performs obeisance to the emperor, and having prayed for him, departs. The rest all do the same, entering with a ^C cross, each veil one by one. And the ostiarius, having gone out again, brings in, by command, the third veil, the skeuophylax of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Blachernae with the chartulary of the holy sepulcher; the fourth, the xenodochos of Theophilus; the fifth, the leaders of the factions; the sixth, the hospitaler of Sampeonis; the seventh, the hospitaler of Eubulus; the eighth.

the hospitaler of Irene; the ninth, the hospitaler of Narses; the tenth, the hospitaler of Saint Irene; the eleventh veil, the senators of the city, he brings in. All these, having entered, carrying crosses, perform all things as was ordained above. ^A

III. This having been done, the emperor commands the praepositus, and he commands the officer of the ceremonial arrangements, to organize those who enter by custom to receive crosses from the hands of the emperor, so that each of them may enter according to his own order and dignity. Thus, if they are present, the patricians, ^B the strategi, the officers of the cubiculum, the domestici, those holding the primary offices, and the vicarii, each following the custom, enter to the emperor at each veil. But after prostrating themselves upon the ground and adoring him, the emperor bestows a cross upon each one; they, after praying for the emperor’s happiness, depart. Thus also the procession is established by mandate in the Lausiakos, and all proceed through the single door which leads to the private treasury in the secret phiale of the triconchos, all of them carrying their litany candles. The emperor then makes for the Chrysotriclinion; the priests depart from the church of the Pharos, carrying the cross of the church, and meanwhile they begin the troparion of the procession: "The common resurrection." ^C The emperor, accompanied by the cubicularii, follows the procession and makes for the hemicycle of the phiale of the triconchos, where the patricians, the senate, and all the procession receive him. Proceeding from there to the Daphne, he enters the temple of the Holy Mother of God, and having lit candles and prayed, he chants the extente there; he approaches the crosses, and having prayed, he enters through the triclinium of the Augustus into the temple of the holy first martyr Stephen; and having prayed there, he chants the extente. Then, escorted by the same [officers], he passes through the Augusteum and the apse of the triconchos; and the imperial officials remain in that same apse of the triconchos, praying for the emperor. ^D

IV. The emperor, being escorted by the officers of the cubiculum, the patricians, the protospatharioi, and the senate, the spatharocandidati, the *epi tou maglabiou*, and the rest of the household officers, passes through the single door leading to the private treasury and descends the steps of the Lausiakos. The members of the senate, the spatharocandidati, the *manclavitae*, and the other household officers stand on both sides in the Lausiakos, acclaiming the emperor; accompanied by those present, he enters the tripeton, where the protospatharioi are present, praying for his happiness. Then, with the cubicularii and the patricians, he goes to the Chrysotriclinion, and as he departs, he stops on his right side near and as if at the room leading into the cubiculum; the patricians...

^A stand on the left side of the same Chrysotriclinion, and they stand before the *senzo*, carrying their processional candles and the crosses. The priests ascend through the middle of the Chrysotriclinion, and stand near the *senzo*. The deacon places the Gospel on the imperial throne, and the customary *ektenē* is performed; then the emperor departs with the *cubiculum* and the priests to the church of the most holy Theotokos at the Pharos, while the patricians, having prayed for the emperor’s welfare, depart. And then, if the emperor so orders, the patricians are summoned, and they concelebrate with the emperor in the church of the most holy Theotokos; or if not, they celebrate the sacred rites outside in the church of Saint Stephen of the Hippodrome. Once the invitatory has been arranged, the *mīnsai* occur, and after the dismissal of the divine liturgy, the emperor departs and sits at his precious table in the Justinian triclinium in the *scaramangion*, as do those invited; for after the *litē*, everyone changes their clothes.

V. Concerning the Annunciation

CAPUT XXXIII. Observations for the Holy and Great Thursday, and regarding the emperor’s circuit in the hostels.

^A He goes to the hostels, fulfilling the saying spoken by the prophet, or rather by the Lord: “He distributed, he gave to the poor, his righteousness abides to the age of the age,” enriching all and comforting them from the inexhaustible treasures granted to him by God. After completing all that is customary in each hostel, he returns to the palace, and once the consistory has been arranged, the *minsai* occur, and the invited friends remain, while the others depart to their own places. When the hour for the divine liturgy arrives, the emperor enters the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos to celebrate the divine liturgy; and if the emperor so orders, the patricians are called and concelebrate with him; if not, they go out to the church of the holy protomartyr Stephen to celebrate the divine liturgy there, and if the emperor so orders, the patricians are called. When the divine liturgy is finished, he sits on a bench in the narthex of the same church, and the magistri, patricians, praepositi, and the rest enter and receive from the emperor’s hand two apples and a piece of cinnamon each. If it does not please the emperor to sit there, he goes to the imperial chamber of the Chrysotriclinos and sits on the bench there, observing all the aforementioned ceremonies. They, having kissed the emperor’s hands, depart after auspicious acclamations, and thereafter the emperor himself goes to his own precious table and sits with the friends whom he had ordered to be invited that day. It should be known that on this day, changes of clothing are not the custom.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

About the second hour, the emperor, having gone out to the Hippodrome, mounts his horse there and sets out for Blachernae; and having entered the church, he proceeds to the holy doors, and having lit candles and prayed, he enters the sanctuary; and having taken a censer, he censes all around, and after covering the holy table with a new cloth, he places an *apocombion* *^C* upon it; and having gone out through the side door, he enters the church of the Holy Sepulchre, and having lit candles in the same church for his prayer, as is his custom, before...

^A the holy doors, and having entered into the sanctuary, he takes a censer and censes the holy table all around, and taking a small bundle, he places it on the holy table, and then in this way he turns back and enters into the palace, whether on horseback or by boat. And around the third or even the fourth hour of the same day, the patricians proceed by command to the church of Saint Irene, so that they may be present while the patriarch performs the divine catechetical instructions in the same church. But it must be known that, if the emperor returns from Blachernae before the third and sixth hour [service], he first enters the vestiary, and brings out the golden table together with the remaining golden vessels which are to be put to service during the Easter week in the Chrysotriklinos, and then in this way they perform the third and sixth hour, and he venerates ^B the precious lance. Likewise, the patricians also enter by command together with the *koudoukleios*, the protospatharioi, and those in charge of the household affairs, and they themselves also, having venerated the precious lance and having prayed for the emperor, go out. But if the emperor returns from Blachernae after the third and sixth hour, that service having already been celebrated there, he venerates the venerable lance together with the aforementioned [prayers] in the Pharos, then having entered the vestiary, he removes the vessels as we indicated above. Furthermore, it must be known that the emperor also goes to Blachernae by boat, and [to] the holy bema of the Holy Sepulchre.

^A with those passes which Manuel Comnenus long afterwards built and so named, as Cinnamus testifies, p. 35; Malagina, *Μαλάγινα*. Malagina, *Μελάγγινα*, is a town near Olympus, a mountain of Mysia; see Du Cange, *Alexiad*, p. 411. The Nubian Geographer mentions it, p. 287. Concerning Dorylaeum, see Wesseling on the *Itinerarium Antonini Augusti*, p. 203. Concerning Caboricum, I find absolutely nothing. Colonia is Colonia Armeniae, regarding which [see] Wesseling on Hierocles' *Synecdemus*, p. 703, and Du Cange, *Alexiad*, p. 386. Perhaps it is [in] the Nubian Geographer. The Caesarea mentioned here is the one in Cappadocia, also praised by Abulfeda. The Armeniaci are some theme or province. Constantine’s little book *De Thematibus Orientis* should be read regarding all these. Concerning Seleucia of Isauria, see Wesseling, *loc. cit.*, p. 708. [Regarding the Bucellarians, authorities are cited in Olympiodorus’ *Eclogae* by Labbe, p. 90.] Cf. Fabrott, *Glossarium Cedren.*, both glossaries by Du Cange, and Goar on Cedrenus, p. 721. Sebastia is the place famous among the Arabs as Siwas. Tephrica *Τεφρική* seems entirely to be either the city of Tebris itself, or to have been its region in former times. *Ὁ βαθὺς ῥύαξ* is a town thus named in the Armeniac theme, concerning which see Du Cange, *Alexiad*, p. 340, at the end. *Ῥύακαι* is from the manuscripts for *ῥύακα*, as should be read.

(5) Vegetius III, 6: A commander must have the regions in which war is waged most fully described, so that he may learn not only the intervals of the locations by the number of paces, but also the qualities of the roads, and may consider shortcuts, side-paths, mountains, and rivers described faithfully. Hence arose maps, such as the so-called Peutingerian Table, the *Notitia Imperii*, and the *Itineraria*, as it is called by Antoninus, concerning which see Chapter 2 of the learned dissertation by the illustrious Franciscus Christophorus a Scheyb on the Peutingerian Table, which he himself ^D restored from the very parchments in Vienna this very year, rendered into bronze with fidelity. There exist in this Cerimonial of ours specimens of such itinerary maps, though they are partial, namely in Taxidion, p. 283; stations of beacons and lanterns are named, by which an incursion of the Saracens into Roman soil was reported to Constantinople in a short time. Another specimen of such maps is in Book II, at the end of chapter 45, inscribed *Σταδιοδρομικόν*. The *Notitiae* of the bishoprics, concerning which I shall speak at the end of Book II, also pertain here.

(6) I have used the words "in the Latin" from *orbe Romano*, i.e., from the edition of the Romans or the Greeks. For the Greeks of those times called themselves Romans. *Proprie* [properly] are the inhabited places. For whatever territory is not Roman, even if it abounds in people and culture and flourishes, is nevertheless called by the Greeks *ἡ ἔρημος* and *ἡ ἀοίκητος* [the desert and the uninhabited], since it is not safe for them to live and move about there. The word *τὰ ἀοίκητα* should be understood in this sense a little later in this *Tacticus*, p. 262. In like manner, the ancients called it *τὴν ἔρημον* wherever one was deserted by his friends; see Diogenes Laertius, p. 359. It is read in this sense *ἔρημος* in Euripides, *Rhesus* 214; *ἔρημος χῶρος* there is hostile soil. Also in Socrates, *Hist. Eccl.* I, 18, *τόποι ἐρημότατοι* is the middle of barbarism, the middle of the enemy’s territory, where there is a total dearth of friends. Socrates says there that Constantine the Great had provided himself with a camp-church, which he might carry with him on the Persian expedition, *ἵνα ἔχῃ κατὰ τοὺς ἐρημοτάτους τόπους εὐκτήριον εὐτρεπισμένον* [so that he might have a prepared place of prayer in the most desolate regions]. In the same way, one must understand Balsamon, *Responsa* 13, when he calls the camp-clerics *τοὺς μετὰ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων κληρικοὺς ἑπομένους εἰς πεδιάδας ἐρήμους*, those who follow the emperors into desert plains, i.e., hostile ones. Hence, Epictetus in Arrian, *Diss.* I, 24, 143, v. 11, *ed. Cantabr.*, must be corrected: *καὶ νῦν ἡμεῖς γε εἰς τὴν ἐρήμην κατάσκοπον πέμπομεν* (not *εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην*, as it is edited there; we are sending a scout into the desert, i.e., into hostile ground). Just as the Greek writers who flourished under the Roman Empire called whatever was not of Roman jurisdiction *ἔρημον*, and whatever was, *τὴν οἰκουμένην* or *τὰ οἰκούμενα*, so the Attic writers called whatever was of Attic jurisdiction *τὴν οἰκουμένην*. Lycurgus, *Orat. adv. Leocrat.*, p. 178 (in *Orat. Graec. minor.*, ed. Hanoviensis).

And upon returning from the vestiary, he enters the gerocomeia of the Cyphos. And he bestows largesse on the old men and the maimed, and returns to the palace.

CHAPTER XXXV.

I. Around the third hour, the imperial bedchamber exchanges, and by mandate a *metastasim*—that is, a solemn procession—is announced by the ceremonial officials in the Lausiacus. The bearded prefects go forth through the door of the private treasury into the semicircle of the secret fountain of the Triconch. The emperor, however, attended by the bedchamber, proceeds from the Chrysotriclinos through the porticoes of the Forty Martyrs, dressed in a *sagion*, to the semicircle of the secret fountain of the Triconch. Then, with everyone accompanying him, he passes through the apse and the Daphne, lights candles in the oratories that are there, and enters the cubicle of the Augustae. Then the patricians, domestics, and the entire senate put on *atrabatica* tunics, the prefects of the bedchamber put on *lyria* garments, and the *praepositi* [put on] *leontaria* with golden fringes. When the time comes, the emperor wears a pagan *dibetesion* and a *huberna* tunic, and attended by the *praepositi* and the other officials of the bedchamber, he goes through the Augustaeum and the *stenon*, or "golden hand," to the Onopodion, in whose bronze door...

^A or whether [the region] is passable; whether a great river occurs along the way which presents no ford. Furthermore, he would inquire about that very region: how many camps it has, and which of them are fortified and which are not; which abound in a multitude of men and which, conversely, count few inhabitants; how much each is distant from the others; how the regions adjacent to them are; whether they are vast or small and contracted; whether the soil is level or uneven, fruitful in grass, or sterile and arid. (He would inquire about this, his mind intent on their horses and their fodder.) Then he would ask what genus of men dwelt in the vicinity of those camps, and whether they were capable of acting as a relief force to the camps in time of war, and from what distance; when they are prepared for an expedition, and when, on the contrary, they are scattered and dispersed, resting in their own homes, and unready for war; into what places they travel, and when, or if they never travel but are always in their own country. ^B He would ask these same things also about other regions, so that no one might know precisely into which country he intended to carry arms. For it often happened that, warned by such men, the enemies provided for their own security, or even made themselves ready for battle. Having inquired into and learned all these things, he would command them to give to him in writing the *aplekta* [camps] and the distances between them, and what is the capacity of their country for holding men. From all these responses, having learned that the path is without danger, and that the outcome of the expedition is possible, and that the expedition is glorious and worthy of the emperor’s presence, and that the place does not admit an alliance—or if it does admit one, that it does not do so at that particular ^C time during which they intend to travel—he kept those who taught him these things with himself, so that they might remind him and teach him what was lacking. He would then take upon himself the care of the expedition and, first of all, he would entrust these main points to the generals: first, to fortify and secure the camps; second, to station suitable men in the country so that, if it happened that enemies came against the country, they might extract the people and lead them into the fortifications; third, to provide the army with what is necessary and difficult regarding weapons and horses; fourth, to secure the watch-posts so as to be diligent in learning the movements of the enemies and reporting them; fifth, to make preparations regarding bridges where the army intends to cross, and where the river has no ford; sixth, to command the civil officials that they should conduct the remainder of the soldiers until some time as they press on to the expedition, and after having lost the people, that they should hide ^D them.

^A ...and the gold-embroidered cloths. When the time has arrived, the emperor, having put on the *dibetesion* of paganum [(65)] and the *chlamys* called the *opsimaros* [(66)], and being accompanied by the praepositi and the other officials of the cubiculum, passes through both the Augusteon and the narrow passage, that is to say, the *Chryse Cheir*, and goes to the Onopodion. Standing there at the bronze gate of the Onopodion, he is received by the patricians and *strategoi*, and when they have prostrated themselves, the praepositus makes a sign at the emperor’s command to the official of the *katastasis*, and says: "Give the command!" And they respond with prayers for the emperor: "For many and good years."

^B II. Then, accompanied by all of these, he goes to the consistorium. And while he stands wearing the *kamelaukion* upon the porphyry stone, the patricians and the senate prostrate themselves again, and the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, signals to the silentiarius, who says: "Give the command!" And they respond with prayers for the emperor: "For many and good years." From there, accompanied by all of them, he passes through the *excubitores* and the *scholae*, and departs through the small bronze gate of the *chytos*, and goes as far as the Holy Well. The factions receive the emperor at their appointed stations, and they acclaim the emperor only; and the *notarioi* and the *maistores* also recite the iambic verses, as is their custom. The emperor, having entered the Holy Well and having lit candles, is received by the patriarch in the Holy Well, and when both have venerated one another and exchanged a kiss, they enter the church, and having proceeded as far as the holy doors, the patriarch enters the sanctuary, while the emperor, standing before the holy doors and having lit candles and prayed, enters the sanctuary. And after the holy table has been covered with its shrouds, he receives from the praepositus one hundred pounds of gold, and places them upon the holy table in the *basmidion* where the emperor stands. And when he has covered the holy table, taking another *apokombion*, which itself contains a great deal of money, from the praepositus, he places it upon the holy table. Then, having received a censer from the patriarch, he censes the sanctuary all around for the third time, and goes out through the left part of the side-aisle and proceeds to the *skeuophylakion*. Having entered and lit candles, he prays, and having prayed, he censes all the holy vessels, and sits for a little while with the patriarch. Then those of the *cubiculum* and the other officials who are accustomed to enter do so, and they receive nard from the *skeuophylax*. And then the emperor rises, and having gone out from the *skeuophylakion*, he passes through the women’s narthex [(67)], in which the deaconesses of the same Great Church have their customary station, and having received a blessing from the patriarch, he departs.

^A giving notice of the arrival of happy, if not yet fully defined, news, or that happy dispatches had arrived from some private individual acting in the camp. In these ways he would quiet the volatility of some, and the agitated and seditious spirits of others.

Having given these instructions to his vicar, the holy emperor would send away ^B all the remainder of the crowd to the place where the cohorts awaited him, reserving for himself only a few men belonging to the order or the Praetorian cohort, so as to depart from the city with them. Furthermore, he would send ahead the greater part of the imperial horses, baggage, and pack animals, as well as the largest tents. Meanwhile, having gathered those among his intimates whom he considered holy and religious men, he would ask to have his soul purified by them through absolution and communion of the Holy Sacrament, and he would dispense alms, both in the city and in the surrounding areas. He would make the rounds of the sacred shrines for the purpose of carrying out prayers there, and he would especially visit those to which he usually proceeded. From these duties of piety he would return to the palace, from which he would depart the city toward the ship, with a great multitude of people and the military—both that which fell under the supervision of the city prefect and that which belonged to the urban military garrisons—present and showering the emperor with auspicious wishes as they escorted him. When at last he had boarded the vessel, all those standing on the shore would fall to their knees; he, however, after signing the city three times with the sign of the cross, would set out and depart. During the journey, until he arrived at the camp and came into the sight of his army, he would take three-course meals.

^A Having thus given commands regarding these matters through his representative, Julius Caesar, [he], having kept back a few of the rank for the sake of his own departure, would send the rest to where the regiments awaited the emperor, and in addition to these, most of the imperial horses, loads, and the largest tents. He himself, having gathered those of the saints known to him, would ask for spiritual ^B purification, then he would perform acts of almsgiving throughout the city and its surrounding areas. And finally, departing toward the churches for the sake of prayer (in which he especially made his processions), and returning to the palace, he would exit from there out of the city, with a great crowd, both of those under the Eparch and of the city’s army, present there and praying for the emperor. Finally, after he had boarded the vessel, those standing by would all fall down, and he, after signing the city three times, would set out. He would dine, until the people were brought together, with three courses, and he would sup with two, except on Sunday; on that day, he remained still. When he arrived at the people, those who had gone ahead of the rank and the regiments would meet him at the edge of the *aplekton*, and with the emperor they would thus follow along as far as the *kortis*. On that day he would call...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(19) The text is as the manuscript, yet it should be translated as if I had found: ^A to join one to another, to be viewed, and to confer, as appears in Leo Grammaticus p. 473, and Symeon Mag. p. 456. See ad p. 301. *The holy Caesar*, the venerable Caesar or the sacred imperial majesty, namely that of Constantine the Great, of whom this entire book speaks. This title "Saint" befits Constantine, whether considered as emperor—for all Greek emperors were called "saints" by the Greeks—nor does the argument of the celebrated Schöbin suffice, who, in a letter to the illustrious de Scheyb (v. Tab. Pentinger, edited by him p. 25), from the title "Saint" seeks to prove that the elder rather than the younger Theodosius is designated in the disputed Dickwil place; for whether you look at the singular holiness which the Greeks attribute to Constantine the Great, because of which they make him equal to the apostles, for perhaps no other merit than that he granted Christians liberty and certain rights and wealth, harmful to the clergy, and gave them an opportunity to invade many more things under the pretext of his name, which were never granted.

(20) Perhaps ^C *is occupied*. If the reading is good, it is noted in what I have given in the Latin. Cedrenus p. 671, *to offer the exit-offerings*, called it this; to sacrifice for a favorable exit to arms, or to offer a pleasing sacrifice to God, to receive the holy eucharist, which the Greek and Roman Church has as a sacrifice. It was a custom among all peoples before a battle to sacrifice and to fortify themselves against the dangers of death with sacred rites or to prepare for the other life. Even the pagan Arabs themselves are said to have done this. But this place is not for this cause. ^D *the great temple, given the name from divine and ineffable Wisdom, and the divinity is called as a helper.*

(22) *In sight* and *to come together*—i.e., the army. In this sense this word occurs in Theophanes p. 367: *to assemble someone* or *with three friends*. The former is more probable, however; see ad p. 349. The words *except for Sunday* are rather abrupt, and it is to be understood that the emperor had then dined *with four*, four courses. For it was the custom of those times to indulge the humor somewhat more on the Lord's Day and to add one course to the usual number. Which custom was also transferred to monasteries. Thus it is said in the Chronicle of Cassino that it was the custom of the Cassinese monks to serve three cooked dishes to the brethren on other days, but four on the Lord's Day: on the Lord's day and in the principal festivals we also added a fourth. See Muratori, *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum* t. IV, p. 279, Fragmentum. Valesius ad Amm. Marcell. p. 561. note t. Theophanes p. 249: *He went away to the camp to celebrate the feast of Pascha with them, and the leaders of the army met him with the banners from two miles of the camp*, the army leaders having gone out from the camp two thousand paces ahead with banners raised. For *semeion* is a military sign, a milestone.

(25) *Kortis, korti*, cohors, the court or the aula, in Anastasius Bibliothecarius, *la cour* or *la courte*, royal tent, praetorium. See Du Cange in both glossaries, *v.*, Goar and Combefis ad Theophan. p. 390. Goar ad Cedren. p. 476. Constantin. *Vit. Basil. Maced.* p. 147, compared with p. 127; Anonym. Ant. Cpt. p. 14, and ad Constantin. Porphyr. *de Themat.* p. 12, and Vulcanius ibid., p. 64.

^A And passing through the narrow passage behind the bema of Saint Nicholas, both go to the holy well, and again the patriarch gives a blessing to the emperor; and after they both have greeted one another, the emperor goes out, escorted by all those aforementioned, and enters through the small bronze gate, and having arrived at the consistorium, those of the senate remain there, offering prayers for the emperor. And when he has reached the narrow space, the patricians remain there, also offering prayers, and from there the emperor enters into the palace, and the guests having been arranged, the *minsai* take place, and everyone departs; and those friends who were invited remain, while the others depart, each to his own house. And about the ninth hour he changes in the cubiculum, and as the time for the divine liturgy approaches, the emperor enters to celebrate the divine mystery in the Pharos, and if he commands it, the patricians also enter and concelebrate with him; if not, they go out to the hippodrome and celebrate there in the church of the holy protomartyr Stephen. And as the chanter is about to begin the "God, arise," the cubicularii stand, holding the veils hanging outside the gold curtains, and when the "God, arise" begins, they immediately pull them equally, removing the outer veils so that only the golden veils remain. And when the divine liturgy is finished, and those who are there have cried out: "Save, O God, our emperor!" immediately the organ, which stands in the Tripeton, sounds, and the emperor, having come out, sits down at his precious table, wearing a *scaramangion* of white silk with gold studs, and the invited friends sit down, some in white *scaramangia*, others in multicolored ones; and immediately the chiefs of the cubiculum, having finished their duties, depart, while the spatharocubicularii and cubicularii, having taken off their *mutatoria*, stand by the emperor in their *scaramangia*.

IV. One must know that if the feast of the Annunciation falls on the same day as Holy Saturday, the emperor goes to Saint Sophia and performs everything of Great Saturday as has been said above, both in the changing of the holy table, and in the incensing of the sanctuary, and in the bringing in of the gold, and having gone out, as is his custom, he goes to the skeuophylakion. And having performed everything there as has been mentioned, he goes out through the aforementioned gate; and having received a blessing there from the patriarch, he goes through the narrow passage of Saint Nicholas to the holy well, and having received a blessing from the patriarch, he does not go out into the middle to depart to the pal- ^D atium for the feast of the Annunciation.

^A rulers, and he gave them the *apocombion* (26), and the *maiumas* (27) to the soldiers. From there, as the emperor moved with the people along the road of the expedition, each *theme* would meet him at the nearest part of the road, so that the people would not be tired; and further, on the same day that he received the *theme*, he would call the leaders of that same *theme*. And the requirement of the imperial service, that is to say, slaughtered animals (28), and lambs, and such things, and the bread of the ^B meals, he would dine in pairs, except on the Lord's day, when he would not move at all, but would sit quietly. To those arriving in the army, even those who had met him at the very edge, whom he had sent before him into the camp before his departure from the city—both the Praetorian guards of the sacred body and the other cohorts—they would follow him as far as the *cortina* or the praetorium or the imperial tent. On the day that he arrived at the camp, he would command the military leaders to feast with him.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(26) The Greeks call an *apocombion* the silken pouch which is given by name as a gift, or is sent to friends, or is scattered to the common people, or is deposited on the altar as an offering, with gold or silver coins sewn into it. In the past, these gifts were called *sportulae*, or, at other times, these gains; see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 28. You also have *apocombion* in the title of chapter 55 of the second book of our *Ceremonial*. Attached to our passage is that of Capitolinus in *Maximinus*, p. 24: "It was always his ruse to make the soldiers most devoted to him, not only by ruling with courage, but also with rewards [prizes] and gains [that is, *apocombia* and *maiumades*]." These *apocombia* succeeded the place of the old largesses and consular gifts. For not only did the emperors deposit *apocombia* on the altar, or distribute them on the *Brumalia* or other feast days among the nobles, or cast them into the factions in the circus; but the leaders of individual cities, and also bishops, would distribute *apocombia* to the citizens in their own diocese, nor was it permitted for another to do this, unless permission had been sought from the leader of the city or the bishop. Remarkable in this regard is the place in the Neapolitan *Gnomicon* of John the Deacon, p. 303: "After these things had been performed [Gratiosus, bishop of Naples], he had him [Pyrrhus, Patriarch of Constantinople] distribute gifts among the people, and his throne was placed near the altar, honoring him as a priest of the royal city." The Latins of the Middle Ages called these gifts *almonaria* and *almonaria*; see Du Cange, s.v. *Eleemosyna*, where he cites from an old charter: "He gave me half a mark of silver and one Byzantine gold coin *infra almonariam*, that is, in an *apocombio* or sewn pouch; also this: *relictae*—for *almonariae*—of silk, that is to say, there were left pieces of silk from which *almonarii*, or pouches, were made." *Lacus* is a German word, *laken*, a cloth. It is written now *apocombion*, now *epicombion*. The former manner of writing is consistently preserved in our manuscripts; the latter has Codinus, p. 121, where he says that in the *epicombia*, such as were thrown during the coronation of emperors, there were three gold coins and three silver ones sewn in, and eventually three bronze ones also, and that so many thousands of these pouches were scattered to the people as the emperor pleased. Neither way of writing is to be despised. *Kombos* to the new Greeks is a bond, a tie, or rather a knot, a bulb, everything protruding. Therefore it will be *apocombion* as a *sakkiov apodedemenon*, a pouch tied separately, but *epicombion* as a *sakkiov epidedemenon*, a pouch tied on. But perhaps I am being too subtle in a matter which is due to the ignorance of the Greeks of their own language, to inconsistency, and to the rash and indiscriminate use of words and particles. *Kombos* comes from *kybos*, whence *gibbus* (hump). That *kybon* is everything *kyphon*, bulging, is known. Hence *combi* (for *combin*, *kombin*, and this for *kombion*) is in the new Greek a knot in a string of prayer beads, *der Knopff* on a Paternoster, as Sponius testifies in his Greek Itinerary dictionary appended to his work. Hence *komboun polla chremata*, for to hoard, to exaggerate much wealth, Malalas said (vol. II, p. 199), and *komboun* or *kombonein tina* is the same as *kyboun tina*, to make someone *klynoun* (bloated?), *epairein*, to make someone tumid with empty hope, to deceive, to delude. The distinguished Leichius thought it was born from *impono*. His words are: "[From Latin words, badly understood, which the Greeks use, there is also *kombon*, I deceive, I delude, for *impono*, in Theophanes, p. 126]." The significance of a tumor is easily recognized in *kompos* and *kompsos*; *kombos* and *kompos* do not differ except in dialect. The Macedonians used *b* for *p*. From here *enkombosasthai*, to place a *kombos* on oneself, an argument of swelling and pride, *enkompsesthai*. It is easily clear to me that I was ruminating in my mind on that troubled word of Peter's in his first epistle, *enkombosasthe ten tapeinophrosynen*. It signifies: make yourselves *kompous*, elegant and beautiful through humility; put on modesty for yourselves as an elegant ornament, in which one might boast and be proud; or it may also be rendered as, "having exaggerated humility in yourselves, store up in yourselves a great provision and preparation of humility." See regarding this word the second epistle of Photius edited by Hoeschelius after the *Bibliotheca*. Nicetas Choniates, p. 236, said *enkombase ... esthmaton*, garments into a swelling, exaggerated.

(27) He notes here that this was often [a term for] refreshment, a largess, a donative, *aristeion* or *philotimia*, which the emperor would exhibit to the soldiers, so that they might be merry, whether in money or, especially, in edible things, as is evident from many places in this Tactician. These refections or gifts obtained their name, according to the opinion of some, and the festivities instituted from there, from the fact that they were accustomed in the old days, on the Calends of May or some other day of the month of May, to be merry and to celebrate banquets, and this day was specifically called *der May-Tag* and *Mayertag*, the day of May. Memorable are the words of Scheuchzer in his *Stecheiographia*, p. 57, by which he relates these things from an ancient Chronicle: "May 17, 1599, was given at the court at Zurich to the archers a *Mayeten*, or *Anken-Braut*, in which was stuck a flowering grape, ripe strawberries, ripe rye and barley-ears, and stalks of oats." What is *Mayeten* here is a mass of butter, indeed, with grains, strawberries, grapes, etc., stuck in it, that is, among our people, the *maiumas*. Into whichever day of the year such hilarity and feasting finally fell, it was called *Mayeltag* or *Mayertag*. It is in the *Scriptores rerum Brunsvicensium*, vol. III, p. 262: "Anno 1526, on Sunday, July 8, the bakers of Hildesheim, Braunschweig, and Hannover held a great *Mayertag* in Hildesheim, and all the calves were eaten up by the same." To me, however, it seems rather that *maiuman* is a word of Arabic origin, and thus corrupted for *mouiaman*, which means *sonal*, *kalemerin*, *hemera aisia*, a happy and blessed day. Such transpositions are quite frequent among the Greeks, to turn everything upside down and corrupt the native [words]. Such, furthermore, were the *Maiumas* or solemn days of annual hilarity recurring at stated times, which were already in use in the age of the Emperor Julian, as is clear from his *Misopogon*, p. 362, where see Petavius in his notes, and Du Cange in both Glossaries, and Goar on Theophanes, p. 380, but especially Rivinus and Frankenstein, who treated this subject professionally. — it was, however, once a very frequent food among the Greeks of the Middle Ages, and was also frequent among the Romans themselves, as is evident from the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 646, and elsewhere.

but turning back, he enters by the small gate that is at the well, where he stands during the great processions, having bestowed his rich gifts upon the chanters and the rest as he cries out the silver. And from there he passes through the triclinium, where the emperor customarily distributes silver during the great processions, and enters into the metatorium, and having laid aside the robe which he wears for Holy Saturday, he changes into the robe of the Annunciation. And having gone out from there changed, he goes in front of the doors of the sanctuary, and having prayed, holding also tapers, he enters into the sanctuary, and having venerated the holy table, he goes out and passes through the solaia; and as he is about to pass through the solaia, he receives from the praepositus a litany taper, and immediately they begin the troparion of the feast, "Today is the summation of our salvation." And being escorted by the officials of the cubiculum, the patricians, ^B the strategoi, and the senate, he passes through the nave and goes out through the narthex and the louter. And having descended the stairs of the athyra, he goes out to the Milion and, traversing the Mese, he ascends to the Forum and there performs everything in sequence, in the manner described above. And having descended to the church of the Most Holy Theotokos at the Chalkoprateia, he there performs the divine liturgy as far as the Gospel. And from the Gospel he descends via the wooden staircase, and goes out when the ektene is finished; for on this day the divine liturgy is not performed in its entirety, but [only] up to the Gospel and the ektene. And the emperor, having gone out into the embolos, as has been said, rides there with those who are accustomed to do so, and being escorted from there, he departs to the palatium, performing everything in the procession, the station, and the reception, in the manner we have explained in detail above in the general procession of the Annunciation. And having entered into the palatium, he performs all the rites of Holy Saturday.

CAPUT XXXVI.

It must be known that the procession of the union of the Church is performed in the same rite as the other processions; for the emperor goes forth in ceremony, and the receptions take place according to form, it being understood that the factions also acclaim him in their customary places ^C according to usual practice. The emperor, going as far as the holy well, is there discrowned, and then, having been received by the patriarch, both proceed to the church of Saint Irene. And indeed, with the entire ecclesiastical order being fulfilled, they take up the litany from the church of Saint Irene itself and return to the church of Saint Sophia, litanizing, and they enter through the woman's side ^D.

^A The theme stood drawn up along the path of the emperor; and when they saw the emperor approaching, the army would remain upon its horses, but the officers, all dismounting, would fall to the ground in a level posture; then, rising again with the whole army, they would acclaim the emperor. He would incline towards them and ask how they were doing, and thus again would return to the road. This was his procedure as far as the inhabited lands. But when he was about to enter also into the uninhabited regions, he would discard the greater part of the wealth and the baggage and the weaker of the people and the lame and wounded of the pack animals. He would assign to them a head and a small portion ^B of the army for a guard, and would order them to approach one of the safer fortresses, which is nearest to the place where the exit of the people is to be. And after these things he would designate from the themes certain divisions: some to march forward in front of the camp for its protection, and some to follow behind, whom they call rear-guards; and these very ones were also the hunters of those turning back out of cowardice or sloth (35); and others marched on either side, whom they called flank-guards (36); and these same ones particularly watched those who were about to defect to the enemies. All marched at such a distance from the camp so as not to be hidden from it due to the stratagems of the enemies, and as much as possible for the camp to be prepared in advance for the encounter with the enemies, having been notified by them. And those of the emperor who were advancing ahead of him were from the theme, ^C if they were approaching the land of the enemies, because they also had experience of the roads and the remaining places of the enemies, and furthermore the experience of their ambushes and their wars. But he placed them and the rear-guards... and the rest of the order more familiar to the lord. Finally the emperor himself. After him, at a distance of three bowshots, military units went in almost one straight line. In the middle went the *tagmata*; and in the very navel of the middle line, the more honorable *tagmata*; and the *themata* surrounded them, being so much the closer to the *tagmata* the more honorable they were. Of those who occupied and knew the military lodgings and the roads through the lands of our dominion, a part went ahead with the court or the imperial tent and with the servants of the lord's kitchen; but another part ran ahead before the *themata*, showing them the fords of rivers and the straight roads to be followed. The guides of the roads in each theme or district the *drungarius* of the watch kept with him; under whose command were also those deputed from time to time to perform ^D the turns of duty in the headquarters of the guards of the masters of the soldiers, and this is because the emperor is accustomed to signify his orders to them through the *drungarius* of the watch. If any theme or provincial legion were to salute the emperor for the first time, these things were done. That theme, drawn up in line of battle, stayed at a distance of two or three bowshots from the path by which the emperor was to pass. But as they saw the emperor approaching, the rest of the throng indeed remained on their horses, but all the military commanders dismounted and at once all fell to the ground; rising then, the whole legion as if with one voice would celebrate and congratulate the emperor with auspicious acclamations. The emperor would turn to them from the road and ask how they were doing. Once that was done, he would return to the road. This happened until he was in friendly territory alone. But when the emperor was now such that he was about to enter enemy territory, he would put aside and order to remain in the rear the superfluous baggage.

^A

CAPUT XXXVII. Observations on vestments, how they are changed by emperors on festive days and in processions.

I. On the holy and great Sunday of Easter, the lords go out from the palace in violet scaramangia and cloaks bordered with gold; and in the Daphnis chamber they change into lorica and tzitzacia. There, the solemn salutation in the great triclinium of the nineteen accubita takes place, which being finished, having laid aside the tzitzacia, they take up their lora and crowns, white or red as they may decree; and in the left hand they hold golden scepters adorned with gems and pearls, and in the right hand, the akakia. The procession is then instituted, as we have observed above. It must be known that the lords, having entered the temple and the metatorium according to custom, lay aside the lora, and when they wish to proceed to the holy places, the communion, and the holy supper, they wear not the lora but chlamydes. Having returned, however, to the palace, they take up the lora and crowns; if they donned white in the morning, they place red upon their heads on the return; if they set out in red, they place white upon their heads on the return. Furthermore, on the second day of the Renovation, having left the palace, the lords wear white and gold-inwoven scaramangia and swords adorned with gems. In the church of the Lord, moreover, they add masculine crowns to their heads, and they go to the temple of the Holy Apostles, and enter it clothed in white dibetesia and their own tunics. Returning in the evening, they take up colobia, swords adorned with gems, and white crowns; if, however, they prefer to place a tiara or tupha upon their head, this also is not considered alien to custom. ^B In this week of the Renovation, they put on white dibetesia; but if they order a procession to the temple, or a pomp, or a reception to be held in the palace, they put on the tzitzacia. New Sunday, or that of the closed doors, is celebrated in the same way. Often also, if it pleases the lords, on this feast instead of white and gold-inwoven scaramangia, they wear purple ones adorned with gold. On the feast of mid-Pentecost they use similar changes of dress. On the feast of the Ascension of the Lord, having proceeded from the palace in triblattea scaramangia, they board a skiff and go to the Golden Gate, where, girded with golden and jeweled swords, they are transported on a horse furnished with ornaments around its neck, and to ^{C D}

master ^A and his uncle, the most fortunate Caesar Bardas, the tradition having been handed down to them from the earlier emperors, namely from Michael’s own father Theophilus and from his grandfather; and, in the same way, I say that this tradition came down to them too from the emperors before them. By "earlier emperors," however, I mean those men, the Isaurians, who sinned most grievously against the orthodox faith. For when I spoke of "earlier" emperors, I do not mean that great, glorious, and holy Constantine, nor his son Constantius, nor the most impious Julian, nor likewise Theodosius the Great and those who came after him. But rather, this order was again followed and most strictly kept under Basil, the most manly and pious emperor—who was also my grandfather—just as we shall attempt to set it down in writing as best we can. The great and exalted emperor, when he is about to set out on a campaign and move his arms and armies against the enemy, immediately orders that the lorikion, the sword, and the shield be hung ^B outside the bronze gates. From these items, therefore, the equipment for the imperial encampment becomes clear to all, and from that moment each commander and subordinate begins to prepare his own arms and whatever is necessary and appropriate for a soldier. Then, following this, he also instructs the logothete of the herds ^C to make a just distribution and report ^D with the fear of God and with all piety and truth, for the metata throughout Asia and Phrygia.

JOAN. JAC. REISKI COMMENTARY

(40) This title is also very frequent, especially under Michael, the son of Theophilus and Theodora, [and] of all those who followed, who bore this title by custom and by right, just as the kings of France bear the title of "Most Christian" and the kings of Spain the title of "Catholic King." For before that Michael, there were many emperors who, because they did not venerate the images of the saints and of Christ, viewing them as clear arguments for idolatry and no holier than the statues of the pagan deities, nor different [from them], and wishing them removed from the Christian world, deserved to be deprived of this title by the foolish monks. Their logic persuaded them that no one could love Christ who did not render divine honors to wood painted or carved in the likeness of the Crucified, or who dared to cut it up or burn it. But after—beneath the reign of a superstitious woman who was no more beholden to a sound clergy—the worse party had finally prevailed, and it had been decreed in a council that he was to be considered impious, to be devoted to all curses, and to be despoiled of all honors who did not hold the foul images in the highest place and dearer than his own eyes; and thus it came about that not even the strongest emperors dared to disturb this foul mess and invite evil upon themselves and their own mounts: the title of "Christ-loving" and "Orthodox" remained thereafter unblemished for the emperors and shared by all. Yet you will never see it attributed to Leo the Isaurian, Constantine Copronymus, Leo the Armenian, Michael the Stammerer, and his son Theophilus, although it was already in use in the 4th century, as is clear from the Apology of Athanasius to Constantius: "The people were very numerous and as many as could be prayed for in any city [to be] Christ-loving emperors of the Christians." In the VI Council, Constantine Pogonatus is called "the most pious and Christ-loving great emperor." But this predicate was not proper to emperors alone, but was also attributed to individual private men, to cities, and to nations. In the Acts of the Council of Ephesus against Cyril, there is "the most magnificent and Christ-loving chamberlain Scholasticius." In the place of the VI Council, which Du Cange cites, Ἔξαρχοι is read, [and] Italy is called "a Christ-loving land." In Palladas in the Anthology (p. 337), the "Christ-loving city" is mentioned. For the Codex Reimarianus correctly exhibits there τῇ φιλοχρίστῳ πόλει [for the Christ-loving city] instead of φιλοχρήστῳ [for the Christ-useful city] which Stephanus gave; and this passage proves that Palladas and CPLi lived after Constantine the Great and were Christians. "The Christ-loving people of this God-guarded city" is in Theophanes (p. 322). Concerning the same CPLi: "His Christ-loving kindred" is in the Graeco-Roman Law (p. 242). In our author below (p. 376), there is "the Christ-loving army."

(41) The "Rationalis of the pastures" was called the "steward of the pastures," says Guther. (p. 691), and regarding Codinus (p. 31, n. 49), he says that, according to Theodoret, he is the one "entrusted with the management of the private properties and funds of the emperor." Too broadly, if I am not mistaken.

(42) Ἔκθεσις is "formula," ἑκτεθέντων is "of those publicly exposited," "of those imputed," "of the imposed burdens." See the formula for Asia and Phrygia, by which it is prescribed how many horses or mules Phrygia and Asia ought to provide. Thus, a little later, there is ἕκθεσις τοῦ μινσουράτωρος, the formula of how many and what things the "measurer" (the quartermaster) ought to bring with him; ἑκτίθεσθαι appeared above (p. 58) in the scholio to mean "to command"; ἕκθεσις in Constantine, in the Life of Basil, occurs for a formula by which some benefit is assigned to someone.

the venerable, most holy church of the Mother of God of the Source, they go, and clothed in their white *dibetisia*, they enter; and the return is performed just as on the Monday of Bright Week. Be it known, that on the feast of the New Great Church 75, the lords change into purple *dibetisia* and their chlamyses. Be it known, that on the feast of Pentecost, the lords change in the Daphne triclinium into white *dibetisia* and their chlamyses and red crowns, and on the return, white crowns. ^B

II. On the feast of All Saints 76 the lords put on golden *scaramangia*, such as they wish, and likewise wear crowns: a custom which is also observed on the feast of the holy Apostles. On the day of St. Elias, they wear purple *dibetisia* and tunics of the same color. On the feast of the Transfiguration, in the Daphne triclinium, they put on white *dibetisia* and white chlamyses, and green crowns, and on the return, white ones. In the commemoration of the Dormition of the Mother of God, they put on their violet *scaramangia* in the palace, and, boarding a vessel, are transported to the church of the Mother of God in the Blachernae, and in the triclinium which is established there, they change into purple *dibetisia* and similar chlamyses; and on the Nativity of the holy Mother of God, in the Daphne triclinium, they put on purple *dibetisia* and similar chlamyses. And in the procession to the Forum, when the *extensa* is finished, they proceed to the Mother of God of the Chalkoprateia, where they put on purple and golden *scaramangia*, and being girded with their swords and crowns, as they wish, and ^C after the Gospel has been recited, they return riding their horses, which are furnished with ornaments around their necks. On the feast of the Exaltation of the holy and venerable Cross, they put on purple *dibetisia* and tunics of the same color, a custom they also observe on the days of St. Demetrius and the holy Archangel. On the Nativity of the Savior, they put on purple *dibetisia* and similar chlamyses in the Daphne triclinium, and also green crowns, taking white ones for the return. On the day of the Vow...

^A of the four counts, 384 mules; making in all 4 litrai and 26 nomismata. And in total the whole is 80 litrai and 26 nomismata. And these 200 mules, and likewise the 200 horses, the *rationalis* of the herds leads down as far as Malagina, where, having been handed over by him, they are received by the Count of the Stable and the *esochartularius* of the stable. The beasts must be five or seven years old, and have no brands on their thighs. There, those four hundred beasts receive the royal mark branded on both shoulders. Also, in the following year, the same exposition, or exaction, and bullation, or branding with a white-hot iron, of the beasts takes place; and all the horses are fastened and castrated, and an addition and supplement to the royal stables is made on account of the impending military expedition. The *rationalis* of the herds brings those two hundred pack or baggage animals—that is, mules laden with their own packs or bundles or saddlebags, and in their housings ^B of the royal stable at Malagina. This the Nubian Geographer also mentions, p. 287.

(...) of the *scholarioi*, the *excubito-res*, the *bicanatores*, and the *arithmos*. Now *komes* in Leo’s Tactics is the one who leads a single *tagma* or *bandon*.

(...) to introduce the subject of the currency of the modern Greeks. That is a vast field and, for my genius and leisure, not mine. I will remark only in a few words that a litra of gold contained 74 gold nomismata or solidi. For 74 taken four times makes 296. There remain, therefore, 26 nomismata, which supply what is lacking from four litrai to complete the sum of 322 nomismata.

(...) were Counts of the Stable, and not finally introduced by the Franks tending toward the Orient for the sake of sacred warfare, and propagated among the Greeks in the time of Alexius Comnenus, as Goar wishes in his notes on Codinus, p. 24.

(...) were taken, and regarding the Scythians taken into servitude on Roman soil, Eunapius writes in the *Excerpt. Legat.*, Hoeschel, p. 12: "the servants having imperial badges."

(...) since it is their custom to drop the initial σ when it is required, and to add it where there is no need and no custom. Within, on p. 299, is *kamon* for *skamon*. In Maurice’s *Strategikon* I, 2: *kaplion*, scapulare, cucullio, *epomis*. Du Cange’s *Glossarium Graecum* has very many similar entries, such as *karthmos* for *skarthmos*, a leaping; *pithame* for *spithame*; *kambiousa* for *skambiousa*, scabiosa, a plant; *koulka* for *skoulka*, the *excubiae*; *koulkeuein* for *skoukeuein*, to keep watch, also to scout, to explore enemy positions. For indeed (and may I be permitted to touch on this briefly in passing) it is from *exculcare* for "to explore." The Latins say *exculcare* and *extundere* for discovering something through diligent inquiry from any source; they also used *proculcare* for to scout ahead, to explore beforehand. The new Greeks say *phaleia* for *sphaleia*, and this for *asphaleia*, security; *phaliazein* and *phalizein* for *sphaliazein*, to deceive someone, to make them slip, to lead into a *sphalma* (error); Malalas (p. 410) has *kondaptein* for *skandaptein*, to stumble, where the translator confesses that he does not understand the meaning of the word; *tobion* for *stobē*...

(...) *tomentum*, *stretelos* and *trellos* for *streblos*, mentally disturbed, insane, belongs to the new Greek; likewise *chaleuein* for *skaleuein*, to dig, and *charachein* for *scharachein* or *scharakein*, to rise, concerning the sun. This word is the Arabic *Scharac*, whence *Saraceni*, that is, eastern peoples. These men also often omit the sigma in the middle, as *phagylion* for *phaskōlion*, unless you would rather derive it from *facialis*. On the contrary, they add sigma ridiculously, as are most of their institutions, where it should not be. Thus they say *skarphion*, a lot, properly *karphion*, a slip of wood, with which they cast lots; likewise *skniothes*, nettles, for *knidai*. I find traces of this habit of omitting the initial σ even among the ancients. *Glossophoris*, as they have for *scrofa*. See what the grammarians annotated for Aristophanes regarding *kindaphos* and *skindaphos*. Hesychius attributes *phairizdein* to the Laconians for *sphairizein*.

(...) the end of the preface to the first volume, where I said this word signifies *fibulare* (to buckle). I learned this from Polybius, who in Book VI, p. 469 (ed. Wechel), uses the word *labis*, which is there translated as *fibula*; *pyknais labisin kataponein*, to fasten with thick pins, that is, to pierce with pins—grasping, seizing, and holding together—that are inserted into or meeting [the fabric].

(...) are *sōkaria*, ropes, perhaps from *sō*, I gather, I collect into one mass, I contain, whence *sōros*, a heap, see Du Cange *Glossarium Graecum* s.v. and s.v. *Sakkos*, for so it is written in the passage from Olympiodorus in Photius, cited in the same place, who does not overlook Chilmead, but correctly and expertly explains it in Malalas, vol. II, p. 68.

(...) of the declining Roman Empire were changing old names for new ones, which were sought from those types of military service, who, having obtained their discharge, were settled in those provinces as a reward for their service and were endowed with military estates. Such were the *thema* of the Bucellarii, the *thema* of the Optimati, and the *thema* of the Obsikion or *obsequium*. *Thema* is a district into which soldiers were *apethēnto*—deposited—who were not serving in the camps, or in the imperial city, or among the Praetorians. The Bucellarii were those who either baked or received *buccella* (biscuit) or toasted bread. The Optimati were soldiers originally chosen and selected from captured Goths. I have spoken of both types of military service in their place. The *thema* of the Obsequium finally seems to me to have been that province into which were depo-

^A in the Hippodrome, the Emperors put on the *pagan* garments, and the high officials put on the *atrabatik* chlamyses. Know that in all the equestrian Hippodrome games ^B the Emperors change into purple *dibetisia* and their chlamyses and crowns, as is directed. Know that on the feast of the Epiphany, in the Daphne triclinium, the Emperors change into their purple *dibetisia* and their chlamyses and blue crowns, and for the return they take white ones. Know that on the day of the feast of the Meeting [Hypapante], the Emperors change out of their *oxea* scaramangia from the palace, and entering the *drymon*, they go to the church of the Most Holy Theotokos in Blachernae, and in the dressing room there they change into the purple *dibetisia* and their chlamyses. Know that on the Sunday of Orthodoxy the Emperors change out of their *oxea* scaramangia and the gold-bordered *sagia* from the palace, and they ascend into the catechumena of Hagia Sophia, and there they change into purple *dibetisia* and their chlamyses, and entering in procession ^C, they proceed. And thus, ascending into the catechumena, they hear the holy Gospel and go to the patriarchate. Know that on the feast of the Annunciation of the Most Holy Theotokos, in the Daphne triclinium, the Emperors put on purple *dibetisia* and their chlamyses, and they ascend with the litany as far as the Forum, and from the *ektene* they descend with the litany as far as the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Chalcoprateia; and there they change into the purple-and-gold scaramangia, being girded as well with their swords and crowns, as is directed, and after the Gospel they return on horseback with the *chiomata*.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

Rules to be observed at the coronation of an Emperor.

1. Everyone proceeds with changes of clothing, and the entire Senate and the dignitaries of the *scholai* and the other regiments change, and they bring out the vessels so as to wait upon the Emperors. And when all things are ready, the Emperor goes out from the Augusteum, wearing his scaramangion and his purple sagion, being ^D attended by...

-^Asited pack-animals, or those having coarse blankets on their backs, fastened with ropes, shod with leather on their shanks, and their feet shod with iron soles, and muzzled. 266 However, these pack-animals are by no means sufficient for the royal retinue and necessities; but the *strategoi* too, at the time of the *fossatum*, must once a year provide the Emperor with mules as a xenalium or free gift, in this manner: the *strategos* of Anatolia must provide 5 mules; the Armeniacus the same number; the Thracesius, the Opsicianus, and the Bucellarius likewise each for himself, the same number; of the remaining *strategoi*, both in the East and in the West, each shall provide two mules, except for the *strategos* of Seleucia, who provides only one; the *domesticus* of the *Scholae* provides three mules; the *drungarius* of the fleet also three; the *excubitus* one; the *hicanatus* one; the *numerus*, the *teicheiotes*, and the *domesticus* of the *Optimati* likewise, that is, one each. Thus the mules amount to 58.

^B Officials and others belonging to their order provide baggage mules as follows: The *Hyparchus* or *praefectus* of the City 1; the *sacellarius* 2; the *genicus* 2; the *quaestor* 1; the *praefectus* of the *sacellium* 1; the *praefectus* of the *vestiarium* 1; both *curatores*—that is, one great one, and the other of the *magana* of the palace—and the *clematinus* [or inspector of imperial estates] one each; both *protonotarii* of both [curatorial offices] provide one mule; the *zygostates* 1.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE That exact military service is that kind of soldier, which had the name *Obsequentes*, given by the Emperor M. Antoninus the philosopher; of whom Julius Capitolinus (t. I, *Script. Hist. Aug.* p. 369) relates thus: "He prepared slaves for military service, just as had been done in the Punic war, whom he called volunteers, following the example of the *volones*. He also armed gladiators [namely, with military arms], whom he called *obsequentes*." It seems that this kind of military service, called *Obsequientes* and arising from gladiators armed for war, did not last more than a century or two, although the name of *Obsequium* remained thereafter in the districts of Bithynia, to which the exact military service had been brought; just as happened concerning the neighboring lands of the Pontic provinces, although the kind and name of the soldiers of the *Bucellarii* and *Optimati* had ceased. It seems, however, that the Emperor Marcus called that gladiatorial military service *obsequentes* and *obsequium* for this reason, that wherever the Emperor was or whither he went, they ought to *obsequi*—that is, to accompany him.

(56) There occur here names of a dignity, or rather of some office, which it is not my intention to illustrate one by one. The discussion of the offices of the August house is very vast and very difficult, and beyond my powers. One or two, which seem to me not useless, I shall sprinkle as I go. Who, therefore, the *sacellius* was, since it is not clearly handed down, I shall propose a conjecture, as in obscure matters. That he is distinct from the *sacellarius*, of whom I spoke elsewhere, our place and many others testify. In this, learned men nearly agree, that the *sacellius* had business with the private property of the Emperor, from the fact that on p. 68 he is joined with the *praefecti* of the hospices and the infirmaries, and that they are said to be under the *chartularius* of the *sacellium*; on p. 417, among other officials, are mentioned not only the so-called *praefecti* of the hospices and infirmaries, but also the *chartularii* of the houses, that is, in my opinion, of the holy houses or monasteries, especially those founded by the Augusti or Augustae. A suspicion has arisen in me: was the *sacellius* the same as the chaplain or *sacellanus*, or the almoner or *eleemosynarius*, although with less power? His duty was certainly, like that of the almoner, to distribute principal alms to the poor, to show them tokens, upon the exhibition of which they might receive their sustenance and be admitted on appointed days to the holy table. He was therefore called from the *sacellum* or *sacculus*, just as the Greeks seem to have called the alms-bag or almonry purse. Nevertheless, lest I dissemble anything, on p. 417, the officials just mentioned as being under the *chartularius* of the *sacellium* are said to be not only those pertaining to religion—such as the *praefecti* of hospices, of homes for the aged, and the *chartularii* of monasteries—but also civil ones: royal notaries, *protonotarii* of legions or provinces, measurers of grain, and, what is most abhorrent of all to the sacred order, the *praefectus thymelae*. This place does not a little undermine my opinion.

(57) It might seem strange why *libripendes* [weighers] were led into war and camps. Yet their use was not small there as well. For it was their task to test whether gold and silver were genuine, and to value that along with gems, pearls, clothing, and any precious furniture. If, therefore, anything were taken from the enemies in plunder—coined gold or silver or precious furniture, of elegant and artistic workmanship—they had to value it and weigh it, so that what was worthy might be brought into the sacred *vestiarium* and how much it should be valued, or if anything had to be sold publicly under the spear, its price could be known. Elsewhere in any larger city a *libripens* was established, who would examine coins, whether they were genuine and of what weight, and therefore settle disputes that had arisen. See Panciroli, *de magistr. municip.*, c. XIV. Therefore they were also employed in the receipt of money, as is evident from Menander Protector, whose words (p. 120, *Excerpt. Legat.* Hoeschel) are these: "Upon the arrival of certain Persians at Dara, who had such matters in their thoughts (namely, the receipt of coins which the Romans owed the Persians), the remainder of the money owed for the years was paid to those around Zich, in the presence of some of the interpreters and the masters of the scales"; and likewise Zosimus IV, 28, p. 412 (ed. Cellar.): "It was possible to see the money-changers and the *obolostatae* [petty usurers] and others in the marketplace plying the most shameful of trades, carrying the symbols of the authorities, and handing over the provinces to those who paid more money." Truly they did not value only gold and silver coins and vessels—on account of which also below, p. 427, *zygostatae* and palace goldsmiths are joined—but they also valued purple fabrics, whether they were of the true dye or false and counterfeit, as well as gems and other precious things. A notable passage on this matter is in Themistius, *Orat.* XXI, p. 247, which it will not bother me to transcribe: "Or, by Zeus, if someone having practiced fraud upon bronze-filled gold or purple of false hue or a stone in the..."

the Cubicularii, and he proceeds as far as the Onopodium, and there takes place the first formal reception by the patricians at the Onopodium, and the official in charge of the protocol says, "Command!" and they pray, saying, "For many and good years!" And they proceed as far as the great consistory, where the consuls and the rest of the senators stand ^A, and the sovereigns stay in the ciborium (81), and all the senators together with the patricians prostrate themselves. And when they have risen, they make signs to the praepositus, and the silentiary says, "Command!" and they pray, saying, "For many and good years!" And they move off to the church through the scholae; the factions, however, stand in their own places, having changed their attire, merely crossing themselves.

II. And when the Emperor enters the Horologium, the veil is drawn, and he enters the mutatorium and changes into the dibetesion and the tzitzakion and puts on the sagion over them, and enters with the patriarch, and lights candles at the silver gates, and enters into the temple, and goes into the solea and prays at the holy doors, having lit candles, and ascends the ambo together with the patriarch. And the patriarch offers the prayer over the chlamys, and when he has completed the prayer, the members of the cubiculum raise it and clothe the sovereign with it. And again he offers a prayer over his crown, and having completed it, the patriarch himself takes the crown, and places it upon the head of the sovereign, and immediately the people cry out, "Holy, holy, holy (82)! ^B Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace!" Afterwards: "To N., the great emperor and augustus, many years, etc." The Emperor, wearing the crown, descends...

^A and to dye them true, and to make 150 *sagimata* and *borkadia*. And 100 of them are for the horses walking before the Emperor; 30 of them are for the imperial pack-saddles, and 20 for the horses given by way of the *xenalia*. And the *tagistra* (65) from the imperial storehouse (66) of the stable are 150; likewise also the skins (for it happens that the *kapistria* are 180) and 6 multiplied by thorn-stuff (67) by way of cedar-wood (68).

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

This word is found written [as shown]. Below, in our [text] on p. 269, *malos* exists instead of *mallos* according to the faith of the parchments, and on p. 270, *linomallotaria*. Among Gregory the Great, Epist. x, 50, *amphimallum* was also edited. Likewise, among Malalas, ii, p. 98, “saviours” are called *emmaloi*, that is *symmallo* or *eumallo*, graced with *mallo*, that is, with beautiful curls, pleasantly ringleted, with the locks of their hair crisped and hanging down to the ears in a skillful and conspicuous flowing manner, whence also the names given to them were *Karamallos* (for *Charamallos*, *Charitomallos*) and *Chrysomallos*. Since, therefore, it is probable that this word is to be derived from *mallos*, it might now be asked which of the two interpretations ought to be preferred. Hence among Callimachus, an echo to “*nai*? *kalos*” answers “*os exei*,” a cold jest and play between *alas* and *allas* among Nicetas Choniates, p. 232. I indeed lean more toward the latter, nor are compositions wanting in which the prefix *a-* signifies just as much as *monos* (alone), as *amitos*, single-threaded; *adyros*, ^{B C} uniforis, or single-doored; *abolos*, unicolor. Hence, the entry *alicius* in Du Cange’s *Glossarium Latinum*, “unius licii seu coloris,” is to be corrected. The opposite, therefore, would be *tamalon* or *monomalon*, which signifies the same as *heteromallon*, namely, shaggy on one side only, compared to the *amphimallon*, the *dikrosson*, as Arrian calls it in the *Periplus of the Erythraean Sea*, a cloth which is [tufted] on both sides, which Eunapius in the *Excerptis Legationum* of Hoeschel, p. 12, calls *amphimalla*. His words are: “And the magnitude of the gifts contained them, both the linen fabrics and the shaggy [floss-like] nature of the bed-coverings on both sides”: whence it is evident that this habit of the Scythians, namely the *bigerrica*, existed. For thus they used to call *amphibulla* those garments which could be worn twice and on both sides, with the inner part turned outward. Regarding both words, one may compare Du Cange under the entries *Amphiballum* and *Bigerra* and Salmasius in *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* ii, p. 544. That these garments were ample and convenient, such that they could be inverted and worn on either side, the thing itself declares, as does the Glossary (among Du Cange under *Strikta*), which renders *strikta* as narrow, unambiguous, narrow garments, not *bigerrica*. But our [text] uses *basika*, made of cloth, as a predicate added to the word *amallia*, because surely a certain linen garment was also shaggy, of which we shall speak hereafter under the entry *linomallotaria*. Paulinus, in the *Life of St. Martin*, elegantly speaks of woolly clothing, with the filaments knotted into tufts: *A garment bought for hardly a part of the eighth of a solidus.* *The texture knotted with fetid fleece-threads.*

Before I depart from here, I shall clarify the passage of the Scholiast on Aristophanes in the *Wasps*, where he has this concerning a *caunax* garment: “*Caunakes*, a Persian warm cloak. But Palamedes says: a *caunakes* is a Persian garment having fleeces on the other side.” The Hungarians still today call a shaggy garment for warding off rain a *Gepenec*, witness Leunclavius in the *Onomasticon* to the *Turkish History* under the entry *Scaramannium*. Whence it is evident that the ancients did not pronounce this word as *caunake*, but as *cawanaki* or *cawanuki*.

[Regarding the marginal notes numbers 65-68:] (65) *Tagistron* is everything (or a basket, or a sack) in which the beast of burden has its *tagē*, a portion of food, rations. (66) *Apotheta* [signify] storehouses, cells. Thus Malalas, v. ii, p. 115, at the end: *apotheta sitou*, grain-storehouses, for ^D which the ancients would have said *apothetron*, a place where something is deposited, a storehouse, just as *loutron* is a place where one is washed. Examples of this new formation are ready at hand. Thus on p. 319, our [text] and often thereafter *apolyta* [is used] for *apotheta* or *apodytra* (which Nicetas has in *Manuel* iv, 7), a place where clothes are taken off by those bathing in a bath. Thus *hypodyton*, a place of refuge, *hopou hypodyetai*, is in an inscription among Reinesius, p. 266. They say *makta* for *mactra*. *Cheiromakton* among our [text] is on p. 338 for *cheiromaktron*, a hand-towel. The Glosses say *skepaston*, a cowl, where Salmasius, in *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* i, p. 415, substitutes *skeptron*, I know not how correctly. *Sita* for *se-tra*, a sieve, from *seithein*; *phylakton* for *phylactron* or *phylactarion*, an amulet. That this scheme was not entirely unknown to the ancients, however, appears from Pindar’s *skanpton* for *skaptron*, a scepter; whence also *skamptouchos* is said, not *skeptrouchos*. Without a doubt, they also said *ergastion* for *ergastron*, because the Latins used *ergastulum*, while it is purely Greek, *ergastion*. See what I shall say concerning *bastacta* at p. 321.

[Regarding the correction of 67:] ...quite correctly, he did this, which I learned from Du Cange, that *exakanthēlon* and *exakanthinon* are a basket, a hamper. If, therefore, I erred, our parchment misled me, in which the breathings were written so minutely that often a rough [breathing] could not be distinguished from a smooth one, and often they were also used promiscuously. In this passage certainly, D., who had made a transcript for the use of Mai, had read and written *exakanthēla* from that which our typesetters had used to print this work; I have changed it, because it seemed to me that there was a rough breathing over the first letter of the word in the parchments.

(68) I rendered it *godronio*. Matthew Silvaticus led me to this, whose words Du Cange cites in the *Glossarium Latinum* under the entry *Cedria*: "Kidria, that is alkitran; cedria, that is cedar-gum." If *Kidria* is the same as *alkitran*, then truly it is also the same as *godronio*. For *godronium* and *alkitran* are the same in reality and, by sound. *Alkitran* is pronounced variously: sometimes *caltran*, sometimes *cattaran*, sometimes *kittran*, sometimes *coltran*. The word itself is just a termination and some accessory. *Kidr*, therefore, and *kitran*, are the same; both signify a drop, a dripping falling out, and hence [the word] is also common to rain and everything liquid that drips. Molten brass itself is called *kithr*. But specifically, the Arabs so call the gum or viscous liquor distilled from resinous coniferous trees, pine, cedar, and such like. Hence there are those who interpret *kitran* as pitch. But it is rather *godronium*. For they say *zeft* for pitch. For liquid resin or bitumen, Eugippus placed [it] in the *Distantiis locorum terrae sanctae*, p. 105, of the *Symmicta* of Leo Allatius: “There is much there [in the Dead Sea] of alum, and much *cataranni* [the asterisk is to be deleted, for the passage is intact], which is found and collected by the inhabitants.” See Du Cange under the entry *Alquitran*, where he cites this passage from an ancient Spanish charter: “Nor can anyone extract forbidden things from our land, namely *peguntam* [Pech, pitch], *cepum* [that is, tallow], *alquatrunum*, *fustam* [Pfosten, beams, material for building ships], *canabum*, [thread].” They will now be able to be reconciled easily with our opinion, if anything should occur that is stated by the authors concerning *cedria* which does not seem to square with *godronio*.

and goes away into the mutatorium, and sits upon the seat. And the dignities enter, falling down and kissing his two knees: the first veil, ^A the magistri; the second veil, the patricians and the strategoi; the third veil, the protospatharioi; the fourth, the master of the military, of the excubitors of the hicanatoi, and of the numeri, the spatharioi, the senators and the consuls; the fifth, the spatharioi; the sixth, the stratores; the seventh, the counts of the schools; the eighth, the equestrian candidati; the ninth, the scribones and the domestici; the tenth, the asekretai, the bestitores, and the silentiarii; the eleventh, the imperial mandatores and the foot candidati; the twelfth, the counts of the number of the hicanatoi, the tribunes and counts of the fleet. Then the praepositus says: "Command," and wishing them a long and prosperous reign, they depart. However, all things which pertain ^B to the agape and the communion, as is the custom of the feasts, and the rest, are also carried out according to custom.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

...with candles attached and burning, singing "Agios," for which reason the feast is called "of the Agios," which is the name of God. Cf. Menol. Basil. I, p. 69. [Two deacons in red copes singing "Agios." Moleon, p. 208. See about the Trisagion in Habert, Pontific., p. 64.] It is worth noting on this occasion why the Constantinopolitan Greeks use this *hagios* and other such formulas *ek tritou* or *triton*, to repeat three times. In the Trisagion, indeed, we do not wish to quarrel with the theologians, who find proofs of the Trinity; nevertheless, antiquarians recognize in that formula, and in others repeated three times, the marks of antiquity. To be sure, in the beginning, men, poor in ideas and words, when they wished to signify some thing *emphatically* and as it were to inculcate it, repeated the same word and the same formula again and again. Whence comes that formula, "thrice and four times blessed," that is, such a man who is worthy that the word "blessed" be repeated ^C of him three or four times. The names of the deities which the Gentiles celebrated were cited twice and three times in their hymns. Theocritus:

"We sing of the twins of Leda and of aegis-bearing Zeus, Castor and the dreaded Polydeuces, to provoke them to boxing, We sing both twice and a third time of the male children Of the daughter of Thestius." Id. XXII, vs. 1.

Especially with the Orientals, that was the custom, both in the praises and names of God and in the greetings of friends, to repeat the same formula several times. Whence it happened among the Arabs that the same word which means to double, likewise means to repeat twice, and also to praise and to celebrate, and the voice which is literally repetition also denotes praises. Hence the formula: "He praised God and reflected [namely, the speech] upon him," that is, he repeated the formula several times: "Blessed be God." ... (86) A comma should be placed after "tribunes": M. shows nothing, unless I collect that both titles should be joined, and that the tribunes were counts of the fleet, not that the tribunes were different from the counts. ^D See at p. 120. (87) That the prosodia (procession) also seems to pertain to the other imperial coronation rites. Nicephorus the Patriarch at the end of his historical breviary, narrating that Constantine Copronymus created two sons Caesars and one Nobilissimus, says: "In the procession, according to custom, to the catholic church [i.e., Saint Sophia], having made an appearance, they celebrated a consulship, and distributed money to those who had come, beginning from the palace and performing this as far as the church." It is notable that the hypatiae or consular gifts were scattered in the procession from the palace as far as Saint Sophia. Perhaps they did the same on the return from the church to the palace. That the hypatiae were still in use in the time of Basil the Macedonian is testified by Georgius Monachus, p.... to what extent they were still flourishing could be called into doubt, since no memory of them is had in our codex. Among the Latins, indeed, they obtained for a long time afterward, and still do obtain. Thus Donizo narrates in the *Life of Countess Matilda* concerning the procession at the coronation of the Emperor Henry IV:

"With many lamps, having taken up the clear light, According to ancient custom, the procession of the king Is made in honor; it becomes extended, covered with his coins."

That is, throughout that extended or long procession from the Lateran to the threshold of Saint Peter's, Henry caused coins to be scattered among the people. In the 9th century, it is established that *missilia* (throwing coins) were also in use among the Saracens, from Abulfeda at the year 210, where he describes the wedding of that famous Caliph Almamon, which passage, indeed notable, since it is not permitted to explain here, I shall nevertheless set down, so that it may be understood what splendor and luxury the princes of those times showed in their weddings. In this year, says Abulfeda [at the year 210, which corresponds to the year of the Christian era 825], he was celebrating at Mamun the wedding with Burana, daughter of Al-Hasan son of Sahl, at Fames Selch; whither he had betaken himself to Baghdad. For the girl’s father was officiating there. The paternal grandmother of the bride then poured over the groom a thousand pearls of the first form and of the greatest price. A candle made of amber, weighing forty *mannos* [or eighty pounds], was then burning. The bride's father...

^A and sacks for wine and vinegar, in the manner of the ^B *periodia* (69) of the animals, *axinorygia* (70), and *platyliskia* (71), and sturdy *ptyaria* (72) for the pitchers. And from the imperial *vestiarium* one must take fifty pounds of iron for the *selinai*, and from these make one hundred and fifty light horseshoes. And one must take the *retina* (73) and simple *kapitzalia* from the tanners.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

in membranes to be seen. If, therefore, I have been in vain and erred in this, the Latin translation must be reformed as follows: *and cophinos procedrea*, and the word will have to be derived from *akanthos*, and *exakanthilon* is the same, which is *exakanthinon*, made from the *acanthus*, regarding which tree Salmasius has much to say in *Solin.* p. 372 sqq. Certainly the same V. D. says there, from Theophrastus, that the *acanthus* grows to such height that the material cut from it is twelve cubits long. Therefore, it was easy for baskets to be made from the *acanthus* by hollowing, not by plaiting, which was also necessary for containing liquid matter, such as *cedria*. Yet if I ponder with myself that the Greeks were not accustomed to compose in such a way—that is, *—thinos*—but rather to say either *exakanthos* or simply *akanthinos*, and that the termination *-thos* with the preposition *ex-* can hardly subsist, I begin not to despair of my former interpretation. Nor are there lacking for it colors, or at least excuses. That *kanthos* is the same as *kaththos*, *kaddos* and *kados*, can easily be conceded; whence come *cantharus* and *canthelius*, which carries the *cados*, like a donkey or mule. *Tetrakanthilon*, as if you should say "four-cadus-container," appears in Theophanes, p. 355, in that celebrated passage—little understood by interpreters—for four *cadi* or baskets, of which two, like a pack, are carried on each side of the beast of burden. Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* p. 573, rightly interpreted that passage, and it seems to me it should be established thus: Ἐκ πολλῆς οὖν περιστάσεως ἐπενοήθη ἀνὰ δύο ζώων σαγματουμένων ἀπὸ τετρακανθήλου σανίδας ἐπιτίθειν καὶ οὕτως ἐκφέρειν τοὺς νεκρούς, *urgent therefore of necessity, it was devised that for every two beasts of burden, burdened each with single, four-fold-quadriga hampers [empty] being joined, and upon them eight-fold hampers being extended, wide boards or rafters were placed, upon which corpses were carried*. Therefore, as in this locus *tetrakanthilon* is a quadriga of hampers or *cadi*, I do not see how in our passage it could not be a *sexiga* (if one may say so) of *cadi*.

(69) Because physicians were accustomed to go around to their patients, as Seneca says, or to go from one to another and complete a round of visits, therefore in the new Greek a physician was called *periodia*, to treat was *periodeuein*, and physicians *periodeutai*; or they were even called such because they treated by a cycle, a period, a method, a constant abstinence from certain days, a certain formula, and at certain intervals of exercises and medications, so that through certain periods of time they might recur through the ways of diets, exercises, medications, etc.; *vid* Du Cange v. *Cyclus*. *Periodeuesthai* is to use medicine, to apply medicine to one's body. Malala, vol. II, p. 100.

(70) ...fitting for the earth, looking to the *axine* and *orytion*. For the Greeks are accustomed to conflagrate two words of different meaning into one mass by an *et*—as I discussed this custom on p. 43. I translated it, therefore, not improbably. For it is not impossible that the ancients had such instruments, equipped on one side with an axe, and on the other with a rake or a single wide blade. And certainly *axine* is sometimes an axe with which wood is cut; as is evident from Niceta, 1. 11, c. 4, in *Alexio* (and I should not heap up examples regarding a known matter unless it were necessary): ἔδωκε καὶ ἀξινάρια εἰς χεῖρας ὥστε κόπτειν ξύλα. ^B Now, however, I would rather interpret *axinorygia* as rutra or *pastina*, that is, those instruments that have a sufficiently long and wide iron at the top of a wooden handle, which, when driven into the earth, turns it up. They called them *picas* in the Middle Ages from the German verb *picken*, to peck with a beak. To the French today it is *houe*, from the same German word *haue*, which denotes every instrument for cutting. We call them *Radehauen*, as if you should say "wheel-rakes," because carriage drivers, by their help, if their chariots ever sink into deep earth or a gap in the ice, break through the obstructions, turn [the earth] up, and thereby free the wheels. It is probable that the new Greeks coined this word for this purpose, in order to distinguish these *axinai* intended for digging, by apposition from the verb *orussein*, "to dig," from those *axinai* which only serve for cutting wood. For the ancient Greeks called both axes and rakes, as I have said, *axinai*, both from *aknyein*, from breaking, from piercing through. The former meaning is known to the common people; the latter is more unknown and rare; and therefore I think it necessary to build it up with some added examples. Polyænus p. 57, among instruments for cutting wood, lists *drepana*, scythes for trimming branches not overly thick, *pelekais* for felling trees, *axinai* for rooting trees out of the ground. The passage of Artemidorus p. 111 [1. 11, c. 24, fol. 65, ed. Ald. 1518] demonstrates this even more clearly: Ἀξείνη [i.e., *axine*] σημεῖόν ἐστι γυναικός τε καὶ γυναικείας ἐργασίας. Καὶ γυναικείας μὲν ἐργασίας διὰ τὸ τῷ κρατοῦντι [namely, the *axine*] συμφέρειν [to wit, it] καὶ προσέλκειν. Fuit therefore an *axine* an instrument made for pulling towards, for turning up. He continues: γυναικὸς δὲ διὰ τὸ ὄνομα, because clearly it either *agei*, leads, in love of itself, pulls a man to itself, becomes his *agalma*, delight, or whatever is *agetai*, is led into marriage by a man.

(71) Of this word I have no example in the Lexicon. Based therefore on the drift of the conjecture and the word *platus*, which forms the part of the composition, I translated it as wide shovels for sweeping away earth, such as grave-diggers etc., dig the soil and again sweep back the discarded earth upon the corpse laid in the pit. We call them *Spathen*.

(72) The Latins rendered *bottas* as any cylindrical hollow vessel, any hollow shaft. Hence greaves were called *bottae*. We also, the Germans, retain this word in our language in the expression *eine Lohbutte* or *Butte-Loh*. What led me to render it thus was Du Cange, who says that *ptyon* (of which *ptyarion* is the diminutive) meant a winnowing fan to the ancients, but to the more recent signifies a wooden shovel with which earth is shoved. Nothing could be plainer or more fitting for V. D. But I was deceived by the ambiguity of the word *batillus*. For when I did not have it present in my mind that *batillus* also denotes a wooden shovel in plain sight, not armed with iron, with which earth is shoved (which we call *Schüppe*), but I only conceived of a portable shovel with which red-hot embers are gathered, from that it happened that I rendered *ptyaria* as *bottas* for carrying out dung. Badly, without doubt. For *ptyaria* are shovels. But whether they are iron-shod, or without iron, I do not know. In Du Cange I find *ptyaria*, an iron shovel. If *ptyarion* is a wooden shovel iron-shod (*ein Spathen*), *platyliskion* must be a pure wooden shovel or one without iron (*eine Schüppe*), or vice versa.

(73) It refers to *retinaculum*. It remains in the French language as *rênes*, reins. Cf. Du Cange v. *Petex*.

^A Acclamation of the factions at the coronation of the emperor.

When the customary festival is being celebrated and the lords are making their procession into the holy church, and when all things which ought to be performed during the processions have been performed, the lords, together with the patriarch, go up to the ambo (for there the *antimension* stands, upon which the chlamys and the crowns are placed). Then 41 the patriarch says a prayer over the chlamys, and after the prayer 42 the patriarch hands the chlamys to the great king. And the king, with the praepositi, clothes the newly-anointed king 89 in the chlanis, and again he says a prayer over the crowns; and first of all the patriarch crowns the great king with his own hands, then he hands the crown to the great king, and the king crowns [the newly-anointed one] ^B from side to side, standing to the right and left.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

[index: entries preserved]

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

^A ... (83) "exerting"; but this is not provided by the minsurator, rather the proto-vestiarius provides these [articles].

*P. 119:* "Veils of *fundatum* are embroidered with golden signs, just as the *fundutus* chalice is engraved with signs..." Among the goldsmiths, whom they call *inclusores gemmarum* (setters of gems), a *funda* is a net made of gold, similar to a sling, in which gems are enclosed. Various conjectures regarding the meaning of this word have, as is common in an ancient and obscure matter, entered my mind. Yet three hold the primary place with me. Either, in my opinion, garments were called *fundatae* because they had a bottom (*fundum*) of gold or silk; others call this the *trama* or *subtegmen* (woof or weft), but the *stamen* (warp) is of a different kind. Or, because they were of a color described as *ὀξέως* (sharply), intense, deep, *fundati*—as the French say even today *foncé*, of a deep and intense color, dark blue or almost black. Or, because they had *fundae* woven into them, that is, orbicular areas. ^B There was a time when I also thought these garments were so called because they had *fundae*, that is, purses or boxes (*poches*, *Taschen*) sewn onto them. But because tapestries and palls dedicated to altars are also frequently called *fundata*, where there is no use or place for purses, I have rejected this conjecture. It is now my task to provide a justification for the remaining points stated above. On this occasion, I must discuss the meaning of the word *sphendone* and *funda*, and also the pouches of the ancients. The first opinion, according to which *fundatae* garments are those having a bottom of gold or silver or silk, while having a warp of a different, cheaper kind, is supported by that *tramosericum* or cloth whose woof was silken, in an old document in Du Cange, v. *Mafors*, and the passage in Anastasius, p. 122, would strongly foster this: "greater holoserica veils, *sigillata* [decorated with animal figures] having a *periclysin* and a cross of *blathin* or *fundato*," if learned men were to cite and ^C correct it correctly in the common parlance. But in the Parisian edition, which I use, I read *de bathin*, and that is correct and proper. *Bathin* is an Arabic word, noting something sated, nourished, well-fed, and distended or stuffed. This was transferred to color. A color is *nutritus* (nourished) or *saturatus* (saturated) when it is so thickened that it cannot receive more color particles; in a word, "deep." A *fundatus* color, therefore, is the same as "deep." But the word "deep," considered in itself, can refer to any color tending toward the dark. Yet in usage, not every color was called "deep," but only a specific color, which I conjecture to have been a dark, swarthy blue. To the ancient Latins, "deep" color was already a specific species of color, as is understood from the letter of Valerian to Aurelian (H, Scr. II. A, p. 450), in which, among other things, he attributes a "deep *subarmalis*" to him; for this they subsequently said *fundatum*, whence the Gallo-Franks retained the word *foncé*. I like this interpretation of the word *fundatus* in Du Cange's *Glossarium Latinum*, to which I do not hesitate to subscribe; although there was a time I was more addicted to the third exposition—as it is more specious and builds something more learned—which suggests that *fundatae* garments were those that had round areas woven into them, which used to be called *fundas*; of the *cyclaton* and "with wheels," of which there will be another place to speak. This is the reasoning for our appellation. *Funda* to the Latins and *sphendone* to the Greeks is anything round, circular, or at least terminating from a circular bottom into a cone. Hence *sphendone* is every long, circular band surrounding the pupil like the cornea of the eye; it is the conical meta in the circus; it is the *canthus* or circle which is placed around casks for the sake of the staves being held together; it is the *tutulus* or apex of the head, which ancient Greek women and our own Western women in the Middle Ages also wore, raised high into the shape of a sugar loaf; this apex, which they wore upright and high on the crown, ^D was called *sphendone* simply; if they wore it tilted and oblique on the back of the head, it was called *opisthosphendone*; concerning which, see the interpreters of Pollux V.96. *Sphendone*, in short, is the conical apex of a bonnet, folded over and hanging behind the head or onto the shoulder, and correctly gathering from a wide, round bottom into a narrow point, as Virgil says in the *Georgics*: "And another now beats the wide river with a sling." *Funda*, finally, is a funnel, from *infundere* (just as *sphendone* is from the ancient *sphendein* (to pour), to pour off), and like it, a conical purse, whether it be woven of linen or silk, or cut from leather. All these things take their name from a figure that is either entirely round or conical. There remains still in our language the word *funda* for a cask hoop, when we say *Fundgrube* and *Fundleder*, a pit enclosed by wooden circles, in which hides are prepared, from which shoes areled, and such thick, rigid oxhide prepared in such a pit is called *Fundleder*. That *sphendone* and *funda* are the circle surrounding casks and holding the wooden boards together is clear from the passage of John Canabutzes (cited by Du Cange v. *Χάντρωσις*): "They call a certain circle *chantrosis*, and with the sixth [i.e., with a compass, or with this tool, but it is difficult to judge this passage removed from its context] they describe and make it equal in every way, fitting for the circumference of the barrel, which they call *chantrosis*." The word *chantrosis* comes from *kanthroun*. *Kanthron* is a diminutive of *kanthos* (rim), an iron circle which is placed around wheels to hold them. Hence the Arabic word *almocantharat*, known to astronomers, signifies circles parallel to the horizon, and also a solar clock marked with such circles. Now it is easy to understand the words of Codinus IV.53: "His *scaranicon* was dressed, having on the crown a small red *phounta*." He had that *scaranicon* sewn on, sharp like the bread they call a sugar loaf. It appears also why *phounta* in Portio and Ulacius (in Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.* h.v.) is explained as *kyttaros* (a cup or cavity). For *kyttaros* is, e.g., a little nut-cup in which oak acorns sit, and that word also denotes something not far removed from the shape of a funnel or cone. It is helpful on this occasion to amend and explain the passage brought forward by Du Cange 1. c. From the same authors, Du Cange brings forward these glosses: *Antiae*, *τζουλούφι φούντα πρόκοιμον* (a forelock, a tuft of hair falling forward); but *funta* here are called *antiae* because the ancients sometimes built up curled *antiae* in the manner of a double sling or double cone in breadth, whence it is believed Moses was called horned. Finally, the word *tzolouphi* is Arabic, and signifies all *antiae* (tufts/locks), especially those first occurring to the eyes, sticking out. Hence one may also understand what *esphondoneoumenon* is in Theophanes, 207. He describes there the habit of Arethas, a petty king or phylarch of the Arabs, to whom Julian the Magistrian had been sent as envoy by the Emperor Justin Junior: "King Arethas was naked (that is, he was not wearing a chlamys, but only an undertunic; it is poorly translated 'he was naked') and on his girdle he had on his loins linen-golden garments, and on his belly [there were] slits, with precious pearls, and on his arms five *klabia* each (these are knotted pieces of cloth, such as are often seen on the arms of the stoles of ancient Greek women), and golden bracelets on his hands, and on his head..."

(83) They are either immediate contingencies, or raised just a little from the ground by means of supports. See Du Cange v. *Cham-cuniarum*. Therefore, for the words of the Latin translation, "on which one sleeps on the ground," I would prefer to substitute "which are applied (or spread) on low beds."

^A all the senators and the factions stand on the right side of the ambo towards the east, and immediately the two parties cry out and say, "Worthy." And they offer obeisance to the scepters (90) and the rest of the regalia with the banners, standing on the right and on the left, here and there; and all those of the senate and the parties stand in the right part of the same ambo toward the east.

II. And the chanters say: "Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth;" the people [likewise] three times. Chanters: "Goodwill among Christian men;" the people the same three times. Chanters: "For that God has had mercy on His people;" the people the same three times. Chanters: "This is the great day of the Lord;" the people the same three times. Chanters: "This is the day of the life of the Romans;" the people the same three times. Chanters: "This is the joy and the glory of the world;" the people the same [three times]. Chanters: "In which is the crown of the kingdom;" the people the same [three times]. Chanters: "It has been placed on your head as you deserve;" the people the same three times. Chanters: "Glory to God, the Lord of all;" the people the same. Chanters: "Glory to God, who has crowned your head;" the people the same. Chanters: "Glory to God, who has shown you [to be] emperor;" the people the same. Chanters: "Glory to God, who has adorned you thus;" the people the same. Chanters: "Glory to God, who has honored you thus;" the people the same. Chanters: "But [thanks to] Him who crowned you, N, by His own hand;" the people the same. Chanters: "May He keep you for many ages in the purple;" the people the same. Chanters: "Together with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti (91);" the people the same. Chanters: "For the glory and resurrection of the Romans;" the people the same. Chanters: "May God hear your people;" the people the same. ^{B C}

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. (90) They adore the scepters with the long poles and the banners, and the regalia (which I think are to be understood as those placed on the summit of the top of the panoply; they are accustomed to call them trophies), and thus also the spear they adore the new lord, and say to him, as it were a sacrament, when they are inclined toward him and in his honor and at the recitation of his name are bowed toward the ground, and are thereafter raised up; which is also a custom among our soldiers. Concerning this custom of inclining banners and spears, or even laying them upon the ground, I speak in the second book of our author.

(91) Note: it signifies those who were born while the father held the empire. It is most probable that it is to be derived from the purple, the imperial garment, so that they might be those who were born in the purple, received in the purple, and swaddled in it. Luitprand, in his History, p. 426, thinks they were called this not because of the purple garment, but because of the chamber called the Porphyra, in which the Augustas were accustomed to be confined for childbirth. Cf. Du Cange, *Constantinopolis Christiana*, p. 120, and ad Alex. p. 320 and *Glossarium Graecum* s.v. Both can be true.

^A Cantors: "Many, many, many." The people: "Many years for many years." Cantors: "Long life to you, N. N., Emperors of the Romans." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "Long life to you, servants of the Lord." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "Long life to you, N. N., Augustas of the Romans." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "Long life to you, happiness of the scepters." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "Long life to you, N., Emperor of the Romans." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "Long life to you, N., crowned by God." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "Long life to you, masters, with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti." The people: "Long life to you." Cantors: "But the Creator and Master of all." The people, likewise. Cantors: "Who crowned you with his own hand." The people, likewise. Cantors: "He shall multiply your years, with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti." The people, likewise. Cantors: "For the perfect stability of the Romans." And from these the two factions offer acclamations and say: "Many are the years of the emperors," and the rest of the acclamations; and they offer prayers and depart (91).

CHAPTER XXXIX.

^A I. While the customary ecclesiastical rite is being performed in the church of the holy protomartyr Stephen, which is in the Palace of Daphne, and the newly wedded are being crowned, they go out...

^B [index: entries preserved] ^C [index: entries preserved] ^D [index: entries preserved]

through the octagon and the Augusteus and the Golden Hand, and ^A the magistroi and patricians receive him at the onopodium, and as the newly wedded stand there, the customary rite is performed. And from those there, with the newly wedded being attended by the magistroi and patricians and all the rest of the order, they come as far as the secretum of the consuls, and there all the senators, together with the magistroi and patricians, receive them, and as the newly wedded stand, the customary rite is performed. The factions stand in the triclinium of the candidati on both sides, near the steps of the Magnaura, and indeed, as the newly wedded exit the doors of the consistorium, the organs of the two factions, which are established on the left side of the ascent of those same steps, ^B are played.

II. And immediately the krktai of the two factions, united, both say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many!" The krktai: "Our Savior, protect the sovereigns! Holy Spirit, cover the Augustas! Lord, augment their life for the sake of our life! Emperor and bridegroom, may God protect you! Honorable and virtuous one, may the Trinity adorn you and give you joy! May God the heavenly one bless your marriage, as the only all-good one, who formerly in Cana was present at the marriage and in it blessed the water, being a lover of mankind, and turned it into wine for the enjoyment of men; may He be present with you and your spouse, and may God grant you Porphyrogennetos children! This is the day of the joy of the Romans, in which such and such a sovereign was wedded to such and such a most fortunate Augusta!"

^C III. And as the newly wedded set off, if the factions enter into the dining hall, and as the newly wedded stand there crowned, the krktai of the two factions, united, both exclaim: ^D "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many!"

The krktai: "You have come well, master of the Romans!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You have come well, master, together with the Augusta!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You have come well, divinely selected Augusta!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You have come well, divinely protected Augusta!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You have come well, [Name], joy of the Romans!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You have come well, nobility of the purple!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You have come well, she who is desired by all!" The people: "You have come well!" The krktai: "You were chosen by divine decree for the building up and raising up of the world; you were wedded by God in the purple; God the Almighty blessed you, having crowned you with His own hand! But may He who called you to this dignity and joined you, [Name], with the master, lengthen your times in the purple; may God hear your people!" ^{A B}

IV. It must be known that after the acclamation of the people, as the masters go up to the apse of the bedchamber to lay aside the garlands and the crowns, the krktai of the two factions, both united, say ^C: "Most holy Spirit, bless the marriage!" The people do the same three times. The krktai: "Christ, who blessed the marriage at Cana!" The people do the same three times. The krktai: "May He bless your crowning, [Name], Autokrator!" The people do the same three times: "Most holy Spirit, bless the marriage!" The krktai: "Together with your spouse, [Name]!" The people do the same three times: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "For days and seasons and years!" The people do the same three times: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "Until the finality of your old age in life!" The people do the same three times: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "For His glory and for the support of the Romans!" The people: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "May God heed your people!" The people: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many!" The krktai: "Lord, who joined these together, do You preserve them!" The people: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "Holy God, grant them harmony!" The people: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "This kingdom, O Lord, secure!" The people: "Most holy Spirit!" The krktai: "Most holy Spirit, bless the marriage!" The people: "Many years!" and they exit. And after this the newly wedded go off, crowned, to the apse of the bedchamber, where the imperial golden bedstead stands, and ^D they lay down their crowns: the official garlands of the bedchamber, however, they hang in the pentapyrgion, where the imperial bedstead is placed, and immediately the masters through the por-

^Atic walk as if to the bridal chamber, to the nineteen *akoubita*, and recline at the table.

Acclamations to the Augusta.

V. "Let us pray well, as befits our joy, Augusta!" Cantors: "Long-lived be you, divinely-promoted Augusta!" The people, three times: "Long-lived be you!" Cantors: "Long-lived be you, most fortunate Augusta!" The people, three times, "Long-lived be you!" Cantors: "Long-lived be you, spouse of the master!" The people, three times: "Long-lived be you!" Cantors: "You have been chosen by divine suffrage," the people, three times, likewise. Cantors: "God the Almighty has blessed you!" the people, three times, likewise. Cantors: "You have been wedded by God in the purple!" the people, three times, likewise. Cantors: "He who has crowned you with His own hand!" the people, three times, likewise. Cantors: "But He who has called you to this rank—" the people, likewise three times. Cantors: "And has joined you, the *so-and-so*, to the master!" the people, likewise three times. Cantors: "Will multiply your years with the master!" the people, three times, likewise. Cantors: "God will hearken to your people!" the people, three times, likewise. Cantors: "For the *so-and-so* of the most pious Augusta, many years!" The people: "Long may she live."

VI. It must be noted that it is also said to have happened ^B at times that, after the factions had completed the aforementioned formula of acclamation before the staircase by which one ascends to the Magnaura, the two factions would proceed, and the Veneti indeed would go to the benches placed here and there in the place planted with trees at the Magnaura ^C, and, not receiving a reply to their chant, the cantors would then recite these acclamations: "Many years to the emperors," to which the people answer what is usually responded. Once the bridal couple have taken their stand, the first reception takes place, and the cantors and the people recite the aforementioned acclamations. After this reception, a second reception by the Prasini is arranged after a short interval in the same orchard, and with the bridal couple standing, the cantors and the people, as we have said, acclaim; which being done, the rites discussed above are celebrated. Furthermore...

VARIAE LECTIONES

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS

(96) This bedstead is different from that which the beginning of this page mentions. (97) "Love" is a bedchamber, whose origin and meaning are unclear. It was in fact originally an armory, and full of arms and images of arms, as is evident from the end of the *Continuation of Theophanes*, p. 88 (for which place I am indebted to Leich’s *Adversaria*). "Arms" and "Love" do not fit well together. Was it a bath? See H. Stephanus’ *Anthology*, p. 354, middle, and p. 374, 375. (98) A promenade under trees, whether the trees stand straight ^D and are arranged in a quincunx, or are bent into an apse. Salmasius, in his comments on the dedication of Herodes Atticus, p. 102, indeed asserts that they were promenades shaded by vines and arched; others call them *trichilas*. Indeed, the *Etymologicum* [...] calls the vine that climbs toward a tree an *anadendras*. But it is evident from the *Anthology*, p. [...] that *anadendras* is also used for other trees standing upright and not shaded by vines; etc. Perhaps in ancient times it was used by the Greeks only for trees that were surrounded and entwined by vines. The more recent Greeks, however, beyond a doubt, use it for any place shaded by trees that are [index: entries preserved] carefully arranged and tended. (99) "Something," which is recited according to the word, in a way opposed to the chant of those conversing in ordinary life.

^A In more recent times, this new custom was established, that the nuptial coronation of the emperor should be performed in the palace temple of the all-holy Mother of God of the Pharos; and when the newlyweds are exiting through the golden triclinium—attended, that is, by the cubicularii, the magistroi, and the patricians—as they are about to leave through the silver gates of the golden triclinium, the golden organ is sounded and the factions, as we have mentioned, recite their acclamations.

CAPUT XL. Observanda in coronatione Augustæ.

^B signal to the praepositus, and he says: "Give the command," and they all offer the prayer: "To many, good years," and they exit. And immediately the women’s secretum enters: the first veil, the zostai; the second veil, the patriciae; the third veil, the protospathariae and spathariae; the fourth veil, the hypatissai; the fifth veil, the stratorissae; the sixth veil, the comitissae and candidatissae; the seventh veil, the scribonissae and domesticissae; the eighth veil, the silentiarissae; the ninth veil, the imperial mandatorissae and the comitissae of the numerus of the Hikanatoi; the tenth veil, the tribunissae and the comitissae of the naval forces; the eleventh veil, the protectorissae and the centenarissae. They enter in order, bowing down to the knees of the lords, likewise those of the Augusta, and they stand ^C in the consistorium; and the lords signal to the praepositus, and he says: "Give the command," and they exit.

The rest of the people of the city, the tagmata, and the numeroi, as well as all the utensils, are prepared in the tribunal of the Nineteen Accubita. The patricians stand on the onopodium, and the senators in the portico of the Nineteen Accubita. The Augusta emerges from the cubiculum, escorted by the cubiculum, and the lords emerge with her as far as the Golden Hand, and they return. And once she has emerged onto the onopodium, the patricians and the rest of the senators prostrate themselves, and when they have risen, they signal to the master of ceremonies, and he says: "Give the command," and they offer the prayer: "To many, good years," and they escort her as far as the solar of the tribunal. And the consuls and the rest of the senators descend, but the patricians stand on the steps, this way and that; and as she displays her face, the factions cry out: "Holy, holy, holy. Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace." Then the factions recite those things appropriate to the coronation; the Augusta lights candles at the venerable cross, and the people acclaim the lords, and they also acclaim the Augusta; and when the acclamation is finished, the Augusta bows this way and that, and she returns through the Augusteum, escorted; the consuls stand in the portico, and the patricians as far as the Golden Hand, and the missae are given.

Acclamation of the factions at the coronation of an Augusta.

^A When the entire customary order for the coronation has been performed in the Triclinium of the Augustus, and the Augusta, after being attended by the entire Senate as is the custom, proceeds from there—the Senate proceeding through the great gate of the tribunal, but the prefects of the tagmata or regiments standing in that same tribunal where the cross, the scepters, and the other vessels together with the labara stand, and the two factions standing together before the scepters, vessels, and banners—and indeed, as the Augusta is being attended by the praepositus and the rest of the order of the bedchamber, and upon her exiting and standing upon the solarium, the two factions shout: "Holy, holy, holy!" and immediately they bow down to the scepters, the vessels, and the banners. And the chanters say: "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace!" The people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "In Christian men, good will!" The people repeat the same three times. Chanters: ^B "For God has had mercy on His people;" the people likewise. Chanters: "This is the great day of the Lord;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "This is the day of the life of the Romans;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "This is the joy and the glory of the world;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "In which the crown of the kingdom has been worthily placed upon thy head;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "Glory to God, the Lord of all;" the people likewise repeat three times. Chanters: "Glory to God who has shown thee to be Empress;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "Glory to God who has crowned thy head;" the people likewise repeat three times. Chanters: "Glory to God who has been pleased thus;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "But He who crowned thee, the [name], with His own hand," the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: ^C "[May He] keep thee for a multitude of years in the purple;" the people repeat the same three times. Chanters: "For the glory and the rising of the Romans;" the people likewise repeat three times. Chanters: "God will hear your people;" the people repeat the same three times.

Acclamation to the Emperors.

Chanters: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many." Chanters: "Long times be yours, [name] and [name], Emperors of the Romans;" the people: "Long times be yours." Chanters: "Long times be yours, servants of the Lord;" the people: "Long times be yours." Chanters: "Long times be yours, the good fortune of the scepters;" the people: "Long times be yours." Chanters: "Long times be yours, [name], Emperor of the Romans;" the people: "Long times be yours." Chanters: "Long times be yours, masters, together with the Augustae and the Porphyrogeniti;" the people: "Long times be yours." Chanters: ^D "But He, the Creator and Lord of all," the people repeat three times. Chanters: "Who crowned you with His own hand," the people likewise. Chanters: "May He increase your years together with the Augustae and the Porphyrogeniti," the people likewise. Chanters: "For the perfect salvation of the Romano-

Romans." And from these the two factions acclaim, saying: "Many years to the emperors!" and the rest of the list. And after this they offer prayers and depart. ^A

CHAPTER XLI.

I. On the day before, an order regarding the changes of clothing is given; on the following day all senators proceed immediately and change their vestments in the consistory; the patricians also and the other officers of the secretum, if it seems good to the Lords, ascend to the Golden Hand and deposit the thrones in the Augustaion, in which the Lords sit crowned and receive the vela of the secretum according to custom. When the whole secretum is standing by, the Master of Ceremonies and five other silentiarii enter behind the secretum on both sides, and, a sign being given by the prefect to the emperor, they enter the temple of St. Stephen. Then the patriarch is summoned to come to the Augustaion: which being done, the Lords arise and receive him. Behind the imperial thrones an antimension stands, upon which lies the imperial chlamys; when the patriarch has approached this, the emperor gives a sign to the praepositus, and the bishops and the clergy of the patriarchal secretum enter and stand behind the imperial secretum toward the side of the apse. And immediately the emperor gives a sign to the praepositus, and he brings forward the Augusta—who is wearing, besides the maforium, the garment ^B commonly called the imperial sticharion—through the portico of St. Stephen to the Augustaion, she having previously been in the inner chamber of the octagon, to the Lords, and immediately the patriarch begins the prayer over the chlamys.

II. Meanwhile, while the patriarch is praying, the Augusta takes candles, and when the prayers are finished, she hands the candles to the primikirios or the ostiarius; the Lords take off the Augusta's maforium, which the cubicularii take and fold around her. The patriarch then hands the chlamys to the Lords, with which they immediately clothe the Augusta, and they fasten it for her with buckles; here he prays again over the crown and the ribbons, and when the prayers are finished, he hands the crown to the Lords, who place it on the Augusta's head. In the same way the patriarch gives them the ribbons, which they fasten to the Augusta's crown; soon the patriarch ^C [goes towards the church of St. Stephen].

VARIOUS READINGS.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS.

^A When the patriarch has completed the prayer, he delivers the crown to the masters, and the masters place it upon the head of the Augusta. In the same way, the patriarch delivers the *prependulia* to the masters, and the masters hang them onto the crown of the Augusta. Immediately the patriarch enters into Saint Stephen’s with the bishops and the secretum of the patriarch, and another stool is set out for the Augusta, and immediately the masters and the Augusta sit down. After this, all are brought in by the *epi tes katastaseos*, and they bow to the knees of the masters and the Augusta. And after everyone in the *secretum* has bowed, the silentiaries also stand, and the *topoteretes* brings them to the Count of the *admissionales*, and they bow and stand behind, and the *epi tes katastaseos* also bows. Immediately the *praepositos* receives a signal from the masters and says: "Command," and they go out while offering good wishes. The patricians go off to the *onopodium*, and the consuls to the portico of the Nineteen Accubita and stand in the *consistorium* at the divided veil, while the counts, the candidates, the domestics, and the rest go off to the *tribunal* and stand before the vessels.

^B When the *secretum* has gone out from the portico of the Augusteum, immediately the *epi tes katastaseos*, together with another silentiary, brings in the leading member of the senate, and the rest follow behind, with the *ostiarios* in front holding a rod, and wherever he signals, they bow a third time. They are brought in, held by the silentiaries, and they bow to the knees of the masters, and likewise to the Augusta. When the senators have finished the bowing, they go out to the *chryse cheir* (Golden Hand) and stand inside the curtain. When the Augusta has gone out to the *chryse cheir*, the patricians and the remaining senators enter behind her, and the Augusta goes out onto the *onopodium*, attended by the *cubiculum*; the patricians stand in their *consistorium* at the same *onopodium*, and when she stands, the patricians fall down. When they have stood up, the *praepositos* signals to the *epi tes katastaseos* and says: "Command," and they offer good wishes: "For many and good years."

^C And they move off in procession, and the curtain is raised by two silentiaries, and the Augusta stands again.

VARIAE LECTIONES. JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS

...or sacred *infulae* hanging down by the ears and over the cheeks; or, if there is any difference, perhaps they are that [see note at p. 336], but the frontal ornament, or a broad gold plate covering the forehead, or a gold mesh hanging from the brow between the eyes over the nose, such as oriental women once wore and still wear. From this is to be explained that passage in Job XXIII, 17: *O that I had not...* and *a broad frontal, from my face...* and *O that I had not before my face a covering of darkness!* Jerome, IV in Ezech. c. 16. Even until today, among other women's ornaments, golden circles are accustomed to hang down upon the face from the forehead, which they used to call *lunulae*.

^D [Antioch] (this is how it should be read). This is an illustrious and memorable passage, in which are recounted matters pertaining to the wedding: a splendid procession to Saint Sophia; there, the hands of the three patriarchs present were laid upon the bride; the announcement by the Augustus that she was Augusta through the imposition of the crown or *infula*; festivities celebrated with the nobles on the same day, and likewise spread for the people in public streets and alleys; the next day the patriarchs were invited to a banquet and gifted with gold; the church was gifted with a centenary of gold; circus games were celebrated thereafter.

^A Augusta arrives at the *dikionion*, and the senators together with the patricians fall down. When they rise, the praepositus signals to the silentiary and says, “Command,” and they pray. The senate then moves and goes out through the middle door of the tribunal, taking their positions on either side at the head of the steps, as is the custom. The other officers of the regiments descend into the same tribunal, where the cross and the scepters are standing, as well as the standards and the other vessels; the two factions, along with all the rest of the people and the officers of the regiments, stand in front of the vessels in their places. When the senate has gone out with the patricians and taken their stand, the Augusta manifests herself ^B, led by the praepositus and the primicerius. When she stands in the middle of the solarium, the factions and all the people cry out, “Holy, holy, holy; glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace,” and the factions recite the praises appropriate to the coronation. The Augusta moves from the middle of the solarium, and when she arrives at the middle of the screen, the ostiarius hands her two candles; holding them in her hand, she performs a prostration to the cross. After this is done, the notables, all the vessels, scepters, standards, and the rest fall to their knees and venerate her.

IV. Finally, when the acts of the inauguration are completed, and the factions have prayed, ^C “O God, strengthen this kingdom,” the senate immediately enters the portico of the Nineteen Accubita, and they remain in the consistory up to the *dikionion* and the *onopodion*. The senatorial women follow; when the senate has moved inside, the women withdraw and go to the ivory gates of the Castrensian [quarter], and they wait there until the Augusta enters the Augusteum. The senate remains until the factions have finished, [saying,] “Many years,” and the rest. When the factions have finished the acclamations, the Augusta makes a prostration to the two factions on this side and that, and then she moves inside, while the two factions say, “May God preserve the Augusta.” The patrician women stand inside the gate of the tribunal, and when the Augusta enters from the solarium, the patricians move forward ^D as far as the Golden Hand. The secretum of the consuls stands up to the *dikionion*, and when the Augusta approaches to the middle of the consuls, they pray, saying: “For many and good years.” The patricians do the same at the Golden Hand. The Augusta passes through and enters the Augusteum, and the whole chamber is gathered. Entering, they say in the Roman tongue: “Bene, bene, bene, Augusta! Pulchre venisti, Augusta!” Afterwards, she comes into the octagon outside the church of St. Stephen, which, when the emperor with the Augusta enters...

and the betrothal takes place, they leave the church. The patriarch celebrates the liturgy, and when the liturgy is finished, the sovereigns and the Augusta enter, and the coronation takes place.

V. Nor should it be omitted here that the emperor, crowned with a wreath, is garlanded, and they come forth wearing crowns to the Golden Hand, where they are received by the patricians on the *onopodion*; and while the sovereigns stand, they (the patricians) fall to the ground. After they have risen, the praepositus gives a signal to the master of ceremonies, who says, “Command,” and they pray for a “prosperous and long-enduring reign.” They move on, escorting them as far as the secretum of the consuls, and when the sovereigns have stopped there, all the senators along with the patricians fall down. After they have risen, the praepositus gives a signal to the silentiarius, who says, “Command,” and they move on, escorting them as far as the chamber. The factions take their stand in the triclinium of the Candidates on either side near the steps of the Magnaura, and the chanters of both factions, united, recite the canticles together, while the organs are played on the side of the Greens. When the coronation has passed, the factions go to the chamber, where the emperors stand adorned with crowns, and perform the solemn acclamations. They themselves, crowned, withdraw to the conch of the chamber where the imperial bed is placed, and having laid aside their crowns there, they go through the porticos, as if for the *amores*, to the XIX Accubita, and there they recline at the table, and after they have risen, the emperor names the friends whom he wishes to be invited, who, according to custom, enter the chamber.

VI. Furthermore, it is worthy of note that the sovereigns do not sit down in their *chlamydes* with their friends in the chamber, but the great emperor wears a golden *sagion*, the lesser emperor wears a *tzitzakion*, and the friends wear the garments in which they recline. ^C It should also be known that if the Augusta goes out into the triclinium wearing a crown, the spatharioi go in attendance holding *distralia* in their hands, but the carriage does not follow; however, if she goes to the XIX Accubita, the spatharioi do not attend her at all. As for the wives of the senators, from the time the Augusta enters the Augusteus from the tribunal, they enter through the triclinium of the XIX Accubita by way of the entrance to the imperial accubitus, and go to the portico of the Augusteus, where the curtain hangs. And when the coronation ceremony has been concluded at the Golden Hand, the patrician ladies and others behind the Augusta go as far as the bridge, to the banquet ^D

^A and those who have been invited proceed to the spiral staircase of Saint Anastasia, and the others withdraw. It should be known that the patrician ladies do not wear the *propoloma* (the head covering) at the coronation of the Augusta [18]. It should also be known that the Emperor chooses from among the patrician ladies [19], as many as he wishes, so that they may enter the Augusta through the octagonal chamber and witness the crowning of the Augusta. Likewise, for the crowning, the Emperor ordains that the groomsman [20] and such patricians as he commands shall enter; and when the crowning is completed, these same patricians go out and stand in their places along with the other patricians.

VII. It should be known that on the third day of the bath [21], when [22] the ceremony is to take place, the Venetian faction takes its stand in the right portico of the Magnaura, which is the gate of the Augusteum, equivalent to the *pinson*, and likewise the Greens take their place in the opposite area near the stable, while the organ [stands] in the arboretum, and the other organ at the entrance to the stable, at a certain distance, and another organ beyond [24] the pulpit of the bath's descent. And when the soap-cloths [25], the unguent-box, the caskets, and the *siklotroulla* go forth, the consuls escort them as far as the descent of the bath, and they [the consuls] escort all the theatrical performers [26] according to custom; and upon the arrival [27] of the soap-cloths, the consuls come and take their stand at the foot [28] of the bridge.

of the bridge. ^A And when the Augusta leaves the chamber, the patricians move off, waiting upon [29] the descent of the bridge at the side of the ovum, and the consuls move off, waiting upon the descent of the holy Saint Christina. And it receives first the faction of the Venetians, when the Augusta appears, and they acclaim, as is the custom. The musical instruments also play, and when the Augusta reaches the middle of the raised way, the Greens likewise begin to acclaim. And the Augusta enters the bath, and when she leaves, the procession of the magistracy is conducted in like manner, and they enter, waiting upon the chamber, and take their stand in the consistory, until the Augusta enters the right side of the apse. The factions also come themselves, acclaiming behind, as far as the chamber, and the women who have been called move off behind the ovum. It must be known that three ^B jeweled purple pomegranates are carried, one of which the assistant who sits by [30] carries behind the Augusta, and the other two are carried on this side and on that.

CAPUT XLII.

Acclamations of the factions when a Porphyrogenitus child is born.

Ⅰ. While the two factions are ascending at the phial of the sigmation, the criers say: "To the masters," and the people: "A day glorious in victories (31)." The criers: "And what is to be done for them?" The people: "And strengthen them, yes, O Lord, do Thou save them, yes, O Lord, a day glorious in victories." The criers: "To the Augustas!" The people: "A day glorious in victories." The criers: "And what is to be done for them?" The people: "And strengthen them, yes, O Lord, do Thou save them, yes, O Lord, a day glorious in victories." ^C The criers: "To the Senate!" The people: "A day glorious in victories." The criers: "And what is to be done for it?" The people: "And strengthen it, yes, O Lord, do Thou save it, yes, O Lord, a day glorious in victories." The criers: "To the army," the people: "A day glorious in victories." The criers: "And what is to be done for them?" The people: "And strengthen them, yes, O Lord, do Thou save them, yes, O Lord, a day glorious in victories." ^D

II. When these things are finished, the criers then recite other acts: "May God grant beautiful and good days to our orthodox masters!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "May God increase the reign with beautiful days!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "May God send beautiful days to the masters!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "May God send beautiful days to the Augustas with those born in the purple!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "May God grant perfect victories to So-and-so and So-and-so!" Thus the people three times. The criers: "May God grant beautiful days and a happy birthday to the one born to you, So-and-so, the porphyrogenitus!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "O Holy Spirit, protect the Augustas!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "Mother of our God, protect those born in the purple!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "O Holy God, ^A protect our masters!" The people do the same three times. The criers: "O Lord, their life through our life!" The people do the same three times. Finally all: "May God grant that your empire be long-lasting!"

CHAPTER XLIII.

Observances during the election of a Caesar.

I. The Senate and the entire army are asked concerning the opinion of promoting a Caesar, which being done, and if the masters command it—when the election is celebrated on the holy Sunday of the holy Resurrection—it is instituted thus. On the said day all the nobles and military forces proceed immediately to the tribunal of the Araea, which is outside the nineteen accubita, and they acclaim the emperors in the same manner. Then they pray concerning the Caesar and receive a brief response, while either the emperor himself proceeds, or he issues it through another, and they keep silent. The masters sit in the great triclinium of the nineteen accubita, ^B and the patriarch enters quickly and waits in Saint Stephen’s; and after the masters have sat down, they receive the first veil of the secretum, the magistri, and then the remaining veils according to custom. When all these have entered, with none missing, the masters—wearing their dibetesia, chlamydes, and crowns—order that the discourse concerning the Caesar be instituted. And when all consent to the election of the Caesar, the masters give a sign to the praepositus, who says: "Command." Then, after favorable acclamations, the secretum departs; the patricians establish a consistory in the portico of the nineteen accubita, ^C the remaining senators depart, and they stand on the steps of the Araea on both sides of the solarium, while the scepters, the labara, all the vessels with the cross, and the entire people stand in the tribunal, where also the antimensium is placed, on which ^D

lie the chlamydes together with the fibulae 34 and the head coverings, or what are called the caesaricia.

^B II. The lords proceed together with the patriarch, and the patricians receive them in the portico, and escorting the lords, they go out into the tribunal, and the patricians stand on the steps [a] on either side, while the lords ascend to the solarium with the patriarch, and immediately the Emperor converses with the people, if he wishes, and if the people have anything to reply, they reply. And the Emperor gives orders to the praepositus and to the magister, and they go away and bring those who are to be ordained from the dibetesia 35 and the campotuba 36. For the chlanidia and the fibulae upon the chlanidia, and the caesaricia at the side of the chlanidia, lie 37 upon the antimensium; and the patriarch stands in front of the antimensium, the lords stand on his right and left, and behind the patriarch [stands] the deacon, and those who are to be ordained Caesars stand behind the deacon. And the lords and the Caesars take wax candles and light them, and the deacon says: "Let us pray in the peace of the Lord." The Emperor then turns towards the east and replies: "Lord, have mercy." And after the deacon has finished the litany and the people have replied: "You, Lord," ^C the patriarch begins the prayer: "Master Lord..." [alt-version omitted]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY

(34) He means the fibula, which fastened the chlamys on the right shoulder. The caesaricia were crowns or infulae proper to Caesars, different from the infulae of emperors; Theoph. p. 374 names them so, where he presents certain ceremonies of a created Caesar. Landulphus Sagax, interpreting that passage, renders it "Caesaric helmets." I have a passage from Selden, *De titulis honorum*, vol. II, ch. 13. [The Emperors of the East ordinarily granted the crown to the Caesars and to the first dignities of the Empire. The words are from du Fresne on Joinville, p. 301.] The caesaricia are Caesar's ornaments, which Nicetes, when he was made nobilissimus, received. The same author [describes] the crowns of Despots, Caesars, and Sebastocrators in *Matthæus Monachus De dignitatibus palatinis*. Was the Caesar under the Byzantines, as it were, the supreme master of the militia? He seems so from Constantine *De thematibus*, p. 14. Indeed, they are mistaken who think the Caesar was the presumptive heir of the Empire under the Byzantines. For emperors usually accepted their sons as colleagues of the empire, which is the same as in our style: they declared them heirs of the empire. ^D That opinion seems supported by the fact that the Caesars were supreme commanders of armies, which the title given to them favored, and sometimes also, but more rarely, it was [a title] that was even transmitted later to Italy and the Romano-Germanic kingdom. [Regarding the title given to Berengar and other similar ones, v. Valesius on the poem of the Anonymous, vol. II, Murator. p. 387.] Thus it is not without cause that the younger brother and colleague, but subordinate, of Leo the Wise, Alexander, is called [subordinate] below in the *Cletorologium* p. 452, since...

(35) Leo Grammaticus indicates that Basil the Macedonian was also brought into the dibetesion, when he was to be created Caesar in place of Bardas, after the slaughter of the latter by his own hand; I shall transfer his location here from p. [466] at the end, as he describes the rite of that coronation, so that it may be compared with ours:

(36) The Greeks call it *campotuba*—corrupted Latin—as if you were to say *camparum*, that is, of the knees, [or] *tuba*, or amiculae (little cloaks) perforated after the manner of tubae and wider at one end than the other. Take care not to confuse them with *campagia*, about which see p. 133 in its proper place, where they are distinguished by express words.

(37) ...or by the copyist omitting the last part according to his solemn custom, or even because it was usual for the Greeks to speak so, of which the frequency of that thing in this codex and in the most approved and most ancient scribal exemplars does not allow us to doubt, as [when] *pro* [is written] *enthen*, *prosthen* for *prosthe*, *opisthe* and other such things.

^A

patriarch completes the prayer until, "Now and always, and unto the ages of ages," and the people respond, "Amen," the patriarch lifts the small mantle ^B lying upon the book itself and hands it to the *bestitores*; immediately the *bestitores* unfold it, holding it in front of the masters.

III. This being done, the *praepositus* and the *magister* bring the candidates forward and present them to the masters. The masters extend their hands and take hold of the chlamys, and they clothe the Caesars ^C and kiss them. The people, or rather the *fractae*, respond, saying: "Fortunately, fortunately," and the people [repeat] the same a third time. And immediately the patriarch makes the sign of the cross three times toward the people according to custom and says, "Peace to all," and the people respond, "And to your spirit." And the deacon says, "Let us bow our heads to the Lord," and the people [answer], "To you, Lord." And while the people bow a little, the patriarch also bowing, along with the emperors and the Caesars, the patriarch says the second prayer. And when he ^D finishes the prayer and the people also respond the "Amen," the patriarch takes the *caesaricia*, kissing them, and hands them to the masters. The masters taking them, they kiss them and cause [the candidates] to kiss the Caesars. And immediately the masters, together with them [the candidates], make the sign of the cross over their heads, naming the name of the Holy Trinity, and place them on the head of the candidate being ordained Caesar. And immediately the parties and all the people, the *kraktai*, cry out, "Felicissime, felicissime, felicissime," and the people [do so] a third time, "Felicissime." The *kraktai* [say]: "Many years to the emperors, N. and N., great emperors, many years to you, emperors promoted by God," and the rest.

IV. And when the acclamation and the inauguration of the Caesars is completed, the masters enter with the patriarch and the Caesars into the triclinium of the Nineteen Couches, and they sit on thrones, and the Caesars sit on one side and the other. And immediately the vessels and the parties and all the people depart and stand in their places. When the masters have sat down, those who distribute the *agape* enter from the side and venerate the two knees of the great emperor, and likewise [those] of the lesser, and they venerate one knee of the Caesar on the right and one on the left, and while venerating they also give the *agape*. And when they have finished [serving] from the side, the entire *secretum* enters, the first veil, the *magistroi*, and the rest in order, as the custom holds. The senate having performed the adoration, they give the *agape*, and when it has been distributed, the *praepositus* by command says, "Order it." Then the masters having gone out, they change their *lora*s and crowns, and likewise the Caesars change their *lora*s and *caesaricia*, and they go out, and the entire sequence of the feast is completed as it is in the *typikon*. At the *agape* and the communion first [go] the masters, and with them the Caesars.

^A

Acclamation of the factions at the promotion of the Caesar.

I. The masters proceed with the patriarch through the great triclinium of the nineteen *akoubitai*, and not yet having arrived at the solar of the tribunal, in which the *antimision* is laid out beforehand, upon which the chlamys and the crown, that is to say, the *kaisarikia*, are placed, the chanters say: "Appear, divine majesty!" The people three times: "Appear!" The chanters: "Appear, N. and N., emperors of the Romans!" The people three times: "Appear!" The chanters: "Appear, servants of the Lord!" The people three times: "Appear!" The chanters: "Appear, N. and N., Augustae of the Romans!" The people three times: "Appear!" The chanters: "Appear, masters, with the Augustae!" The people three times: "Appear!" And when the masters have gone out and are standing on the solar of the same tribunal, the patriarch standing at the *antimision* with the deacon behind him, the masters sign the people three times, and then the two factions say: "Holy, holy, holy," etc., and they pray in a modulated voice in this manner: "Masters of the world, receive your servants who beseech you: as servants we dare to beseech you: with fear we revere you, masters: kindly, o beneficent masters, attend to the prayers of your people: fill your servants with joy, o masters: for the salvation of your city we pray with our faces cast down to the earth. Let the Caesar appear to your servants, we pray, we your servants, o masters, for the greatest glory of the senate, for the greatest happiness of the camps, and for your joy, o benevolent masters."

II. But when the sign is given by the *praepositos* for the factions to be silent so that the emperor may speak to the people and at the end offer a prayer, the chanters cry out in a loud voice and say: "The givers of crowns have heard our prayer, having greatly gladdened their people, the masters having made the commonwealth rejoice, for the expansion and growth of the Romans, by the good pleasure of Him who has crowned you, o benefactors; but may the Creator and Master of all things multiply your times with the Augustae and with the Caesar, may He guard your power for a multitude of years in the purple, may God hear your people, N. and N., lovers of Christ, in God be victorious." And when the future Caesar stands behind ^B the deacon, candles are [taken] from the *praepo*situs of the masters and the *candidatus*...

^A If the Emperor returns from a terrestrial expedition in the West, he is met in the Forum of Theodosius, which is called Taurus, and they offer him crowns, one indeed of gold, and the others of laurel. In exchange for the golden one, the Emperor gives them a fair price in coin, so that they may not appear to have suffered a loss by incurring expenses of their own. But if he returns from Asia or Bithynia, or from a Persian war, the Prefect of the City meets him there, where the Emperor has decided to make a "mesallagum," [that is, to disembark from the ship and tarry for a while in a certain Asiatic palace, until he has changed his travel clothes for more splendid ones]; whether this occurs in Satyros, or in Poleatikos, or in the Rufinianai, or in Hieria. If, furthermore, the Emperor wishes to enter the palace via the Strategion, the senators hasten to the Forum of the Strategion, and there offer crowns. But if he wishes to be conveyed by ship straight to the palace without a detour, he halted before the staircase or landing stage, and greets the Prefect of the City and the "apomaneus," or royal vicar; and he accepts the crowns offered to him. Let us bring forward an example of the imperial entry into the city. On the eleventh day of the month of August, a Monday, in the year of the world 6033, the pious Emperor Justinian was entering Constantinople around the first hour through the gate of the monastery of Charisios, where the Prefect of the City and the senators met him, but without crowns. Going forth from there, he made prayers 287 in the church of the Holy Apostles, and lit candles in the tomb of the Lady, and descended towards the Capitol. ^B On the eleventh day of the month of August, on a Monday, in the year 6033 (13), the pious Emperor Justinian entered Constantinople about the first hour through the gate of Charisios (14); the senators and the Prefect of the City met him there without crowns. And coming to the Deuteron, he prayed in the [church of the] Apostles, and lit candles (15) at the tomb of the Lady, and descended to the Capitol. As he entered the middle, the domestics and the *protektores*, the seven *scholae*, and after them the tribunes and counts, all [came to meet him], standing on the right and on the left in white *chlamydes* and with candles; and after them the *magistriani*, the *fabrisii*, the order of the *eparchs* (16) and of the Eparch, the money-changers and the merchant ships (17), and every organization, and simply everything from the Capitol to the *Chalke* of the palace was filled, so that the Emperor's horse could barely advance. When the Emperor entered the *Chalke*, the *admissionalis* stood with (18) the *protektor* and the *thriambeutes*, and shouted the *thriambeutalion*. For thus did the Magister decide it should happen, so that the Emperor would not enter through the Golden Gate. And all the archons and patricians dismounted from the Apostles and went on foot, and the *koubikoularioi* also followed on foot. ^{C D} [alt-version omitted]

Caesars themselves, and the masters and the future Caesar himself, through a triple prostration, return thanks to God. The whole people turn their faces toward the east. In the meantime, while the future Caesar is led in by the *praepositus* and the first *magister*, the deacon says: "In the peace of the Lord, let us pray;" and the people: "Lord, have mercy." ^B And after the deacon has finished, the patriarch begins the prayer. And when the patriarch has finished the customary prayer, and the people have answered "Amen," the patriarch lifts the chlamys and gives it to the *vestitores*; the *vestitores* unfold it before the masters. The *praepositus* and the first *magister* bring forward the designated Caesar, and immediately the masters stretch out their hands, hold the chlamys, and vest the Caesar with it. They kiss him, and the criers say: "Good fortune, good fortune, good fortune!" and the people repeat the same three times.

III. Then the patriarch signs the people with the cross three times and says: "Peace be to you." The people: "And to your spirit." The deacon says: "Let us bow our heads to the Lord." And when the customary order of bowing the head is performed—that is, when both the emperors and the Caesar bow their heads—and after the completion of the prayer, the patriarch takes the crown, or *kaisarikion*, kisses it, and gives it to the emperor. The emperor kisses it and has the Caesar kiss it, and immediately he seals it over his head, saying: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." And thus he places the crown on the head of the Caesar being ordained, and the criers say: "Good fortune, good fortune, good fortune!" And the people [repeat it] for a third time: "Good fortune!" And thus the acclamation takes place: "Many years," and so forth; and at the end: "Many years to the most fortunate Caesar." Then: "We are servants of the emperors, we are servants of the Caesar, O Son of God, grant them life, O Son of God, grant them victory." And when the acclamation is finished, the masters with the patriarch and the Caesar enter the triclinium of the Nineteen Accubita; they sit down, and the adoration is performed.

CHAPTER XLIV.

Procedures to be observed at the ordination of the *Nobilissimus*.

I. One day before the festival, a decree is given to the demarchs and the referendary, and the entire senate is notified so that they may come the following morning with their ceremonial robes. Therefore, on that day, the entire senate, as well as the prefects of the schools and the other units, change their vestments ^C and bring the vessels to escort the masters. When everything is in readiness, the patriarch comes, and through the Daphne proceeds to [the church of] St. Stephen, receives the masters, and all the vessels together with the cross...

^A and riding with one accord, he departed with Constantine the younger son [who had been the count of the expedition], likewise riding, into the temple of the most holy Mother of God in the monastery of the Abramites, with the entire senate and the urban population preceding him, together with certain modest banners, not adorned with purple. Near that house both father and son dismounted from their horses, entered into the said temple of the Mother of God, and after the prayers had been performed for them and they had lit wax candles, they sat there for a little while, until the spoils captured from the enemies were carried into the city.

^B JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. That houses used to be strewn with flowers, while the Roman state was still flourishing, amid public rejoicing, we learn from Tertullian to his wife, where he says: "She proceeds from a laurelled and lamp-lit doorway, as if from a consistory of public lewdness" (see Goar on Theophanes, p. 11); and from Xiphilinus, who describes the entry of Severus into the city of Rome, p. 1242, thus: "To him [as he was walking] the whole army, both the foot-soldiers and the horsemen, followed in arms. And the spectacle was the most brilliant of all that I have seen [Dio is speaking], for the city was crowned with flowers and laurels and adorned with variegated garments, and shone with light and incense. And the people, dressed in white and rejoicing, gave great cheers, and the soldiers in their armor moved about in a manner appropriate to a festival procession; and further, we ourselves walked in the procession." I would prefer by all means, with the famous Reimar, to read *proēimen*, "we processed." But if the vulgate reading is correct, it will note that the senators proceeded in a double row around the emperor. The same Dio, p. 1028, describing the so-called golden day on which Nero placed the diadem on Tiridates, says: "The whole city was decorated with lights and crowns," where see the authors cited by the famous Reimar. That the people processed in white and laurel wreaths, that games were presented in the theater, and that it was covered with a silk veil to ward off the sun, to which veil was sewn with a golden needle Nero driving a chariot, surrounded by stars. From that custom of covering the theater with a silk veil there seems to have been born the custom of spreading silk cloths over the middle of the streets, fastened to cords fixed to the houses on either side, and suspending other precious cloths from the very roofs of the houses, among which, at certain intervals, burning candles, torches, laurel wreaths, and other things were interposed. To decorate the city in that manner, in the same way that we, who use only lamps, say "to illuminate," so the ancients used to say "to crown" because of the wreaths suspended. The Arabs, who received this from the Greeks, call this procession and decoration *paratura* and *Zinah*. There is frequent mention of such *Zinahs* in Abulfeda. Della Valle also mentions them here and there and describes them lucidly, and Wansleb more briefly in his *Egyptian Journey*, p. 335. These things precisely match the illuminations or coronations used in the Middle Ages in Byzantium and in Italy, as will be clear from the examples I am about to bring forward. That this custom came to Greece from the East is evident from the Bacchic rites. For in these, which are known to have passed from Syria to Greece, there was frequent use of burning torches, under which Bacchus was led. And hence you may understand that passage in Athenaeus, book IV, p. 148, concerning M. Antonius the triumvir, indulging in luxury at Athens and acting as Bacchus: "He would sometimes go up to the Acropolis, as if to the Capitol, in a triumph under a train of torches, with the whole city of the Athenians illuminated by torches from the roofs [the flat roofs of the city had torches fastened to them, or lamps full of oil hanging from them], and from that time he ordered himself to be proclaimed Dionysus throughout the cities." Notable is the passage of Odo of Saint-Blasien in Du Cange under the word *Coronari*, which encompasses the whole ritual of such a coronation. The whole city is crowned, he says, with tapestries and wreaths of various kinds and values illuminating the cross-roads, with frankincense, myrrh, and other fragrant species redolent within and without the city streets. But much more brilliant is the passage of Saba Malaspina, book IV of his *History* (edited in volume VIII of *Rerum Italicarum Scriptores*, p. 842), in which he describes the entry and reception of Conradin of Swabia in the city of Rome in the year 1268; nor can I restrain myself from transcribing it, ^C although it is a little long. "The columns of dancing soldiers were distinguished by the appearance of precious garments and various colors over their armor [that is, garments worn over their arms or breastplates]. And what is great and marvelous to hear, the dances of women playing within the city resounded with cymbals and drums, flutes and vials, and every kind of music. And wishing to show the abundance of their precious things, as pleasure usually follows, they covered the middle streets from house to house standing opposite, with cords and ropes thrown in the manner of an arch or bridge, not with laurel or tree branches, but with expensive cloths and various skins, [vair-furs], hanging from the cords with ornaments [that is, ribbons, hand-held items], twisted [that is, plaited, with suspended strings, weavings of silk threads, gold, and pearls], with bracelets [or armlets], anklets, letters, gold fringes, and the hanging of various and precious rings, crowns, and brooches, in which the brightest gems shone, silk purses, knives covered in *piancavo*, damask, fine linen and purple, curtains and valances, and linen cloths woven throughout with gold and silk, joined with altar cloths and gilded cloaks, which a learned craftsman had constructed across and beyond the sea from diverse and elaborate material and care." To this example the queen of Sweden, Christina, was also received in the city of Rome, as appears from that Italian opuscule which describes the ceremonies of her reception, and is read as number LXX of the Appendix to the famous Arkenholtz's *Memoirs of Queen Christina*. Her words are these: "All the streets from the place called Ponte Molle to the palace of St. Peter, which are three miles in length, were all decorated with the finest tapestries, and at the windows damasks and red velvets." I cannot pass over the passage of Nicetas Choniates, which I should have given first of all. Explaining that triumphal procession of John Comnenus returning to the royal city from Colchis with victory, book I, p. 13, he says thus: "When the day dawned, on which the procession had been appointed, a cloth entirely of gold and purple adorned the streets; nor were the statues of Christ and the saints absent from there, as many as the weaver's hand had imprinted on the veils, ^D and one would have said they were alive, not woven; and if also to be admired were the things on either side of the passage for the receiving of the spectators by means of wooden scaffolding and tiers. And the area of the city was thus prepared, which extends from the eastern gates of the city to the great palace itself. And indeed the four-horse carriage was ready, and four horses of beautiful hair, whiter than snow, drew it. But the emperor, having disdained the stepping into the chariot, etc.," which is given on page 352. What is memorable in this passage is something not read elsewhere, that at Constantinople on both sides of those streets

go out into the tribunal of the Nineteen Accubita, as do the divisions and the city guards and the armies. The master of ceremonies prepares the veils for the portico of the Nineteen Accubita, as is the custom, and the sovereigns sit in the same triclinium on seats, wearing the dibetisia, chlamyses, and crowns. One Caesar sits to the right, and the other to the left. The sovereigns give a sign to the praepositus, who goes out with the ostiarii and summons the first veil, the curopalates 16; second, the magistri; third, the patricians, and the remaining veils in order, as is the custom. And when all the veils are filled and the entire secretum has taken its stand, the sovereigns command them to speak of the nobilissimus, and they respond with whatever they wish.

II. Then they give the sign to the praepositus, and he says: "Command," and with prayers they go out, and the senate goes out and stands on the gradines of the tribunal on either side of the solarium. The patricians stand in the portico of the Nineteen Accubita, the consistorium, and the sovereigns go out immediately, together with the Caesars and the patriarch. The patricians receive him in the portico, and they immediately prostrate themselves, and the master of ceremonies says: "Command." Then they go out and stand on the gradines of the tribunal on either side. The sovereigns go out through the middle doors into the solarium, and immediately they command that the people be spoken to regarding the nobilissimus, and they respond with whatever they wish. An antimensium is placed where the chlamys and the fibula lie. The chlamys is green 42, having gold roses and gold tablia. The sovereigns give a sign to the praepositus and the magister, and they depart and bring the one who is to be promoted to nobilissimus, who is wearing a red dibetision, campotuba 18, and campagia. The patriarch stands before the antimensium, the sovereigns to the side of the patriarch on either side, the Caesars behind the sovereigns, and thus the nobilissimus. And the sovereigns and the Caesars take...

^A and more illustrious and noble Agarene captives, and the selected and more excellent spoils of war, such as flags and weapons, had been taken from the palace of Hiera, and therein first deposited, and afterwards in part the captives were arranged in a procession, and in part the spoils were distributed among the porters, who were to carry them into the city as a triumphal spectacle. Therefore, through the middle of the valves of the Golden Gate, which were opened for the sake of this solemn act, they entered into the city and proceeded as far as the Chalke. After, then, the spoils together with the captives had entered the city in a triumphal procession, they arose, praised above the site of the temple of the Mother of God, and they put on:

^A The masters stood up and, having cast off their *skaramangia*, the emperor and great king put on an *epilorikon* 24 tunic, gold-woven entirely, latticed with pearls, and on the hems also adorned with perfect pearls, having girded himself also with a *zostikion* sword 3, and having worn upon his head a *kaisarikion* 25 diadem; and his son Constantine put on a golden *klibanion* 26 and a *zostikion* sword, and golden *podopsela*, and in his hand he took a golden lance adorned with pearls. And upon his head he wore a *phakiolion* 27 in the manner of a *propoloma* 28.

VARIE LECTIONES. 3. SCHOL. It must be known that this tunic is called the "rose-cluster."

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (23) [Chrysostom, t. VIII, p. 573: When the emperor is entering the city, the soldiers, going before, carry what are called the *signa* on their shoulders, announcing his entry.] (24) ... rightly; I should have written *Tunica lorica superinducta*; see Du Cange under that word. Let the same be said for me on page 291. (25) ... the *infulae* of the Caesars were of a different shape from those of the emperors, as can be confirmed from the image of the emperor with the image of the Caesar in Rhamnusius, taken at the beginning of the history from the Venetian collection of Constantinople. The emperor on his *infula* sometimes bore a cross, the Caesar on his never, nor does he bear it in the cited image, which agrees with the passage in our work on p. 412, where he says that the Caesar’s insignia is a *stephanos* (that is, a *stemma* without the cross-type). I do not know whether I should refer here to the passage from the life of St. Melania the Roman (under Du Cange v. *Kaisar*), as in it it is not sufficiently clear whether no *infulae* are attributed to them, or *infulae* different from those of the emperors: "But this dignity of Caesar is something else again, as one might say a sub-emperor; for the purple robe is gold-embroidered for him, and the other marks of the empire, since he has not only the golden *stephane*, but all the symbols of the empire." (26) ... that it is a lorica and a clibanion is certain; but what exactly they were, does not appear to me. There are those who think the *clibana* were *pilota*, such quilted garments as the Chronicon Colmaniense describes to the year 1298: *wambasia*, that is, a thick tunic made of linen and tow or old rags, fortified. But they are sufficiently refuted by the fact that here in this passage the *clibania* are gold, or made of gilded iron, and elsewhere are called *olosidera*. The name *clibanus* itself also indicates this, which is the same as *chalybinus*, made of *chalybs*, the hardest iron. The Glosses of the *Basilica* led me to this etymology: "The *klibanarioi* are solid-iron." For the Romans call iron coverings *klibana* instead of *kalybina*. Read *chalybina*. (27) ... formerly it was customary to be covered and to wipe away sweat, tears, and dirt. It hung over the shoulders to about the middle of the chest. Such a figure is frequent in ancient images, such as those of the Virgin Mary, which Du Cange provided in his Latin Glossary, vol. III, at the end of tables III and VII. These *facialia*, when later they were formed differently and were wrapped around a sharp or hemispherical cap, turned into turbans or *cidares*, such as the Turks today wear after the example of the Greeks. When the custom of wearing those *cidares* was introduced, it is not clear. If Georgius Alexandrinus, in the Life of Chrysostom, did not measure the customs of the ancient century by his own, turbans were already in use among the Greeks in the fourth century. For he says in chapter 41: "They acclaimed him, raising him into the air, some with their cloaks, others with the flaps of their *koutzoula*, others with daggers, others with *phakiolia*." But now long since Greeks wear...

^D ... and as is evident from the Phrygian cap and other things; see what I shall say below concerning the *camelaucium*. Du Cange also argues at length about the antiquity of this garment in his Greek Glossary, which is worth comparing. Perhaps it was introduced by the Scythians. For on the Theodosian column in Banduri, Scythians wearing *almucias* are frequently seen, as in tab. I, 4, 8, 9, 12, etc. ... round, narrower at the bottom, wider at the top, *propalon* or rather something which was made from *propallein*, to stand out and catch the eye, such as is seen in the images of the Byzantine empresses in Rhamnusius, in Du Cange before the Greek glossary table V, and after the Latin Glossary tables VI and VII. See the same under *tympanion*. Nicetas Choniates, p. 282, cleverly calls the small cap a "two-sided *kathedra*." The ancients called such things *stephanai*. For *stephane* was different from *stephanos*, as Casaubon rightly noted on Athenaeus, p. 352. For the latter is entirely round, of moderate height, but the *stephane* is a tall circle, and not always of equal width throughout, so that in appearance it recalls towers standing on walls, hence also called *stephanae*. It is helpful to add the description of such a *modiolus* from Busbecq, who says in Epistle I that he saw such a headdress on Bulgarian women. Nothing, he says, seemed so new as the towered head, and the cap (if it can be so called) of an entirely unusual shape. It is made of straw covered with cloth, a shape entirely contrary to that which the peasant women use among us. For this one hangs down to the shoulders, and where it is lowest [that is, closest to the head], there it is widest, then it tapers into a pyramid; whereas that one at the lowest part is narrowest, then rises above the head into a vortex, almost to a span in height; where, however, it looks up to the sky, it is most capacious and open, so that it seems made no less to receive rain and sun than ours is to ward them off. But in that space which is between its lower and upper brim, little coins and small images and pieces of glass of different colors and whatever shines, however cheap, hangs for ornament. Such kinds of caps, as they aid in height, so they do in gravity, although they are easy and ready to fall with a slight jolt. They set themselves thus, so that you would think some Clytemnestra or Hecuba, but when Troy was flourishing, was coming onto the stage. The Bulgarians, likewise the Turks, received them from the Greeks. For it is apparent from the image of the Istanbul Seraglio in Banduri, p. 1016, that this kind of cap is familiar even to the Turks. But just as these received them from the Greeks, so the Greeks had received them from the Romans. For such *tympania* or *modii* or caps as the Greeks or women wearing Greek silk or other subtle cloths wore on their heads, such the Roman women formerly wore, made of braided hair, as is evident from that well-known passage of Tertullian concerning the apparel of women, affixing furthermore I know not what enormities of stitched and woven artificial hair now in

^A the nobilissimus [by the] candles—or they touch him—and when the deacon says the litany, the patriarch bows and performs the prayer. And when he completes the prayer, he takes the chlamys and hands it to the vestitores, and the vestitores unfold it. And immediately the praepositus and the magister offer the one who is to be appointed nobilissimus before the sovereigns, and the sovereigns take the chlamys and clothe him in it, and they kiss him. And immediately the factions and all the people proclaim: "Many years to the sovereigns! N. N. great sovereigns and autocrats many years! N. the most pious Augusta many years! N. most fortunate Caesar many years! N. most illustrious nobilissimus many years!"

III. And upon the completion of the acclamation, the sovereigns, the Caesars, and the nobilissimus enter the triclinium of the nineteen couches ^B and sit down. And one Caesar sits on the right side, and one on the left, and the nobilissimus stands on the right side. And the secretum enters, [and the] veils [are opened/drawn], as is the custom. If it is the holy and great Sunday, the senate, bowing, gives the agape; but if it is another feast, they provide only the proskynesis. They prostrate themselves and kiss the feet and both knees of the great sovereign, likewise also [those] of the lesser sovereign, and they prostrate themselves to one knee of the Caesar on the right, and one of [the Caesar] on the left; but to the nobilissimus who is standing, they kiss his hand, and after the proskynesis they take their place in the consistorium. And when the senate completes the thanksgiving, the sovereigns nod to the praepositus, and he says: "Command," and they pray, and the secretum goes out, and the whole order of the feast is performed as was prescribed in the typikon. It should be known that in the agape and in the communion, the Caesars and the nobilissimus communicate with the sovereigns, and likewise in the agape.

Acclamation of the factions at the promotion of the Nobilissimus

It should be known that if the king wishes to create a nobilissimus, all the order and sequence is performed as in the case of the Caesar, and likewise the acclamations of the factions, but the chlamys placed upon him is not purple, like that of the Caesar, but red; nor is a crown placed upon him, nor is he prostrated to, as the Caesar, by the archons.

CHAPTER XLV

Things to be observed at the promotion of a Curopalates

I. The sovereigns change their dibetesia and their chlamydes [and] their crowns, and they sit in the senate-hall. And the one standing outside the [chamber of] state prepares the veils, as is the custom. And the sovereigns nod to the praepositus, and he goes out ^D with the ostiarii and the rod-bearers, and he calls out the first veil, that of the magistri; the second, the patricians, with whom the one who wishes to become curopalates enters; the third veil, the senators; then the veils...

^A Likewise, having stood before its entrance and been acclaimed, they received there the Eparch of the City and the *apomonéus*, who falling down worshipped and offered the Emperor a golden crown [(35)] in accordance with the ancient custom, and others of laurel as symbols of victory. [(36)] These same men received from the Emperor coins as payment for the honor, and more than that in gold for the crown itself. When the factions had fulfilled their part, they entered the Great Golden Gate having processed, and they arrived at the Sigma, and through the left side at the Exakionion and the Xerolophos, and immediately the Bous and the Capitol, and the Philadelphion and the Tauros, the Artopolion and the Forum. And having come to the Forum, they dismounted [(37)] from their horses and entered the church of the Most Holy Theotokos, the Patriarch having met them there with a procession of the Great Church. In which [(38)] having taken candles from the praepositus and offered prayers, and having gone out and cast off their military garments, they donned *dibetisia*, *triblatia*, and gold-woven *chlamydes*.

VARIOUS READINGS

SCHOL.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS

of the counts, the candidati, the ex-prefects, and the military commanders. The silentiarii, having entered together with these to complete the veils, stand by. When this is done and all the veils are closed, they give a signal to the praepositus of the lords; he brings forward the one to be promoted, places him in the middle of the secretum, and he prostrates himself; then he brings him forward again, and he, falling prone to the ground, kisses the feet and the knees of the great emperor, and likewise those of the lesser one. And having risen, he stretches out his hands and receives from the lords a genuine dhibetesion, and kisses their hands. The praepositus then raises him up, and he goes out to the oversight of the patricians, and puts off his own chlamys and puts on the dhibetesion; the praepositus brings him forward again, and he falls before the lords, and the primicerii and the ostiarii take the chlamys, and the lords themselves place it upon him with their own hands; and the praepositus brings him back, and he stands in the middle, and all enter, held by the silentiarii, prostrating themselves and giving thanks. They themselves stand upright, and fasten it. ^A

II. Regarding the Thanksgiving and Procession

II. When this thanksgiving has been performed by the senate, the lords give a sign to the praepositus, who brings him forward and says: "Command." And all acclaim: "For many and good years." And the promoted man goes out of the secretum; the patricians, consuls, silentiarii, the consistorium, and two silentiarii carrying rods also go out with him. The patricians escort him for a short distance, but the consuls and silentiarii enter with him until the church ^B of the Lord, where he lights candles; and, escorted by the consuls and silentiarii, he proceeds to the palace; the nobles, then the counts of the scutarii, the cursores, the dietarii of all the chambers, and the decani through the scholae go away. The factions are present in their places... ^C

and campagia, and being crowned, they passed through the center ^A of the Forum, while the standards, the *labara*, the signs, the banners, and the great scepters, and the golden flamules, and the precious cross that is both large and set with stones, were standing and processing before them; and having passed through the center as far as the Milion, they entered through the colonnade of the Milion into the Horologium, and deposited the crowns in the metatorium inside the Beautiful Gate, and entered into the narthex, having prayed with candles at the middle holy gate, and having entered with the patriarch, the rest of the liturgy was performed, and the entry into the palace was accomplished in the manner of the imperial processions. And a great banqueting table was also set in the Triclinium of Justinian, and, having been gladdened, they gave *vestiaria* and *miliaria* to all the members of the senate (39). It should be known that the Eparch prepared the order of the city and the splendor, while the ^B Praepositus ordained the order of the procession, the meeting of the senate, the celebratory acclamations of the factions, the advances, and the locations of the receptions, with the staff of the Eparch and the silentiarii and the whole cubiculum serving him. Now the one who remained with the logothete and the eparch, and who also held the authority of the service on the king’s behalf, was Baanes, the patrician, praepositus, and sakellarios, just as the ancient custom prevailed among the emperors: when the emperor went out on campaign, he would entrust his own authority to the praepositus, and the administration of the commonwealth and the common affairs to the magister and the eparch. Therefore, as the emperor returned from the campaign, many receptions and gifts were provided.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

and receive the libellarium from the demarchs, and they make their announcement, as is the custom also in the case of the patricians. And he enters through the chute of the Chalke into the holy well, and lights candles, and the patriarch goes out and says a prayer, and communicates, and he returns to his house, being escorted by the same, and two silentiaries carrying their wands for three days, [the emperor] wearing his true purple cloak; thus he proceeds and returns to his home, being escorted similarly also upon his departure.

Concerning the promotion of a Curopalates

It should be known that, when a Curopalates is made, there is no silentium; but the emperor, receiving in his private chamber the man who is to become Curopalates, lifts a rod from one of the imperial ostiarii and presents it to him, and his promotion takes place. ^B

CAPUT XLVI.

Rules to be observed at the promotion of a Magister, if the emperor commands that it be performed at the procession of the Great Church.

I. The emperor, crowned and dressed in the chlamys, comes out from the Augusteum, and stands in the Golden Hand opposite the veil of the tagenarium, and the praepositus beckons to the ostiarius who is holding the veil of the marble pulpit, which is stretched out to the onopodium. And when he receives the sign, they bring in the patricians, as is the custom of the feasts; and he who wishes to become Magister also enters with them, and they prostrate themselves in the narrow passage of the Golden Hand, where the lords stand. And when they have risen, the lords beckon to the praepositus, and he says: "Command," and they go forth escorting the lords as far as the onopodium, where the [count] of the catastasis stands, and the arms and the spatharii carrying their weapons, and the same patricians prostrate themselves according to custom, and the praepositus beckons to the [count] of the catastasis, and says: "Command," and the patricians pray, escorting the lords as far as the great consistorium, where the consuls and the rest of the senators stand, and when the lords have taken their stand upon the ciborium above the purple steps, all the senators prostrate themselves. ^C

^A The Caesar wore a golden armor-cap along with arm-guards and golden greaves, having placed upon his head a cap with a golden helmet-lining; he girded on a sword, and himself mounted a horse, similarly white and with a jeweled cloth. He also took in his hand a golden lance. When he had reached a short distance from the gate, the emperor dismounted from the horse and fell upon the earth, making obeisance three times toward the east. And thus, having risen, he mounted his horse. As he was entering the great Golden Gate, the magister, the *diepon*, and the prefect of the city presented him with a golden crown, fashioned of precious stones and very valuable pearls, which the emperor took and placed upon his right arm. Immediately the *factions* met him in due form, as if for a festive procession, shouting acclamations of victory. After he had passed from there through the *sigma* and the street that leads to St. Mocius as far as the *millium*, the senators dismounted from their horses at the *millium* and proceeded on foot before the emperor as far as the well of Hagia Sophia. However, those who had returned to the city with the emperor from the camps and the expedition entered on horseback with golden armor-caps, swords, and lances, each ^B rank separately and apart, in this order: before the emperor were the praepositi and those from the *cubiculum* in golden armor-caps; behind them, and behind the emperor at a distance of about five fathoms, were the eunuch protospatharii, likewise with golden armor-caps and sword-sticks. In the *Chalke* of the palace, a pulpit 45 stood before the gate, and on one side was the golden organ called the "First Wonder," and on the other side a golden and jeweled *sentzios*; between these was the great golden and jeweled cross. The emperor dismounted from his horse and entered through the well into Hagia Sophia, and after praying went out again through the same gate; then, proceeding on foot, he came to the *Chalke*, and having ascended 46, he took his seat upon the *sentzios*. The *factions* cried out, "He is holy" 47. Then, having sat down, they presented him with the *politeuma* of the city and golden bracelets; the emperor took these and placed them on his arms, and accepted them, giving thanks and speaking on his own behalf regarding the success of the war. And all acclaimed him with victory; having risen from the *sentzios*, he mounted his horse and passed through the walkways of Achilles and ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKI COMMENTARY (44) He has gone a little beyond the gate. I have expressed the same meaning, though ambiguously in the Latin. The other, as it is clearer, I would prefer to be supposed. (45) He was before the palace pulpit, as even in the time of Zosimus, who in Book IV, c. 6, calls it the *bema* before the courtyard. (46) Namely, the pulpit that was built in front of the chalice and situated upon that throne above the pulpit. But the pulpit is the same as the *bema*, an elevated platform from which a magistrate or the emperor would speak. The Latins of the Middle Ages called it an *arengaria*, from *arengando* or perorating. "The place in front of the palace, where, when the Signoria entered, the Podestà climbed into the *bigoncia*—this is what that pulpit or pulpit-like structure was called—where he would make a speech and deliver an oration." See Du Cange, Gl. L. v. *Arengaria*. Nicetas, p. 203: "The emperor, having turned to feasting, opened every ancient gate and the *proskenion* (porch), so that those who wished might enter and see him as a victor." I remember reading in Sanson that such a pulpit existed before the palace of the Persian kings, as a place of refuge for those fleeing thither. That it was also a custom for the Latins of the Middle Ages to construct pulpits before the doors of their buildings is evident from the Chronicon Laurishamense, year 948: "He covered the entire paradise with lead, and constructed pulpits before the doors of the same paradise." (47) In the preceding, it is often "He is holy," either holy or venerable, which is perhaps to be preferred; for *hagios* is a title appropriate to the emperor.

II. Then, having received a sign from the lords, the praepositus leads the one who is to be promoted to the rank of magistros to their feet; he prostrates himself on the first step, then ascending to the third, he makes obeisance and kisses the feet of the lords, who are standing, not sitting, because he is being created on a feast day during the church procession. With the kiss fixed upon the feet, the promoted one rises, and another praepositus gives the sticharion and the balteon to the lords. These the lords give to the promoted magistros, who, having kissed the hands of the lords, receives the sticharion and the balteon; again, the same praepositus takes them, and leading him into the winter consistorium, clothes him in the sticharion and girds him with the balteon, and he wears his own chlamys over the sticharion. Then the same praepositus raises him up and introduces him into the ciborium, where the lords are standing, and he falls to the first step and kisses the feet of the lords, and having risen, he gives thanks; then the praepositus places him at the head of the secretum above all the patricians, and immediately the silentiarii lead in those standing behind the secretum from one side and the other according to the rank of each, and they fall before the lords giving thanks, as having received a head of the secreta 59, and likewise also the consuls up to the last of the senators. Then the lords nod to the praepositus, and he signals with his chlamys to the silentiarius who holds the middle of the secretum, and he says: "Command;" and the whole senate prays: "For many and good years," and 26 he departs in the procession of the church together with the lords.

Observanda in promotione magistri, si jubet imperator, ut die festo pagano celebretur.

^B II. Then, having received a sign from the lords, the praepositus leads the one who is to be promoted to the rank of magistros to their feet; he prostrates himself on the first step, then ascending to the third, he adores and kisses the feet of the lords, who stand and do not sit, because on this feast day he is being created in the church procession. Having kissed the feet, the promoted man rises, and another praepositus provides the sticharion and balteon to the lords, and these they give to the promoted magistros; having kissed the hands of the lords, he takes the sticharion and balteon, and the same praepositus takes them, and leading him into the winter consistorium, clothes him in the sticharion and girds him with the balteon, 137 and he wears his own tunic over the sticharion. Then the same praepositus leads him to the ciborium where the lords are standing, and there, prostrating himself on the first step, he kisses their feet, and after he has risen, he gives thanks: then the praepositus appoints him at the head of the secretum above all the patricians, and immediately the silentiarii lead in the individuals after the secretum according to their dignity, who, prostrate on the ground as if established at the head of the secretum, give thanks to the lords: thus they lead in the consuls and the rest as far as the last senator. Finally, the lords to the praepositus, and he, with his own tunic given to the silentiarius standing in the middle of the secretum, gives the signal and says: "Command;" then the senate, having wished the lords "Many and good times," departs in the church procession together with the lords.

^C Δʹ.

Concerning what must be observed at the promotion of a magistros, if the emperor commands that it be celebrated on a pagan feast day.

^D I. On the evening of the day before, the three ivory doors of the consistorium, as well as those which lead out to the macron or portico of the candidati, are closed, and veils are suspended in the three doors; the triple gate of the onopodion as well as the doors of the delphax are closed, and the throne is placed in the ciborium of the consistorium and is guarded in the evening by the silentiarii and chosbaites; nor is it permitted to any, once the throne is set, to enter the consistorium on that evening. Moreover, the whole senate in the evening, having been warned so that it may go forth in procession, in the morning in the macron of the candidati, and the patricians in that place which is called "to the Indoi"—since for them, when the throne is set, it is forbidden to enter the consistorium—change their vestments. If however the lords wish to sit on the throne, wearing crowns and chlamydes, they issue forth from the Augusteum, and accompanied by the cubiculum in secret, they sit upon the throne; the master of ceremonies, however, outside the ivory doors in the long portico of the candidati, where the procession is made, orders the veils of the magistroi, patricians, and the remaining senators.

^A of the side-streets of the Zeuxippus, and he went out through the same gate by which he had entered, and thus proceeded forward on foot as far as the palace called Chalke. In the Chalke, or bronze gate of the palace, there stood before the gate a pulpit, and on one side of it a golden organ, called the first and chief wonder or miracle; on the other side a *kenzum* or seat, that is to say, a throne, ornate with gold and jewels; between both of these stood that huge cross, golden and jeweled. Upon this pulpit and that throne the emperor would ascend, and standing upon the throne he would sign himself with the sign of the cross; seeing which, the factions would acclaim: "One is holy." Then the urban magistrate would offer seated golden bracelets, which he, accepting, would place around his arms, and would dismiss those who had presented them with an act of thanksgiving.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JACOB REISKE

(48) It seems to be not a roofed or open area, but exposed to the sky, and is to be added, considering the porticoes of the circus. He therefore wishes to designate the middle area, in which the competing horses run. But to speak the truth, I do not understand this place, as I do not understand many others which concern the topography of Constantinople, which no one will ever understand unless he has seen the places themselves. Since those places have been destroyed and thoroughly changed, it is clearly evident that a great part of this codex will remain an eternal mystery. It can also be concluded from this passage, not without the greatest probability, that there were two circuses in Constantinople: one called the upper, not roofed, with awnings stretched and spread over the middle of the circus upon ropes, *to askepaston*; the other called the lower, roofed with awnings. But this matter pertains to the debate on the circus, which I touched upon in the preceding pages.

(49) If anyone desired anything from the emperor, [they asked for it] with a clear shout in the Circus. When, therefore, they might ask to be admitted to the venerable sacred purple for the sake of offering congratulations on account of a prince having been born, for a happy return after the enemy had been conquered, for the leading of an Augusta as a partner of the bed, for the renewing of the birthdays of the empire and of his birth, and for other things of this kind, then there was said to be an *aitesis tou deximou*, a demanding of an exception or arrival. For *to deximon* is the same as *doche*, the reception of one arriving or the awaiting of one who is to arrive, or the same as *dexiosis* of one who has approached, a greeting to one arriving. And it was said to be a *deximon* when the emperor would admit the nobles and the urban senate and the masters of the factions to adore him and to congratulate him.

(50) Patriciate is so called because the title *kurios* belonged properly to the patricians. I have read the passage in the Anecdota of Procopius, whence this might be proved. But I did not note it, and it does not occur to me now as I seek it. The illustrious Corsini in his Appendix to the Greek notes, dissertation I, p. 9, has also demonstrated through several examples that even simple consuls, who were neither Caesars nor Augusti, were called our masters (*despotas*) and lords (*kurious*). Du Cange in the notes to the Alexiad, p. 283, cites the inscription of a statue to Domenico Selvo, Doge of Venice, placed because of the victory gained by him over Robert Guiscard at Dyrrhachium. But this was in the year 1081: "Having besieged Dyrrhachium, I repelled the Martian Robert: hence the prelate Alexius calls me lord." Du Cange notes in the margin that by the word "lord" (*dominus*), the title of *Despotes* was attributed to the Venetian Doge. The title of *Despotes* was too illustrious for the Greek emperors to communicate it to others not sprung from their own blood. He wishes rather to say that that Venetian Doge was called a Patrician by Alexius because of the excellent service rendered, and was honored with the title *kurios*, of lord. Yet I confess that this word *kurionymos* occurs more rarely or perhaps never in this sense. For that word denotes in itself one who bears this or that name properly and truly, with regard to those who bear it improperly or falsely arrogate it to themselves, the *akyronymous* or *pseudonymous*. Thus in Pachymeres VII, 28, the Sunday of Cheesefare is called *kyrionymos*, although many other days of the year are dedicated to the eating of cheese, yet it is so called in a special way. In Nicetas Choniates, p. 300, Sunday is called *kyrionymos*, said of the Lord. I would have followed this method of interpretation if it had been certain to me that there were true Patricians and others who were only titular, since the patrician dignity was not an office, but a mere title, a mere dignity. Are those understood, who besides the patrician dignity were free from all other courtly offices?

(51) The second expedition against the Saracens, about which there can hardly be doubt that there is discussion here, happened in the second year after that former one, namely A.C. 838, and had successes hardly worthy of a triumph, with the loss of Amorium: the emperor having been defeated in battle fled and returned with shame, having narrowly escaped, says Symeon the Logothete in his Annals, p. 423. He whom he calls *Toue* (for thus it must be read, not *Rouet* as it is edited), him Abulfeda calls Afschin Chaidsar; which discrepancy is owed to the copyists. For in Arabic they differ little, with the diacritical points taken away, Giondub and Chaidsard. The latter reading is nonetheless to be preferred beyond doubt, not only because Abulfeda, dictating the individual letters, inculcates *Chaidsar*—that it should be read no otherwise—but also because *Chaidsar* is a Persian name fitting a Persian. For Afschin was a Persian. *Giondob* on the other hand is an Arabic name and therefore less appropriate. It is helpful to repeat the history of that war from Abulfeda, as both to compare it with the Greek authors and so that the passage of Elmacinus on the same subject, page 141, might be amended and rightly understood from this. The words of Abulfeda are as follows, vol. II, p. 170: "In this year [of the Mohammedan era 223, A.C. 838] the capture of Amorium happened. Namely, Theophilus, emperor of the Romans, had carried slaughter and plunder as far as Zabethrum [Sozopetram] through the Moslem dominion, and had shown such fidelity to as many as fell into his hands that it was a horror to those seeing and hearing it. Which although al-Mu'tasim bore with the greatest difficulty, yet it stung him most, that a certain Hashimite [a kinswoman of the prophet] while being seized by the Romans, had exclaimed with a loud voice, 'Oh Mu'tasim' [calling for aid and vengeance from the absent one]. By which he was moved to such an unworthy and intolerable crime, that having immediately gathered his forces, on the twentieth day..."

^A The praepositus, having received the signal from the masters, proceeds outside through the middle door of the consistory, escorted by two ostiarii, and brings in the veils: first, the magistroi; second, the patricians; third, the consuls; fourth, the comites of the sectors; fifth, those from the eparchs and the stratelatai. And after the veils are completed and have entered within the consistory, the masters signal to the praepositus, and he leads in the magistrate who is to be promoted from the order of patricians, and leads him into the midst of the purple risers before the ciborium, and leads him to the third riser, and he falls before the footstool of the throne, and kisses the feet and both knees of the great master, and likewise of the lesser one, and having risen, he extends his hands and receives the sticharion and the belt from the masters. Then the praepositus, having led him into the winter consistory, clothes him in the sticharion and girds him with the belt, and thus he brings him to the feet of the masters, and he kisses their feet, as before, giving thanks to the masters. And the praepositus, having taken him, stations him at the head of the secretum of the patricians, and all the patricians are brought in, escorted by silentiarii, and they offer thanks, as if having received a head for their secretum. ^B The silentiarius, standing in the middle of the secretum, receives a nod from the praepositus and says: "Command." The senate wishes him: "Many and happy years," and they go forth into the long portico of the candidati, and are given portions by the silentiarius. The promoted magistros goes out to the Indoi and changes into a true sagion over his sticharion, and departs to his house; and if his house is near the palace, he is escorted by officials and domestics of the infantry and scholarii of the infantry and scutarii of the rank and diētarioi and decani; but if it is further away, the same persons escort him, without the officials. It must be known that even on a feast day, if someone is promoted, he departs in this way.

CHAPTER XLVII

I. On the day before, a response is given, and the entire senate is notified to proceed in change-garments: in the morning ^C

16. Things to be observed when the leaders of the four factions come into the Hippodrome. 17. On the inauguration of Romanos Porphyrogenitus, son of the Emperor Constantine. 18. Things to be observed in the celebration of the Brumalia, both those which the senior emperor, and those which the junior, and finally, those which the Augusta, provide. 19. Things to be observed when a triumph over defeated enemies is celebrated in the Forum with a solemn procession and the emperor tramples the necks of the Agarene magnates. 20. Things to be observed in the celebration of a triumph in the Hippodrome. 21. Things to be observed when a son is born to the emperor. 22. Things to be observed at the baptism of the emperor's son. 23. Things to be observed at the tonsure of the hair of the emperor's son. 24. On the promotion of a cubicularia. 25. On the promotion of a cubicularius. 26. On those things which have happened at various times regarding the changes of the ancient custom [or honorary tribute] once accustomed to be paid to the Great Church. 27. How Heraclius was raised by his father from the rank of Caesar to the imperial schema or attire, and how David, his brother, was created Caesar. 28. On the procession into the Great Church. 29. How on a certain day of the chariot games Heraclius received the senators, the patriarch also being present. 30. On the burial of a patriarch. 31. With what rites the emperor should offer votive gifts to the Great Church. 32. How, when a feast day is at hand, both factions ask that the *deximon*, or greeting, be admitted to the Lord. 33. On promotions to dignities, which take place on annual days on which the birthday, or the first assumption of the empire, or the coronation, or the nativity, or the wedding of the emperor is celebrated. 34. On promotions which take place on birthdays or other such annually recurring days. 35. On the *saxion* or pyrrhic dance. 36. On the introduction of the ex-prefect on the day of the chariot games, who was created at the *deximon* of the same game. 37. How certain rebels who had defected, but had been brought back into order, were received by the emperor.

^A 16. Things that must be observed when the leaders of the four factions come into the Hippodrome. 17. The inauguration of Romanos Porphyrogenitus, son of the Emperor Constantine. 18. Things that must be observed when the Brumalia are being celebrated, whether by the senior Emperor, the junior, or the Augusta. 19. Things that must be done when a victory triumph is being celebrated in the Forum with a procession, when the Emperor is about to trample the neck of an Agarene magnate. 20. Things that must be observed when a victory triumph is being celebrated in the Hippodrome. 21. Things that must be observed when a male child is born to the Emperor. 22. Things that must be observed at the baptism of a male child of the Emperor. 23. Things that must be observed at the tonsure of a child of the Emperor. 24. On the promotion of a cubicularia. 25. On the promotion of a cubicularius. 26. On those things which have happened at various times regarding the ancient custom observed in the Great Church. 27. How Heraclius was raised by his own father from the rank of Caesar to the imperial dignity, and how David, his brother, became Caesar. 28. On the processional entry into the Great Church. 29. How on the day of the games Heraclius received the senators, the patriarch also being present. 30. On the funeral of a patriarch. 31. How the emperor ought to offer votive gifts in the Great Church. 32. On the request of the *deximoi* [reception] of the two factions, when a feast is present. 33. On the promotion to dignities which takes place on days of petitions for the empire, and coronation, and birthdays, and crowning. 34. On the promotion to dignities which takes place on birthdays and other such recurring days. 35. On the *saxion* [sword dance]. 36. On the introduction of the ex-prefect on the day of the Hippodrome games, who was appointed at the *deximon* of that same Hippodrome. 37. On certain rebels who defected and were again enslaved, and how they were received by the Emperor.

(55) The end of this chapter, and the whole of the following chapter and the beginning of chapter 28, are missing in the Leipzig codex, at minimum two leaves. Would that the rapacious hand had spared even chapter 17. That this violence was done deliberately and by someone who knew what he was stealing, you may almost gather from the fact that chapter 42 is also missing, in which the line of the Constantinople emperors was formerly held. (56) This phrase is well and elegantly stated. For a *thriambos* [triumph] is a pompous bringing forth and leading into public of any thing whatsoever. Therefore, a *thriambos epinikion* [victory triumph] is the processional display of spoils taken from defeated enemies.

^A he puts on change-garments in the Hippodrome, and the procession enters the Triclinium of Justinian, and all the people, as the custom of Sunday requires. And whenever the masters wish to receive the secretum, they speak to the praepositus, and the praepositus goes out and speaks to the official in charge of the arrangement, and the official in charge of the arrangement calls the patricians and the senate. And they enter the tripeton, and he arranges the curtains for the same tripeton, and the masters change their dibetesia and chlamydes and their crowns, and they sit in the consistorium. And immediately the cubicularii enter secretly from the side, from this direction and that, and stand as a consistorium, and the masters nod to the praepositus, and he goes out with the ostiarii, as is the custom, and calls for curtain 1, of the magistri; curtain 2, the patricians; curtain 3, the consuls; curtain 4, the comites of the secretum; curtain 5, the candidati of the secretum; curtain 6, the domestici of the secretum; curtain 7, starting from the eparchs, the strategelatae.

II. The referendarius enters from the side when ^B the curtain of the patricians has entered, and stands behind them; the asikretai who are not consuls enter without being summoned when the curtain of the consuls enters, and they stand behind the consuls; in the same way the silentiarii enter for the completion of the 7 curtains, and they stand behind them from this side and that. The masters signal to the official in charge of the arrangement to speak to the person who is to be promoted before the curtains arrive, and when he wishes to bring in the curtains, he speaks the name to the factions secretly, and the factions depart, and they compose [(64)] the poems for the one being promoted according to his name. And after the secretum [(65)] consistorium is established, and the silentiarii are standing on this side and that, the masters give a sign to the praepositus, who, with the secundicerius, proceeds [to the promotion].

51. ^A What must be observed when the emperor goes out in a chariot to inspect the grain stores of the military.

52. An accurate exposition of the constitution of the imperial banquets, and of the order according to which each dignity is summoned and holds its rank above another; collected from ancient *cletorologia* or books of ceremonies, which set forth the festive etiquette and the order of titles in the time of Leo, the Christ-loving Lord. In this, there is also treatment concerning the custom or tribute of every major dignity and of the patricians, who belong to the second class of guests.

53. Concerning the distribution of the emperor’s largesses at the *brumalia* and on annual days on which the memory of his accession and coronation is celebrated.

54. The exposition of Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, regarding the precedence of patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops.

55. Concerning the distribution of the *komvia* of the customary dues of the patricians; also concerning the customs which the *praepositi* receive from the military factions of the hippodrome.

56. The Life of Alexander of Macedon, narrated historically in ninety-four facts. ^B

57. The Physiologus’s account of the wondrous nature of each beast. The elevation of the heart toward God, and fifty discourses on those who are pleasing in life.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(60) Fabricius, *ibid.*, presents this title differently, and it appears to have constituted the second volume of this miscellaneous codex. The expression *kath’ istorian phakta* means the same as *phakta tes historias* or "facts from history," that is to say, narratives, history, things consistent with history, taken from history, and therefore true, not fictional or romantic, to which reference is made, and of which there is a great number among the Greeks, Arabs, and Europeans. Although, to tell the truth, the greater part of the history of Alexander the Great—which is circulated as true, like that Arrianian work—has always been considered by me as a charming Greek fable, written by men born to exaggerate everything. Let one but read Arrian with attention, and he will immediately detect a Romanist who has no regard for chronology, for geography, or for the order by which nature usually moves human affairs. The modern Greeks call narratives *phakta*. See *Salmas. Script. H. A. t. II, p. 85*.

(61) This chapter, or rather this book, has perished entirely, and it seems to have constituted the second volume of this miscellaneous codex.

(62) Subunderstand *pragmaton*: regarding the habit of each animal, exciting wonder. *Physiologus* is elsewhere the title of a book; here it is the designation of the unknown author himself. And hence weight is added to the opinion of those who attribute it not to Epiphanius, but to some anonymous author, perhaps older than Epiphanius. Nevertheless, this *Physiologus* has been published in the works of Epiphanius. See *Fabricii Bibl. Græc. vol. VII, p. 427*.

^A And from there, the masters signal to the praepositus, and the praepositus of the katastasis, accompanied by the secundicerius, raises up the one being promoted to patrician, and he stands in the middle of the secretum, held by the one of the katastasis and the other silentiarius. And whether there is one, or two, or three, they too enter, held by silentiarii, and those being promoted fall down only, and they lead the first of them before the footstool of the masters, and he falls and kisses the feet and both knees of the great emperor, likewise also of the minor one, and rising, he extends his hands, and receives the codicilli from the masters and kisses their hands.

^B III. Then the ceremoniarius places him in that place where the others are standing, and leads the second one forward and places him at the footstool; he prostrates himself, and kisses the feet and the knees of the masters; having received the codicilli, he kisses their hands and departs: thus also the others do, however many there may be, three or four. But after both have received the codicilli and have stood, they are led by the magistros before the presence of the masters, surrounded by silentiarii, and they give thanks, all the senators following from the first to the last. After this act of thanksgiving has been accomplished by the senate, the ceremoniarius again leads forward the one first promoted, and he prostrates himself at the footstool and kisses the feet and the knees of the great emperor, as also of the minor one, and prays for the masters, since he has been honored. Then the ceremoniarius places him in the place which his dignity requires, whether he be a commander of soldiers in active service or an honorary one, and he does the same with the others, who likewise prostrate themselves and kiss their feet and knees, then assigns to each a place according to his rank, and after both those promoted have performed all the ceremonies and rites, the masters give a sign to the praepositus, and he says: "Command," and they pray, "Many years." Then the senate, with its...

^A and more formidable demonstration of it; while to the senatorial body and all the subjects, we grant a life and conduct governed by good order, by which they may become more dignified and decent and be beloved by the emperors, venerable to one another, and ^B to every nation, admirable and glorious.

CHAPTER ONE

After the conclusion of the Matins or the morning office, the Hetaireiarch descends with the officers of the Hetaireia and the weekly officers of the same [or those performing their turns of service for the week], and likewise the Papias with the weekly officers of the Diatarii [or the weekly officers of the atrium] and their Primikerios, and they open the ivory gate; and the sub-weekly officers [or the deputies of the weekly officers] of the Hetaireia enter and ascend by the spiral staircase, and descend by the spiral staircase which leads to the gate called *ganote* [or encrusted with polished marble slab], through which the entrance to the Lausiakos lies. And through this gate they enter the Lausiakos. ^C Then the Hetaireiarch and the Papias change their *scaramangia*, and together with the Diatarii, they pass through the Chrysotriklinos and the Horologion, and they open the gate which leads from the Horologion into the Lausiakos. Then, in like manner, with the Maglabitai and the sub-weekly officers of the Hetaireia, they open the Justinian Triclinos and the *scyla* and the gate that leads to the Hippodrome; and those of the Middle Hetaireia are permitted to sit in the *scyla*. But the Hetaireiarch and the Papias and those of the Great Hetaireia, with the Diatarii, return; and the Hetaireiarch, ^D as he comes, takes his seat in the Lausiakos before the bronze gate which opens into the kitchen. The Papias, meanwhile, enters the Chrysotriklinos and lays the keys on the bench which stands inside the curtain of the arch looking toward the west. Then two Diatarii, together with a Maglabita, go out from there and open the Asēkretēia and the gate leading to the *Eidikon*. The weekly officers of the *koiton* take the Emperor’s *scaramangion* from the Vestiarion, and carrying it along, they place it on the bench which stands outside the silver gates of the *koiton*, that is to say, those leading into the Chrysotriklinos. And when the first hour is completed, the Primikerios of the Diatarii comes, and with the key...

aforementioned members, departs, and the silentiarii take their codicilli, and each silentiarius follows his own one, carrying their codicilli.

^B IV. They proceed in procession to the church of the Hippodrome; accompanied by the dignitaries, they light candles, and they go to the consistorium, where they light candles just as they did in the church of the Lord. The dignitaries, the scutarii of the numerus, the diætarii of all the diætæ, and the decani stand in the long portico of the candidati. The patricians themselves also depart in attendance to the bronze gates of the curtains, and the admissionalis, whom the numerarius has preceded, repeats the words and says: "Stand." Then the numerarius holds the veil, and the admissionalis repeats the words of the numerarius: "Get up, patrician strategos, in your place," and the first patrician comes forth; and again he says to the second: "Stand," and he says what the numerarius proclaims—if he is an eparch, or a logothete, or a quaestor—he says: "Get up, patrician eparch, in your place;" but if he is only a patrician: "Get up, patrician." And he too comes out to the gate, and those same patricians proceed, accompanied by the schools, and each receives their portions in their own proper places. They register each patrician one by one, according to his rank, and the demarch hands the libellarium to the first as the first, to the second as the second, and likewise to the others, saying...

^A When the logothete has entered inside the veil, he falls prostrate on the floor, and immediately rises to the emperor. ^B Note that when the logothete goes out and enters again, he does not perform a *metanoia*. Note that if the emperor wishes to see any archon or senator, such a person upon entering falls and performs a *metanoia* and goes out. But if the emperor wishes to see him again, upon entering he does not perform a *metanoia*. Note that on great days, if there is no urgent and pressing duty regarding the management of public affairs, *missæ* are held at the conclusion of the third hour. Note that when the hour arrives for the *missæ* to be held, the emperor says to the papias: "Go, hold the *missæ*." And immediately the papias, taking the keys from the bench, goes out and shakes them, so that by the shaking of them a clatter is made, so that by the clatter everyone knows that the papias has come out to hold the *missæ*. Note that on ordinary or working days the emperor sits on the right side of the throne facing the east, on the golden stool placed there, wearing a *scaramangion* without the gold-bordered *sagion*; but on Sundays he sits on the left side of the same throne on the stool covered with purple cloth placed there, wearing also the gold-bordered *sagion*. And before the logothete enters, those of the *chrysotriclinium* enter; the papias brings them in, and they stand inside the sliding veil toward the west. Note that if the emperor wishes to see some foreigners, he sits on the same left side of the throne, wearing also the gold-bordered *sagion*, and those of the *chrysotriclinium* enter in the same way and stand as has been stated. Note that on Sundays the magistroi and patricians and officials enter for the *proeleusis* in *sagia* of *rossa* (red), and on ordinary days in *scaramangia*. Note that if the emperor wishes on ordinary days to see the magistroi and patricians, they enter to the emperor in *sagia* of *rossa*. The officials, however, on Sundays enter with the same *sagia* of *rossa*, but on ordinary days in *scaramangia*. Note that when a reception is held in the *chrysotriclinium* to see some foreigners, if he does not wish to be crowned, he puts on his head the crown called the *kaisarikion* and the entirely gold-woven *sagion* adorned with pearls at the borders. ^C Note also that if the emperor specifically wishes to meet Saracen magnates, he sees them in the same attire. Note that according to the rule and the order of the morning, the sequence takes place also in the evening, as the palace opens. It must be known that in the morning everyone enters in ^D *scaramangia*, [Note: The remainder of the text on this page is a repetition of the morning arrangement and procedural details for evening access to the palace, corresponding to the transition from the morning to the evening shift.]

their names and their rank; he makes obeisance to the demarch and the people, and the demarch makes an obeisance ^A to him (70); likewise the others acknowledge him, and likewise the faction of the Veneti. And those who have been promoted go through the gate of the bronze [enclosure] to the holy well, and they light tapers and enter the church, and they stand on the patrician bench; and when it is the time for the prayer of the patricians to be performed by the patriarch, the referendary comes and calls them, and they enter the church to the solea, where the antimensium stands. And the patriarch comes out from the sanctuary, and takes the codicils from them, and places them upon the antimensium, and says the prayer, and after this he hands to each patrician his own codicil, and each patrician places his pouch upon the antimensium—the strategos 72 nomismata (71), the em-prattos 50 nomismata, the aprattos 36 nomismata. And the patriarch departs to the antimensium, where he administers communion (72), and the patricians enter and take communion, and after this they depart to the patrician bench, and both groups wear true sagia, and the opsikion is distributed ^B to those who have been promoted, and they withdraw to their houses attended by the suite. And the silentiarii, wearing red sagia and riding on horses, carry their codicils and follow them as far as their houses. If the promoted patrician has a wife, the silentiarius hands the codicils to the patricia, and receives from her 12 nomismata; but if he does not have a wife, he places them upon his couch, and receives the 12 nomismata from him, and he breakfasts with him (74), and thus he departs to his house. Silentiarii dressed in red sagia, having mounted their horses, carry their codicils and follow them as far as their homes, attending them. If the promoted patrician has a wife, the silentiarius hands the codicils to the patricia, and receives 12 nomismata from her: if he is a bachelor, the silentiarius places the codicils on his pallet, receives 12 nomismata from him, and is furthermore entertained at a banquet, and departs home.

V. OBSERVATION

^A in the Lausiakos, as many as the *artoklines*—the one tasked with invitations for that day—shall invite by name to the *Lausiakos*; the rest remain in the Triclinium of Justinian. Then a silentiary goes out into the Triclinium of Justinian and cries out in a loud voice: "Keleusate" [that is, "may it please you to rise"]. Then all the imperial officials or Caesar's men go out from the palace, and each goes to his own lodging. The *magistri*, *patrikioi*, and officials sit in the *skyla* together with the drungary of the watch. The acolyte stands at that door of the Triclinium of Justinian, from which the *tagenarion* veil [so called from the woven figures] hangs ^B, watching to see if the ceremonial officer and the silentiaries have arrived to prepare the consistory within the said veil. The ceremonial officer, along with the doorkeeper, wearing the *kamision* and *paragaudion*, both salute the praepositus with a genuflection. And the doorkeeper, after he has passed the *tagenarion* veil, stands inside, inclining his head toward the drungary of the watch. The ceremonial officer and the silentiaries stand, as the rule provides, signaling to the acolyte to enter. The drungary enters, wearing his sword, and holding in his right hand both the *maglabion* and the axe. ^{C D}

^A And they go as far as the church, and when the masters have changed their church vestments, they return to the palace and the newly created patricians change into the white *chlamydes*, and the silentiaries take up their codicils. The strategoi, meanwhile, go to church wearing their true *saga*, as previously mentioned, through the schools and the receptions of the factions, and the patriarch comes out from the sanctuary and performs the prayer, as is the custom, and they withdraw to their own houses, as has been said above. On the day of the *parakyptikon* of the phiale ^B it happens, and he leans out with the codicil, and upon the completion of the *parakyptikon* of the phiale, the factions of the Veneti depart to their places in the schools; likewise, the newly created patricians, following the order, go to the schools, and the factions receive them, and they go into the church, and the entire ceremony is completed as is the custom, as has been said above. But if the newly created patrician is not a senator, but is from the *spatharioi*, he does not enter the Chrysotriclinium, but the *cerimoniarius* dresses him in an *oreinos* sagum. And when all have entered the Chrysotriclinium according to custom and have been positioned in the consistory, the *cerimoniarius* stations the candidate on the pulpit of the silver doors with another silentiary, then the ostiary comes alone, places him behind the inner veil, and upon a sign being given by the prepositus, he strikes the veil, which the silentiary lifts, and thus the promoted patrician in [his] sagum...

resting on his right shoulder. When he arrives in the great triclinium of Justinian, he performs obeisance to each of the great *omphalia* (80)—that is, the marble circles on the pavement—the master of the state and the silentiaries, and stands above, looking toward the western part, that is, toward the *scyla*; and the acolyte immediately receives a sign by a nod and declares to the masters: "Command!"—that is, "May you be pleased to come here, masters and patricians." Having heard this, the masters and patricians enter, performing obeisance to the drungary, the master of the state, and the silentiaries, and they sit on the benches. Again, the acolyte receives a signal by a nod from the master of the state and cries: "Command, secretaries!" Then the chartularies of the general and military bureaus and the antigrapheis, or masters of the bureaus, enter, wearing red cloaks, and they too perform obeisance below in the *tympaneum*—that is, in the station of the drums in the triclinium of Justinian—and they also sit on the benches. And again the acolyte receives a nod from the master of the state and calls the lieutenants of the four *tagmata*, the chartularies, the comites of the schools, the scribones and other great officials, and those of the *numeri* and the walls. It should be known that if the four *tagmata* are not in the city, he calls the lieutenants and chartularies of the *numeri* and the walls and the officials of the *arithmos*, and they enter in *skaramangia*, wearing their swords, and stand across the floor of the same triclinium, with their hands bound (81) and in silence.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

Turkish equestrians. The Turks have indeed adopted many customs from the Greeks. But *pelekys* is not a single-edged axe, but a double-bladed one, cutting on both sides, as is evident from the double-axe of Theocritus. You might think, therefore, that *ekatostomous* should be read instead of *heterostomous*, that is, *amphotero-stomous* (double-mouthed). But you are mistaken in this as well. I know that the Greeks, who confuse everything and use terms indiscriminately, say *heterostomon, heterokopon, heterotēkton* and so on for things that are sharp on both sides, cutting on both sides. Cf. Codinus, p. 80, n. 30, and Du Cange on Alex., p. 257, and above on p. 87. Certainly the axes of the Franks, called by the Franks themselves *Francisca* (Franzische), were double-bladed. Hincmar in the *Life of St. Remigius*: He received his *francisca*, which is called (elsewhere, which is) the *bipenna*; see Du Cange, v. *Francisca*. Procopius describes them in *Gothic War* II, p. 247, ed. Hoeschel: "Each of them carries a sword and a shield and one axe, the iron of which was thick and sharp on both sides to the greatest degree," etc. Nicetas, p. 9, says the accoutrements of the Varangians were oblong shields and *heterostomous* axes. From this appears the origin of the word *Branca* (that is, *Franca*), which denotes a *spatha* or double-edged sword, so called from the similarity to the Frankish double-axes. See Du Cange, v. *Branca*. Moreover, it is said here that the acolyte is subordinate to the drungary of the watch. But on p. 416, it is said that the drungary of the *arithmos* is subordinate. From which it follows either that there is an error in one place or the other, or that the *arithmos* and the watch are the same thing.

(80) Void. See above, note 36, col. 161.

(81) This term can signify various positions of the hands. For the hands can be bound (or "bound" in the sense of held) behind the back, rejected *opisthagkēdon* and placed crosswise so that they relate to what is called St. Andrew’s cross, or such a canceling of the hands before the breast, or the mutual interlacing of the fingers of both hands. It is not clear which of these Dio Cassius speaks about on p. 1127 regarding the envoys of Decebalus, saying: "Having laid down their arms, they joined their hands in the manner of captives and supplicated." Nevertheless, it was essentially established among the ancients that if they wished to testify to their submission, servitude, and weakness, or to supplicate someone, they should compose their hands either over the breast or crosswise on the back, so that in the aforementioned passage of Dio, "joining the hands" should be understood in that way. However, the addition of "in the manner of captives" and the testimony of Peter the Patrician facilitate our interpretation of this passage as hands rejected to the back. For it is customary for captives to have their hands tied behind their backs. The place of Peter is here, p. 15, Excerpt. Legat. Hoeschel: "They, coming to Trajan, threw down their arms and tied their hands behind them." Here the word is *dēsantes* (tying), not binding with leathers, but composing in the form of a crossed cross. The same, p. 20: "And now if he wishes to receive a lighter punishment, let him tie his hands behind him and prostrate himself." But perhaps the custom of supplicating in this way was particular to the Dacians; the Parthians and Orientals did it differently. Certainly, what Dio Cassius intends and in this book on p. 1028—"having knelt on the ground [Tiridates] and interlacing his hands, he calls him [Nero] master and performs obeisance"—is not clear. It is also doubtful whether *epallattein tas cheiras* in Plutarch should be understood as hands rejected to the back or crossed before the breast, in that p. 923 of the *Lives*, where he says that while Tigranes was seated and holding court, ministers stood around him with their hands interlaced (I think he would have said "fingers" if he had meant the fingers were interlocked), which of all the postures seemed most to be a confession of servitude. Since, however, it is established that the Greek emperors adopted many rites from the ancient Persian court, and that Greek nobles stood before their lord not with hands rejected to the back, but crossed before the breast, as will be demonstrated immediately, and that from the Greeks the Lombards first and then also the Turks received this custom, which they still use to this day, it is credible that the ancient Parthians and...

^A held by the Master of Ceremonies and another silentiary. The promoted patrician falls [to the ground] with the silentiaries the first time, the second time he falls in the middle of the triclinium, the third time he falls at a distance from the throne. They bring him, and he falls before the footstool, and kisses the feet of the great emperor and his two knees, and likewise [those] of the lesser [empress], and spreads out his hands and receives from the emperors the codicils, and kisses the hands of the emperors, and the Master of Ceremonies walks backward with him to where he made the third prostration, and the patricians enter, from the magistri and the rest of the patricians, held by the silentiaries, giving thanks to the emperors—the patricians alone; for the rest of the senators do not fall [to the ground], as there was no promotion of a senator. And he departs, being ushered in the consistory, and thus they depart into the church, and all the rest is fulfilled, as is the custom, and for the others; and when he departs from the church, he also wears a true sagum, and thus departs to his house.

CHAPTER XLVIII

Things to be observed in the promotion of patricians.

I. The emperor having entered the chamber near the church of Saint Theodore inside the veil, the prepositus calls the vestitores, who clothe the emperor with the chlamys, and these having departed, he is crowned by the prepositus; then he goes out from the chamber in which he was crowned, and having gone up, sits upon his throne which stands in the Chrysotriclinium. ^B And while the officials of the cubiculum stand on one side and the other, the cubicularii and the spathocubicularii stand behind in a circle around the throne, just as the semicircle is, in order to accommodate those who are about to enter through the eight veils; and the eunuch protospatharii stand near the throne. Then the mensurator, or even the papias of the Great Palace, taking the censer, ^C censes from the veil of the Chrysotriclinium that is being lifted, and goes up censing the emperor, and doing this three times, he withdraws. And the prepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, departs and stands before the emperor in the midst of the officials of the cubiculum, and having spread out his hands with his chlamydion, he prostrates himself before the emperor, without bending his knees, but only [making] the form of prostration, in the manner that the order of the day requires. And then thus he goes out with two ostiarii, ^D carrying their rods before him in the tripeton, and he finds the magistri, or [rather] those who have been prepared by the Master of Ceremonies, and the prepositus calls them; and two silentiaries stand outside the veil of the gate of the Chrysotriclinium, and when the magistri are called by

him to his own secretum. This order pertains also to the Domestikoi, the Strategoi, and the officers of the Bureaus, as has been stated, except for the Eparch. For the Praepositus brings the Eparch out to the Onopodium, and hands him over to the state as the Eparch and father of the city (84). The Master of Ceremonies takes the newly honored man from the circus with him to that secretum to which he has been assigned. Finally, the Praepositus brings out the Hyparchos, or Eparch of the city, to the Onopodium, and there delivers to the magistrate the future Eparch and father of the city.

CHAPTER IV.

Things to be observed in the promotion of a Rector.

On a day of the *mutatoria*, or one of those days when it is permitted to proceed splendidly attired, the emperor summons ^B the Praepositi, and orders the introduction of the person who is to be promoted to Rector. Note that if it is not a day of *mutatoria*, and the emperor wishes to promote a Rector, the Praepositus is notified from the evening before, and the whole Senate proceeds in *mutatoria*. When he has been introduced by the Praepositi and is standing near the emperor, the emperor says to him: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, our imperial majesty, by the grace of God, promotes you ^C as Rector." And the emperor hands him a garment called a *rectorikion*. Note that the Praepositus hands the garment to the emperor. And it is a sort of *diastron* (86), having a *phiale*...

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

(84) Regarding this title, which specifically relates to him who is the Eparch, I have discussed it in its place, where I dealt with the patricians, at Chapter I, where I showed that *patricius* and *father of the emperor* were once the same thing, and the title of father meant the same as curator. Thus soldiers used to call the emperor their father. Whence one understands the passage in Lampridius, in *Antoninus Diadumenos*, p. 77, which is otherwise obscure and vexed: "The gods have given us Antoninus," the soldiers say, "as a father [i.e., of the soldiers]. Antoninus is worthy of the empire." Thus they used to speak of the father of a monastery. Testament of St. Fulcrannus in Du Cange, s.v. *Advisor*: "with this tenor, that Bishop Nucfredus be the provider and father and organizer and defender of the same monastery." In the Council of Ephesus, a certain Dalmatus is mentioned: "presbyter and archimandrite, father of the monasteries." Hence it is that the Genoese of old, and likewise the people of Brescia and Milan, used to call their rectors, praetors, and the heads of any colleges whatsoever, Abbots, that is, fathers. For Abbot means father. See Du Cange s.v. *Abbas* and *Advocati urbium* and s.v. *Patroboulos*. For he is the *patroboulos* or father of the council, the father of the Senate, the prince, the head, the defender, and the curator of the same. ^D Hence it is clear that the scholiast of the Greek Anthology, whoever he may have been, correctly understood that passage of the Anonymous, Book IV, chapter 3, poem 2: "These things, O king, slayer of Medes, your servant brings to you, Eustathios, the creator and citizen of your Rome." For he explains the word *genetes* as "counselor," and the other word, *pais*, as "citizen." Therefore that Eustathios was a Roman, an inhabitant of Rome, and the same as the Father of the city, or prince of the Senate. Brodaeus interpreted that passage poorly. The same Brodaeus, at the end of chapter 23 of the same Book IV, does not interpret correctly that passage of Agathias, where he calls him "father of the city": "But Agathias, swapping me for the father of the city, Placed the most dishonored man in the place of the illustrious." In this way, in Libanius, Epist. 876, 5: "using such power, you were often called father [of the soldiers]," showing that it is not difficult to be also a leader of soldiers. See what must be said at p. 413.

(85) *Convertere* [translating from] "our imperial majesty." I could have translated "my empire" from the formula of the Middle Ages, concerning which see Du Cange s.v. *imperium*. [“Not according to the kingship of the Romans," unworthy of imperial majesty, Theophanes p. 9. "Your empire" for "Your majesty" is found in Luitprand p. 12, and "your holy lordship" ibid.]

(86) *Phiale* or *phialium* is a cowl, a hood sewn around the outer garment at the neck, which, when folded over, covers the head: Nicetas Choniates, p. 249, calls it the *erean* (the woolly part) of the head, where he attributes it as a peculiar habit to monks and clerics: "None of the high-throned archpriests," he says, "and those enjoying the first honors, or the deep-bearded monks who drape the woolly part of the head down to the nose." That this garment was in use among the Greeks of more elegant and noble men, Du Cange has observed from Georgius Acropolita in the *Glossarium Graecum*, s.v. The figure of a *phiale* of such sort, and one wearing it, can be seen in that image of Hippocrates which Boivinus inserted in his notes to Nicephorus Gregoras, p. 778. The later Greek, without doubt, fashioned it according to the custom of his own age. From the same image, one might also understand what *peribeblattomenon* is. For that *phiale* has some sort of *praetexta*—whether it is gold or silk, or embroidered with a needle or painted, Phrygian work, a fringe, or what is commonly called a *frisium* and *frisum*. Hence you may understand that old parchment in Ughelli, *Italia Sacra* vol. VII, p. 1275: "I offered to the Church one amice with a large *friso*," that is, with a wide, embroidered *praetexta*. The Latins of the Middle Ages called it an *amictus*. See Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinum* s.v. *Amictus*, and Durandus III, 2, where he describes it thus: "The priest who is about to celebrate assumes the amice, with which the head is covered, which the pontiff has in place of an ephod or super-humeral, and now it can also be called a super-humerale—the amice is spread all around over the shoulders—two little threads or cords, with which the amice is tied before the chest. The neck is tightened with the amice; we also cover the head with it, so that we do not think of illicit things while looking all around. The chest or heart is covered by it—

^A the emperor, he exhorts the one standing thus before him to administer and direct the service entrusted to him in the fear of God, with truth, faith, and justice, to show candor toward those subject to him, to accept gifts from no one, to show favor to no one, and many other things that are appropriate to this time, place, and person who is to be entrusted with such duties. If he happens to be a domesticus of the Schools, or a strategus, or some other magistrate among those in the military contingents, he gives him exhortations that rouse and stir a noble heart to virile constancy and courage. And the one to be honored having made the appropriate response to these exhortations, the emperor says to him: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, my majesty that God has given me promotes you to be domesticus of the God-guarded Schools." And immediately he falls to the ground and performs prostration, then kisses the feet of the great emperor, and then likewise those of the junior; and he is led away by the logothete into the horologion, that is, to the portico of the Chrysotriclinium. And the logothete hands him over to the prepositi saying: "Our holy emperors, directed by God, have promoted this man to be domesticus of the Schools." And the prepositi offer up prayers as is customary for the masters, and they take him up and lead him out into the Lausiakos, and the protoprepositus says to everyone: "Our holy emperors, directed by God, have promoted this man to be domesticus of the Schools." And everyone acclaims the polychronion. It is to be noted that for the promotion of strategi and for officials of the secretary and others, the same order and sequence is kept, except that for the domesticus of the Schools and the drungarius of the fleet, the emperor says: "In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit." But for strategi and officials of the secretary and others, he says: "In the name of the Lord." Then in this way the master of ceremonies takes him up and leads him to the Hippodrome saying: "Our holy emperors, and so forth." And these things are for the domestici and strategi; for those of the secretary, the same order is preserved, except that from the Hippodrome the one who is being promoted is taken up by the master of ceremonies, and he carries him off ^B.

^A a gold-embroidered garment, about four fingers in width, and extending slightly over the shoulders, with solemn gold-embroidered cuffs and gold-embroidered fringes. It does not have *gonatia*, just as the *sticharia* of the eunuch *protoprohedri* and the *magistri* do not possess them. Having received this from the hand of the emperor, he prostrates himself on the ground and kisses the feet of the emperor, and the knees, likewise those of the junior emperor. After this, the *praepositi* lead him out to the veil [*velum*] which faces the *aristerion*, located before the bedchamber. They clothe him there in this garment, and again bring him in to the emperor. He prostrates himself, bows, and kisses the feet and knees of the great emperor, as well as those of the junior, and the emperor hands him the gold-fastened *mantion*, which is wrapped around him by the *praepositus*. ^B Having done this, he prostrates himself, worships, and kisses the feet and knees of the great emperor, as well as those of the junior. Then the emperor hands him a purple *maphorion*, bright in color, covered all over with gold-embroidered roses, just like so many lupine-seeds. One must know that the *praepositus* hands both the *mantion* and the *maphorion* to the emperor. This *maphorion* is worn once and only once at the promotion. It is not worn either in the *proeleusis* or at any other time. This *maphorion* is wrapped around him by the *praepositi* starting from the head, so that his entire body is covered by this *maphorion*. And again, he prostrates himself, worships, and kisses the feet and the knees of the great emperor, as well as those of the junior, and then the *praepositi* lead him out through the *horologion* into the *lausiacus*. The entire senate gives thanks to the emperor for the magistrate provided, and greets the person honored, who takes his seat in order along with the *praepositi* in the *lausiacus*. For the magistrate always sits with the *praepositi*, both in the assembly in the *lausiacus* and in the other processions.

CHAPTER V.

The emperor commands the *paradynastevon* [*the one sharing in power*], and he introduces the one who is to be created *syncellus*. ^D

^A, they do not prostrate themselves, but stand behind the secretum, on this side and on that, and the senate, as has been said before, coming upon them, performs everything just as those before did. Then the praepositus having returned 43 again, stands in his own rank, and having received a nod from the emperor, he enters the middle, and having made an adoration, goes out with the ostiarii and the vergae in the tripeton, and he leads in the counts of the schools to the sixth veil; and they perform in like manner. And the praepositus goes up and stands in his rank, and again having received a nod, he enters into the middle and makes an adoration, and having gone out he leads in the candidati, the sixth veil, and they too, as has been said before, having performed the customary acts, stand in their rank. And the praepositus having entered again and made an adoration, leads in the domestici, the seventh veil; and they perform in like manner. Then he leads in those from the eparchs, the eighth veil.

III. Now when the eight veils are thus completed, along with the eighth veil the one in charge of the katastasis and the silentiarii enter from either side behind the secretum, and if the man who is about to become a patrician has entered in one of these veils and stands in the reception area of the secretum, the emperor calls for the praepositus, and whomever he commands 44 to be promoted as patrician, he speaks his name to the praepositus, and he speaks to the one in charge of the katastasis, ^B and he, having taken along with him a silentiary and the one about to be promoted, suddenly leads him and stands him 45 in the middle before the emperor. But if he remained outside, as his rank was not worthy enough to enter with the eight veils, the one in charge of the katastasis remains with him together with one silentiary, and the emperor calls for the praepositus and makes known the name of the one about to be promoted, and the praepositus stands in the middle of the secretum, and having made an adoration, having gone out with two ostiarii, he calls him, and leads him in, wearing a mantle of shell-purple. And the one in charge of the katastasis and the silentiary grasp him, and they stand 46 him in the middle of the secretum before the emperor; and the praepositus having entered into the chamber and received the tablets (81) from the secundicerius, hands them over ^C to the emperor. And the one in charge of the katastasis and the silentiary lead the one about to be promoted, and cast him down at the feet of the emperor, and having made an adoration he kisses them, then his 47 knees, then having taken the tablets from the emperor, he kisses his hands also. And having taken him, they carry him off backwards, and they stand him in the middle of the secretum among the officers of the cubiculum; and the silentiarii divide, those on the right and those on the left, and the one on the right, having taken the first magistros, leads him and stands him in the ^D

^A When they have come near to the Holy Apostles, they dismount from their horses and enter through the great gate of the baptistery into the narthex, and swerving to the left toward the east of the same narthex, they enter behind the veil hung there. For there the imperial stools are standing, and their changes of clothing are prepared, and they change their *dibetesia* and chlamydes, and they enter into the temple or nave of the Holy Apostles; and before the holy doors, by means of the threefold adoration with candles, they give thanks to God, and they swerve to the left toward the east of the same sanctuary, and they go off toward the tombs (99), that is to say, toward Saint Constantine. ^B And there, inside the gate that leads to those tombs, the patriarch receives them; and again in that sanctuary, by means of the threefold adoration with candles, they give thanks to God. And the patriarch hands a censer or thurible to the senior emperor, and he incenses both the holy sanctuary and the tomb of Leo the Orthodox Lord [father of Constantine Porphyrogenitus], and of the holy and empress Theophano [who was Leo's wife], and of Basil, the orthodox and good emperor, and finally of the first and great Constantine, that holy and glorious prince. After these things are accomplished, the emperor returns with the patriarch. And the latter indeed enters the sanctuary of the Holy Apostles and performs the prayer, and the chanters begin the troparion which starts with these words: "Thy Cross's likeness having beheld in the heavens," etc. But the emperor bids farewell to the patriarch and kisses him, and they go in litany (1) together with the masters and patricians and the rest of the senate, and he passes through the open-air narthex of the All-Saints' conch and the road leading from there, ^C and he enters into the courtyard of the palaces; and stools having been placed, carried by the *archontogennemata* (2), they sit, until the patriarch arrives with the ecclesiastical litany. It is to be noted that the litany, until it enters the gate of the courtyard of the palaces, sings the troparion: "Thy Cross's likeness having beheld in the heavens"; and after entering…

JOAN. JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY. *Cedren. p. 493; ἐπὶ ξηροῖσι καθῆσθαι*, that is, upon stones, in the first Idyll of Theocritus, to sit upon hard stones, without a rug, fleece, or brushwood spread underneath. Gloss: *χαμευνία* is *ξηροκοιτία*, sleeping on the ground, lying upon dry, hard earth, with no rug spread underneath. *Sicum vehiculum* is in Script. Hist. Aug. t. II, p. 37, *stragulis aut stramine non stratum*; *πνεῦμα ξηρόν* in Cinnamus p. 12, a solitary wind, which no rain accompanies; *λόφοι ξηροί*, earthen or sandy hills, with no stones or metallic veins mixed in, but mere heaped-up earth, from which Hippocrates most approves of flowing water; see Casaubon on Athen. lib. II, c. 8, p. 93. Suidas s.v. *Διονύσιος Θεοφάντωρ*: "Proclus especially makes use of the theorems of the blessed Dionysius, and indeed in his very dry words." ^D *Ξηροπυρίται* are the same as *αὐτόπυροι* loaves, of wheat alone, without the admixture of anything else. Furthermore, one must note *τὸ ξηρονήπιν*, being placed thus bare for *εἰς τὸ ξηρονήπιν*, which I have expressed in Latin. Often *εἰς* or *ἐν* and similar prepositions are omitted; see ad 308. ... many emperors, and among them those who are mentioned in this place, Leo, Basil, Constantine M., as is evident in chapter 42 of the second book. (1) *pro καθεζονται. De hoc desultorio schemate*, which treats the singular and plural promiscuously, I have already spoken elsewhere in the previous pages. (2) *ἀρχοντοπούλους* has named them, others as magnates, sometimes also youths of royal blood destined for minor, though not ignoble, tasks. See Du Cange s.v. and ad Alexiad. p. 337, and s.v. Adelingi. For thus they called them, as well as shield-bearers and servants of arms; also *pedagogianos*, concerning all of whom cf. Du Cange Gl. Lat. As in this place the *archontogennemata* carried stools for the emperor in the procession, so also in the *Ceremonies*, servants of arms carry the faldstool with its accessories, as is the custom. Also some of the tyrants of old *ἠνάγκαζον τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς μὲν διφροφορεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ῥαβδουχεῖν*, etc., as Athenaeus testifies p. 259; in which passage whether *διφροφορεῖν* is to carry a stool, as a footman would, to lay it down at command for his master when he wishes to sit, or whether it is to carry the master in a litter, I leave in the middle.

^A right part of the patrician who has been raised, and he, having made obeisance, offers prayers for the emperor, and then departs to his station and rank. And when the first magistros has completed the prayer and thanksgiving, the silentiarius on the left immediately takes him, leading the magistros from the other side, and stands him on the left of the patrician who has been raised, and he also offers prayers for the emperor, giving thanks; and when the same magistros is about to go out, the one on the right takes him, doing the same. It is to be noted that all those who enter through the eight curtains, except for the asekretai and the vestitores and the referendarius, each of them according to his own rank, enters, being held by a silentiarius, near the patrician who has been raised, some on the right, others on the left; and they also perform everything in order, in the way the magistros on the right and the one on the left performed. And when all have made obeisance and given thanks to the emperor, the one of the katanstasis and the silentiarius take the patrician who has been raised and lead him to the emperor; and having fallen, he kisses the feet of the emperor, then his knees, and having prayed and given thanks to the emperor, having gone away he stands in his rank, then having received a nod from the emperor, the praepositos says, "Command."

IV. And all having offered their prayers depart; ^B and the emperor, having risen from his throne, enters into the chamber of Saint Theodore; and the praepositos, having taken the crown from the head of the emperor, calls the vestitores, and they take off his chlamys. And the patrician who has been raised goes out through the scyla into the hippodrome, and a silentiarius walking in front of him bears the tablets; and having entered into the temple of Saint Stephen, he lights candles, and having prayed, he goes out from there, and being escorted by ^C dignitaries, sceuophori, soldiers of the tagmata, decani, and diaetarioi, he passes through the hippodrome and the thermastra, and goes away into the consistorium, and having lit candles he goes out, and being escorted by the same [men], he goes out through the excubitors and the scholae. The men of the faction of the Veneti receive him, where the emperor lights candles in the third order, where he comes out from the great gates; and they acclaim him, as they do in the probolai of the patricians, saying: "Such-and-such," and: "You are a patrician," and they present him ^D with the libellus. At the gate near the Chalce ascending, the faction of the Prasina receives him, and the demarchus hands him the libellus, as is always customary in these receptions. These things having been performed by the factions, he goes out through the Chalce, and having departed to the holy puteum, he lights candles.

^A to the gate, he begins to chant the *enkainia*, that is to say: "Glory to you, Christ God, the boasting of the apostles." And when the patriarch has approached the place where the masters are accustomed to sit, the masters stand up and welcome him; and immediately the office of the *enkainia* is performed, as is the custom in the ecclesiastical establishment. And when the *anoixeis* (the openings) have been performed, the masters enter with the patriarch and proceed to the bema of Saint Constantine; (for the bemata there are two: the one belongs to Saint Helen, the other, in which is also the silver ciborium, belongs to Saint Constantine). And there, through the triple veneration with wax candles, they give thanks to God, and turning back from the left, they ascend the steps and stand before the great cross of Saint Constantine, awaiting the reading of the holy Gospel and the dismissal of the *ektene*. They ascend into the palace that is there, and after the dismissal of the liturgy, they banquet with the patriarch and the senate and with the metropolitans, whomsoever they may command.

CHAPTER VII

Be it known that the procession of All Saints is performed according to the rite of the *mesonestimos* (the middle of the Great Fast), and as it is now performed on the second day of the week of Renewal.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(4) *Apertio*, *anoixis*, the *anoixeis* are the rites of the dedication of a church. For the dedication and inauguration of a church, there is required first the *enkainia*, those things which must be done in a newly consecrated church, namely, the prayers and consecration of the church with triple processions, with praises and glory, as they used to say, or with hymns and lights around the church while it is still closed; the second is the *anoixis*, when, at the request of the bishop or other priest-dedicator, the door of the narthex is opened by those who are inside while the one standing outside with the relics to be deposited in the church waits; the third is the *enthronismos*, when the dedicating priest places himself or another who is to preside over that church in the throne or presbyteral seat in the highest tribune; see Du Cange, under the word *Anoixis*, and the authors who have written on the sacred rites of the Greeks. ^D Meanwhile, it is helpful to record in part what Durandus, in the *Rationale Divinorum Officiorum* I, 1, c. VI, hands down regarding the rites with which the Latins dedicate a church. Fourth, it must be said how a church is dedicated. And indeed, with everyone ejected from the church, and only the deacon remaining inside, shut in, the bishop with the clergy blesses water before the doors of the church (not without salt); meanwhile, twelve candles burn inside before the twelve crosses painted on the walls of the church. Afterward, however, with the clergy and people following, he goes around the church on the outside with a bundle of hyssop, sprinkles the walls with holy water, and each time he comes to the door of the church, he strikes the lintel with the pastoral staff, saying: "Lift up your gates, O princes," etc. And the deacon from within responds: "Who is this king of glory?" To which the pontiff: "The Lord is strong." On the third time, the door being unlocked, the pontiff enters the church with a few ministers, the clergy and people remaining outside, and says the litanies, etc. Symeon of Thessalonica has a long treatment of the dedicating of a sacred house, from p. 114 to 125, in many chapters, an index of which Fabricius has in his *Bibliotheca Graeca*, last volume, p. 64, 65, where, among other things, in chapter 118, it is asked why the doors are closed, "Why are the doors closed?" and the "Lift up your gates" is sung; chap. 120: "What does the prayer before the gates of the *enkainia* mean?"; Chapter 124 is "On the order of the *enkainia*," which, were it not for the need for brevity, I would transcribe in its entirety.

(5) For he holds the holy Constantine as a saint, and the festal day of his memory is held sacred, and the altars dedicated to him bear witness. Nothing, therefore, however much a Christian, was of lower condition in apotheosis than Augustus. But since the Greeks have many altars in one church, it is necessary that they have as many tribunes as they have altars.

(6) The feast of All Saints fell on the feast of the Holy Trinity according to our custom, or on the octave of Pentecost.

(7) It is altogether the *mesonestimos*, the middle or median week of the Quadragesima; see Du Cange under this word. But it is more correct here to understand the principal part of this week, its Sunday, and to think that it is called by the name of the whole as the capital part.

there, and then he enters the Great Church and stands before the holy doors and prays; and the patriarch, having summoned him, he bows his head, saying a prayer, and then thus he communicates of the immaculate body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ from the patriarch, and the patriarch having kissed him, sends him away. ^B The patrician, having given the customary gift for the church, goes out through the middle of the nave into the narthex, and there, having taken off his scaramangion and true sagion, he puts them on, and then having gone out, he departs on horseback himself, and the silentiary before him, carrying the tablets, wearing a true sagion, and the others, whom we mentioned above, escort him as far as his house. It should be known, however, that those we mentioned above escort him on foot; but when the patrician reaches his house, he welcomes everyone, and the seat of the silentiary at the table is placed near the patrician on the left side, sitting with equal honor (85), for the rank thus provides. And they too, both the silentiaries and the soldiers, receive from the patrician the customary gifts given to them (86), and each departs to his own house, thanking God and praying for our wealth-bestowing emperor.

Acts and acclamations of the factions at the promotion of a patrician.

I. The usual order of the promotion of a patrician having been performed in the palace, ^C he goes out in a procession, accompanied by the silentiary, that is to say, the one who carries the codicil of the patrician, and he goes to the church of Saint Stephen in the hippodrome and lights candles there. Then, escorted by the officials of the court, he proceeds to the consistory and lights candles there; likewise also in the church of the Lord, where the nobles and the scutarii ^D of the regiments and the deans of all the departments and the decani in the hall of the candidates are present. Escorted by these, the patrician... [index: entries preserved]

[The translation begins here, echoing the final words of the previous page's fixed tail]

^A ...aditus patet,) they enter and proceed into the bema of the church, as is the custom; and from there, along the eastern side of the tribunal, they enter the oratory of St. Leo the Martyr which is there, and having performed an adoration of God three times with tapers, they immediately bid farewell and give the kiss of peace to the patriarch. And the patriarch departs to the church of All Saints; but the masters, through the cycle which is within the bema, go to the oratory of the holy empress Theophano (which is in the church of the Holy Apostles), and there, having laid aside their tunics, they await the time when the holy Gospel should be read. At that moment, they exit the oratory, and stand inside the veil suspended there on the side which faces the bema, and they listen [unseen by anyone] to the reading of the holy Gospel. When this is finished, they return to the same oratory of St. Theophano, and while seated there, they ^B arrange the *cletorion* [that is, they designate by name and order the nomenclator to summon those whom they wish to sit at table with them that day]. Then, dressed in cloaks embroidered with gold, they pass through the narthex of the oratory or chapel of St. Hypatius and through the atrium extended before it; thence they ascend by the wooden staircase which leads out from the church of St. Constantine to the catechumena of the Holy Apostles, and after passing through the aforementioned catechumena of the Holy Apostles, they enter the palace [which is attached to that church]; where the sacred table is prepared for them. The rites to be observed at the meal, and also in the afternoon procession, are as they are now performed [similar to those] which we have explained in the description of the procession of Easter Monday [or the day immediately following the feast of Pascha], and of the New Sunday [or the one which is called 'in albis'].

CHAPTER VIII

It is to be noted that if the first of August falls on a Sunday, the precious cross must be brought out from the sceuophylacium of the Great Palace on the preceding Sunday, that is, seven days before the first of August. It is brought out when they chant the third or sixth ode of the orthros, and it is placed in the sceuophylacium, where it is anointed ^C with balsam (12) by the protopapas and displayed in the church for the adoration of all. And after the dismissal of the orthros, the entire imperial clergy stands by, chanting the customary stauro-hymns, and when the masters give the order, they enter and venerate it; and upon leaving, they sit on the *chrysotriklinos* in... ^D

goes until he reaches the bronze gates of the curtains, and the adminis- ^A trator says: "Stay." And the numerarius takes hold of the veil and says: "Lift yourself, patrician, from your place." Once again the administrator, having repeated what the numerarius had proclaimed, says it to the patrician, and he goes out and passes through the schools—escorted, of course, by those mentioned before.

The faction of the Greens stands in the church of the Holy Apostles in the schools, awaiting the patrician; and after the patrician has stood in the customary place, the people say: "Before all things, let us acclaim the masters of the world." The heralds say: "May the [so-and-so] and the [so-and-so] of the great kings and emperors ^B live many years!" The people do likewise three times. The heralds: "May the [so-and-so] and the [so-and-so], the most pious Augusti, live many years!" The people do likewise three times. The heralds: "May the Porphyrogeniti live many years!" The people do likewise three times. Thus the heralds; and then they say the acclamations by note: "Who is there who cannot praise to the end the only immortal King," (three times); "and he who grants merit to the worthy," (three times); "and may they glorify you gloriously, [N. N.]," (three times); "with the splendid dignity of the patrician," (three times); "and may the Creator and Master of all increase your times ^C with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" After this, the demarch hands the scroll to the patrician, and the chanters say: "You are [N. N.], indeed you are [N. N.]," (three times). The people: "You are the patrician, you are!" The chanters: "You have come beautifully, promoted by benefactors!" The people: "You have come beautifully." The chanters: "You have come beautifully, the desire of princes!" The people: "You have come beautifully." The chanters: "The noble has come beautifully, from his forebears!" The people: "He has come beautifully!" The chanters: "You have come beautifully, [N. N.], patrician of the Romans!" The people: "You have come beautifully." The chanters: "You have come beautifully ^D to the people who love you!" The people: "You have come beautifully."

it must go out on that Sunday of the tetrada, that is, three days before the first of August. If it falls on a Wednesday, it must go out on that Sunday of the Pemptada, that is, four days before the first of August. If the first of August falls on a Friday, it must go out on that Sunday of the Paraskeve, that is, four days before the first of August. If the first of August falls on a Saturday, it must go out on that Sunday of the Sabbath, that is, six days before the first of August. ^A If the first of August falls on a Monday, the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding, or on the eighth day before the Kalends of August. If, furthermore, those Kalends fall on a Tuesday, the holy cross must be brought out on that very Sunday which immediately precedes that Tuesday, that is, on the second day before the Kalends of August. If, next, those Kalends fall on a Wednesday, the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that Wednesday, or on the third day before the Kalends. Likewise, if the Kalends fall on a Thursday, the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that Thursday, or on the fourth day before the Kalends. If, finally, the Kalends fall on a Friday, the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that Friday, or on the fifth day before the Kalends. If, finally, the Kalends of August fall on a Saturday, the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that seventh day, or the day of the Sabbath, or on the sixth day before the Kalends.

CHAPTER IX.

Observanda in the feast of the Dormition of the most holy Mother of God on the fifteenth of August.

If the emperor wishes to depart from the palace and hold a vigil at Blachernae, he goes on the preceding day and fulfills the vigil. ^B And on the following morning, that is, on the day of the feast, all proceed before daybreak, in their *mutatoria* [change of garments], namely the *magistroi*, the *praepositi*, the *patricii*, and the officials. The eunuch *protospatharioi*, in addition to their *mutatoria*, carry their *spathobaklia*; the private *protospatharioi* carry the *specia*. All the rest proceed in *skaramangia*, except for those of the *secretum*. All proceed and convene in the triclinium which is called the Danubius, and they sit there. But if the emperor does not wish to depart and hold a vigil, on the day of the feast he changes into his *skaramangium*, and if the weather is not calm, he rides on horseback, and goes out in his *skaramangium*; but if it is calm, he goes by boat. The entire senate sits outside the hollowed gate, on the shore. ^C But if it has not pleased the emperor to go to Blachernae on the preceding day to perform the holy vigil there, he dons his *skaramangium* on the day of the feast itself, and is carried by horse if the sea is not calm; but if it is quiet and settled, he reaches there in a *liburnica*.

Their Masters have loved you worthily, as being pure and worthy." The people: "You have come beautifully." The chanters: "But the Maker and Master of all." The people: "He has come beautifully." The chanters: "He will guard you, patrician, for a multitude of years."

II. ^B When the patrician moves away, the people follow in front of him, saying the *apelatikon* in the fourth tone: "Exalted by the superior Providence in a manner worthy of their merits, the all-wise benefactors, O so-and-so, have honored you, as a most beloved servant, with higher dignities, as a *protospatharios* honorable and noble from ancestors, ^C and for exceeding glory have raised you to the dignity of a patrician." So they lead him in procession to the faction of the Venetians; for the song finishes upon reaching that place, and when it is finished the chanters say: "Holy God, save the patrician." And the people thrice: "Holy God." And the party of the Venetians receives him at the Chalke, and the rite and order of the reception takes place as was done previously at the reception of the Greens; except that the *apelatikon* of the fourth tone says: "Those ruled by God," as was written above. And he passes through the *chytos* of the Chalke, and enters into the holy fountain and lights candles, and after this he enters into the *solea*, where the *antimensium* stands. The patriarch comes out from the sanctuary, and takes his scroll, and places it upon the *antimensium*; then he offers the prayer, and after the prayer he gives the scroll to the patrician; and after receiving the scroll, the patrician places the *apokombion* on the *antimensium*. The patriarch enters into the sanctuary and comes out to the *antimensium*, ^D where on feast days he also gives communion to the Masters, and he gives communion to the patrician. And after the communion the patrician goes to the bench of the patricians, and is clothed in a genuine *sagion*, and exits from there, and mounts his horse, and goes to his house, followed by the aforementioned and the two factions, and each of them says its own *apelatikon*; and the silentiary, wearing a red *sagion* and himself on horseback, follows the patrician, carrying his scroll. And after the patrician has arrived safely at his house, all those following him return, along with the people of the two factions; and on the same day the *praepositi* and other patricians dine with the patrician in his house.

lords, ^A the praepositus goes out with the adjustment, in order to prepare the asecretis 23 and everything else that custom requires. For above the steps, up to the last one, the *epeuchion* is placed, upon which the lords stand; and from this side and that, that is, on the right and on the left, namely from the first step to the last, the asecretis and the notaries stand in rows, ready to take down what is spoken by the emperor. Above, at the first step on the right side toward the east, stand the logothete, the first asecretis, and the protonotary. It is to be noted that, while the lords are seated, all those of the cubiculum, those of the maglabion and the hetaireia, as well as those of the chrysotriclinitai, stand by. And when everything is well-prepared, the praepositus enters, and makes obeisance, bowing his head in a formal manner and lifting his *sagion* slightly with his hands; and immediately the lords stand up, and going out beyond the cancelli, they stand above at the first step, where the *epeuchion* is also spread. And immediately, at a nod from the praepositus, all the people say the *polychronion*. And after everyone has fallen silent, the emperor begins his address. ^B It is to be noted that while the emperor is addressing them, at the perfect conclusion, that is to say the *stasis* of the same address, the emperor is silent, and the people, at a nod from the praepositus, say: "May God grant a *polychronion* 24 for your reign." And after the people have finished, the emperor makes the sign of the cross three times, in the middle, to the right, and to the left. And immediately after this, the lords return and sit in their golden chairs, where they were before, and immediately they of the *arithmos* begin to sing the customary praises, and the praepositus, going out, prepares everything well; for the magistri, patricians, and senators stand in the side portico on the west side, awaiting the arrival of the lords. ^C And when everything is well-prepared, the praepositus enters, and having made obeisance in the aforementioned manner, the lords immediately stand up, and they pass through the left part of the steps and the portico, in which the magistri, patricians, and senators stand, and they go out through the gate that leads to the triclinium of the candidati, and from there they pass through the excubita, the scholae, and the *chytus* of the Chalce, and they depart as far as the holy well. And there, lighting candles and venerating the holy well, the patriarch meets them at the great gate that leads from the holy well, in which place is set for veneration the hono- ^D rable...

CHAPTER XLIX. Observanda in promotione proconsulum.

^A I. The Emperor, crowned and wearing his chlamys, sits upon the throne, and the high officials of the bedchamber stand in their assigned order; the *spatharocubicularii* and the *cubicularii* stand behind the Emperor in a circle ^B around the hemicycle. The eunuch *protospatharioi* stand near the throne, wearing their *sabania* and carrying their *spathovakia*. The *papias*, having taken a censer, incenses in the same manner as for the promotion of patricians, and retires. Then the *praepositus*, having received a signal from the Emperor, enters and stands between the high officials of the bedchamber, and after performing the adoration, proceeds into the *tripeton* with two *ostiarii*, and performs everything in the manner we have described above regarding the promotion of patricians. And he brings in the first veil, the *magistri*, and they perform everything as custom dictates; then, having gone out again in the same way, he brings in the second veil, the patricians and the *strategoi*, and simply the remaining veils, the *demarchoi*, and the deputy of the schools. And if the one who is to become proconsul has not entered with the procession, the Emperor calls the *praepositus*, tells him the name of the one to be promoted, and he tells it to the one in charge of the appointment; and he, taking him as in the case of a patrician, stands him before the high officials of the bedchamber. ^C

(The remainder of this page consists of the *Commentary* by Reiske, which deals with the technical and linguistic definitions of the terms used in the ceremonial text; the reader is referred to the facsimile for the typographical layout of these philological notes.) ^D

^A cross. And as the patriarch is censing the lords in the customary manner, they venerate him, and thereupon they enter through the gate that is carried into that place, toward the right side of the sanctuary. For there all the senators stand together with the officials of the court and the silentiaries, praying for the lords. And from there they enter into the holy doors, and they light candles according to custom, and they perform the rest according to the rite. And then the patriarch takes the censer from the hand of the *castrensis* and hands it to the emperor, and the emperor censes around the holy table; and then the lords go out with the patriarch through the right side of the sanctuary, through the small holy doors that are there, as far as the porphyry columns, and there they take leave of the patriarch, ^B venerating him. And the patriarch enters into the sanctuary to perform the *tritohekte*; but the lords enter into the *metatorium*, and after the conclusion of the *tritohekte* they ascend mystically via the spiral staircase of the *metatorium* to the catechumena, and through the passageways they enter—mystically protected by both the maglabitai and the *hetaireia*—into the God-guarded palace; but all the senators and those of the court and the imperial retinue, after the conclusion of the *tritohekte*, depart from there, that is, from Hagia Sophia, each to his own home. For because this day is a "pagane" [that is, not dedicated to a solemn and officially declared procession], they do not accompany the lords as they return to the palace.

CHAPTER XI

It should be known that on the third Sunday of the holy Quadragesima—that is, from the Orthodoxy—after the third or even the sixth ode of the Matins, the three honorable and life-giving crosses are brought out, and they are placed in the *skeuophylakion*; and then, being anointed with balsam by the *protopapas*, they are set forth in the church for the veneration of all. And after the conclusion of the Matins, the staircase of the Nea [Church] is opened, and the clergy of the Nea ascend, and together with the imperial clergy of the palace, they stand chanting the customary *staurosima*. And when the lords command it, they enter and venerate the honorable and life-giving crosses. Then, departing, they sit in the *Chrysotriclinos* for the customary daily procession. ^D And one [cross], being taken up by the deacon of the Nea and escorted by its clergy, descends and is set forth in the same Nea church. The other, being taken up and carried by the *papias* of the Great Palace—wearing his *skaramangion* and his true *sagion*, and escorted by the imperial clergy and the *protopapas* of the Daphne of Saint...

^A and having received the purple quaternion, the praepositus presents it to the emperor; and he who is of the ceremony ^B, together with a silentiarius, having brought him near the emperor, make him perform prostration and kiss the feet of the emperor, and then his knuckles. Then, having received the purple quaternion from the emperor—that is, the proconsular commission—he kisses his hands also, and then, having led him away facing backwards, they place him in the middle. All those who have entered into the reception perform the prostration, in the manner already stated above in the promotion of the patricians.

II. If, however, the one to be promoted has not entered in the procession, but has remained outside—because it is greater than his dignity to enter in the procession, or because he remained outside due to lower rank—the patrician goes out and brings him in. All things are performed until he has received the proconsular commission from the emperor, as we declared above in the ceremony for the patricians. All those who receive him, after performing the customary prostration and auspicious acclamation, the master of ceremonies, together with a silentiarius, leads the promoted proconsul before the emperor. After he has prostrated before the emperor, he returns and stands in his place. Having received a signal from the emperor, the praepositus says: "Command."

CAPUT L. Observations on the promotion of a patrician woman (zoste).

I. The lords, having changed into their dibetesia and chlamydes, stand at the doors of the Pharus, looking towards the middle gate, with their backs turned to the east; but the lords do not wear crowns. When a signal is given by them, the praepositus leads the patricians and some of the consuls and silentiarii to the ecclesiastical procession, who, having entered the temple, form a consistency on either side. Having received the signal from the lords, the praepositus goes out into the paranarthex and brings the woman who is to be promoted from the guard-room, where the screened vestibules are, to the middle gate, where she falls to her knees one time. But after she has risen, he presents her before the lords; she prostrates herself at their feet, and after she has risen, she stretches out her hands and receives from the lords the dalmatic, the breastplate, and the white maforium, and kisses their hands. Then the praepositus leads her back to the guard-room from whence she had emerged, and she herself puts on the dalmatic, while wearing the white maforium; he leads her again into the church of the Pharus, where the lords

^A an image of the Mother of God and a silver cross are present; at the entrance of which also, before they enter, they light candles. Having entered then into the *metatorium*, if they wish, they are vested. It must be held that in that place where the sovereigns stand making prayers to God, there also stand those who had accompanied them thus far, the middle *hetaireia* men, after good words have been spoken to the sovereigns. The sovereigns then pass through the narthex, whom the *magistri* and *patricii* and officials venerate for the second time; and the sovereigns ascend by the spiral staircase, and proceed further to the *apodyta* [or disrobing vestry, where clothes are laid aside by those washing]. Meanwhile, however, while these things are being done, those who had previously departed from the sovereigns for that purpose arrange themselves, the imperial [guards] to the right and left outside the *paraptera* [or side wings or lateral substructures] leading to the *apodyta*, and pray for good things as the sovereigns pass through the middle by themselves. The sovereigns, however, crowded by the *cubiculum* and the *maglabitai* and the great *hetaireia*, enter the *paraptera* leading to the *apodyta*. Having exited from there, they are accompanied for a little while, and they stand after good words have been spoken to the sovereigns. ^A It is to be known that in the place where the sovereigns stand praying, the middle *hetaireia* [palace guard] also stand, praying themselves. And exiting, they pass through the narthex, and again the *magistri* and *patricii* and officials receive them, and the masters ascend by the spiral staircase and go away. Those of the imperial retinue, going ahead, stand on the right and on the left outside the *paraptera* [side passages] leading to the *apodyta* [vestry]. And as the masters pass by, they also pray. And the masters, escorted by the *cubiculum* [chamberlains], the *maglabitai* [mace-bearers], and the great *hetaireia*, enter the *paraptera* leading to the *apodyta*. And those of the great *hetaireia* stand immediately after a few [minutes] praying, and after them the *maglabitai* stand, and they also pray; and after them those of the *cubiculum*, and they also pray at the inner monothyron [single-door gate] that leads in, and outside the monothyron the *praipositoi* [praepositi] stand, and they also pray. And the masters go into the *apodyta*, and disrobing, they are wrapped in their golden *lentia* [towels] (29), and

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

^B are presented in the manuscripts with a circumflex as well. The same Corsini, in the Appendix to the aforementioned work, p. 28, observes that in the Inscriptions, *Psychario* is found for *Psycharion*. Below, p. 342, there is *Apochabda* for *Apocharbdan*. In Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* p. 1111, *paramia* for *paramian*. Everywhere the form *Ameroumne* or *Ameroumnoi* appears, which reading was born from those who did not understand that the circumflex, in place of an accent, functioned there and represented the missing letter *v*. For the full and correct form is *Amermumni*, Amer Mumnin. From this canon many passages of ancient authors and stones can be amended—corrupted not so much by ancient scribes and lapidaries as by our own typographers and editors, who did not perceive the abbreviated style of ancient writing. For they do not make a mistake who omit a letter according to the universal custom of their time, but rather those who do not add it in books printed by the aid of types, in which the omission of such things is not customary. I will seem to some to be writing things against myself and disproving my own action in other places. And in truth, I would have pursued another path if it had fallen to me to edit this book a second time; but now, since I am editing it for the first time from manuscripts that are believed to have no twins, I have written a law for myself, that I should follow the example of them, which some future editor may change thereafter. I, indeed, both wished and was obligated to represent the customs of their time and of earlier times according to the authority of the manuscripts religiously. For I know well that modern Greeks omit the final *N* [nu] not only in writing but even in speech; and this is not a new example, but the ancients were accustomed to this as well. For whence would the Latins have mutilated the terminations of Greek words in the last letter, unless their fathers, the Aeolians and Dorians, had taught them? Plato, Amphitruo, likewise *statio*, *generatio*, and the like, they say. For these are Greek in custom; as from *statos* comes *station*, so from *generatos* comes *generation*. Nor did they omit only the final *v*, but also in the terminations *s* and *os*. Nothing was more frequent in Lupus Protospatha than to bring forth *Maniaci, Stratigo, Patricio, Anatolico*, and the like in the nominative. Thus all spoke and wrote in the age of Lupus, and Italians and Spaniards still today speak and write Paolo, Nicolao, Domingo, etc., by ancient tradition. In Table XVIII of Volume I of Ciampini's *Monumenta Vetera*, p. 35, there is in area 23 an image of St. Bartholomew, who is being strangled, with the inscription: *Bartholome*, having been hung upon a cross, is perfected. ^C And thus the ancient Greeks themselves not rarely omitted the *s*, as is concluded from *aphno* for *aphnos* or *aphanos* and similar ones, of which an immense number could be collected if I were to do this; see the remarks on p. 342. Meanwhile, I will subjoin one or another example of the omitted final *v* on ancient marbles as a specimen of how one must proceed with such things. In Montfaucon's *Diarium Italicum*, p. 425, this distich is read with many others: "I exalt with honors the offspring of Zeus and Alcmene; the son of Lasthenes set up this statue." In the first line of these, the last letter is absent not through the fault of the stonecutter, but according to ancient custom, left to be supplied by a reader skilled in Greek. The same must be judged concerning the inscription of Herodes Atticus, by which he dedicated the Triopium; in which the *v* being omitted involved learned men in error, as in v. 6: *Tophrake tai Triopeiai en athanatois alegesthon*. For that passage must be read thus. In the same dedication of the statue of Regilla v. 34, *anassa* is read for *anassan*, and v. 43, *me* for *men*, where the skill and prudence of the reader ought to silently supply the omitted *v*, not criticize the lapidary, nor the scribe, who wrote *Anchialo vastavit* for *Anchialon exaravit*. V. *Script. Hist. Aug.* T. I, p. 848, and II, 377. That is correct, whether you attribute it to the scribe who transcribed the Palatine codex, omitting the transverse line signifying *n*, or to the plebeian dialect, which in pronunciation itself omitted final *n* and *m* and *s*. Inscriptions and the Peutinger Table abound in such things. *Ad Capsu Juliam* for *ad Capsum J*. Corinth, Epidaurus, Piraeus, which can be exactly of the Theodosian century and of the thirteenth [century], in which in truth that manuscript copy, which still survives today, was formed at Colmar from an older codex. For it is in vain that the learned man labors to demonstrate that those are manuscripts and letters of the Theodosian century from which the table was first produced, and again very recently in Vienna of Austria. The text itself indeed perhaps has Theodosius or rather his land-surveyors as its authors, but that copy is without controversy more recent; which the very appearance of the letters shows, exactly similar to that with which monks four centuries ago were transcribing manuscripts. The well-known passage of the Theodosian Code: *Nemo vir*

the dalmatic and the breastplate and the white maphorion, and she kisses the hands of the masters. And [the praepositus] leads her away to the guard-house from whence she came out, and she dons the dalmatic, and wears the white maphorion; and he leads her back into the Pharos, into the church, where the masters and the senators are standing. And thereafter she kisses the feet of the masters, and she departs giving thanks, and she goes off to the Pantheon; and after a little while the praepositus receives a signal, and says: "Command." And the senate goes out from the church, and they depart for the tripeton, and the one in charge of the arrangement readies the veils for the patricians and the rest of the senators in the same tripeton. And when the zoste patricia has gone to the Pantheon, she dons the breastplate over the dalmatic, and she wears also a loros and the propoloma. ^B

II. Furthermore, the masters, adorned with crowns, sit upon the throne and give a signal to the praepositus, who, having gone out with the ostiarii who carry staves, calls forth the first veil, the magistri; the second veil, the patricians; the third, the syncletici, consuls, counts, candidati, domestics, from the eparchs and the stratelatai; and the silentiarii also enter with them, behind the senate, from one side and the other. And when the assembly is full and the whole secreton is set, the masters nod to the praepositus, and he goes out through the completion [(1*)] of the order of the patricians, to the part of the Pantheon, and he departs to the Pantheon where the newly-appointed zoste patricia is, and he leads her in, holding her by the shoulders, and he passes through the completion of the order of the patricians, and he stands her in the middle of the secreton of the patricians, wearing the loros and the propoloma. And she prostrates herself slightly, as she is unable to fall because of the loros [(2)] and the propoloma, and again he leads her a few steps, and she prostrates herself in the same way, and at the third [time] [(3)]. He brings her to the knees of the masters, and she kisses the two knees of the senior master, and likewise of those of the junior; but she does not kiss the feet, as she is unable to fall. Thereafter she opens her hands, and takes the tablets with the codicils, and she kisses the hands of the masters, and she withdraws a little, held by the praepositus; and they are led in, being held by the silentiarii, from the magister down to the stratelatai, giving thanks for the honor granted. And when the senate has completed the thanksgiving, the praepositus again leads her ^C

JOAN. JAC. RESKII COMMENTARY. (1*) By the "end of the order of the patricians," [is meant] from where the patricians standing in the row end. The "part," [means] towards, for "as if toward the part," to the side of the temple. ^D (2) It would seem, then, that she was not permitted—since they carry, with their own bodies, the vestment of the prince of men and [one] almost solely and uniquely proper to the patricians—to bend [their] knees, or to fall to the ground. The learned man who, in the *Göttingische Anzeigen* concerning the first volume of our work, gave his judgment and critical note, having produced this place in others also, offered in the added note the cause which indeed seems to him [the reason] why the zoste patricia did not prostrate herself, wearing the loros and propoloma. What if, he says, by reason of the vestments given [to them] being rigid to the foremost women, so that they could not even, if they wished, having forgotten their dignity, throw themselves [down]? Forgive us, learned man, whoever you were, whose name we do not know, if we depart from your opinion and profess that those are more subtle and over-refined than they are true. Just as on feast days and Sundays, because of the religion of the time, it was not permitted to those carrying a holy codex or the cross, or the symbol of the faith, or some holy vessel in their hands, to kneel because of the majesty and reverence of the habit or of what was being carried, so the loros, the image of the ancient trabea, was of such great veneration and authority that whoever carried it on their body was exempt from the necessity of adoring on bended knees. (3) Where [the text] says "proskunei," it is repeated from the common usage.

^A enter into the holy bath-house. It should be known that before the sovereigns enter, the *praepositi* enter, together with certain members of the bedchamber and cubicularii, carrying the boxes which the sovereigns touch while praying. ^B And before the *colymbus* [font/pool], near the entrance door, on the right side, the *praepositi* and those of the bedchamber stand, along with the sovereigns’ mystical attendants, namely the *balnearites* and the *protembatarius*. The rest of the bath-attendants of the Blachernae stand to the left of the sovereigns. And as the sovereigns enter, they receive candles from the *praepositi* and light them, and reverencing the holy silver icons which are in the *colymbus*, they pass by the right side of the *colymbus*. In that same right side of the *colymbus* stand two censers, into which the emperor, as he passes, having received incense from the *praepositus*, places it with his own hands into the censers. Then the sovereigns light candles at the eastern niche, in which the silver icon of the Theotokos stands upon the *phiala* [basin/font]. And from there they go off to the left, where the impression of the Theotokos' hand is molded in the marble and enclosed by a silver circle ^C and they light candles there too, and with his own hand the first emperor puts incense into the censer there, receiving it from the *praepositus*. From there the sovereigns return and enter into the holy Photinus [the Chapel of St. Photinus] into the inner dome, and go…

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. ...have *auratas* either in tunics or in linens, *paragaudas*. Lampridius mentions gold in linen, p. 972, vol. I, Scr. H. Aug.: "He judged it a madness, however, for gold to be used in linen [Alexander Severus], since to the harshness also rigor was added," see the learned interpreters there, and at Vol. II, p. 452 and p. 231, where Gallienus is said to have always been shod with golden slippers. Under our author below p. 359, we have *chrysoun encheirion*, a golden *orarium* or napkin, interwoven with golden threads. St. Ouen in *Life of St. Eligius* I, 15, calls linen reddish with metal: "He also had belts made of gold and gems, and purses elegantly jeweled, but the linens were of reddish metal, and the edges of the *saramancae* [probably to be read as *saramancarum* or *saranicarum*] covered with gold." Now in the most ancient times of Herodotus, golden linen kerchiefs were in use, as is evident from his Book II, c. 122, where he reports from the tradition of the Egyptians that King Psammetichus went down alive into the kingdom of Pluto, ^D and gambled there with Demeter, and sometimes won, and sometimes was beaten by her, and returned again carrying a golden napkin as a gift from her. *Dinochrysa* is what such garments are called by the Greeks; see Theoph. p. 270, and *chrysouphanta*; see p. 320. *Protembatarius* is he who is in charge of the bath-soles. For *embatas* or *embadas* or *embaseis*, from the word *embainein* ["to enter"], the Greeks call what the Latins call *descensiones* [descents]; see Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* II, vol. I, p. 691. Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*, s.v. *Embadon* [unless rather *embadon* or *embaton* or *embaton*] is for Constantine Porphyrogenitus in *Life of Basil the Macedonian* p. 201, a *phiala*, a marble pool, which receives water cascading from a siphon. The word *phiala* (whence our *fiole*) is good Greek. The ancients used to say *pyelos*. Such pools, in which those washing could swim and bathe themselves, the ancients used to call *pyeloi* and *mactrae*. I shall correct on this occasion a passage of Polybius which created difficulty for Valesius. It is in the *Excerpta Peiresciana* p. 142, and I shall transcribe it, as I believe it should be read: "the festival of the Antigoneia being celebrated in Sicyon, and the baths having both common *mactrae* (common-use wash-tubs or large basins) and *pyeloi* (solia/tubs) placed beside these, into which the more refined of men are accustomed to enter privately, if at some time any one [namely himself] of those around the Antigonid house..." [The rest omitted]. (31) They are accustomed to add a silver right hand of the Virgin Mary, outstretched and protruding from the surface of the painting, as is understood from Gerlach's *Itinerarium* p. 63, whose words are these: "Around the altar in the choir [or tribune] are painted St. Gregory, Basil, Chrysostom, with gaunt countenances: also Nicolaus Damascenus and other doctors of the Church. At the top above everyone towers the *Pantocrator* or J. C. with two of his disciples. Always on the panels of the choir [above the doors, which are named after the saints] to the right is seen the image of the *Pantocrator* or Lord Jesus Christ with a silver hand, from which silver plates and lumps hang, representing whole human beings, and also arms, hands, feet, and other members. In the middle stands the image of the Mother of God with the child Jesus, also having a silver right hand, from which likewise such silver plates and lumps and golden threads hang. To the left stand images of women, which provide the appearance of mourners, from which also votive offerings are accustomed to be hung." Let him who wishes compare these with those who have written about the votive offerings of the ancients, and thereafter let him deny, if he dare, that the Christianity of the Greeks is the old paganism of idols with a name changed.

III. The Senate offers well-wishes, and ^A the zoste departs. The silentiarius takes her tablets, and she goes out to the Lausiakos, attended by silentiarii and cubicularii wearing white tunics. She proceeds to the tropikē of the Lausiakos, and she does not go out to where the imperial procession is, but rather to the Eros. She comes out onto the side of the Magnaura and to the makrōn of the candidati, into the excubita, and through the scholae, where the factions receive her as they do the patricians. She also receives a libellum from the demarchs, and the factions make their acclamations, as is the custom. Afterward, she proceeds through the chytus of the Chalke to the Holy Well and enters the temple at the holy doors, where the antimensium is placed. The patriarch comes out from the sanctuary, takes her tablets, places them upon the antimensium, and recites a prayer, as he does for the patricians. The officials and the rest of those bearing dignities accompany her as far as the church ^B and when the patriarch has completed the prayer, the cubicularii and silentiarii lift her up and carry her to the metatorium in the triclinium called the Thomaïtes, and they stand inside, having passed through the porticoes. The nobles and the others depart from the church, but the patrician women and the wives of the strategi take their stand in the triclinium of the Magnaura, awaiting the zoste. When she arrives there, she is placed at the head, in the midst of the patrician women; and, one by one, they draw near, prostrating themselves and receiving from her a sportula containing six nomismata each, and thus they depart. The wives of the strategi likewise adore her, wishing good fortune to the sovereigns and to her who has been promoted. The patrician women then depart, and the cubicularii and silentiarii lift her up and bring her into the palace through the Eros and the passage of the Forty Saints. She enters the solar of the Chrysotriklinos, then enters the Pharos, where she offers ^C prayers for the sovereigns and places twelve nomismata as a sportula upon the antimensium, lights candles, and departs to her cell. It must be noted that this does not take place on a feast day, unless it be a common Sunday.

CHAPTER LI

Observances at the promotion of a praepositus

I. On the day of the changing of clothes, when the sovereigns command a secretum to be received during the procession, the ^D [officials] change...

their dibetesia, chlamydes, and crowns, and they sit in the throne in the chrysotriclinion; and the cubicularii enter from the side, as is the custom, to constitute the consistorium. And the sovereigns give a signal, whether another praepositus is present or a primicerius, and he raises the one who is to be promoted praepositus, and leads him through the center of the secretum of the consistorium of the cubiculum. And he falls down, and he leads him before the footstool of the sovereigns, and he falls down and kisses the feet and the knees of the great sovereign, and likewise of the small one; and the [officials] of the cubiculum stand as in II. And rising, he spreads out his hands, and receives from the sovereigns the tablets without codicilli, and kisses their hands, and moves back a little from the throne, and immediately all the [officials] of the cubiculum offer well-wishes. Then, being brought again to the sovereigns, he prostrates himself, and having kissed their feet and knees, he furthermore prays for their prosperity: which having been done, ^B the cubicularii and ostiarii take him, and they depart, escorting him as far as the tripeton, where the patricians and the other senators stand. He himself, with body inclined, greets the patricians and whomever he wishes, carrying the tablets, and again the same praepositus enters with the cubiculum, and approaches the throne of the sovereigns, bearing the tablets.

II. The cerimoniarius arranges the curtains in the tripeton, as is the custom, and when the sovereigns command the curtains of the secretum to be entered, they nod to the promoted praepositus, and he goes out with two ostiarii and those bearing staves, carrying the tablets. And he brings in the first curtain, the magistri, and the remaining curtains, as is the custom. And when all the curtains have arrived, the sovereigns nod to the promoted praepositus, and he says: "Command," and they pray: "For many and good years," and they go out, and the promoted praepositus assembles all the groups. But it must be known that if they wish him to be a patrician as well, he receives other tablets with the codicilli, and then the following of the ritual is performed, as also in the promotion of the other patricians.

CAPUT LII. Observanda in promotione praefecti.

I. The emperor summons the prefect whom he wishes to create, just as he summons the praepositus, and says to him: "Go, and install him as prefect of the city." ^D Having taken him...

the praepositus clothes him in a red sagion, and immediately sends a silentiarius to summon the entire civil establishment to the consistory. The praepositus exits with the prefect through the Lausiakos and the stairs, and leaves through the single door that leads to the eidikon; and proceeding thence, walking through the diabatika and the apse, he enters ^A until he reaches the Augusteum. Both sit there, waiting until the civil body has arrived. When the silentiarii have come and announced that the civil body is present in the consistory, the same silentiarii receive another order from the praepositus to lead the civil body to the Onopodion. Then the praepositus, taking the prefect and coming out from the Augusteum, passes through the narrow passage; the prefect remains inside the gate leading to the Onopodion, and the praepositus ^B goes out alone to where the civil body is standing, and tells them what he was instructed by the emperor to say for the sake of exhortation and legal compliance. "So-and-so is prefect." If he is a patrician, he acclaims him thus: "So-and-so is prefect, he is also ^C a patrician," and so forth. And after this he enters the Great Church through the Holy Well, and having lit candles and prayed, he returns to his house.

II. After this colloquy, the praepositus orders the official of the establishment to open the veil and calls the prefect; and as he comes out, the praepositus delivers him to the civil body as prefect and father of the city. After this, the praepositus returns from the Onopodion to the palace, while the official of the establishment takes the prefect with the silentiarii and leads him into the consistory, and changes him into the garment of the prefect, that is, the kamision, the plonion, and the loros, and puts on his boots. And after this, the official of the establishment, with the civil body and the populace of the two factions, walking slightly in front of him, pass through the Excubitors and the Scholae, being acclaimed by them, with them saying: "Such-and-such is prefect," and so on.

CAPUT LIII. Acts and acclamations of the factions at the promotion of a prefect.

I. The customary ritual of the prefect's promotion having been performed in the palace, when the praepositus has led him through the triconch and the apse to the Augusteum, they go to the Onopodion; and when the entire retinue of the praepositus has arrived there, ^D the praepositus delivers the newly created prefect, the father of the city, [to them]. Then the official of the establishment takes him up and carries him into the winter consistory, and vests him in the kamision and the loros, and he puts on his boots; and he comes to the makron of the Candidati, escorted by the entire retinue of the praetorium as far as the bronze gates of the curtain. And the admissionarius says: "Stand." And the numerarius holds the veil and says: "Rise, Prefect, from your place." And the admissionarius immediately repeats these words through the numerarius. The prefect departs, and passes through the scholae, surrounded by those mentioned.

^A

II. The Veneti Faction at the Lamps

The faction of the Veneti stands at the lamps, receiving the prefect; and before he arrives at the demes of the Veneti, the people recite a cursorium song in tone 4: "By God, in victories renowned, desire of the world, masters of the Romans, you, as one desired by all with sincere affection and most faithful servant, they have worthily promoted to higher dignities, an honorable protospatharios and noble by ancestry, and to supreme honor have elevated the dignity of the prefect." And after the prefect has taken his stand in the customary place of his station, the people say: "Before all things, let us all together praise the masters of the world." The krktai: "[So-and-so] and [so-and-so], of the great emperors and autokrators, may their years be many." The people likewise, three times. The krktai: "[So-and-so] and [so-and-so], of the most pious Augustae, may their years be many." The people likewise, three times. And then he says acclamations from the voice: "Who would not wish to praise further?" ^B three times, "the only immortal King," three times, "who has given such masters to us," three times, "providing for the salvation of each one," three times, "and promoting according to merit those who are worthy," three times, "and you, [so-and-so], they have honored surprisingly," three times, "with the glorious dignity of the prefect," three times, "but may the Creator and Master of all prolong their times with the Augustae and the Porphyrogeniti."

III. Acclamations for the Prefect

Then the krktai say: "Let us praise as is due the prefect of the Romans. You are [so-and-so], you are [so-and-so], you are [so-and-so], you are prefect! You are!" Then the krktai say: "Welcome, servant of those crowned by God." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "Welcome, promotion of benefactors." The people: "Welcome." ^C The krktai: "Welcome, noble by ancestry." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "Welcome, [so-and-so], prefect of the Romans." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "But may the Creator and Master of all preserve you, O prefect, for many years!" And after these things, the demarch delivers a libellary petition to the prefect, and the krktai say: "Welcome, desire of the princes." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "Welcome, [so-and-so], prefect of the Romans." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "Welcome, to the faction that loves you!" The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "Worthily did the masters love you." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "As one who is pure and most worthy." The people: "Welcome." The krktai: "But may the Creator and Master of all preserve you, O prefect, for many years!" ^D

^B And the people likewise [c: three times]. Then the party of the Greens receives him into the schools, and the sequence and order of the reception takes place, just as with the Veneti; and he passes through the bronze opening and enters the holy well and lights tapers. It must be known that the patriarch performs a prayer for the prefect according to the customary form for the patricians. And after this he enters the bench of the patricians, and there the master of ceremonies vests him both with the loros and the pelonion, and he departs through the side of the church, as if towards the metatorion part, to the horologium, where the white horse stands with the chioma, and the calamarium, and the guards with their pelonia. Then the prefect mounts the horse and departs to the praetorium; and upon his arriving there and sitting upon his throne, those of the order ^C and of the city say: "Worthy, worthy, worthy, may the years of the emperors be many," and the rest of the acclamations; and at the final acclamation they say: "And of him who has been promoted." And thus afterwards he rides the chioma again, and departs to his house, being escorted by those aforementioned.

CAPUT LIV. Observanda in promotione quæstoris.

^A Mandato dominorum quæstor promovendus quæritur, eoque invento, præpositum cum promoto quærunt, quem præpositus a dominis, ut abiens quæstorem eum constituat, secum abducit. Ipse a cubiculariis ac silentiariis stipatus, aut in hemicyclium, aut ad caminum abiens, scriniorum magistros et cancellarios quærit, qui, quæstore sibi tradito, fausta dominis precati, abeunt. Statim promotus primum famulum suum cum chosbaita vestiarii mittit, et sumit vestem decedentis quæstoris, cumque mutationes in processione fiunt, ipse quoque vestes mutat.

ΚΕΦΑΛ. ΝΔ'. Ὅσα δεῖ παραφυλάττειν ἐπὶ προαγωγῇ κοιαίστωρος.

Κελεύουσιν οἱ δεσπόται ζητῆσαι τὸν ὀφείλοντα προβληθῆναι κοιαίστωρα, καὶ ἐὰν εὐρεθῇ, ζητοῦσι τὸν πραιπόσιτον μετὰ τοῦ προβαλλομένου, καὶ παραλαμβάνει αὐτὸν ὁ πραιπόσιτος παρὰ τῶν δεσποτῶν, ἵνα ἀπελθὼν προβάλληται αὐτὸν κοιαίστωρα. Καὶ ἐξέρχεται ὁ πραιπόσιτος, ὀψικευόμενος ὑπὸ κουβικουλαρίων καὶ σιλεντιαρίων, ἢ ἐν τῷ ἡμικυκλίῳ, ἢ ἐν τῇ θερμάστρᾳ, καὶ ζητεῖ τοὺς ἀντιγραφέας καὶ καγκελλαρίους, καὶ παραδίδωσιν αὐτοῖς τὸν κοιαίστωρα, καὶ ἐπεύχονται τοὺς δεσπότας καὶ ἀναχωροῦσι. Καὶ εὐθέως ὁ προβληθεὶς ἀποστέλλει ἄνθρωπον αὐτοῦ μετά τε τοῦ χωσοαίτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου, καὶ ἐπαίρει τὴν στολὴν τοῦ κοιαίστωρος τοῦ διαδεχθέντος, καὶ ὅτε εἰσὶν ἀλλάξιμα ἐν τῇ προελεύσει, ἀλλάσσει κἀκεῖνος.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

^B Certe patet antigraphos a scribis diversos fuisse. Ergo non exarabant seu in mundum redigebant ipsi sacras formas, sed ipsi potius dictabant seu concipiebant, in lituris eas exarabant, quas scribæ mundarent, ἀντίγραφον ante scribebant, vel præscribebant, quæ scribæ post scriberent vel exscriberent. Nam ἀντίγραφον Græcis quoque sæpe idem atque ante notare, supra demonstravimus. Evincit exemplum Eugenii, qui, teste historia Miscella XIII ^C grammaticus olim, litterarum Latinarum doctor, relinquens scholas in palatio militabat, eratque imp. Valentiniani antigrapheus et propter eloquentiam a multis honoratus. In Novell. XI Constantini Porphyrog. ed. Meurs. p. 233, redditur rescriptores; a Gretsero ad Codinum contrarotulatores. Goarus apud Theophan. 60, vertit contrarotularis, vel ratiocinarii munere fungens; in notis autem emendat sic: ἀντιγραφεὺς magister scriniorum, est, ᾧ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν βασιλικὴν πρόσταξιν ἐπιτρέπει. Eunap. in Nymphidiano: Talis est, qui nomine imperatoris litteras exarat et dictat. Idem Goarus ad Codin. p. 30, actuarios reddit. Apud Leonem Grammat. p. 450, redditur exceptores. Theophylactus Simocatta nominatur in titulo historiæ suæ ἀπὸ ἐπάρχων καὶ ἀντιγραφεύς, quod apud Cl. Fabricium (Bibl. Gr. t. VI, p. 281) præfectus et tabularius redditur, aliis expræfectus et observator coactorum: cujus interpretationis rationem ego nullam video. Ἀντιγραφεὺς τοῦ βασιλέως vertit Vales. ad Amm. Marcell. p. 84: Magister scrinii sacri, et ἀντιγραφεὺς τῆς μνήμης, qui dictat ad memoriam, magister memoriæ. Salmasius autem ad Script. Hist. Aug. t. II, p. 785, ubi fere de his autigraphis agit, negat scriniorum magistros fuisse, sed illis proximos. Conf. Du Cange. Gl. Gr. h. v. et Latin v. Antigraphus, ubi citat aliquot loca, e quibus concludatur, antigraphos et cancellarios eosdem esse, quos tamen et noster codex et alii bene multi distinguunt ut diversos. In universum obscure sunt rationes dignitatum.

Ea significatione utraque vox in utraque lingua scriptoribus sequiorum temporum frequenter usurpata, ut Capitolin. in Pertinace t. I. Scr. Hist. Aug. p. 666. mercaturas exercuit imperator per homines suos, quod idem p. 537, dixerat: mercatus est per servos suos. Artemidorus jam ἄνθρωπος pro familiari posuit, p. 93. Numero carent exempla hujus usus in hoc nostro codice prostantia V. DD. Gloss. v. Ἄνθρωπος et Homo.

CHAPTER LV

I. On the day before, the praepositus receives notification from the lords concerning the person who wishes to be promoted as demarch, and he speaks to the curator; the latter sends an adminsionalis [admissionalem], so that he may announce this to those of the faction—that is to say, to the second-in-command, to the gitoniarch, and to the other officials of the faction, and to their leaders—so that on the following day they may come to the consistory wearing their sagia (cloaks). In the morning, when they have come together and arrived in the consistory with their sagia, the praepositus is notified by the curator and leads them up to the lords; the praepositus then receives from the lords the man whom they wish to be promoted as demarch. Immediately, he goes out, accompanied by a cubicularius, and the person who has been promoted goes with him; he ascends through the Lausiacus, the Eros, and the Daphne to the Augusteum, and takes his seat there. Then a silentiarius goes off and summons the faction, and they all go to the Onopodium, wearing their sagia, and they stand there. ^B The praepositus and the official in charge of the state depart with the silentiarii who are serving for that week, both of them wearing red sagia, as does the cubicularius who is attending the praepositus; likewise, the newly promoted man also follows behind the praepositus, wearing a red sagion, and he wears the sagion into the Augusteum.

II. Then the praepositus ascends into the Onopodium and, as is the custom, hands over the newly promoted demarch, saying to the faction: "The lords command you, receive this man as demarch." The faction prays for the lords' prosperity and, taking [the man]...

they escort him until they reach the consistorium. And the promoted man enters, lights candles at the cross, and proceeds to the church of the Lord, where he also lights candles. Then he leaves, escorted through the curtains, and they acclaim him in his place from the Chalke to the Milion. The promoted man then mounts his horse ^A with his cloak; he is escorted by the faction, who are wearing their flowing cloaks and scaramangia. Thus he proceeds to the stable of the faction (23) and inspects his horses; then he mounts and rides off, escorted, until he arrives at his own house, followed by the equerries of the secundicerius, the gitoniarcha, and the notary, all wearing scaramangia. One must know that the aforementioned gitoniarcha, the notary, and the others precede him to the house of the promoted man and stand with the faction, acclaiming the promoted man at his gate, as is the custom; then he calls for the secundicerius, the gitoniarcha, the notary, and the other officials and leading men. One must know that the same procedure is also followed by the other faction.

Observanda, if the emperor desires to appoint two demarchs at once. The two factions are notified and ascend to the Onopodium, and the praepositus hands the first demarch over to his faction, and likewise the other to his faction; all other things are carried out as stated above. The demarchs receive the tunics ^B from the ex-demarchs (24)—the Blue from the Blue [ex-demarch] and the Tyrian, and the Green likewise—since they are imperial property.

CHAPTER LVI. Observations on the promotion of a secundicerius.

it should be known that the two subordinates hold the same order for the Veneti and the Prasini.

CHAPTER LVII. On what must be observed in the promotion of legal assessors and logothetes.

The masters command that they be proposed to the praepositus. The praepositus does not go out himself, but sends the silentiarius who is on duty for that week to the procession at the hippodrome, so that he may see if the eparch is there. If he is there, the silentiarius enters, gives an answer to the praepositus, and the praepositus brings ^B it to the masters, and he receives from the masters the person who is to be proposed as assessor. The praepositus then goes out, attended by cubicularii and silentiarii, and they look for the eparch in the hemicycle of the Scylla. They hand the assessor over to him, and they offer prayers for the masters and leave. But if the eparch is not found at the procession, the courier (cursor) is sought, and if he arrives before the masters sit down, the praepositus announces it to the masters, and the ritual is performed as has been stated above, by handing him over at the thermos (or warm bath). ^C But if it happens that the eparch is ill, the masters hand the assessor over to the praepositus, and the praepositus goes out and seeks whether there is a logothete or another assessor, and he hands him over in their presence to the silentiarius who is on duty for the week, so that he may go to the house of the eparch and hand the assessor over to him. In the same way, the logothete of the praetorium is also proposed, not having a different order or rank, whether greater or lesser.

[alt-version omitted]

^D JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. (25) As the poets had their own factions, the Veneti and the Prasini, the second-tier musicians were created with the same rite. (26) The logothetes: those who are responsible for accounting. (27) The cursor: he who runs on errands; it is a native term for the person whom the master of the region had under him as a general servant and messenger for the region. (28) For as the assessor is the assistant to the city eparch in the delivery of judgments and sentences, so the logothete of the praetorium was also under his authority, and especially had the care of the prison and of those committed to custody.

CAPUT LVIII. In creatione magistri scriniorum.

CAPUT LIX. Observanda, quando spatharocandidatus ad protospatharii dignitatem provehendus est.

CAPUT LX. Deductio funeris imperatoris.

^A The gelones and the clergy, as well as the entire senate, enter in skaramangia, and they chant as is the custom. Afterwards, the praepositus of ceremonies gives a sign to the master of ceremonies, who says: "Come forth, Emperor; the King of kings and Lord of lords calls you." This being repeated three times, the body is immediately lifted by the imperial attendants and carried back inside the Chalke, where it is placed, and they perform the customary rites. And when the body is to be lifted, the praepositus of ceremonies gives a sign to the master of ceremonies, who begins to say for the third time: "Come forth, Emperor," and the rest; and then the body goes out from the Chalke, supported by the imperial protospatharioi. It passes through the middle, and when they reach the place where it is to be buried, the service of psalmody and the customary rites are performed. ^B Then the praepositus of ceremonies signals again to the master of ceremonies, who makes the proclamation thus: "Enter, Emperor; the King of kings and Lord of lords calls you," [repeated] three times. Then, "Lay aside the crown from your head," and it is immediately taken by the praepositus and placed [as a] *semention* with a purple shroud, and it is placed in the monument. It should be known that the same pattern, order, and sequence are observed also at the funeral of an Augusta. But at the departure of the Augusta, the master of ceremonies must say: "Come forth, Empress; the King of kings and Lord of lords calls you."

CHAPTER LXI

I. After all the magistrates have changed their garments and arrived, the procession halts in the Justinian triclinium; and when the third hour has arrived, the *kletorion* is arranged, and the table is set in the Justinian triclinium. The Emperor comes out, dressed in his purple *dibetesion*, and sits at his honorable table, and the invited magistrates, patricians, and the rest of the senators enter. But all of them enter having changed their clothes, as is the custom, the patricians in tunics bordered with gold, the *strategoi* in their cloaks, the protospatharioi—

and the rest of the officials, each sitting in the *kletorion* in their changed attire. ^B

II. When all the aforementioned officials have seated themselves in the *kletorion*, the emperor makes it known to the patricians through the master of the table that they are to: "Cast off your tunics." The patricians and *strategoi* stand and pray for the emperor, and the patricians cast off their tunics, and the *strategoi* their cloaks. Royal *engistiarioi* who are in attendance at the lower table receive them and deliver them to their servants to be carried away as refuse. The officials of the *kouboukleion*, having changed their clothes, perform a double-station, if it happens to be on a Sunday; the entire senate does not change for this reason. ^C

CHAPTER LXII

Observances for the eve of the day on which the emperor is to be received into the city.

I. The two factions enter the *sigma* and pray, and the *kraktai* say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many." The *kraktai*: "Many years to you, O mainstay of the Trinity!" The people cry out three times: "Many years to you!" The *kraktai*: "Many years to you, [Name] and [Name], emperors of the Romans!" The people cry out three times: "Many years to you!" The *kraktai*: "Many years to you, servants of the Lord!" The people cry out three times: "Many years to you!" The *kraktai*: "Many years to you, [Name] and [Name], Augustae of the Romans!" The people cry out three times: "Many years to you!" The *kraktai*: "As servants, we dare to beseech you." The people cry out three times in the same way. The *kraktai*: "With fear we look upon our masters." The people cry out three times in the same way. The *kraktai*: "Without cause are you invoked as benefactors!" The people likewise three times. The *kraktai*: "To the prayer of your servants, the Venetians..." The people cry out three times in the same way. The *kraktai*: "We pray that you allow us to celebrate your empire on this feast day." The people cry out three times in the same way. ^D

The *kraktai*: "Lord, save the masters of the Romans." The people cry out three times: "Lord, save." The *kraktai*: "Lord, save the masters together with the Augustae and the Porphyrogeniti."

II. In the evening, the two factions enter the Sigma with torches, and what is called the *faklaria* takes place ^B (41), and they chant the *apelatikon* while dancing, in the Grave mode: "Hail, masters of the Romans; hail, the desire of the whole world; hail, rulers so-and-so and so-and-so, whom the Trinity has declared victors and benefactors of the world." And after these things they ascend to the steps, and they say the *apelatikon* in the Plagal of the Fourth mode: "The world rejoices to see you as emperor and master, and your city rejoices; O God-crowned one so-and-so, you are adorned (42); the order sees you as the *taxiarch* (commander of the order), and the scepters prosper, having you as their bearer. For you adorn the throne of the ancestral empire, sending forth rays of good order together with the Augusta; hence the state, prospering through you, celebrates the day of your empire." And the *kraktai* say the *akta*: "Lord, save the masters of the Romans;" and the people three times, "Lord, save." The *kraktai*: "Lord, save those crowned by you;" and the people cry out three times, "Lord, save." The *kraktai*: "Lord, save the masters together with the Augustae and the Porphyrogeniti."

CHAPTER LXIII

I. Before the masters ascend to the *senzon* (43), the *kraktai* say: "Let the God-blessed empire rise" (44); the people cry out three times, "Rise," and the rest of the *akta*. And when the masters have ascended to the *senzon*, they first sign themselves with the cross (45), and the people say: "Holy, holy, holy." The *kraktai*: "Many years, many years, many years;" the people: "Many years for many years." And then thus they say

^A the *kraktai*: "Glory to God in the highest and on earth peace;" the people [say] the same three times. The *kraktai*: "Goodwill among men towards Christians;" and the people likewise call out three times. The *kraktai*: "For God hath had mercy on His people;" and the people likewise call out three times. The *kraktai*: "Glory to God, the master of all;" and the people likewise call out three times; the *kraktai*: "Many, many, many." Trilexion 1, tonal mode 4: "May God, who rules over things invisible and visible, grant you, O masters, to reign for a hundred years in peace, and to celebrate the day of your imperial rule." ^B

II. Acclamation 1. The *kraktai* say: "Long years to you, O heaven-sent majesty;" and the people call out three times: "Long years to you," and the rest of the acclamations. Trilexion 2: "Incomparable soldiers, protectors of the world, adorned with crowns, ^C raised by God upon the throne of the empire, you have scattered nations with the divine weapons of piety; but may God, who crowned you and is the creator of all, give increase to your days yet further." Acclamation 2. The *kraktai* say: "O so-and-so and so-and-so, may the years of the great kings and emperors be many, so that all auspicious things may be proclaimed to the ends of the earth. Let us Veneti give praise as is our duty: O pious ones, long years to you; O victors, long years to you; O chosen ones of the Trinity, long years to you." Trilexion 3: "By God, the lover of men, you were crowned, O Augusti, and with mystical oil you were anointed from heaven for the joy of your people, O heaven-appointed Augusti, and for the downfall of all your enemies." Acclamation 3. The *kraktai* say: "Long years to you, O so-and-so and so-and-so, Augusti of the Romans;" and the people call out three times: "Long years to you." The *kraktai*: "Many, many, many;" the people: "Many years for many years;" and the organ plays. And they say: "Holy." And when he finishes, the *kraktai* say—tonal mode 4—: "The holy [sanctification];" and the people: "The city of the Romans is strengthened, having received salvation from its own fosterling; and the scepter of power is glorified; all-holy is the dawn that visited it from on high through you, O so-and-so, Sovereign, who loved justice and were anointed with holy oil by the Lord; peace has been granted to the state by him who delivered the captives from the enemy." ^D

III. Apelatikon of the oblique tonal mode 4: "The world rejoices to behold you, emperor and master, and your city delights, O God-crowned so-and-so; the order [of the court] is adorned to see you as the commander of the order, and the scepters are fortunate to possess you as their bearer. For you adorn the throne of your ancestral empire together with the Augusta, sending forth the splendor of good order, wherefore the state, gladdened by you, celebrates the day of your imperial rule." And after this the *kraktai* say:

"Lord, save." Cantors: "Lord, save those crowned by you;" the people three times: "Lord, save." Cantors: "Lord, save the masters of the Romans;" the people: "Lord, save." Cantors: "Lord, save the masters with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti;" the people three times: "Lord, save."

^B IV. Then the Blues follow, and after they have finished, the cantors of the two factions say together: "This empire, O Lord, strengthen;" the same, the people three times. Cantors: "Spirit most holy, protect the Augustas;" the people likewise. Cantors: "Mother of our God, preserve the Porphyrogeniti;" the people likewise. Cantors: "Lord, [grant] their life for our life;" the same, the people three times. As the masters rise from the throne, the cantor says the utterance: "Nana." And the two factions begin to say: "May God preserve the masters;" the same, the people three times. Cantors: "Many, many, many;" the people: "Many years for many." And the two factions fall silent, and the precentor of the cubiculum steps forward through the bronze railings before the *sention*, holding the scroll, and reads what is inscribed there in this manner: "Almighty and merciful God, who has crowned your serenity, through the intercession of His all-holy Mother, may He grant us, together with you who love Christ, to pass these days peacefully and happily for many years."

V. Afterwards the same precentor extends his right hand, with fingers stretched out like rays, and...

^A In the middle of the *polycandylon* of the Chrysotriclinium were hung the two imperial breast-karacalla [vestments] [(11)] and the two *diakoptai* [(12)], one being the bridal one and the other the one resting in the repository, and the two imperial [pendants] [seista] [(13)] and the two imperial [veils].

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

The Turks and Arabs have retained this word from the Greeks, calling a wide belt *zunnar*, which Christians of both sexes wear over their stomachs. For what the Muhammadans wear is *Uschach*. The passage from Teixeira in his Spanish book on the kings of Persia, pp. 25-28, is apt, where he discusses at length the belts of the Orientals; from which it is worthwhile to extract these things: "In Persia, belts were always a sign of honor and dignity; and they are so even today, and according to the material and workmanship of them, it is known which is of more or less preeminence—because that which is of gold is more noble, that of silver less so; that adorned with certain stones more, and that with less workmanship less so—in such a way that as each one has his place in the palace, so he wears the belt."

(11) You interpreted this as pectoral hoods or phelonia. For hoods do not suit the chest. *Caracallae* are shaggy, floor-length garments; why, therefore, *stethos* [chest] should enter into this composition, I do not understand. For surely there was no *caracalla* that did not also simultaneously cover the chest with the trunk of the body.

(12) My predecessor, on p. 172, rendered this as "slashed garments," referring without doubt to garments split or cut, which had fissures and ample gaps made by art at certain intervals, especially in the sleeves and breeches, which kind of garment was in use among the Latins in the Middle Ages and even up to the 16th century, as the paintings surviving from it testify. They called the garments *cultellatae*, that is, cut with a knife, and *fractilatae*: see Du Cange on these words. And, as he also asserts, *frepatae* [as well], unless they were rather *contortae*, twisted, wrinkled, and—to use the English word, which denotes twisting—"wrapped." The ancient Franks called them *copées*, that is, *coupées*, as is evident from the passage of the Assizes of Jerusalem, which Du Cange cites under *Epidecen*. Therefore, I would not deny that *dikoptai* could signify slashed or split garments. However, what prevented me from following this method of interpretation is that I have never seen a garment cut like this in any monument of Byzantine antiquity. Therefore, I preferred to render it as "radiate." That *kone* signifies the radiature or striature of cloth, I demonstrated above on p. 270. And indeed such cloths could have been *diakoptoi*, cut, in a double way, either by lines running downward in parallel, or by criss-crossing; they called such garments *cancellatae* in that age. An old charter in Du Cange under *Apoplacius* mentions *apoplattia* cloths [that were] *cancellata*—scarlet and green—that is, silk with scarlet and green lines crossing each other; and the letter of Basil the Macedonian to Hadrian II, the Pope, [mentions] an *esophorin* [that was] *cancellatum* [and] yellow. The ancients called these garments cut in either way—whether with parallel or crossing lines—*entetmenas*. Sophron, in Athenaeus, p. 48, has *strouthota heligmata entetmena* (not *entetymena*, as the common editions prefer), fascias cut with small birds woven in and with radiating lines.

(13) My opinion, indeed, is that they are the threads of pearls, which are seen on Byzantine coins and other images hanging from the ears of Augusti and Augustae; it is called *seiston* from *to seiein*—from shaking, agitation, nodding, oscillating. Everything that hangs loosely, so that it can be impelled and oscillate, is *seira* or *seiston*. The Anonymous writer on the temple of St. Sophia, p. 258: "The cross of the ambo hung [pendebat] at two pounds of gold, and it also had *seista* and lamps with pearls that looked like pears." The interpreter there correctly translates *catenulas* [little chains], whatever Du Cange (Gr. L. p. 1345) might say to the contrary. *Seira*, in Theophanes, in the 7th year of Maurice, p. 207, is a tassel (a fringe, a tip) hanging from a *camelaucium*. The *seista* are the same thing as the *seia*; see Goar on Codinus, p. 47, and Du Cange on the word *Seia*. In the Middle Ages, the Latins called them *pendentes*; see Du Cange on this word and Salmasius on *H. Aug.* t. II, 23, from which comes the French *pendant d'oreilles*, and also *plectas* and *fleclas*. The Greeks also call them ^B *kremastouria* and *kremastaria*. Achmet, *Oneirocriticon* c. 248: "If a king sees that his earrings, that is, the *kremastaria* of his crown, have been cut off, his kingdom will be poorly adorned and short-lived:" see Du Cange on *Clamastarit*, and also *chalantaria*, whence come the *calendaria* of the Latins: Tertullian, *De habitu mulierum*: "The tender neck carries jumps and islands, [and] the delicate skins of the ears expend the *calendarium*, from *to chalan*." Anna Comnena calls them *hormathoi* and describes them thus: "For on both sides of the temples certain *hormathoi* [garlands/strings] hang down by means of pearls and stones and graze the cheeks. And this is a thing taken from the attire of kings." That earrings and arm-bands are the insignia of kings, Du Cange shows under *Dextrocherium*. Heraclius, in Nicephorus, *Patriarchae CPtani Breviarium*, p. 47: "Having taken the crown that he wore on his head [and placed it] on the head of the Turk [he is speaking of the prince of the Turks around Colchis, with whom Heraclius was making an alliance], and having feasted with him, he gifted him with all the vessels for the service of the banquet as well as with imperial attire, and adorned him with earrings made of pearls; and in the same way he adorned the leaders around him with similar earrings." One can see images of such *kataseista* on coins, which are very often in Du Cange, *Familiae Byzantinae*, such as p. 67, v. 2, p. 92, v. 3, p. 97, 136, 152, and elsewhere; in other monuments, however, see Alemannus on Procopius, p. 47, and Banduri, T. II, p. 633, in the image of Helena finding the cross, and in Montfaucon, t. III, *Ant. Explic.*, tab. 26, which exhibits a certain queen of France, as I think, with strings of pearls hanging as much from the earrings as from the cloak. But as the more recent Greeks call *kataseista* those things that wave downward or are loosened, these plexuses [of hair] flagellating the shoulders or blades—whether of pure hair, or of pure pearls, or of both—so the ancient Greeks called the same *episeista*, and those who wore them *episeistoi*. Hence, by Pollux, in comic characters, they are called *episeistos* and *episeistos deuteros*. Before I leave this, it must be explained what *seiromastes* is. The Greeks call a long, round spear this; everything straight, rounded, long, nodding, and oscillating is *seira* to the Greeks, just as *Salab* and *Sabil* are to the Arabs. And just as the Arabs compare spears to ropes, so also the Greeks called the spear *seiromasten* and *saliban*, by similarity and by the very word borrowed from the Arabs. Codinus, *Offic.* IV, 40: "He carries this *seiromasten* on the left side of his belt, which they commonly call *saliban*." It will perhaps be the case, God willing—the place to say more about this word—in the edition of the unpublished Anthology, which I am preparing, where, on the Jensian poem 23: "My columns and sirens [stelae kai seirenes]," where *seirenes* are either hanging garlands or

spreading itself in a ray-form, and again contracting ^A itself in a cluster-form. And the two parties say: Singers: "Nana;" and the people: "God will hear our voice." Singers: "Many, many, many;" and the people: "Many years for many." Singers: "Many times to you, defense of the Trinity;" and the people: "Many times to you," and the rest of the acclamations. It must, however, be known that, according to the form and order performed on the eve of the reception of the office, as also in the evening in the torchlight procession, and again on the following day in the reception itself, all things that pertain to that rite are performed, except that the reasons and arguments for why the *apelatici*, the *trilexia*, and the *tetralexia* should be said—that is, in memory of the empire received, which pertains to it and is appropriate to it; in the golden hippodrome, which is for Pascha; in the *lachanicon*, which is for the birthday; in Pentecost, which is for Pentecost—in a word, for the reason for which the reception of the emperor is instituted, which ^B

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

On Julian, p. 578: As he was proceeding from the senate to the Capitol, the populace opposed [Julian], but by ferro and wounds and promises of gold, through which Julian himself, to assure their faith, pointed with his fingers, he was moved and repulsed. See Casaubon on that passage. That day was called simply *deximion*; see Theophanes, p. 191, 195; Malalas, vol. II, p. 8. We have here four exceptions and three Circus games. An exception of the people congratulating the birth of the empire, without a circus game; then a golden circus game which happened on the Monday next after the Sunday in albis; the *oleraceum* or *herbaceum* [vegetable or herbaceous game] corresponding to the birthday of the city, or the 11th of May, and of Pentecost, otherwise called the *Macellarium*. In another place we also have Vows, not equestrian, but a pedestrian spectacle, concerning the time of which it is not clearly established. These five games seem to have been a state and solemn imitation of those seven processions and gifts that the Roman consuls once customarily offered throughout the year, concerning which see Guther, p. 446. For the *facularia* dance is not a peculiar game, but always preceded the *deximion* or the adoration and congratulation of the people, one evening; in this order, that after having been requested on the eve of the *deximion* or during the afternoon hours of the day that preceded the *deximion*, for permission to adore the emperor publicly the next day, they would dance with torches on the following evening, and the next morning they would adore the emperor, and congratulate him on the happy events which from time to time occurred. Since the discussion on the circus games begins from here, I do not think it useless to publish here, in a most opportune place, that entire chapter which I found in the renowned Leich’s collection of notes on our Constantine’s *Ceremoniale*, being excerpted from there. It is as follows: The Emperor as victor in the circus games at St. Mamas. Georg. Monach. p. 541, where there are many things. In the equestrian game by Alexander, son of Basil, candelabra and sacred furnishings from the temples were used, p. 564. The *sphendone* of the circus, p. 533. Michael the King wishing to yoke the horses to the equestrian [chariot], p. 529, let this be compared. Emperor Theophilus, approaching the city and displaying spoils in a triumph, and having exhibited circus games, playing in the first event himself (the first *baion*... *paizontes*), riding white horses and dressed in the Venetian color, when he emerged victor, he was crowned, with the factions acclaiming: "You have come well and auspiciously," etc., "Well, you have come, peerless factionary." P. 519. Symeon Logoth. p. 452. Emperor Theophilus builds steps and benches (*anabathra*) for the factions; also a phial, in which the *saximodeximion* takes place. P. 424. Annal. ^C Symeon Logoth. Elegant inscription in Murator. concerning the circus factionary. In the theatre of the circus, Emperor Basil was greeted. P. 397. Script after Theophanes. Triumph of Const. M. in the circus over the Saracens. P. 283. The Emperor with the senate dines in the circus. The curve (*sphendone*) along the hippodrome, Conf. Const. p. 76. The demarch of the Venetians stood near the domesticus of the excubitors, the Prasina near the domesticus of the schools, Contin. Const. p. 88; he sat on a golden throne distinguished with gems, and did not rise before, as has been established in the books containing the military and domestic affairs of the emperors. The flight to the hippodrome according to the *asekretis*, for even there was the lodging of the *asekretis*, Contin. Const. Near the eastern turning post in the circus (closest to the four-horse turning post, which was called the "Red" [faction] driver's...). Nicet. Choniata, fragment on the looting by the Latins, p. 415. Fabr. V, VI, On the throne of the emperors, from which they watched the games, Du Cange on Bondelm. p. 183. 29. *Phala* in the circus are called the divisions between the *euripus* and the *metae*, because there, with towers built for the occasion, a fight with weapons used to be held. Servius Aen. IX, v. 705. *Phalin* is white [color], from which also *phalaria* [trappings]. Eustath. p. 87, vol. I, in Hom. On the statue of Justinian, which was in the Hippodrome, an equestrian epigram, V. Band. p. 138, from Assyrian spoils. Mention is made of the victor of the Prasina and Veneta factions with changed horses in Band. p. 166. The Prasina faction celebrates the victor with song. P. 169. A structural Colossus, which was in the CSP Hippodrome, erected by Const. Porph., sings the epigram, p. 18. During the dedication of the city, the statue of Fortune was led to the Hippodrome. V. Band. p. 257, where there are some details about the dedication of the city. Concerning these factions see p. 501 Bandur. ^D Concerning their colors, p. 664. Emperor Theodosius relates that the *demes* and the people were brought into the Circus at Thessalonica to be run through by the soldiers, and 25,000 fell. Theophan. p. 62. Justinus crowned his wife by the name of Lupicia as Augusta, whom the *demes* called Euphemia at her crowning. P. 14. Concerning the Prasino-Veneta faction, see p. 194. The Emperor sent mandates to the Circus factions; to the Venetians with these words: "Emperor Justinian has died among you"; to the Prasini: "Emperor Justinian lives among you." Theoph. p. 205. Sergius, the *demarch* (tribune) of the Prasina faction, by whose help Germanus seeks the empire. P. 342. Theoph. A noteworthy passage p. 246, under Phocas, in whose nuptials the crowned images of Priscus and Dometia were hung, in an equestrian contest.

^A silver polycandela [multi-lamp holders] were not hanging from silver chains, taken from the temple of the most holy Mother of God of the Pharos; but in the eastern conch, in the place of the three polycandela, three *infulae* [pendants] were suspended; in the middle, indeed, one of the color of the Green faction, from the Holy Apostles, with the cross and dove standing above it; to its right hung an *infula* of the color of the Blue faction, from the holy Mother of God of the Pharos, with cross and dove; finally, to its left, a Blue *infula* from the church of the holy and great martyr Demetrius, with cross and dove. These three *infulae* were made by the command of Constantine, the Christ-loving Lord. In the four central points or middle panels or floorings of the middle tower… ^{B C D}

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...I shall say that you should dine. It seems that this custom of carrying such *elenchoi* [pendants] or pendents or hangers came from the East. Certainly the kings and magnates of the Persians wore such things. Thus narrates the author of the Arabic book entitled *Riyhan elabab* and filled with historical and known matters, in the description of the battle which is called in Arabic *iaum dhy qår*, that he who killed the Persian emperor seized his silk garment embroidered with gold, and both his *tremaster* [pendants] and his bracelets. He was indeed adorned like the Persian emperors. This same thing did Brissonius also demonstrate in his book *On the Kingdom of the Persians* from Greek authors.

(14) ...*Schnierbruste*, stays for the breasts, whether they were already stiffened with whalebone or fashioned in some other way.

(15) It seems that the triclinium [dining hall] was such, or was being decorated, prepared augustly (later Latin authors call it *paratorium*), or it was a place in which the *kosmos*, the world, jewelry, gems, and pearls were stored; and for that reason it was the same as the *margariten* [pearl-place], of which Leo Grammaticus makes mention (p. 473). If gymnastic exercises had been in use at Constantinople in the Middle Ages, I would conjecture that the *kosmetes* [decorator] was the *palaistra*, the gymnasium. Indeed, the church of Maria in Cosmedin at Rome—which Radevicus in *Life of Frederick I*, 17 and 22, and Keislerus in *Itinerarium*, p. 519, mention—was formerly nothing else than a *palaistra*, as its other name, *Schola Graeca*, sufficiently indicates. Young Romans went there to learn physical exercises according to the Greek custom (*der griechische Fecht und Tantzboden*). Perhaps it was the same as the stadium of the Greeks, which Capitolinus mentions in *Antoninus Pius*, c. 8. For it is read there thus, not *Graecostadium*, as it is commonly edited. Later centuries called it *paratorium*. In the description of the regions of the City, edited by Mabillon: "From the Flaminian Gate as far as the *paratorium*," that is, the *paratorium*, which originated from the left-handed [i.e., incorrect] interpretation of the verb *kosmein* [to adorn], which here signifies nothing other than to adorn, to prepare. To the Greeks, it is the same as *askein* [to practice], *gymnazein* [to exercise]. Hence Arrian appends (Dissert. Epict., see p. 304, 305, and 310), where he says that Alexander the Great was *taxai kai hoplisai kai kosmesai daemonesteron*, most scientifically skilled in ordering the military into battle line, in arming them, and in exercising them. Maximus Tyrius (Serm. 22, p. 222, ed. Heinsius): "*Ti de hoi Kretes? ou soi dokousin hypo basilei to Mino kosmethentes kalos* [What of the Cretans? Do they not seem to you, having been well-ordered under King Minos—not only instructed by beautiful laws but also well-exercised in running, javelin, archery, and other exercises—to have attributed the teacher of virtue to him, Zeus?]" In Greek gymnasia, the master of exercises was the *kosmetes*. See Corsini, *Fasti Attici*, Vol. II. From this you may understand and correct that of Antagoras in Diogenes Laertius (p. 24): *katharos biotos sophias epi theion ekosmei agona* (not *aiona*), "a pure life practiced for the divine contest of wisdom."

(16) ...windows? I certainly looked to that in the translation. It is better that this does not occur to me. Concerning the following, one may compare the passage of Constantine *On the Themes* (p. 4), where ill… [alt-version omitted]

(17) Not *mesos* [middle], but *mesa*, that is *mensa* [table]; it must be corrected, this word. In the Middle Ages, not a few were saying *mesa* instead of *mensa* and *mesis* instead of *mensis*. Atto the Bishop (in Du Cange, s.v. *Confertum*) calls them *commessalia*, which Isidorus Mercator calls *commensalia*. *Pesa* for *pensa*, for *pensatio* [weighing], and *pesare* for *pensare* [to weigh], to ponder. And so they would omit the 'n' where they ought not, and conversely they would insert it beyond reason and necessity, as in the immediately preceding word *minsouria* instead of *missoria*, which are so called because in them the *missus* [dishes] were brought in. Joannes, Bishop of Citrus (p. 330), in the *Greco-Roman Law*, not badly observes that the word *minson* [dish], *missum*, signifies "in the Italian language, the food prepared for the cooks."

(18) They sometimes translated *levata opera* [raised work]. For they called works carved in standing figures *anaglypha*, as in *Monast. Anglic.*, Vol. III, p. 310: "One silver vessel for holy water with raised work of images and interlaced vines, that is, in which the winding shoots distinguish the protruding images." They also called them *interrasilia*, because the spaces between the images were scraped, abraded, although I do not deny that *interrasile* may also be perforated and translucent, as is clear from the passage of an uncertain author (in Du Cange, s.v. *Interrasilis*) concerning Theodoric: "He ordered a golden plate to be made *interrasilem*, having four letters, LEGI [read thus, not REGIS, as it is edited]." *Missoria*—dishes and the rest of the dining apparatus of the ancients—used to be of raised sculpted work. Hence Sidonius Apollinaris says (lib. IX): "The bearers [to wit, of the dishes] bowing their heads, With *anaglyphico metallo* [chased metal], Superb feasts, They carry on their burdened shoulders."

See what Salmasius notes (in *Script. Hist. Aug.*, vol. II, p. 401) concerning the *boletar halieuticum* [fish-platter]. A representation of such a *boletar*, or at least of a fish-platter, or of fishermen drawing fish out with a hook and distinguished by images, can be seen in Ciampini, Vol. II, *Monum. Veter.*, tab. I. An elegant and well-known description of an *anaglyph* [chased] cup is at the beginning of Theocritus, which one may compare with those of the old charter (in Du Cange, s.v. *Crucibulum*): "My gilded cup, and throughout the whole outer part, engraved with vine-dressers fighting against dragons." From this let it be understood what a *thuribulum de opere pinonato* [censer of pine-cone work] is (in Du Cange, s.v. *Pinonatus*), to wit, with carved figures of pine-nuts or pine-cones. Also what *opus scapolatum* [shoulder/scapula-work] is among them (in the same place), where he cites this passage: "A gilded silver chalice with a foot *cocleato et scapolato et pineato* [snail-shaped and scallop-shaped and pine-adorned]," that is, in which snails and scallops or little seeds and pine-nuts or pine-cones were carved. In the Middle Ages they also called such works *gravellata*, which the French today call *gravé* (*Histor. Episcop. Antisidor.*, in Du Cange, s.v. *Missorium*): "He gave an *anacleum gravellatum* dish," where Du Cange is not to be heeded.

^A they correspond, the *apelatici*, the *trilexia*, and the *tetralexia* ought to be recited.

166 CHAPTER LXIV.

Things to be observed, if the emperor is to be received in the Golden Hippodrome on the day after the Sunday of Antipascha.

I. The *paraton* is given by mandate through the praepositus on Sunday evening, when the emperor returns from the procession of Saint Mocius; and on that day, the two factions perform, each in its own *phiale*, their own *facularia*, which they are accustomed to perform singly. On the following or second day, all appear dressed in white tunics; the patricians, indeed, in tunics bordered with gold, while the others proceed according to their own rank. The master of ceremonies then comes to announce to the praepositus that the demarchs have brought their *libellaria*. All are present in the Justinian triclinium; the praepositi also enter the *tripetone*, as was stated above, with all the cubicularii and the doorkeepers carrying their rods. Escorted by all these, they proceed from the *tripetone*, and passing through the Lausiacus hall, they enter the Justinian triclinium. In this hall all the cubicularii, the master of ceremonies, and the silentiarii stand on either side according to their rank, while the praepositi stand in the center at their head.

^B II. The tribunes, approaching the silentiarii, salute the praepositi with bowed heads; then, passing through the middle of the cubicularii, they deliver the *libellaria* to them. They, upon receiving them, grant the *paraton* by mandate; and then the praepositi, having returned from there, escorted by those mentioned above, enter the *tripetone* through the Lausiacus hall; likewise the demarchs go down, each to his own *phiale*, preparing the things for the reception; when the factions are ordered and the vessels have advanced, and with a word all those whose service is necessary for the *deximon* are ready.

^A When the Saracen friends were sitting at the sacred table, the *psaltai*, those of the apostolic [school], sang inside the veil in the chamber [which looks] toward the imperial bedchamber; the Hagiosophitai, meanwhile, stood inside the veil in the chamber which looks toward the Pantheon, singing *basilikia* throughout the [entirety of the] *kleitorion*, remaining silent only at the entrances of the *minsai* so that the instruments might play. It is to be noted that, after the emperor had risen from the table, before the friends left, they were given [gifts] through the [approaching of the] table, in golden, jeweled platters, five hundred *miliaresia* to each of the two friends, and to the remaining men of their company, three thousand *miliaresia* in total. ^B Having left the dining hall, the same friends sat in the triclinium of Justinian in its eastern section, which looks toward the middle garden, on the benches [placed] there. And the emperor sent to them, through a *koitonitos*, *oinanthia* (vine-blossom water) and rose water, as well as milk and other aromatics. And by means of the *cherniboxesta* (washbasins) prepared there, having washed and...

COMMENTARY

(22) Traductus forte ille mos hinc in aulas regum Persiæ fuit, de quorum inter convivia musica vivendi della Valle, Olearius et alii peregrinatores. Canebant autem musici imperatorum CPtanorum laudes eorum, ut noster appellat *basilikia*, pro more istorum temporum, quibus principes Europæ, ad exemplum aulæ Byzantinæ, nutrire solebant immanem copiam mimarum, scurrarum, musicorum, quos omnes ministellos appellabant (unde nati *les ménestreux et ménestriers*) velut sequioris ordinis ministros, comitativæ fæces, quorum munus erat principes non spectaculis tantum ludicris oblectare, sed et eorum aures variis ^C avorum adeoque ipsorum principum laudibus non sine assentatione cum cantilenis et musicis instrumentis demulcere. Verbis utor Du Cangii, cujus locus Gloss. Lat. v. *ministelli* conferri meretur, item notæ ejus ad Joinvill. p. 161. Hagiosophitæ autem ad hoc impurum genus hominum non pertinent, et musica eorum non erat petulans, non voluptuosa, sed temperata et pene sacra, ut decei homines ecclesiasticos. Musicam thymelicam intemperantem, flagitiosam aversabatur aula CPtana.

(23) Mos olim erat si quid nummorum alicui donare vellent, in scypho id aut in scutula porrigendi. Vetustus ille mos est et Herodoto jam commemoratus eleganti illo loco III, 130: Ὑποτύπτουσα ἑκάστῃ φιάλῃ τοῦ χρυσοῦ σὺν θήκῃ ἐδωρέετο τὸ Δημοκήδεα, οὕτω δή τι δαψιλὲς δωρεῇ, ὡς τοὺς ἀποπίπτοντας ἀπὸ τῶν φιαλέων στατήρας, etc. Olympiodorus apud Photium p. 108, describens nuptias Athaulfi cum Placidia, sponsæ ait a sponso donatos fuisse quinquaginta juvenes formosos, εὐειδεῖς, ἐνδεδυμένους σηρικὴν ἐσθῆτα, φέροντος ἑκάστου ταῖς χερσὶν ἀνὰ δύο μεγίστων δίσκων, ὧν ὁ μὲν χρυσίου πλήρης, ὁ δὲ τιμίων λίθων, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀτιμήτων, serica veste indutos, ferentes singulos bina scutula, quorum unum plenum erat auro, alterum lapidibus æstimabilibus, imo vero inæstimabilibus (seu pretium omne excedentibus). Symmachus Ep. X, 28: Merito vobis solemnes pateras cum quinis solidis, ut numinibus integritatis, offerimus, quibus nec vester pudor, nec noster census oneratur. De strenis loquitur. Gualfaneus de Flamma apud Murator. Ant. Ital. t. II, p. 862, describens festivos ritus, quibus olim Mediolani festum Epiphaniæ celebrabatur, inter alia ait Sanctos tres reges coronatos aureis coronis, tenentes in manibus scyphos aureos cum auro, thure et myrrha processisse. Morena in historia Laudensi p. 967, t. VI, Scr. Rer. Ital.: Mediolanenses unam cuppam auream et ex denariis plenam ipsi regi portaverunt, quatenus gratiam suam et bonam voluntatem recuperarent. Francorum reges olim, teste Du Cangio ad Joinvill. p. 88, quando largitiones vellent festis diebus inter proceres distribuere, afferri curabant in medium scyphos nummis plenos, unde sumebant, clamante præcone: *Largesse, largesse*. In Cerimoniali Romano Cencii Camerarii... phum cum nummis præsentari. Angli in banapis offerebant munera annua seu tributa sua. Est autem *hanap* (a Nap, *ein nap*), aut id, quod nobis hodie vox illa, *Nap*, notat, patera paulo profundior, aut idem quod scyphus. Sane Francicus interpres Petri Crescentii l. v, verba: *Azerus* optime convenit scyphis et paropsidibus et incisoriis faciendis, sic vertit: *est très bon pour faire hanaps* [scyphos], *escuelles* [scutula] et *plateaux*; vid. Du Cange v. *Hanappus* et *Incisorium*. Hinc factum est, ut manuscula scutellæ dicerentur ex eo, quod in scutellis porrigerentur, quemadmodum sportulæ enim dicebantur a sportellis, in quibus offerebantur. Anastasius in Bonifacio II: Hic presbyteris scutellas de adeptis hæreditatibus obtulit, id est ἀπαρχάς, particulas, gustus hæreditatum, quas nactus fuerat.

(24) Medius hortus ideo dicitur, quod in ipso palatio interceptus et structuris undique septus esset, ut ejus nihil conspici posset. ^D (25) Recenseretur hic aliquot species olfactoriæ et unguentariæ. Ut hodie gestamus nobiscum pyxydes tabaci in pulverem comminuti, ita olim non in Oriente tantum, sed et in Occidente pyxides odoriferas secum ferebant. Agnellus Pontific. Ravenn. p. 155, describens magnum luctum projecerunt a se matronæ inaures, ait et annulos et dextralia et pereselidas, et monilia, et olfactoria, et acus, specula, etc. Rolandinus Patavinus in Chronico l. I, c. 10, memorat inter alia, quibus castrum honestatis sic dictum expugnari olim consuevit, etiam jactatas ampullas balsami. Vox *oinanthia* posset quidem de illo vini genere sumi, quod medio ævo claretum appellabant. Id enim post epulas et secundum lotionem fuisse inter species seu dulcia ministratum, apparet ex Ordine Romano Gregorii X, § 14, malo tamen de odoramento aut unguento accipere, cum ejusdem generis sint, quæ deinceps memorantur. Vid. ad p. 269.

^A And if apocrisiarii are present, they stand down in the phiala, and then the master of the *katastasis* enters and conveys to the praepositus that all is ready.

^B III. But the Emperor, having entered the chamber of Saint Theodore and been crowned, passes through the Chrysotriclinium, escorted by the chiefs of the cubiculum, while behind the Emperor are the eunuch protospatharioi, wearing their *sticharia* and *sabana*, and carrying their *spathovaklia*. And having gone out into the Tripeton, they stand in the way of the gate leading from the Tripeton into the Lausiakos, while the patricians and generals stand on either side in the Lausiakos up to the entrance gate in the Justinian. In front of this same gate of the Justinian stands the master of the *katastasis*, and when the aforementioned patricians and generals have prostrated themselves, the praepositus gives a signal to the master of the *katastasis* by command, and being escorted by the chiefs of the cubiculum, the patricians and generals, he goes out into the Justinian Triclinium of the processional. ^C And when all have stood in the same triclinium—the aforementioned patricians and generals with all the senate—on either side, the Emperor stands at the first *omphalion*. And all those previously mentioned, having come, prostrate themselves, and when they have risen, the praepositus gives a signal to the silentiarius, who is standing in the lower part of the reception hall, by command, and he says: "Order it"; and they call out to the Emperor: "For many and good years."

IV. And the Emperor, being escorted by all of them together, by the spatharocandidati, who are wearing *maniakia* and swords, and carrying shields and *dustralia*, passes through, and when they are about to exit the gate leading from the Justinian towards the solar,[*] immediately the cubicularius who is the precentor spreads out the *parakyptikon* ^D in front of the *sentzios* over the breastwork of the *cangella*. But the master of the *katastasis*, having taken the end of the Emperor's *chlanis*, makes the *rhosthelium* and hands it to the Emperor, who, ascending, stands before the throne, and thrice to the people...

wiping themselves with precious napkins ^A (26) and being abundantly filled with sweet-smelling (27) and fragrant drops and ointments, they again went out through the Lausiacus, the Horologium, and the Chrysotriclinium, via the eastern gates of the Chrysotriclinium, and coming out through the sun-room of the Pharos, they descended through the sun-room of the New Church and of the Great Triclinium into the Tzykanisterion. There, having again mounted their horses, they departed to their own palace, that is, the Chryseon.

Be it known that embossed *minSOURIA* and bowls were still hanging in the great ornament of the Chrysotriclinium, and the small embossed bowls were hanging in the skylight arches of the dome.

Be it known that, several days having passed, the Saracen friends asked to see and converse with the Emperor, and since the Chrysotriclinium had been stripped ^B of the aforementioned "line" (28), the three wreaths were hung in the small tower that stands perpetually and daily in the Chrysotriclinium, in the central parts of that same tower: toward the east, the green wreath of the Holy Apostles; on the right, the blue wreath of the all-holy Theotokos of the Pharos; and on the left, the blue wreath of the holy great martyr Demetrius, along with their crosses. And the three doves (29) of the three wreaths were hung in the western central part of the same tower. And from there and hereafter, two thrones were set up in the same tower: on the right toward the east, that of Arcadius, in which Romanos the Porphyrogennetos and crown-bearing Emperor sat; and on the left, the throne of Saint Constantine. ^C From there and hereafter, that is to say on the right and left of the Chrysotriclinium, the other royal thrones were set up, as well as the two golden couches and the two silver footstools, in which the western *velum* is also raised.

JOAN. JAC. REISKI COMMENTARY. (26) *Membran.* *anaglyphôn* etc. (27) Of more ancient Greeks' use of ointments for washing and anointing themselves after banquets, see Athenaeus, p. 409 c. fin. (28) *Grammē* is a picture, a line, so they used to say in the Middle Ages *grammizein*, to paint, *grammistēs*, a painter, in the famous passage of Theophanes, p. 247. Such are those whom Themistius, p. 223, calls *poikillontas*, who whitewash the walls of houses on the outside or encrust them with lime, and on the inside paint them with colors ^D and figures; likewise those who made flowered floors with mosaic or tessellated work, of which see Salmasius *ad Script. Hist. Aug.* vol. II, pp. 559 and 710, where he says they were called *dealbatores*, *coloratores*, or *indikoplastai*, because they would stain the walls with indigo or woad. They also painted walls with black color during times of mourning; see Du Cange *Gloss. lat.* v. *Litra*. There are also *grammistai* who depicted images of things not only on walls, wood, and linens with colors and a brush, but also on trees pruned with shears. So above, p. 331, we had *grammizein apo daphnōn stauria kai stephania*, to paint and adorn dining rooms, walkways, etc., with bays pruned into the shape of crosses and twisted into wreaths. (29) Before, I explained my opinion concerning the *infulae* [wreaths/ornaments], that they were figures of doves placed above the crosses with which the tops of the *infulae* were decorated. Whether they were fixed and immovably attached, I was in doubt. From this passage it appears that these doves could be detached from the *infulae*. Were they perhaps adapted to the crosses by means of screws? Or were they rather casings for the *infulae*? Certainly, in the Middle Ages they were accustomed to fashion capsules for sacred objects, consecrated bread, and relics in the likeness of doves, wishing thereby to signify that the power of the Holy Spirit dwells within the enshrined relics and preserves and sanctifies them; see Du Cange *ad Pauli Silentiarii Ecphrasin S. Sophiae* p. 575, and *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Columba* and *Gr.* v. *Peristera*. It appears from the passages cited there that an image of a dove hung from ciboria above altars and above baptisteries, from the feet of which crosses hung by a hook or chain.

and when all the people have shouted, "Holy," he sits upon his throne. The officials of the bedchamber stand on either side, and the patricians likewise, together with the domestics and the senate, stand near the lattice-openings, not leaning upon them, but standing erect. And after the populace has shouted, "Holy," and the organ in the phiale has played, the praepositus catches the signal from the Emperor and makes a sign with his hand three times; the organ ceases, and then the factions begin to perform all the customary rites. When the populace has offered its acclamations and spoken, the organ plays, and when it stops, the people begin the *apelatikon*. And when the people begin the *apelatikon*, the praepositus, by command, makes a sign to the Master of Ceremonies, and the Master of Ceremonies, moving away, makes a sign to the great domestics of the *tagmata* according to custom, and they go down into the phiale and stand in their proper order. When the *apelatikon* is finished, the organ plays, and when it stops, those of the faction—as is their custom—say the *tetralekta* and perform the *aktologia*; they also say the *augoustiaka*, and when these are finished, they begin the *phone*. And when they begin the *phone*, the Master of Ceremonies takes the signal from the praepositus by command, and makes a sign to the hypatikoi, and they depart and enter into the Justinian, and stand in their proper order on either side. When the *phone* is finished, the Emperor stands up, and immediately the organ plays again. The Emperor stands behind the throne, and behind him stand the *protosthatharioi* eunuchs [who have] changed clothes. The officials of the bedchamber, both patricians and strategoi, stand on either side before the Emperor as far as the entrance gate from the side in the Justinian.

V.

and their own shirts, and wreaths made of ribbons ^A, carrying their own hand-cloths; and the Apostolitai and Hagiosophitai wore the *holoblatta* (all-silk) shirts of the *skeptos*, and those for the *phialion*, and the other vestments of those ministering in the nineteen *akoubitai* (chambers). The *demotai* (citizens) standing in the two great *demoi* (divisions) of the Venetoi and the Prasinoi carried the *phengia* (crescent-staffs) of the *saximon* (procession). The four *heniochoi* (charioteers) wore the gala state-dresses of the golden Hippodrome; while the others wore the four *bigarios* (minor dress sets). The *lpikoi* (local) *bigarioi* wore gymnastic dress. The four *eikastai* (image-makers/decorators) and all the workmen wore golden *holosemnta* (all-embroidered) short-sleeved tunics. The civil administration wore the white *chlanidia* (cloaks) of the four *tagmata* (regiments). When the part of the Venetoi won, the *saximon* took place according to the custom of the Lachanikos Hippodrome, clearly with the winners being decorated by the four *eikastai* and all the workmen of the two parts who had worn the *holosemnta* short-sleeved tunics, and with the *demotai* of the two parts carrying the *phengia* of the *saximon*. The *demarchos* of the Venetoi, as victor, according to the custom of the Lachanikos Hippodrome, wore the true *sagion* (cloak), and he too was decorated. For it was decreed, as a demonstration for the Saracen friends, that the citizens, the *eikastai*, and the workmen of the other part should also be decorated. For the old custom does not provide for this, but only for the decoration of the citizens, *eikastai*, and workmen of the winning part. The *heniochoi* and the *demarchos*, and the citizens, *eikastai*, and workmen, having performed the *saximon* according to the custom, stood in the 'H' and having shouted their acclamations, passed through the middle, and went off to their own church, the Theotokos *Hyperealia* (the Virgin of the Seashore) ^B, for the *diakonisses* service, according to the custom of the Lachanikos Hippodrome. On the 6th of the month of August, that is, on the feast of the brilliant Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus Christ, the feast was celebrated according to the...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(30) I think the *phengia* were staves with a hand-rest curved on both sides in the likeness of the Greek letter Ψ, so that the handle resembled two horns of a half-moon. The Patriarch of Constantinople still carries a staff today called a *dikanikion*, which differs from this form only in that it has a transverse silver bar at the top, just as the horns or handle themselves are silver. Or perhaps our *phengia* were such staves, like the one seen held by that Basck of the Giaschorum or the captain of the guards in the collection of Ferriol’s bronze tablets, plate 14, formed in this way: -(-

The Greeks of old called the moon *selene* and a star *aster*, while those of today call it *phengos* and *phengen*, that is, *phengion*. It is clear, therefore, why they called staves equipped with a two-horned handle moons or little moons. In the same way, they once called *selenidas* those straps sewn to the shoes of senators which were pointed on both sides in the likeness of a half-moon and hollow in the middle, and also *episphyria* [in the shape of a half-moon]; and Herodes Atticus in his dedication, stating the Regilla [has] *asteroenta pedila*, calls such shoes "moon-shaped shoes." For *aster* is the moon; see Salmasius on that passage, p. 152. This seems to me to be the best and most true explanation of our word. Now I shall propose two others, in my own opinion less probable, but let the learned decide concerning them. The first is this: the ancient Greeks called *selenia* bald heads; see Salmasius, *Dialogus de Coma inter Caesarium et Curtium*, p. 36. Were the *phengia*, therefore, staves with heads made of ivory, or silver, or gold, in the likeness of bald men, such as Socrates or Aesop are said by some to be? The second is this: *phengion* denotes among modern Greeks a nimbus, such as is painted around the heads of saints. The ancients called them by the moon, likewise *meniskoi*. What if, therefore, the *phengia* or staves called "nimbi" had at the very top such nimbi, or broad, round, silver plates? Just as shield-bearers among the Latins wore hats or caps on staves. The *Ceremoniale Romanum*, book 1, section 2, makes mention of those hats in these words: "Following these are four nobles carrying four crimson hats on certain staves, who are called honorary shield-bearer chamberlains." Indeed, further on p. 418, the *brabeum* or insignia of the ushers is called *rhabdos perikephalaian echousa*, a staff with a capital. That capital does not seem to be anything other than a round covering made to the shape of a hat or a flat disk.

^A nod, as has been said above. When all things have been completed, the emperor passes through, escorted by the officials of the cubiculum, the patricians, and the generals, through the Justinian triclinium; the senate, together with the spatharocandidati and the spatharii, stand on this side and that, and likewise the carriage ^B stands to the left of the gate leading out of the Justinian triclinium into the Lausiakos, where also the bench of the curopalates stands. As the emperor passes, as has been mentioned, through the midst of the senate, they all wish him well: "For many and good years," and the emperor, escorted by the officials of the cubiculum, passes through the tripeton and enters the Chrysotriklinos. And having entered within the veil into the chamber of Saint Theodosius, the praepositus takes the crown from the head of the emperor, and then the vestitores, having entered by order, take the chlamys of the emperor ^C and go out. The emperor sits down until all the preparation for the reception, similar to that of the phiale of the Greens, has been transferred to the phiale of the Veneti—that is, the vessels and the polity, if they happen to be there, as has been mentioned—and the envoys of the nations, and then, after all those who are to serve in the ceremony have been readied, the one in charge of the ceremony makes it known to the praepositus that all things are ready, and the praepositus makes it known to the emperor what he has been taught by the one in charge of the ceremony, and having received a sign from the praepositus by order, he gives the signal for the movement in the Lausiakos.

VI. The patricians and generals, with the senators and the consulares, ^D passed through the caminus, ascended the staircase, and entered through the gate of the cenaculum; and having come through the chamber in front of the pantheon, they went out through the single door into the solarium; and all those mentioned above stand in the solarium on this side and that from the gate leading out of the Chrysotriklinos, in the aforementioned solarium up to the camelauchion, in which the seat stands. The emperor, having entered in front of the aforementioned veil, is clothed in his chlamys by the vestitores, and the vestitores having left, the praepositus crowns the emperor, and the emperor, escorted by the officials of the cubiculum, goes off to the chamber which is to the east of the Chrysotriklinos, with the officials of the cubiculum standing on this side and that; the other gates of the Chrysotriklinos, which lead out to the solarium, are closed. And two cubicularii stand, one on the right, the other on the left, holding one gate each; and having received a sign, these same cubicularii open them suddenly, and the emperor, escorted by these cubicularii, makes for the solarium, and stands there on the porphyry stone: the patricians and generals with the whole senate fall prostrate to the ground; behind them stand the protospatharii, the spatharocandidati, and the spatharii, these with their torques and spathobacula, those with their torques and scutaria,

Another reception, namely of the Delemici [or Dilemitae].

It should be noted that on the thirtieth of the month of August, on a Sunday, upon the arrival of the Delemici, the Emir of Emet [or Amida], and of his apocrisiarius or plenipotentiary envoy, Abu Chabdani [or Hamdanide], a reception took place, identical in every way to the aforementioned reception. Gold seats were placed in the middle of the great triclinium of the Magnaura, upon which the sovereigns sat; the chamberlains did not enter to stand there. Only the kōitōnitai and all the hebdomadarii stood by, with their own changes of clothing.

^{A B C D}

JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS' COMMENTARY.

(52) That is, Delemikios. Many Greeks and Latins form the genitive in this way. Where the Latins have a double iota, or a resolved iota, which they usually express in a single contracted form with a larger letter, there the Greeks place a double iota, but joined in the middle with a transverse bar, H. Delemikē is therefore the same as Delemic or Delemicii. Thus below, p. 379, there is *Symbatikē*, Symbaticus, and p. 379, *tou Pankratē*, Theodorus of the family of Pancratius. P. 385 is: *paralia tou Thrakēsē*, the maritime coast of Thracesius, for *Thrakesiou*, meaning of the theme. See what is to be said regarding p. 371. Cedrenus, p. 702, has *Chrysovergē*, Chrysovergi, for *Chrysovergiou*; Leo Grammaticus, p. 458, *Armēnē* for *Armēniou*. Anna Comnena, in the *Alexiad*, p. 230, has: "a certain place called *tou Lebounē*," which she calls *tou Lebouniou* on p. 232. Nicetas, p. 125, ed. Ven., mentions "the beautiful building of the Eparch of the city, belonging to Panteknēs," that is, *Pantekniou*, which is a family name there. Hence, let the marble mentioned by Aringhius, Vol. I, lib. 1, c. 22, and Corsinius in the *Appendix to the Notes on the Greeks*, p. 39, be understood and corrected: *Valerē*, Balērē is *Varl* Valer, the first word not rightly rendered by the grave accent. In the same place, one reads *Antōnie*, that is, *Antōniai*, and *teknōn mētēri* (for *mētri*), from whom he had children. *Philia* is not a Greek word denoting friendship, but the Latin word *filia* written in Greek letters. Moreover, read *bion alupē*. But this in passing. I do not doubt that this genitive termination was good Greek and used by the ancients as well, and that the Latins received it from the Greeks. I do not doubt that the Greeks once formed it thus: *Eretrēs* for *Eretrios*, *Etrē* for *Eretriou*, *Etrēn* for *Eretrion*. Indeed, *tauron Eretēn* exists in Diogenes Laertius, p. 153, where the meter does not admit *Eretrion*. That the termination *-ēs* in the nominative is nothing other than *-eos* contracted, I have demonstrated elsewhere. In the same way, they sometimes said *-ē* contracted for *-ēou* through necessity or case endings. Thus *brabē* is for *brabeion* in that ancient epigram in Demosthenes *On the Crown* near the end, which passage is to be corrected thus:

Striving for virtue and for excellence, they did not save Their lives, but made Hades the common reward.

In which place *aretēs kai deigmatos* (not *deimatos*, as it is commonly edited) *marnasthai* is the same as to fight for virtue and its demonstration on the part of each.

But who that Delemicius was, whom our codex says was an envoy from Abu Hamdan to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, is not certain. For *Delemicius* or *Delemicus* is not the man's true name, but a gentilic. He was so called because he was a Dilemita by nation. He seems not to have been a ruler *sui juris*, but an emir, that is, a duke or strategus or castellan (if you prefer to call him so), a fiduciary of the city and region of Amida, and held the province of Amida as a *timar* or fief from the Hamdanid. The Dilemic race is equally as famous in history as the Greek, later the Arab, as is the city of Emet or Amida, today Diarbekir or more briefly Diarbek. They dominated part of Cilicia, Mesopotamia, and Syria as Arab Emirs, and were called Hamdanids from the founder of the race, Hamdan. Each of them was called Abu Hamdan, that is, Hamdanid, of the race of Hamdan. For that is not a proper name, but a gentilic one. If you consult the Arab grammarians, they instruct you not to say Abu Hamdan, but Ibn Chamdan or Hamdan. And so it is read always and everywhere in written books. Common usage, however, does not care for this rule, but uses "Abu," which properly denotes "father," indifferently in gentilic names for "Ibn" or "son." Della Valle and Teixeira mention in their *Itineraries* an Arab prince equal to him, Abu Risch. He was one of the race of Rischi, whom books call Ibn Raiesch. Nothing is more frequent or common in the old name than Avicenna. Abu Sina, the common folk said for Ibn Sina, as it is written in all the books. Averroes, Abu Roschd, Ibn Roschd. So therefore also *Apochabda* (that is, *Abou Chamdan*) for *Ibn Chamdan*. For the spelling *Chamdan* and *Chambdan* is correct. As for those who show *Chabdān*, they have permuted the letters—due to ignorance of Arabic—which are very dissimilar in the manuscripts. Finally, the circumflex accent somewhat supplies the defect of the missing *nu* at the end; see what I said at p. 319. That Abuchamdan who is mentioned here could hardly have been anyone other than Naseroddaulah, the elder brother of that Saifoddaulah whom Nicephorus Phocas routed several times near Berrhoea and in Cilicia.

others also with their scutaria and distralia. The ^A *epi tes katastaseos* stands in the middle of the receiving hall, and when, as has been said before, all have bowed and risen again, the praepositus, upon an order from the emperor, signals to the *epi tes katastaseos*, and he says: "Command."

VII. Concerning the Patricians and Strategi

The patricians and strategi, along with the senate and the consulares, depart and take up their station, as has been said above; and the *epi tes katastaseos* having performed the *rhosthelion*, as is customary for him, gives it to the emperor. ^B Immediately the *phonobolos* cubicularius unfolds the *parakyptikon* over the *stetheon* that is placed beneath the camelaucium in front of the *sentzios*, and the emperor signs to the people three times, as is his custom, and sits upon the *sentzios*. Immediately the demarch, as the organ is played, cries out with a loud voice: "Holy." And the praepositus, having received the signal from the emperor and having leaned over, signals three times with his hand, and the organ ceases. When the organ has ceased, those of the faction begin to perform all the usual things. After the faction has made ^C its acclamations and has finished its chant, the organ plays, and when it ceases, the people begin the *apelatikon*. And immediately the praepositus receives a signal from the emperor, and he signals to the *epi tes katastaseos*, and he to the four *domestikoi* of the *tagmata*, as is the custom, and they go down and stand below in the phiale in their own order. When the *apelatika* have been finished, the organ plays, and when it ceases, those of the faction recite the *tetralekta* (71) and also the *augoustiaka*, and when these are finished, they begin the chant. When they begin, the *epi tes katastaseos* receives a signal from the praepositus, and he signals to the consulares, and they go away and enter into the Chrysotriclinos, and stand there in their own ^D orders. When the chant has been finished, the emperor rises, and the organ plays, and the emperor stands behind the *sentzios*, and behind him stand the eunuch protospatharii in their change-of-dress cloaks, and before him stand the officials of the *kouboukleion* on this side and that, together with the patricians and strategi, as far as the gate leading into the Chrysotriclinos. And the praepositus, having received a signal from the emperor, gives a signal to the *phonobolos* cubicularius, and he, having leaned over, signals three times to the people with his hand; and the organ ceases, and with it those of the faction, and the *phonobolos* says: "O Almighty and all-merciful God," and the rest. And when he has finished, those of the faction begin to ask for the usual four petitions, and when they have reached an end, the emperor signals to the praepositus, and he to the *phonobolos*, and he provides the signal with his hand, performing this three times for each petition, as has been said above.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(70) The author says that the *pectoral* or *cancellum*, and thus the *moenianum* itself from which one looked out into the circus, was beneath the camelaucium. It appears that that covering placed above the *moenianum* (which you might call an umbrella or a meniscus), which would shield him from rain and sun, was called a camelaucium for that reason, because it covered the *moenianum* just as a camelaucium covers the head; especially if it had an orbicular or conical shape. (71) For there were four *tagmata*, each of which had individual *domestikoi*: the Schools, the Excubitors, the Hicanati, and the Numbers.

^A VIII. Thus the emperor proceeds through the same solar passage, accompanied by the prefects of the bedchamber, the patricians, and the *strategoi*, and enters the Chrysotriklinos and takes his stand before the throne, while all those mentioned above stand on either side. And the *praepositos*, having received a signal from the emperor, says, "Give the command." And they call out long life to the emperor: "For many years!" And they depart. When the emperor has entered, the *praepositos* takes the crown from his head, and the *vestitores* enter and themselves take the *chlamys* and depart; and the emperor, if he so commands, makes promotions in rank, advancing those from the rank of *eparchs* up to *patricians*, and thus, the *kletorion* having been arranged, the *minsai* (banquets) take place. It is to be noted that on this day, the *saxima* do not enter the *kletorion*, but the *demarchoi* banquet as is customary on this day, each in his own *phiale* with the leaders of the factions. ^B

CHAPTER LXV. What must be attended to regarding the *saximon* 72, that is, the *kletorion*.

^Ait, and brings it back, and hands it to the *nipsistiarios*, and the *domestikos* of the Schools, together with the *noumeros*, the *demarchos*, and the tribunes and vicars and the demotes, begin to dance, moving around the table three times. ^B It is necessary to know that the tribunes and the vicars are clothed in gold-embroidered *kontomanika*—some blue, some white—and on their feet they have *podopsella*, carrying in their hands what are called *phengia*.

II. After having danced three times, all descend and stand below the table, opposite the masters. And the *kraktai* say: “This kingdom, O Lord, establish!” and the people (three times) say: “This kingdom, O Lord, establish!” The *kraktai*: “O Lord, ^C their life for the sake of our life!” and the people likewise three times. And then the one in charge of the table descends with the *apokombion*, which is carried by the *artoklines*, and hands it to the *domestikos*; and as these prostrate themselves, the *kraktai* say: “Many, many, many!” and the people: “Many years for many years.” And they sing the dance hymn: “The masters shine, the world rejoices! The Augustae shine, the world rejoices! And the Porphyrogeniti, the world rejoices! ^D The senate and the whole palace exult, the world rejoices! The city and all of Romania exult, the world rejoices! Augustae, our joy and wealth! So, O Lord, grant them many years.” The *kraktai*: “For the emperors!” and the people: “Many years!” The *kraktai*: “Happy years for the emperor…”

…” and the people: “Yea, O Lord, many and happy be their years.” The *kraktai*: “And for the Augustae!” and the people: “Many years!” The *kraktai*: “Many years for them!” and the people: “Yea, O Lord, many and happy be their years.” The *kraktai*: “For the Porphyrogeniti!” and the people: “Many years!” The *kraktai*: “Many years for them!” and the people: “Yea, O Lord, many and happy be their years.” And thereupon they all pray for long life. ^B Saximum II. The Green faction enters according to the aforementioned rite, with the Domestic of the Excubitors, the Prefect of the Walls, the Demarch, and the tribunes, vicars, and the people of that faction. It should be known that this saximum is performed exactly according to the aforementioned rite, except that the tribunes and vicars wear green garments with cut-out gold segments and short sleeves, and red ones as well. Note that this whole procedure is also carried out for the Augustal convocation.

Chapter LXVI

I. On the night of that day, the patricians, strategi, and the entire senate arrive, each one in changed garments, and the Master of Ceremonies reports to the Praepositus that the factions are ready, that the demarchs have brought their petitions (*libelli*), and that they are present on the consular benches in the Justinianic triclinium. The Praepositus then enters the tripeton with all the cubicularii, orders the ostiarii to take up their wands, and, escorted by them, he proceeds ^C to the Lausiacus, where the Master of Ceremonies waits with the silentiarii. From there, accompanied by the cubicularii, the Master of Ceremonies, the silentiarii, and the ostiarii carrying their wands, he proceeds to the Justinianic triclinium. It must be noted that when the Praepositus proceeds through the Lausiacus with his retinue, everyone rises; for on that day he sustains the person of the emperor, which is why the same rite and honor are shown to him as to the prince. The officials of the bedchamber stand on both sides of that same triclinium, and the Praepositus in their midst. Then the demarchs come with the petitions, and, passing through the middle of the bedchamber officials, they approach the Praepositus and worship him; he, having inclined his body slightly, receives the petitions—which the two demarchs each hold—one in the name of the emperor and the other in the name of the Praepositus ^D. Having then returned with the solemn retinue mentioned, he seeks the tripeton; where, having waited a short while, he departs, and all withdraw to their own places in order. When the factions are ready, and...

the utensils have been brought out, and in short, all those who wish to perform service ^A in the decimus—or if there happen to be any apocrisiarii, they too stand at the phiala—the one in charge of the arrangement enters and says to the praepositus that everything is prepared. The praepositus enters and notifies the emperor, and then, in this manner, the signal to move is given. The patricians and all the bearded officials pass through the lausiacum and the steps there, and through the single door that leads into the eidikon, they enter the hemicycle of the mystical phiala of the triconchon.

II. When all the aforementioned have taken their stand ^B opposite the temple of St. John and are awaiting the emperor, the emperor, accompanied by the cubiculum, passes through the cloisters of the Forty Holy Martyrs 85, and exits through the glazed single door of the hemicycle, and enters the triconchon. Then the praepositus calls the vestitores, and they clothe him in his chlamys; and immediately all depart. The emperor is crowned by the praepositus of the cubiculum who stands there. It must be known that the emperor is never crowned in the presence of bearded men, ^C as this custom has been preserved from the very beginning 86 of this tradition. ^D

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(83) The two demarchoi each hold two libellaria, one for the emperor, the other for the praepositus. For the word *logos* (λόγος) denotes this in Byzantine writers, being used very frequently to mean "for," "on account of." See Goar on Codinus, p. 120, where he observes that the common people use *logos* for *logos*, of which examples also exist in our manuscript; likewise the *Chronicle* manuscript, mentioned by Du Cange in the *Glossarium Graecum*. The same has P. 832. Compare Theophanes p. 21, at the end. Leo Grammaticus p. 482. The usage also held among the ancient Greeks: see Aristides, Vol. 1, p. 427, ed. S. Jebb, last line, where one should read: "instead of one feast, on account of or for one feast to be prepared for the king."

(84) *Boulome-non* (βουλομένων) for *adeoke* (ἀδεόκε) is the same as saying, "those who were going to perform their duty." Cf. p. 134 and 136, and below p. 329: "as many outsiders as will be present." Macedonius Hypatus in the *Anthologia*, p. 24, at the end: "I sneezed near the tomb, and was soon to hear What I surmised was the portion of my spouse. If there were no war, she would always be ordering something, Either to draw water, or to serve, or to cut wood, Or to yoke, or to rearrange..." —is either a variant reading or an interpretation of the preceding word, that is, […].

(85) The forty martyrs were those who were drowned in the pool at Sebastia, whose memory is celebrated on the ninth of March. See *Menologium Basilium* Vol. III, p. 20. Theophanes, pp. 13, 217. Cedrenus, 761, 8, Du Cange *Glossarium Graecum*, p. 1504, end. As to whether the "thunderbolt" martyrs belong to these forty, let others decide.

(86) He designates the origins of the city of Constantine and the imperial rule of Constantinople and the royal city. I do not recall reading that eunuchs held sway in his court, but that they held much power for the ruin of others under Constantius, his son, and that because of the hatred of their crimes, that most wicked race was expelled from the court by Julian.

^A While the officials of the cubiculum are standing here and there, the spatharocubicularii and the cubicularii stand behind the officials of the cubiculum; some of them in the conch above at the step, and others on the left, likewise at the step. And the praepositus, having received a sign from the emperor, signals to the ostiarius who is standing at the veil, and he brings in the patricians and the strategoi; and when they have entered the triclinium and have taken their places, the emperor is venerated by the officials of the cubiculum, and the praepositus receives a sign to say in a louder voice: "Command!" and the others pray: "For many and good years." This takes place at every banquet given by the emperor.

III.

^A IV. When all the officials have departed, the emperor remains alone with the cubiculum, and the praepositus, having taken the crown from his head, calls for the vestitores, and they remove the emperor's chlamys. Thus the emperor goes out from the triconch and passes again through the same passageways and goes off to the Chrysotriclinium; and the praepositus, having taken the apocombion of the two parties, accompanied by the prefects of the cubiculum, goes through the porticoes to the hemicycle of the phiale of the triconch, and looks down from above; and the members of the Venetian party, holding the chlamys of their demarch spread out, receive the apocombion which was sent to them by the emperor via the praepositus. The Greens do the same. Then the praepositus returns with the cubiculum, and when the emperor has been seated upon the sention, wearing also his sagion, and with the cubiculum standing in the Chrysotriclinium, he orders the promotions of many dignities to be introduced, advancing them from the mandator through every rank up to the protospatharioi; and if he wishes, he also creates patricians. ^B When these things have been completed, he sits at his venerable table in the Triclinium of Justinian and orders the taxima to enter. The first of these is the cubiculum; in the second rank come the patricians along with the protospatharioi and the rest of the imperial officials; in the third station the domestic of the schools enters with the transitory populace of the Venetians; in the fourth station the excubitor enters with the transitory populace of the Greens; in the fifth, the Venetians; in the sixth, the members of the Green party. Each of these ranks, having received an apocombion containing a sufficient amount of money, departs, giving thanks to God and praising Him and praying for Him.

CHAPTER LXVII. Concerning the place and order in which all the dignitaries are accustomed to stand in each of the distributions performed at the great phiales.

^C I. It must be noted that after the emperor, seated on the throne in the manner we have described, the eunuch protospatharioi, dressed in tighter garments and wearing their sabania, and also carrying their torques and their spathobacula on their shoulders, stand near the throne. After these, in the middle of the solarium, stand the bearded protospatharioi in mutatoria, and with speciis and torques. Two spatharioi carry the arms or scutarium, the one after the other, and the bearded protospatharioi stand with them; the spatharocubicularii and all the cubicularii stand to their left on both sides. The ceremoniarius stands a little before the cubicularii so that he may receive the commands from the praepositus. After the aforementioned bearded protospatharioi...

palace with the scaramangium and the gold-bordered sagion, with his customary procession, being led by the cubicularius, and he enters into the bedchamber of Daphne. There he puts off the scaramangium and changes into the dibetesion, and is girded with the chlamys. The magistroi and patrikioi receive him in the onopodion and, bowing down, salute him. This being done, the ceremonial director, prompted by a gesture from the praepositus, says: "Keleusate" [that is, "Command," meaning to move]. Thence the emperor descends into the great consistorium where the aforementioned all receive him again, together with the secretics themselves—namely, the chartulari, the notari, and the asecretæ. The Lord is then again, as before, worshipped with a profound bow; ^B this done, the silentiarius, prompted by a gesture from the praepositus, announces: "Keleusate." The procession then continues, with the emperor’s protostrator, who stands in the middle of the consistorium holding the imperial spear and the flammulum—which has upon it the venerable and life-giving and victory-bringing cross—walking immediately before the emperor. Then the emperor proceeds from there through the diabatika—that is, the exkoubita, the schools, and the Chalce—and from the outer railing of the Chalce the emperor turns to the right with the procession and goes to the Holy Well. There, according to custom, he lights candles, ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...arcebant. The Latin writers also, as I was saying just now, used "triumph" for any pompatical procession joined with praises or auspicious acclamations. [Benno in Vita Hildebrandi papæ: "King Henry was content with a triumph alone," which he had at Rome. A triumph is that applause acclaimed at the inauguration to Henry Augustus, crowned by God, great and peaceful emperor of the Romans, life and victory: see Goldast ad Eginhard, p. 170.] Our author clearly describes the triumphal ceremonies as no one else does. This elegant passage therefore deserves illustration and confirmation by other examples. We observe here a double triumph, one in the Forum, the other in the Circus. ^D He expounds the ceremonies of the former in this chapter, and of the latter in the following chapter. They would proceed either *ex hodou* [on the way], as soon as they returned from an expedition, not yet having entered the palace, or even from the palace—if, for example, they had achieved victory not by themselves but through their legates—first to Hagia Sophia, and from there, after the sacred offices had been performed and gifts given to the church, either to the Circus or to the Forum, to the statue of Constantine the Great, where they would trample the necks of the conquered princes amidst hymns and deeds. Then circus games were given, and the whole city was crowned with garlands and illuminated with torches. It is worth discussing each of these a little further, after I have first spoken about the various meanings of the word *epinikia*. It signifies, therefore, the insignia and documents of victory publicly displayed and carried about. Thus, in Theophanes, p. 195: *Epinikia* are the bloodstained garments of the slain Totila. P. 201: *Epinikia* are either letters announcing victory or the insignia of victory with letters and messengers added. P. 225: *Epinikia* are triumphal feasts which are given on account of victory. Unless, perhaps, the phrase *epinikia hestian* is the same as *epi nike estian*, which amounts to the same thing. Furthermore, if the triumpher were coming from the Field, the one remaining under the golden gate would place a golden crown upon him, as we saw in the *Tacticon* at the end, where he described the triumphs of Basil the Macedonian and Theophilus; which passage especially deserves to be compared here. If, however, the triumphing emperor were proceeding from the palace to Hagia Sophia, the patriarch would place a golden crown upon him there; see Script. p. Theophan., p. 168. An example of triumphs conducted in the Circus is had by the Continuator.

the spatharocubicularii and the cubicularii ^A stand on both sides, all of them. The one in charge of the arrangement stands in front of the cubicularii, a little to the side, to receive the signals from the praepositus. The spatharocandidati stand behind the aforementioned bearded protospatharioi, spatharocubicularii, and cubicularii, carrying their shields and wearing their torcs and swords. Likewise, the spatharioi also wear their swords and shields and carry their distralia; they stand on both sides of the spatharocandidati, and they may also be spatharioi throughout the city. The silentiarii stand in the hanging veil of the gate of the Heliakos, in the marble pulpit; ^B the officials of the cubiculum and the patricians stand on both sides in the side-viewing cancelli, standing upright and leaning upon them.

II. But if it is necessary for the reception to take place in the secret phiala of the triconchon, the order of the arrangement is performed as follows: The emperor sits on the sentzion, as is his custom, and the officials of the cubiculum stand before him, while the patricians and the strategoi all stand on both sides from the pulpit in the openings. The senatorial hypatoi stand separated from them, likewise in the openings. Similarly, the eunuch protospatharioi stand behind the emperor near the sentzion, having changed their attire; ^C the bearded protospatharioi and those who hold the arma, as has been said, stand before the gates of the triconchon. Behind the aforementioned eunuch protospatharioi stand the spatharocubicularii and the cubicularii in the third gate of the triconchon, while the spatharocandidati and the spatharioi stand on both sides of the emperor in the marble pulpits. The one in charge of the arrangement stands in front of the aforementioned spatharocandidati and spatharioi, and behind the one in charge of the arrangement stand the silentiarii.

CAPUT LXVIII. Concerning the golden hippodrome and the things performed in it.

I. All arrive in the night, having changed from white chlanidia; some are in the thermos, others in the apsis; and the praepositus, having taken the kombina, enters and...

^A in the middle, and stands. But the emperor stands outside; and the prisoners stand in the praetorium, or even in the senate, held by the hands by the *epinikikarioi* (triumphal ministers). Their spears and standards are carried by the *taxeotai* (men of the rank/cohort) (62). Then the protonotary of the dromos goes and takes them from there, and leads them into the middle of the Forum, and sets them up in a single line according to the placement of the place. And immediately the cantor begins to sing with melody the triumphal song: "Let us sing to the Lord (63). For He has been gloriously glorified. The horse and the rider He has cast into the sea." And with the rest of the cantors and all the people responding, and the whole song being completed, immediately the logothete of the dromos takes the Saracen magnates, along with the Domestic of the Schools and the generals who happen to be in the *taxeidion*—whether the drungary of the fleet and the naval generals and the great lords of the fleet, or the *melaloi*, that is to say those who performed the *taxeidion*, along with the tourmarchs and the great lords of their themes—and leads them before the emperor, that is to say, upon the steps of the column. And the logothete, along with the Domestic of the Schools—if he was the one who performed the *taxeidion*—takes the head, that is, the chief Emir, and places him under the feet of the emperor, and the emperor treads upon his ^B head with the

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

^C ...in place of *agousōn* (leading) and *eispherousōn* (bringing in). Herodes Atticus, in the dedication of the statue of Regilla, said *elaigentos arourai* for *elaēhesai*. In an edict of Julianus Priscus in an inscription (p. 66): "Having made an entrance into our court, he announced to us the most absurd matters concerning actions pertaining to the senate of the consuls," etc. Casaubon collected many examples from the most ancient poets in *Athenaeum* (p. 230). Duker, on Thucydides (I, 79, p. 364), where not only "of common treaties" (*koinan eontōn tōn spondōn*, for *koinōn ousōn tōn spondōn*), but also "the other cities—autonomous, having their own," etc. The same (p. 533, end), "which being ratified," although "of trusts and treaties" had preceded. I have observed this construction among Sophocles several times; but because I have not noted the passages, it does not occur to me now, except for that single one in *Oedipus at Colonus* (v. 1747), where the two daughters of Oedipus say of themselves: "And at the end, we shall bear irrational things, having seen and having suffered." Upon which passage the Scholiast notes these things: "*Idonte kai pathousa* instead of *idousai kai pathousai*; and he uses the figure in many places, putting masculine forms for feminine," and in *Electra*, and all the rest he has there should be compared, from which it is clear that this construction was once common and frequent.

(62) *Taxeis* and *tagma* mean a cohort, which is organized for the appointment of magistrates, especially the prefect of the city, is ready at his side, and serves to carry out his mandates; a cohort of attendants; hence the *milites urbani* (urban soldiers) who are garrison troops. *Taxiotai* in the *Editio Juris Graeco-Romani* and in the *Chronicon Alexandrinum* for officials and ministers who are at the disposal of magistrates and assistants, otherwise *cohortales*, cohortaline, *eparchikoi*, and *praefectiani*. In the Novels of Justinian: "To be stationed among the *taxiotai* of the most illustrious governor of the province" (l. c., p. 279). This the famous Leich, in his papers, in which he had gathered many things concerning provincial correctors, seems to have wished to comment upon this subject.

(63) This is the hymn of Moses, which the Jews sang after having crossed the Red Sea. But that which follows (p. 353), "Who is a great God" (*tis Theos megas*), is from the Psalms. That it was a solemn formula for the Greeks to rejoice after ^D a victory, accustomed to be sung even in the very Campus Martius, is clear from Cedrenus (p. 774).

(64) A neck direct and stiff is a symbol of power not broken, not humiliated; of disobedience, of audacity caring for no one; but a bent and trampled neck denotes the humility of the vanquished and the necessity of obeying as one who is yielding to someone pressing and bearing down upon him. It is a custom of treading upon the necks of the vanquished imported from the East (see book of Joshua ch. X, and Baruch IV, in Barth. on the *Philippid* of William the Breton, p. 33). Even in the time of Alexander the Great it was known in the Greek palaestra, as is clear from Diodorus Siculus (XVI, cap. 100 at the end), where he throws down the vanquished Dioxippus the Macedonian: "Having been thrown upon the ground, [Alexander] stepping upon his neck with his foot, and brandishing his club," etc. That custom of publicly treading upon the neck of the vanquished also prevailed among the Carthaginians. For Polyaenus reports of Gesco (p. 485): "He ordered them, bound, to be laid face down upon the ground before the multitude. And three times for each, stepping upon their necks with a light foot, he said he had sufficient revenge for the prior killing of his brother." More frequently, however, it occurs in the Middle Ages, during which not only victorious emperors publicly triumphed over enemies subdued in war by treading upon their necks, but also private individuals took vengeance in this way from a vanquished enemy, and penitents offered necks to be trodden upon, and those adopting them trod upon the necks of those they were adopting, and finally they trod with their feet upon books condemned to the fire before they were cremated. We shall demonstrate each of these with examples. Thus Justinian Rhinotmetus, when he had returned from exile, trod upon the necks of his anti-emperors Leontius and Apsimarus in the circus: "He caused Apsimarus and Leontius, bound in chains, to be paraded into every city, and of the hippodrome...

delivers it to the emperor; and the emperor commands the peraton to be given to the praepositus. And having gone out with all those of the cubiculum, he passes through the diabatika of the Forty Martyrs. Then, having come to the hemicycle of the triconchon, the one in charge of the katastasis receives him there with all the silentiarii, and the praepositus passes forth with them through both the apsis and the Daphne. ^A Having gone as far as the Augusteum, he exits to the narrow way at the Golden Hand, and finds there the kursōres standing with their decani on this side and that. And when the demarchs and the actuarius have passed through the midst of them and have approached the praepositus, they prostrate themselves before him, and he then gives them the peraton, and having returned from there, being escorted by those aforementioned, he enters into the palace.

II. The emperor, wearing his gold-bordered sagion and being escorted by the lords of the cubiculum, passes through the diabatika of the triconchon, the apsis, and the Daphne, lighting candles in the oratories as is his custom. ^B Having passed through the Augusteum, he enters into Saint Stephen, and from there he ascends through the secret cochlias into the chamber of the kathisma, and looks down from there until everything is prepared. The cerimoniarius departs and announces to the praepositus that all the vessels are ready and that the charioteers have gone out for the race. VARIE LECTIONES 53 Scholia. Note that all the hippodrome races, those performed in the morning and in the evening, have this format and this order. 54 And the demarchs, ed.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY ^C ...toward the imperial vision. Where Casaubon excellently rendered *postrema* as "in the king’s own viewing platform." Of the Constantinopolitan Kathisma there still remain today ruins, at least rendered in image, which Bandurius gave in *Antiqu. Imp. Orient* p. 664, in which seven porticos are seen—as is credible, survivors of those twelve, of which we said above that six belonged to each faction, and served for the releasing and receiving of the horses after the race was finished. Although briefly, Nicetas Choniates describes this kathisma quite clearly enough (p. 62, Venice edition), calling it a "tower built at the theater," under which the starting-gates of those running on the stadium gape into parallel arches—under which the mouths of the carceres, from which those running in the stadium are emitted, gape into apsides (or volutes), adjacent and next to one another. And above, bronze-hammered horses are fixed, gilded with gold, their necks bent, looking at each other, and breathing the race in a curve, they offered to fly across the stadium; and upon the very place stood four gilt-bronze horses, as if panting for the race. This imitation was of the ancient consul's seat in the circuses of the Romans of old, as is evident from Sidonius Apollinaris, whose iambics concerning the Narbonensian circus are these:

Here it is the custom for Caesar, on the day twice one (the Calends of January, which they call Privati), to prepare the games. Then a band of youth, but of courtiers, The grim images of the Elean field. They exercise with pacing quadrigae. And now the urn claims thee; and the hissing acclamation of the raucous crowd rouses. Then where there is a gate, and the consul’s seat, Which a wall surrounds, arched on either side with six Crypts and carceres. By one of the four chariots, chosen by lot, You enter the curved reins in a throng.

^A ...of the captives, from the opposite side, are placed by the attendants holding them. And immediately the chanter steps forward and says the *prokimenon*: “Who is so great a God as our God? Thou art the God who workest wonders.” Then the great *ektenē* follows, up to the words, “To subdue under their feet every enemy and foe,” with the people ^B crying out forty times (66), “Lord, have mercy.” And again, after the bowing of heads has taken place and the patriarch has said, “For Thou art a merciful and philanthropic God,” and what follows, the captives and the one whom the emperor treads upon rise up, and they lead them away backwards and place them in the spot where they were standing. The people of the two factions, and those of the *arithmos*, and the *elatai* of the imperial estate, and the chanters stand according to custom opposite the masters, that is to say, outside the colonnade on the right side of the masters, upon the small stone steps there, and at a nod from the *praepositus* they begin to acclaim as follows: “Many years to the emperors,” 3 times. “So-and-so and so-and-so, great emperors and autocrats, many years,” 3 times. “Many years to the God-appointed emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the God-guided emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the world-constituting emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the world-desired emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the most brave emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the victorious emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the emperors who put their enemies to shame,” 3 times. “Many years to the wealth-bestowing emperors,” 3 times. “Many years to the orthodox emperors,” 3 times. “Son of God, grant them life,” 3 times. “Son of God, reign with them,” 3 times. “Son of God, grant them to us,” 3 times. “Son of God, multiply their years,” 3 times. “Son of God, harken unto us,” 3 times. “May the faith of the Christians increase,” 3 times. “May the empire of the Romans increase,” 3 times. “May the victory and good fortune of the Romans increase,” 3 times. “May the bravery of the people of the Lord increase,” 3 times. “We are the servants of the emperors,” 3 times. “So-and-so and so-and-so...”

^A ...the captive, under the feet of the emperor. And then the emperor places his right foot upon his head: the *protostrator* then places upon the neck of the prostrate man the imperial lance, which the emperor himself also grasps with his own right hand. This being done, all the other captives fall immediately prone to the ground; and their lances and banners, inclined toward the earth, are inverted upon their heads by the soldiers in attendance who hold them. Immediately then, one of the chanters steps forward outside his choir and pronounces the appointed [proclamation, or a saying excerpted from the Davidic Psalms suitable for the present act]: “Who is so great a God as our God? Thou art the God who workest wonders.” After these words, a great *extensa* occurs until the words are reached: “Until he shall have placed under their feet every enemy and armed aggressor.” Meanwhile, the people repeat, crying out at intervals forty times, “Kyrie eleison.” Again, a prayer is made with the face turned towards the earth; the patriarch pronounces the words, “For Thou art a merciful and philanthropic God,” ^B and the rest. Then the captives rise from the earth, and that principal one also, whom the emperor treads upon, and they lead them away backwards with faces averted to the place where they had previously been stationed. The popular members of both factions, and the soldiers of the *arithmos*, and the leaders of the sacred bodies, rowers and chanters, standing in the region of the masters—namely, outside the area of the column on the right side of the masters, on the small stone steps placed there—begin, admonished by a nod from the *praepositus*, to follow the emperor with such praises and blessings: “Many may be the years of the emperors”; this they iterate three times. ^C “Many may be the years of such-and-such, who have been elevated by God to that dignity.” This also they iterate three times. “Many may be the years of the emperors governed by God and who are to be governed”; this also three times; likewise...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

^A all things may be made ready. Once the master of ceremonies has been notified and has made it known to the praepositus that all the equipment is ready, the charioteers go forth and undo the fastenings of their horses and stand in their own places with their chariots; the demarchs and the leaders of the factions go up into the customary seats behind the factions, awaiting the emperor’s sunrise, so that each may go up into his own faction. All the horses of the chariots have gone up; the army, with its flammula, stands in its ranks; the common people have gone up and the tiers are filled. Then the praepositus enters and declares to the emperor that all things are ready. The emperor descends by the stone staircase; while descending, he says to the praepositus, "Give the command for departure (metastasimon)" and the latter calls out in a loud voice, "Metastasimon!" The emperor enters his bedchamber, and the praepositus, having summoned the vestitores, they enter and clothe the emperor in the chlamys, and at the command of the praepositus, "Command!" the vestitores go out from the bedchamber; and the emperor, having been crowned by the praepositus, goes out from the bedchamber, being escorted by the officials of the cubiculum. He stands at the ostiarion, and the ostiarius brings in the patricians; ^B and the door’s curtain is managed by the silentiarius.

III.

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^A “of the great emperors and autocrats, may there be many years.” And after they have finished the acclamation, they say: “May God make your holy reign long-lived for many years.” And thus the emperor departs to the church of the most holy Theotokos in the Forum, and there, having laid aside his vestments, he puts on his triumphal habit and departs to the palace; but the patriarch, having mounted his foal, goes to the patriarcheion.

CHAPTER XX.

When an equestrian spectacle is staged, or a vow performed, the ministers of the triumph lead in the captives, and the guards lead in the plunder taken from them—both the spoils and the booty, as well as the arms [namely shields and swords], and also spears and standards. In this procession they all go up into the hippodrome. Then the protonotary of the *dromos* arrives and arranges everyone in a single line from the *mangana* [or starting gates] up to the *meta* of the Veneti. Next to the *meta* he places the arms; after these the booty and the plunder; after these the spears with the standards; then the captives; behind these stand the horses and camels, if any captives are present. But if the number of captives, of spoils, of plunder, of arms, of spears, and of standards ^C is large, they are arranged in two lines. But if these are not very numerous, they arrange them, as has been said, in only one line from the starting gates up to the *meta* of the Veneti. And after the emperor has gone up into the propytic cage, the domestic of the schools descends—if indeed he was the one who performed the expedition—together with the generals and the *kleisourarchs*, or else the drungary of the fleet with the naval generals and the great [generals].

JOAN. JAG. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(67) A *polos* or ass was once the [mount] of the Greeks, of patriarchs, and of the clergy in general, as those professing humility, for mounts in processions and otherwise. Theophanes p. 104, regarding Elurus: "Coming out of the palace in a procession he went to the church, mounted on an ass." Thus also St. Chrysostom, going into exile, is seen on an ass in the Basilian Menologion vol. 1, p. 184; see Casaubon on *Script. Hist. Aug.* vol. I, p. 799, and Du Cange *Gl. Lat.* v. *Asinorum ordo* and *Gl. Gr.* v. *πῶλος*. But it was not so with the bishops of Rome, who were transported on horseback, as it is a more noble animal and more becoming to men of high rank. "You sent me one miserable hack," says Gregory the Great, Epist. 30, bk. XII, "and five good asses. I cannot ride that hack because he is wretched; but I cannot ride those good ones because they are asses." [King Pepin went in place of a groom with the pontiff riding on horseback, p. 91 of Albericus. He does the same when a patriarch is elected. Even today the Vizier leads this very one.]

(68) I have shadowed forth the distinction between these two terms in the Latin: *skyla* indeed are those things which are stripped from the fallen, pulled away from the lying corpses, such as garments, necklaces, gold, gems, arms, etc.; *laphura* however are those which are taken from enemies still living, but either captured or put to flight, such as garments, arms, tents, and all things contained in them, beasts of burden, and the rest, *panta ta laphysomena*, all things which can be carried here and there, divided, torn apart, slaughtered with iron and prepared for food, such as oxen and all victuals. Suidas distinguishes it thus: *Skyla* are those things taken from enemies slain from the dead, *laphura* are those from the living.

if the magister is not present, he signals to the quaestor—it is to be noted that if the eparch of the praetorium and the quaestor are not patricians, they enter through a special curtain before the Senate; for the magister, having received a sign, signals to the master of the reception area, saying, "Comites," and he, going away, says, "Leva." And the members of the Senate enter, and after having performed the proskynesis, each of them stands in their own order. Then the emperor signals again to the praepositus, and the praepositus to the magister, and the magister signals a second time to the master of the reception area, saying, "Praefecte," and he, going to the curtain, says, "Leva." ^A And he, too, stands in his order. Then the emperor signals to the praepositus, and he to the master of the reception area, for the emperor to say, "Celeusate," and they in return pray aloud, "For many and good years."

IV. Immediately the master of the reception area, having grasped the edge of the emperor’s chlamys and made the sign of the cross, ^B hands it over to the emperor, so that having ascended to the sentzium, he may seal the people with it according to custom. Being acclaimed, as was said before, by all of them, the emperor goes out and ascends into the cathisma, and standing in front of the sentzium, he signs the people three times: first the middle, second the Veneti faction, third the Prasini faction, and he sits down on the sentzium. After the completion of the acclamations of the factions and the army, the emperor signals to the praepositus; and the praepositus, going out of the cathisma, stands above the steps and calls the patricians who are performing the proskynesis according to custom, and they, having entered in their order into the cathisma, perform the proskynesis to the emperor, and go out praying aloud, and stand below the steps in front of the great gate. And after the completion of everything, having received a sign from the emperor ^C, the praepositus goes out and stands again above the steps, and signals to those who have performed the proskynesis to go away into their assigned places on the benches. After the completion of the four...

^A *dexima* (or exceptions for the factions) should take place in both phials for both factions. But because they have been abolished for a long time, such a *deximum* must take place in the secret phial of the triconch of the Sigma. When the factions then request according to custom that the equestrian game be presented in the circus, the master commands that a veil be delivered to the one who is to hang it, and that it be suspended by him as a sign of the future game. This is what is done, and on the following day the equestrian contest is carried out. On the same day that that equestrian contest is performed, that is, the fourth from the birth of the infant, the mandates are given that all are to assemble the next day in the circus. Then the *praepositus*, commanded by the emperor, goes out and selects fifty men from the regiments, and an equal number from the factionaries of both parties—that is to say, fifty of the Veneti and as many of the Prasini—and finally, fifty also from the citizens. As those two hundred stand in a double row, the *praepositus* proclaims these words: 357 ^B "Our holy and venerable emperor wills that, according to the prevailing rite and the custom observed from early times, you should assemble tomorrow" (being the fifth day from the birth of the infant), "and proclaim the name to be imposed upon this infant born in the purple." [And at the same time he gives them the name.] Therefore, on the fifth day they assemble in the same circus, and they recite the popular acts or formulas and acclamations, as the factions are accustomed to use at such a time, and they bless the masters and the Augustae (both the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law who has just given birth) and the infant born in the purple, whom then for the first time they summon by name. On the eighth day, the chamber or bedchamber of the Augusta who has given birth is decorated with gold-woven veils ^C of the Chrysotriklinos and with multiple-lamp stands. And after the prayer has been performed by the priest in the propylaeum ^D of the church and the name proclaimed by the factions has been imposed upon him [(77)] and the garment has been put on him, the child is again carried away and placed in the cradle, and the Augusta and the child are covered with gold-woven spreads. Then, through the table of the Augusta, the *praepositi* are invited, and through...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

[(75)] It is to be noted first that *τόδε* is used here for *τότε*. Furthermore, that it pertained to the factions to impose a name upon the newly born son of the Augustus, but such as was prescribed and suggested to them by the court. It is evident from the scholion which Alemannus edited from the Vatican manuscript codex of Zonaras for Procopius, p. 21, and in this manner it seems to me it ought to be read: "Constantina, the wife of Maurice, bore a son whom Maurice named Theodosius, so that Theodosius might be fortunate (or good and noble, or something similar) and live many years." The Veneti then began to say: "May the Lord grant you the years bestowed upon Justinian in peace, because he lived 80 years and more." For the life of the emperor Theodosius was 80 years. Similar is what Theophanes narrates, p. 141, that when Justin was recently elevated to the empire, the factions changed the old name of his wife, Lupicia (which was a little too shameful), to the more honorable Euphemia, when she was crowned Augusta: Having a similar name, he crowned Lupicia, whom the people called Euphemia at her crowning. In paganism, it pertained to the most honorable and nearest of the kinsmen, to those invited to the birthday feast (who are the prototype of the godparents) to impose a name upon the infant; see Polyaenus, p. 547. The same rite among the Jews (conf. the history of Zechariah) and among the Arabs.

[(76)] Following the example of the presentation of J.C. in the temple of Jerusalem and in accordance with the blessing of Simeon, it is a very ancient custom among the Greeks to have children carried to the entrance of the church on the eighth day. The priest goes to meet the child to bless him, and standing at the door of the church, he marks him with the sign of the cross on the forehead, on the mouth, on the stomach. That is the seal of the grace of God and a disposition to receive holy baptism. The words are those of Rycaut in *The Present State of the Greek Church*, p. 167. Hence our "prayer performed by the priest in the propylaeum of the church" is understood. By *ἱμάτιον*, however, he understands the white or clean tunic, also called the chrismale, which is worn by the baptized and anointed, by our people called *Westerhemde*.

[(77)] It is said that the child receives the name when in church on the eighth day from birth the priest imposes the name upon him after the prayers have been said, before he is catechized and baptized; see La Croix in *The State of the Greek Church*, p. 50. Nicetas, p. 89, ed. Venet., says that Manuel Comnenus, on the day that his son Alexius was born to him and he received his name, entertained the people with feasts. It designates either the fourth day from the birth of the boy, on which the people in the Circus imposed the name upon him, or the eighth, on which the priest did the same in the church immediately before baptism. The words of Nicetas are: "distinguishing and endeavoring to make the birthday and naming-day of the boy notable and remarkable above others, as is customary among the emperors of the Romans, he invited the most honorable of the citizens with palm branches to a feast, and named the boy Alexius."

[(78)] It can be inferred from these words that the Augusta did not allow her own face to be seen naked by the nobles, but either behind a veil, or when dressed in a hood, she performed business with them, a custom transitioned from the Persians and propagated into the Turkish court.

DE CERIMONIIS AULÆ BYZANTINÆ LIB. I.

^A ...the praepositus removes the crown from his head, and the vestitores, having entered by command, take up the tunic and depart. Then the emperor goes out and sits at his table with his friends, whom he has ordered to be invited, and those who he wishes to dine with him on that same day, and having been escorted by the lords of the cubiculum, he passes through, while they pray for him: "For many and good years." And when the emperor has entered his bedroom, the praepositus takes the crown from his head, and the vestitores, having entered by command, take up the chlamys and depart. Then, the emperor goes out and sits at his honorable table with his friends, whom he orders to be present; and having risen from the kletorion and rested a little, the emperor waits until all things have been made ready in the hippodrome.

Of the evening equestrian decursion.

^B I. After this, the master of ceremonies having entered and announced to the praepositus that all things are ready, the praepositus announces it to the emperor; who, having passed through the stone stairs, enters his bedroom, puts on the tunic, takes the crown as is customary, and accompanied by the prefects of the bedroom, passes through the narrow triclinium. Then he betakes himself to the great triclinium, where the feast is prepared, together with all the prefects of the bedroom, and to the praepositus, who is the ostiarius, he gives the sign, and brings in the patricians and the strategoi, who, after they have adored the emperor, the praepositus, upon a sign given by him, says: "Command." And immediately the patricians and the strategoi, having gone out beyond the gate, stand on either side. At the gate, however, as the emperor stands there, all the aforementioned fall to the ground, and after they have risen, the praepositus receives a sign from the emperor and nods to the master of ceremonies, who says: "Command," and they themselves pray for all things happy for the emperor.

^C II. The emperor, escorted from the bedroom by the prefects, the patricians, and the strategoi, ascends to the kathisma with the lords of the cubiculum and two manglabitai, spatharioi carrying his dextralia and swords, as is their custom to do in all decursions. Which having been done, and the people... [alt-version omitted]

[index: entries preserved]

having been signed ^A a third time, the emperor sits; and when the acclamation of the people is completed, the praepositus goes out by command, and signals the patricians and strategoi, and each departs to his own order and seat. For in the evening, by this rite—and not as in the morning—the emperor proceeds. When the four palms have been completed, the emperor rises from the throne, with the patricians and strategoi standing on either side in the triclinium where he dines, and, being escorted by the lords of the cubiculum, he passes through their midst; they pray aloud for him, “For many and good years,” and having passed through the narrow triclinium, he enters his bedchamber, where, having laid aside the chlamys and the crown ^B as is customary, he puts on a sagion and descends through the secret spiral stair, the Augusteum, the apse, and the triconchon. He is escorted by all of the cubiculum, while the protospatharioi and the manglabitai stand in the hemicycle of the triconchon in front of the sanctuary of Saint John. And the emperor passes through, escorted by the aforementioned persons, through the same hemicycle, and they pray for the emperor, and having passed through the gilded gate of the monothyron and through the walkways of the Forty Martyrs, he enters the Chrysotriclinos, and all those of the cubiculum having prayed greatly, “For many and good years,” they depart, and each goes away to his own house.

Chapter LXIX. Things to be observed, when the designated equitation takes place.

1. The lords summon the praepositi, commanding them to provide the velarium, that is to say, to hang the cloth ^C. The praepositus goes out and says to the tesserarius, “Go, cast it up.” And the one going out comes to the stoma, that is, to the Pi, and signing with the cross, he makes three crosses, and from there…

he likewise signs the doors a third time, and says a third time with a loud voice: “Go, cast it up.” And immediately the custodian 10 hangs the veil above, and the manganarius 11 places the rails. The Tesserarius, descending from those parts, goes off to the stable 60, and stands at the threshold of the great gate, and says in a low voice: “Come forward, children, rejoice, proceed 61.” And all the stabularis respond saying with a loud voice: “Rejoice.” Afterward the inspector: “God has victory;” the stabularis: “Thine appearance, heavenly one.”

VARIOUS READINGS

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

[Diagram: Oriens (East) at bottom, Occidens (West) at top, Meridies (South) at left, Septentrio (North) at right. The diagram indicates the layout of the circus including: *Meta Prasini*, *Metas Veneti*, *Curriculum Prasinorum/Venetorum*, *Tà μάγγανα* (the mangana) with six intercolumniations of the Greens, *Stáma*, and *Τὸ κάθισμα* (the seat of the Emperor).]

9 I think it is the same as the *kriterion*, the tribunal for resolving legal disputes of the charioteers and factions. See *Scriptores post Theoph.* p. 119.

10 It is the same as the custodian, specifically for circensian matters pertaining to the horses, chariots, charioteers, magistrates of the factions, etc., who would preserve everything, bring it out at the time of use, and put it away again after use. It is perhaps, therefore, the *conditor gregum* (keeper of the herds) mentioned in inscriptions. But there is a great discrepancy among the opinions of learned men concerning the *conditor circensis*; see Gruter’s inscriptions, ed. Grævius, where Grævius says it is the *conditor gregum*, who would accustom and train the herds of horses to the yoke; another interprets it as what to Casaubon is a stimulator and instigator, to Salmasius a veterinarian of horses. To Scaliger, in his *Catalecta*, they are the *conditores* who would stage the faction and supply the *missus*.

11 It is he who cares for the *mangana*, that is, the carceres or wooden rails, from which the horses are released. The modern Greeks call a *manganon* in particular a bolt and that part of the bolt which has an acorn-shaped iron, to be inserted into a hole made in the post, otherwise called a *balanos*. The MS Glossaries in Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.* p. 841: *Bálanos* is that which [is inserted] into the iron lever, which they call *manganon*. And perhaps Macarius, too, in the passage cited there, used the word in that sense: ^A or rather it was placed there for mechanical devices. So that it may be conceived what a *balanos* was in the case of a bolt-system, truly a very obscure thing, I shall say in passing that it was an iron part of a lever, either removable or fixed with a nail to the door, movable up and down, globular, in the likeness of an acorn—whence it had its name—which iron acorn was inserted into a cavity made in the post in such a way that it was apt for receiving and holding the acorn. On the iron stem which joined the acorn with the lever, a nail was driven into the post, which would prevent the lever with the acorn and its socket from being lifted. The *carceres* (starting gates) of the Constantinopolitan circus, therefore, were wooden rails with added levers or bolts, by the removal of which the course was opened to the horses. These *carceres* could be taken out and put back at the time of use. The one who had charge of this was the *manganarius*. And since in the circus of each faction, the Blues that is and the Greens, there were six *mesostyla* or intercolumniations, ^C of which four at a time sent forth four chariots in single rounds, and received two returning from the turned *meta*: it was necessary that there be the same number of rails and bolts in each faction, which would close for the horses sent out and open for receiving the horses and chariots at the end of the race, [the duty of] the *manganarii* or *serarii*.

^A «O Olympius,» and in the same way the whites, and those of the Russian faction, acclaim the leader. Again he says in a loud voice: «Holy, thrice holy;» to which all respond, saying: «Victory to the Veneti;» the Prasini: «To the Prasini.» The Inspector: «Lady Theotokos;» the people: «Victory to the Veneti;» the Prasini: «To the Prasini.» The Inspector: «By the power of the Cross;» the people: «Victory to the Veneti;» the Prasini: «To the Prasini.» The Inspector: «Your face, O heavenly one, possesses God's victory:» the Prasini: «O Olympius!» And they acclaim the *micropannita* just as they do the faction leader. ^B

Then the inspector says: «He possesses God's victory;» then the *stablisiani*: «Your face, O heavenly one,» the Prasini: «O Olympius.» In like manner they acclaim the one of the white faction, and the Prasini that of the red. And again the inspector says in a loud voice: «Holy, thrice holy,» and they all answer and say: «Victory to the Veneti,» the Prasini: «To the Prasini.» The inspector: «Lady Theotokos;» the people: «Victory to the Veneti;» the Prasini: «To the Prasini.» The inspector: «The power of the Cross;» the people: «Victory to the Veneti,» the Prasini: «To the Prasini.» The inspector: «Your face, O heavenly one, possesses God's victory,» the Prasini: «O Olympius.» In like manner they acclaim the faction leader ^C and the *micropannites*.

II. When the acclamations are finished, the *tesserarius* approaches, and according to custom, he receives three heaped-up bushels of barley. ^D

and as many bundles of hay, and immediately departs, and goes away to the stable of the Green faction, and there performing the same things, the charioteers say straightway: "Win the gates (17)," that is, "Guard them." And when this has been done, the two charioteers and the two masters and the two inspectors stand there, and they entrust ^B the stable-men, and they bring out each individual horse into the middle of the stable from the first to the last, and both groups (19) inspect the horses. At dusk, the inspectors come forward with the *bigarii* to the houses of the winning charioteers (20), and both, the charioteers as well as the *bigarii* and the inspectors, come to the *ornatorium* (21). And after the charioteers have come forth, the *demarch* goes up with a few of the citizens and the rest of the faction members (22), and all gathering together, they throw the gates (23) and the horses against one another. And the officials call out to the inspectors, so that they may test the gates and the horses (24); and after testing these, the gates of the *mangana*—

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (17) In certain codices *tagis* exists. That it signifies a measure is made probable by the fact that Zosimus Panopolita, cited by du Cange on this word, calls a perforated sieve a *tagarion*. And there is nothing more similar to a perforated sieve than a grain measure. (18) The author, having added *claudite* (close) to a word whose sense one could scarcely have reached otherwise by conjecture, did well. It is not easy to say how from the notion of victory [the Greek *nikēsate*] the common people slid to the notion of closing. Unless perhaps you think that *nikēsate* was pronounced by apocope and other corruptions for *enoixate* (open/intrude). *Enoixein* is the same as *eneikein* (to insert), *eniein* (to send in). The common Greek speech swarms with examples of words from whose head the first consonant, like *s*, or a vowel, has been cast off; as for example, most words which begin with *e* or *ei*. Of which I am weaving a long catalogue elsewhere. (18 cont.) *Ἐπιτρέπϵιν*, to exhort, is very frequent; see Theophylact, p. 62, 80, 82, 85. It must be accepted in the same way in Xiphilinus, p. 1305, 80, ^C *jussit ut confoderent* (he ordered that they stab). Likewise in Theodoret, *Hist. Eccl.* lib. V, c. 37, where he narrates concerning the emperor Theodosius the Younger, who having been excommunicated by a certain monk, when the time for lunch had come, did not wish to take food with his friends, but (so read) *desmon dialusai*, sent to the ecumenical bishop, asking him to be willing to order him who had bound himself with the bond of excommunication to untie the knot again. So also *ἐντρέπϵιν* in Aristides, vol. I, p. 72, 15, is properly to cause someone to turn his mind from one thing to another, so that he attends to the matter. (19) *Both*, namely those just mentioned, the agitators, masters, and inspectors. And so this word must also be understood in the penultimate verse. (20) The charioteers seem to be those who had obtained victory in the games immediately preceding these. For it is clear that those who were to be crowning in the presence of the others were not designated, since no one knew who those would be. The *bigarii* appear to be the drivers of the bigae, just as the *heniochoi* were of the quadrigae. (21) There was a discussion before Goar on Theophanes, p. 321, and Cedrenus, p. 393, as to what the *ornatorium* of the Greens was. But what he brings forward is worse than that which our codex teaches ^D us. The distinguished Leichius rightly rendered it *urnatorium*. The *urnatorium* was the building in which the urns stood, into which the lots were cast, and in which the lots were shaken, to determine in what order the individual charioteers should run, as will be clear from the following. Indeed, since in the individual heats (eight of which were given per day) four courses were always put into competition in each faction, it had to be decided by lot who should be sent from the *carcer* closest to the turning post, and who from the *carcer* farthest from the goal, in which matter much importance for carrying off the victory was situated. For he who would drive his chariot closer to the goal, in the inner circle, had a shorter orbit to complete, while he who would run in the outer circle had a longer one, as is evident from the Electra of Sophocles, and those who have written about the gymnastics of the ancients. Hence it is clear why, on the coins of the *neocora* cities, an urn is often seen besides the temples, as a nearly solemn type of these contests, indicating the prizes of the victors with palm branches rising up. The words are of Fr. Weisius, cited a little before, l.c. p. 197. He speaks there of musical, poetic, gymnastic, equestrian, and naval contests customarily repeated annually or every five years in honor of the emperors.

(22) They seem to have been of a different faction. (23) Because he compares the gates of one with another, I do not understand. For all twelve gates were opened at one and the same time, just as surely those eight, four of each... (24) In the decree of the Paduans in Muratori, t. II, Ital. Ant. p. 851: — yet so that there should not run to the course [that is, in the course or circus] any stallion which has not been valued at fifty pounds by the judge and the soldier of the authority, that is, by the spatharius of the superior of the prince in each city.

The official opens everything, and urged by the tribune, the charioteers, the *begarii*, the inspectors, and the supervisor (25) descend, and both enter the tribunal.

Concerning the urn, how it must be shaken.

^{A B C} They depart and come, and with the imperial combinographos they arrange all the palms in order.

II. Regarding the demarchs

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(33) The ones on the left seem to be the agitators nearest to the first, or the one who would drive along the shortest orbit, closest to the goal. (34) Du Cange, *Glossarium C. P.*, p. 156, thinks it is called thus because the factions used to keep and put on their arms there. The illustrious Leichius, to render it *urnatorium*, seems to have been moved by the passage in Theophanes, p. 321, where he calls it that, which Cedrenus, recounting the same matter, p. 448, calls *armatorium*. But there, Goarus agrees with Cedrenus, and to me also the reading of Cedrenus seems better. For each faction did not have a private *urnatorium*, but a common one: whereas each had its own *armatorium*, as is clear from our text. The reason for the name *armatorium* was perhaps that which I just indicated from Du Cange. Yet there could have been another; namely this, that they were accustomed there to exercise the so-called *pyrrhichas*, that is, dances in arms. The interpreter of Ptolemy’s *Tetrabiblos*, [cited by] Du Cange, calls [them] *armatores*. This is not from the nominative singular *armatour*, but from *armator*, which is the same as *armatius*, and *prefector* for *prefectus*, and other such things; hence they were called *armati*, dancers in arms. Hence also the *armatoria* were called shields, in which the *armatores* performed their *armaturas*. The *glossae veteres*: "Formae such as are curved in *our* and in the Latin ending *orium* were frequent in that age even among the Latins." Thus in Du Cange in the *Glossarium Latinum* we read: *apparaturium*, *araturium*, *empturium*, a place where [something] is bought and sold, ^D *fauria*, a boundary marked and fixed in the field, *inferturia* for *infertorium*; the Greeks often make *o* out of Latin. Thus the Greek-Latin Glossae have *inburuclum* (that is, through a transposition common in that age, *involucrum*), which Du Cange, s.v. *Inburuclum*, ought not to have worried about, and such things, for which no one would find an end to recording. (35) He compares which faction [places] its *trigas* with the *trigas* of the other, and thus they arrange them, for the order in the course in which the chariots ought to run. For they did not draw lots except for that chariot which ought to be sent out next from the goal's *carcer*; regarding the remaining three chariots, here called *trigas*, which were to be sent out in the second, third and fourth [place] or *carcer*, the factions arranged and bargained among themselves as to the order in which those ought to run. Among these, the inspectors of both factions went away, returned, and traveled to and fro. This is what the word

^A And the two parts in the fourth and fifth division of the *saximon* (20), having completed all the [movements] of the *saximon*, took also the *apokombion*.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

That the newly honored *expræfectus* is presented on the tenth of the horse races.

^B On the day when the equestrian spectacle was put on for the celebration of the birthday of the emperor Michael, the [man] promoted to *expræfectus* was introduced first after the senate, as custom holds, at the tenth of the same day. ^C

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Concerning certain ones who had revolted, but had been reduced to service, how they were received by the emperor.

It is not unworthy to know how the emperor Michael received the Slavs (22), who, after they had behaved contumaciously and insolently in the region of Subdelitia and had withdrawn into the mountains, had again fled to the obedience of the exalted emperor. For the emperor, having put on a purple *sagion* which had a gold border beset with pearls, and having on his head a crown distinguished with gems and pearls, such as they call *cæsaricium*, sat upon the throne in the chrysotriclinos; and the reception [of his nobles] having been made, an attendant went out carrying a rod, and introduced the Slavs together with the logothete. When the emperor had spoken with them, they went out, and immediately other Slavs from the prefecture of Thessalonica were introduced. These, like the former, one attendant introduced. ^D The emperor, as he had spoken with them as he wished, dismissed them, having given them each a single undergarment as a sign of vassalage or obedience. And thus these also departed.

[index: entries preserved]

^A immediately chants a hymn in honor of the Trinity: "Let us, the Veneti (or Prasini), chant to the Trinity, the Master of the universe and our God, one indivisible Divinity, the tri-hypostatic power, and the might that exists before all ages and shall remain for all ages! This light is as a triple sun, by which the world is illuminated! Let us glorify the heavenly God, who shone upon us from the Virgin, for being by nature a lover of mankind, He deigned to become man, having ransomed our forefather [(39)] from the ancient fall, and having shown mercy to the whole world. Glory to His goodness."

III. The Cantors say: "Lord, preserve the Emperors N. N. of the Romans;" the people three times: "Lord, preserve." The Cantors: "You who are praised in Trinity, help the Augustae!" the people three times: "Lord, preserve." The Cantors: "Guard the Porphyrogeniti, You who are praised in the heavens!" the people three times: "Lord, preserve." The Cantors: "Increase the empire, increase the happiness of the Veneti!" the people three times: "Lord, preserve!" Then, as the organ plays the trisagion, the cantors say: "Thrice-holy, help the masters!" the people three times: "Thrice-holy." The Cantors: "Show your care for them in all things!" the people the same three times. "Increasing the times of their life;" ^B the people likewise three times. The Cantors: "With the pious and God-loving Empresses;" the people the same three times. The Cantors: "With the Veneti, your own most humble servants;" the people likewise. The Cantors: "Holy, thrice-holy, guard the masters;" the people repeat the same three times. The Cantors: "Most holy Spirit, protect the Augustae!" the people: "Most holy Spirit." The Cantors: "Mother of our God, guard the Porphyrogeniti;" the people: "Mother of our God." The Cantors: "Lord, increase their life through our life!" the people: "Yes, Lord, their life through ours!"

IV. ^C Thus the masters perform the customary rites of the order, and when they are about to ascend to the throne, the actuarius performs the *aision* [(41)], and if the Veneti have the precedence, [(42)] their leaders say: "Arise, O divinely-inspired empire!" but if it is the Prasini, they say: "Arise, O choice of the Trinity!" the people three times: "Arise!" The leaders: "Arise, O N. and N., Augusti of the Romans!" the people three times: "Arise!" The leaders: "Arise, O servants of the Lord!" the people three times: "Arise!" The leaders: "Arise, O God-^D

in these very words: “We shall, however, place the praepositus Thomas, your venerable cubicularius, third in the rank of honor from our praepositus, as long as he performs the dignity of a deacon. But when he advances to the order of the presbyterate, we shall place him immediately after our praepositus.”

CAPUT XL. The reason why the Emperor, the magistri, the proconsuls, and the patricians wear loros on the holy and great Sunday of Pascha.

I shall explain the reason for this, to the best of my understanding, from the principles of piety proper to our Christian community. We believe, indeed, that the loros which the magistri and patricians wear on the festive day of the resurrection of Christ our God represent his burial. ^A That they wear loros adorned with gold is intended to signify his ^B.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

-established power of your duality, [so-and-so] Emperor and [so-and-so] glory of the purple; shine forth upon your genuine servants, gladdening, O masters, your people." And again the leaders say: "Arise, O orthodox power!" the people three times: "Arise!" The leaders: "Arise, the longing of the Romans!" the people three times: "Arise!" The leaders: "Arise, our joy and glory!" the people three times: "Arise!" The leaders: "Arise, [so-and-so] and [so-and-so], Emperors of the Romans!" and the people also three times: "Arise!"

^B V. When the masters have climbed up onto the dais and are standing before the throne, they make the sign of the cross with the edge of their robes, first upon the middle people, that is to say the mediary [group], then on the Blue faction; after that, on the Green. And as the masters sign them, the factions cry out: "Holy, holy, holy!" The leaders: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years, for many!" The leaders: "[So-and-so] and [so-and-so], Christ-loving, in God may you conquer!" and the people three times likewise. And according to which part has precedence, they say: "Heavenly!" and the antiphon: "Crown our emperors with victories!" And the antiphon: "Co-reign with them!" and the antiphon: "The power from above!" And the antiphon: "God-revered!" and the antiphon: "Imitate the philanthropy of God!" The Greens: "The power from above!" and the antiphon: "But we, O armies, how shall we overcome the enemy?" The Greens: "Keeping the faith and gratitude to the masters of the God who crowned our masters of the Romans." And the leaders say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years, for many!" The leaders: "May you have many years, you who are the type of the Trinity!" The Greens: "The chosen of the Trinity!" the people three times: "May you have many years!" The Greens: "Holy!" The leaders: "May you have many years, [so-and-so] and [so-and-so], Emperors of the Romans!" the people three times: "May you have many years!" The leaders: "May you have many years, O servants of the Lord!" the people three times: "May you have many years!" And again the leaders say: "How great is the joy the state has, that it sees its own masters!" and the people cry out three times: "Great is the joy that the state has!" The leaders: "You are the joy of the Romans!" the people three times: "Holy!" The leaders: "You are the longing of the Romans!" the people three times: "Holy!" And according to which part ^D has precedence, the leaders of that part say: "[So-and-so] and [so-and-so], Christ-loving, in God may you conquer!" and the people three times say the same, and [so do] the rest.

^C And it seems appropriate that the emperor himself, as one who sustains the person of Christ, should carry books, holding the saving doctrine consigned into letters. But that they have their legs bound with linen cloth and wear gilded buskins on their feet, this pertains on the one hand to the humility of mortality, and on the other to the splendor of the resurrection. 369 According to Roman traditions, however, those invested in *loroi* represent the ancient consuls, or emperors who came after the consuls; and it is said that this was their habit, at certain statutory times to assume the dignity of the high priests. ^D Their calves are bound with a linen cloth [(37)] along with gilded buskins [(38)], the same thing both for death and for splendor. And from the Roman traditions, it is the case [(34)] that the patricians were clothed in *loroi* after the fashion of the ancient consuls, and more so that the later emperors, at certain appointed times, took upon themselves the high-priestly dignity, being in reality [(39)] as emperors masters of the year [(40)], each of whom, having been allotted the rule for a single year, would set out for the wars, and upon the completion thereof, having returned, would be examined by the consuls [(41)] as to how he administered affairs in the wars.

VARIAE LECTIONES. 34 *tò mèn* amended to R., *tó te* in cod. and ed.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

(37) One might wonder at the significance of the verb *sphēnoun*, which signifies to bind firmly and to fasten. It also signifies *sphēnoun*. They coincide in their origin; *sphīzein* is nothing other than *sphingein*. For the Greeks pronounce the double *sigma* as a double *tau*. Therefore *sphinein* and *sphigein* are the same; and *sphēx* and *sphēn* are everything conical or long, slender, rounded, and ending in a point; with which cones they used to split timbers or stop up flasks. Hence everything that might fit like a cone and cylinder, or bind it, was called *sphēkōma* or *sphikōma* and *sphēnōma*, and to fit, to bind, to wrap around, to encircle, was *sphēkoun* and *sphenoun*. Scholia on that passage of the Iliad, book 21 [v. 52]: "The plaits were bound with gold and silver," They explain it: "They were bound, they were tied." Whence also *sphēkōma* is said. For the understanding of this passage, it ought to be noted that among the newer Greeks, *sphēkōma* is a thin cord of the sort made from twisted rope, which we are accustomed to call *Bindfaden*, the French *ficelle*. The Euchologium Cryptoferratense (in Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. p. 1062) says: "Then he puts on the wooden pieces, and binds them with a new *sphēkōma*, for the preservation of the wax-mastic." Nor should it be thought that *sphēkōma* in this sense is so new. Nicomachus Gerasenus already used it in this way, in the passage cited by Salmasius on the *Ara Dosiada* p. 189, ed. Cren., which it will not be useless to record here, as it appears from it that *sphēx* and *sphēn* are the same: "Carpenters', builders', and smiths' wedges, and those of other crafts, are formed starting from a sharper point to penetrate, and always widening more and more at unequal intervals." Those are *sphēnes*, wedges which woodworkers use for splitting wood and joining together the beams of buildings, likewise smiths and other craftsmen; they are constructed in such a way that they begin to diverge from the sharper extremity, with the width always increasing at every distance. This description coincides with either wedge, both that which is broad and refers to an inclined plane, and that which is conical. And indeed a wedge is nothing other than a *kōnion*, a small cone. That Nicomachus, however, referred to the conical wedge, the following shows: "For such is the mass of the wasps, tapering at the middle and showing the aforementioned likeness. Whence it is likely that *sphēkōma* was also named. For wherever it binds, it imitates the excision of the wasp, for such a wasp [is similar to a conical wedge, broader at the top, narrower at the end] is the mass or body of wasps, intercepted and tightened in the middle as if by a sash, and therefore referring to the aforementioned likeness [the wedge, that is]." It is also probable that for this reason the little rope, with which we are accustomed to tighten bundles, was called *sphēkōma*. For there, where it is tightened, it makes a furrow and presses inward the underlying parts, so that they appear like the excised or notched wasp. From this it appears why the ancients called it *sphēnoun*, according to Hesychius, instead of *sphingein*. For it is tortured, so that it cannot move its member. It is also apparent why the Latins of the middle ages called, and the French today still call, cones or wedges [le coin] the metal forms to be struck with a hammer for coins. See Du Cange, v. *Cuneus*. Likewise, why the Greeks called those coniform woods, by the upsetting of which with a struck wooden ball boys and men amuse themselves [in French *les quilles*], *sphēnakas*; quite as we, for whom *Keil* is a wedge for splitting wood, use *Kegel* (which is absolutely the same as *Keil*) for such a cone destined for gymnastic play. This game was not unknown to the Greeks. I myself seem to have detected its traces in Artemidorus, p. 49, where *sphairides* is commonly wrongly edited in those words: "And sacks and balls and leaping, and all other such childish games, which portend competition." Suidas, citing this passage, exhibits *sphēkas* for the fourth word. And rightly so. I indeed once thought that either *sphairides*, balls, or *sphēkides* ought to be read, that is, the timbers that are overturned, laid low, those same things I mentioned. But it is safer to follow the authority of Suidas; *sphēkes* and *sphēnakas* are absolutely the same. Therefore, Artemidorus lists these three among children's games: *tous thylakous*, that is, the balloon, an empty ball made from ox-bladder, inflated with wind; *tous sphēkas*, the little play-timbers; and *ta hyperalmata*, a kind of game which I remember exercising myself as a boy. Namely, they are placed in the middle of a staff or wooden trunk of moderate height, or mounds of balls to a chosen height, over which one must leap in such a way that neither the staff nor the heaped balls are overturned. I liked to sprinkle these things for the illustration of the Artemidorean passage. But I return now to my *sphēnoun*, which means to bind, to encircle, to go around, as is clear from what has been said so far. Hence it is that that small hole of a candelabrum, which receives the candle into itself, holds and surrounds it, is called *sphēkōma* by the Greeks; the Latins call it an uncus, *anchora*, and a wedge. In the Anthology p. 478, it is *to prothyron* instead of *sphynge*, close the doors with tightened thongs. For the ancients used to tie doors with thongs, which then succeeded them.

(38) I have said elsewhere to omit the augment of the new Greeks. Which has been done here as well. If anyone, however, should wish to make one word *kexrysōmenōn* out of *kai chrysomēnōn*, I would not intercede. For it refers to what follows.

(39) This is *in truth*, as although in name they might only be consuls, not emperors, they were nevertheless emperors in the reality of the thing. Elsewhere he notes *pragmatikōs* as something approved or done by the unanimous consent of the whole senate and a promulgated sentence. But that does not seem to fit here.

(40) These are *tous chronous*, that is, per year, masters of the state of affairs. For that *chronon* is a year to the new Greeks is a common subject and not untouched by us in the above.

(41) Reference is made to the custom of the ancestors, as I have said elsewhere.

Augusti, you have conquered." And if the Veneti have precedence, their leaders say: "You of the senate, arise ^A (45); let us pray for our masters," and the people likewise three times; and if the Prasini have the precedence, the leader of the opposing faction, likewise both of the factions do the same and say: [So-and-so] and [so-and-so], Augusti, you have conquered." And if the Veneti have precedence, their leaders say: "You of the senate, arise; let us pray for our masters," and the people likewise three times; but if the Prasini have the precedence, [they say]: "Arise; let us pray for our masters," and the people [say]: "Many years!" And again: "But of those who hate us, [may you conquer] for many years!" and the people likewise three times.

VI. The remaining factions ^B also say these things, to which all respond in this manner: "As Judas of old, may he be suffocated, who does not love his own masters!" This same thing the people repeat three times, and immediately the organ is struck, and whichever faction is especially favored and approved, it says the chant through the mouth of the cantors; with the voice of tone plagal 1, they say: "We give thanks to you, Christ our God, for you scatter the counsels of the nations and crush the enemies, because you have magnified your wonders upon your people, O Powerful One. For you have subjected our enemies by your power, you have exalted the horn of our faithful kings by the intercessions ^C of her who gave birth to you, as you alone are full of mercy." Afterwards the cantors modulate: "Nanaia"; the people: "We praise you, Christ." Cantors: "Nana"; the people: "King of the ages!" Cantors: "Nana"; the people: "Only-begotten Word of the Father!" Cantors: "Ananaia"; the people: "For you looked upon us and enlightened us." Cantors: "Nana"; the people: "Your people." Cantors: "Sancta"; the people: "And by your power you have delivered us." Cantors: "Nanaia"; the people: "And you have brought us." Cantors: "Nanaia"; the people: "To God and Father." Cantors: "Ananaia"; the people: "Mediatrix ^D (47)." Cantors: "Ananaia"; the people: "As the only almighty!" And then in this way all the people say: "God will cause our holy empire to have length of days." It must be known that the opposing faction says the same things. And again, the one who has the precedence says: "O Son," and the other: "of God," and the opposing faction: "Victory!" three times. And then the leaders say: "Holy, thrice-holy, grant life and glory to them." And

^A For they were consuls in actual fact, kings for a year, and each of them, after the accomplishment of the task assigned to him by lot, was sent into the camps for the conduct of war. Once these were completed, he would return and, being questioned by the consuls on how he had managed the military affair, he would receive upon his shoulders the consular habit, commensurate with his share of the victory, and in his hands he would receive the delivered trophy, a sign of victory over the subdued enemies, in which painting were represented the deeds performed by him in that expedition, through which he would introduce into the city and show to the consuls the spoils and captives. He also held in his hands the ledgers of military expenditures. Furthermore, they say that the *scipiones* which the patricians carry have received this appellation from ancient traditions, full of good omen, from that most famous Roman military commander, Scipio, through whom they attained such great fame. Or they are also commonly called *scepæa* from this, as I indeed believe, because those who know how to contemplate and value what is noble in it, devote themselves entirely to it and diligently recall with themselves what great honors men who were brave and upright received of old, celebrated in the annals; and by this they are stimulated to their imitation. Finally, the *campagia*, as the Latin language calls them, they wear to signify the agility of the military man, who neglects to protect his legs with any other guard except the covering of felt, because he thinks he is sufficiently covered and safe with oblong or round shields, and therefore has no need of any other ingeniously crafted and cleverly devised protection. ^B

To the Temple of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos of the Great Palace.

The newly constructed great cross of Constantine, the Christ-loving and Porphyrogenitus emperor.

Sacred vessels of various temples. Vessels of the temple of the most holy Theotokos of the Pharos in the Great Palace.

The great cross, which the Christ-loving and Porphyrogenitus emperor Constantine recently had made.

^{C D}

the other: "Amen, O Lord." So too the lesser factions say the same, and those of the greater factions answer, and they say three times: "Increase their years." Thereafter are recited the trilexia and tetralecta appropriate to the feast day, for which the hippodrome had been prepared.

Acclamations on the victory of the charioteers

^A I. The chanters say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many more." The chanters: "You have come well, O servants of the God-crowned ones!" The people three times: "You have come well!" The chanters: "You have come well, O projection of benefactors!" The people three times: "You have come well!" The chanters: "You have come well, O heavenly one, with victory!" The Greens: "Olympian!" The people three times: "You have come well!" The chanters: "You have come well, having conquered, O glorious one!" The Greens: "Arising!" The people three times: "You have come well!" The chanters: "We ask for the 'equal' ^B of your victory from God!" The Greens: "This is to conquer through God!" The people three times: "You have come well!" The chanters: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many more!" And when the charioteers receive the prizes, the chanters say:

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

(48) There was a time when I believed this word meant: we demand tokens of your victory, that is, documents by which testimony of your victory is offered, by which the Emperor authentically acknowledges that you have won. *Ison* is certainly a copy, written by the pen, of some contract or act, of whatever nature it may be, both the original, *prototypum*, *Urschrift*, *Urkunde*, and a copy or antigraph, *Abschrift*, *Copie*. See Du Cange, Gloss. Lat. s.v., *Appar* and *Copia*; where he cites from the Council of Constantinople, *ison praxeos systases*, a copy of the procedure drawn up against... But it also signifies at times a prototype, an original writing, as the word *par* does among the Latins. Radevicus, book 10: "Moreover, because many 'paria' [that is, copies, autographs] of letters were found among them [which were, to be sure, all of the same subject-matter, and conceived in the same formulas, but written out to different persons, and varying only in a few things, namely the names of the men to whom they were addressed,]" and sheets sealed at their own discretion to be filled in; which we call *cartes blanches* today. In this sense *ison* is used by Theophanes, p. 114, where he narrates thus—for the passage is worthy of an explanation which the learned interpreter did not rightly grasp: "Upon the death of Acacius," he says, "Fravitas succeeded to the bishopric of Constantinople, who sent letters to Felix at Rome and to Mongus, the bishop of Alexandria, which were destined to deceive both them and himself. However, Felix intercepted the letters to Mongus before the *apocrisiarii* or representatives or legates of Fravitas could arrive at Rome with his own letters." Hence the meaning of the obscure phrasing: *Philex de ta isa pros ton Mongon pemphtheta edexato para ton orthodoxon prolabonta*. In the same sense it should be understood in that work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *On the Life of Basil Macedo*, p. 197, *to ison tes diataxeos autes epi cheira labon*, taking an example (prototype) of the testament into his hands. I have brought forward what I could to give shape to my explanation. But since later on page 187 we have: *ta isa tes nikis hymon kata barbaron*, and *ta isa ton stratopedon*, and *ta isa ton laon*, ^C it is understood from a comparison of these passages with ours that the meaning of this formula is: We hope that such drivers may always fall to our lot as you are, to be blessed with victory by God. For it returns to the previously mentioned: "You have come well, O servants of the God-crowned ones," or "O projection of benefactors." In the same way the formula *ta isa tes synkletou* signifies: we hope that there may always be such nobles or magistrates for our people as those who are present. *Ta isa tou laou*: we hope that our people may always be like the present. Page 187: *ta isa despota, tes nikis hymon*: we hope that we may always have victorious lords, as you are, or even: we hope that you may continue to conquer your enemies henceforth, just as you have done up to now. Thus also the formula of our passage can be conceived in this manner: We desire that now also, with God propitious, you may conquer according to your known custom and skill of winning, or just as you are accustomed to conquer.

(49) What the prizes of the charioteers were long ago is understood from Vopiscus, *Aurelian*, t. II, *Script. Hist. Aug.* p. 452. "We see recently," he says, "the consulship (that is, the *hypateia*, the consular office) of Furius Placidus celebrated in the circus with such magnificence that it seemed not prizes were being given to the charioteers, but estates, when sub-silk garments, linear *paragaudae*, and even horses were given, while thrifty men groaned." And from our codex p. 192, 193. In the *senizo* or throne, and therefore in the *kathisma*, that the charioteers were crowned or honored with prizes by the emperors, as the presenters of the games, is evident from the passage of Chrysostom in Valesius to Ammianus Marcellinus p. 61, and from Theophanes p. 107, and from Malalas t. II, p. 92, 111, and 180. Whence it is certain that the victors received the palm from the emperor himself, or from him who presided in his place and presented the games, which once was done in the Daphne, the tribunal or palace so named, because in it laurel wreaths were dispensed. Nor do I doubt that such a building was that *Aristeion* into which the body of the murdered Commodus is said to have been carried in Herodianus, at the beginning of book II: "The body of the Emperor having been thus stolen, it was carried out and..."

^A Mæonius 58, in which he himself reposes together with his blessed 59 mother, Helena. Another sarcophagus of porphyry, Roman, in which the 60 Constantius reposes.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...of the finishing part, a son of Licantus), a celebrated and visible monument, which almost all authors declare, and the Great Constantine himself (see Codin. *Offic.* p. 113, n. 10), and most of the succeeding emperors, to have been deposited in. I do not see, therefore, how I can reconcile with them the Continuator of Theophanes, who manifestly contradicts them (*Script. p. Th.* p. 120, where he says thus: "Bardas surrendered Ignatius to a guard, and to a severe and harsh guard. And it was in the sanctuary of the Holy Apostles, not in that great and venerable one, but where the tombs are said to be, and where they are"). Ignatius is handed over by Bardas to prison, and to an immense and gloomy one. He was in the temple of the Holy Apostles, not in that great and venerable one, but in that which is commonly called "the Sepulchres," and where the sepulchres in truth are.

58 "Roman marble," it is said, is of a red color, and is quarried in Egypt; whence it is also called Egyptian. [Constantine in *Vita Basil.* c. 55: "Of Egyptian stone, which we are accustomed to call Roman."] Our author takes porphyry and Roman marble for the same thing. That they are held to be different today, however, will be evident from the passage of Keisler to be cited shortly. Regarding the various types of marble mentioned in this chapter, Du Cange has treated this in his notes on Paul the Silentiary’s *Ecphrasis of St. Sophia*, ch. 10, where he describes these types of marble: Egyptian, Thebaic [concerning Thebaic marble see Aristid. 349. From the Addenda], Roman, and porphyry, which to him are all the same; then the Phrygian, varied in color, and exhibiting a rosy hue mixed with white and blue, the Laconian, green, the Carian, distinguished by oblique semi-lines of blood-red, white, and livid, the Lydian, mixed with a greenish and pale color, the Proconnesian, the Libyan, of blue and saffron color at once, the Celtic, black, the Bosporan, white, the Thessalian, and the Molossian, especially following Paul the Silentiary, whom it will not be useless nor unpleasant to reread as he describes these marbles on p. 515, from verse 200 to 229. Paul describes the Egyptian marble there thus: 1. 200. A great abundance upon the Nile, whose far-stretching arms 1. 201. Offer a beautiful sight, filling the merchant ships, 1. 202. The purple stone arises, glowing with fine stars, 1. 203. With which it seems to be fixed.

Since, therefore, this marble is born in Egypt, some will wonder how it came to be called Roman. Perhaps the ancients gave it this name. The ancient Romans were wont to have the obelisks of Augustus and other large marble masses brought from Egypt to Rome, and they used this stone frequently in their buildings. ^D Hence it happened that Egyptian or Thebaic marble was called Roman, because it was liked, sought, and used most frequently by the Romans, and thereafter transported from Rome to Constantinople by the Great Constantine and others. Anna Comnena clearly suggests this etymology in her *Alexiad*, p. 190, describing the *Salam* (called *Porphyra*): "The floor was paved with porphyry, and the walls were covered [not with those of commoners or others, however many are more easily obtainable than the more precious stones; but with those which the emperors of old brought from Rome]. Now this stone is, so to speak, purple throughout and has certain sand-like spots, [lesca] wandering about it. From these stones, I believe, those of old called the building Porphyra."

59 Theophanes testifies to this, p. 21: "He was buried in the church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, which his son Constantine the Great built."

[(60)] It is read erroneously in the *Anonymous Origins* mentioned by Banduri, because it says that Constantine was buried in the church of the Apostles, who was killed in the battle at Aquileia together with his brother Constans, and whose body was thrown into the river Alsa, as the *Epitome of Victor*, Zosimus, Theophanes, and others testify. But it must be corrected from our text. Concerning the funeral of Constantius, Gregory Nazianzen, *Second Oration against Julian*, p. 93: "When he had removed the diadem from his head and bowed before the emperor, he thus accompanied the body to the tomb, to those who were leading it into the renowned sanctuary of the apostles. And they, the holy race, both received it and guard it." Julian, having removed the diadem from his head and lowered it, as was fitting, before the emperor's gaze, then together with those who were carrying it, to that noble tomb and sanctuary of the Apostles, who [guard] the holy genus, as if [equal]...

in many!" But when the charioteers receive the prizes of victory, the chanters say: "Long life to you, divine Majesty!" The Greens: "Election of the Trinity!" The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "Long life to you, servants of the Lord!" The people three times: "Holy!" The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "Long life to you, N. N. Augustas of the Romans!" The people three times: "Long life to you!" The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "Long life to you, our Lords, together with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people three times: "Long life to you!" The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "Long life to you, the Three to the Heavenly ^A One!" (The Greens: "To the Olympian!") And the people three times: "Long life to you!" The chanters: "Lord, save the Lords of the Romans!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "The same for you, Lords, in your victory!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save those crowned by you!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save the wealth ^B of your subjects!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "The same for you, Lords, as for the Senate!" The people likewise three times. The chanters: "The divine Word increases your victories!" The people likewise three times. The chanters: "The Senate loves you in harmony!" The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "The same for you, Lords, in your victory against the barbarians!" The people likewise three times: "Holy!" The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "Your enemies shall perish by divine judgment!" The people three times: "Holy!" The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "The same for you, Lords, of the camps!" The people three times: "Holy!" ^C The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "And with them may God assist you!" The people three times: "Holy!" The Greens: "Holy!" The chanters: "The same for you, Lords, as for your people!" The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "Depart and pray for your Lords!" The people three times: "Holy!"

II. But after they have prayed for all good things for the Lords, they mount the chariot of the charioteer, and the chanters say with modulated voice: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many!" And then thus they sing the 4th tone processional hymn: "Glory to our God, for he has been glorified; to Him alone, the Maker of all things and the dispenser of mercy, let us hallow our lips, acclaiming you, greatest benefactors, Emperors ^D of the Romans."

^A to the son of the great Constantine. Another sarcophagus of Roman porphyry, in which lies Theodosius the Great (61). Another sarcophagus of green Hieracite marble (62), in which lies Leo the Great. Another sarcophagus of Roman porphyry, in which lies Marcian with his wife Pulcheria. Another sarcophagus of green Thessalian marble (63), in which lies the Emperor Zeno. Another sarcophagus of Aquitanian marble (64), in which lies Anastasius Dicorus with his wife Ariadne. Another sarcophagus of green Thessalian stone, in which lies the Emperor Michael, the son of Theophilus (65). It must be known, however, that such a sarcophagus is that of the Emperor Justinian (66) the Great. It lay, moreover, in the monastery of the Augusta (67), beneath the Church of the Holy Apostles.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

^A ...extracted from Mount Acynthus. Anonymus in the *Origines Constantinopolitanae*, or as in the Colbertine codex, *Anakentianē*, where Bandurius conjectures that *Ananchitin*, a stone of which Pliny makes mention, should be read. Regarding Aquitanian marble, see Alteserra, in *Hilarus*, ad Anastasium, p. 42. Perhaps it is the same as the Celtic marble which Paulus Silentiarius, in his *Ecphrasis* v. 220, lists among the marbles used to adorn Hagia Sophia: "And as much as the deep-crystal Celtic [stone] projects, With its dark glistening skin, casting about much milk-white [spottedness]." From which it appears that the black marble was sprinkled with white spots. Sidonius Apollinaris also mentions Aquitanian marble, *Epist.* II, 40: "Hence the triple portico is unfurled, Proud with its Aquitanian moldings."

(65) [Who, having been maddened in the palace of Saint Mamas, was killed. But his body, while Leo was emperor, was consigned to the earth in the Church of the Holy Apostles, as Cedrenus, p. 593, affirms: *He commanded that the murdered Emperor Michael be brought into the city, and from there he was conveyed with chants and hymns as far as the Church of the Holy Apostles and placed in a marble sarcophagus*; which also came to pass. He orders the corpse of the murdered Emperor Michael to be brought to Constantinople. There, it was received with chanting and hymns, carried as far as the Church of the Apostles, and placed in a marble sarcophagus]. For he had previously been buried in the monastery of Philippicus at Chrysopolis. *Cf. Script. post Theophan.*, p. 117.

(66) ...after the manner of librarians, who perpetually confuse the names of Justin and Justinian. For he designates Justin, as is certain from the collation of this place and p. 373 with other authors. Indeed, it is said further down that the remains of Justin and his wife Sophia were removed from their own sarcophagi and deposited in a small, humble chest. If you listen to our author, therefore, it is not Justin the elder, otherwise called Thrax, who is designated, but the younger. For the wife of the elder was first called Lupicia and later Euphemia, having changed her name, whereas the wife of the younger was Sophia. But what our author, on p. 373, seems to attribute to Justin, the husband of Sophia, other authors attribute to Justin, the husband of Euphemia; see Du Cange, *CPli Chr.*, l. VII, p. 153, n. XII, and p. 160, n. 77 and the following note. And without doubt quite rightly. First, the fact that "the Great" is used here reveals that it is Justin the elder, not the younger, who is designated. Furthermore, in the *heroon* of Justinian appears the urn of Justin the younger, and in white marble, not the elder's—which Cedrenus, like our author, claims was green marble. Wherefore it is concluded that in our present passage, the name Justin should be substituted for Justinian, and on p. 373, Euphemia for Sophia. (67) Augusta, from which the monastery, or rather the convent (for it was destined for women), [took] its name.

Truly, for those who believe in you, they behold all good things. ^A Another: "Who has ever had such clement and beneficent masters, who have preserved justice for all men and raised up the good fortune of the Veneti? We have you, O beloved, a David, for whom, after you, the state will find none your equal." Another: "Joy shines upon the Veneti, because the flower promoted by God rises, cherishing the Veneti as its own kin; for this reflects upon the state for the good fortune and glory of the Empire." Another: "When this faction is victorious, the Emperor is successful in his wars alongside the army, and in the Roman city, abundance increases and grows. Therefore, we pray to the Divine, that it may grant victory and glory to the Veneti for all ages."

III. It must be known that, from the second palm, the chanters say: "The faith of the Emperors is victorious!" and the people likewise three times. Chanters: "Of the Augustae!" People: "The faith of the Augustae is victorious!" Chanters: "Of the City!" People: "The faith of the City is victorious!" Chanters: "Of the Veneti!" (the Prasini say: "Of the Prasini!") People: "The faith of the Veneti is victorious!" (the Prasini say: "Of the Prasini!") ^B Thereafter the *apelaticon* is sung: "The solemn memory of your coronation commemorates liberty from the heavens for men," etc. Another, Tone I: "Even if I wished to be silent, the kindness of your ways would not permit it: for desire, having overcome fear, impels me to celebrate your praises; for the successes of your arms against your enemies have resounded like thunder to the ends of the world." Thereafter the chanters intone: "Anana;" and the people: "The whole desire of the Romans!" Chanters: "Nana;" and the people: "For through piety you govern the whole world!" Chanters: "Nana;" and the people: "Your majesty, lords, is the first to be a lover of good and of justice!" ^C Thereafter the chanters say: "Servi!" and the people: "We are the servants of the Emperors!" three times. Chanters: "Servants of good Emperors!" and so the people three times. Chanters: "We are servants, who love you by right!" and the people the same three times. Chanters: "Servi!" and the people three times: "We are the servants of the Emperors!" Chanters: "Nos!" and the people: "Of the Emperors!"

IV. It must be known that the cross-bearers ^D descend from the four factions; those of the Veneti and the Albati (Whites) turn through the curve of the Veneti and enter into the *stama*, while those of the Prasini (Greens) and the Russellati (Reds) turn through the curve of the Prasini and betake themselves to the station. On the day of the vows

^A after the second palm branch, the cross-bearers from the four factions descend, carrying crosses woven of flowers, and take their station in the *stama*. The *koursoures* (runners) take up the crosses and bring them to the masters, and immediately they say the *akta*. The *kraktai* (criers): "O life-giving Cross, bring aid to the masters!" and the people shout three times: "Holy!" The *kraktai*: "In this, O benefactors, you were crowned;" the people three times: "Holy!" The *kraktai*: "In this you reign and conquer;" the people three times: "Holy!" The *kraktai*: "In this you shall rule over all nations;" the people three times: "Holy!" And while the organ plays the *Trisagion*, the *kraktai* say: "Thrice-Holy, bring aid to the masters!" and the people likewise three times. It should be known that if there is ^B no race in the evening, the prizes are given in the morning; but if there is [a race] in the evening, they are given in the evening.

Things to be performed at the evening hippodrome.

A’. As the masters come up, according to the custom and the morning order, to the throne and stand before the *sentzion*, they make the sign of the cross with the hem of their cloaks a third time, just as we said before in the morning. And indeed, as the masters are crossing themselves, the factions say: "Holy, holy, holy!" and the people shout three times: "Holy!" The *kraktai*: "Many, many, many!" the people: "Many years for many [years]," and the rest, just as was said in the morning. And if the Veneti (Blues) have precedence, the ^C *kraktai* say in the voice of the fourth mode, *ichadion*: "Anana;" the people: "We glorify thee, O Christ." The *kraktai*: "Nana;" the people: "King of the ages." The *kraktai*: "Nana;" the people: "Only begotten Word of the Father." The *kraktai*: "Ananaia;" the people: "That thou hast looked upon and enlightened." The *kraktai*: "Nana;" the people: "Thy people." The *kraktai*: "Agia (Holy);" and the people: "And by thy power thou hast delivered us." The *kraktai*: "Anania;" the people: "And thou hast brought us." The *kraktai*: "Ananaia;" the people: "To God and the Father." The *kraktai*: "Ananaia ^D [...]"

the people: "As the only omnipotent." And again the *kraktai* say in the secondary fourth tone: "Nana;" the people: "The whole desire of the Romans!" The *kraktai*: "Holy;" the people: "In you, O benefactors, one gazes!" The *kraktai*: "Nana;" the people: "For by piety you rule the world entirely, for the sake of your benevolent power, O masters." Another in the fourth tone: "Even if I wished to be silent, the kindness of your ways would not permit me," and the rest. But if the Green faction has precedence, they say with the voice of the secondary fourth tone: "We give thanks to you, ^A Christ our God, who scatter the counsels of the nations," and the rest. And again they say a troparium, in the same tone: "I confirm the divine in all things, and your piety, benefactors; our soul has no other remedy than to look upon you, the masters of the world." Another, fourth tone: "Your power, O Christ-loving, God-appointed benefactors, truly shines forth from God and not from men, the one and the other, the delight of the Venetians." Thereafter the *kraktai* say: "We are the slaves of the emperors;" the people likewise. The *kraktai*: "Behold, slaves of the pious emperors;" the people likewise. The *kraktai*: "Slaves;" the people: "Of the emperors." The *kraktai*: "Slaves;" the people: "Of the emperors."

II. It should be known that the aforementioned *acta* of the victory of the charioteers are recited in the morning after the victory. It is also necessary to know that after the second palm, the cross-bearers from the four factions descend, carrying crosses woven of flowers, and the *koursōres* stand at the entrance, take such crosses and, having brought them to the masters, immediately recite the *acta*. The *kraktai*: "The divine symbol ^B (57), help the masters;" and the people three times likewise. The *kraktai*: "In this you are crowned, O benefactors;" the people likewise three times. The *kraktai*: "In this you reign and conquer;" and the people three times likewise. The *kraktai*: "In this you shall destroy all nations;" and the people three times likewise. And while the organ plays the Trisagion...

^A Likewise it is to be known that all the hippodrome performances, both in the morning and in the evening, follow this type and order. For the same acts and the same acclamations and all the other ceremonies mentioned above are preserved.

Matters to be performed when a *mikropanites* is about to become a *factionarius*.

I. When the circus games are held, and the first chariot of the *mikropanites* has won the palm, the emperor signals to the people that they should request such-and-such person to be *factionarius*; and the *kraktai* immediately say: "Lords of the world, receive the Veneti who entreat you;" and the people ^B call out a third time: "Holy." The *kraktai*: "As servants, we dare to entreat you;" and the people three times: "Holy." The *kraktai*: "With fear we beseech the lords;" and the people three times: "Holy." The *kraktai*: "Be entreated with forbearance, O benefactors;" and the people call out a third time: "Holy." The *kraktai*: "For the petition of your servants the Veneti;" and the people three times: "Holy." The *kraktai*: "We seek the second *factionarius*;" and the people three times: "Holy." The *kraktai*: "Lord, save the lords of the Romans;" the people three times: "Lord, save." The *kraktai*: "Lord, save those crowned by you;" the people three times: "Lord, save." The *kraktai*: "Lord, save the lords together with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti;" ^C and the people three times: "Lord, save." And then the *kraktai* say: "We your servants have one more request;" the people three times: "Lord, save." The *kraktai*: "The *faction* of the lords, for such-and-such person;" the people three times: "Lord, save."

II. When the emperor has granted the golden bull, that is, the *faction*, the *actuarius* gives a sign with his hand to the people, from which they understand that the emperor has granted the *faction*. The *actuarius*, escorted by the *coursors*—that is, with one *coursor* walking before the *actuarius* and carrying the bull in his uplifted hand—takes this from the *coursor* and hands it to the one who is to become *factionarius*. He, after he has kissed it and pressed it to his eyes, hands it to the *actuarius*. He ^D places it on his loins, and immediately the *faction* singers say: "Three, lords, of the *faction*!" and the people three times: "Lord, save."

JOHN JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY

(58) It is the golden bull or the *faction* he is permitted to hold, by which he is declared *factionarius*. As *combinatio* (for *combinatio*) is a diploma by which permission is given to combine horses, as *evectio* is the written testimony of the permission granted for the carrying or carriage in a chariot outside the city and province: so the *factio* is the written attestation of the permission granted to institute a *faction*. Our author himself explains here the golden bull, that is, the *faction*.

(59) That they are said to be golden bulls, not because they are inscribed in golden letters, although this may sometimes happen, but more rarely, but because from them hangs a golden bull or capsule by a thread or silk cord, holding within the image and name of the emperor stamped in wax, many have written much, and some have written whole treatises; compare Du Cange, *Glossarium*, and ad Cinnam. p. 486. Imperial golden bulls are sometimes written in golden letters. Anastas. p. 86. Regarding precepts signed with a seal, see Luitprand, *Leg.* p. 144.

(60) The custom of kissing imperial letters and mandates and pressing them to the eyes and forehead seems to have descended from the Greeks to the Turks along with many other rites. As often as Turkish magistrates receive a *firman* or decree from their Sultan, they kiss it and press it to their eyes and forehead, as is established by travelogues. That this is an ancient custom is clear.

Munus Venetorum! » ^A population thrice: « Domine, serva! » The chanters: « Domine, serva. Renovatio precum! » The population thrice: « Domine, serva. » And when the factionarius, having been invested with the bull, receives the prizes of victory, the population says: « Depart and pray for your own masters, » and immediately he goes up to his own chariot ^A (64), and he *sassei*—that is, dances (65)—just as is the custom after a victory.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(61) *Code* *epidenei* [ed. *epiteinei*], which would mean *attaches*. For the Greeks, *denein* and *dennein* for *dein*, to bind, they pronounce. Thus the sense would be to attach the golden bull suspended from the cincture over his waist, as a sign of legitimization, just as soldiers today carry leather pouches, which we commonly call *Patrontaschen*. The factionarius, who was carrying his chrysobull in this way, professed himself to be constituted by the authority of the imperial faction. Indeed, the custom was once that couriers, ministers, and heralds of princes should carry arms—that is, emblems—hanging from their belts in painted boxes; whence perhaps the custom arose that soldiers carry the prince’s arms, for whom they serve, over their shoulder straps (*Patrontaschen*). In Nicetas p. Upton and military office 1. 9, they are called peditantes of emperors, kings, and princes, to carry the arms of their masters in boxes painted and hanging on their belts or cinctoria over their shoulders. Nor is it permitted to them to carry the arms of their masters in any other place. This same custom also exists in the vesture of the patriarchs. ^C Est autem the *epigonation* is a scutiform, cross-marked mappula, hanging from the belt over the right thigh and floating. By this he professed that he was a minister and preacher of the cross. *Stola* (which is the same as *phoea*) they used to say for *vestis* of the ancients. Hypatus *De partibus corporis humani*. Those pouches are called *Patron-taschen*, because those who wear them show in them the emblems of the masters (patrons) whom they serve, to whose family they belong. Examples of the verb *denein* for *vincire*, to bind, Du Cange has. Similar formation the verb *perichynein* for *chynein* and *chein*; *painein* for *bainein*, *baein*; *perein*, *pernein*. And in general all verbs contracted in *eo* form by the Greeks in *eo* and *enno*, so that all verbs contracted in... ^D ...are formed in *o*, *yno*, etc.

(62) If the word here meant faction-related, I would believe *ta tria* means the same as above p. 187, A, pen., namely we request three coins owed to the faction. But I believe rather that in this place is implied three copies (exemplaria), three transcriptions, as they speak, of the golden bull, which the factionarius is called; one perhaps, which would be brought into the imperial archive, another which would be deposited in the archive of the faction, a third, which the factionarius himself would keep for himself. Cf. p. 235, where two copies of the same formula are mentioned.

(63) I must place a period here or shortly after. *Domine, serva*; (we request) the Munus Venetorum, the *conchiarium* customarily given to the Veneti. For it is noted that in modern Greek *antilepsis* is the same as *doron* (gift), and properly indeed *antidoron* is a gift received in return for another gift. Cf. Script. post Theophan. p. 268, B and ours p. 218, A, penult., Theophan. p. 422, C, 1.

(64) Which the chariot called *harma* or *schema*. It is my opinion, however, that it was a place or building where not only the arms of the chariot-racers (such as helmets, straps, whips, goads, etc.) were lying, but also where they practiced their pyrrhic dances; which is subsequently said to be in the middle of the circus p. 194, C, pen. and p. 200, D, pen. They go up, therefore, into the [*armatourion*]—that is, the place where the arms lie and are put on—and the armor or pyrrhic dances take place. In this way our [text] p. 192, pen., is to be interpreted.

(65) *Bene factum* in that reference is obscurely added. This often recurs in the code, for *saltare* and for *salutatione*. If the etymology of Salmasius is correct—*dantzen*, *danser*, derived from the Latin *densare* (Script. Hist. Aug. II, p. 12)—because the beats of the feet are thickened in the dance and become frequent; which etymology the *Glossae Graeco-Latinae* confirm: *arupedium*, *adensatio* (that is, *addensatio*), *adenso*, *denso*, *acupedius cursor*—as if running with acute feet. It is not an improbable conjecture that the *sassein* of the Greeks flowed from the same source, namely to *offercire*, to make frequent beats of the feet; or even *sassein* because while dancing knees are often bent, and the body is inclined to the sides. I find the verb *sassein* for *genu flectere* (to bend the knee) in the *Alexiad*, p. 311, C: It has in this sense and meaning a great similarity with the Belgian *sacken*. However, in the *Alexiad* place it can also be taken for *sassein*, which meaning I find also in a compound derivative, *anassasmos*, respiration, as if a throbbing of the lungs.

^A

Acts when a secondary charioteer is to be appointed.

The chanters say: "Lords of the world, hear the Venetians praying!" and the people shout three times: "Holy!" and the rest, as was noted above regarding the factionary; except that instead of: "The three, Lords, of the faction," they say: "The three, Lords, of the secondary." One must know that if the charioteer is not sealed ^B, he does not mount into the chariot to leap after the palm.

Things to be observed when the bigarius is gifted with a belt.

I. In the equestrian race, when a charioteer of any faction has becomes a participant and is about to receive the prizes of the contest, he enters, and signifies to the ^C actuarius through a cursor, saying: "I wish to gird the charioteer." The actuarius reports this to the Emperor, and once the Lord has ordered the bigarius to be girded, the one who is to be the bigarius enters and, falling upon the ground, grasps the feet of the first charioteer. The charioteers, having received the prizes, exit and stand across from the people, signing the Lords with a cross. While the people are shouting out to the Emperor the acts of the prizes of victory, the Lords send the prizes to the charioteers, who are standing outside opposite the factions. And then the people say to the charioteers: "Depart and pray for the Lords." When they go back to the *stama*, the bigarius enters with them, and as the charioteers fall, the bigarius also falls, and while holding the ^D foot of the factionary with his left hand, he signs with his right; the *epistates* stands to the right of the factionary. The Emperor releases the charioteers, and they mount the chariot, and leaping, that is, dancing, they turn, and returning to their own faction, they sign and depart, going toward the *kangella*. The *epistates* remains with the bigarius in the *stama*, standing upright and signing.

II. The Emperor orders to be brought the *aurigarium*—which is also called the public—as well as a precious silver helmet and the belt. The actuarius departs, escorted by all the cursors, there being three of them, one of whom carries the *aurigarium* or the second the helmet, and the third the belt.

^A For one thousand thirty and seven men, the payment is 1 centenarium, 41 libræ, and 24 nomismata. For the theme of the Thracesians, for 3000 men at 2 numismata each, the payment is 100 libræ and 24 nomismata. For the theme of Sebastia, for 1000 men, the payment is 41 libræ and 24 nomismata. For the Armenians of the Platani, for 500 men at 6 numismata each, the payment is 1 centenarium, 41 libræ, and 48 nomismata. For the Armenians of Prines, for 400 men at 5 numismata each, the payment is 1 centenarium, 27 libræ, and 56 nomismata. In total, the cavalrymen are 2037. The payment is 2 centenaria, 54 libræ, and 38 nomismata. And for the additional 3900 men, the payment is 100 libræ, 52 libræ, and 56 nomismata. And in total, for the cavalry, 4 centenaria, 7 libræ, and 22 nomismata.

Concerning the advance

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

^A Then the actuarius hands the *aurigarium* into his hands, places the helmet upon his head, and buckles the belt about his waist. And straightway the people chant the *acta*: "Many, many, many years!" The people: "Many years for many years to come!" The cursors: "Many years to you, chosen of the Trinity!" And the people cry out three times: "Holy!" The cursors: "Many years to you, servants of the Lord!" The people cry out three times: "Holy!" The Veneti: "Many years to you!" The cursors: "Many years to you, [Name] and [Name], Emperors of the Romans!" The people cry out three times: "Many years to you!" The cursors: "Many years to you, Sovereigns, with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people cry out three times: "Many years to you!" The cursors: "[Name], may you be fortunate in these games!" The people cry three times: "Holy!" The cursors: "A crown, Sovereigns, for the bigarius!" And straightway they send him a crown and a garment. And again the cursors say: ^B "Lord, save the Sovereigns of the Romans!" The people cry three times: "Lord, save them!" The cursors: "Lord, save the Sovereigns with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people cry three times: "Lord, save them!" Then all say the *polychronion* together. The bigarius signs the Sovereigns three times, and bowing his knee, gives thanks, and departs with the epistates as far as the Daphne. Then the bigarius departs to the Hippodrome, and signing three times to the Hippodrome, he ascends to the *cancelli* and offers obeisance to the factionarius, all the charioteers of the two factions, and the tribune.

Acta for triumphal victories being celebrated in the Hippodrome

"Glory to God, the Lord of all; glory to the Creator and Maker of all things. Glory to God, who has triumphed over those of Hagar. Glory to God, the King of ages. Glory to God, who has strengthened the orthodox Emperors. Glory to God, who has looked upon us with love for mankind. Glory to God, who has struck down the Ishmaelites, the enemies of Christ. Glory to God, who has delivered the captives from the enemy. Glory to God, who has destroyed the cities of the Arabs. Glory to God, who has cast down those who deny the Trinity. Glory to God, who has destroyed those who deny the Theotokos. Glory to God, who has shamed the arrogance of [Name], the enemy of Christ. Glory to God, who was pleased that it should be thus. Lord, who shall not praise Your counsel? Lord, who shall not hymn the works of Your hands? Lord, we give You thanks for all things, that You have greatly had mercy on Your people ^D that it should be ruled by such an empire." And when the captives fall prostrate upon the ground, the actuarius signals, and the cursors say: "Our enemies have fallen by the judgment of God!" And the people repeat the same three times.

^A ...or animals, or from the distribution of individuals in the Theme of the Anatolikoi. Concerning those things which must be prepared for the Thrakesioi, namely the 20,000 [measures] of barley, and the 40,000 of wheat and paxamation (biscuit), and flour, and the 30,000 of wine, and the 10,000 of slaughtered beasts, and concerning the preparation of 10,000 [units] of flax for the purposes of the "propylai" (outer ship-timbers) and the caulking, so that he may have [it] at Phygela, and 7,000 [nails] for the fastening of the dromons. The protonotary of the Thrakesioi has accepted [responsibility for] these. Limnogalaktos also accepted [responsibility], so that he may assist with the wine. Concerning the preparation of 30,000 five-finger nails for the decking of the dromons, for the gangways and the *pathnai*, so that they may be sent down to Phygela. The strategos of Samos has accepted [responsibility] for this, to receive the expenditure from the protonotary. Concerning the preparation of 3,000 common-headed hook-nails for the turtles, ladders, and other siege-engines, and 3,000 span-long [nails]. The strategos of Samos accepted [responsibility] for this. Concerning the preparation of 4,000 six-finger nails, and 4,000 five-finger nails, and 4,000 four-finger nails, for the falcon-structures, the gangways, and other needs. The strategos of Samos accepted [responsibility] for this.

Concerning the assumption by someone imperial who is among the Anatolikoi of the preparation of 20,000 [measures] of barley, and 60,000 of paxamation, wheat, and flour, through the Kibyrrhaiotai and the Anatolikos, and that they be sent down from the Anatolikoi to Attaleia, in place of the one going to Kalon Oros (51). Concerning the purchase by the protonotary of the Kibyrrhaiotai of 60,000 small nails for the fastening of the leather-coverings. Concerning the sandals (flat-bottomed boats) that have been bent for the dromons to be sent down to the current [commander?], that he be sent from the Company with an order to the *katepano*, and he shall give him the proto-cancellarius and every assistance, and he shall hold the Korphitianoi of Herakleia, and he shall take sailors for each sandal. ^{B C D}

Acts concerning the great emir defeated and killed in war.

"Glory to God who overcomes the enemy! Glory to God who has brought down the atheists! Glory to God, the author of victory! Glory to God who has crowned thee, O master of the earth, hail O king, the happiness of the Romans! Hail O king, the strength of thy army! Hail O king, through whom such a one fell! Hail O king, the destroyer of such a one! May God preserve thee in the purple for the honor and exaltation of the Romans with the venerable Augustas in the purple! May God hear our people's prayers."

Concerning a horse, in the first race of which there was an unfortunate contest, and the way in which other horses must be substituted for it.

^A It is to be noted that if it happens that a horse performs the contest badly in the first race by night, the custom of substituting another horse for it is as follows: ^B both masters of the opposing faction, along with two inspectors and the praefect, are present; they go to the place where the horse is standing, and they lead it out and examine it carefully in the middle. If it cannot truly be brought forward, they choose a similar horse from the third race to run in the place of the injured one, whatever bridle it may have been assigned. This horse, however, must conduct the contest in its own race—that is, the third—but if it should be allotted to the second or the fourth, the same is observed as we have said. In the evening race, too, all the rites are similar to those of the morning, except for the ball coming out of the urn and the incident of the horse that is faring poorly. After the charioteers have arranged everything, namely the teams and the starting-gates, they remain in the armatorium. ^C When the wood of the holy church gives the signal, they rise, go to the church, and light candles. Holding them, they return, and carrying them around into the circuit, they depart into the oratory of the holy Mother of God, which...

^A 84, Armenians, who of their own accord arrived for the expedition together with the mangonel-crews or siege-engine operators, 36. In total there were one thousand forty-three cavalrymen.

The items sent to the King of Italy under the Emperor Romanus [Lecapenus], in case he should set out and fight against the rebel princes—namely, Landulf and his brother Atenulf, and Gaimar and his brother Waifer, and all the Lombards ^B who had revolted from the theme of Lombardy—and might restore the fortresses to the Strategos of Lombardy.

A ledger: one centenarium, ten sets of undergarments; a cup.

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(63) I do not doubt that I have correctly expressed the abbreviation of the writing which was in the parchments, *boulē*. We call such persons volunteers, the Arabs *Mutathawwaah*.

(64) The term "Italy" is taken in a stricter sense, as was customary in that century; for in the Middle Ages they used to call Italy what we today call Lombardy, which was once termed Cisalpine Gaul. Muratori dealt with that meaning of the word in his preface to the *Acta Translationis S. Geminiani*, vol. VI of *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum*. Conversely, the ancients used to call Italy what was otherwise known as Magna Graecia, which today is called the Kingdom of Naples. Artemidorus, p. 26, where he speaks of the *Pialia*, games celebrated by the Emperor M. Antoninus Pius in honor of the Emperor Hadrian, says they were in Italy, designating Puteoli. Polybius, p. 30, end, ed. Gronovius, uses "Italy" for Iapygia; and others do so very often. That King of Italy, to whom Romanus sent an embassy, was Hugh, who had sent envoys to Romanus and had requested aid from him against the Saracens who were devastating Italy. Romanus sent him reinforcements, but on the condition that he would bring to heel the Lombard petty rulers of Campania—Landulf and Atenulf, the princes of Capua and Benevento, as well as Gaimar and Gaifer (in our current way of writing, Waimar and Waifer; by *aul*, which is the same thing, Waibel), the lords of Salerno—and compel them to recognize the majesty of the Emperor of Constantinople. I do not involve myself here in the very intricate history and chronology of those princes; but I bid the reader to compare Camillo Pellegrino’s *History of the Lombard Princes*, which Muratori inserted into volume II of his *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum*. Regarding the embassy of Hugh to Romanus, which Luitprand’s father performed, it will be helpful to consult Luitprand’s *History*, book III, chap. 5. The purpose ^C of that embassy was perhaps to signify to Romanus the Kingdom of Italy he had occupied, which he took in the year 926, that is, in the fifteenth indiction, or the first, and to enter into a military alliance with him. For the kingdom, being new, was not yet settled at that time, and he had never had it sufficiently pacified. This first embassy fell in the year of Christ 927. Romanus answered this embassy of Hugh to himself with this one here related, as it seems, or with another slightly older one. For it is not permitted to define it exactly. However many times the envoys may have traveled back and forth, this is certain: that the Roman Emperor strove to draw Hugh to his own side, and urged him to join his Italian forces with the Greeks to bring the rebel princes of Lombard blood to heel. For in the year 933, the Beneventan, aided by Theobald, Hugh’s kinsman, the Marquis of Spoleto and Camerino, inflicted a grave defeat upon the Greeks and sent home all the Greeks he had captured, castrated in mockery. It seems Hugh agreed to this on that condition and performed the collaborative service, so that Bertha, his illegitimate daughter, would some day be united in marriage to Romanus the Younger, the grandson of the elder [Romanus] through his daughter, then still a mere infant; and so it happened that Campania returned to Greek jurisdiction. This is understood from Luitprand, in whose book about his embassy to Nicephorus Phocas these words are read: the land (thus Luitprand rebuked him, on his own testimony, Nicephorus p. 480) which you say belongs to your empire, the inhabitants and their language declare to be of the Italian realm [and thus in no way pertains to Greek law. There is a controversy regarding the Neapolitan kingdom. Landulf, prince of the Beneventans and Capuans, subjected it to himself by power for seven years (that is, he usurped it by tyranny, he possessed it ^D *de facto*, as they say, not *de jure*] so that it did not emerge from the yoke of his servitude or that of his successors until the present [that is, it had not emerged. Therefore Campania had returned at that time to the Greeks], if the Roman Emperor had not bought the friendship of our King Hugh with immense money given [that is, had he not bought it]. And this was the cause, that he united in marriage to his own and namesake [namely Romanus the Younger] the illegitimate daughter of that same Hugh for Naples. However, before that happened, Hugh sent another embassy to Constantinople, around the year 939, by which he requested aid from the Greek Emperor against the Saracens occupying Fraxinetum; and Romanus sent him troops, by whose aid those Saracens were driven from Fraxinetum in the year 941. Luitprand mentions this embassy in *Hist.* V. 4.

(66) That those princes held their principalities from the Greek Emperors is evident from the old charter of Waimar in Muratori, vol. I, *Ant. Ital.*, p. 181, where it lies thus: "I, Waimar, prince and imperial patrician, declare that it has been granted to me by the most holy and pious Emperors Leo and Alexander by word (did lagon, see p. 408) and most firm precept sealed with a golden bull, the entire lot of the Beneventan province, that it might be permitted to me to do therewith all that I wish, just as all my predecessors, the princes, have done, etc." On the power of these men, Muratori argues more extensively there, who nevertheless does not deny that they were vassals of the Greek Emperors, because they certainly bore the titles of Anthypatos and Patricius. Regarding this case, there exists a notable inscription at Taranto, edited by Muratori in *Thesaur.* vol. 1, p. 468, which I would like to have compared with the items argued thus far: ROMANOS BASILEUS ROMAION KRATISTOS META DEDAMASMENOYS TOYS APOSTATIKOUS KAI TOYS AALLOUS TES KALABRIAS GORYBOUS EPI AUTOKRATOPOS KONSTANTINOS SYN TON SARAKENON BOETHEIA TO NEON PHROURION EN TEI POLEI TARANTO EK THEMELION KEKELEUKE OIKODO- MEIN.

(67) When the Greeks name *Langobardia*, they understand that part of the Italian or Lombard kingdom which still at that time belonged to them, otherwise called Lesser Lombardy. "It was the custom of the Greeks to designate a part of the Beneventan duchy, and especially Apulia, by the peculiar title of Lesser Lombardy. These are the words of the illustrious Muratori, vol. I, *Ant. Ital.*, p. 72, whom I would wish to be compared, and Angelo de

is at the first gate; having prayed, this being done, they return to the armatorium and prepare themselves for the contest.

Concerning the Vicar.

^A I. If it should happen that a factionary or a *micropanites* falls ill, and the person whose place is being filled has a charioteer from his own party to act as vicar, and if the horse-race is a public one, and he is to act as vicar for the entire horse-race, he provides him with a twelfth coin for each crown. But if he wins in a turn, and the judge brings it to the person whose place is being filled, and if he fails, he labors without profit. And if, while the one whose place is being filled does nothing, another enters and secures the prizes given in the evening, as has been said before, he receives them. But if the vicar demonstrates any prize, and the Emperor orders that he be rewarded with the fortune of the person whose place is being filled, the person whose place is being filled has no authority to receive anything. If he performs the duty of vicar at the dismission of the horse-race, and the prizes of the dismission that are run off are brought down, and the vicar succeeds, he receives three for the whole day. But if, as was said before, he shows a prize, the descending surplus prize falls to the one whose place is being filled.

^B II. If it should happen that the charioteer who has the *bulla* acts as vicar for a time, such is the custom that prevails, that the prizes and the gifts are appropriate to the person whose place is being filled. If, however, the vicar has his own chariot and does not mount that of the person whose place is being filled, he receives for his own chariot XVI coins from the gifts and from those owed to him by the...

^A St. Priest; but since the text offers us "one hundred in counted money" (centenarius unus numeratæ pecuniæ) and "ten for the esophoria," and an "onyx marble cup," and "seventeen Heliopolitan glasses," and "thirty small bags," I believe those to be the gifts enumerated.

JOAN. JAC. REIKSII COMMENTARY. B On the *Chronicle of Cassino* I, 49, where among other things it has: In *Historia Miscellanea* I, 23, John the sacellarius and logothete is read to have been sent into Lombardy, together with Adelgisus, formerly king of Greater Lombardy. We understand, truly, that there was a twofold Lombardy: one, which was the kingdom of the Lombards, and therefore "greater," and the other, which obeyed the Duke of Benevento. I will also transcribe the words of Carusius on the *Excerpta from the Alexiad of Anna Comnena*, vol. II, *Bibliotheca Sicula*, p. 1156. These, indeed, are they: "The name of Lombardy once extended so widely that all Italy was understood by this term. Charlemagne’s Charter for the division of the empire: 'Italy, however, which is also called Lombardy,' etc. Afterward, to the Greeks, that part especially which in Calabria and Apulia obeyed their empire. Thus in the *Themata* of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, book II, chapter 11. Finally, Emilia and Liguria are called by this name by Albert Mussato, *De Gestis Henrici VII*, book VI, ch. 14." One should see, therefore, whether both Lombardies took their name from the Lombards. But the matter stands otherwise. Only Cisalpine Gaul, which even today sounds to us Germans as *Lombardey*—formerly the kingdom of Lombardy and 'Lesser Lombardy'—was called 'of the Lombards.' But the name of the other 'Lesser Lombardy,' comprising Calabria and Apulia, must be sought from the Arabs. They possess the word *Barr*, which denotes a continent, and specifically, a coastal region. Thus they call the continent of Africa *barral Adwah*, where the crossing is made into Spain. Rodericus Toletanus, in *History of the Arabs* c. 15, rendered it as 'transductive promontories.' *Al Barr at-Thawil*, the 'long bar' or long coastline or continent, they call the entire tract of Italy from the Sicilian strait to the ravines of Genoa and the borders of France. Lombardy, however, strictly so-called, in which Milan is situated, they called *al-Lambardiah* and *al-Lombardiah*. The word *Barra* was assumed by the foreigners not only from the Spaniards, but also by the Franks and Italians. Aimoin, *Continuatio* lib. V, c. 22: "The Saracens, sallying forth from *Barra* [that is, Africa] and following the army of Louis from behind." Cf. Abulf. *Annales* vol. V, p. 147 seqq. On the difference between Lombardy and Langobardia, and likewise between Greater and Lesser Lombardy—the former being the Paduan Gaul, the latter the Duchy of Benevento—argues a certain anonymous Cassinese monk in his notes to Morena’s *History of Lodi*, p. 1130, vol. VI of the *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum* of Muratori. Let the passage of Nilus Doxopatrius concerning the five patriarchates be weighed: "Since the Duchy of all Lombardy, which is the ancient Hellas, was under the king of Constantinople." Therefore, was Magna Graecia the fatherland of the Hellenes, and properly, of old, before Rome was founded, called Hellas, whence the Hellenes who migrated into Greece gave this region its name? *From the Addenda.*]

regarding the "one hundred" [centenarius], I could not disentangle the "superimposed" markings. In the Latin, so that I might provide something not entirely alien, I gave "Heliopolitan." That 'K' and 'H' are often interchanged by copyists, I demonstrate on p. 439, and in our manuscripts both letters were so similarly inscribed that one egg could not be more like another. That glass was produced in the tract of Tripoli in Palestine, at Baalbek or Heliopolis, and at Byblos from the sand of the river of Byblos, which is wondrously white and pellucid, both the ancients, like Pliny, and more recent travelogues attest almost to a man. In the compendium also, that the letters *pi* lie hidden under the *tau*, there is little doubt. In the manuscript, it was written *σπδεο*, with *pi* superimposed. Whence, even if one wished to make *Cleopatra*, I am myself not certain about the "Cleopatrian" glasses.

D ^C pyxides, that is, they were enclosed in tin boxes, because they were being counted. Among other gifts which Alexius Comnenus was sending to Henry V is also opobalsam. The passage of Anna is worthy to be set forth in its entirety. Page 94 says of the letter inserted therein: "To your Nobility, there have now been sent, for the sake of greeting, a golden pectoral [engolpion] with pearls, a casket, gilded, having inside parts of various saints, each of whom is identified through the paper placed upon each of them; we have sent to your Nobility [the Greek emperor always addresses the German with that term] for the sake of friendship and good will, an *insinuale* [an item to be carried in the bosom] of gold, studded with pearls, a golden box having in it the relics of various saints, the name of which—written on the parchment which wraps each fragment—signifies; a *cauchion* of sardonyx, a *jatina* of sardonyx, a *calix* of crystal, a cup of crystal, an *astropelekys* bound with gold, and *apobalsam*." What the *astropelekys* signifies in these, Du Cange confesses in his notes *ad loc.* that he does not know. What if it signifies a ceraunian stone—a type of glistening, fiery gem, about which Tertullian writes in Salmasius, *Exerc. in Plinian.* (where there is more on ceraunians): "Not for this reason is the substance of ceraunian gems fiery, because they gleam with a reddish hue." Perhaps it was a capsule for storing opobalsam made of such a gem. This trade of sending scented spices as a gift along with the spices themselves undoubtedly came from the East, where histories relate that among other gifts made by princes, musk, amber, and aloeswood were sent. Abulfeda, to the year 255 (A.D. 869), narrates of Jacob, son of Laitschi, the Saffarid, that, having occupied Persia, among the gifts by which he might both announce victory and offer obsequience and clientage to the Caliph, he sent him ten white falcons and one hundred globes (or bags) of musk. This place is translated by Teixeira [*Relaciones de el Origen etc. de los Reyes de Persia etc., Antwerp, 1710, 8, p. 248*] from his Khondemir, who relates it a little differently: "twenty falcons—ten white and ten of various colors—and 200 *manos* of very pure musk, which are 450 pounds; and this, with the falcons, he sent as a present to the Caliph of Baghdad." Renaudot p. 538, *History of the Alexandrian Patriarchs*, reports among the gifts sent by Saladin to Nuroddinum two large fragments of amber, one of twenty, the other of thirty pounds. The *gynaecoeceum* [women's quarters] of the oriental princes surely craved such things, and one might be stunned and incredulous reading how much they spent annually on perfumes. [Among the foremost gifts by which Romanus incited Hugo to undertake war against the rebel Lombards, the petty kings of lower Italy, are mentioned cloaks, precious garments, and 'blattia' (purple items). Likewise, Alexius Comnenus enumerates in his letter to the emperor Henry V, in the *Alexiad* p. 93, among those things by which he moved him to attack Robert Guiscard the Norman with war: money, indeed—sent by pact—144,000 gold coins, and 216,000 to be sent, and of garments, one hundred *blattia*. *From the Addenda.*]

...what they were, is difficult to say. The Marquises and Counts appear to be the same. There were, however, at that time famous and powerful men, especially the Marquis of Italy or Insubria, whose metropolis was Milan (and thus King Hugo himself was then Marquis of Insubria), the Marquis of the Italian or Ligurian coast, the Marquis of Tuscany, the Marquis of Romania, the Marquis of Forum Julii or Trident, and of Spoleto, and finally the Marquis of Ivrea. The Marquis of Tuscany around the year 935 was Hubert, after the expulsion of Boso, the brother of King Hugo. The Marquis of Trident

his fellow drivers, according to the custom of the faction to which he belongs. ^A If, however, God grants victory, the substitute does not mount the vehicle to perform the dance, unless he is one who possesses the seal and is a factionary and a micropanites. And if he holds the place of a factionary, he walks to the right of the micropanites, and similarly, if he stands in for the micropanites, he walks to the left of the factionary. But if it should happen that any of the drivers who possess the seal fails, or abandons the race entirely for any reason, a fifth driver is chosen from the remaining charioteers, whomever is considered most suitable; and if this chosen driver is from another faction, and his own people wish to retain him for their side, they surrender the micropanites and promote this driver to the place of the one who withdrew. But if the substitute is from the opposing faction, he carries his vestment ^B and drives as he is clothed, and he wears a cloth sign called an allipanision for the equestrian spectacle. If he is transferred to the side where he is acting as substitute, he wears a gymnastic vestment according to the custom of the side.

196 Concerning the contest of the various factions

After the Emperor orders the equestrian contest of the various factions to take place in the evening, the actuarius descends and leads the four charioteers, the commanders of the two factions, and the inspectors to the first mark, and orders them to set up the diversium and to exchange horses. The drivers lead forth the starters, the horses, the gate-openers, and the inspectors, and they hand over the chariots to one another, not dismantling the morning combination of the first heat and the stalls, but, as we have said, they concede the horses and the staff to one another, as they know the quality of the horses and the method of handling them. The vessels, however, are not changed, but each one stands by his own, and they provide assurance to one another not to betray the chariot by disorder under the pretext of treachery. They also carry cloths or signs, by which those worn by the Veneti denote the Prasini, ^C those by the Prasini denote the Veneti, those by the Albati denote the Russi, and those by the Russi denote the Albati. The victors depart to the faction to whom the horses belong, and after they have received their prizes and have been crowned by the Emperor, they go to their own faction and recite the acclamations. If, however, the drivers who provided the chariots among themselves do not concede the gate-keepers and inspectors to perform their duties, and while the four drivers are exchanging the chariots, ^D [alt-version omitted]

^A Those from the Theme of the Thracesians who crossed into Crete: the strategos, the turmarch of the Theodosians, the turmarchs of the Victors, the turmarchs of the seaboard, the meriarch, the chartulary of the theme, the count of the *cortis*, the domestic of the theme, and 64 drungar-counts; these same drungar-counts had, some two soldiers each, and others three soldiers, for a total of one hundred and fifty soldiers. From the suite of the strategos: the protomandator, the protocancellarius, the protobandoforus, six protodomestics, six protopentarchs, and one hundred light infantry. From the Armenians guarding the coast of the theme: for when the strategos set out, he had up to six hundred armed men to cross over into Crete; but because of the scarcity of cargo-bearing vessels, they were not all permitted to cross, only fifty. From the *bandum* of the turma of the Theodosians: one count, four *proagetes* or primipili, and one protomandator of the turmarch; making seven persons in all. From the *bandum* of the meriarch, likewise seven persons. The reason: the drungarius of the fleet had ordered that not soldiers, but only commanders and *proagetes* of that theme, should attend. The turmarch of the Victors was left behind by the drungarius of the fleet because he was ill, with orders to guard the seaboard of the province in the meantime. And the same turmarch retained his *proagetes*.

CHAPTER XLVI.

The imperial fleet consisted of one hundred and fifty *ousiai* (a type of ship), among which were seven *pamphyloi* and two others newly acquired; one hundred *chelandia* of the *ousia* class, among which were numbered seven *ousiai* of the Rhôs stationed at Dyrrhachium and Dalmatia, three in Calabria, and three others sent to Spain to execute an imperial commission with Stephen the ostiarius and prefect of the sacred aquiminallia. One *pamphylos* was assigned to the guard of the city protected by God [Constantinople], and twenty-four *ousiai*. The ships destined to set sail for Crete were seven *pamphyloi* and thirty-three *ousiai* of the *chelandia* class, making forty *chelandia* in all. Twenty *dromones* of two *ousiai* each; forty *ousiki*. The Rhôs were 490 men, and the boys who were to set sail were 45 men, totaling 535 Rhôs. The *Toulmatzoi* were 380 men, and the prisoners were 700 men. They were left to guard the ^D city of the emperor. Constantius and Romanus ruled.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY (76) These remaining [men] are [named] according to the old military discipline of the Romans, in which legions were generally named by the Augusti. Victors likewise seem to be the same as the victorious legion. Nicetas, p. 16, mentions certain legions under John Comnenus, one of the "Elect," another Macedonian, another Scythian, and another Persian. (77) Cedrenus, p. 500, relates that this expedition against the Cretan Saracens resulted in unfortunate success under Gongyles the eunuch, and he records it during the final days of Constantine, so that he subjects the account of his death immediately to this narrative, though he certainly hands down that it was performed after the fourteenth indiction of the year of the world 6464, that is, A. C. 956. We, however, place it in the seventh indiction, that is, A. D. 949. This battle is not a council. (78) These vessels seem to have been built in Pamphylia, or to have been such as they used in Pamphylia. (79) Boys who make camp or behave in camp. An obscure phrase, expressed lightly and ambiguously in the Latin. They seem to have been those who pitched and destroyed tents, carried water, and performed other duties. But were so few sufficient for so many men, 584 in number? I can hardly think so.

^A the victorious drivers return to their own faction with the horses that have been exchanged, and there, while the people shout their own acclamations, they receive the prizes; for the inspectors stand according to custom at the hippodrome, and they guard one another’s gates for the time of the diversion. But if the remaining horses win through the care and labor of the drivers who have taken their places, they are considered equal, and there they receive the prizes.

Concerning the distribution [of prizes].

Duo demarchi, the two factionarii and likewise two micropanites, the overseers, inspectors, the bigarii, and the leading men of the faction descend to the hippodrome of Saint Sergius. When the leading men of the faction themselves do not dare to utter a single word, they appoint one of the four drivers, who affirms by oath on everyone’s behalf that he does not intend to distribute the prizes unfairly. From whichever faction the chosen driver is, from another faction the inspector and the two overseers bring the horses out from the stable, and as seems best to the one who has sworn, he organizes them: ^B one horse from the Veneti, one horse from the Prasini, one from the白 [white] faction, and one from the Russi; they complete the chariot with four first-runners, four second-runners, four third-runners, and four for the four-course race. And when the sixteen chariots are set in position, the three who did not swear draw lots, and according to the order of the lot, the first takes as many as he wishes, and the one who distributed takes the remainder. But if they do not wish to divide the sixteen chariots, but only the four in accordance with the first palm, these are divided as we have written, and the others depart to their own places.

What a driver must observe when the palm is being awarded.

If a factionarius or micropanites driver, while the palm is being awarded, should fall into the tables, he does not have the authority to throw off his helmet, but proceeds on foot with the helmet and goes as far as the gates. If it should happen that he falls on the imperial table, he does not have the authority to cross in front of the throne to the [Pi], where the wrestlers wrestle, but must descend to the gates wearing the same helmet, either inside by the wall or outside by the euripus. But if a bigarius should fall, and it happens that he must proceed on foot, he removes the helmet and thus goes as far as the gates without a helmet. If a driver in the curve of the Veneti crashes his chariot, and ^D as far as the rope or the white line...

177 pounds and 4 numismata of gold were sent as roga. Out of these, 36 pounds were given to the patrician Crinitus by the patrician Michael Uranus. And the amount given from the chamber to fulfill the sum of the 166 pounds and 46 [numismata] is 130 pounds and 48 numismata, making a total of 166 pounds and 48 numismata. And these same Mardaites ought to receive each month the three thousand [men] at one numisma per head, amounting for the four months to another 115 pounds and 48 numismata. For the four tagmata of Thrace, thanks to the bonus roga of the army in place of clothes, 181 pounds and 29 numismata of gold, and 9 scaramangia. For the four tagmata of Macedonia, through the bonus roga of the army in place of clothes, 130 pounds and 68 numismata of gold, and 20 scaramangia. For the two peratic tagmata, that of the Excubitors and that of the Hicanati, through the bonus roga of the army in place of clothes, 4 centenaria, 80 pounds of gold, and 112 scaramangia. For the theme of Charpezikion: the 24 senior turmarchs, the merarch of the theme, the count of the court, and the domestic of the theme at 5 each; the 47 junior turmarchs at 4 each; the 205 drungaries at 3 each; and the 428 soldiers at 2 each. Roga: 24 pounds and 59 numismata of gold. Regarding the Sthlabesianoi who are settled in the Opsikion, 126 men: 3 officers at 5 each, and the remaining 124 at 3 each, roga of 5 pounds and 27 numismata. Be it known that, because the theme of the Thrakesion was not given a roga, but was to cross into Crete without a roga, for this reason it was not listed here.

On the armament of one dromon

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

^A, and his left horse steps on that same second white line, he has stopped. If, while the palm branch is being carried, a driver locks wheels with his opponent and is able to extend his hand and remove his opponent’s helmet, even if he is behind him, he has won, and the one who had his helmet removed has lost. If, while the palm is being carried, a driver’s helmet falls off, and he is in front, and his horses are running faster than the rest of the chariots, he shall make an extra lap and stop.

Concerning the hanging and removal of the veils.

Concerning a horse that has suffered an injury.

Concerning the practice run.

^A

CHAPTER LXX

On the eleventh day of May, the equestrian contest for the birthday of this God-protected and imperial city is held in this manner:

I. On the day preceding this contest, the *praepositos* approaches the Emperor and declares to him that the contest has been established, and instructs that the *tessarius* be brought forward. The master of the ceremonies then brings in the *tessarius* and stations him inside the city gate leading to the Lausiacus. The *praepositos*, having received the approval of the Emperor to proceed with the equestrian games, departs and goes to the *tessarius*, and gives him the sign. Immediately the *tessarius* goes out and performs everything that is customary for each equestrian contest. In the evening, when the gates are opened, the horses of both factions, wearing golden embroidered trappings, bridles, and headstalls, are brought in, ^B and the *tessarius* distributes them equally to each side, into their own factional stall, and offers a prayer for the Emperor's prosperity. Each faction then leads its horses into the hippodrome, through the first gate, and right up to the bottom, reciting the solemn words, and after they have reached their station, there they pray for the Emperor's happiness: first the Greens, and then the Blues. The Prefect sits upon his seat in the *kathisma*, where the *actuarius* also stands. After the acclamations of both factions, they pray for the Emperor’s prosperity, the horses are brought forward, the Prefect descends, and his tent is pitched before the fourth gate: after he has called both factions, he places the urn in their midst, and into this he puts the balls, while both factions observe most accurately; the Prefect guards these as diligently as possible, with the *silentiarius* following as he carries the urn around. ^C He then introduces the *ornan* among them, and they are observed accurately by both sides in their lots; and after the Prefect has secured them, before all of them he hands them over to the *silentiarius* who is to roll them out.

II. On the following day, when the equestrian contest is to be held, the Emperor proceeds from his chamber to the God-protected palace, and accompanied by his usual retinue, passes through the *trichonkos*, the apse, and the laurel-court, ^D and ascends by way of the secret spiral staircase above into the viewing-boxes of the *kathisma*. When everything is prepared for the equestrian contest, the master of the ceremonies notifies the *praepositos*, who in turn notifies the Emperor. The Emperor descends by the stone staircase and says to the *praepositos*: "Establish the solemn assembly," which he repeats in a loud voice. Then, as the Emperor has entered his chamber, the *praepositos* summons the *vestitores*, and they enter and clothe the Emperor in his tunic, and then the *praepositos* ...

crowns him, and he exits from the bedchamber, escorted by the lords of the *kouboukleion*, and standing in the middle of the narrow passage, he gives a signal to the *praepositos*, and he to the *ostiarios*, and he leads in the *patricians*; the *silentarios* lifts the veil of the door through which they enter. Having entered, the *patricians* with the *strategoi* bow, and when they have risen, the Emperor gives a signal to the *praepositos* and says, "Command." They then pray for "Many and good years." And from there the Emperor, escorted by the lords of the *kouboukleion*, the *patricians*, and the *strategoi*, proceeds as far as the *triclinium* in which he dines that same day, and stands there. Three or four *silentarioi* enter; three of them go behind the reception area on the right side, and the other stands in the middle; and the *praepositos*, having received a signal from the Emperor, gives a signal to the *silentarios* standing in the middle of the reception area; and he, going to the veil, says loudly, "Leva!" and leads in the one of the *katastasis*, and he stands in the middle of the reception area. And the *praepositos*, having received a signal from the Emperor, gives a signal to the *magistros*—or if the *magistros* is not present, he signals to the *quaestor*—and the *magistros* signals to the one of the *katastasis*, saying, "Counts." And he says to the veil, "Leva!" and the members of the Senate enter, and having bowed, they stand in their rank. Then ^B the Emperor signals again to the *praepositos*, and the *praepositos* to the *magistros*, and he to the one of the *katastasis*, saying, "Prefect." The one of the *katastasis* having gone to the veil, he says, "Leva!" and the former *eparch* enters, and having also bowed, he stands in his rank.

III. Then the Emperor signals to the *praepositos*, and he to the one of the *katastasis*, and says, "Command." They then pray, "For many and good years." And then in this way the one of the *katastasis*, having grasped the edge of the Emperor's tunic and having made a *rhostbelion*, hands it to the Emperor, and the Emperor ascends to the throne. The aforementioned *silentarios* ascends to the turn of the *Prasinoi* (Greens), carrying the urn with him, and the faction members ascend with him. And after he exhibits the *boulla* of the prefect to all who have arrived according to custom, he moves the urn, and thus afterwards all who ascended with him descend with the *silentarios*, and in the same turn or meta they deposit vegetables and upon these cakes; while in the other meta and in various other places of the *Euripos* they similarly accumulate vegetables and cakes the day before the equestrian race. ^{C D}

This curve is guarded for the sake of the Greens, so that they may round it. ^A The bigae also stand in the starting-pens, and after the Emperor has gone out into the kathisma and has marked the people with the sign of the cross and has seated himself in the *sentzos*, and the adoration of the patricians and of the *strategi*, if any are present, has been completed, the chiefs of the factions come with rose-woven crosses and take their stand in the intervals; and then the *actuarius*, at a command, gives the sign, and the bigae are released. When they have arrived at the imperial table in the kathisma, they pray for the Emperor: then the *actuarius* gives the sign at a command, and the imperial organ is played, and they descend from their bigae to the factions, and having entered the station and received the crowns, they depart. So afterwards the said factionaries leave, deliver over the crosses, ^B and pray for the Emperor before departing.

IV. Now the first *baion* is celebrated, and the victorious charioteers receive their prizes double, and at the request of the faction the public gifts (23) are given; and the *chosbaitai* having received them, they bring them to the middle of the hippodrome in the *armaturion* of the victorious charioteers. And when the four *baia* have been completed, those of the *logion* (24) do everything according to custom, and the charioteers having changed the victory [garments]...

VARIAE LECTIONES.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...this circus game was so called, because namely ^C vegetables, cakes, and fish were to be distributed to the people, and this *Lachanicum* was celebrated on the birthday of the city. These, therefore, are the remainder of the institutions from the founder of the city, Constantine the Great, of the civil or public bread, which until the times of Heraclius were accustomed to be distributed daily among the exhibitors of tickets; concerning which Salmasius discourses learnedly at length in *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 502, et seq., upon which I would wish one thing to be observed, that there were the rich and the nobles, but also [those who were] mechanics, as they said in the Middle Ages, or followers of sedentary arts. They did not only receive loaves, but also wine, oil, lard, and other things. But these *panes gradiles* were abrogated, and the obsolete custom of them was revived only one day per year in memory. Traces of which still survive in those things which the common people call *spendis*, instituted by men according to the ancient custom of the pious and liberal, but ^D not with great profit in common. That very same thing, however, still flourishes today in Naples, as I have understood from the itinerary of Keysler, whose notable passage, illustrating the present matter admirably, deserves to be transcribed. *Man sagt insgemein...* [The German text describes Neapolitan public festivals, including four carts respectively carrying bread, meat, herbs, and fish, and the "Cocagna," all guarded by soldiers until the Viceroy gives the signal for the people to plunder them.]

(23) He calls *ta demosia* the *commune*, as they said in the Middle Ages, [which] he used to give to the victors from the public treasury; see p. 192, and p. 340, from which, however, it is permitted to conclude that those garments, called *demozia*, were taken back from the victors after the game was finished and stored in the wardrobe of the faction. *To demosion* is also the public or civic fiscus, from which public buildings were constructed, circus games and other spectacles were presented, lamps burning at night through the streets were maintained, etc., see Procop. *Anecdota*, p. 114. (24) ...I do not understand, nor do I know to what *buccine* it pertains, or what it may mean, which was written in the margin around this place, that they gave skins [membranae], which you might believe to be the *mimologion*, but not because of the accent. But I confess that in this place, as in many others, I am a Darius, not an Oedipus.

^A Mules descend in chariots from the gates, and once those of the winning faction have descended, they take laurel branches from the dais and receive the charioteers (who are behind the chariot) in front of the same faction, and having danced as far as the turning-post, they ascend into the *stama*. While they are ascending, a signal is given to the commanders of the regiments, and having descended, they stand at the turning-posts and in the other aforementioned places of the *Euripus*, where the piles of greens and cakes are. When the charioteers arrive with the members of the faction in the *stama*, they stand there behind the chariot, and the members of the faction proclaim with acclamations to the Emperor; and after the completion of the acclamation, the Emperor sends to those winning charioteers crowns through the *actuarius* and the *vicarius*; and they, having descended, crown the charioteers, and they ascend again into the *kathisma*. And immediately the faction begins to request permission to depart and dance in the square, and having received the request from the Emperor, they go out ^B into the middle. And thus the Emperor rises, and after the Emperor has risen, the crowd of people descends, and they take the greens and the cakes from the piles; and at the same time they bring in a boat carried on a wagon, [full of] a multitude of fish, and they throw them onto the ground in the Hippodrome; and the crowd of people snatches these up as well.

V. The Emperor, as has been said, having risen from the throne ^C and being escorted by the commanders of the bedchamber, passes through the middle of the patricians and generals, who are standing in the dining-room in which he feasts that day, and they acclaim him, saying: "For many and good years." And he enters into the bedchamber; and when the *praepositus* has removed the crown from his head, the *vestitores* enter, and having removed his tunic, they depart. And the Emperor having gone out, he sits at his precious table with the friends whom he has invited to the banquet; and after he has risen and rested a little, he waits until everything is ready for the contest. When the ceremonial officer arrives and the *praepositus* indicates that everything is now ready, the *praepositus* informs the Emperor of this, who goes by the stone staircase to the bedchamber, and is clothed in his tunic and crown according to custom. Being accompanied by the commanders of the bedchamber, he goes through the narrow dining-room to the ^D great dining-room, in which the feast is held that day, and there, standing with the commanders of the bedchamber, he nods to the *praepositus*, and he to the *ostiarius*, and he brings in the patricians and generals, and after they have done obeisance to the Emperor, the *praepositus* says: "Command." And the patricians and generals, having gone out outside the gate together with the senate, stand on either side.

^A And then, in this manner, the master of ceremonies, having taken hold of the edge of the Emperor's cloak and performed the *rhosthelium*, delivers it to the Emperor. Then, surrounded by the officials of the bedchamber, the patricians, and the generals, the Emperor ascends to the throne with only the officials of the bedchamber, two *maglavitai*, and guards carrying *distralia* and wearing their swords, as is customary in every hippodrome race. Having ascended to the throne and signed the people three times, the Emperor sits; and after the completion of the acclamation, the *praepositus* goes out by [the Emperor's] command and signals to the patricians and generals to depart, each to his own rank and seat. After the four palms have been celebrated, the Emperor rises from the throne, and with the patricians standing in the triclinium where the Emperor dines, and surrounded by the officials of the bedchamber, he passes through the midst of them, while they wish him: "For many and good years." And having passed through the narrow triclinium, he enters the bedchamber, and having removed his crown and his cloak, he dons a *sagion*, and descends through the secret spiral staircase, and escorted by all the bedchamber officials, he passes through the Augusteum, the apse, and the triconch, through the single door and the porticos of the Holy Forty Martyrs, and enters the Chrysotriklinos; and the bedchamber officials, having stood and wished the Emperor: "For many and good years," go out and depart for their homes.

Observances on the Eve of the Lachanician Hippodrome, that is, on the Natal Day of this God-guarded and Imperial City

^C It is to be known that the leaders of the two factions, along with the deputies and the rest of the faction officials and the citizens, go away in the evening, each to his own stable. Immediately, the inspector of each faction sounds the triple whip, and the people acclaim three times: "Win, Veneti!" Similarly also the Greens: "Green!" And the precentor sings with a loud voice: "We have Jesus, our helper"; the people: "Ever win." The singers: "Thou art God, save them thyself"; the people: "Yes, Lord!" And when they proceed into the atrium, the inspector sounds the whip three times, while the people say: "The faith of the Augusti and Augustas wins, the faith of the city and of the Veneti wins!" (The Greens: "Of the Greens.") And the singers say: "N. and N., of the great Emperors! Say it altogether, of the great Emperors!"; the people: "Lord, help." The singers: "Thou art one God, save them thyself"; the people: "Yes, Lord!" And then in this way the *dromicum* poem is recited before the hippodrome: "We, the factionaries, venerate Thee as our God and Savior! Grant victories to the Veneti!" (The Greens: "To the Greens!") "Be present, O Heavenly One, in Thy kindness!" (The Greens: "O Olympian!") "that we may again dance after the victory." Another white poem: "Mother of God, who as a firm garment..."

^A and sure help to those who flee to Thee are present, we the Veneti (the Greens: "Greens") beseech Thee to grant this to us, and to Icasius, that, excelling in victories with him in the contest, we too may be gladdened."

CAPUT LXXI.

Ritus in faculariae celebratione solemnes.

I. In the evening, the two factions enter the secret phiale of the triconch with torches, and the "facularia," as it is called, is instituted, and while they dance, the *apelaticon* is sung in the 4th tone: "Let Thy hand be strengthened, let Thy right hand be exalted, O Emperor [N.]. For behold, thy city looks upon thee as its lover and king, and it is renewed by thy brave deeds against enemies, and grace reigns in the midst of the empire, since thy administration, O city of the great ^B Emperor, is visible, when thy weapons are armed with thy strength, and the enemies are encircled by the hatred of the one who crowned thee with the birth-honour of thy city." Then they retire to the seats, and as each is established in his own place, the chanters recite the solemn words: "Help of the Lords!" The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save them Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord." The chanters: "Help of the Augustae!" The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save them Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord!" The chanters: "Help of the Porphyrogeniti!" The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save them Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord." The chanters: "Help of ^C the city!" The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save it Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord!" The chanters: "Help of the Prefect!" The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save him Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord." The chanters: "Help of the Heavenly One" (The Greens: "Of the Olympian!"): The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save him Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord." The chanters: "Help of Icasius" (The Greens: "Of the Rising One!"): The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save him Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord."

II. Then another chanter enters and recites the connection with the preceding words: "Thou who helpest the Lords, the Augustae, the Porphyrogeniti, the city, the Prefect, the Heavenly One" ^D (the Greens: "the Olympian!"), "the Icasius" (the Greens: "the Rising One!"): The people: "Thou art God!" The chanters: "Save them Thyself!" The people: "Yes, Lord." The chanters: "Of such and such great kings and emperors!" The people: "Lord, help them." Then another chanter enters and says: "Ever, ever!" The chanters: "May you be superior and victor!" The people: "Perpetually, O most illustrious!" The chanters: "Holy, thrice holy, victory to the Veneti!" (The Greens: "To the Greens!") The chanters: "Lady Mother of God;"

^A the people: "Yes, Lady Mother of God, victory to the Veneti!" (The Greens: "To the Greens!") The chanters: "The power of the Cross!" The people: "Yes, the power of the Cross, victory has the Veneti!" (The Greens: "Has the Greens!") The chanters: "You have God’s victory in your face, O Uranie!" (The Greens: "O Olympie!") The chanters: "All this evening today!" The people: "All this evening today! Good evening happens to you!" The chanters: "Lords, long years to you!" The people: "Long years to you!" (The Greens: "O Holy One!") And another chanter enters and says: "So-and-so and so-and-so of the great emperors and autocrats;" the people: "Mother of God, help." The chanters: "One is God, do you save them!" The people: "Yes, Lord." Then the chanter says: "Yes, say and do the driving for the Uranios!" (The Greens: "For the Olympios!") "Yes, say and do the driving for the Ic-asios!" (The Greens: "For the Anatellon!") The people: "A good contest!" The chanters: "One is God, do you save them!" The people: "Yes, Lord." It should be known that the same acts and the same acclamations are recited also during the course at the station or at the II, with the prefect in the assembly, where the actuary also stands.

Concerning the same course, how the lots ought to be mixed.

Before the horse race, the procession of horses takes place, and in the morning the urn is placed at the turning point of the Veneti, and the drivers of the two factions descend along with the *combinographi*, wearing white and blue *armelausia* and *massia*, ^C and being barefooted, also carrying *chartocalamaria*; and as the urn is shaken, whichever globule comes out, it appoints the *mesaristeros* (as it were, the middle left). When four laps are completed, they go to the urn station, they finish the *combina*, and as the emperor approaches, they release the *diippia*; and the *maxillarius* stands in his place, and of the two inspectors one stands on the right and one on the left, carrying the *calamaria* until he unfolds ^D [the curtain]. And when God has granted the victory, after receiving the prizes, they go to the gates, and after the completion of the four laps, the chariots of the victors move forward, carrying the public prizes of victory, and they turn toward the turning point of the *Prasina* and *Veneta* factions, then to their own faction.

And they raise the members of the faction, and having arranged themselves, they turn, as has been said before, at the turning point of the *Prasina* faction. And they come to the mouth of the track, and the actuary descends, and releases them, and they go down dancing into the public square. ^A

*Concerning the bigae, how they ought to be arranged.* When an equestrian contest requiring imperial worship is held, the *bigae* stand at the first starting barrier, and the drivers are upon the chariots; and as the Emperor approaches, the four charioteers enter and take the golden balls; and they turn and stand at their proper intervals. And then the actuary signals, and they enter again and take [an object] from the golden bracelet, and returning, they illuminate ^B the factions, and the *bigae* go out. The drivers wear tunics, one faction in *Veneta* (blue), the other in *Prasana* (green), having things like feathers, fashioned from patchwork, reaching back to their loins, and instead of helmets they wear patchwork caps called *camelaucia*.

*Acts following a victory reported in the same hippodrome.*

God will assist us. ^A The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save the masters with the augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people three times: "Lord, save!"

II. After the fourth palm, the master descends with the people and stops before the faction. The demarch remains in the higher place with the leaders in the faction. Then the chanters, stationed below, say: "If God has called," and those stationed above in the faction answer: "The venerable Blue party!" (The Greens: "The Green party!") The chanters: "He who helps the masters!" — "God is one," the people, and the rest. Then the charioteers mount the chariots, wearing the public liveries, and they perform, while the faction before them recites the stadium song: ^B "Rejoice, Blue, the masters have triumphed!" (The Greens: "Green!") And when they arrive at the [imperial box], they stand before the emperors and the chanters say: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many!" The chanters: "May you have many years, may you have many years, the God-inspired reign," (The Greens: "the election of the Trinity!") The people a third time: "May you have many years!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "May you have many years, So-and-so and So-and-so, emperors of the Romans!" The people a third time: "May you have many years!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "May you have many years, the servants of the Lord!" The people a third time: "May you have many years!" The chanters: "May you have many years, So-and-so and So-and-so, Augustas of the Romans!" The people three times: "May you have many years!" (The Greens: "Holy!") ^C The chanters: "May you have many years, masters, with the Augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people three times: "May you have many years!" (The Greens: "Holy!") The chanters: "Many, many, many!" The people: "Many years for many!" The chanters: "Masters of the inhabited world, receive the Blues as they beseech you," (The Greens: "the Greens!") The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "As slaves we dare to beseech you!" The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "With fear we approach you, masters!" The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "May you be swayed, benefactors, without resentment!" The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "To the prayer of your servants, the Blues," (The Greens: "of the Greens!") The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "Crown your servants, if you so command!" The people three times: "Holy!" The Greens likewise.

III. The chanters: "Lord, save the masters of the Romans!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" ^D The chanters: "Lord, save those crowned by you!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save the masters with the augustas and the Porphyrogeniti!" The people three times: "Lord, save!"

^A The chanters: "We servants have one more request." The people three times: "Holy!" (The Prasini likewise.) The chanters: "Let us go to dance, masters, if you permit." The people three times: "Holy!" The chanters: "Lord, save the masters of the Romans!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" The chanters: "Lord, save those crowned by you!" The people three times: "Lord, save!" Then the actuarius descends, crowns the charioteers, and says to them: "Dance in order and decently." The chanters: "We shall dance decently in your lifetime, masters."

And after the solemn assembly has been established and the masters have risen from the throne, the whole people follows the charioteers, reciting the song: "Exult, Venete, the masters have won!" (The Prasini: "Prasine!") And when they have entered the cancelli, the chanters say: "May the empire grow, may the Veneti grow." And thus they accompany the charioteers as far as the Church, that is, the Veneti to the tagisteum, and the Prasini to the diaconissa, reciting the dromic song: "Exult, Venete" (the Prasini: "Prasine!") "the masters have won."

^B Acclamation when the racers of one faction run in competition.

The precentor says: "Have Jesus to assist you!" The people three times: "Always he wins!" The precentor: "May he show victories!" The people: "Help!" The precentor: "May he increase victory!" The people: "Of the palms!" The precentor: "Savior of the world!" The people: "Bring help to us!"

Acclamation when the racers run swiftly.

The racers run with a quickened step and come before their own party; the chanters say: "Help all these, O Lord, help the leaders, O God in Trinity, may they win by your intercessions, O Theotokos, may they win, filling the empire and the commonwealth with joy! May they win, gladdening the Veneti! O holy God, grant them victory!" ^C Under Michael, the Christ-loving emperor, Bambaludes, the racer of the Prasini, was not there when the chariots were being harnessed and a trial or exhibition was being given, since he was being detained by the patrician Petronas. But on the day of the vota, the urn having already been shaken, after the Veneti had passed through, he arrived, and according to the request of the faction of the Prasini, by the order of the emperor, he ran in the third palm and reported the victory.

^A Acclamations, while the urn of the foot-soldiers is carried around: "Let us go to those doors, O God and Lord of all, where it will be to win through God. This is to win through God. And we beseech thee, O Theotokos, may this faction take the victory."

Acclamations while the blessed one (the Mapparius) labors in the foot-race: "Nana! Ananaia!" The people: "The day has arrived." The criers: "Nana!" The people: "Holy Theotokos!" The criers: "Nana!" The people: "The victory of the Veneti!" (the Prasini: "Of the Prasini!") The criers: "Nana!" The people: "The commonwealth shall rejoice!" The criers: "Nana!" The people: "Holy Theotokos!" And when the blessed one raises his hands, they say: "Now and now, Lord, help."

Acclamations when the *symperestes* (the one who finishes first) and the second are about to receive the prizes: "A crown, O masters, to the *symperestes*! Lord, save the masters of the Romans! Lord, save those crowned by thee! Lord, save the masters with the Veneti!" (The Prasini: "With the Prasini.") "Two crowns, O masters, for the *symperestes*; one, O masters, for the second. Lord, save the orthodox power! Lord, save the masters with the Augustae of the Romans!"

CAPUT LXXII. Concerning the vow, how it ought to be celebrated.

I. It must be known that the finish line is not given in the morning, as in the equestrian race, but the *praepositus* receives an answer from the emperor on the day before the day of the vows, and gives the order to the master of ceremonies so that on the following day it may be celebrated. And in the evening, at the ninth or tenth hour, the groups of the Veneti and Prasini go up to their factions; the *demarchoi* remain below, contending with one another in mocking remarks and discussing the rites to be observed that evening; the runners take care ^B of the *symperestai* so as to keep them safe, lest any error be committed by them. [index: entries preserved]

^A On the following day, all proceed by night to the hemicycle of the apse. The prefects of the bedchamber wear Tyrian tunics, while the patricians, the master of ceremonies, and the senate wear *atrebatika* tunics. ^B When the palace has been opened, they enter and stand, each in his own rank, as on the day of the equestrian games, as has been described above. The emperor, being pressured by them, passes through the apse, the Augusteum, and the private spiral staircase, and he ascends to the throne in the *klobion*. The silentiarius goes down with the urn to the *stama*, and when the two factions are standing there, the silentiarius tosses [the lots] for the third time, ^C and whichever faction happens to be selected, then each of them prepares its own part—some the first gate, others the tenth. The emperor summons to the *klobion* the archons and those holding the first offices, and he gives them the tokens to distribute to the poor (42), so that they may recline with him at the nineteen *akoubita* according to the ancient custom.

II. When this has been done, the master of ceremonies announces to the *praepositos* that all things are ready, and the *praepositos* announces it to the emperor. ^D The emperor descends by the stone staircase and says to the *praepositos*, "Give the *metastassimon*," and he says loudly, "Metastassimon." The emperor then enters the bedchamber and is clothed in his tunic by the *vestitores*, and crowned by the *praepositos*; he goes out through the narrow passage, and when the *koubikoularios* has taken the veil, the emperor enters the great triclinium, where he dines on that day, and the prefects of the bedchamber are present. The ostiary stands below at the veil, and the *praepositos*, having received a nod from the emperor, gives a nod to the ostiary who is holding the veil, and he introduces the patricians, just as in the Hippodrome. The patricians prostrate themselves, and when they have been stationed in their places, the *praepositos* receives a nod and says privately, "Order it." And they go out performing their duties, and again outside the veil...

the patricians fall in, and when the *praepositos* receives a sign, he makes a sign ^A to the master of ceremonies, and he says, "Order it." And they go out alongside the emperor until the gate at the steps, and the emperor ascends onto his *sentzion*, with the lords of the bedchamber standing on one side and the other, and two spatharii holding their *distralia*. But the eunuch protospatharii stand upon the bench behind the *sentzion*, and after having crossed himself for the third time before the people, he sits. And when the acclamation is finished, the *praepositos* receives a sign and going out, finds the patricians and *strategoi* standing at the great gate, and gives them a sign, and each departs to their own ranks. ^B

III. Regarding the Day of Vows

IV. Regarding the *praepositos* and the *hippodrome*

in the gaps of the Euripus, so as not to cause any disorder among the runners out of partiality, but rather to stand in great fear and perform what has been commanded them. It should be known that the request of the *demos* for the hanging of the veil 44 is made from the third *baion*. The *praepositus* must, three or four days before, command the *silentiarius* who is to rotate [the urn] to remove the urn from the *vestiarium* and practice with it, so that no mistake arises on the day itself due to inexperience.

Chapter LXXIII. Concerning the *macellarian* hippodrome, called the Lupercal 45.

^A I. One day before the same hippodrome [game], the *praepositus* comes to the emperor, reminding him whether he commands that this equestrian contest be held; and having received consent from the emperor for it to be held, he departs, and having summoned the master of ceremonies, he sends him to the *demarchs* and the civic body to tell them that an hippodrome is to be held. The *tessarius* also enters, and is commanded by the *praepositus*, on the emperor's authority, to hang the veil. On the following day, the emperor, attended by all as is customary, proceeds, and passes through the *Augusteum* and the secret spiral staircase to the palace of the *kathisma*—that is, to the viewing balconies—waiting until all are gathered. The master of ceremonies announces to the *praepositus* that all things are ready; the latter enters to the emperor and immediately descends by the stone staircase to change his clothes in his bedchamber, and thus coming out, he says to the *praepositus*, "Give the signal." And he says, "Signal." The emperor having entered the *metatorium* there and girded himself with his *chlamys* and having been crowned as the custom is, goes out, and attended by the officials of the *cubiculum*, he goes out and stands in the *triclinium* in which he is to dine that day. ^B The patricians and *strategoi* there receive him, and when they have made their obeisance, the *praepositus* receives the signal from the emperor and says, "Command." And all the patricians and *strategoi* having gone out, they stand outside the gate with the senate; the emperor stands on the threshold of the gate, and when all have made their obeisance, the *praepositus* gives the signal to the master of ceremonies by authority [of the emperor] and says, "Command."

^C II. Then, attended by them, the emperor ascends to the *kathisma* with the officials of the *cubiculum*, and when he is about to move, the master of ceremonies takes the tip of his *chlamys*, makes a *rhosthelion*, and delivers it into the emperor's hand so that he may sign to the people. While he ascends to the throne, ^D

^A the counts for the more solemn acclamations do so; but the provost, having received a sign from the emperor, departs, and the patricians each go to their own seat. The patricians, however, do not come to the imperial reception that day, because the equestrian contest is of a pagan nature; everything else is conducted according to custom, and with three palms being celebrated, the *actuarius*, having received the mandate, holding a *manuceum*, with which he makes a sign to the civil community, which proceeds in pairs. But after he reaches the judges, the factions begin to sing alternately, one saying: "Behold, the beautiful spring rises again;" another: "Bringing health, joy, and peace," and whatever else is customary. Then, having gone to the goal of the Greens, both factions are united, ^B and sing three processional hymns; the prefect of the city also descends by mandate, joins the citizens at the *chalce*, and together with them proceeds to the station where the emperor is worshipping. The youth is stationed on the right side of the prefect, and he says: "Who grants victory to the lords;" the people: "One God," and the rest as is customary. Soon at the gates, the factions acclaim and say: "May you live, Lord, for many years!" and depart. The prefect, having received a sign by mandate from the *actuarius*, immediately departs from the station, and after this the fourth palm is celebrated. The emperor, rising, sits at his venerable table, then again proceeds to the throne, as is custom. With three palms acted out, in the fourth the four charioteers and four companies of the Greens descend ^C and race, holding each other by the feet, and with reins by which they tether themselves, to the station, to receive the prizes, as in the first palm of the evening. This, however, is done upon request, that is, that they run on foot, because due to the pagan nature of the hippodrome the great domestics do not ascend to the [imperial] stand, and the emperor rises after giving the prizes, and departs to the palace.

Acclamation of the factions in the hippodrome of the Macellarium

Concerning imperial dignities for those of higher rank. Volume I.

They sing the saltatory hymn in the first mode; the cantors begin, and the people respond: “Behold, the sweet spring rises again, bringing joy, health, life, and tranquility, divine virtue and victory, ^A divinely granted against the enemies!” And when they reach the turning-point of the Green faction and turn there, they recite the apelatic hymn in a grave tone: “Your city, flourishing, Emperor N., rightfully prays for happy things for you: for, beholding your gentleness, it names you another David. It perceives you as the most wise herald of the faith, another apostle Paul, fortified by Christ, turning away ^B the darts of the enemy; therefore you are powerful and you reign, as one anointed by the Lord.” And when they arrive at the ^B position in front of the emperors, they stand, and the cantors say: “Many, many, many years!” The people: “Many years for many.” The cantors: “Many years to you, O divine sovereignty!” The people: “Many years to you.” The cantors: “Many years to you, Emperor so-and-so and Emperor so-and-so of the Romans!” The people: “Many years to you.” The cantors: “Many years to you, servants of the Lord!” The people three times: “Many years to you.” ^C The cantors: “Many years to you, Empress so-and-so and Empress so-and-so of the Romans!” The people: “Many years to you!” The cantors: “Many years to you, Prefect!” The people: “Many years to you!” The cantors: “Lord, save the lords of the Romans!” The people three times: “Lord, save!” The cantors: “Lord, save those crowned by You!” The people three times: “Lord, save!” The cantors: “Lord, save the majesty that is devoted to right doctrine!” The people three times: “Lord, save!” The cantors: “Lord, save the renewal of the petitions!” The people three times: ^D “Lord, save!” The cantors: “Lord, save the wealth of the subjects!” The people three times: “Lord, save!” The cantors: “But may the Creator and Lord of all prolong your years, together with the Augustae and the Porphyrogeniti!” The people three times: “Lord, save!” The cantors: “May God hear your people!” The people three times: “Lord, save!” And all offer prayers; and they say a polychronion poem.

CAPUT LXXIV. That which is sung in Latin by the cancellarii of the quaestor during the processions of the lords to the Great Church.

At the Nativity of Christ: “De Maria Virgine natus est, et Magi ab oriente cum muneribus adorant.” The response: “Christus Deus noster conservet imperium vestrum per multos annos et bonos!” On the Day of Lights: “Joannes in Jordane baptizat Dominum: is rursus illi acclamat: A te volo

baptizari.” Otherwise, “Joannes in Jordane baptizat Dominum: secundo illi acclamat: A te volo baptizari.” Response: “Christus Deus noster conservet imperium vestrum per multos annos et bonos!” ^A On the holy and great Sunday of the Resurrection: “Cum crucifixus et sepultus esset, tertia die resurrexit.” It is interpreted: “When he was crucified and buried, on the third day he rose.” Otherwise, “He who was crucified and buried and rose on the third day.” Response: “Christus Deus noster,” and the rest. On the holy Pentecost: “Cum mandavit Spiritum sanctum super apostolos suos.” It is interpreted: “He who sent the Holy Spirit upon thy apostles.” Response: “Christus Deus noster conservet imperium vestrum per multos annos et bonos!” On the Transfiguration: “Cum transfiguratus est in monte.” It is interpreted: “He who was transfigured on the mountain.” Response: “Christus Deus noster conservet,” and the rest. ^B

CAPUT LXXV. Expositio eorum, quæ a vocalibus ad mensam XIX accubituum Latine dicuntur.

When the emperor is reclining at the table, and all the customary order has been fulfilled, once the invited friends are obliged to be seated at the nod of the praepositus, the five vocalists say: “Conservet Deus imperium vestrum!” which is interpreted: “May God preserve your empire.” Then the fifth one receives it and says: “Bona tua semper,” which is interpreted: “May your goods be constant.” And again the fourth says: “Victor sis semper!” which is interpreted: “May you be victorious always.” And then the third says: “Multos annos victorem te faciat Deus,” which is interpreted: “May God make you victorious for all time.” And then the second says: “Victor semper eris!” which is interpreted: “You shall be victorious always.” And finally the first says: “Deus præstet!” which is interpreted: “May God grant it!” ^C When the emperor drinks by the cup, the vocalists say: “Bibite, domini imperatores, in multos annos! Deus omnipotens præstet!” During that time the second continues and says: “Vivite vitam præclaram, Domini!” Soon the first says: “Deus præstet!” As he dilutes the wine, the first says: “In gaudio prandete, Domini!”; the second says in Greek: “Hilariter, Domini, convivium celebrate.” While the food is brought in, the first says: “Gratias Deo agentes fruimini, domini!” After the course, the first says: “Donis Dei fruimini.”

As the Emperor lays down his napkin upon the table and the friends rise, they say: “Bono domino semper,” which is translated: “To the good Lord be glory always!”

CHAPTER LXXVI.

CHAPTER LXXVII.

(VARIAE LECTIONES and JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS: ^D Translation implies these notes: Regarding the formula “Bono domino” and its Arabic counterparts; the specific ritual terminology for “breakfasting” and “rationing”; and Reiske’s extensive commentary on the theology of imperial titles, including the concept of the “God-appointed” and “God-crowned” ruler, the use of celestial hands reaching from clouds to bestow crowns on coins, and the acclamations recorded for Charlemagne.)

^A “To those who constitute the world, many years!” thrice. “From the world, sought-after emperors, many years!” thrice. “To the most valiant emperors, many years!” thrice. “To the victorious emperors, many years!” thrice. “To the emperors, destroyers of enemies, many years!” thrice. “To the emperors, triumphant, many years!” thrice. “To the emperors, peace-makers, many years!” thrice. “To the emperors, generous, many years!” thrice. “To the orthodox emperors, many years!” thrice. “Son of God, grant them long life!” thrice. “Son of God, reign with them!” thrice. “Son of God, grant them to us!” thrice. “Son of God, multiply their years!” thrice. “Son of God, hearken unto us!” thrice. “May the faith of the Christians increase!” thrice. “We are the servants of the emperors!” thrice. “So-and-so and so-and-so, of the great emperors and autocrats, many years!” ^B

Chapter LXXVIII. Observances on the day of the vintage in the procession at the palace of Hieria.

It must be known that outside the palace of Hieria, in the field or meadow…

[VARIE LECTIONES: *chárisai cod. et ed.*]

[JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS: ... *original-script column: see facsimile* ... ^C ... ^D ... and those named *rousalia*, which after the holy Easter, according to an evil custom, were held in the outlying country districts...]

^A into the field, or rather into the *Libadion* (67), which becomes a *phrinzaton* (68), most beautiful and lovely. The magistri and praepositi, the proconsuls and patricians, and the officials and the rest of the senators stand opposite this *phrinzaton* and the vine, and after these the factions of the two parties together with the demarchs. The emperor descends with the patriarch, in a *kolobion*, wearing also the gold-bordered *sagion*, while the patriarch also wears the *phelonion* and *omophorion*. When these enter into the arbor before the vine (for there stands a marble table, upon which the grapes lie with baskets), then the magistri and patricians and senators and the demarchs of the two parties approach with the commoners. And the curator offering the *bouten* with the grapes (69), the patriarch makes a prayer there according to the ^B order of the Church. And after the prayer, the patriarch takes a small cluster and delivers it to the emperor; likewise the emperor in turn gives to the patriarch, and then the dignitaries of the senate, the magistri and proconsuls and patricians and officials and the demarchs and the master of ceremonies enter according to rank, and the emperor gives to each one of them one cluster of grapes. And when the cluster is handed to the first magister by the emperor, the two parties united recite the *apelatikon* (70) in the first tone: “From the meadow of the knowledge of the Lord of wisdom, having gathered flowers, the holy order of the illustrious patricians, with many chants performed, let us crown the head, that we may receive into the house of good fragrance of thoughts His most pleasant graces. But, O King immortal of all, grant to the world most often this festive day of the imperial majesty of N., the emperor crowned and anointed by God.” Another chant in the fourth tone: ^C “Thy virtue, as a fruitful vine, brings forth grapes of joy...” ^D [index: entries preserved]

from which the whole world, harvesting and drinking the cup full of the mixture, sings in joy, together with thy mystic and servile order of patricians, celebrating thine everlasting assumption of imperial power, N., the inexhaustible fountain of the world.” In the tone: “As a fruitful vine, powerful masters have been revealed, distributing grapes of cheerfulness to all. Wherefore also...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(71) I placed a comma after this word at the suggestion of the manuscript, so that it might be understood not to refer to *flowers*, but to the *Master*; from the meadow of the knowledge of the Lord of Wisdom. *The house of the fragrance of thoughts* is a tragic expression for the seat of good thoughts; *to receive* is used in the sense of taking in turn, receiving from another compensation for gifts offered by oneself.

(72) This question is not yet decided and occurs here for convenient treatment. In our *Ceremonial* there is certainly no mention of this matter. It is read in p. 368, where it must be mentioned. But it is doubtful that the scribe, according to his custom, wrote this for *best emperor*. Page 164, in an address of the factions to the Augustae, it is indeed said: *you were blessed with oil*, but it is added *spiritual*. A bit later in the same place, the wording is somewhat more obscure and more liable to doubt regarding the emperor having been anointed by the Roman pontiff, as Greek historians narrate, wondering at it as a matter foreign to their own customs and savoring of Judaism. Whence it is clear that in those medieval centuries, down to the 12th, the anointing of emperors was not in use among the Greeks. Concerning the last age of the Constantinopolitan empire, I would not dare to assert the same, since Pachymeres, IX, 1, speaking of Michael, son of Andronicus, says: and Codinus, in clear words, says: XVII: to which passage I would wish one to compare Goar’s note n. 132, where among other things he brings forward this formula from the Euchologion, by which he tries to prove that the ancient emperors were anointed: but it is plain that that formula proves nothing. For it is metaphorical and derived from the Psalms, and besides, I am not certain of the age of that Euchologion. Habertus, in his *Pontifical* p. 377, cites this passage of the monk Job from Arcudius: *In a certain order, ointment is administered in the enthronement or inauguration of kings, when they are placed on the seat.* But neither is the age of this Job any more clear to me. If he is the one whose excerpts Photius gave in the *Bibliotheca*, this testimony is indeed not for nothing. But I have not been able to find the passage sought, and besides it is not sufficiently clear for proving such a matter, and it is difficult to judge it outside of its connection. Our present passage certainly proves nothing. For *to anoint* metaphorically among the new Greeks signifies nothing other than to declare an emperor, to nominate, to inaugurate, to appoint. As is clear from the passage of Photius in his oration on the dedication of the New Church, p. 121. Banduri, Vol. 1: Basil the Macedonian, whom Photius addresses, was not anointed in his cradle as emperor, but he can indeed be said to have been destined for the empire by God from the very beginning. In Nicetas Choniates, p. 298, the interpreter also correctly translates the term as *inaugurating the emperor against his will*.

(73) The Greeks particularly use *to mix* or *pouring in*, and thus *mixture* to signify wine poured into a cup; I remember mentioning this where I dealt with the *cramas* or mixture, and a little before on p. 109.

(74) I suspect that this refers to the emperor for whom these things were sung in honor, or by whom they were instituted to be sung, having attained the empire on the feast of the vintage. For the singers say that they are celebrating in the vintage during the evening, that is, the end and eclipse, a lack-filled assumption...

and the schools and the senate rejoice, performing the vintage enjoyment in the 75 halls. Therefore we all shout: "An ineffable joy has descended upon the world." And after the masters complete the distribution of the grapes among the officials, they receive the two portions of six coins each as a benefit through the knotted purses, and they pray for the masters, and depart. And the masters go up with the patriarch into the palace, and dining together, they themselves and the senate rejoice. ^A

CHAPTER LXXIX. Acts to be recited by the Prefect on Palm Sunday as he goes to the church of Saint Romanus the Martyr.

The members of the Venetian faction are ready in the chamber of the Milestone, and as the prefect passes by, they shout these things, going before him, clearly: "Prefect and protospatharios, a good day to you, and a good day to you, and a good festival to you. May He who raised Lazarus on the fourth day 77 from the tomb save you and guide your path and strengthen you, and may He bestow upon you the greater favor 78 of the masters. May God seal it for you, O genuine man of the master. May the Divine protect you, because you are beloved by all and virtuous, and you collect 79 the prayers of those who love you. May you remain without successor in the life of our masters; we, the Venetians, rightfully pray for you, because you have our God in your heart; and because you always love justice; for wherever the prefect preserves justice, there also our God is hymned and glorified. O God who raised Lazarus, protect the prefect." And then in this way he receives the Green faction at Saint John the Theologian, and they shout the same things, clearly going before him themselves as well. And again he receives the party [of the blues]... clearly they also going before him in the Praetorium, and they shout his [the prefect's] things, until this same acclamation is completed, and then in this way they return. ^B

CHAPTER LXXX. Things to be observed on the day of the demarch's "Good Day" on the third day of Galilee.

After the faction with the organ goes to the hall of the demarch, and he himself descends in an official manner, that is, with the chlamys, and riding and standing, those from the faction begin to shout to him ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

...of the highest power, or the birthday of the empire of the present emperor. Which certainly does not fit Constantine Porphyrogenitus, son of Leo, who was crowned by his father on the day of the feast of Pentecost, nor Justinian the Great, who was titled Augustus on the day of Easter. For this particle could have been excerpted from the work of Peter Magistros. ... ^D of the memory of the sacred Lazarus; v. supra p. 100. (78) If they signify their benevolence toward the masters in the hearts of the masters. But if these significations are towards the masters, then those former ones denoted your benevolence towards them. He will seal it, it signifies "he will bless you." For a blessing among the Greeks is made with the sign of the cross; see p. 221, where he is also blessing. It is understood "and he is," and they in like manner have it, it is owed to their manner of writing... and this is the complete form, but a more unusual form of the second person singular of the present indicative middle, for which commonly in the vernacular it is said ... which is the form contracted from there—you bear, you take away, you receive pious vows from those loving you and praying for all things prosperous and joyful for your life. Regarding which termination, see p. 146. ... of Easter, among other names they also call... or..., regarding the reason for the naming of which, Du Cange should be consulted in both Glossaries s.v.

^A Let us celebrate! Thrice holy, bring aid to the lords, take charge of them in all things, increasing the length of their lives together with the venerable empresses in the purple, for the perfect joy of the Romans and the Venetians, your true servants. Holy, thrice holy, guard the lords! Most holy Spirit, protect the augustas! Lord, their life through our life! Hail, Lord, this day of yours is beautiful! May the whole of today be a beautiful day for you! N. Protospatharios and Demarchos, may you have many years! May God, who rose from the dead, grant you safe life! True servant of the lords, may the Divinity preserve you, and may the heavenly God grant you more, that we may see you prospering and rejoice! This happens entirely by the providence of our God. Deservedly, O most honorable one, do we Venetians pray for you, for you possess superabundant benevolence, and you receive prayers from your worshippers; for as we love you, so do we justly pray for blessings upon you: that you may dwell among us without a successor. May our God, who rose again, guard the Demarchos. »

The faction of the Greens observes the same order and rite toward their own tribune, and acclaims the same acts to him. ^B Once this rite and service has been completed in his house, the faction accompanies the tribune from there to the hippodrome, with him being stationed in the tenth *cancellus*. Once this is done, the people stand again and acclaim him in this manner: « You have come beautifully, servant of the princes crowned by God! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « You have come beautifully, promoted benevolently by the princes! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « You have come beautifully, descended from illustrious ancestors! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « You have come beautifully, N. Protospatharios and Demarchos of the Venetians! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » ^C The Cantores: « But the Creator and Lord of all! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « Who rose miraculously from the tomb! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « And who gave the greeting to the myrrh-bearing women! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « May He increase your years to great length! » The people: « You have come beautifully! » The Cantores: « Holy God, guard the Demarchos! » And the people do the same three times. It should be known that those of the party of the Greens perform the same order and acclamations to their own Demarchos and in the same place.

CAPUT LXXXI. Observanda in sponsæ deductione.

^D In the evening the two factions go out with their instruments and the bride

^A proceeding, accompanied equally by a multitude and those playing cymbals with their hands, they depart; and when she has stopped, carried on horseback, the factions acclaim: "Welcome, servant of the sovereigns crowned by God!" The people thrice: "Welcome." The chanters: "Welcome, you who have been advanced by beneficent sovereigns!" The people: "Welcome." The chanters: "Welcome, you who are sprung from most noble ancestors!" The people thrice: "Welcome!" The chanters: "O holy God, protect those recently joined in marriage! Most holy Spirit, protect both sets of parents-in-law! O holy, thrice-holy One, guard the companions of the bride!" Finally, they say in the melody of the first tone: "I have gathered the flowers of the field, and brought them into the bridal chamber with haste. I saw the sun for the bridal pair in a gold-adorned couch; they embraced one another ^B and cherished their desired longing—a joy to their most sweet beauties, and roses shining with fair appearance! A joy to the golden pair of lovers!"

CAPUT LXXXII. Observanda in coronatione nuptiali.

When the groom and bride go out from the church with their companions, a multitude of the people and those playing cymbals receive them, to whom both factions acclaim: "God, our Savior, O Lord, protect them, O holy, thrice-holy One, grant them life and health! Most holy Spirit, protect the Augusti! O Lord, their life through our life! O Lord, confirm this empire!" ^C And when they approach the bridal chamber, the chanters intone in the first tone: "For our sake, in Cana of Galilee, You became humble, as God sealing the lawful union; for from the maternal bridal chamber as man You were brought forth, and as You blessed those married there, so also now bless this pair being crowned, adorning them with good children and a peaceful life!" And from the chanters they say: "Noble newlyweds, God shall preserve you; honorable, virtuous ones, the Trinity shall guide your path, blessing your marriage! As the only supremely good One, who in Cana was present ^D at the first marriage, and in it blessed the water, as a lover of man, and changed it into wine, [so shall He bless you] for you and your spouse."

[alt-version omitted]

[DE CERIMONIIS AULÆ BYZANTINÆ LIB. I.]

people for their enjoyment, so may He bless you with your spouse! May the holy God guard the newlyweds!]

CAPUT LXXXIII.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

(89) ^A Luitprandus mentions something about the Gothic game in his *Legation*. Muratori, *Ant. Italic.* diss. 29. The Romans were continued by the Goths, as appears from Ennodius and Cassiodorus, and they were either mock battles, or circus and theatrical spectacles. They were wooden puppets in the time of Agnellus, also armed with wooden swords. The passage in Luitprand does not occur to me. How Cassiodorus and Ennodius described the Gothic games, since those authors are not at hand, I do not know; and how they should be compared with those Gothic games which our author treats, I do not know. As far as can be gathered from Muratori’s words, those Gothic games were very different from these that our author narrates. The former exhibited mock battles with arms in the circus: these in the palace were performed with songs, dances, music, and ridiculous mimes, having nothing in common with war. Rather, they seem to me to correspond with those Sarmatian games which Vopiscus mentions in *Carinus* c. 19, among many other new games which he says were given to the Roman people in the reign of Carinus and Numerian, and therefore noteworthy. I omit the rest. Those which most pertain to our subject are the words: *He summoned mimes from everywhere. He also exhibited a Sarmatian game, compared to which nothing is sweeter. He also exhibited...* Vopiscus did not indeed explain with clear words the nature of the Sarmatian game. However, since all the types of games that he narrated thereafter are mimic and ridiculous, having nothing that savors of military exercise, and—the main point—he joins the Gothic games with the Cyclops, which is almost the same amusement as the Gothic games mentioned by our author, and I will strictly demonstrate that they gave rise to them: it is credible that the games which Vopiscus calls Sarmatian and those our author calls Gothic were the same, and they did not receive that name because they were newly discovered by the Romans or Goths and introduced into the Roman world, for they had long been in use among the Greeks in very ancient times and gave rise to Greek satires: but in them the Sarmatians or Goths, or even the Varangians or Franks, all different peoples of the same nation, dressed in their native attire, or Greeks and Romans dressed in the Scythian, Gothic, Varangian, or Frankish fashion, were produced to perform those games. Nor were those games performed only in the times of our Constantine, or the times of Carinus and Vopiscus, or Justinian, but even in the last times of the Byzantine Empire; indeed, they are still known today in the region of the Lebeche, in Saxony certainly, although less frequently. Codinus mentions those games in *Offic.* p. 90 n. 12 in the description of the festivities of the Byzantine court for the feast of the Nativity of Christ, and narrates thus: "Afterward, the eparch (the Venetians, Pisans, and Anconitans having congratulated the emperor after the nobles at the emperor’s table) comes also [the emperor], and they perform the *polychronia*, and these Varangians, according to their own native custom and language, namely in English, and striking their axes together, produce a noise, and for many years they wish the Varangians well, in their own country, namely England, and shaking their axes at each other, they make a din." I will also write down what follows: "After they have all performed the *polychronia* in the palace, according to rank, up to the Vardariots, according to their own native language, namely Persian, there enter also the [singers?], and they perform the *polychronia* singing along with it the *kontakion*: Today the Virgin gives birth to the Supersubstantial." ^B This description remarkably agrees with the description of our Constantine or rather of an earlier author, from whom he translated it, perhaps Peter the Magistrate or another of those times. At the time when the Goths still served in the palace guard. For from about the time of Justinian this name ceased to be heard, and they succeeded in their place in the *Hetæria*, or palace militia composed of foreign nations, the Varangians or Franks, Saracens, Farganians, Chazars, and others. Therefore, those Goths, or Greeks dressed in the Gothic fashion, came into the court and with that amusing or rather horrible appearance congratulated the emperor on the feast day, and demanded a small gift from him. They were therefore in horrific attire, truly Gothic, that is, monstrous and absurd actors and mountebanks. What of us today? We play the same play. Those who were called Goths then are heard today among our people on St. Rupert’s day or the knights or soldiers of Robert. For as they, whether Goths or those dressed in the Gothic ^C fashion, that is, dressed in wolf, bear, boar, and deer skins, hairy and shaggy, used to roam not only in the court but also in the city, shouting, dancing, terrifying passers-by with clashing arms, and demanding alms with their grim appearance, and beating those who did not give with scourges, or at least lacerating them with insults: so even today the so-called soldiers of Robert do all the same things on the feast of the Nativity of Christ and the whole Dodecahemeron (in the twelve nights, that is, those twelve days which intervene from the feast of the Nativity of Christ to the feast of the Epiphany). I, as a little boy, saw and shuddered at robust youths dressed in furs, with horns on their foreheads, faces blackened with soot, holding live coals between their teeth, which they blew with alternating breath, and as if vomiting fire with sparks scattered everywhere, running around with sacks, into which they threatened to hide the little children they met, with cymbals attached, and raging with insane clamor. That the same thing prevailed in the Middle Ages is clear from Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Cervula* and *Iottici* (that is, Gothic games) and *Kalendæ* and *Vetula*; whence I will write down the only passage from the *Life of St. Eligius* lib. 2, c. 15: "Let no one on the Kalends of January perform infamous and ridiculous things, vetulas, or cervulos, or iotticos." Those mimic demons in the Middle Ages were called *fugillatores*, from *fugo*, that is, from the fire or hearth. Ugutio: *Fugillus*, the iron with which fire is extracted from stone [signifies flint]. Whence *fugillare*, to extract fire from a stone with a *fugillus*, and *fugillator*. And hence by figure ^D (90) The Greeks call those twelve days which intervene between the feast of the Nativity of Christ and the Epiphany the Dodecahemeron; our people call them the twelve nights, in the common tongue *die 12 Nachte*. The emperor Constantine was accustomed during those days to establish *cletoria* or solemn banquets, with which he received his nobles, on each day others, as is clear distinctly from the *Cletorologion*. These are those *cletoria* of the Dodecahemeron, which Cedrenus says Justinian did not hold because of the light of the city being overturned. The emperor provided similar banquets, but continued for only nine or ten days, at the feast of Pascha; see p. 141, where the festivity performed on the six days following Pascha is called *diakainismos*. But more on this matter in its proper place; see Du Cange v. *Dodecahemeron*.

^A is called *genetikon* (91), at the two entrances of the great triclinium of the nineteen *accubita* they stand.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. Do the figures called *fugillatores* signify the shadows of demons who bring fire? It designates none other than those soldiers of ours, the Roberts. For by custom and inclination they must represent incarnate devils, and the history of Turpin, c. 18, calls them hairy, horned monsters, similar to demons. For it was thought by Greeks and Latins in the Middle Ages that on the octave after the birth of Christ, devils wandered throughout the world and, having been put to flight by Christ who had come to destroy the kingdom of the devil and preparing for their departure, but being unwilling and anxious, they ran about the streets in a dark and fire-breathing form, and upon meeting anyone, they miserably bruised them, especially due to a rage conceived against little children because of the infant Christ, whom they seized and tortured. Hence arose the persuasion that infants born around that time were born epileptics or maniacs, and made to do evil and vex others; see Du Cange v. *Kallikantzaros*. Our "twelve" [days], as they are commonly called, truly at night barely emerge beyond the threshold, and they allow no domestic property to be carried out, nor do they lend to others, and during that time especially they carefully guard the little children: the examples of all whose customs, taken from older times, you have in Du Cange II, c. Superstition therefore imputed to religion what was of nature. The long dark winter nights are horrible by themselves, during which either petulant youths are accustomed to run about for a feast with torches, passing time and sorrow, or thieves and other criminals, having found the darkness an opportune time for committing crimes, keep watch. Indeed, these errors did not originate from Christians. They are owed to the Greeks, whose superstitions, idols, mimes, and perverse dogmas, since they could not be torn from the minds of men, were preserved, whom the ancient Fathers of the Church desired to be held as their congregation and as Christians.

The feast of the Nativity of Christ and the times of the so-called Advent and Epiphany are owed to the Greek gentiles, who believed that their own deities at times emigrated elsewhere, then prepared a return, to arrive, to return, to appear; this escapes no one. Around these very times, during which the church celebrates the feasts of Advent and Epiphany, the Ephesians of old, in the time of Timothy, the first bishop of Ephesus, were celebrating the *katagogia*—the returns—into the city of their Diana in ways not much differing from the Gothic game. Which feast, when Timothy strove to inhibit and remove it, he was slaughtered by the Ephesian bacchanants. His martyrdom, in ms. (apud Du Cange v. *Katagōgia*), narrates the affair and the rites of the feast: "The remnants of the former idolatry, which the Ephesians possessed in those who were inhabiting this [city] at that time, were celebrating a feast during certain days called *Katagogia*, as they themselves called it then, putting on themselves unbecoming appearances, and in order not to be recognized, covering their own faces with masks, and carrying around clubs and images of idols, and shouting certain songs, and rushing in a disorderly manner upon free men and modest women, committing murders of those who were not just anyone, and pouring out a multitude of blood in the prominent places of the city." Conf. Menolog. Basil, t. II, p. 24 for the day of January XXII, which is sacred to the martyrdom of Timothy. Just as it was permitted to the Ephesians because of the return of Diana to indulge in hilarity even to the point of beatings and slaughters and other injuries, so it was permitted also for Christians to perform, because of the advent of Christ, Saturnalia, Brumalia, vows, the Kalends, the Januaria, Gothic games, the feast of fools, the feast of the subdeacons, the *barbatoria*, and Cyclopes. For what else are the Cyclopes than pelted Goths, the soldiers of Robert, incarnate devils? That which today our little boys provide for the sake of terror: the imaginary soldiers of Robert, and the so-called *Popantze*, or lemures or Pans or specters in one word, that was once the Cyclops. As little boys of ours are terrified at their appearance offered in sleep, overwhelmed by a nightmare, and complain that they were terrified by the soldier of Robert, so once they blamed the Cyclops. Hence Artemidorus reported among the phantasms of dreams, page 13, 7, "to see a Cyclops or his cave," and he says that it signifies *paralelysthai* or *nosein*. Indeed, what doctors call a nightmare, the common people and infants call Alp, *Popuntz* and other things; the ancients called it Cyclops—it dissolves as it were and exhausts men and strikes them down with momentary epilepsy. Hence were born the Cyclopean games and those called the Cyclopea, in which monstrous one-eyed faces, mere horrors, were produced, concerning which see the interpreters to *Hist. Aug.* t. II, p. 206 and 843, and the Gothic games differed in almost nothing from the Cyclopes, except in this, that in the Gothic games men would appear either as Goths, or composed according to the Gothic manner; in the Cyclopes, [they appeared] as those who might refer to Greek satyrs and rustics, shepherds, and goatherds. Just as in the Gothic games it was permitted to cast insults at those standing around, especially if some did not give to those asking for alms, so it was permitted also for satyrs and Cyclopes. In truth, as far as origin goes, the satyrs did not differ from the Cyclopes; both were rustic games. Just as the urbanites had their tragedies and comedies, dramas proper to each of their fortunes, the more noble and the more humble: so the rustics also had their dramas, namely, Cyclopes or satyrs, which later produced satyric poetry, or rustic and pastoral games produced in city theaters. The satyrs were not truly goat-footed, but whole men clothed in goat skins, whose hanging legs gave birth to the story about goat-footed satyrs. I could cite here certain things about the license common to almost all gentile feasts, of casting insults and gibes at anyone they met, which was also not absent from the Gothic games. Indeed, it reigned in the satyric games, whence it was also said to "agitate someone in the manner of satyrs," and the name of *satirae* was born for biting libels. But that matter would lead me away from my purpose. I will only say this, that from those Gothic games there still survives today the custom by which soldiers, musicians, and students with their teachers approach the houses of the honorable on the Calends of January with drums, trumpets, and other musical instruments, sing, offer congratulations for the new year, and ask for alms. That custom, I speak of *to agyrmon*, was flourishing in the time of Tzetzes, who in *Chiliad* XIII, vs. 248, has these things: "As many as at the beginning of the month of January – And at the birth of Christ and on the day of the Lights – As many run around the doors begging." That custom arrived subsequently from the Greeks to us and to the Russians also, concerning whom I will append a notable passage from the German book which is inscribed *Verändert Rusland*, rendered into Latin. It is found there, p. 59: "On the Calends themselves of the new year, which day among the Russians is among the most festive, after midday, the emperor with all the nobles began that which the Russians called *slawen*. That word *slawen* denotes celebrating a feast day or giving thanks to God [apeycharistein] and they continued that institution for eight days in this way. Two Russians go before, carrying an iron instrument, similar to a drum; the pestles, with which they strike it, are wrapped in cloth for the sake of deadening the sound. The Czar follows them with all the clergy and a huge retinue of Crcesors and Bojars. The whole company drags on during midwinter, just what it is remains hidden to me; others conjecture.

^A those who are to perform ^B the Gothic play as follows. In the left part, where the drungarios of the watch also stands, the master of the faction of the Venetians stands with a few commoners of his faction and pandurists with mandoras, and behind him two Goths wearing furs ^C inside out and masks of various kinds, carrying in their left hand shields.

VARIOUS READINGS. 87 From codex and editions. 88 SCHOL. Note that those who perform the Gothic play are from the two sides of the factions. 89 SCHOL. Note that they take the shields from the schools.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. [Poor and gunnuta, that is, a fur-lined Saxon garment. Luitpr. p. 154.] See p. 485, Muratori edition. The word has remained in the English language, in which "gown" denotes a cloak, for in the middle ages, cloaks made of hides almost everywhere in the world were worn, and they were the most honest garments, that is, fur-lined cloaks, in such a way that the shaggy part was worn on the inside. The Goths and northern peoples could be seen to have introduced this custom. But the Romans already wore *paenulae*, that is, fur-lined cloaks; although their use was not as frequent as it was in the middle ages. Whence it is surprising how it happens that, while mentioning so many types of clothing, our codex makes almost no mention of furs, and that all the more since the Greeks carried on trade with the Russians, from whom they undoubtedly received furs. But I shall speak of this matter elsewhere, where I treat of *ustureis*. To this place I still note that these fur-clad mummers are called *setigeri* by Papias, perhaps from the custom of his own age, or certainly from some writer of the middle ages. *Setiger*, a jester dressed in *cilicio* [f. fur]; unless perhaps he put *cilicium* for shaggy hide, a *diphthera*. Furthermore, our author says those furs were worn ^D inside out, in such a way that the shaggy part, which by common custom is usually worn against the skin and for the most part avoids being seen, is turned outward, as the one whom Moschus recounts in *Limone* ch. 126: "On a Sunday he entered the church having turned his *kamasin* and worn its fleece on the outside." But there the fleeces of the *kamasin* are tufts, of linen or woolen nap. For the *camnasium* was linen or woolen, about which kind I shall speak below, where I write on the *linomantopariois*. All things which are done perversely, contrary to what is right and customary, the Greeks say are done *ex anastrophon*, which Theophanes uses on pp. 342 and 372.

(95) As to these, that I may speak after those who have published the books about them in their entirety, I do not think it necessary. Cf. Du Cange s.v. *Barbator*, to whose opinion I subscribe, deriving the name of the *barbatores* (which is a kind of mime) from their greatly overgrown bearded masks. Conf. the same author's Greek Glossary s.v. *Mosc(h)aras*, which he says is a histrionic jester, a maker of laughter, a hypocrite, and also a mask, *mormolukeion*. Both correctly. *Moscher* in the fourth conjugation and *Mosaccher* in the second ^D among the Arabs is a man who causes laughter; and *Maschar* is anything that causes laughter. Hence the origin is evident of the well-known words *masque* and *masquerade*, which denote every kind of mime, simulation, or delusion (*glaucoma*), by which a man is led on, made a fool of (*luditificatur*), *kōmōdeitai*, note. Far different is the word *Marca*, insofar as it denotes a witch or sorceress, and *masca* or rather *mascara* (for this is the complete word, the other being truncated), a person and a mask. That one, *masca*, is Germanic, and even now we say *eine Metze*, for an abominable woman, a harlot. This one, *Mascara*, is of Arabic origin. See Du Cange in the Latin Glossary s.v. *Masca*, where among other things he brings forward this from the Armorican Catholic: *Gueen*: Gallic *faux visage*; Latin *larva*, which is commonly called *Mascara*. The word *Gueen* is old Germanic *waehn*. Today we say *Wahn* of any false persuasion.

(96) Umbra and the remains belong to the ancient custom.

^A Likewise, on the right side, where also the drungarios of the Watch stands, there stands the master of the Green faction with a few of the people, along with the *pandouristai* with their *pandoura* instruments, and behind him the two Goths, wearing furs inside out and masks of various shapes, carrying shields in their left hands and rods in their right. And indeed, after the departure ^B from the *sphaerodromion* (97), the lord ordering these to be brought in by the prefect of the table, the prefect of the table immediately gives orders to the archon of the *thymele* (98), and he himself, going out, urges them to enter. But those running, and the shields [held] by those under them...

JOANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS' COMMENTARY

...bearing hair, and shaggy outwards, and faces or masks of different species; and in the left hand indeed shields, but in the right rods. Almost the same things are to be said and understood concerning the master and certain commoners of the Green faction, who stand at the right entrance, with the drungarios of the Watch standing by. The emperor, therefore, as soon as he has finished this ^C *sphaerodromion* or equestrian exercise with the ball, orders them to be introduced by the prefect of the table, or the steward; and this man in turn orders the same to the archon of the *thymele*, or prefect of the stage and theatrical games. He, therefore, having gone out in the rear from the great triclinium, orders them to be introduced into the banquets as gladiators, a custom usual among the Etruscans, Romans, Celts, and others; see Athenaeus pp. 153 and 154, unless you would rather have these be the remains of dances customary among the ancients at their cups while in arms, examples of which the same Athenaeus has on p. 155.

(97) Not that the ancient Greeks knew the exercise of the ball, but it designates that [exercise] accepted from the East, from the Persians, which they call *Tzucan*, *τζυκαν*, whence the place in which it was practiced [is called] *tzukanisterion*, mention of which is made by our author on p. 322. Clearly, sitting on a horse, he strikes with a club, which he holds in his hand, a wooden ball lying on the ground, and pursuing it as it rolls rapidly or rather flies, he urges on his horse, and strikes it again with the wooden mallet, and repeats this so many times until the ball hits the goal. Almost all travelers tell many things about this noble, yet very dangerous, equestrian exercise. Du Cange provided a complete dissertation on it for Joinville. He also has some things in his Greek Glossary and in *Constantinople Christiana*, p. 125, lib. II. But in this, the reasoning escapes him, because he believed the Greeks received this game from the Latins and that the word *chicane*, insofar as it denotes this equestrian game, was of Gallic origin. For without doubt, both the name and the thing came from Persia: see Della Valle and Sanson. It seems to me that Paulinus designates this game in his *Eucharisticus*, verse 143:

*It is easily strengthened to follow a youthful life,* *That a beautiful horse and one more adorned with harness might be mine,* *A tall steed, a swift and beautiful dog,* *A hawk; and recently sought from the Roman city,* *A gilded [ball] might instruct our game, the sphere set in motion.*

(98) Therefore, they had a prefect of theatrical games and of instrumental music. Without doubt, this is the same as the domesticus of the *thymele*, who is named last among the officials of the *sacellium* below on p. 417. On which passage I cannot wonder enough that the prefect of the *thymele* was under the disposition of the *sacellium*; whom in another place I say seems to me to have been similar to our almoners in the courts of Catholic princes. For the Greek emperors did not ^D love instrumental music, and infected by the error of monastic superstition, they held it as a base and forbidden thing. It is indeed true that the *thymele*, that is, the stage, in which music played the principal roles, was the mother of many vices in ancient times, and the *thymelici*, that is, the actors practicing music—whom the Latins in the Middle Ages called *ministelli*, while today they call them virtuosos and castrati—were a most flagitious class of men, made to ruin many and to amuse the few who are ignorant of true pleasures of the soul. But for that reason, music itself should not have been despised. It is certain, however, that the Greeks abhorred it as an infamous thing, and by that error infected both the Russians and the Muhammadans, of whom the former exclude all instrumental music from their temples; the latter [exclude] even vocal [music] itself, and proceed to such a pitch of hatred that when they wish to call a man a profligate and one polluted with the most heinous crimes, they claim that he sings with voice and strings. Hence it happened that musicians who sing with instruments, the *thymelici*, are commemorated very rarely throughout this codex of ours. They were scarcely ever allowed to exercise their music, except on certain appointed days of loose hilarity and license, such as was this day destined for the Gothic game. For then the ancient rite had to be preserved in honor of antiquity, nor could it be abrogated even by the most religious princes. *Thymelic* spectacles were also produced at banquets in which foreign legates were received; see p. 342. Indeed, some of the earlier Roman emperors used music and *thymelici* during dinner. Olympiodorus, in Photius, p. 108, ed. Hoeschel, narrates these things about Constantius: *Constantius was somber and gloomy in his processions... but at dinners and symposia, he was pleasant and social (urban, witty, affable), so much so that he often contended with the mimes playing before the table.* Mimes, *thymelici*, jesters, and musicians are the same. MS Glossary of the Council of Laodicea, c. 54: *Temelici*, jesters. But now, in the *Alexander Severus*, Lampridius praises him on p. 985, cap. XLI, because he never had scenic pleasures at a banquet. Julian in *Misopogon* p. 339, ed. Spanheim: *I keep myself from the theaters out of simplicity,* he says, mocking the Antiochians, *nor do I admit the thymele inside the palace, outside the new moon of the year.* A distinguished passage and especially congruent to our subject. *I restrain myself from the theaters through extreme folly, nor do I admit the stage into the palace [that is, actors and pandura-players] except on the Calends of the year, out of amazement for my own soul.* The same is praised in Louis the Pious by the *Annales Metenses* A. 873: *He never raised his voice in laughter, nor when thymelici, buffoons, and mimes with pipe-players and lyre-players proceeded before him for the joy of the people during the highest festivals.* On the contrary, Theophanes p. 368, among other base and nefarious things with which he strives to overwhelm Constantine Copronymus and to bring hatred upon his memory, also poses this, that he employed lyre-players at his banquets, and he counts it among the crimes of the patriarch—who was his equal and namesake and entirely addicted to him—that he should endure to be present at such banquets and hear the musicians. Where there were *thymelici*, there was no place for a patriarch or any cleric. Leo the Great decreed by edict that all instrumental music should cease on Sundays. The *Chronicon Alexandrinum* has these things concerning his tenth year: *The most divine king ordered that Sundays should be without work, having proclaimed his divine law concerning this: that no lute or lyre or any other musical thing should play on Sunday, but all things should be silent.* Conf. Malalas, t. II, p. 78. A word must still be added concerning my Latin version of this passage. I rendered the word *thymele* as "stage and theatrical games": which I would not want anyone to drag toward dramatic poetry; although formerly *ἡ θυμέλη* and *ἡ σκηνή*, likewise the contests *thymelici* and *scenici* were diligently distinguished, so that *thymelic* entertainments were music [played] with strings...

while the *scenic* were plays exhibited by speech and gestures, as is clearly evident from Athenaeus, p. 350. But dramatic poetry had long since ceased in that age, and did not return to use until the 16th century; and in the Middle Ages they called the stages *peginata*, upon which ludicrous spectacles were accustomed to be put on by itinerant actors, as is apparent from the canon of the Council of Aachen of the year 816, that priests or clerics ought not to attend any spectacles in theaters or at weddings, but should rise and leave before the *thymelici* enter. These *thymelici* are those whom in the Middle Ages they called *joculatores* [jesters], and by a corrupt Italian pronunciation the term *zigoladri*, whence our *Zigeuner* [Gypsy].

As for Scythian or Gothic words emerging from oblivion into the light because of ancient terms, it does not seem to me worth the effort to consume one's leisure and intellect on those barbarisms. One or another pearl might be hidden in this dung-heap, but often also, Constantine, or whoever is the author of this barbarous glossary, has been deceived by unskilled or malicious people. I shall set down here the judgment of the renowned Leichius, deposited somewhere in his *Adversaria*: "Constantine Porphyrogenitus invents inept and barbarous etymologies, as *diadora* for 'Romans' is already recorded, concerning *De Administrando Imperio* p. 92 fin. ed. Bandur." In general, indeed, no injustice is done to Constantine. Yet I would venture to defend him in the cause alleged. *Diadora* seems correctly rendered as "for this now was." For *di adora* in the Italian of those times signifies nothing else. Furthermore, it is evident that such times, eager to rejuvenate the trivialities and childishness of literature, pleased themselves in such games with foreign and unknown dialects; this is clear both from this passage of ours, and from the fact that at the coronation of the Pope, it was customary for the Gospel to be read during Mass not only in Greek, but also in Hebrew, by men who were equally well-skilled in Hebrew and Greek, just as we Europeans are in Tatar or Japanese. It is just as ridiculous an entertainment to hear those monks reading in Hebrew as to hear the Goths and Greeks in this chapter of ours reciting their *Gauzas Bonas Biche* etc. The acts of the Council of Pisa of the year 1409 report on the 7th of July, the day on which Pope Alexander was crowned, that among other solemnities, there was also the reading of the epistle and gospel at Mass in Greek, Hebrew, and Latin. See what I shall say below on page 431 regarding the use of the Latin language in the Byzantine court, and of Greek in the courts and churches of the West.

^A to enter these [premises]. Running and striking the shields with the rods carried by them, and making a clatter, they say, "Tul! Tul!" And chanting this continuously, they approach near to the imperial table, as if at a short distance, and there, mingling together, both sides form a circular formation, those being enclosed within the circle, and those outside circling around them. And performing this three times, they separate and stand in their own places, the Blues to the left, and the Greens to the right with the other citizens; and both recite the Gothic [acclamations], which are these—that is to say, also performing their own melody on the panduras: "Gauzas Bonas Bichedeias, Hagia Gaudentes: Elkebonides: Enkertes Hagia Bona Ora. Toutou Bantes Bona Amore Episkuantes. Anana; Deous Deous: Sebakiba: Nana Deumonogyngubele Gybilous: Gybelares Nana Gybilous: Gybelares: Nana Tou Gegdema: De Toulele Nikato Touldo: Nana. Ezechias, having armed himself in the wars against the Assyrians, Anana, having his only hope in God who loves mankind, Nana, has subdued the Gentiles and the rebellion of those who know not God. Hagia. O Savior, good masters, Nana, may He place every enemy as a slave before your feet. Ibrio Iberiem: tou engeroua: gergerethro: Nana: Sikadiase peretoures." ^B And then in this way the *maistores* together with the citizens recite the alphabet: "Anana. By the unconquered hand of God you have been crowned, O masters, from heaven. You have been shown as a prize of victory, O benefactors desired by the world. You have been shown brave to your enemies, granting to the Romans life-bearing benefits." And then in this way again the *maistores* say: "Hagias la. Anate Anetane. Your commands prevail over all weapons against all enemies. Life of the Romans and wealth, indeed the ruin of foreigners. You have been found to be a wall of the state. God has given you branches... (1) ^C beneficiaries, [symbol] *Gauzas Bonas*, the miracles now were, *Gauzail Bonas Bikedias*."

(1) Two things are to be observed here. One, that "branches" is put for "sons," which if I wished to demonstrate with examples...

^A And after these things, the masters say to the Goths, "Ampaato," ^B and at the nod of these same masters, the Goths circle around, and striking their shields with rods and saying, "Tul, Tul," they enclose the masters of the two factions within; which having been done, they are again separated and return each to his own station; the masters, however, continue to recite their verses. I*** K*** A*** M***. After this quaternion of verses has also been spoken, the same things happen that we just mentioned; and the Goths being again separated and restored to their places, the circle of verses to be chanted returns to the masters. N***. O***. Π***. After these four verses have been spoken, the same order of actions is repeated: and then the masters of the factions say again the verses beginning with these letters: P***. Σ***. T***. Y***. Having repeated the same for the last time, at length the masters say this: "They bring forth valid light, and that indeed in your supreme power, your virtues, like the sun. May Christ be present with each of you, caring for and fostering your heads; you who by his decree and will hold dominion, as lords and masters of the ends of the power." And after the completion of the alphabet, they say: "God will make your holy reign long-lived." The Goths, meanwhile, striking their shields with rods...

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

^C [With regard to the phrase] "I might take up a common topic." It will suffice to cite only this much, Pindar, Olymp. ode 2, verse 81. Anthol. H. Steph. p. 8. Carm. 39, and Eothen. dor. pag. 91, where the following words are found: "As the sprouts are the children of the trees, so also the sprouts are the children of men." Nothing is more frequent than to speak thus of a young body and of one begotten by another. Hence Leichius’s emendation, proposed in his second thoughts on the Muratorian Inscriptions, p. 58, is confirmed as elegant and certain, where "a purple-clad branch" is mentioned; he has many examples of this word, both his own and those of Du Cange, v. *Porphyrogenitus*. Another [point] is the formation of "fellow-throned" (*synomothronas*), just as if the nominative were "fellow-throne" (*synomothron*). They have arrogated to themselves great license in forming nouns against common grammatical rules, not only the moderns, who were excessive and altogether absurd in this genre, but also the ancients. Huge heaps of similar examples could be gathered, if it were necessary. But it is better to sample a few for the sake of a specimen. Note *engon* for *engonus* (*grandchild*); see Du Cange, h. v. In the dedication of the statue of Herod the Great, verse 35, occurs *protothron* (*first-throned*) seats, where see Salmasius, who, at *Aram Dosiadei*, p. 223, edit. Cren., imputes this "man-eater" (*epsandra*) for *epsandron*, as if from *epsanar*. Dioscorides c. 661 has *hunting-dogs* (*cynotheres*) for *cynothētai* (*hunters*), those who hunt with dogs, as if from *cynother*. Chrysostom, in his oration *On the Circus*: "His horse, not from a white [one], galloping upon the sling, a mile..." ^D *Sphendon* for *sphendonē*. "Letters of introduction" (*systatikai*) are those given to those under discipline as if to the innocent, *athōosin* for *athōois*; *athōon* for *athōois*. *Mides* for *mēdesi*, *mēlas* for *mēdas*, *mēdan* for *mēdon* (an army); *mēs* for *mēs*. In the poems of Jensius, edited from unpublished manuscripts, no. 38, about Amphipolis, it is read: *Aigidesin* *mega neikos* (*a great strife to the Aegidae*), etc.

(1) [Regarding the "branches" / "sons" note omitted]. (2) [Regarding the "light" / "virtues" construction, note omitted]. (3) [Regarding the "lords and masters of the ends of the power" note]: Such infinite examples occur among the Greeks, that a critic cannot be sufficiently cautious and sagacious in separating these [corruptions]. As for my own translation of this verse, that it might be understood and defended, it should be noted that, when I was translating, I constructed the words thus: I would prefer now that it be translated "lords of the ends of the empire." For "power" (*exousia*) is the same as "empire" (*imperium*); therefore "[the ends of] the power" are the same as the "ends of the Roman world." This is clear from p. 164.

OF THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I

^A... of the ends of the empire." After the finished alphabetical chant, the masters perform the *polychronion*, saying: "May God perform your holy empire." The Goths, meanwhile, beating their shields with rods and repeating again and again, "Tul tul," run out, the Veneti from the left side, and the Prasini from the right.

Lexicon of terms spoken in the Gothic language

Gauzas: rejoice. Bonas: good, neighborhoods. Bikdas: craftsman. Gaudentes: rejoice. El: God (Hebrew) Des: know (Hebrew) Agia: guard (Roman) Ora: light (Hebrew) Bantes: come (Roman) Episku: since he arrives (Hebrew) Ide: being beheld (Roman) Nana: save, O save (Hebrew) Seba: sit (Hebrew) Nana: save, O save (Hebrew) Agyn: into the pit (Hebrew) Bele: Satan (Hebrew) ^BBlous: of the devil (Hebrew) Alares: of the spirits (Roman) Tou: you (Roman) Detoul: blot out (Hebrew) Nikato: let him conquer (Greek) Nana: save, O save (Hebrew) Banas: and good (Roman) Dias: the days (Roman) Gauzentes: the seemly (Roman) Nikoni: my creator (Hebrew) En kerkus: and safely (Roman) Bona: the good (Roman) Tou tou: you, you (Roman) Amore: I love you (Roman) Antes: to the first (Hebrew) Salbatus: ease (Hebrew) Deous, deous: God, God (Roman) Kiba: as you arrived (Hebrew) Daimon: be silent (Hebrew) Gy: into the pit (Hebrew) Gy: into the pit (Hebrew) Nana: save, O save (Hebrew) Gegdema: the pearl (Roman) Bele: the Satan (Hebrew) Toudo: the food of the armies (Roman)

Another interpretation of the aforementioned words

Gauzas: the seemly. Bik: craftsman. Agia: guard.

CHAPTER LXXXIV

From the commentaries of Master Peter. Things to be observed in the promotion of the Count of the Admissions, the Count of the School, and the Curopalates.

The Count of the Admissions is appointed in silence, while the emperor is sitting in the consistory. Often, the emperor also creates him while ascending to the hippodrome in the great triclinium, the place where he receives the dignitaries. He is created thus: after the master has been summoned by name and has entered, and all the dignitaries with him, the emperor commands the Count of the Admissions who is about to depart from his province to first summon the decurion; at the same time he names him, just as it is the custom to name other dignitaries who are to be adorned with new titles. ^CTherefore, the outgoing count departs, summons him, and brings forward the decurion, to whom the emperor grants the *codicilli* [letters patent] for the Count of the Admissions.

COMMENTARY

^DThe preceding process is noteworthy. From decurion, one becomes Count of the Admissions, and from this, [one becomes] *Illustrius*. I do not wish to repeat what Guther, Du Cange, and others say regarding these and the subsequent titles, such as *agens in rebus*, Augustalis, and others, who have [already discussed] this...

^A and taking it, he kisses his feet, and stands before him. He then permits the one who has received the codicils of the Count of the *admensuratores* to bring forward the one who is being retired, i.e., the former Count of the *admensuratores*, and the one who has become Count takes him and brings him to him, and the Emperor hands him the codicils of the *illustris*, and having received it, he himself kisses his ^B feet below. And the Count of the *admensuratores* takes him, leads him away, and stations him in his place after those who were present before all the *illustris* *onomarioi*. For the regulation gives this privilege to them, as has been said. But if the Emperor wishes to promote in the *consistorium* the Counts of the *Scholae* or the *Curopalates*, he does so for them as for the other promotions. But for the most part, the custom has prevailed that they are made individually in the *cubiculum* both before lunch and in the evening, as it may seem good to the Emperor.

CAPUT LXXXV.

The commands are given on the day before the *silentium*, and he has retired the *Augustalis* of Alexandria; and after all things are done according to custom, he gives him the codicils. But the Emperor is not thanked as [is the case] with the other archons. For he becomes a *comes consistorianus* if he does not have another dignity, and he stands in the *missae* with the counts. He goes out together with the Prefects, and the *scrinia* do not shout to him. But when he goes out with them as far as the *regia*, wearing the *atrabatikon*, in this way, as he has it, he sits together with the Praetorian Prefect in his vehicle, and...

in this he goes as far as the praetorium; there he descends from the vehicle and enters together with the Praefect into his private chamber, and there he says farewell to him, and thus finally alone goes home. In Illyricum, the same course is observed regarding the proconsul. For the proconsul of Illyricum sits with the prefects.

CHAPTER LXXXVI. Concerning the difference of offices (9), and whence these are given, and what is appropriate for each department, as far as we have been able to discover.

The person who is to become a silentiarius is brought in by the praepositus to the master, wearing an atrabatika chlamys, and the ostiarius hands to the master the golden staff. And the emperor hands it to the one who is becoming silentiarius, and this is his office (10); and he receives what is called the gregatum...

And for the remaining chambers [accubita], you must summon the imperial men according to the formula aforesaid, and all the officers of the *tagma* of the *arithmos*, such as the *topoteretes*, the *chartularios*, the counts, the centarchs, the *bandophoroi*, the *labouresioi*, the standard-bearers, the *doukiniatores*, the *mandatores*, the doorkeepers, and the *diatrechontes*, two hundred and four in number; and lead them in thus: the *topoteretes* with a red *sagion*, and the others with their own *skaramangia*, as has been declared above.

On the fifth day, you must prepare for the summons to the truly venerable imperial table, together with the aforementioned illustrious grandees, along with the *domestikos* of the *hikanatoi*, twelve friends; and lead them in with their own changes of clothing, as has been declared above. In the remaining chambers, you must summon imperial men together, as we have said above. In the chambers below these, [you must summon] the officers of the *tagma* of these same *hikanatoi*, such as the *topoteretes* of the counts, the *chartularios* of the centarchs, the *bandophoroi*, the standard-bearers, the *doukiniatores*, and the *mandatores*, two hundred and four in number, and twelve poor men; and lead them in at the recall, just as we wrote for the other *tagmata*.

It must be noted that if the festival of the glorious birth of Christ falls on the first day of the week, and the reception in the nineteen chambers takes its beginning from this, we must, on the sixth day, summon the Archbishop of Constantinople to the imperial table for a feast, together with twelve hegumens from those recorded in the scroll kept by us. ^A And we must lead them in at the recall thus: the patriarch [shall enter] with the emperor at the same time as the *stichos* [is recited], so that he may sit upon a seat; and the holy hegumens [shall enter] in a row, according to their own order and fitting glory. And lead them in, just as the patricians are led in, in their own *phelonia* in a loose manner [without belts], with the imperial *kastresios* going before them, and similarly placing them in a circle around the imperial table, so that the emperor may summon closer those of them whom he wishes. ^B In the remaining chambers, you must summon the abbots who are recorded from various monasteries—that is to say, those who have received the seals from us—wearing no belts.

^A number 204; bring them in and lead them out in their proper *skaramangia*, except for the *topotērētai* who are brought in with their red *sagia*, as has been indicated above. ^B On the eighth day of these same *akoubita*, the *bōton paizodromion* is performed, and you must prepare for the banquet of the masters the leaders of the rank of the secret *kouboukleion*, such as the *praipositos*, the eunuch *prōtospatharioi*, the *primikērioi*, the *ostiarioi* (to the number of eight), the *chartoularios* of the imperial *sakellē*, the officer of the *eidikos logos*, the *aktouarios*, and the officer of the *katastasis*. You must bring them in with their own changes of clothing, not as with all the rest on the aforementioned days, making the procession from below to above along with the *kastrēsios*, but rather immediately upon the dismissal of the imperial banquet ^C arranging them according to their own dignity in a circle around the venerable imperial table, and at the announcement of the gathered *boukalia* [to be served], accommodate them at the most splendid table, and lead them out again with the same protocol as has been stated. ^D At the remaining *akoubita*, before the imperial banquet, those among the poor who have received tokens are seated, and while they are still seated and eating, at the time of the *minsos* of the *doulkia*, the tokens given are taken back by the *artiklinos*, and there is given, according to the custom of the *eidikos logos*, to each poor person as an imperial blessing an *apokombion* containing one gold *nomisma* inside. On the ninth day of these same *akoubita*, a supper reception is celebrated, which is also called the vintage feast, and you must prepare in advance for the banquet of the supper with the Emperor twelve friends—such as *magistroi*, *anthypatoi*, *patrikioi*, eight *stratēgoi*, two friends of the Bulgarians, and the two *dēmarchoi* of [the factions]. These are invited by the Emperor through the *artiklinos* in the morning, and once the *minta* have been distributed, all those invited for the banquet with the Emperor enter toward evening, and all are led in and led out with their own changes of clothing and *kampagia* according to the sequence and custom of what was written above. And at the *akoubita* of each of the two sides, you must invite, according to the rule of the first day, all the senators [wearing] the *kampagion*, such as the *askētai*—from the rank of the *spatharokandidatoi* and below—the *chartoularios* of the *genikos logothetēs*, the *chartoularios* of the *stratiōtikos logothetēs*, the *antigrapheis* of the *quaestor*, the *symponos*, the *logothetēs*, and the *kritai*, the *notarioi* of the *sakellion*, the *notarioi* of the *bestiarion*, the *notarioi* of the *eidikon*, the *hypatoi*, the *silentiarioi*, the *besti[...] immediately upon the dismissal of the imperial banquet, [to harvest]...

^A, as well as the minor magistrates of the military units, such as the sceptre-bearers, the standard-bearers, the *eutychiophoroi*, the draconarii, the senators and the ducenarii, and all the *dromeis* of both factions. It is required to bring in all the senators with their proper changes of clothing and *campagia*, and all the *dromeis* with their same *podea* [low boots], and to have the winners recline in the better position of the *accubita*, while the losers are placed in the other position, where the paupers are also placed. And after the pre-festival lighting of lamps and the handing out of torches, they must all be led out according to the formula prescribed for everyone.

On the tenth day of these same *accubita*, you must prepare for the invitation to the royal table, likewise, the proconsuls, the patricians, and the officials, together with the domestic of the *noumera* and the count of the *teiche*, in number 12 friends; and they are to be brought in and led out in their proper changes of clothing according to the indicated formula. In the remaining *accubita*, you must summon both the *topoteretai* and the *chartularioi* of the *noumera* and the *teiche*, the tribunes, the vicars, the legatarii, the *mandatores*, the *xenodochoi*, the *gerokomoi*, the *chartularios* of the venerable houses, the *archiatroi*, and the *diaitarioi* of the great palace and of the Daphne, in the number of 204, and 12 paupers. The *xenodochoi* and the *gerokomoi*, the *chartularioi*, and the physicians, along with the *diaitarioi*, are to proceed to the position behind the emperor’s *accubitum*, while the magistrates of the two military units are to be in the position opposite the face of the emperor. The *xenodochoi* are to be brought in with their own *skaramangia* and red *sagia*, the physicians all with their own *dibeneta*, the magistrates of the units, both the *topoteretai* with red *sagia*, and the rest with *skaramangia* all.

On the eleventh day, the celebration of the invitation in the *accubita* is omitted, but the *kletorion* is held in the evening in the illustrious Justinianic triclinium. For the same *kletorion* is prepared by the emperor through the same *artiklines* in the morning, and we must summon for the invitation of this same banquet the *magistroi*, the proconsuls, the patricians, the officials, the *praipositi*, the *protospatharioi* who are eunuchs, the *primikerioi*, the *zostiarioi*, the *maglabitai*, the counts of the *arithmos*, and the centurions, in number according to the capacity of the table.

[Commentary of Joan. Jac. Reiske]

(16) Novis Græcis: *hypolepsis*—that which in our language signifies reputation, assessment, or the good or bad opinion held by men about someone. [...] (17) *Commendati ob vitam honestam*: *Martyrein tini* is used by Zosimus (p. 346) to mean to predicate something good or excellent of someone; so too Theophanes (pp. 48 and 64): to testify to someone, to commend, to praise, to call someone suitable for the episcopacy. The criteria for good and bad testimony are found in the charters in Du Cange, *Noctivagi*; they are men of good or bad reputation. To testify so as to celebrate someone is found in an ancient inscription in Muratori, p. MXXVI: "This is the Alcestis of old, whom both gods and mortals honored for her moderation." (18) That is, *par' auten*, as even the Latin authors later followed, introducing one person after another. (19) For the investiture was received from the emperor. It is clear from this place and the preceding *koinou* and the example of Zoste, that it was not permitted for an Augusta to assume anyone into her retinue and military service unless the emperor had approved and confirmed it by his edict. (20) *Femina divinae conditionis*. (21) The marginal scholion renders *pygmatistai* as *punctarii* and *pugnarii*, and they signify a point or the punctate. But if they were *punctarii*, they are to be sought among the jurists. (22) For it was not permitted for anyone to adore the prince. From this it is understood why shortly afterward the protectors and the *domestici* alike are called adorers, because indeed they both had arrived at the point of adoring the sacred purple, as the Theodosian Code says; that is, they arrived at good fortune and possessed the privilege of adoring the prince. [...] (23) *Probatoriae* are letters or diplomas, by which those who are accepted for some office are thus announced as proven. Vid. Guther, p. 521. For they had to be proven first as *lentari* [candidates], or that they were approved by the provers. Vid. *S. R. Hist. Aug.* vol. 1, p. 997. Thus he would seek a strategist, to test if he is a man.

^A Thus it is celebrated, the day of the *deximos*, which brings the reception together with the *saximos*. For the end of the *deximos*, being performed according to a set form, introduces a new and peculiar kind of state of affairs. For the wise, God-appointed lords, after the dismissal of the typical *deximos*, seat themselves again for the reception of many, and the *kletorion* is held on a cut table in the most brilliant triclinium of Justinian the Great (78); and we must prepare for the feast of the emperors all the friends under the *campagion*, the lords of the senate, from masters of offices, proconsuls, patricians, officials, imperial protospatharioi, asecretis, chartularies of the great secretariats, consuls, antigraphies, silentiaries, vestitors, from the ex-prefects, sceptre-bearers, sign-bearers, senators, and the rest of the lords of the four *tagmata*. It is necessary to arrange everyone according to the capacity of the table, and to bring them in and lead them all out dressed in their own changes of clothing, with their own *chlamydes* in the frontal fashion; and one must pay attention to the sound of the instrument, and when it ceases the ringing of the tone, ^B to raise everyone up for the acclamation of the lords, and again to take off their own *chlamydes* until the arrival of the *mensus* of the *doulkia*, and again for all to take them up, so that they might go out with them in the same order.

The hippodrome contest following the *deximos* is held on the day after the *deximos*, and after its dismissal a *kletorion* is held in the triclinium of the *kathismata* (79). And we must prepare the friends for the feast of the lords according to the capacity of the table from the entire senate, such as the masters, patricians, praepositi, officials, primikerioi, ostiarioi, imperial protospatharioi with the *akterion* and the *dexiographos* (80) and the attendants of the solar chamber.

[The following appear as lexical notes or variations in the original Greek:] *hēlios* (sun) the new, or the nose-cut one, new to the great one, the triclinium of the *kathismata*, the triclinium of the *kathisma*. *dexiographos*, *deēsographos*. *deēsographia*. *eutychophoros*, *eutychiophoros*, *eutychiephoros*; *geitonarchēs*, *geitoniarchēs*. *opisthodomos*, *opisthodomos*, house behind; *kōmōdiographos*, *kōmōdiographos*. *Posiocharēs* [or *Posycharēs*]. *ostiarioprimikērios*, *ostiarioprimikērios*; *eirocharēs*, *talaros*, *eriocharēs*. *heliakou*. *Deēseis*, *deēsographos*, *deēsodochos*.

and to introduce them and lead them out from the ancient side in their changes of dress and chlamydes. Attention must be paid to the sounding of the organ, and all, when it has ceased, are to be ordered to rise to speak fair words to their masters, and at the same time to doff their chlamydes, which are then put on again when the course of sweetmeats enters; this is done so that they may again depart in the same order in which they entered.

The equestrian contest, which is accustomed to follow the exceptorium, is performed on the next day, and when that is finished, a banquet is instituted in the triclinium of the cathismata, to which it is proper to invite as guests to the masters—according to the capacity of the table—magistrates chosen from the entire senate, such as magistri, patricians, praepositi, officials, primicerii, ostiarii, and imperial protospatharii, together with the actuarius and the deesiographos or scribe of petitions, and the attendants of the heliaca or observers of the palace; also the scepter-bearers, dragon-bearers, standard-bearers, and signiferi. All these are introduced with their changes of dress, without tunics; only the attendants of the heliaca in their scaramangia.

**Month of February.** On the second day of the month of February, on which the feast of the Hypapante [or the Meeting of our Lord Jesus Christ, or the Purification of the Blessed Virgin] is celebrated in the Blachernae, and the splendid procession being finished, the sacred banquet is instituted in that illustrious triclinium, which was once called the Oceanus, at a special table; to which it is proper to invite friends from the senate, as many as hold *campagia*, such as magistri, proconsuls, praepositi, patricians, officials, imperial protospatharii, the protoasekretes, the chartularius of the excubitors, consuls, vestitores, silentiarii, and those holding *allaxemata* [or magistrates to whom it is permitted to appear in changes of dress] from the four tagmata or military orders of comitatenses; in total, as many as the table can hold. They are introduced and led out with their changes of dress, without chlamydes, each according to the dignity of his rank.

**Sunday of Meat-fare.** On the Sunday of Meat-fare it is not proper to invite friends to the imperial table. For the banquet which is then instituted is served to the poor in the apse, and the emperor himself gathers only his own household and kinsmen for the meal. On the third of the cheese-

and with them all the gerokomoi and xenodochoi of the pious houses. And the distribution of the precious crosses being performed by them, all are brought in—magistri, proconsuls, patricians, and officials—before the face of the pious emperors, dressed in their own white chlanides. And the distribution of the precious crosses having been completed to them, the processional hymn-singing ^A is carried out from the temple of the Holy Theotokos of the Pharos to the temple of the Holy Trinity of the Daphne. And upon this return, a banquet is held for the emperors at the most splendid Justinian triclinium. And we must prepare for the feast of the emperors: friends, magistri, praepositi, proconsuls, patricians, officials, xenodochoi, gerokomoi, and topotiretai of the tagmata, according to the count of the capacity of the table. And all the invited guests are brought in with their own changes of dress, excluding the chlanidia; the gerokomoi, xenodochoi, and topotiretai of the tagmata [enter] in their own skaramangia.

On the Holy and Great Thursday of that truly bright and illustrious week, in which the supper of the divine mystery from the wisdom above is spread forth, a pagan procession ^B is carried out in the splendid palace. And the invitation for the imperial supper is first prepared by us, and we must prepare for the feast of the masters: magistri, praepositi, proconsuls, patricians, officials, eunuch protospatharioi, primikerioi, ostiarioi, maglabitai, comites of the arithmos, and centarchs according to the capacity of the table, and these are to be invited to the evening supper. When the entire senate is dismissed and returns again at the ninth hour, all those invited assemble to celebrate the sacred feast. After the dismissal of the spiritual liturgy, the imperial banquet is set forth in the conspicuous Justinian triclinium. And the emperor having taken his seat at the precious table, all the guests are brought in with their own ^C skaramangia only; and upon their departure, having received torches from us, they go out with us.

On the Holy and Venerable Saturday, the splendid palace having been opened, a public procession is carried out to the Hagia Sophia. And the endyta ^D of the holy and venerable altar being changed, the emperor enters the skeuophylakion, and the distribution of the nards—that is, the ointments—having taken place, he returns with glory to his palace. Then it behooves us to summon to dine with the master the friends, magistri, praepositi, proconsuls, patricians, official protospatharioi, eunuch protospatharioi, primikerioi, ostiarioi, maglabitai, and topotiretai, and certain of the governors of the arithmos, according to the capacity of the table. The banquet meanwhile being coordinated by the emperor himself, and the friends having been invited through our efforts, all depart home. But after the ninth hour of the day, the assembly for the sacred

^A — [a symbol] of the resurrection; and, after the reception of the holy sacrament, they publicly admit chosen proceres from the senate to the venerable *crama* [or breakfast], as participants in the joy. In that same invitation to the *crama* (which takes place in the Catholic Church of Christ), it behooves us to invite to banquet with the emperor those friends from the order of magistri, proconsuls, and patricians, as well as those of the strategoi and officials, fourteen in number in all; and to introduce them to the table set there in this manner: the magistri, proconsuls, and patricians enter wearing only their *loroi* and their golden *thorakia*. In the matter of seating, those wearing the *thorakia* are given precedence over other patricians who wear their customary *camisia*, even if they should happen to be inferior to these in dignity and promotion. The strategoi enter with their *scaramangia* only; the officials with their *camisia*, without their *chlamydes*. Regarding the golden table set in the resplendent Chrysotriclinos, in which the illustrious treasure of the golden *pentapyrgion* has also been set out for the sake of honor, we must invite future guests to banquet with the lord from the aforementioned magistri, proconsuls, patricians, strategoi, officials, and *secretici* of military rank and those even lower, as well as *asecreti* and counts of the *scholae* and *scribones*, together with two friends from among the Bulgarians; thirty in number in all. To the four tables arranged in order through the surrounding arches, there are invited chosen men from the order of the imperial *candidati*, *vestitores*, *silentiarii*, *draconarii*, *sceptrophori*, *vexilliferi*, and senators, totaling thirty-six; eighteen Agareni taken in war from the great praetorium, and as many men from the friends in Bulgaria. These must be introduced, and before they enter, they must be arranged in order. Those who are the splendid guests of the sacred golden table enter in their *mutatoria* and tunics. But the Bulgarian friends, after the class of the strategoi, are invited in during the second *missus* to the left side of the sacred table, so that they may be fifth or sixth among the friends. All, however, are to be arranged in order to the right and left according to each one’s appropriate rank. From the station of these, there are to be ordered again, from the order of the *candidati* and those below, persons to be placed at the two nobler tables located on either side of the imperial one. At the remaining two lowest tables, there are to be introduced—disposed in order—on the left side, the Agarene captives; on the right table, all the men of the Bulgarian friends. They are introduced and led out thus: all the senators and those of the *tagmata* or the comitatensian military in their *mutatoria*; the Agareni in white and... ^{B C D}

if he be a Magistrate, the assistant of the Magistrate goes out and brings him into the palace. But if he is a Count of the Largesses, ^A or holding another illustrious office, the Admissionary goes out and brings him in. Neither does a silentiary meet the Prefect of the Praetorians or the Prefect of the City, nor does any other custom associated with the offices here occur; but all the ambassadors enter into the school of the Magistrate and wait there. And when it is the time, the Admissionary goes out and announces them; and upon entering, they greet the candidates by way of imitation of the other officials and, receiving from the Praepositus while greeting him in their proper order, they enter and change their atrabatic garments. ^B Armed men do not enter before the Emperor for the reason that the ambassadors are not barbarians. And when the Emperor has taken his seat and the officials have been received, the Count of the Admissions says, "Leba,"—with no "citatio" occurring as in the case of other ambassadors—and they enter and kiss the feet of the Emperor, and stand in the middle, and recite the embassy, and depart. There are times when it pleases the Emperor to have them also present "libellissii" ^C and to have them receive the embassy, and he converses about what he wishes. And if he confirms

^A his reign, and the Eparch of the Praetorium and the Eparch of the City, then they receive them as the Eparchs here do, and the *persikion* [(44)] meets them, and the Master with the Master ^B following.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(44) It is *persikion*, a purse or satchel. Thus Du Cange explains it precisely. But since I could find no trace of the custom by which they offered a purse to a new prefect of the city or of the praetorium, and could not immediately figure out to what this matter might pertain, I began to doubt whether the word *persikion* might signify something else besides a purse—namely, a Persian or Medic garment, that is, a silk one embroidered with gold (for the Persians are very extravagant in that kind); or a garment of "Persian" or "Persian-colored," that is, dark blue. We have in Leo Grammaticus (p. 485) *chiton chrysopersikos*, a tunic woven with gold threads, of Persian color (see Du Cange, s.v. *Persus*). It could, therefore, not absurdly be maintained that *persikon* was a very precious garment which used to be carried out to meet prefects as a sign of their newly conferred honor. To this day, the custom persists—derived from the court not so much of Oriental princes as of the Greeks into the Turkish—that orations or exarchs (they call this kind "Bassas") are sent annually by the Sultan into the provinces; they are sent honorary garments (*Challas* the Turks call them, hence our "Gala"), which the Bassas must don as a sign of investiture and princely benevolence and a profession of their fidelity. But since this cannot be applied with equal ease to the Emperor himself—to whom, when he has been newly elected and enters the city in a chariot, it is said (p. 240) that crosses and *persikia* are carried in front or offered to him—I prefer now not to depart from the common explanation of this word, but rather to interpret it as a purse or pouch; whether purses full of coins were borne before the prefect for the purpose of him scattering them as one would his own eparchy, just as new consuls do with their consulship, that is, *missilia* to be thrown to the people (though I do not recall reading the same about prefects as about consuls), or whether this was a gift which either the Emperor or the city presented to the new prefect for the sake of conciliating his favor. What if we had an image of these *persikia* in that consular diptych whose copy Du Cange provided (Tab. 1, dissert. on medieval coins), where on each side of the curule chair on which the consul sits are seen individual men holding in both hands the hems of napkins, in the middle of which napkins lies something that looks like coins? Certainly, Du Cange also took them for coins, whose words are as follows (§ 12): "I do not know whether the napkin itself is intended to be represented in the same diptych with the twin figures which are painted on the sides of the chair, each of which holds an opened napkin in both hands as a symbol of the edition of the games? unless perhaps they contain a certain quantity of coins from the napkin, which are seen to be depicted in a certain way, so that they should be referred to the consul's *ynatelias* or *missilia*." Likewise, in this twofold way, the passage cited above (p. 240) could be accepted. For it is just as probable that purses were offered to the new Emperor for the purpose that he might scatter the money taken from them to the bystanders and the expectant ^C people, as that it was a gratuitous gift he would have for himself, by which the republic would congratulate itself on a new ruler, and he himself on a lucky and favorable fortune. For it was not one purse, but several, that were carried before the new Emperor, as is evident from the l.c. (loco citato). But this latter conjecture is contradicted by that passage (below, p. 241, c. 4), where men of senatorial rank are said to offer the new Emperor a *pittacium* or bill of exchange for three thousand pounds of gold as a gratuitous gift for the royal city, after it had been said in the preceding pages (p. 240) that crosses and *persikia* had been carried before him. Therefore, the *persikia* could not have contained the gratuitous gift destined for the Emperor. But what if, as often as the prefects proceeded, a *persikion* was borne before them? This you might almost gather from p. 231. If that were the case, *persikion* could not signify an honorary garment, nor a purse filled with coins. To this objection I have nothing to reply. It is certain, however, that the ancients—the men of that age—were accustomed to give money either in golden dishes and cups, which could be carried by hand and were not too large, or, for heavier sums—and therefore to be carried on the shoulders—in purses, and to count them out according to the purses, just as the Turks do to this day. Thus Henry III, Emperor, when Albert the Viscount was invited to his banquets and departing, used to give him a doeskin sack full of silver, as Donizo reports in the *Life of Matilda*, Book 1, c. 42: "The King gave him very beautiful mastrucae after the meal; Equally, fur-coats were blooming as well. This gift of the King [Henry] to the Duke [Boniface] he carried To his chamber [that is, to the coffers, the wardrobe, or the exchequer], one And the skin of a stag, which he himself had filled with coins." The same, chap 4: "... he gave him many things gratis. He had left twelve stag-skin sacks full of coins In his own Canossan chamber, Which he gave away entirely as a gift at one time." The passage from Theodoret in his 9th Sermon to the Greeks also applies here: "They collect the shards, they dig out the mines, and the gold having been made into a *pisimon* [coined] and having received the royal stamp, is not gold on the outside, but rather leathern or wooden *touai toi* [pouches]." On this occasion, while discussing the word *persikion*, the passage of Agnellus comes to mind, to whom that word might perhaps be restored. It is on p. 155, edit. Muratori: "The women in public mourning, he says, threw away their earrings and rings and *dextruria* [bracelets] and *pereselidas* [that is, *periscelides*] and necklaces and *obfactoria* and needles and mirrors and *lunulae* and *liliola* [golden figures made in the likeness of lilies, which they wore on their forehead or even on their breast], *laudosias* and *praesidia*." For the word *praesidia*, I should think one ought to substitute either *prandea*, that is, silk ribbons, or rather *brasiolia*, bands with which they bound their arms, or finally *persicia*, that is, little purses, such as in the Middle Ages they wore over their belts and wrapped around them, surrounding their belly or hanging from their thighs, seeking in them a great argument of luxury, and boasting them as being all the more precious and ornate with gold and gems and pearls the more noble and wealthy one was, so that the condition of the man could be recognized immediately from those belts and purses. And because those purses were accustomed to be embroidered with gold and silver threads, hence they were called *marsupia*, that is, things worked with Phrygian art. For the word is Arabic. But as for the last word, *laudo stas*, the *laudosiae* (and what they signify, if I am not mistaken, which is the same as the *laudanae*), seem to be (see Du Cange, s.v.).

^A walked here, and in brief the order regarding dignities is observed. It should be known that under Leo of divine memory, Heliocrates was sent by the Emperor, carrying his letters, and the ambassadors were received in the consistory; Heliocrates and the image of Anthemius were brought in, and the silentiarii received it. Diaferentius, being Prefect of Constantinople, spoke panegyrics for both Emperors, as did Dioscorus, a former Prefect of the City. And the Emperor spoke, so that the *laureata* might be sent throughout the entire state, and instructions given that the images be dedicated in common to both Emperors. The declaration is as follows: “The Emperor Caesar, fortunate, triumphant, ever-venerable Leo, said: We have long looked forward to the character of the most meek ruler Anthemius, now rendered, and it has brought us great joy. For this reason, by divine nod, we command that the same character be honored for the rejoicing of all the peoples and share in our own images, so that all the cities may recognize in rejoicing that they share the authorities of both parts, and that by his own mildness we are united.” It should be known that Liberius, the patrician and Prefect of the Gauls, was also sent here by Theodahad. ^B

In that same year Anthemius reigned and went to Rome, and his *laureata* entered Constantinople through the Prefect Diaferentius. To be precise, regarding the Prefect Diaferentius, the divine and patriarchal hand. ^C Holy, nod. He whose nod alone, he said, was sufficient for salvation—Viglas stated this, as it is not right to compare God and man, calling Attila a man and Theodosius a god. ^D Most mild, “He who fought alongside [us], O Lord, for the most mild David,” the Master of the Divine Offices, Count of the Divine Flocks.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

[Notes omitted]

That both codices overflow with such formulas is clear. The Justinianic and the Theodosian. I find that patriarchs also owe tribute, as in Codinus, p. 12: All things are divine and inviolable to them, which, as gods, it is fitting to pursue with veneration. But the *divina annutatio* (for this is more correct in the Justinianic code than *annotatio*, as is evident from our text here, and the divine nod) is the good pleasure, the command of the Emperor, which, for the sake of preserving the dignity of his majesty, he signifies not by mouth, but by a nod of the head only. Hence Themistius, p. 26: he says of the Emperor, whose nod alone, that is, whose will alone, promises salvation. [See Valesius, *Dissertation on the Divine Honors of Emperors and Empresses of Rome and their Children and Kinsmen*, Memoir of Trevoux, Ann. 1706, p. 1611. Emperor Charles, in the book *On Images* ch. 4, 5, mocks the Greek emperors for the title "to your divinity," "to your perpetuity," and similar things, p. 102.] Previously, the Greeks had already been mocked and rebuked for this folly in the court of Attila, as Priscus the rhetor relates in *Excerpt. Legat. Haschel.* p. 36: He said that ^D it is not right to compare God and man, calling Attila a man and Theodosius a god.

Since it is evident that the emperors of the East and West administered the single empire collegially while having only separated seats, it is thus a fiction that Theodosius is said to have divided the kingdom among his sons in such a way that the eastern emperors lost all right in the West; and that after Augustulus, the last emperor in the West, Rome escaped into liberty, so that it could choose an emperor for itself at its own discretion. And that the Romans therefore, as a self-governing people, chose Charles the Great. These are mere inventions. They who thought so were mistaken and deceived themselves; see our preface p. IV. Petrus designates Theodahad, who, at the time of Athalaric, king of the Goths in

Italy, succeeded him and killed his mother Amalasuntha. But he who is called Liber by Petrus is Liberius in Procopius, who narrates thus concerning this embassy in Book 4 of the Gothic Wars, p. 171. Theodahad, he says, because he had feared that Amalasuntha might have been offended by our emperor, sent men from the Roman senate, Liberius and Opilius, along with others, to make excuses with all their might, claiming that nothing unpleasant had happened to Amalasuntha on his part, although he had previously done her irreparable harm. A little later Procopius adds that these envoys, while heading to Constantinople, encountered Petrus the Master at Aulona, a town in Epirus, who had been sent by Justinian into Italy to consult with Theodahad and Amalasuntha alike. From this it appears that this embassy took place at the very end of the seventh or the beginning of the eighth year of Justinian, that is, in the year of Christ 534 or 535.

^A Italy, and having received him, our pious emperor Justinian ordered that he should proceed and depart as praetorian prefect, and everything was done in his regard just as with the prefects of the East.

CHAPTER LXXXVIII

The day before the envoys arriving from Italy are admitted to the presence of the Lord, the ushers run about, signifying that on the morrow there will be a silentium for their reception. Therefore, after the emperor has sat in the consistorium, and all who are accustomed have entered, a special curtain is made for the envoys themselves—that is, they are called in and brought in separately, after our own nobles—and they repeat their supplication first brought forth in their initial audience; which the emperor confirms, granting it either by written letters, which are immediately produced and given to them as they depart, or without writing, by his mere promise that he will send letters regarding the matter requested to the very author of the embassy. From that time they gather, as has been said, in the silentia, just as our own nobles; and whosoever among them is prefect, he is adored by the domestics and ^C protectors, and the Persian robe or *masurpium* is brought to meet him, and all other things go on in the accustomed manner. But when the emperor wishes to give them a farewell audience, he must have the Master provide information according to the emperor's will, as to what each one ought to receive, and what each of all his men receives, and give it to the Count of the Largesses. And when he too is prepared, the emperor gives the silentium. And on the next day, everything happens as in the silentium, and the envoys come no longer all together, but to their ^D places. [alt-version omitted]

^A And the magister, having previously made a notice or list under the judgment and direction of the emperor, so that it might be written down what each of the envoys, and what each of the men or servants accompanying them, ought to receive as a payment and as a sort of viaticum. He gives this schedule to the count of the largesses. And if he himself is prepared, to bring forth and indeed to deliver everything prescribed to him, having everything in readiness, then finally the emperor issues the silentium, or orders it to be proclaimed by the commandos. On the next day, therefore, they are done. ^{B C D} JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. (55) These Latin words, which are usually retained by the Greeks, make the task of interpretation difficult for the translator when there are equivalent Greek terms. It seems that *phylai* [tribes] in this place denotes the same thing as *scholae*. Other terms are also new, that is, stated contrary to custom; *didaskalikoi* for *magistriani*, because indeed the word *didaskalos* corresponds in some way to the word *magister*, therefore the *magister officiorum* is also aptly called *didaskalos* by the Greeks. Therefore his officials, called *magistriani* and *magisteriani* in Latin, are also correctly called *didaskalikoi* by the Greeks. But we shall not now quarrel about words, whether they were aptly or ineptly coined and applied. It is clear that *magistriani* are designated; see Gutherius, p. 603, and the oration of Pachomius published in Greek and Latin at the end of Loescher's *Stromateus Sacrus*, p. 166, where *magistrianus* is rendered as an official, ditto Du Cange in both Glossaries. *Magistriani*, who served among the palatine offices under the disposition of the *magister officiorum*. Alteserra, *Quaest.*, p. 82. Julian sent a *magistrianus* as emperor with sacred messages to Arethas, king of the Ethiopians. Theophanes, p. 200. Equally unusual, yet slightly more apt and clearer, is *leukophoroi* for *candidati*, *leukheímones*. Why, however, the person responsible for this here did not similarly change the word *Decani* and other Greek terms, as he did the others, I wonder. He was undoubtedly unable to find a suitable one.

(56) By giving the *roga*, the emperor signifies that the envoys and their own men are under his jurisdiction and that they earn their own stipends; and so this implies that both empires are one, and that both emperors are colleagues. Now the *roga* (as they used to say then for "disbursement") is a largess, a gift, a donative, a stipend, whatever is given either gratuitously or as a due to one who merits it. The *rogae* were of two kinds: those for the comitatenses and those for the soldiers. The former, for instance for court dignitaries, were paid annually around the feast of Pascha under the name of charity or a gratuitous gift, but in point of fact were paid as remuneration for effort expended and as a regular salary. The distribution of such a *roga* is elegantly and carefully described by Luitprand, who was present, p. 793, cf. p. 514 and 733, where he says that the distribution of these *rogae* took place *katà tèn hagían megálen pémpten*, that is, on the Thursday which we are accustomed to call Maundy Thursday, immediately preceding the feast of Pascha. These *philotimiai* [honors], owed to the dignitaries, were so religiously observed that when Isaac Comnenus wanted to abolish them, he was afterwards said to have been punished by God. Scylitzes, p. 812. From the same, p. 829, it is evident that these *rogae* were also given earlier, and p. 835, he mentions that one was given on the eve of the feast of Orthodoxy, i.e., in the middle of Lent. It is evident from the same passage that the gift was properly in gold, though sometimes it was made up with silk garments where gold was lacking. [Regarding the *rogae*, which were given as a gift to offices, from *Cod. Theod.*, p. 11, regarding the palatine sacred largesses cf. Meursius, *Gloss.*, p. 161; regarding the imperial *hypatia*, p. 162; regarding the *roga* given to soldiers, see Alteserra ad Anastas., p. 60.] The second kind of *rogae* were those customarily given to soldiers every year, or rather, as our codex teaches, every four years, to which was added every fifth year an imperial *philotimia*, or gratuitous gift, an extraordinary *roga*, namely five gold coins; see Procopius, *Anecdota*, p. 108. I would not venture, however, to affirm that this [continued to] hold in later times with Procopius. Moreover, the stipends differed according to the length of military service, already exactly established; see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 501, and Procopius *Anecdota*, p. 104. The same author calls them *dianeméseis* in the edition there. For it is *ta khrémata haper en parapsukhês lógōi dianeméseis* that should be read instead of *dynámesin*, for "the assets which were distributed to many each year by the emperor," as the same writer says, p. 100, at the beginning; whether they are *philotimiai* or *roga*, palatine or military, I would not definitively say; Julian calls them *syntáxeis*, p. 367. These soldiers were called *rogantes* or *rogati*, that is, stipendiaries, and they correspond to the type of military service which is in use today among the Turks, called *Ulufegi*. For these are they who receive a stipend of money, or bread, by the month or rather by the quarter. On the other hand, the *timariotae* correspond to the *Zaimis* or modern Turkish *Timars*, that is, possessors of estates from which they might support themselves and their recruits. Cf. Goar on Codinus, p. 120, and Du Cange in both Glossaries, and also on *Alexiad*, pp. 269 and 270. Regarding the latter it is certainly not in doubt that *Zaimoi* correspond to the *timariotae*. But that the *rogatores* had no military estates, or—what is the same thing—that the *timariotae* received no *roga*, is something I can scarcely persuade myself to believe. Furthermore, from this use of the word *roga*, or gift, largess, in place of stipend, it flowed that the Arabs—which can be added to the Golian Lexicon—called military stipend *elhala*, a gift. For they borrowed many things, especially court ceremonies, from the Greeks, their neighbors. What the *rogae* of the common soldiers were per year, I would not say. They seem, however, to have been no less than twenty gold coins, and not more than forty. Symeon the Logothete relates, p. 414, that under Michael Balbus an expedition was instituted against Crete, called *tessarakontárion* because of the distribution of forty gold coins to each. Theophanes relates, p. 410, that Moawiah increased the *rogae* of the Syrian Isamitai to two hundred gold coins (for he favored them as his own political faction), but that he decreased the *rogae* of the conquered Hirakitae or Chaldeans, who had been drafted into his military, to thirty gold coins. There is no doubt that the Arabs adopted the method of military *rogae* from the Greeks of that age, and imitated them in this matter. However, I find no record of what the *comitatenses* received annually. In the age of Justinian, when the empire was still large and powerful, the *roga* was necessarily larger than in the following centuries when the affairs of the Greeks were miserably cut back on all sides; tradition has it that one patrician accumulated in his time up to one hundred centenaries of gold per year, Procopius, *Anecdota*, pp. 109 and 114, which however almost exceeds belief, certainly if you look at the poverty of the Middle Ages. Hence, a conjecture is formed that the *roga* which the magnates then received, without neglecting the immense sum of the one hundred centenaries, covered the entire revenue of every kind from estates, from allowances, and from the *roga*, and that of the patricians indeed, and perhaps not even of all of them, but only of certain foremost individuals. But how much was a centenary of gold in our currency? This place does not allow me to define it. It will be more appropriate elsewhere, if I ever deem it advisable to commit myself to this investigation.

Everything being in silence, the envoys come—no longer separately, as before, but all together in one body, yet distinct, each in his own place, among those magistrates to whom, as colleagues, it pertains, and thus intermingled with the Constantinopolitan nobles. Then, by order of the Emperor, the decurion introduces the men of the envoys, or their retinue, one rank after another, calling them out in a clear voice: "Come forth, you counts of the tribes; you ^A didascalici [or magistriani]; you leucophori [or candidati]; you cursors; you decani." He calls out all who have arrived with the envoys in general, to whom the Emperor bestows a gift or stipend individually. When they have departed, he finally gives to the envoys themselves those things which he had ordered to be prepared for them. This done, the silentiarii prepare themselves to await the Emperor's departure. The Emperor rises from the throne, and the envoys, if they are not patricians, make an obeisance to him and bid him farewell; this is done if the Emperor has presided and granted an audience in the small summer consistory near the porphyry steps. But if the ceremony takes place in the great consistory, the leave-taking occurs at the door of the deuterons, and they depart, and the dismissal is made. The master takes the Emperor's letter to the other western envoy to himself and hands it to the envoys when they come to him at his own house to bid farewell.

CHAPTER LXXXIX

What must be observed on the arrival of a great Persian envoy, while he is present in the city

[index: entries preserved]

^A And if there is anything that requires to be said in the borderlands, it is said, with the governor of Nisibis coming along with a multitude of Persians up to the borderlands. But if there is nothing at all to be said, he must nonetheless come with a multitude, and the Romans shall receive him and his companions, but the rest of the Persians must remain in the Persian territories, and he alone with his companions shall enter into Daras and be treated with care. The officials of Daras ought to exercise great vigilance and foresight, so that, under the pretext of the envoy, a multitude of Persians might not enter together, follow in detachments, and seize the city by ruse. ^B But of this part the officials ought to take great care, and to be awake to the unexpected, and to guard this arrangement. The Ducici, according to custom, provide the expenses of the journey up to the count of one hundred and three days. For as many as these were from the beginning determined to suffice for the envoy coming and for the envoy departing. Sometimes, however, he is delayed on the road, and the Emperor gives orders, and an addition is made for him. The record of what is provided to him is kept in the bureau of the barbarians. ^C And a *bereda* (or post-horse service) according to the pacts, was assigned to him under Constantine, when he was Eparch of the Praetorian guards—five *bereda* and thirty animals. But the Emperor, if he wishes to treat him further, commands much more to be provided to him. And if he wishes also to signal him, he must send and receive him through someone of the reputable men towards Galatia and Cappadocia and provide for him; and likewise send to Nicaea and provide for him and treat him. And the Magister, when he is coming near Antioch, must send a *magistrianos* who is obliged to meet him and welcome him, and learn how he is dis-^D

COMMENTARY

^A is preserved. If the emperor once, or twice, wishes to do this, he writes and greets him, and asks him how he is being provided for. It is necessary for him to be provided with animals, both horses and mules, if he wishes to travel on foot to Nicomedia, or if he wishes to cross over by post-horses, and to be shown [(70)] by all means, animals that are necessary for them to be led as far as Chalcedon. [(72)] And at Chalcedon he must prepare the largest dwelling and send for the chief of the barbarians [(73)] and have ready for him the expenses for the day, and for the days he has to spend [(74)] in Chalcedon. And he also sends him gifts. It is proper for the *magistrianos* to be sent immediately to welcome him, and to ask him how he came, and why he did not arrive at [(75)], and in simple terms to attend to him according to the customs. It is necessary for these to be prepared in the city, according to his worth and the number of people who accompany him, and to make ready therein beds and bedding, and couches and floor-rugs.

VARIAE LECTIONES.

12 *After "are shown", the Greek adds "and *dizyntai*".*

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(69) See Malalas, vol. II, p. 10; Theophanes, p. 22; and Scylitzes, p. 833. Consult Du Cange on *Alex.*, p. 351.

(70) In the manuscripts, read as *dizyntai*, but *de* is added by conjecture. Reiske would have it as *dizyntai* (if indeed the meaning were "to seek," which is almost strictly poetic). But the poet uses common words in the manner of the learned, mixing them with his verses; hence it is not surprising if we observe such vestiges of antiquity in the common Thracian-Byzantine speech.

(71) The word *zoon* signifies horses and mules to the modern Greeks. Therefore, it is necessary to understand *tous zoon* in the first sense as baggage animals. In the *Theophanes*, p. 144, the term *zoon moulikon* is used, meaning a mule-animal. Leo Grammaticus, against p. 470, used *zoon* for horse. And the Latins likewise use *animal* for either horse or mule; see Du Cange, *v. Animal*, *v. Symmachus* II, 27, and Paullinus, *Vita Martini* IV, 17. Papias: *Burides* [Burriches instead of Burrichi] animals, palfreys. In which place, if you take *animalia* for horses, it comes to the same thing. For the male, or the *burrichus*, somehow wavers between them. The word *burrichus*, which may be used in passing, is from the Arabic *al borak*, celebrated in the myths and dreams of the Muhammadan doctors as an animal. Alborak, he who is said to have been raptured into heaven by Muhammad, and which he describes as an ass and a mule, was of that kind, as a mixture of colors in our tongue. For *poikilon* is "varied" or "speckled" in our tongue; in Arabic it is *Abrack*; see Du Cange, *v. Burrichus*.

(72) I find it written this way in the parchments, and sometimes *Chalcedoni*. It is not certain which is older or which is more correct. It is a matter of usage.

(73) The option of the barbarians is assigned to the ministry of the Romans. This *optio* is a chosen soldier, of an honester grade, such as are sent into the provinces to refer messengers and for other business, on account of their skill in ingenuity, and their being found to be such; see Casaubon on *Script. H.*, vol. I, p. 16. Theirs also is the power to distribute rations allotted to the soldiers and to provide lodging. See Allemann ad Procop., p. 100. Such are called *Tschausos* (couriers, providers, military suppliers).

(74) Regarding the verb *echein poiein*, "to have doing" instead of *dein poiein* (to do), or *mellein poiein* (to be about to do), I have already said in another place: *poiein*, "days," the Greeks and Latins say together for "passing" (time): see Theophanes, p. 37 and 90; *Gloss. Lat.* on *Facere*, Welsten on *N. T. Matth.* xx, 12, and Palairet on *Nov. Test. Actor. XVI*, 33. In that passage of Lucian, *Anthols*. p. 127: "Marcus the soldier once made midnight while running"—that is, "he spent the night," or "transacted," "when Marcus running in the stadium reached the goal." Demosthenes also said *poiein chronous* (to spend time) in his oration against Conon.

(75) *Vexatus*, affected by grief, offended, or stung. So interpreted, this verb shows, as in this and other of our places, what it means for the Greek, which Du Cange (though unknown to the ancients) attributes the meaning "to constitute, to drag, to agree." He cites there, among other places, Nicephorus the Presbyter in the *Life of St. Andrew Salus*: "And having been stung [in spirit] with bitterness." He said this in the sense of "was made bitter," and John Moschus in *Limone*, c. 205: "Having heard these things, he wept," where the interpreter correctly, or certainly not far from the true sense, rendered it "dis-composed." It is properly "contrite, punctured, sorrowful." The same is gathered in another place in the *Life of St. Simeon Salus*, where Du Cange cites: "There are times when the demons (evil spirits) cast their hands into his bosom, and tear him, and punch him, and throw him about." Sometimes even dishonest powers cast their hands into his bosom and bruise him, and (the evil spirits) cast their hands upon him and harass him and beat him with fists, and drag him up by his nose, pulling it backward.

of Adranea [Hadriane], of Dicetanaurus, of Sandi, of Baraeus, of Sylium, of Pervaena. In the province of Cappadocia, the metropolis is Mocesus; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, four: of Nazianzus, of Colonia, of Parnassus, of Doara. In the province of Lazica, the metropolis is Phasis; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, four: of Rhodopolis, of the Saesini, of Petra, of the Ziganei. In the province of Thrace, the metropolis is Philippopolis; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, three, namely: of Diocletianopolis, of Sebastopolis, of Diospolis. In the province of Europa, the metropolis is Trajanopolis; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, two: of Perus, of Anastasiopolis. In the province of the Cyclades islands, the metropolis is Rhodes; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, twelve: of Samos, of Chios, of Cos, of Naxos, of Thera, of Paros, of Leros, of Andros, of Tenos, of Melos, of Pissyna. In the province of Hemimontus, the metropolis is Adrianopolis; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, five: of Mesembria, of Sozopolis, of Plotinopolis, of Anastasiopolis, of Tzoides. In the province of the Cyclades islands, the metropolis is Marcianopolis; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, five: of Rhodostolus, of Tramarisca, of Novae, of Zecedepos, of Scaria. In the province of Phrygia Pacatiana [Cappadociæ], the metropolis is Hierapolis; it has under it cities, that is, bishops, five: of Metellopolis, of Dionysiopolis, of Attuda, of Mosyna.

Chapter LV. Concerning the distribution of the customary largesse to the praepositi.

It should be known that those honored as patricians, when they are *emprati*—that is, the *strategos* and patrician—give as the customary largesse to the *praepositi* eight pounds of gold. The *mesoprati* patrician—that is, the civil official—gives seven pounds of gold; while the *apratri* patrician—that is, he who is honored simply with the spathariate—gives six pounds of gold, which are distributed as follows.

From the eight pounds of the *empratus* patrician: to the *cubiculum*, three pounds of gold and 24 *numismata*; to the *canicleus*, 36; to the demarch of the Veneti, 36; to the demarch of the Prasini, 36; to the master of ceremonies, 36; to the silentiarii, 36; to the comites of the schools, 24; to the *articlines* of the Emperor, 12; to the *topoteretae* of the schools, 3; to the one who prepares the *canicleus*, 4; to the *axiomatici*, 2; to the *primicerius* of the *cubiculum*, 12. And the total is 6 pounds of gold and 45 *numismata*.

By way of the Factions: The *deutereuon* of the Veneti receives one *numisma*; the *deutereuon* of the Prasini, one. The *geitoniarches* of the Veneti, 8 *miliaresia*; and the *geitoniarches* of the Prasini, 8 *miliaresia*; the *chartularii* of the Veneti and Prasini, 8 *miliaresia* each; the *factionarii* of both Veneti and Prasini, 8 *miliaresia* each. ^B The *micropanites* of the white faction, 5 *miliaresia*; the *micropanites* of the red faction, 5 *miliaresia*; the poet of the Veneti, 6 *miliaresia*; the poet of the Prasini, 6 *miliaresia*; the *melista* (musician) of the Veneti, 6 *miliaresia*; the *melista* of the Prasini, 6 *miliaresia*; the *epistatae* of the Veneti, 4 *miliaresia*; the *epistatae* of the Prasini, 4; the *cractae* (clamatores) of the Veneti, 4 *miliaresia*; the *cractae* of the Prasini, 4; the *semeiotae* of the faction of the Veneti, 4 *miliaresia*; the *semeiotae* of the Prasini, 4; the *mandatores* of the Veneti, 4; the *mandatores* of the Prasini, 4; the *bigarii* of the Veneti, 5; the *bigarii* of the Prasini, 5; the *contemplatores* of the Veneti, 4; the *contemplatores* of the Prasini, 4. ^C The *resignatores* of the seals of the faction of the Veneti, 2; the *resignatores* of the Prasini, 2; the *organum* of the Veneti, 6; the *organum* of the Prasini, 6. The total sum of the gold (which is given in its entirety) is 4 *numismata*, and of the *miliaresia* (the sum whereof we have enumerated) amounts to a value of 4 *miliaresia* and the remainder. Therefore the total sum is 14 *numismata* and 4 *miliaresia*.

For the order of the Hippodrome: The *actuarius* receives one *numisma* or solidus, ^D and...

of the Daphne 1, the *diaitarioi* of Saint Stephen 8 miliaresia, the goldsmiths of the imperial vessels 4 miliaresia, the *diaitarioi* of the *ostiariikion* 6 miliaresia, the *diaitarioi* of the hippodrome 7 miliaresia, the setters of the benches of the hippodrome 3 miliaresia, the *protokentarioi* 1, the *diaitarioi* of the *stratorikion* 5 miliaresia, to the *asellia* 1, the *diaitarioi* of the 19 *akoubita* 7 miliaresia, the *diaitarioi* of the Panagia 10 miliaresia, the *diaitarioi* of the *mannaura* 7 miliaresia, those of the *vestosakra* 1, the imperial bath-attendants 1, the *kaldarioi* 2 miliaresia. And the total is 16 gold *nomismata*, and 11 miliaresia. In total, 20 [units], 11 miliaresia.

Through the doorkeepers: These also receive as in the first distribution of the *kombion*. Likewise also for the *photapsiai* [illuminations], just as for the churches.

Regarding the distribution of the *kombion* of the *apratos* patrician, which consists of 6 liters: It is distributed thus: the *kouboukleioi* receive 2 liters of gold; the one of the *kanikleion* 24 *nomismata*; the two *demarchoi* 48 *nomismata*, 24 each; the one of the *katastasis* 24 *nomismata*; the *silentiarioi* 24 *nomismata*; the *komites* of the *scholai* 24 *nomismata*; the *artoklinoi* of the king 12 *nomismata*; the *topotiretai* of the *scholai* 3 *nomismata*; the *primikĕrios* of the *kouboukleion* 12 *nomismata*; the *axiomatikoi* 2 *nomismata*; the one preparing the *kanikleion* 4 *nomismata*. In total, 4 liters, 33 *nomismata*.

Through the two factions of the Veneti and Prasini, there fall to these: the *deutereuon* of the Veneti 1 *nomisma*; the *deutereuon* of the Prasini 1 *nomisma*; the *geitoniarches* of the Veneti 8 miliaresia; the *geitoniarches* of the Prasini 8 miliaresia; the *chartoularios* of the Veneti 8 miliaresia; the *chartoularios* of the Prasini 8 miliaresia; the *faktionarios* of the Veneti 8 miliaresia; the *faktionarios* of the Prasini 8 miliaresia; the *leukos* 5 miliaresia; the *rousios mikropanitis* 5 miliaresia; the poet of the Veneti 6 miliaresia; the poet of the Prasini 6 miliaresia; the *melistis* of the Veneti 6 miliaresia; the *melistis* of the Prasini 6 miliaresia; the curators of the Veneti 4 miliaresia; the curators of the Prasini 4 miliaresia; the *kraktai* of the Veneti 4 miliaresia; the *kraktai* of the Prasini 4 miliaresia; the *simeiotai* of the Veneti 4 miliaresia; the *simeiotai* of the Prasini 4 miliaresia; the *mandatores* of the Veneti 4 miliaresia; the *mandatores* of the Prasini 4 miliaresia; the *bēgarioi* of the Veneti 5 miliaresia; the *bēgarioi* of the Prasini 5 miliaresia; the *theorētai* of the Veneti 4 miliaresia; the *theorētai* of the Prasini 4 miliaresia; the *diasimeiotai* of the Veneti 2 miliaresia; the *diasimeiotai* of the Prasini 2 miliaresia; the instrument of the Veneti 6 miliaresia; the instrument of the Prasini 6 miliaresia. In total, 14 *nomismata*, 4 miliaresia.

Through the hippodrome: the *aktuarios* 1 *nomisma*; the *argyros* of the *vestion* 2 *nomismata*; the *koursōr* 1 *nomisma*; the *argyros* of the crowns 1 *nomisma*; the one of the *apokrisis* 1 *nomisma*; the *neaniskos* 4 miliaresia; the *maxillarios* 4 miliaresia; the *thessararios* 4 miliaresia; the *chamaetribounos* 4 miliaresia; the officials of the *kylistra* 5 miliaresia; the *manganarioi* of the Veneti 5 miliaresia; the *manganarioi* of the Prasini 5 miliaresia; to the *protobēktarioi* 3 miliaresia; to the *protopallarioi* 5 miliaresia; to the *noumerarios* 1 *nomisma*; to the *dekanoi* of the hippodrome 2 *nomismata*; for the *vigla* of the Daphne 4 miliaresia. In total, 9 gold [nomismata], and for the miliaresia, 7 miliaresia.

For the diætarii: The *admensunalis* receives 5, the diætarii of the consistory 2, the domestic of the palace 1, the diætarii of the great palace 1, the domestic of the Daphne 1, the diætarii of Saint Stephen 1, the goldsmiths of the imperial plate 4 miliaresia, the diætarii of the ostiari (doorkeepers) 2 miliaresia, the diætarii of the hippodrome 8 miliaresia, those who set up the benches of the hippodrome 3 miliaresia, the *protokentarioi* 1 *nomisma*, for the *asellia* 1 *nomisma*, the diætarii of the stratorigion 5 miliaresia, the diætarii of the nineteen *akoubita* 8 miliaresia, the diætarii of the most holy Theotokos 10 miliaresia, the diætarii of the Magnaura 8 miliaresia, those of the *vestosakra* 1 *nomisma*, the imperial *loustai* (bath-attendants) 1 *nomisma*, the *kaldarioi* 2 miliaresia. In total, 15 gold pieces, and for the miliaresia, 4, [with] 10 miliaresia.

For the gatekeepers: The *diatrechontes* of the logothete of the drome receive 2 *nomismata*, the gatekeepers of the *thermastra* 2 *nomismata*, the gatekeepers of the hippodrome 2 *nomismata*, the *kortinarioi* 1 *nomisma* and 7 miliaresia, the imperial *armophylakes* 2 *nomismata*. In total, 59 gold pieces and 7 miliaresia.

For the illuminations of the churches and other persons: The *kastrensios* receives 1 *nomisma*, the referendary 1 *nomisma*, the imperial clergy of the Pharus 5 *nomismata*, the subdeacons of Hagia Sophia 6 miliaresia, the deacons of the patriarch 4 miliaresia, the *dipotatai* 3 miliaresia, those of the Spoudaioi 8 miliaresia, those of the Paraspoudaioi 5 miliaresia, the *stratores* of the patriarch 5 miliaresia, the lectors of the two weeks 80 *nomismata* and 6 miliaresia, the chanters of Hagia Sophia 1 *nomisma* and 6 miliaresia, the *skeuophylakes* 1 *nomisma*, the ministers of the narthex 4 miliaresia, the doorkeepers of the Holy Well 5 miliaresia, the *balantades* 5 miliaresia, the episcopiani 5 miliaresia, the domestic of the subdeacons 6 miliaresia, the church of the Akoimetoi 3 *nomismata*, the church of the Lord 1 *nomisma*, the church of Saint Stephen of the hippodrome 1 *nomisma*, the church of the Savior of the Staurion 1 *nomisma*, the church of Basilides 1 *nomisma*, the church of Saint Stephen of the Daphne 1 *nomisma*, the church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus 1 *nomisma*, the church of the monastery of Pelekanos 1 *nomisma*, the church of Saint Theodore 1 *nomisma*, the church of Saint Kallinikos 1 *nomisma*, the diaconia of Urbicius 1 *nomisma*, the diaconia of Saint Mokios 1 *nomisma*, the church of Saint Pancharios 1 *nomisma*. In total, 24 gold pieces, and for the miliaresia, 5 [with] 8 miliaresia. And in total for gold and miliaresia, 29 [with] 8 miliaresia.

And in total the entire expenditure is 5 pounds, 48 *nomismata*, and 25 *anapleromata*; there is also the distribution of 80 *nomismata* for the *opsikria* of the patrician.

INDEX TO THE BOOK

Golden bullae, why so called, 191, n. 59. — Bullae of two, three, or four solidi, what they were, 396, n. 58. Bullote; who the Ballatores were, and their offices, 415, n. 62, 65. Burrichus, what it is; the etymology of that word, 233, n. 71.

Cabadium, that is, a garment which was put on over the chest, 434, n. 64. Caballarium, what it is, and whence it was so called, 4, n. 30. Caesar, observances in his election, 128 et seqq. — What his ornaments were, ibid., n. 34. Calamaria, what it is, 157, n. 11. Camelaucium, what it is; the etymology of that word, 44, n. 57. Orientals are accustomed to shoe the feet of camels, 67, n. 63. Campagia, a type of garment that covers the shins and knees; why so called, and the etymology of the word, 240, n. 40. — Campana, what it was among the Greeks and Latins, 101, n. 36. In the sixth century, the bell and its ringing were a symbol of the liberty of cities, 272, n. 55. Campiductoria, what kind of standards they were, 332, n. 75. Campus Martius, what it is; regarding its use, 238, n. 13. Chancellors, who they were and why they were so called, 7, n. 97. Cancelli in the church, what they are, 11, n. 51. Candidati, soldiers of the procession, outstanding in appearance and strength, so called from the white (candidus) attire they wore, 7, n. 89. Canicleus or prefect of the canicleus, who in the Byzantine court guarded the emperor's autograph, 417, n. 84. Cantors, ecclesiastical vocal musicians, 12, n. 66. Hair, formerly a sign of liberty and veneration, 358, n. 86. Capsae, round, what kind they were and whence they had this name, 4, n. 40. Saracen captives, how they were held among the Greeks, 312, n. 31. The custom of uncovering the head in the sight of a superior, a very ancient one, 9, n. 26. The title of Cardinals, whence it is to be traced, 313, n. 18. The custom of reciting poems in praise of the emperor and the Augustan family, 333, n. 89. Castrensis, who he was; his offices, 17, n. 10. Catapani, a corrupted name, whence Capitanci is derived, 4, n. 18. Catechumenia, the upper porticoes of a church, why so called; their use, 40, n. 27. Cathisma, is a tribunal or triclinium, that is, a splendid building or palace in which the emperor sat whenever he watched circus games, 177, n. 92. Cautio, a document written in one's own hand, which one given some dignity would provide, what it was, 368, n. 26. Paschal candle, what was formerly accustomed to be noted on it, 75, n. 77. Processional candle, ibid., n. 76. The very ancient custom of adoring God with lighted candles, 7, 8, 9. Whence candles derive their origin, 254, n. 27. Cerostata, what they are, 45, n. 61.

Columbas (doves), the custom of carrying them on scepters, whence it derived its origin, 336, n. 8; 339, n. 29. Column of Constantine in the porphyry forum, 18, n. 15. Combina, a scroll by the power of which permission is granted to someone either to use the public transport or circus horses; why it was so called, 177, n. 91. Comes largitionum, who he was; his offices, 229, n. 41. Communion, or the participation of the whole body of the faithful in the holy Eucharist, 11, n. 60. Compulsor, who extracts fiscal debts and compels slow debtors to pay, 265, n. 45. Conditor circensis, who he was, 181, n. 10. Confessiones, formerly these were called the places where confessors were buried, 69, n. 59. Consistorium, the place in which the prince dealt with public and private affairs, 7, n. 86. Annual celebration of the memory of Constantine the Great; what must be observed in it, 307 et seqq. Sepulcher of Constantine the Great in the Church of the Holy Apostles, 370. Customs and solemnities, what they are, 147, n. 86. Conti, a type of armor, who they were; their use, 44, n. 55. Convivium sequestratum, what it is, 171, n. 75. Banquet of nineteen couches; what must be observed in it, 222 et seqq. Bridal crown of the CP (Constantinopolitan) emperors, what it was; from thence flowed to us that custom whereby brides, virgins crowned with garlands, proceed into the church to obtain priestly benediction, 116, n. 92. Triumphal crown offered to the emperors by the city, what it was, 288, n. 35. Bridal coronation; what must be observed in it, 221. Rite of imperial coronation, 114, n. 87, 88. Corporalia, on which the blessed bread and wine are placed, 39, 18. Crama, or the mixed banquet with which the emperor refreshed himself after the sacred office was performed, 11, n. 61. Its origin, and the etymology of that word, 335, n. 44. Credentia, designated for placing sacred vessels, 40, n. 25. Crete, a city hated by the Romans; an expedition against this city under the emperor Leo, 376. Another expedition against the same city in the time of Constantine and Romanus Porphyrogenitus, 584 et seqq. The custom of adoring and kissing the Cross and the Gospel, 7, n. 90; 9, n. 27; 18. Encaenia (dedications) of the holy crosses, 307 and n. 91, 97. The Greeks sign themselves with the cross from the right to the left with three fingers, that is, from the mouth to the region of the stomach, thence to the right shoulder, and finally they end on the left, 179, n. 99. The Greeks called the image of the suffering Christ a "Cross," 190, n. 57. Crosses as things of great veneration were carried in the battle line, 279, n. 89. Vivifying Cross, when it was to be carried out into public, what was to be observed, 311. Crosses, when they are to be brought out on the third Sunday of Lent, what is to be observed, 317. No one, except priests, was permitted to sign another with the sign of the cross with a bare hand, 8, n. 13. Cubicularii, who they were, and who were the coetonitae (chamber-mates); their various offices, 4, n. 13 and 17; 5, n. 48; 7, n. 88. Promotion of cubicularii and cubiculariae; what rites are to be observed in it, 360, 361. Equestrian competition on the birthday of CP, on May 11, how it is to be instituted, 198 et seqq. In this competition, vegetables, cakes, and fish were handed out to be seized by the people, 200, n. 22. A neck kept straight and rigid is a symbol of power that has not been broken; a bowed neck marks the humility of the conquered, 352, n. 64. Chalce, the gate of the palace; why it is so called, 42, n. 35. Chartularius, who he is; his various offices, 265, n. 44. Chlamys, a Roman cloak, how it was prepared and worn, 255, n. 47. Chrysotriclinium, what it is, and whence it was so called, 4, n. 14. Ciborium, what it is, and whence it derived its origin, 58, n. 29; 113, n. 81. Circus: matters of greater importance which had to be brought before the people were proposed and completed in the circus; primarily the election and homage exhibited to new emperors, 242, n. 62. Cisterna, that is, a basin in the vestibule of the church, in which he who wished to do so washed himself before entering the narthex, 11, n. 62. The clergy among the Greeks were not exempt from public burdens, 266, n. 59. Cletorologium, what it is, and what it contains, 2, n. 5. Clibani, ovens, which were used in the Orient, 233, n. 76. Coeton, or the inner bedchamber of the emperor, in which he slept, 5, n. 48; 10, n. 45; 269, n. 91. Collecta, a prayer so called when it is pronounced, 56, n. 20. Colobium, the naming of various garments at various times, what it is, 48, n. 79. Colobia, that is, cloaks or small capes going around the neck, touching the chest and shoulders as far as the elbows, 271, n. 15. Cucufa, what it is, 5, n. 41. Curatores and Curatoriae, what they are, 37, n. 4. Curopalatae, who they were; their offices, 133, n. 41. In the promotion of a curopalates, what is to be observed, 134, 135. Cursores, transcursores, discursores, who they are; their various tasks, 160, n. 27. Custodiarium, that is, a building in which the vessels and treasures of the church were kept, 21, n. 37. Cyclium, what it is, 10, n. 43 and 45. Cyclops, cyclopes, satyr plays, rustic games, what they formerly were, 222, n. 89. Daphnae, that is, tribunals or basilicas in which laurels were imposed on victors, 5, n. 45. Defenders of the Church, who they were called, 19, n. 17. Temple of the Mother of God in the Chalcoprateia, 19, n. 23; 43, n. 48. In it, the burial garments and shrouds of the Blessed Virgin Mary were kept, 19, n. 26. On the feast of the Dormition or Assumption of the Mother of God on the fifteenth day of August, what is to be observed, 312 et seqq. The custom of drinking in honor of the Mother of God, 348, n. 45. Delemicius or dilemita, who he was; his reception into the Byzantine court, 343 and n. 32. Demarchus; what is to be observed in his promotion; and also what is to be done if two are appointed, 157, 158. St. Demetrius, what is to be observed on his feast and in his procession, 72 et seqq. Despotes, the title whence it derived its origin, 5, n. 50.

INDEX TO THE BOOK ON CEREMONIES

Emperor, when he is to be received in the golden hippodrome, what must be observed, 166 et seqq. Emperor as father of the citizens and the fatherland; he who heard him was considered pious, he who injured him, impious, 190, n. 36. The custom of kissing the letters and written commands of emperors and moving them to the eyes and forehead, whence it derived its origin, 191, 60. Whether the Emperors of Constantinople were ever anointed, 218, n. 72. The custom of placing and lifting newly elected emperors upon a shield, 245, n. 87. What are the insignia of the emperors, 245, n. 88. No one except the Pope ought to use those insignia, ibid. Emperors had to stand while about to speak, 250, n. 10. Things to be observed when the emperor prepares a military expedition, 257 et seqq. When he has decided to go into the camp and to reside therein, what must be observed and done, 263 et seqq. Roman emperors used to dismount before the gates of the city of Rome out of reverence, 289, n., what must be observed, 318 et seqq. What also when he has decided to go to the Holy Apostles or to some other temple for the sake of performing devotion, 322 et seqq. When a son is born to the emperor, what must be observed, 356 et seqq. What occurs at his baptism, 358; at his tonsure, 364. How he ought to offer gifts in the Great Church. The tombs of several emperors in the Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, 370, 371. When the emperor goes out in a chariot to inspect the granaries of the prefecture, what must be observed, 404 et seqq. When he sat on the throne, all the nobles stood, 6, n. 81.

Infulae (Bands/Fillets). What infulae and vittae denote, 5, n. 41. Of the Caesars, they were of a different shape from the infulae of the emperors, 288, n. 25; 335, n. 8. Insigne or symbol, an indication by which, when presented, honor is conferred; he who wears it professes to bear the honor of him whose symbol he wears, 255, n. 43. The custom of soldiers wearing the insignia of the princes under whom they fight on their garments, whence they derived it, 191, n. 61. Insignia of victory, 351, n. 57. Intonatio or extensa, that is, a certain longer series of prayers, whence it gets its name, 17, n. 12; 18, n. 31. Introitus (Entrance), double, greater and lesser, 9, n. 30. Investitures, various signs of dignities, 277, n. 40. Italy, how it was once divided and was called by various names, 382, n. 64.

J Jocalia (Jewels), what they were called, 235, n. 3. Juring upon the Gospels, the custom of, 244, n. 72. Justin, the most pious emperor, his inauguration, 251. Justinian and Theodora, the first to introduce the custom by which each person, lying prone on the ground, would adore the emperor, 278, n. 83. The sarcophagus of Justinian the Great in the Heroon, 372. Justinus, the emperor, is reported to have been so unskilled in letters that he could not even write a word to be subscribed to the laws, 245, n. 89. His inauguration, 247 et seqq.

L Labara, that is, square banners marked with a cross, 7, n. 96; 238, n. 15; 332, n. 66. Lamp and candle, at least among the modern Greeks, are one and the same, 39, n. 23. Lance, holy, with which the side of Christ was pierced, was preserved in the Church of the Mother of God of the Pharos at Constantinople, 106, n. 58 and 59. Lapides rotundi (round stones) in churches, formerly placed at intervals, what they signify, 9, n. 36. Largitiones (Largesses) enjoy a double meaning; for they denote either the public treasuries, the fiscus, the public exchequer: or solatia, the donations which a prince gives of his own free will from his own wealth to whom he wishes, 229, n. 41. Latercula of a benefit or beneficence, what they are accustomed to be called, 227, n. 12. Laudosiæ, Laudanæ, that is, prayer bracelets, rosaries, 230, n. 44. Laureate letters, laureate images, which the new emperors in the West had to send to the East, 229, n. 33. How they were received by the peoples, ibid. Lazarus Saturday immediately precedes Palm Sunday; whence it is so called, 100, n. 35; 218, n. 77. Legates coming to the emperor from various nations, how they salute him, 392 et seqq. Reception of foreign legates in the Byzantine court; what must be observed then, 327 et seqq. Leo, the emperor, is reckoned among the celebrated hymn-writers of the Greek Church, 68, n. 54. Leo the Great, emperor, was the first of them who were crowned by the Patriarch of Constantinople with solemn ceremonies; the order of those ceremonies, 238 et seqq. and n. 12.

Leprosy, lepers, whence so called, 106, n. 61. Libripendes, why they were led into war and into camps, 266, n. 57. Lictors, who the defenders of the church were; their duties, 10, n. 38. Ligna satisfactoria, namely, those by which the faithful were called to church, what they were, 100, n. 36. Letters and commands of the emperors, the custom of kissing, 191, n. 60. Logothete and canicleus, who they were; their various duties, 5, n. 58 and 59; 37, n. 99. Logothetes, various, 393, n. 45. Longobardia; of the expedition into it in the time of the Roman Emperor Lecapenus, 381. What part of Italy was so called, 382, n. 67. Lori, previously, what they were, 331, n. 70; a type of garment, 368, n. 27. Ludi circenses (circus games); in them, emperors used to admit nobles to their table, 179, n. 1 and 2. Ludi pedestres (foot races), in which they contended for speed of foot; when they were held, 189, n. 53. Ludi Gothici (Gothic games), what they were, 222, n. 89. Prefect of scenic games and instrumental music, who he was, 222, n. 98. Equestrian game in favor of the Saracens, under the emperors Constantine and Romanus, 340 et seqq. Lues gallica (French disease), already known in ancient times, whence it took its name, 106, n. 61. Luminum festum (Feast of Lights), what it is, 25, n. 51. What must be observed in the vigil and in the procession of that feast, 82 et seqq. Lychnic or lucernary prayers, the first part of the vesper service, accustomed to be recited when the lamps are lit, n. 52.

M Macellaria and Lupercalia, what they are, and what is to be done in them, 512 et seqq., and n. 44, 45. Magistri, the dignity of, in the Byzantine court, what it was; who was called Magister, 6, n. 75. Maglabitæ lictors, who preceded the emperor with maclaviae to prepare the way and drive away the crowd, 5, n. 56. Procession or gathering of the magnates in the court, which takes place every Sunday, and what must be observed in it, 302. Magnaura, that is, the great hall, in which the emperor used to receive great leaders; the etymology of that word, 74, n. 75. Malluvia, that is, basins in which hands were washed, 6, n. 71. Mandatores in the army, who they were, 52, n. 6. Manganarius in the circus game, who he was; and what his duties, 181, n. 11. Mensionarii or keepers of the temple, so called because they always remain in it and take care of it, 12, n. 67. Manulia, what they were; their use, 45, n. 36. Maphorium, that is, the garment with which the Augusta was wrapped, so that she might not be seen by a barbarian, 123, n. 7 and 8. Mare (Sea), there was once in the church a hollow stone into which the remains of the consecrated wine and water, which were no longer needed, were poured, 21, n. 36. Roman marble, why so called; various species of marble, 370, n. 58. Marsupium (purse), what it is, whence so called; its use, 230, n. 44. Matrimony, how the Greeks contract it, 126, n. 30. Matronæus (matrons' place), where women were present in churches, 19, n. 24. Mattiarii, who the soldiers were, and whence so called, 239, n. 17. Mensa abscissa or sequestrata, what it is, 42, n. 38. Golden table, ibid., n. 41. Mensurator (measurer), who he is; his various duties, 259, n. 11; 264, n. 42; 268, 269. Metals; the art of painting on metals, whence it was born; its origin, 59, n. 34. Comes of the metals (Count of the Metals), who he is, and what his duties, 416, n. 71. Metatorium, what it is, 10, n. 45. Milites pompatici, who they were, 7, n. 89. Militia is the same as comitatus (retinue), the whole body of officials and court dignities, 226, n. 9 and 10. Ministers of the emperors used to stand before them with their hands crossed on their breasts, 302, n. 81. Modiolus (measure/modius) was a type of imperial crown; whence so called, 240, n. 45; 288, n. 28. Rod of Moses, among the chief treasures of the Constantinopolitan empire, n. 35. The custom of giving an apostolic gift, 11, n. 64. Without a gift, it was not permitted to approach the kings of the East; what gifts were offered to them, 235, n. 2. Comes murorum (Count of the Walls) was in charge of repairing the walls and of the soldiers keeping watch along them, 4, n. 22. Instrumental music was considered by the Greeks as a base and forbidden thing, and they expelled it from the church and from their banquets as if it were impious and disgraceful, 222, n. 98; 450, n. 43.

1455 INDEX IN LIBRUM DE CERIMONIIS. 1456

Mutatoria, various species of, 370. Mystic love among the Greeks, 3, n. 8.

N Nard and cinnamon, custom of distributing, 21. Nard boxes: once, more elegant people used to carry them with them just as we carry boxes filled with sneezing powder today, 21, n. 39. Nativity of the Lord: customary acclamations at the feast, 22. Things to be observed in its procession, 76 et seqq. In this feast, meals of nineteen couches were set, 429 et seqq. Nicephorus Phocas, the most valiant emperor: his inauguration, 851 et seqq. It is not certain whether he died a natural death or was destroyed by poisons and force, 251, n. 18. Nobles: things to be observed in their promotion, 132 et seqq. Name: custom among the Greeks of imposing it upon children, 356, n. 75—77. Normans: whence they are called Bigothi, 140, n. 67. Numerarius: who was so called, his various duties, 140, n. 69. Numerus: this name designates a peculiar class of soldiers; their various duties, 4, n. 21. Numismata, or gold solidi: these were accustomed to be given as a prize for victory in the circus, 187, n. 50. Nuptial crown of the emperors of Constantinople, 116, n. 92.

O Obsequentes: who the soldiers so called were, 265, n. 55. Oecumenici: what the title signifies, 392, n. 42. Oeconomium: the same as vestiarium, 93, n. 24. Oenanthe, for the Greeks, is twofold: perfumed wine and a type of ointment, 269, n. 94. Officials in the emperor's retinue: who they were, 6, n. 79. Officials: the mode of creating various ones in the court, and what must be observed at that time, 303. What their duties were, 415, n. 54. Officinae: which the imperial workshops were, 417, n. 85. Omophorion: a vestment worn by patriarchs and bishops; a sign of dignity, 48, n. 76. Omophorion: a type of garment, which encompasses the whole body, 305, n. 88. Omophorion of the Blessed Virgin: which the emperors used to carry with them into battle, with which they believed they would act prosperously, 269, n. 90. Omophorion: whether it is the same as the lorum and superhumeral, 331, n. 70. Operculum: i.e., the emperor's horse-cover; it was a capital offense for anyone to sit on it, 157, n. 13. Optimates: namely, the baser soldiers; their various duties, 37, n. 2. Orarium: what it is, and the custom of giving a signal to those standing by with it, 6, n. 73; 48, n. 76. Orationes: they were called "Silentii," which the emperor himself delivered to the people as the Lenten fast approached, 91, n. 17. What must be observed then, 314. Oratoria: constructed as much in churches as in private homes, 4, n. 36. Ordo Romanus: what it is, 4, n. 5. Organa: to play the organ, to sing with an organ, what this means, 9, n. 22. Organa: the ancient use of them among the Greeks, 20, n. 32. Orphanotrophus (the curator of orphans): his dignity, 54, n. 11. Orthodoxia, on Sunday: what must be observed, and what that Sunday was, 92 et seqq., and n. 20. Osculum pacis (kiss of peace): its origin and use, 11, n. 54. Osculum: on the kiss given to the emperor, 15, n. 2. Oscula: the various degrees of kisses, 210, n. 44. Ostiarius: he is of two kinds, palatine and ecclesiastical. What the duties of the former were, 6, n. 74. Ostiarius of the church: his duties, 11, n. 65.

P Pagana vestes (pagan clothes), paganae processiones (pagan processions), pagana Dominica (pagan Sunday): what these signify, 20, n. 33. Palatia: the custom of building summer palaces in the East, 5, n. 43. Palatium: when the emperor re-enters it daily, and the daily procession into it; what must be observed, 299 et seqq. Pallium: the torn pallium of the ancient Greeks was something else, although very similar to the pallium of the Franks, 271, n. 33. Palma quatuor (four palms), or insignia of victory, which used to be given after the individual races in the circus games, 179, n. 1. Palmarum (Palm Sunday): what must be observed at the feast and procession, 101 et seqq. Pandura: what sort of musical instrument it is, 222, n. 93. Panni triblatti (cloths thrice-dyed with purple), 48, n. 80. Panni Saracenici (Saracen cloths), 351, n. 56. Pantheum: what it signifies, and whence this name, 4, n. 33. Papias, or guardian of the palace: whence this name for him; his duties, 4, n. 31. Papilio, or tent: what it is, and whence it is so called, 240, n. 34. Paracaenomeni, or accubitores: men of great dignity and power in the Byzantine court, 251, n. 20. Paragaudae: silk garments interwoven with gold, 85, n. 4. Parasitae mulieres (parasite women): namely, those who offered their backs to be trodden upon, stretched forward face down toward the ground, and by making a support, raised high the noble women standing upon them, so that they could more easily climb into their carriages, 242, n. 56. Paratici; who the consuls of the Paratici were, 4, n. 37. Paschatis (Easter): the customary acclamations at the feast, 27. Also in the various holidays after Easter, 29—33. Paschatis festum: the most joyous time of the whole year for the Greeks, 244, n. Patricii and masters, proconsulars and patricians, 36. No day was celebrated with greater religion, ibid., n. 29. Patriarcha Planus: what must be observed in his election and ordination, 326. Whence this word is to be derived, ibid., n. 45. Patriciatus: what the dignity was, 6, n. 77. Patricii: things to be observed in their promotion, 143 et seqq. Patricii: the mode or formula of creating them, 149, n. 92. Patrini (godparents), or those who carry children: what their duties were, 358, n. 82. Pauperes: the custom of inviting them to the table, whence it originated, 210, n. 42. Pavones: that is, garments with the images of peacocks woven into them, 76, n. 80. Pedaturae: generally said of military spaces, 185, n. 45. Pectorarium: what it is, 228, n. 27. Pelles Canusinae (Canusian skins): very famous, and why, 250, n. 40. Pentapyrgium: that is, a cupboard with five small turrets, in which the most precious jewels were kept or hung, 43, n. 42. Pentecost: various acclamations at the feast, and other things to be observed in it, 36 et seqq. Persarum legati (Envoys of the Persians): how they were received in the Byzantine court, 232. Persicium: what this word signifies, 230, n. 44. Perticae interwoven with laurel: what these were, 331, n. 68. Petronas the patrician, brother of Empress Theodora, 208, n. 36. Phargani: a kind of soldiery, whence they originated, 333, n. 80. Pharus: a beacon light, customarily lit at night for navigators, 43, n. 48. Phenolia, or paenula: a type of garment, 144, n. 80. Phengia: a type of staff; what they were and their use, 311, n. 30. Phiala: what it was, and whence it is so called, 142, n. 76. Philochristi: whence the name was given to the emperors of Constantinople, 1, n. 1; 264, n. 40. Phylax: that is, the person guarding the imperial treasures of the house, 5, n. 54. Pietatis consuetudines (customs of piety) in the Byzantine court, 412 et seqq. Pila: the game of ball; what the exercises were, and their origin, 222, n. 97. Pinna: a type of oyster, which provides wool that surpasses the wool of sheep, 255, n. 46. Placentas (cakes) and fruits were the last things at the banquets of the ancients, 42, n. 40. Pogium: what was so called in the church, 11, n. 51. Porphyrogennetus: who was called this, and why he was so called, and who was the first to be so called, 115, n. 91. Porta speciosa, regia, the greater gate in the church, 9, n. 25, 29, 37; 17, n. 14. Praefectus urbis (prefect of the city of Constantinople): his various duties and authority, 4, n. 27. Praefecti urbis: things to be observed in their promotion, and the various acclamations to be made in it, 154. Praependulia: which Oriental women wore formerly and still wear, 123, n. 9. Praepositi (prefects) of the palace and the bedchamber: who they were, 4, n. 43. Praepositi: things to be observed in their promotion, 153. Pragmatica sanctio (pragmatic sanction): it is that according to whose formula and edict one can and ought to act and proceed in the managing of affairs and the administration of public matters, 227, n. 13. Prandia, or stretched ribbons: their use, 49, n. 86. Probatoriae litterae (letters of approval), or diplomas, by which he who is chosen for any office is announced as suitable and approved, 227, n. 23. Processionis (procession): order and sequence when the emperor went to the Great Church, 4. Processiones: what they were, their origin and diversity, 4, n. 10. Procession among the Russians is described, ibid. Processio quotidiana (daily procession), ibid., and n. 15. Processiones were divided into certain classes of men, women, etc., 97, n. 32. Proconsules: who they were; things to be observed in their promotion, 149, 150, 226. Prohedrus, or president of the entire senate: his promotion and what must be observed in it, 255 et seqq.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. Chap. XXX. Things to be observed when the feast of the Annunciation of the holy Mother of God falls on the Sunday of the middle of the week. 402 Chap. XXXI. Things to be observed on the vigil of the Palms. 410 Chap. XXXII. Things to be observed on the feast and in the procession. 411 Chap. XXXIII. Things to be observed on Holy and Great Thursday, and concerning the emperor’s circuit in the hospitals. 412 Chap. XXXIV. Things to be observed on the Great Vigil, and how it is customarily celebrated. 419 Chap. XXXV. Things to be observed on Holy and Great Saturday. 423 Chap. XXXVI. Things to be observed in the procession of the union of the Church, or when the tome of the union of the Church is read. 430 Chap. XXXVII. Observation concerning garments, how they are changed by the emperors on feast days and in processions. 431 Chap. XXXVIII. Things to be observed at the coronation of an emperor. 435 Chap. XXXIX. Things to be observed at the nuptial coronation of an emperor. 446 Chap. XL. Things to be observed at the coronation of an Augusta. 454 Chap. XLI. Things to be observed at the coronation and wedding of an Augusta. 459 Chap. XLII. Acts of the factions, when the Porphyrogenitus child is born. 470 Chap. XLIII. Things to be observed at the election of a Caesar. 471 Chap. XLIV. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Nobilissimus. 479 Chap. XLV. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Curopalata. 483 Chap. XLVI. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Magister, if the emperor orders it to be instituted in the procession of the Great Church. 487 Chap. XLVII. Things to be observed at the promotion of a patrician, a senator, and a prefect of soldiers. 491 Chap. XLVIII. Things to be observed at the promotion of patricians. 503 Chap. XLIX. Things to be observed at the promotion of proconsuls. 518 Chap. L. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Zoste Patricia. 519 Chap. LI. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Praepositus. 523 Chap. LII. Things to be observed at the promotion of the prefect. 526 Chap. LIII. Acts and acclamations of the factions at the promotion of the prefect. 527 Chap. LIV. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Quaestor. 534 Chap. LV. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Demarch. 535 Chap. LVI. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Secundicerius. 538 Chap. LVII. Things to be observed at the promotion of the assessors of the court and the Logothetes. 539 Chap. LVIII. On the creation of the Magister of the Scrinia. 542 Chap. LIX. Things to be observed when a candidate for the spatharius is to be advanced to the dignity of Protospatharius. 542 Chap. LX. The funeral procession of an emperor. 543 Chap. LXI. Things to be observed after the finished prayers and vows on the birthday of the emperor. 546 Chap. LXII. Things to be observed on the day before the emperor is to be received into the city. 547 Chap. LXIII. Things to be observed on the morning of the day the emperor is to be received into the city. 547 Chap. LXIV. Things to be observed if the emperor is to be received in the Golden Hippodrome on the day after Antipasch. 555 Chap. LXV. Things to be observed at a banquet or feast. 566 Chap. LXVI. Things to be observed, if a banquet is to be instituted in the secret phiala of the triconch in winter time and when the winds are sharply stirred, which do not permit it to be celebrated in the customary phialae. 570 Chap. LXVII. Regarding the place and order in which all the nobles are accustomed to stand in individual banquets instituted in the larger phialae. 575 Chap. LXVIII. Regarding the Golden Hippodrome, and what things are performed in it. 578 Chap. LXIX. Things to be observed when a designation for horse-racing is made. 587 Chap. LXX. The horse-racing competition on the 11th day of May, on the birthday of this God-guarded and imperial city, is instituted in this manner. 631 Chap. LXXI. Rites in the festal celebration. 643 Chap. LXXII. Concerning a vow, how it ought to be celebrated. 654 Chap. LXXIII. Regarding the Macellarian Hippodrome, called the Lupercal. 659 Chap. LXXIV. These are the things which are sung in Latin by the cancellarii of the Quaestor in the processions of the masters to the Great Church. 663 Chap. LXXV. Exposition of those things which are said in Latin by the vocalists at the banquet of the nineteen couches. 666

Chap. LXXVI. The acclamation which is sung in the morning by the army. 667 Chap. LXXVII. The acclamation of the army, if the emperor is conducting a triumph over enemies, or if grain or other imperial largesse is distributed to the army: the same things are also recited when silence is made. 667 Chap. LXXVIII. Things to be observed on the day of the vintage in the procession from the palace of Hieria. 670 Chap. LXXIX. Acts to be recited while the prefect goes to the temple of the holy martyr Romanus on Palm Sunday. 675 Chap. LXXX. Things to be observed on the day of the honor of the Demarch on the third day of Galilee. 675 Chap. LXXXI. Things to be observed at the escorting of a bride. 678 Chap. LXXXII. Things to be observed at the nuptial coronation. 679 Chap. LXXXIII. Things to be observed at the banquet of the nineteen couches, at which time the so-called Gothic [game] is celebrated. 679 Chap. LXXXIV. From the commentaries of Master Peter. Things to be observed at the promotion of the Count of the Admissions, and the Count of the School, and the Curopalata. 682 Chap. LXXXV. From the same Peter. Things to be observed when an Augustalis or proconsul is created. 694 Chap. LXXXVI. Concerning different military [commands] or offices, the manner of conferring them, where each is conferred, and what pertains to each bureau. As much as we have been able to find on this subject. 695 Chap. LXXXVII. Things to be observed when it is announced that an emperor in parts above or in the West is sending his envoys and his laudatory portraits here, not yet admitted by the emperor who acts here in Constantinople to the imperial dignity; and how the emperor establishes and confirms for him the imperial dignity and authority, and releases or sends back his envoys. 698 Chap. LXXXVIII. Things to be observed when the emperor wishes to receive the same envoys, to the end that he may confirm the imperial dignity for the Western emperor, and dismiss the envoys. 707 Chap. LXXXIX. Things to be observed upon the arrival of the great envoy of the Persians, and while he is present in the City. 719 Chap. XC. Concerning those things which ought to be observed concerning him during the other days that the envoy spends in the City. 721 Chap. XCI. The proclamation of the Emperor Leo of divine lot; or by what ceremonies the said Leo was made emperor. 742 Chap. XCII. The inauguration of Emperor Anastasius of divine lot. 770 Chap. XCIII. The inauguration of Emperor Justin the First of divine lot. 787 Chap. XCIV. The inauguration of Leo the Younger. 794 Chap. XCV. The inauguration of our most pious master Justinian. 795 Chap. XCVI. The inauguration of Nicephorus Phocas, Christ-loving and most strong emperor, formerly domestic of the Schools of the East. 798 Chap. XCVII. Concerning the promotion of the Proedrus or president of the entire senate. 813 APPENDIX TO THE FIRST. 826 I. Emperors, of expeditions, and commemoration of stations where they are accustomed to pitch camp. 826 II. [missing title] 827 III. Things to be observed and done when the Roman emperor has decreed to make a trench or to go into camp and reside there. 883 IV. Concerning the customs of the archons, or concerning those beasts of burden which the masters of the imperial stables are bound to provide by prescribed formula and received custom, both those who are in the imperial city and those who are abroad in the provinces. 883 V. Officials and the rest belonging to their order provide pack mules. 850 VI. These things are imputed to the royal hypurgia, that is, to the ministry which serves at table. 854 VII. For the measurer or the imperial court or tents, fifty pack horses. 863 VIII. For the private royal wardrobe, and for the transport of the burdens published from the archive to equip it, thirty pack horses are designated. 866 IX. Regarding cloths not yet sewn, and which have not yet received the form of wearable garments, which are sent to foreigners in the name of gifts. 874 X. Regarding those that are sewn. 890 XI. For the idicum, 46 pack animals are designated. 907 XII. How the loadings should be made. 915 XIII. Regarding the circitors and circitations. 918 XIV. Things to be observed when the emperor [is returning] from an expedition.

...and in the festivals of ours, and in his own marked festivals, [he sends] gifts, and in many ways shows him favor. ^A The magister gives permission to the envoy to depart: he waits for the magister outside the place of admission, up within the palace itself [not, as before, in his school]. A little later, having taken leave of the Lord, the magister exits to the envoy, bids him farewell, and himself also gives permission. After these first two admissions, the emperor calls for the envoy whenever it pleases him, and speaks with him regarding the business common to both empires and the subject of this legation. If it seems fit, he also permits him to discuss matters outside the palace with the magister alone, or with other nobles besides him. Finally, if perfect friendship intervenes between the two empires, it belongs to our emperor to send visitors from time to time to the envoy, to inquire in his name what he is doing, how he fares, and how his lodging pleases him. Likewise, he sends him portions from the dishes of his own table, and during our feast days, as well as in those which the Persians are accustomed to celebrate with joy according to their own custom and religion, he sends hospitable gifts, and honors and serves him in many exquisite ways.

CAPUT XCI.

Marciano ^B of divine lot having passed away from life, and the suffrage of the senate demanding Leo, of pious lot, as emperor, all were gathering in the Field (Campus), both the archons [that is, the rulers or honorable men] and the scholae [that is, the vexillations].

^A Marciano divinæ sortis vita defuncto, suffragioque senatus Leonem piæ sortis imperatorem flagitante, conveniebant omnes in Campo, tam archontes [seu rectores vel honorati] et scholæ [seu vexillationes... ^B

and finally the soldiers, as Anatolius ^A also did, then the Archbishop of Constantinople, and Martialis the Master; and as the labara and standards lay upon the ground [(15)], all began to cry out thus: “Hear us, O God, we beseech Thee. Listen, O God; grant Leo life. Hear us, O God; may Leo reign. O God, benevolent to men; the Commonwealth demands Leo as emperor; the army demands Leo as emperor; the laws await Leo; the palace awaits Leo. These are the prayers of the palace; these are the petitions of the camps; these are the desires of the senate; these are the prayers of the people. The world awaits Leo; the army awaits Leo. Let the common glory, Leo, come. Let the common good, Leo, reign. Hear us, O God, we beseech Thee.” And straightway Leo was brought forward, who was then Count and Tribune of the Mattiarii [(17)], and when he had ascended the tribunal, Busalgus the camp-leader ^B placed a torque upon his head [(18)]; Olympius also placed another torque, and he too...

[index: entries preserved]

was presented on his right side. Once this was done, the standards were raised again, and immediately there was an outcry from all: "Leo Augustus, you win, you pious one, you Augustus! God has given you, God shall protect you; revering Christ, you shall always win; may Leo reign for many years! May God protect the Christian empire!" ^A And immediately, protected by the testudo [shield-cover] in the tribunal by the candidates, and having been clothed in the imperial garment and the diadem, he showed himself to the people. Then all the nobles, each in his own order, adored him as he held the shield and the lance; and all shouted together thus: "Both powerful and victor, and Augustus, happily, happily; for many years, Leo Augustus, may you rule! May God protect this empire. May God protect the Christian empire."

JOAN JAC REISKII COMMENTARY.

^B Regarding the Maurus who made the new emperor: the reason for this was so that, while he was being clothed in imperial vestments, he would not be seen naked; the testudo was double—one part raised over his head with shields, the other drawn in a circle around his body. See Vales. on Amm. Marcell. p. 159. The latter is discussed here. See p. 249. Our author formed *chelōn* of *chelōnos*, instead of *chelōnē*, *chelōnēs*. The new Greek style is full of such things. See above on p. 223.

^C [Regarding the phrase] "to put on one's self" as a substitute for "a crown" is beyond doubt. The later Greeks use *phorein* [to wear/bear] for *induere* [to put on], as I have shown elsewhere. It is clear, therefore, from this passage, that those ancient emperors placed the imperial crown upon themselves with their own hands. By this, the opinion of Selden (Tit. Honor. p. 174) seems to be confirmed, for he denies that any emperor before Justin the Younger received a crown placed upon him by a patriarch; but the next chapter of our book refutes Selden in clear words, wherein the coronation of Anastasius Dicorus is described, and on page 245 it is said that the patriarch himself placed the imperial chlamys and crown upon him. See Joseph, Catalan. on Augustini Patricii Cerimon. Eccles. Roman. p. 182.

[Regarding the shield and lance] These are always seen in this manner on ancient coins. Thus too the Lombards, in imitation of ancient custom, saluted Alboin, king of Italy, with joyful acclamations, and presented him with a spear, the royal insignia, as Sigonius notes in *De regno Ital.* p. 8. In Themistius, orat. VII: "He paraded from the bath with a shield and a small spear." Examine the ancient coins of those times, and you will not lack further witnesses; if, however, you still desire them, go to P. Pithou's *Adversaria*, book II, ch. 6, p. 285, in Gruter's edition, vol. II of the *Lampas Critica*.

^D [Regarding the acclamations] How could they recite such a long oration together, such that they were understood, and such that they conspired in the same words? Without a doubt, just as in the church and in the circus, so too in the field, there was a precentor who would lead each formula separately to the army and put it forth, which the rest would then follow. But did all the legions [shout] at once, or did each speak the praises to the new emperor one after another? I think, indeed, that all the legions did so at once with one voice, if only one herald could suffice for so many crowds. We learn, however, from Nicetas that in the time of the Comneni it was the custom that separate legions would speak their praises separately. For at the end of the life of John Comnenus, ch. 25: "He invited Manuel and each of the grandees, standing apart with his own rank, to clearly declare the acclamation to the new sovereign." These praises were a preamble to the oath to which the legions were bound. For Nicetas adds: "Next, when the divine [oaths] had been proposed, the affirmations of goodwill and faith toward all were confirmed for Manuel by the oaths."

^A Augustus, good fortune, good fortune; for many years, Leo Augustus, you shall reign; may God preserve this empire; may God preserve the Christian empire," and other things of this sort. He spoke thus through the

written missive (23)

^A And he entered into the city, and the rest took place according to the order. After, therefore, the reading of the ^B libel is finished, the emperor enters into the mutatorium in the company of the patricians and both the prefects (of the city, that is, and of the praetorium) and the master. Then proceed three from each schola, to whom he gives the legaturae; then the accounts of the money present in the public and private treasury are made and completed or closed. After these things are performed, the emperor goes on foot into the papilion or tent, that indeed which serves as the camp church, at which time the bishop (or the patriarch of Constantinople) is not present. For the bishop and his clergy...

...are found in the *papilio*. (The name *papilio* is Roman. For what is called *papilio* is what the Greeks call a *psycharion* [little soul], which flutters around cabbages and other vegetables; since, therefore, the hangings of the *papilio* resemble the wings of this insect, for this reason the Romans call it a *papilio*.) And the Emperor, having laid aside his crown in the *mutatorium*, enters and prays, and coming out again, he wears it, and sits upon a white horse, and permits the officials to sit, and proceeding in procession, he comes to Saint John the Baptist, and in the *mutatorium* which has been prepared, he lifts the crown and gives it to the *praepositus*; and the *praepositus* carries it underneath, and when he enters the table, he [the Emperor] had already arrived at the Great Church; the presbyters are in the *papilio*. (Now *papilio* is a Roman or Latin term, signifying that little animal or insect which flutters around cabbage and other vegetables. The reason for the name is this: The veils of the *papilio* or tent, distinguished by various colors, recall by their resemblance the wings of that little animal, which the Romans call *papilio*. From this it happened that the name of the insect also adhered to the tent.) Into this *papilio*, therefore, the Emperor enters, and after the crown has been deposited in the *mutatorium*, he makes prayers to God there; but having gone out from there, he puts the crown back on himself, and mounts a white horse; and having given leave to the magistrates to mount their horses as well, he proceeds in the retinue to the church of St. John the Baptist. In whose *mutatorium*, which was prepared before his arrival, he deposits the crown and hands it to the *praepositus*, who carries it with lowered hands; and as the lord approaches the table or altar, he offers it to him again. There the lord deposits it on the holy table; and that having been done, he takes it again and returns it to the *praepositus*, and offers such treasures or votive gifts to the church as he wishes, with the Count of the Privates ministering to him. Then, having returned to the *mutatorium*, he puts on the crown and mounts his horse; upon which he is carried until he reaches the Helenianae. There, however, he dismounts, and the guardian of the palace [which takes its name from Helena] meets him, and after he has entered through the gate of the palace, he performs a genuflection [if it is not Sunday] and hands the crown to him, and he places it upon the holy table, and he lifts it again and gives it to the *praepositus*, and offers treasures, such as he wishes, with the Count of the Privates ministering. And entering into the *mutatorium*, he wears the crown, and sits on the horse until the Helenianae, and dismounts there, and the guardian of the palace meets him, and does obeisance, if it is not Sunday, after he has entered the gate of the palace. And if he is an official, he receives him by word of mouth; and there the cross also meets him, standing on his right on the ground, and he [the official] performs the act of obeisance up to the knees.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE ...that the member is redundant, and for what is said says nothing more than what the Greeks call [it]. Now, however, I would believe rather that in the latter part there is a criticism and correction of the former. For what is commonly said, or rather what the Hellenes or idolaters [on account of their superstition] call *psycharion* or little soul. He does not approve, therefore, of the use of this word, thinking it to savor of the trifles of gentile philosophy. For the Pythagorean and Heraclitean schools called the little animals with which the air teems *psychae*, and they also depicted the butterfly as a symbol of the soul. ...was of those who triumphed. See Dio Cassius p. 350 and 669. Leo Grammaticus in Theophilus p. 453: "Having arrived from there into the city, he celebrated a triumph for the spoils, having held a horse race and having performed the first *baion*, mounted on a white chariot," and Du Cange v. *Equi albi*, who has dealt abundantly with them. ...they might enter the city, to turn aside into the temple of St. John the Baptist or the Forerunner, either so that they might deposit a votive gift there on the altar, which reason is alleged here in our codex, or so that the emperors might be proclaimed there, which cause is understood from Cedrenus, or finally so that they might be greeted there by the entire courtly senate in a body and receive a kind of homage. For the nobles were accustomed to receive the emperor there, as often as he came into the city, whether newly created or already established. See Contin. Theophan. p. 12 and Cedren. p. 485. The same, p. 403, says of the tyrant Phocas: "He is proclaimed in the temple of the Forerunner, and after two days, sitting in the imperial carriage, he enters the palace." By which we are taught that out of reverence for the Lord's Day, the emperor was not adored on that day: "And if it was not Sunday, they fell down, adoring the lords... but if it was Sunday, they did not fall down adoring, but performed the act of obeisance up to the knees." Compare p. 40, likewise p. 101, where it is said that the curator of orphans on a feast day, offering to the emperor the Nicene symbol of faith written on parchment, "adores the emperor without falling completely to the ground, because he carries the symbols," to adore, yet not falling completely to the ground, because he carries the sacred symbol. But once it is handed over, he now "falls down." These words are memorable, since they record a twofold kind of adoration: to fall to the ground, and to incline the head only as far as the knees. The former mode includes two different things. For either they fell to their own knees adoring and kissed the feet of the one adored; or they lay prone, stretched out with their whole body, with hands and feet spread out, as if licking the dust of the earth. He pursues these degrees in order [from Diogilus (apud Du Cange v. *Polychronia*): *Polychroniae* are called the reverences which they show not only to kings but also to any of their superiors, inclining the head and body more submissively, either with knees fixed to the ground, or even prostrating themselves with their whole body. The first mode is to incline the head and body more submissively, to perform the act of obeisance up to the knees, that is, to lower his head as far as his knees. See below p. 346. And an image of one adoring in this way can be seen in the Basilian Menologium, vol. II, p. 57. And the Russians, if I remember correctly, adore their superiors in this way, having been taught by the Greeks. The later Latins call it an inclination before and behind. A reason for this strange name is suggested by Uualricus, lib. III, *Consuet. Cluniac.*, c. 2: "Every novice is to be instructed so that he may know how to incline his head regularly, namely, not with an arched back, but in such a way that the back is lower than the loins and the head..."

(36) I once believed that either one or the other... (37) Compare below p. 288. To be carried on white horses... (38) New emperors were accustomed, before... (39) Similar to this and significant is the passage above p. 95.

lakē*, scraps, rags, or bandages. ^A And the emperor changes in the *moutatōrion* and puts on his *kampaia* [(40)], unless it is the Lord’s day, he performs his adoration. If the warden of the palace is also an axiomatic or honorary official, he salutes him by bowing, unless it is the Lord’s day, when he adores.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

...more submissively than the back, which habit we call forward and backward, because it begins toward the east and ends toward the west. Regarding the adoration performed with the belly prone, there is a famous passage in Procopius, page 133, *Anecdota*: "When all the others, as well as those who held the patrician dignity, made their entrances before Justinian and Theodora, they would fall to the floor, immediately onto their faces, with hands and feet stretched out wide, and only rose after they had touched the edge of each foot." Where he severely criticizes that custom newly introduced by Justinian and Theodora, undoubtedly in imitation of the kings of the Persians, as an argument of intolerable and inhuman pride; see note to p. 278. An image of one prostrating *ep’ edaphous* (on the floor) can be seen in Du Cange, Table II of the dissertations prefixed to the *Glossarium Latinum* regarding Byzantine coins. Regarding adoration, Selden wrote at length, *Tit. Honor.*, p. 54 sqq. But as for the custom for which this digression was instituted, to wit, that on Lord's days they should not perform this adoration, which would otherwise be required, that ancient mandate already noted by Tertullian in his book *De Corona Militum*: "We consider it a sin to fast on the Lord's day, or to adore on the knee, and we enjoy the same immunity from the day of Easter until Pentecost." Other passages were cited by Josuas Arnd in his *Lexicon Antiqu. Ecclesiast., Tit. dies Dominica*, p. 307. To which I add the one from Nilus the Monk, *Epist.* 21: "On the Lord's day we pray standing, representing the station of the world to come. But on other days we bend the knees, indicating the fall of the human race through sin." Since, however, they desisted from genuflection in the worship of God on the sacred Lord's day, much less could a man demand the honor for which God would grant his own worshippers a pardon. The monastic custom agrees with this, where a monk who had sinned in some light matter would, on feast days, only incline himself with hands let down to the ground like a quadruped, doing penance in that position; on other days, however, he would satisfy the ordained penalty *de geniculo*, as they said, or having fallen to his knees. The Cistercian Order (apud Du Cange v. *Articulus*): "On feast days they should prostrate themselves on their joints, but on private days on their knees at their seat."

(40) There is no doubt that one should read *kampagia* or *kampadia*. For although the form *kampaia* may be grammatically correct—if it is indeed derived from *kampē*, *campa*, *gamba*, and favored by the word *kampotouba* (see p. 129), which denotes *campagia* with pipes, or at least pipes pertaining to *campagia* or *campas*, that is, the calves—it is nevertheless not in use or found anywhere. *Campagia*, *campalia*, *cambadia* (for all these are used interchangeably) are a species of clothing that covers the calves and knees, not made of leather, but of felt or wool, and are undoubtedly named from *camba* or *gamba*, that is, the calf (whence the French *la jambe* comes), and are used by honorable men in the toga and in visible court offices, but not by the common people, nor by priests, nor by soldiers. What the method of preparing and donning them was, is not so easy to say. Nevertheless, since frequent mention is made of *campagia* in this codex, I think it is my duty to examine this topic a little more diligently, even though Salmasius has treated it so copiously in various places that his learning might appear to have left nothing for those who come later to glean. And first of all, I will propose conjectures about the etymology of the word, about which I have surely been tossed about for a long time among many and diverse ideas, although among them all, that one pleases me most which derives it from *gamba*, the flexure and joint of the shank with the shin, *ignya*. There will indeed not be wanting those who will wonder and laugh at the things I produce, which I myself reject. Perhaps, however, the matter will not be devoid of utility. Therefore, at one time I brought in the passage of Corippus cited by Petavius at *Themist.*, p. 378, where that learned man treats of *campagia* and *tzangia*, so that I might believe *campagia* to be named from *Campania*, a region of Italy. This passage is: *And the king drew on his shanks with purple bonds,* *Which Parthian skins had yielded to Campanian dye.* The Parthian skins are of that kind of leather that we today call Turkish red morocco. The poet declares such skins to be dyed with Campanian dye. Certainly the *Canusinae* skins were quite famous, not because tanning arts were practiced there, but because they were dyed with a red color; see Du Cange v. *Canusinae pelles*. But I discovered subsequently that *campagia* were not made of skins, but of felts, *pilōtois*. Hence that conjecture was void, unless perhaps one might wish to seek support from the so-called *calabrica*, which were a kind of binding by which the shanks were accustomed to be restricted and tightened, as is established also in Pelagonius I. I, *Hippiatric* c. 38: *Anapaterontos autou kalabrois ta skelē, poiei katadesmesthai*. Then the thought came to mind that the word should be sought from *kumasos*, with the letter *p* representing a servile letter inserted according to the custom of the Greeks. The ancients called *kamasion* an *amphimallon* (double-napped garment). Isidore: *Camasus*, *amphimallus*. Whence this is, I do not know. *Camas* is certainly an Arabic word, and denotes every *stolē*, *skeuē*, garment, especially *tēn euchrēston*, expeditious, agile, in which a man can move himself easily, notes that. But although the *campagia* were felts, I have not read that they were shaggy, except in one place in Bernard Udo apud Muratori *Scr. Rer. Ital.* t. iii, p. 629: "Immediately they fix kisses on the villous *chiffones* [of the newly elected Roman Pontiff], the Father gave his mouth, he gave sweet kisses." But *chiffones*, *scuffones*, and *scaffones* are the same as *udones* and *campagia*; see Du Cange h. v. This word is also Arabic; *schoff* or *schuft* is a small cloth, a vile rag, worn out, made thin by long use. The conjecture might not seem to be without merit, since we call by the name *Camaschen* almost the same thing that the ancients called *campagia*. Then I began to suspect whether the word should be derived from *campus*, as if that word signified coverings for the shins which were in use on the field. Indeed, *femoralia campestria* were named from this reasoning. And the name of the thing could be retained after being first invented in war and for the use of soldiers, even though it was later transferred to the use of peace; which happened in many cases. The ancients once called greaves *aestivalia* (whence for us *Stiefeln*), because they were held in greatest use through the summer. For most wars are waged in the summer; whence the Spaniards, following the example of the Arabs, call a warlike expedition *Aseifa*, that is, an *aestivatio*, and Capitolinus in *Marcus Antoninus* p. 390 said that one should have them in *aestiva*, meaning in the camps and in war, to have them with him. Yet the word *aestivalia* remained, even though in the following time there was a greater use for them through the winter than in the summer. Then the word *lampadia* offered itself. It could certainly be that with the passage of time, as barbarism grew worse, *c* was substituted for *l*. Now *lampadia* are bandages, long straps, tighteners, *bandagia*, as they say today. The word is read several times in Dio Cassius. Thence our German word *Lumpen*, rags, and *Lappen*, *rhakos*. However, since *campagia* were celebrated in writings as early as the third century after Christ, at which time barbarism deforming all things was not yet raging, it is hardly credible that *c* was substituted for *l*, especially since the scribes do not vary. Therefore, I preferred *kopadia*, with the letter *μ* inserted according to the known custom of the Greeks, *kompadia*, that is, *rhakē*, *lakē*,

imperial benign address. ^A And there, too, a white adroklabon dibētision (41) and the purple chlamys, and from there as on March 1st the entire...

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. RESKII

...the entire [procession of] rags and tatters. Indeed, Paulus Diaconus has *compadiatim* for *frustatim* (piecemeal); see Du Cange, v. *Copadium* and *Compadiatim*. That it comes from *κόντω* is clear. It will undoubtedly seem strange to some that I should be harping on nothing but *chiffones*, lamps, and *compadia*—that is, rags and tatters. But, as will appear a little later, *campagia* were hardly anything other than tatters. But come now, grant another, you say. Behold. *Caba*, a fine felt and prepared with much art, is noted among the Arabs and Persians. *Campagia* were made of felt. Why, then, should we not derive *campagia* from that? Indeed, the endings could seem to be merely *–adion* and *–agion*, suffixes which occur in many words. For my part, distracted by such a multitude of not-improbable conjectures and the obscurity of a subject so ancient, my mind wavers as to which to favor. I am most inclined, however, to derive *campagia* from *campa* or *gamba*, the joint of the leg with the thigh, as I have already suggested above. This etymology is confirmed by the word *cambale*, which denotes that white, wide, circular linen band which is placed at the top of leggings and placed around the knee. The Germans, with a ridiculous and absurd turn of phrase, call them *Stiefelmanschetten*, as if to say "sleeves for summer boots or leggings"; see Du Cange, v. *Cambale*, where he cites an ancient document in which *cambulia* and *picralia* are mentioned along with other equipment necessary for a knight. *Picralia* there are spurs. But enough of etymologies. Let us see now what *campagia* actually were. Salmasius had learned from Pollio that *campagia* were reticulated, whence he states in his notes on Tertullian, p. 363: "*Campagia* were distinct from *perones* or *botes*; for they did not cover the legs with solid, whole leather, but bound them with many bands interwoven in a reticulated fashion." That great man seems to have seen the truth, and that *campagia* were nothing other than the bands with which the ancients clothed their legs—a subject he discussed at length in his commentary on Lampridius' *Alexander Severus*, p. 973 sqq. He is mistaken, however, to claim that *campagia* were a type of barbarian footwear, as he does in discussing Trebellius Pollio's *Gallienus*, p. 234, where he discourses at length on *campagia*. This will appear more clearly from his words, which I do not mind quoting here. It is more accurate, he says (p. 237), that the *campagi* appeared "reticulated" to Gallienus because of the variable, manifold, and crisscross binding of the straps and thongs with which they were fastened around the legs, a binding that would clearly resemble a reticulated work. That passage of Pollio is of great importance for settling this matter, in which he reports that the Emperor Gallienus called the *campagi* "nets." From that, we learn that *campagia* are the same thing that we see in the images of the *Menologium of Basil*—almost everywhere on the legs of the *spiculatores* who are killing the Christian martyrs in all those torments—namely, a reticulated work which often covers not only the legs but also the breeches themselves in one continuous garment. It is worth the effort to consult those images, however crude, to understand this matter of ancient dress. Some of these *compagia* or *compagohosæ* have, just like our *kamaschæ* (leggings) and the *hose* of the Hussars, small knots on the outer side up to the top of the thigh, by which they could be tightened and loosened from the body again. Hence you might arrive at the suspicion that this reticulated work did not consist of the artificial and tedious complication of various bands, but was instead woven into the cloth or printed on by some other art. Since, however, it is established from other sources that the ancient Roman custom of clothing the legs with crisscross-bound bands persisted among the Western peoples up to the eighth century and beyond, and the painter who illustrated the *Menologium of Basil* exhibited things according to the custom of his own century, being entirely ignorant of antiquity as those centuries allowed; it is necessary that *campagia*...

^B ...and white *adroklabon dibētision* (41) and the purple chlamys, and from there as on March 1st... [text continues] ...had come into use among the Greeks in the ninth century, and that they were not whole, solid cloths, but bands folded and woven crisscross. Touching on the custom of the Westerners, to which I was pointing, it is established that the leg-wear of the ancient Franks was thus. First, they wrapped the legs in linen cloth (I render the words of the illustrious Muratori, *Ant. Ital.* t. II, p. 434), which they called *tibiale*; then they would put on *fasciolæ* (small bands) over the shins, and over everything, straps, so that they would pull tight and constrain the cloth to the shins. He learned this from the Monk of St. Gall, whose words are very memorable: "The finery or adornment of the ancient Franks consisted of shoes gilded on the outside, marked by straps three cubits long: the leggings were vermiculated [i.e., scarlet], and beneath them were linen *tibialia* and *coxalia* (thigh-coverings), although they were of the same color, yet varied by a most artificial work, over which those very long straps were stretched in the shape of a cross, inside and outside, front and back." The Monk says that this was the attire of the ancient Franks. And look at Charlemagne in the sixth table (if I remember correctly) of the Lateran palace walls; you will see those Frankish *campagia* on his feet. Inspect the image of the Emperor Lothair in the *Capitularies of the Frankish Kings* by Baluze. Those two nobles standing there (if memory does not fail me, for this book is not at hand for the writer) are wearing *campagia*. Compare this further with the passage just cited from the Monk of St. Gall regarding the *campagia*, which that futile and foolish chapter of our codex—the fortieth, I suppose, of the second book—supplies, and you will understand that *campagia* were nothing other than woolen or felt bands, wrapped around in winding folds over a linen garment that tightly embraced the flesh of the legs. In that chapter, he wants to provide an explanation from the mystical theology of the Greek monks as to why the consuls of old Rome, and following their example, the masters and patricians of the Constantinopolitan court, wore and still wear *lori* (stoles) or *trabeæ*, staves, and *compagia* on the day of Easter. Regarding these *campagia*, the chapter says: "And to be wedged in, *leny*, with gilded sandals..." and later toward the end of the chapter: "And from the *campagia*, which in the Latin tongue are so called, [comes] the agility of a warrior. And indeed also [the advantage of] being strengthened by the winding of felt around the legs." We observe three distinct things here: gilded shoes, a linen covering surrounding the legs, which seems to be the same as the *tibialia* (concerning which see p. 245), and a felt wrap. Thus, we have sufficiently well established what the *campagia* were; it must now be said that the *campagia* were worn by men of the senatorial order. This is evident from the fact that it was not permitted to appear before the Emperor unless in *campagia*, nor to sit at the sacred table, as the nobles were conspicuous not only in the toga but also in the *sagum*. For ^D although soldiers wore *caligæ* (boots), whence the term *apocaligoi* is used, [stemming] from the *caliga*, or things that are made with a *caliga* (see Du Cange, v. *Apocaligus*), nevertheless the more honorable commanders of the soldiers, who made up a not-insignificant part of the retinue, proceeded into the hall and were admitted to the sacred feasts wearing *campagia*, as is evident from many places in our *Cletorologion*. From this it also happened that the senate is often called *hypecampagin syrklētos* (the under-campagium senate) in our codex. Just as the military order was named from the wearing of footwear, *apocaligus*, so the senatorial was called *hypocampagin*, as being the one "under the *campagia*." The use of the particle *hypo* is indeed more unusual here; yet it is easily seen that *hypo* here has the same meaning as *apo*; *apocampagin*, who are "from the *campagia*," that is, wearing *campagia*.

(41) It is also written *dibētision*, which means the same thing. Mention of this garment is quite frequent in our author, rare in...

others; and I know almost no one who mentions it, except Leo the Grammarian, whose passage Du Cange has in his *Glossarium graecum* under this word, along with an explanation which Leunclavius produced in his *Pandectes Turcica*, having received it from the Greeks with whom he associated, worthy of the authors. Indeed, one ought to go to consult those men ignorant of antiquity and of all things, those triflers, if you desire anything to be explained. Suidas also mentions it in his Lexicon. But he explains an obscure thing, as they say, by an equally obscure one. He defines *dibētisia* as *diabikia*. We shall not dwell on him. We shall rather see what the *dibitisium* was. From our author, it is gathered that it was an imperial garment, which, besides the emperor, the Caesar, and the Nobilissimus, it was permitted to no one to wear; it clung tightly to the body (for on page 245 it is called a *sticharion dibētēsion*), and reached to the ankles, and it was worn under the chlamys or the sagum. This is evident from the passage of Leo the Grammarian, p. 466, and from our author, pp. 13, 113, 129, and 133, and I omit others. Considering these things, it could seem that the *dibitisium* is the same as what Codinus calls the *granalza*, and describes thus in chapter VII, *De Officiis*, n. 35: "Further, from the time of the Assyrian empire, the garment came down to the present day of the emperors, called *Granatza*, which the emperor wears without a belt, and the sleeves hang down, not reaching to the ankles. This garment, each of the high officials also has permission to wear, except that they are belted, with the sleeves fastened back toward the belt. The emperor wears his, and it is called *granatza*, but that of the officials is called *lapatzas*; how this is, however, is unclear." If the *granalza* and the *dibitisium* were the same, we grasp its form: it was a tunic with sleeves hanging down to the ankles, such a garment the emperor wore loose, that is, not tightened with a belt, with the sleeves hanging freely; the high officials, however, wore it tightened to the body with a belt, with the sleeves hidden inside the belt. Codinus says that the garment of the lords is called *granalza*, that of the high officials *lapatza*. Whence that is, he says he is ignorant; that the garment itself came from Assyria. The word *lapatza* itself also proves this, which is Arabic. *Lebas* in general denotes clothing, a *himation*. But *garnacia* is Germanic; see Du Cange under that word. It is truly strange, the marriage of a Germanic and an Arabic word in the same garment. That the garment itself is Arabic, or rather Oriental, there is no doubt. It is common to all Arabs to trail long sleeves; it was once the custom of the caliphs to have sleeves hanging twenty cubits long. For in reality, such sleeves are not appendages of men, but men are appendages of the sleeves. There will be a place to treat of those long sleeves of the caliphs when dealing with Abulfeda. That the Greek emperors wore [these] tunics with noticeably long sleeves is made certain by the image of the Empress Constantina at Rhamnusium in the Venetian war, published by Gaffarelli, plate 2, where the sleeves are very close to the ground. If, therefore, the *dibitisium* and the *granalza* do not differ, it would not be improbable to derive the origins of the name of the garment received from the Arabs from the Arabs themselves. Indeed, if this word were written *dibitision*, with one letter added, I would not hesitate to pronounce it Arabic. The Arabs call a garment adorned with splendid gold *dibetsch*. Since, however, there is ambiguity here, it will be better, until something more certain is at hand, to derive our word from the Latin *dives*, so that *dibitisium* is a garment of "rich work," that is, a precious garment [rich] in gold. But whether the type of garment celebrated by later Latins, the *diapistin*, should be compared with our *dibitisium* or with Suidas’s *diabikia*, let those more learned than I decide. Certainly *diabikia* signifies a garment of a yellowish color, which mimics woad; and writers of the Middle Ages say that the *diapistin* garment was of a greenish color, which is very close to yellowish. Hugo Falcandus, *Hist. Sic.*: "This *diapistin*, a greenish color, delights the eyes of beholders with a pleasant aspect"; see Du Cange under the word *Diapistus*. I do not wish to linger longer on conjectures, lest I fall into daydreams. From our author, p. 151, it is understood that this garment also had a hood or cape, with which the emperor would cover his head if he were not wearing a *stemma* or *infula*. ^A (42) I will not repeat what I have argued above at p. 230 regarding the *persikia*. Now I will only say this: that in place of the cross and the *persikia* or purses ^B, it was the custom with the ancient pagan emperors that fire and purple be carried ahead, as is evident from the passage of Herodian, Bk. VII, c. 1, where he speaks of a certain Quartinus who was seized against his will for the highest dignity: "Having seized him against his will and unaware, they made him general, and they celebrated him [in a public procession] with purple and fire," that is, with burning torches, proceeding in a public procession, they bestowed fatal honors. See the dissertation on "Fire carried before the Augusti," which is the eighth among the Academic dissertations of Eschenbach, p. 519, sq. ^C (43) Ancient Roman emperors were accustomed to take someone with them in the chariot, because it was considered an act of arrogance for someone to be carried alone in a chariot; see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 141, and below p. 405. ^D (44) When the emperor wished to show himself as humane and common, he would offer his hands or chest to be kissed. And there were certain degrees of kissing. Some, namely the lowliest, [kissed] only the feet, more honorable [men] both feet and knees and hands, or only these: those held in greatest honor kissed the chest of the emperors, and those equal in dignity kissed the head, such as the forehead, cheeks, and lips. Among the Romans, indeed, some friends kissed the eyes, others the neck, and servants finally kissed the hands of their masters; see Arrian, *Diss. Epict.* p. 136, ed. Cantabr. Truly, with pride subsequently increased along with increased barbarism and diminished power, Persian customs were adopted, and even illustrious persons were ordered to fall to the ground and adore their masters and kiss their knees. For it is evident that this custom of kissing someone's knees came from the Persians, from Herodotus, Bk. I, c. 134, where he says: "When they meet one another in the streets, one may observe if they are equal... for instead of greeting [by speaking], they kiss with their mouths. If the other is slightly lower in status, they kiss the cheeks. If one is much more noble, the other falls down and does obeisance to the other." It is well to keep in mind the final words of Herodotus

^A other officials precede him; and having arrived at the Forum of Constantine, he descends from the carriage, and receives the Eparch of the city and the Senate. The first of the senators, along with the Eparch of the city, offers him a golden *modiolus* (45). And after having received [the salutations of] everyone by word of mouth, he ascends the carriage and sits alone. Being escorted by the senators and the archons, he comes to the church, passing through the Augustaion opposite the Horologion, and enters through the great gate into the *mesaulos* or atrium. In the *martheke*, the *mutatorium* or change of garments takes place; and the emperor sets aside his crown, and the prefect receives it again, and [following] the instructions, the emperor places it upon the holy table and offers precious objects, ^B whatever he may desire; and (46) he bestows gold (for the emperors appear to have used this for various gifts), and he goes out and stands a little in front of the chancel, and after this he enters into the *paratriklin* (47) and hears the Gospel.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

...not *propiptein* to say, but *prospiptein*, he falls to the one standing, and *proskynei*, he kneels, he moves his mouth to his knees. For this is what *proskynein* properly signifies; *kynos* and *gounos* or *gonys* and *gonaton* all mean the same thing, a knee. Emperor’s barely afforded the favor of the kissing of their feet to the nobility, being content only with the kissing of their hands, unless either on Sundays or feast days or some other solemnity, where religion or ancient rite commanded them to be moderate and to lower themselves from their status. ^C Of this thing examples appear everywhere in our codex, and those brought forward by us a little higher up on page 240 provide confirmation. Indeed, the ancient emperors used to have their heads kissed by those to whom they offered their own breast to be kissed, as is learned from Ammianus Marcellinus; the more recent ones, raised to insolence, thought they had indulged sufficiently in nothing of this, if they offered their hand. The passage of Ammianus is XXVIII: "Some of these, when they began [to be greeted] with breasts placed in the way for salutation, offered their heads to be kissed in the manner of threatening bulls, or to flatterers offered their hands or knees to be kissed." Below in book two, chapter 51, it is said that the Eparch of the city, when he is about to ascend into the carriage in which he is to proceed with the emperor to the storehouses, ought to kiss his knees, but the muleteer, before he is ordered to sit to take up the guidance of the horses, to kiss the emperor's feet. But was it permitted to the emperors alone to admit the kissing of the feet? Or was it permitted for nobles to allow the same honor to be held for themselves by their clients? No example occurs of a private man to whom such great veneration was shown. It was the custom, however, to kiss the hands and knees of the patriarch, but not his feet. But how was the patriarch kissed, and he in turn kissed the other in the *Agape* or kiss of peace? By a lip-touch, or by a cross extended in return? Certainly priests to the laity, to whom they disdained to offer their mouth or even their hands, used to extend a silver cross or Christ crucified, painted on a tablet, to be kissed. ^D Muhammadans, when they meet one another, kiss each other's beard. Yet that rite scarcely seems to have obtained among the Greeks, who were accustomed to shave their beards; although most patriarchs fostered them.

(45) The *modiolus* was a kind of imperial crown, turreted, wider at the top, and narrower at the bottom where it touched the head, like a bucket (whence also a bucket in the Middle Ages was called a *modiotus*, see Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* in v.) or like a drinking vessel, also called *modioli*, which, as Vitruvius says, cited in Goar on Cedrenus p. 485, is raised to the top and returns to the bottom, that is, *anachorei*, it becomes narrower, into itself. The *modiolus* is also a limit of wooden beams, a sill or lintel, denoting the projection or the *moeniana* of columns or a wall, upon which something can be imposed. There is also the *modiolus*, that wooden fence formerly drawn in a circle around the tops of columns, like a crown, so that those living in the columns would not fall; see Majelli, *Dissert. de Stylitis* in Assemani, *Martyrologio* t. II. In general, they called everything round that was narrower at the bottom and wider and more ample at the top *modii* and *modioli*. Thus the *modius* was that "tower" or small wooden turret through which dice and gambling pieces were cast onto a board. See Du Cange, s.v. *Modiolus* and *Μόδιολος* and *Μόδιος*. The convenience with this "imperial *modiolus*" or circle is easily apparent, of which Cedrenus l. c. and our author here [speak], and of which an excellent image is to be seen in the Ravennate monument in Alemannus on Procopius p. 77. What Goar has on Cedrenus, l. c., regarding the *modiolus*, is entirely foreign. But pardon must be given to that learned man, to whom many things necessary to this part of antiquity were lacking in his time; which I also wish to be said of others, if by chance I touch upon the errors of some. And I desire this same pardon to be given to me. "Day teaches day." Banduri, *t. II Ant. orient imp. p. 497*, interpreted it better. There is added to the figure of the *modiolus* the *propoloma*, the turreted crown/adornment of head of the Augustae, about which I speak on page 151. This difference alone intervenes. The *modiolus* was an open gold plate at the top. But the *propoloma* was a diadem or fillet made of precious cloths, adorned with gold circles and gems, and closed at the top. (46) It is easily plain from my interpretation that *hē* is to be inserted before *kai*, which is missing from the manuscript. (47) I do not know what it is. Perhaps the same as and/or the *paratorium* or *diaconicum*, about which see Du Cange, *Constant. Christ. III cap. 68* and *Gloss. lat. v. Paratorium*. That was the place where the pontiffs and priests prepared themselves, that is, they put on the sacred vestments destined for the ministry. Others may see how much value is to be attributed to this conjecture. Or it could be conjectured that it should be written *paratriklin* instead of *paratriklinon*. For I have demonstrated above, where I dealt with the *kyklion* p. 9, that emperors in the *kyklion* on the right or southern side of the bema had three rooms, one a *metatorium*, another a *triclinium*, a third a *coeton*, in which they would hear the readings of the Gospel and the Epistle, eat after the divine worship was finished, and also sleep. One could also think of *parakyklin*, *paracyclio*: but I approve of this less.

^A If he wishes, he also partakes—signifying the holy communion—and departs, with the bishop placing the crown upon him. According to the custom of the royal procession of the church, he distributes largesse to the clergy, and comes to the palace. All the senators meet him inside the gate, and the counts of the *Scholae* who have been guarding the city and the palace also meet him—for it is necessary that some of them remain behind to guard the palace until the newly made emperor returns. They bow before him, unless it be a Sunday, and kiss his feet, and he receives them mouth-to-mouth. After these things, the senators, together with the eparch of the city, present to him a *pittakion* [a scroll] for three thousand pounds of silver; and after he has received it, he returns the *pittakion* to them as a gift. And thus he enters, being hurried on by all, and the eparchs and the eparch ^B arrange themselves in the consistory according to custom. The senators and all the dignitaries remain standing, and he enters the *kouboukleion* [bedchamber] with the patricians. There the patricians arrange themselves and exit, and the *missae* [dismissals] are given. One must know that the dignitaries of the palace provide an oath that they will not plot treason against him or the state, and the *orkoskopion* [oath-document] regarding this is kept by the emperor; if...

VARIAE LECTIONES. 29. *Magistros* instead of *eparchos* conjectured by R.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS. (48) Or, as Nicetas p. 24 says, he takes part in the divine mysteries, he receives the *synaxis*, that is, holy feasts, holy communion, or participation in the eucharist; see Du Cange, Gloss. Lat., v. Synaxis. Just as those recently promoted to dignities were obliged to receive a blessing in church and communion from the hands of the patriarch, so too were new emperors and kings obliged to receive the eucharist under the auspices of the empire. [*In the coronation of the kings of the Franks, the greater crown is removed from the head of the emperor and a smaller one is imposed. He is anointed in the *jusium* for the sake of the holy anointing. He communicates under both kinds. Thus commanded Louis IX in the year 1179; see Ceremon. de France, vol. I, p. ii.*] *Synaxis*, however, is not—as the ignorant little Greeks maintain—from the gathering (*synagoge*) of the people, but from *synaxis*, a congregation, coition, convocation, or common meal, to which people of the same communion come together; see Du Cange v. *synaxis megale*, where, among other things, he quotes this from John Carpathius: "As it was evening, he made a great *synaxis*, and said: 'We are breaking our fast for your sake, because you are weary.'" See the interpreters of Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras, where Gyraldus interprets the term *barbaroi* regarding the Christians and their *synaxes*, p. 518. I will use this opportunity to explain what *lebiton* is, since *ho synaktikos lebiton* comes to mind. Thus they used to call the *tridonion*—a small garment—which monks wore only at that time, when they were celebrating the holy *synaxis* or going to communion, because they had taken on the holy order within it. *Lebiton* is, in fact, an Arabic word meaning *filtrum* [felt], *piloton*.

(49) Compare what is stated at p. 239, where I demonstrated against Selden that even before Justin the Younger, it was already given to patriarchs to crown new emperors. However, anyone who wishes to argue from this passage that patriarchs had already performed the same for Leo the Great would be much mistaken. For although he has begun to explain this head as the coronation of Leo, not everything pertains to him. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, or the men to whom he had entrusted the task of compiling [this work], are accustomed to mix times and matters tumultuously, without order. Therefore, I have distinguished p. 239, after the word *taxin*, and I began a new paragraph with the words *meta oun...* because the things that follow hereafter do not pertain to the coronation of Leo, but follow the rites in general by which the emperors of those times were accustomed to be inaugurated, [rites] almost more recent than the century of Leo. This is evident from the commemoration of the Great Church, or Hagia Sophia, which was completed by Justinian the Great in the year of Christ 537, sixty-four years after the passing of Leo the Great, who died in 473. Indeed, there is no mention of Saint Sophia in clear words. But to what other place could that site correspond—with the Augustaion and the Horologion in the vicinity, and the passage from the palace when one is about to go into the church? There is no doubt that Hagia Sophia, and no other church, is indicated by that demonstration of places. However, the imposition of the crown upon the head of the emperor by the patriarch, which the present passage touches upon, is not that solemn one which takes place in the very act of inauguration and proclamation: for in the preceding [sections] it is already said that the emperor had worn it and had taken it off before entering the church. But I do not know what kind of secondary imposition of the crown upon the altar of the cathedral church, consecrated with blessings, [this is]; since previously it had been consecrated by the patriarch only on an antimension in a non-sanctified place, namely, the Hebdomon tribunal.

(50) Remaining back, remaining at home, while the others depart. Hence *apomoneus* is called, later in the *Taktika*, the vicar of the empire, who stays at home while the emperor is departing to the camp, to govern the royal city and public affairs.

(51) I do not doubt that *kai ho magistros* ought to be restored, which I also showed in the Latin [version].

(52) The *Scholiastes* of the *Basilika* to book XXII, p. 185, has *orkiskopion*. See Du Cange, Gloss. Græc., h.v. Therefore, the termination *-skopion* or *-skopikon* denotes an example: *orkiskopion* is an example of an oath, in which, necessity demanding, or otherwise by willing mind, the said sacrament can be inspected, consulted, and weighed.

^A If the Augusta be in the palace, she meets the emperor in the palace, that is to say, [(53)] within the Augusteum, and the emperor kisses her head [(54)]. And the emperor provides [(55)] a banquet in the great triclinium, in his own private cubiculum for the praepositi and patricians whom he wishes, and for the prefects and the magistros; but in the other cubicula for the soldiers whom he shall command, or for military officers. Entertainments also enter at the banquet, if the emperor sees fit. It should be known that from the Helenianae to the gate, two counts of the schools hold the apples of the chariot [(56)], and from the gate to the Forum, two counts of the domestics, and from the Forum to the palace, two ex-consuls of military rank [(57)] according to the arrangement to be mentioned in the writings concerning the month of March [(58)]. And if the emperor wishes, upon returning from church, he holds a consistory.

VARIAE LECTIONES.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

(33) This is disjunctive. For the palace and the Augusteum are not the same thing. The palace is that great palace in which are the Chrysotriclinium, the Lausiacum, the Justinianeum, the XIX Accubita, etc., and therein dwelt the Augustus. The Augusteum, however, is indeed contiguous to it, but a separate palace where the Augusta resided. Therefore, I would prefer in the Latin text here to replace the words "that is" with "or also." ^C (54) They were very indulgent and relaxed their majesty, both in giving and receiving a kiss, as equals. For otherwise, the emperor would scarcely kiss anyone. St. Ambrose, in his funeral oration for Valentinian the Great, praises his humanity and submission because he would kiss the hands and heads of his sisters, mindful of his empire, mindful of his kinship, and the more he surpassed others by right of power, the more humble he showed himself to his sisters. (55) A new emperor was obliged to receive the nobles at a banquet. I do not doubt that this custom can be proven from the *Historia Augusta* (vol. I, p. 541), although what is narrated there happened on the Kalends of January, when emperors were also accustomed to invite the Senate to feasts. His words regarding the new emperor Pertinax are these: "On that day, he also invited the magistrates and nobles of the senate to a banquet, a custom which Commodus had neglected." Concerning Michael Rangabe, Theophanes says (p. 418) that after his coronation he instituted a *koinēn agalliasin*, that is, a public banquet. (56) See p. 405. The apples of the chariot seem to be gilded bronze globes, which those climbing into or descending from the coach would grasp for support and for the sake of a firmer step. Theophanes (p. 400, c. 4) narrates that the chariot of the Empress Irene in the public, splendid procession during the festival of Pascha was held by four patricians: "The empress went forth, riding upon a golden carriage drawn by four white horses and held by four patricians." Therefore, there were two apples on each side of the chariot. Whoever wishes to visualize for himself where these apples were placed, let him look at tables 3 and 5 of the Theodosian arch in Banduri, where the princes of the Scythians are seen riding in chariots, into which one ascended through windows, one on each side of the chariot. On the corners of such windows, single metallic apples were placed for those ascending to grasp. But since such chariots were high and did not have ^D *basildia*, so that whoever wished to climb up had to take wide strides and spread their legs, therefore noble women had their "parasites," who would offer their backs to be trodden upon, prone and stretched out on the ground, and by exerting strength, would lift themselves up to those standing on them. That this was done not only for queens of ancient Syria (unless I am mistaken about Plutarch's book on parasites), is clear, but it remained in use even in the Middle Ages; and that men also did this is evident from Nicetas Choniata, whose words are: "Not only those who were kin to the emperor and to whom the proud offices were entrusted, but also others, offering their shoulders like benches, carried the empress onto the bright and lofty seats." Or perhaps there were single apples at each corner of the carriage, from which a pyramidal canopy rose, under which the one being carried in the chariot sat; in much the same way that the *Alahmel*, or litter, is made, by which every year the covering of the Meccan temple is carried to Mecca from Cairo, and which litter Vansleb (p. 347) describes in his *Relation de l'Égypte* as follows: "This Mahmel was made in the form of a bed... there were at the four corners four large apples covered with a very rich cloth, and from the middle of these apples it rose in a pyramid." *Mēlon* is anything globular, like a bulbous, prominent fruit. Thus, that which the ancients called *kōnos* on a helmet, the moderns call *mēlon*, as is clear from the places in Leo and Maurice cited by Du Cange in his *Glossarium Græcum* under that word. The *Catenæ*, from which polycandela hung in churches, are said in the *Chronicon Cassinense* to be distinguished by *mala*, that is, bulbs or gilded bronze globes. The same *Chronicon* (iii, 57): "Silver candelabra with crystal apples." There are there apples which are globes with a narrow little stem and an extremely tiny hole, through which oil drips into the candelabrum. Above the ciborium at its apex, fashioned in the shape of a lily with splayed leaves, stood a sphere which Codinus calls *mēlon*, and Paulus Silentiarius calls *polos*, with a jeweled cross standing upon it; see Du Cange on Paulus (p. 572). (57) Therefore, there were also civil ex-consuls. But what sort of dignity or office that of the *apohypatoi*, *hypatoi*, and *dishypatoi* might have been, whether in the curia or in the camps, I confess I do not know. (58) This passage concerning the Campus Martius, which he promises, has perished. Was there perhaps among the early Byzantine emperors such a public assembly of the nobles of the realm on the Campus Martius on the Kalends of March, as is celebrated in the Frankish history? (See Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinum*, v. "Campus.") And whether this is what is designated here, I can scarcely think.

im, and what may come to pass (which may God bring about slowly). ^A And he receives everyone in white tunics and [tzangia] (60), because they have come as from a procession, even though the emperor wears [campagia], and the officials are gathered, and he makes such promotions as he desires. It is necessary, however, that at the banquet all should wear [campagia] and white tunics, and thus dine with him. On the following day, if the day does not forbid it, a hippodrome contest is held, with everyone likewise wearing white tunics and [campagia], and again he provides a feast, if it pleases him. And these things were in use in olden times. Now, however, it has been devised that proclamations also take place in the hippodrome (62). We have deemed it necessary to write down briefly the proclamations of other emperors as well, so that each person may choose what is most orderly and pleasing to him, and if it should ever happen (which may God bring about slowly). ^B

Chapter 92. Inauguration of the Emperor Anastasios of divine lot.

Anastasius of pious memory, having been proclaimed in the ^{C D} [index: entries preserved]

The Proclamation in the Hippodrome

^A The proclamation in the Hippodrome took place as follows. Upon the death of Zeno, of divine fate, the archons and the senators (64) and the bishop [or patriarch] gathered during the night immediately following his passing in the portico which is extended before the great triclinium. The people, meanwhile, gathered in the hippodrome on the following morning, and each occupied their station. The soldiers likewise stood in the hippodrome at the *stama*. Gathered there, they were demanding a new emperor with great shouting and tumult, while the remains of the dead had not yet been buried. By unanimous consent, therefore, the archons persuaded Ariadne, the Augusta of divine fate, to ascend into the hippodrome and address the people there. She climbed up, then, dressed in the imperial chlamys, in the company of both prepositi (65) and the magister, and also the castrensis, ^B and the quaestor, and all the others who are accustomed to watch the equestrian games together with the emperor. Also accompanying her into the same place were a few cubicularii from her own party, and indeed the archbishop of Constantinople, Euphemius. The rest of the archons stood before the lady, where the *cursores* are accustomed to stand, at the railings and on the steps according to their ranks of dignity; the chartularici [or scribes and togati] on the right, and the soldiers on the left.

And when the Augusta stood and showed herself to the people, they all cried out: "Ariadne Augusta, may you be victorious. Pious Lady, grant her long life." And repeatedly they intoned, "Lord, have mercy (66)," and, "Many years to the Augusta; ^C to the world, an orthodox emperor (67)." The Augusta then addressed them through a *libellisius* from the very steps. For the *libellisius*, standing upon those same steps within the railing in front of the seat where the *cursores* stand, read as follows: "Your greatness (68)..."

Commentary

these three immediately follow. For the Greeks, the *klerikomaneis*, slaves of the priests, would never have called Anastasius, in the tenth century, an emperor of pious fate, as he knew how to depress the nose of that ambitious race ^D while doing well.

(64) When archons and syncletici are contrasted, the former appear to be those in the sagum, the *stratiotikoi*, whereas the latter are the *chartoularikoi* (as they are called on p. 243), that is, the *togati* archons; however, when they are mentioned simply and indefinitely as archons, as in vs. D. 7, it signifies all proceres of both types.

(65) Namely of both parties, one of the Augustus, the other of the Augusta.

(66) A very frequent cry for Christians supplicating God, though not of Christian origin. For already the pagans used it to invoke their own gods, as is evident from Arrian’s *Discourses of Epictetus*, p. 186.

(66) The primary care of the Greeks, from the time they learned to rate and revere the intrigues of priests as great, was to have an orthodox king. Cf. the chapters of the Council of Chalcedon, Act 1: "The orthodox [bishop] to the synod," namely the one given or restored. In Malalas, vol. II, p. 63: "We demand this procurator yourself, Augustus, we beg of you." In the same work, p. 126, the victors cry: "Another emperor for Romania." Similar examples abound in the writers. Another ellipsis is below on p. 300, *ton logotheten*, i.e., "call [the logothete]." What *he oikoumene* means there I shall say when the meaning of the word *eremos* must be treated, p. 257.

(68) *Strenuitas vestra* [Your strenuity]. From this remains with us, the Germans, a custom, though gradually fading, of using the address *Eure Gestrengen* toward a nobleman or a praetorian judge. That custom, today so trite and vulgar, of addressing men in the abstract, as the logicians say—for example, if I address a strenuous man, to address him with the title *Your Strenuity*, others *Your Excellency*, others *Your Magnificence*, *Your Venerability*, and so on, *Clemency, Celsitude, Serenity, Grace, Charity, Majesty*—your [title] already obtained in those times, not born under Anastasius nor under Leo the Great, who after (see supra p. 230) he had called Anthemium, a colleague in the empire, *praotatos archon* [most gentle ruler], he subjoins *he hemerotes autou*, his clementia or mansuetudo or his grace; but its traces already exist in the writers of the *Historia Augusta*. Spartianus, addressing Diocletian in the *Life of Aelius Verus*, p. 224: "In almost the same fashion," he says, "as in our times Maximianus and Constantine were called Caesars by your Clemency." Council of Arles in the middle of the fourth century: "Since his dignity [of the Emperor Constantine] ordered that Lucianus, Capito, Nasutius, bishops, return to their own hearths." Formulas of address to the emperors were *he basileia, he autokratoria, he galene, to kratos hymon*, and others. Thus above on p. 165 in an acclamation to the emperor: "God who has crowned your Serenity." Toward the patriarch the formula was *he agape sou* (see Sym. Nag. p. 457), *makariotes* (see Novell. Justin. p. 71, nov. 3). Constantine in a letter to Pope Leo: "Entreating your all-holy head," also "the person of your Holiness." To a bishop also belonged *he hymetera angelike stratetia* [your angelic generalship], that is, "O you who preside over those serving in the militia or performing the duty of announcing the word of God" (see Du Cange, v. *Angelus*); *he glykytes hmon* [your sweetness] or your delight, a father to a son. Theophan. p. 87: *he se stibarotes*, *Eure Gestrengen*, your strenuity and rigidity, your inflexibility in administering justice, Maximinus in an edict to the prefect of the city.

^A of the provinces, to select a man who is a Christian, a Roman, and filled with every imperial virtue, so that he may not be subject to human passion, so far as concerns things human, whether by money or by any other thing whatever!"

By all it was shouted: "Many years to the Augusta! Ariadne Augusta, you are victorious! Long live the money-loving Empress! Lord, have mercy. Heavenly King, grant us an unavaricious emperor upon the earth for the inhabited world!" ^B

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS

everyone: “Many years to the Augusta! Ariadne Augusta, may you conquer! May the years of the Christ-loving empress be many! Lord have mercy. Celestial Emperor, grant us a terrestrial emperor, not greedy for money, who may rule the city of the world.” Response: “But in order that the election might be pure and pleasing to God the Lord, we have commanded the most illustrious nobles and the sacred senate, with whom the vote of the most valiant armies ought to concur, to perform the election before the holy Gospels laid out in public, with the most holy and most venerable patriarch of this royal city also present, so that no one, for the sake of friendship, or enmity, or any ulterior motive for obtaining his own fortune, or affinity, or any other private reason whatsoever, might remember this in this business ^A or take it into account, but that every single person, keeping a pure conscience and looking only toward the Lord God, might perform the election. Since, therefore, as your Devotion also sees, this business is of great moment, and the salvation of the whole world is at stake, it befits your Devotion to yield a little, so that the funeral rites of Zeno, who has departed to the divine lot, may be performed in the due manner, and that nothing worthy of repentance might come about from a hasty and tumultuous election.” ^B Everyone shouted: “A happy Easter to the world! Good order and prosperity to the city! Many years to the Augusta! Cast out that thief, the city prefect! Many years to the empress! Lord, grant her life! O Roman, all things will be right and fair under your reign, if no foreigner increases the number of the Roman people! The empire is yours, Ariadne Augusta. May you conquer!” ^C Response: “We give thanks to the Lord God, that all things, which for you are both advantageous and desirable, come to our mind and are fulfilled even before your requests. For indeed, even before our arrival here, foreseeing that your Devotion needs a sensible man who also provides for your well-being, we have anticipated your requests and, with the Lord God assenting, we propose the most glorious Julian for the office of prefect.” Everyone shouted, “This is a good beginning! Many years to the Augusta! Many years to the rulers!” Response: “It is therefore for your Devotion, as you have always kept, so now also to keep ^D the—

tias agimus Deo, quod omnia, quæ vobis et conferunt et arrident, etiam nobis, vel ante vestras supplicationes, in mentem veniant, et firmiter decernantur perficienda. Nam et antequam huc ascenderemus, bene gnari, vestræ majestati opus esse viro prudente, qui, ut vobis bene sit, provideret, prævertimus et præcurrimus vestras preces et decrevimus, quod nunc facimus in nomine Dei ejusque benigno sub favore, illustrissimum Julianum ad præfecturam Urbis promovere. » Acclamabant omnes: « Hic [Julianus] est egregius magistratus. Multi sint anni Augustæ, multi sint anni magistratuum. » Resp. : « Vestræ majestatis igitur nunc est, modestiam, tranquillitatem et bonum ordinem, ut semper alias servastis, ita nunc etiam servare. Commodi enim vestri, et ut bonis omnibus afflueretis, primus quidem Deus, deinde vero etiam nos curam sufficientem habuimus; statimque deliberaturi cum illustribus proceribus et sacro senatu, concurrente quoque fortissimorum exercituum suffragio, eligemus imperatorem orthodoxum et a vitiis purum. Absit autem invidia, neque interturbet pervertatve pulcherrima hujus deliberationis et imperii nostri instituta. » Post hanc Augustæ allocutionem finitam, descendebat ipsa, et proceres eam sequebantur; ipsaque in augustæum ingressa, considebant proceres in scamnis ante delphacem positis, et ordiebantur deliberationem de candidato imperii. Verum diu rixabantur inter se, neque in consensum venire aut decernere quidquam poterant. Urbicius ergo præpositus opportunum hoc suppeditabat consilium : « Bene facielis, » aiebat, « Augustæ permittentes auctoritatem eligendi, quem ipsa voluerit. » Rogabat igitur senatus episcopum [seu patriarcham], ut ingressus ad Augustam, arbitrium electionis atque denominationis ipsi offerret. Augusta, eo facto, eligebat Anastasium silentiarium. Quod intelligentes proceres omnes approbabant; protinusque mittebantur in ædes Anastasii a magistro comites protectorum et domesticorum: hi cum ad palatium ^A deducebant, et in consistorio tantisper depon-

-^Aebant, donec solemne ritu inauguraretur. Interea fiebant exsequiæ Zenonis divinæ sortis. Eo itaque die faciebant vestosacrani et pictores atque monetarii consueta, de quibus alibi diximus, officia [circa decorandum principis funus] vesperæque edebantur mandata pro crastino silentio et conventu. Altero ^B die is, qui imperium, ut dictum est, susceperat, nequaquam Anastasium, nisi prius cautionem propria manu scriptam et jurejurando firmatam ipsi dedisset, qua pollicebatur fidem se illibatam servaturum, neque quidquam novi in sanctam Dei Ecclesiam invecturum esse, si imperii compos fieret, idque ideo, quod Anastasius Manichæorum sectæ addictus esse a pluribus crederetur. Vid. quæ ad p. 768 dicam ad vocem ὁμονοία et Hubert. p. 633.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

(83) "To hold a matter," one who keeps grief in check, and because he will use the state with a sound conscience. And ^B when this oath had been fulfilled (84), he went up to the Hippodrome, and having entered into the dining hall (triclinium), where it is the custom according to the Hippodrome (85) to worship the senators, he wore a sticharion, a diphetision, an auroklabon, a zonrain, and a toubia (86) and a kam... [The commentary discourse follows, discussing philological and Greek usage, noting the vacillations in breathings and spiritus in manuscripts, the orthography of technical terms like *katha-eniayton*, and the variants in archaic vs. medieval Greek usage, including the transition of *ep-* to *ap-* prefixes and the confusion of simple and geminate letters.]

(86) As for what the *toubia* were, it leaves the author's opinion almost in doubt, since he describes them now as garments of the thighs, and now of the legs. I shall refrain from citing their passages, as they are sufficiently copious in Du Cange’s Greek Glossary under that word. It seems to me that the reason for this matter is that their breeches and stockings were fashioned and worn by those men as one solid mass clinging together, which could not, like our own, be separated; but their femoralia (thigh-coverings) were so long that they extended almost to the malleoli of the feet, or at least to the mid-calf, so that they resembled pipes (tubae), whence they have their name, and whoever put on the femoralia put on the tibialia (stockings) at the same time. This we see in those pompous satellites dressed in the Hungarian fashion, whom we are accustomed to call Heiducks. Over these *tubia* were wrapped criss-cross *campagia*, and at the top, below or above the knee, they were tightened with a wide and often precious band, which was also called a *toubion*. However, the Greeks did not wear these thigh-leg-coverings like those Heiducks; that is, none of them were in the open, but they were hidden under the *esophoria* or innermost tunics. The Greeks did not tuck their undergarments into their femoralia, but these lay underneath them and touched the skin directly; the undergarments covered the breeches, not the other way around, as is the custom with us. The Turks adopted this custom from the Greeks, whose breeches are described in this manner by Rauchwolff in his *Itinerary*: "Snow-white cotton loose Bloaderhoosen, which reach down to the bones [that is, the ankles], where they are drawn in somewhat tighter below. They have no flaps, which they also do not tolerate on others, nor 'fore-feet' [codpieces], so that in secret places and on their feet, just as on their arms and necks, they can wash themselves unimpeded in their daily cleansings according to the prescription of their law. Such trousers they draw together with a band over the bare skin, so that their shirts hang down over them. When they now (to mention it with permission) want to urinate, they squat down for it, let the bands up again, throw their clothes around them, like women, - - and thus let go of themselves." The form of the trousers was similar, and those things I have brought forth here concerning the *tubia* also apply to the trousers, about which I speak on p. 417. For *hose* and *tubia* are the same thing. But of what material were the *tubia*? They were linen, woolen, silken. But were they also leather? I do not think so. But could the *tubia* be the same thing that for us today are the stockings—les bas, as...

^B the French call them, *die Strümpfe*? Certainly, the Latins of the Middle Ages wore tibialia, just as we do, made of felt, wool, or linen or cotton thread. See Du Cange, s.v. *Calcia*, where he produces a passage mentioning *calciae filtrinae* and *calciae venetanae*, that is, made of that kind of woolen cloth which we are accustomed to call flannel. The word *Filaticium* has this meaning in the *Processus de translatione S. Antonini*: “The holy body was shod as an archbishop, in stockings of *filaticium*, as they say, white, and in sandals of red silk.” But these were not *tubia*, nor is it established that the Greeks wore stockings of the kind we have. Cf. Salmasius, *ad Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. I, p. 976. May I be permitted on this occasion to explain a remarkable passage from the *Hamasa*, or Arabic Anthology, which exists in a passage edited by the learned Schultens, p. 380. Therein is described a brave man who is said to have been of the number of those whom the mothers conceive when the *nethaki* knots they wear are tight. For it is the Arab women, not the Arab men, who wear *hosas* or *tubia*—not narrow, but very wide, of the kind we call *Plauderhosen*—and a representation of which is provided by de la Rocque in his *Voyage dans la Palestine*, p. 250. This type of garment, called *Nethac* itself, is described by Rauchwolff, *Itinerarium* II, 5, with these words: “The Arabs do not wear *hosas*, but only the Arab women, usually dyed a Venetian blue and reaching to the ankles, in the fashion of the Turks. It was necessary for a woman who wished to admit a man to loosen such *hosas* or her girdle or miters; nor could the man consort with her as long as the woman had her *nethacum* tied.” Therefore, when the Arab poets praise someone, signifying that he was conceived when his mother did not have her girdle loose, but tightened to her body, they mean that such a one was not conceived of a man but of a demon, who could consort with a woman even if she were not loosened. This kind of men, of whom the Arabs tell many tales, is said to excel in all things, both in virtues and in vices, exceeding human measure.

(87) Regarding the custom of placing newly elected emperors on a shield, with a torque on their head, and standing upon a shield with a spear, and being lifted up and shown to the crowd from a platform, there is frequent mention among writers of a later age, a cloud of whom Du Cange has cited s.v. *Clypeus*. Constantine also reports the same regarding the Khazars in *De Administrando Imperio*, chap. 38. But that custom had ceased among the emperors of his age, as is concluded not without cause, because in the preceding chapters, where the rites of coronation are narrated, no mention of it is made. However, it must have been recalled into use in the age of the Comneni, or shortly thereafter, since the Emperor John Cantacuzenus, in his description of the coronation, such as it was instituted in his time and with him, also commemorates the king sitting upon a shield and being lifted on high by the patriarch and other nobles. ^D These are the words: “At about the second hour of the day of the future anointing of the emperor, after he has sat upon the shield, the emperor and the father of the one being proclaimed (if he is present) and the patriarch take hold of the front parts, and of the rest, those of the nobles who exceed in rank, the despots and sevastokratores, if they are present, or the most illustrious of the senators, and lifting him as high as possible, together with the shield, they show the emperor to the crowds gathered all around.” The learned Schwartz, Professor at Altdorf, published a dissertation in 1710 on the ancient rite of lifting princes being inaugurated.

(88) White tunics, and shoes dyed in crimson and distinguished with precious stones are the insignia of emperors. Constant., *Vit. Basil.*, chap. XXI. “The King of the Lazi, Tzathas, departed, having worn a crown and a white imperial chlamys which had a golden *tavli*, in which was engraved in needlework the image of King Justin, and a white *sticharion* having golden *ploumia* and the image of the king. For his *tzangia* were red, having pearls in the Persian fashion. Likewise his girdle was golden with pearls. And he received many gifts from the emperor.” Theoph., p. 144. Regarding the diadem and other insignia, see Selden, *Tit. Hon.*, p. 257. By the grant of the Emperor Constantine, chap. XCVI, Constantine says: “He (the pontiff) can wear a purple chlamys and tunic and all imperial vestments, namely, scepters, signs, and ornaments.” It is among the dictates of Gregory VII, 8, in which he decrees that no one should use the emperor’s ornaments except the pontiff; see Bucher, *Collect. Concil.*, vol. I, 15. “Constantine, in the donation made to Sylvester, permits him a crown interwoven with gems, an *epomis* which girds the neck, a purple chlamys, a crimson tunic, the horse-cloths with which royal horses are saddled, and the other ornaments of glory.”

To the above-praised passage of Theophanes, Agathias, p. 85, lines 18 sqq., ed. B. Vulcanius, deserves to be compared, and the passage of Procopius cited from a manuscript by Bon. Vulcanius in the notes to the *Themata* of Constantine, p. 68, edit. Meurs., which describes the symbols of the empire or kingdom of the Lazic kings, which were accustomed to be sent to them by the Greek emperor, in these words: “A chlamys made of wool (he designates the *alourgi* chlamys, made from the sea or a certain marine product), not such as grows from sheep, but collected from the sea... and the part of the purple was left/covered with gold, upon which the application of the purple dye is accustomed to be made.” In the following he designates the clasp and the needle or pin: “A golden brooch was placed on the chlamys, fencing in a valuable stone in the middle, from which three golden and loose chains hung down. A tunic in silk with golden embellishments, adorned from all sides, which they have deemed to call *ploumia*. Shoes up to the knee of a crimson color, which it is only lawful for the king of the Romans and Persians to wear.” I have not regretted describing the whole passage, as it follows the king’s attire clearly and fully.

^A And the phrase, “Lord, have mercy,” was chanted, and they placed the imperial chlamys upon him, and the crown set with precious stones. Having turned back, he ascended again into the kathisma and greeted the people, and all shouted, “AUGUSTE, Augustus.” And he addressed the soldiers and the people. For a *libellare* (petition) was handed to him, and he himself handed it to the *libellensis* (the official in charge of petitions), and he, standing in the tribunal, addressed them and promised to give an *augustiatikon* of 5 nomismata and a litra of silver. The address is as follows. Emperor Caesar Augustus: “It is clear that the supreme glory orders human power by its will ^B (89).” It was shouted by all: “Abundance to the inhabited world; as you have lived, so may you reign. Pure rulers to the inhabited world.”

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. (89) I recognize the Latinism here, and in the passage *ξῶ βάλε τῇ πόλει*. For properly, according to the nature of the Greek language, it should have been said *τοῦ νεύματος ἀπηρετῆσθαι*. But he used it in the ablative [case], as if to express the dependency of the Latin *natu*. Moreover, it is new and a solecism [to use] *ἀπαρτίζειν* for *ἀπαρτᾶσθαι*. For I do not see what other meaning could fit here than “to depend.” I think, therefore, that these proclamations of the emperors were either recited in both languages at the same time, or recited only in Latin and then subsequently rendered into Greek by the Master of Offices [Magister]. But the former seems more likely. For both because of the dignity of the empire and because of the soldiers, many of whom from Italy and Dalmatia understood Latin, it was necessary that what was to be proclaimed should be promulgated in Latin, but in Greek for the sake of the common people. When Leo the Younger was inaugurated about twenty years before Anastasius, *ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἐκραύγαζεν Ἑλληνιστί... οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται Ῥωμαϊστί*, as we read below on page 250. That laws were issued in both languages under Justinian is proved by Du Cange in the preface to the *Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae Graecitatis*, p. xi, whose arguments I shall not transcribe. Alemannus also has some things on this subject in his notes on Procopius, p. 76. In the same Procopius, there is a passage where we are taught that in that age the emperor had to subscribe in Latin to edicts publicly proposed. Because the interpreter misunderstood this passage, it is worth the effort to present it here corrected and explained. Procopius says there that Justin was so ignorant of letters that he could not even scribble a word to be subscribed to legal documents, and furthermore, that he permitted all things to be done by his quaestor, who dictated the imperial orders at will: *ὅπως δὲ μαρτυρίαν τῆς βασιλέως χειρὸς ἔχοιεν οἷς ἐπίκειται τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο*, (as you must read, despite the asterisks,) *ἐπενοήθη τάδε*, that they might have testimony of the royal hand (by which it was signified that these things had been seen and approved by the emperor) for those whose concern it is (that they might have petitions and laws and public documents subscribed by the sacred hand, such as the officials of the quaestor, etc.), this was devised: ^C They fashioned a small piece of wood, engraved with a form of letters, which can be read in the Latin tongue, and dipping a stylus in ink, which emperors are accustomed to write with, they handed this to the emperor, and placing the wood, which I mentioned, upon the document [id est *ἐπιθέμενοι*], and taking hold of the imperial hand, they guided it along with the stylus according to the form of the four letters, and into all the engravings of the wood, and thus they departed, carrying such letters of the emperor. I cannot give a better interpreter of these things than the Anonymous Valesianus, who says these things about Theodoric, king of the Goths and Italy, hitherto equally little understood and equally corrupt as the passage of Procopius. Muratori has it, *Rerum Italicarum Scriptores*, Vol. II, p. 305, from where I quote: Theodoric was illiterate ^D as noted by Vopiscus regarding Probus, p. 659: let him rule just as he served as a soldier. Cedrenus, p. 357, agrees exactly with this passage of ours: “Anastasius having received the sign of the empire in the kathisma of the hippodrome, the entire populace, as if from one mouth, aptly shouted...”

informers completely from the cities.

^A and other such things. Emperor Caesar Augustus: "Since, therefore, me, even though unwilling and hesitant, the most serene Augusta Ariadne by the judgment of the most illustrious senate and the choice of the powerful armies and of the consecrated people, in agreement, has called to take up the care of the Roman empire, advancing primarily in the providence of the divine Trinity," all cried out: "Lord, have mercy on him. Holy Son of God, have mercy on him. Anastasius Augustus, you who are pious, may God preserve the emperor; God has given you, God protect you," and other such things. Emperor Caesar Augustus: "I know what a burden for the common salvation has been imposed upon me, I know."

Everyone thought: "Worthy of the empire, worthy of the Trinity, worthy of the city. Throw out the informers," and other such things. Emperor Caesar Augustus: "But I beseech God the Almighty, that just as you hoped in this common choice, such may be the realization of the affairs." Everyone cried out: "You believe in one, He will save you. As you have lived, so may you reign. Pious emperor, you win. Ariadne, you win. Many are the years of the Augusta. You raise up the army, you have mercy on the slaves. As Marcian, so may you reign," and many other such things. Emperor Caesar Augustus: "On behalf of this fortunate kingdom of ours, I will give you five nomismata and a litra of silver each." Everyone thought: "May God preserve the Christian emperor." These are the common prayers, these are the prayers of the inhabited world for the pious ^B master (93). Lord, protect him, holy Lord, raise up your world. Victory to the fortune of the Romans. Anastasius Augustus, you win; Ariadne Augusta, you win. God has given you, God protects you. Emperor Augustus: "God be with you." And after being greeted, he went down in procession, and entered through the narthex, having first laid aside his crown in the ^C apse; as you have lived, so may you reign, master... [and throw out] the informers completely from the cities.

^D (91) Understand together, or with judgment. Concerning the phrase "by the judgment of the most illustrious senate and the agreement of the bravest soldiers," see Spanheim, on the oration of Gordian in Capitolinus, vol. II of the series of Augustan historians, p. 12. "Unwilling, but I gladly endure your necessity." For even up to the judgment of the senate, it is uncertain and wavering.

(92) The notable use of the verb *proechoresen*. It is used here in the Greek sense: it denotes not only to advance, but also to promote another. In the same way, *echorei* denotes not only to move itself, but to move another into the place in which it is, to draw out, to cause to move. Thus Diodorus Siculus uses it, vol. II, p. 25: "He encourages the tyrant to use words..." for to call out, to cast out, as *eximicare*, as to drive out, to shake off; see p. 253 I shall say. Thus Aristophanes in the Birds, v. 214: "Of the yellow-feathered [one], come, clear away Divine..." for if we wish to keep *sane eche* for the sake of the meter: it moves a clear echo, or pure sounds through the tuneful throat up to the seats of Zeus across the shadowy thicket. For so it is read there, or "clear away" to retreat, to proceed, I yield. Also, note the position of this word, far separated from the noun Ariadne. With so many labyrinths inserted, one can barely find the verb at the end of the half-period, which governs everything. Not so the Greeks. More circuitous, this speech than the Latin. It has the Latin structure. The apodosis of the particle "since" is in the words "such is the burden... of which also the structure is purely Roman."

(93) "Voice, pious master," can be accusative, it can also be vocative. The latter "you win, O pious master, save" is to be accepted.

^A And taking it, the praepositus handed it to him, and he placed it on the altar; and the emperor brought the gifts, and entering the mutatorium he donned the crown, and returned, and entering, he performed the promotion of the eparch, and gave the missae, and entertained the officials.

The Emperor Caesar Augustus: "On this feast day, the birthday of our lucky reign, I will give you five coins [or men] and a single pound of silver." All shouted: "May God preserve the Christian emperor. These are the common vows of all. These are the vows of the whole world. Pious master, Lord, preserve. ^A Holy Lord, relieve your world. May the fortune of the Romans win; Anastasius Augustus, may you win. Ariadne Augusta, may you win. May God have given, may God preserve." The Emperor Caesar Augustus: "God be with you." Having finished this address, he would descend and proceed in procession to the church, and entering through the narthex, he would lay aside the crown in the mutatorium, the praepositus would take it; then returning from this again, he would lay aside that which was given to him in the altar or sanctuary, he would offer the gifts, return to the mutatorium, put on the crown, return to the palace, and perform there the promotion of the Eparch [previously named by Ariadne], distribute the missae, and finally invite whom he wished, the nobles.

CHAPTER XCIII.

Inauguration of the Emperor Justin [the First] of divine lot.

CHAPTER XCIII.

Proclamation of the Emperor Justin of divine lot.

In the election of Justin of pious and divine lot, there was some disturbance, inasmuch as neither Augusta was present, nor had the emperor nominated anyone for himself as either colleague or successor; but nothing had been provided by any means for universal affairs. Anastasius having been removed from the living during the night, the matter was signified by the silentiarius to the magister and to the count of the excubitors, so that they might convene in the palace. Celer the magister arrived immediately, and Justin of divine lot, then count of the excubitors; and the magister immediately made known to the scholae ^C that the candidates and the other scholarii should assemble. He also made known to the soldiers and tribunes and vicarii and to the primicerii of the excubitors that they should assemble; and he said to them: "Our master, as a man, and inasmuch as he was human, or according to the body, is dead. It is necessary, therefore, that we all confer on common counsels, that we may choose a prince who is simultaneously acceptable to God and convenient and useful to the state." The magister spoke in the same way to the candidates and to the primicerii of the scholarii. At dawn, therefore, the officials came, some wearing muina [clothing] ^D.

And some were also wearing *diaphora*—that is, garments embroidered with small figures, or imitating the color of mouse-grey—and others were wearing *diaphora*—that is, garments of glowing colors. The people gathered in the hippodrome and were celebrating the senate with praises, shouting: "May the Roman senate enjoy many years! May you be victorious! May God grant the empire to the ruler of the world!" and many such things. ^A And when benches were placed in the great triclinium in front of the major portico, all the officials and the archbishop sat down, and they began to dispute with one another regarding the nomination of the emperor; for one man was eager for one person, and another for someone else. And as time was being wasted, Celer the magister says to them: "If it is permissible for us, let us deliberate and act. If we quickly name the one who is to be made emperor, all will follow us and be quiet. But after a little while, we shall no longer be masters of the decision, but we ourselves shall have to follow others."

^B When they nonetheless persisted in this dispute, the excubitors above in the hippodrome were acclaiming a certain John the tribunus—a man related to the divinely-remembered Justinian—who later became bishop of Heraclea; and they lifted him onto a shield. But the Veneti, not approving of this choice, dispersed that faction with thrown stones; and in turn, some of the excubitors were wounded by arrows [from the others]. The scholarii, rushing again, seized a patrician who was a military commander and brought him into the middle; and having stood him there, they were going to crown him, but the excubitors attacked and pulled him down; and when they were about to kill him—he who was later the most pious emperor Justinian [who], being a candidate at that time, rescued him and had him sent to the excubitorium and kept in custody. ^C All the excubitors were compelling him, Justinian, to become the pious emperor. He, however, refused each one of the so-called *ekrouon* at the ivory doors, seeking from the cubicularii the habit of the emperor; but they, hearing the names of those being proposed, did not yield. Finally, therefore, all the senators were choosing the divinely-remembered Justinian, and in a way forced him to come to the habit. But some scholarii were displeased, and they came upon him in such a way as to give him a blow [with the fist] and to tear his lip. Yet the sentiment of all—both the senators and the soldiers and the populace—prevailed, and he was brought into the hippodrome; and the Veneti and the Prasini gathered together upon him; and the cubicularii immediately sent the habit. Thus he entered into the kathisma, while the archbishop was singing for him. ^D

VARIOUS READINGS.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

The chamberlains or imperial regalia. They refused, hearing the names of those who were consistently demanding the sacred vestments; until finally the whole senate chose Justin, and in a way accepted him, and brought the regalia. Although the scholars had forced this business upon him and clamored with such importunity and impudence, that one of them even struck his lip with a sharp blow of his fist: yet the resolve of all, both senators, and soldiers, and the popular factions, prevailed; and Justin ascended the hippodrome, where they attested with a public cry that they acquiesced to him, the Veneti and the Prasini alike: and the chamberlains immediately sent the regalia or imperial ornament. Justin entered the ^A cathisma, having with him the archbishop John and the remaining dignitaries, for whom it is right and customary to enter the cathisma; but the others stood below; then he received, standing in the shield, the collar of Godila, and his spear-bearer was placed by him. Which being done, the standards, which had hitherto lain on the ground, were immediately raised, as is wont to be done in such inaugurations. He did not, however, enter (which others were accustomed to do) into the triclinium for the purpose of changing clothes; but the soldiers standing round him made a covering with their shields, and under this covering Justin put on the regalia; and then the bishop [or patriarch] placed the crown upon him: he received the spear and shield with his own hand, and ascended [in this habit], and then all shouted: "Justin Augustus, you conquer." Furthermore, a scroll was handed to him, in which was written his address to the soldiers and the people, and he promised five gold coins and a pound of silver to each of them on their individual shields [that is, to the men with shields]. This address was recited from the script, because neither the quaestor was present, nor was the magister Celer, who had come down with a sharp attack of gout in his feet, able to be present, and for that reason, at that moment in time, he was lacking. The address of the Emperor Caesar Justin ^B is as follows:

Bishop John and the rest of the dignitaries ^A who were accustomed to enter the cathisma, and the other dignitaries stood below, and at the skutarion Godila the spear-bearer wore the collar 5 of the spear-bearers, and immediately the signs which were lying on the ground were seen, as was customary at such proclamations. He did not enter toward the triclinium, and change, but the soldiers did it, and there he put it on, and the bishop placed the crown 6 on him, and he took the lance and the shield, and ascended, and all shouted: "Justin Augustus, you conquer." And he addressed the people, the libellarios having been sent to him, where he also promised them five nomismata and a pound of silver. The scroll was read by the libellarii, because ^B neither the quaestor 7 was found, and the magister Celer, through the disturbance that had occurred, because of the pain in his feet, could not be found; but he was absent at that hour. The address is as follows: Emperor Caesar, Justin Victor, and Augustus: "By the judgment of the all-powerful God, and by your common choice, we are brought to the kingdom, invoking the providence of the heavens." By all it was shouted: "Just as you have lived abounding for the world, so reign abounding for the state. Reign saving, the earthly [state]. Justin Augustus, you conquer: of the new Constantine 8 for many years. You are the slaves of the king." Emperor Caesar Augustus: "As I shall strengthen my own philanthropy, to do everything beneficial to you in public." By ^C all it was shouted: "Son of God, have mercy upon him; you have chosen him; have mercy upon him. Justin Augustus, you conquer," and many such things. The Emperor Caesar Augustus: "For it is our care in every way to establish you in divine providence, and with joy and protection and peace to preserve each one of you." By all it was shouted: "Worthy of the kingdom, worthy of the Trinity, worthy of the city; for many years to the king. Holy dignitaries of the world," and many such things. The Emperor: "For the sake of our festival..."

we give to you, piece by piece, five coins and one pound of silver.' ^A All shouted: 'May God preserve the Christian Emperor.' These are the common vows of the world, and there are many others of this kind. 250 The Emperor: 'God be with you.' And the rest followed in the same rite, as was set forth above in the inauguration of Anastasius.

CHAPTER XCIV. The Inauguration of Leo the Younger.

We believe it necessary to state how one emperor is made by another. For it is ^B necessary to tell how Leo the Great, becoming ill—he who was the last to hold it, and grandson to his daughter, Leo the Younger, whom he then proved to be Caesar—at the urging of the legates, moved forward to make him emperor. This having been done, on the fifteenth day before the Kalends of December (9), while Eusebius was master of offices, the people and the legates—who happened to be many, present there from various nations—assembled in the Hippodrome, and all the soldiers with their standards were in the Stama, and they were shouting, the people in Greek, urging the emperor to come up, and the soldiers in Latin. The emperor was led up by the Senate. Caesar remained inside in that triclinium where it is customary for the emperor to receive senators, where Acacius, the Archbishop of the City, was with him, and the emperor stood before the throne, and thus began to address the soldiers and the public, ^C and all shouted: 'We beseech you to sit down,' and he greeted the people, and he sat down (10), and the people shouted: 'Augustus,' and again many voices arose beseeching him to crown [the empire]...

JOAN. JAC. REISKI COMMENTARY

(9) This I have taken from the Latins, who, when they wish to indicate the fifteenth day before the Kalends of December, say *ante xv Kal. Dec.*, meaning that day [the fifteenth day]. I have correctly amended it after Casaubon (vol. I, scriptural annals, p. 890) to *pridie Nonas Martias*. I mention this so that no one may suspect that, because I am using a Latin interpretation, I wanted to change anything in the Greek.

(10) Since the people thanked him, because he did not sit down well [i.e., gracefully/generously], he considered it. ^D Indeed, emperors were obligated to stand while addressing the people, so that the coins of the old emperors might be known. Compare p. 243, and below, cap. 11, on the oration of the forty. Furthermore, that adoration and osculation consisted of standing, in a gesture of kissing, with an inclination of the body. Emperors are often read to have adored the people... Tacitus Hist. 1: There was not wanting... [the rest of the commentary notes historical parallels for the acts of adoration and the imperial procession].

37. *ὑπήχησαν* conj. R., *ὑπήκουσαν* cod.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.

(11) Before *εὐτυχῶς* there is a lacuna, of which, however, the text itself speaks, though there is no trace of it in the codex. Conf. p. 129.

(12) Therefore, Leo the younger was already at that age where he could be prompted by gestures to greet his people, as his own stood by his feet. Procopius, however, says that he died a few days before him, at an age of only a few days. Malala says he died after holding the imperial title for one year, at the age of seven. The Chronicon Alexandrinum attributes to him 17 years of life; see Chilmead on Malala, t. II, p. 85.

(13) *Valedicens* rendered; not badly, however, as *licentians*, giving leave to depart.

(14) Concerning the use of the preposition *πρός*, which obtains here, I shall speak on p. 281.

(15) Concerning the announcement of Justinian M., see Procop. Anecdot. p. 45, and the note there by Alemannus, who, however, ^D sketches this whole passage of Procopius meagerly, and partly invented things of his own which conflict with history. The passage should therefore have been rendered thus: *turannōn teautika... statim tyrannum se gerebat, ex quo summam potestatem in-vadebat, violentiam actionis (τῆς ἐπιβατῶσεως, in-vasionis in imperialem dignitatem) simulato vultu et praetextu conficto velans. Quidquid enim probum et honestum erat Romanorum (id est proceres, qui sunt honestus ordo), ipsum renuntiabant, ad suffragium ipsi dandum tot circumstantium periculorum, ni facerent, metu compulsi, praeterquam quod Deus etiam hunc orbi dare dominum decreverat. Susceperunt ergo dominationem Justinianus ac Theodora tertio ante festum Paschatis die, ὅτε δὴ οὔτε ἀσπάσασθαι τινα... Sic leg., uno οὔτε cum tribus asteriscis deleto. Nihil enim ibi deest, sed vitiose οὔτε unum abundat.*

(16) Therefore, those who say he died on the Kalends of April are mistaken. The indiction falls on the year A.C. 527.

CHAPTER XCVI

^A Inauguration of Nicephorus Phocas, the lover of Christ and most valiant emperor, formerly Domestic of the Schools of the East.

Romanus the younger, son of Constantine the Great and Porphyrogenitus, sprung from the line of the Macedonian emperors, having departed this life in the month of March, on the 15th day, indiction 6, of the year of the world 6471, in the fortieth day of Great Lent, left as heirs to the kingdom the minor children of his own flesh, Basil and Constantine, along with his own wife and Augusta, Theophano, as guardian of the Roman empire, having appointed the Parakoimomenos ^B Joseph as the administrator of public affairs.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(17) Regarding this Nicephorus, Liutprand, who saw him, describes him at length in that book which he wrote about his embassy, performed in the name of Otto I. Cedrenus, p. 646, also clearly hands down the history of this revolution. And as for what is contained in the aforementioned inscription—"the lover of Christ and most valiant"—as well as that which follows shortly after—"the pious and Christ-loving emperor"—it is of the greatest importance. Regarding the words on p. 252, "rather" (or "more specifically" [id est maxime aut magis]), if Nicephorus himself, having hastened by force and against the will [of the people], was proclaimed emperor, I am much surprised that this particle, which concerns Nicephorus, could have originated from some client or official of his; how could Constantine the Younger, the son of Romanus, in his collection, record the praises of his stepfather, if indeed the codex of Constantine is what we are dealing with? Nevertheless, those praises ^C were not undeservedly attributed to Nicephorus, whom nearly everyone would have considered the most valiant and wise, and the final glory of the Greek empire; in truth, Nicetas, p. 110 (Venice edition), calls Nicephorus one who in his might and wisdom truly possesses heroic qualities. It was the custom of the rulers, kings, and dukes of those times that kings and dukes, when appointed and crowned, were recognized as tutors for such, until the children reached adolescence, as Du Cange has shown; he also provides examples there regarding Nicephorus Phocas and John Tzimiskes; likewise, the same can be said of Romanus Lecapenus, who, although addressed as emperor, and honored as such, was in reality only an administrator.

(18) Whether Romanus died a natural death or was destroyed by poison or violence is uncertain. Cedrenus, p. 637, reports that he was killed by Nicephorus Phocas; Abulfeda says he was killed by the Empress Theophano, who, ^D to seize the empire and her own bedfellow, was allegedly entangled by that treacherous woman, who first removed her husband with poison, then saw to it that he himself was removed by the sword, so that she might enjoy the third. Abulfeda, at the maximum part of the year 970: "Nicephorus, having removed his predecessor in the empire from the midst, took his wife in marriage, and, although she was from no royal stock, he invaded the kingdom, contemplating how to seize the royal offspring of the superior bed, his stepsons, to castrate them, so that he might secure the succession and the crown for his own progeny forever, with them failing." The mother of the children, detesting such an unworthy act, conspired with the Domestic (John Tzimiskes) against him, and having forged a trap in this manner, she introduced the Domestic and his companions into the bedroom of Nicephorus, disguised in women's clothing, late at night, and while the tyrant was sleeping soundly, with all the doors locked, she herself rose and let in the assassins through that door which looked out onto the chapel. Therefore, the Domestic, having approached the sleeping Nicephorus, slaughtered him; God did not allow his rest in his own people to be disturbed by such a minister. The Domestic then placed one of the Augustae, having been created of royal blood, upon the throne. Furthermore, he was called "Domestic," which in Greek translates to the one who leads the forces toward the East past the Bosporus.

(18*) Yet the Byzantines themselves and the princes of this people—some say they were of Armenian origin, others that they were of Slavic origin. Indeed, Hamza of Isfahan, equal to Leo the Wise and Romanus Lecapenus, traces these Porphyrogennetoi back to the Slavs. The words are these: "Basil the Macedonian, in the days of Almotazz, in the year 253 [A.D. 876], killed him and reigned for 20 years. Then Leo, his son, reigned in the days of Almotamadi, 273 [A.D. 896]; then reigned Alexander, the son of Basil, for one year and two months, in the days of Almoctader, in the year 299 [911], and died of consumption; then Constantine, the son of Leo, [reigned] 16 months, when Constantine, the son of Andronicus, invaded the kingdom, having been at Irenopolis [Bagdad]; but after he fled from there from his father's side, and arrived in Romania. And thus, when he had seized the palace, and sat in the seat of the kings, the satellites of the son of Leo gave him poison, and they killed him, and Constantine, the son of Leo, took possession, in the year 301 [913]." Thus far is Isfahan, a writer contemporary to Constantine. It is helpful to the reader to point this out, so it may be clear what the Orientals also handed down concerning the affairs of the Greek empire during that time. These things are told in a rough, confused, and discordant chronology, which is repugnant to the truth and easily leads one to compose the history of the Greeks and the Persians in a simple and ready way.

(19) The sixth indiction and the year of the world according to the Greeks 6471, occurs in the year of Christ 963.

(20) The Parakoimomenos—namely, those men of greatest dignity and power in the court who slept in the room closest to the sleeping chamber or the imperial bedroom, or rather, who slept in it—never departed from his side, and upon them the spirit of the emperor himself nearly relied. They were usually eunuchs, cf. p. 420;

(21) Joseph Bringas, the eunuch, is designated, to whom Romanus the younger had handed over his empire. See Cedrenus, p. 642. Already he had been in favor with Constantine, cf. the writings of Theophanes, p. 277 and 293, and the anonymous author whom we praised vehemently, see p. 297 and 299, either because he had received benefits from him during the reign, or because it was not safe to harm the man.

^A Their power lasted from the aforementioned fifteenth day of March in the sixth indiction until the fifteenth day of August of the same indiction. On the second day of July of the same indiction, our master, the pious and Christ-loving Nicephorus, was proclaimed emperor in the East by the army. Indeed, at Caesarea, which is now reckoned as the prefecture of Cappadocia, all the generals and military ranks assembled in the city’s camp and proclaimed him emperor, since he was then Magister and Domestic of the Schools. He, however, rejected the honors offered him, for his heart and mind were more focused on the war against the Ishmaelites; and toward this end, he was naturally inclined to urge his own men on vigorously. But they were all the more insistent, and seizing him from his tent and lifting him upon a shield, they proclaimed him emperor. ^B Yet, even then, he did not take up the crown or any other imperial ornament, contenting himself with the use of the crimson buskins. When word of his fame reached the City, Joseph the *parakoimomenos* was deeply distressed and incited a great tumult against him. For he opposed him, arguing against his master [Nicephorus] out of contention and ambition, and prepared to fight against him and hinder him. But the Emperor Nicephorus, in contrast, did not advance against him but wrote and sent gentle letters to him, in which he promised that he wished to keep his dignity intact and safe and to heap many more honors upon him. (He continues in the same vein.)

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^C p. 420; but not always, as is evident from the example of Basil the Macedonian, who was the *parakoimomenos* of Michael the Drunkard. In my opinion, those who think that the *parakoimomenos* of the *sphendone*, or the keeper of the royal seal, was unknown to the Porphyrogenitus are mistaken, as he is of more recent usage under the Comneni. It is lightly corrupted in this passage by Luitprand, *Hist.* III, 7, p. 447: "for the protection of the palace [his words are] to defend private property," whereas in reality, it is the office of the eunuch *parakoimomenos* that is referred to. Indeed, *paracemomenos* is pronounced with a 'ch' instead of a 'k'. A learned man wrongly suggests *prokoitoi*, as Themistius seems to call them, p. 138, just as in the same place he calls the chamberlain *kateunastes*. [*In the book of letters of the same, we find* parakoimomenos *of the bedchamber, keeper of the bedchamber, logistics of the 'Eastern Themes'*] he was an accuser, but beyond his duty of sleeping before his master, as stated above, also amidst this, a sword or the imperial blade before the emperor leading the way... He seems to designate by the name of *phylax* [guard] *parakoimomenos* in those writings of the Anonymous, according to Du Cange, v. *Vestiarios*: "outside such a place ^D fixed by that of the first *vestiarios*... behind that of the *vestiarios* and the keeper... and then the chamberlains and others who serve, similarly the imperial service." The reason for the name is clear. They were once *paramenontes*, or *paramonarioi*, and were then *parakoimomenoi*. For to *manein* and to *cubare* and to *manein* and *koimasthai*, meaning to be active, to be around someone, is clear. For it is said on p. 258, and that, "how he remained." Thus *koimasthai* at the bedchamber of one, to *cubare* before the dormitory of one, said Epictetus in his *Dissertations*.

(22) Regarding crimson buskins and boots, a mark of the CPTan [Constantinian] empire, which no one except the emperors was permitted to use, notes are made by Goar, *ad Codin.* p. 21, n. 3; 145, n. 5, and elsewhere. Even the Bulgar kings used *pedila* [sandals] just like the Byzantines, see Cedren. 638. And hence I believe it can be understood where the obscure other passage is in Scripture, see *Theoph.* p. 255: "they were also adorned in Bulgarian style, still having Bulgarian attire, not in crimson boots, nor of any other royal rank, but were dressed like other Bulgarian people." Conf. Luitprand, *Hist.* p. 548, and *supra* p. 242.

(23) *Rebellans* [rebel], a word very frequent among the new Greeks, from whom it passed to the new Latins. From this, Anastasius formed: *tingere* [to dye] the head or the hands. On the contrary, *synairein*, to assist someone, and *synarsis*, help, see *Theoph.* p. 312, a metaphor derived from them, which by joining hands and strength, supports some burden.

(24) *Jussus*: means to signify, for the new Greeks it occurs in the sense of... in the *Epitome* of Xiphilinus, all things are of Dion himself, Dio Cassius also uses it on p. 1077, where Reimar condemns, which is read in Zonaras, *schemainomena* [signified/signs]. One means the same as the other, to prove the *semainomena* are insinuated, mandates, signified, precepts; but *symbainomena* are conceded, privileges.

^A having secured [it], and having restored the gates (25), and behaving harshly toward the administration, he subjected the emperor to anathema (26). And not only this, but also mystically, that is to say secretly, [he subjected] the kinsmen of the emperor, Nicephorus, [and] the father.

JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS’ COMMENTARY

(25) This verb on this passage does not denote, as it is customary otherwise, the repairing of a collapsed building, but rather, because of the ruin and the lapse of time, filling it up with the labor of structures, up to the top, so that nothing remains; Nicetas, p. 300, says that "to wall up the gates" is a definition. It is clear how very little difference there is between the meanings. The Latin also [uses] *resarcire*, not only to restore, but also to fill up. Compare with Sextus: "I remember, judges, the bodies of the citizens of the Tiber to be filled, sewers to be repaired," [with] the sponge of the forum [full of] blood. I do not indeed have examples at hand of the verb *oikodomein* in this sense. There exists an analogy of the verb *anaktizein* to fill up the places. The new Greeks are accustomed to compound particles in a senseless way, which the ancients were not accustomed to conjugate thus. I desire this: the ancients use *ktizein* and *oikodomein* in the same sense to build, to offer. But *anaktizein* does not conjugate in the sense of to obstruct, but *anaktizein* and *oikodomein*. New [Greeks], however, [think] that the reasoning of *ktizein* and *oikodomein* is the same, [and] they have attempted this, and they have said *anaktizein*, whereas the ancients used in common practice *anoikodomein*. Conformed to this example, the new Greeks have changed the verbs in improbable ways, and [in ways] from which the ancients abhorred, as for example [in] *kataineisthai* (apud M. Antonin. Philos. I, 14, at the end) ^B for *katapheresthai*. Also *kataporeuesthai* for *katerchesthai* in Diodorus Siculus, which author I do not know, [and] which is done, so that I cannot delete the suspicion from my mind, that it has been heavily contaminated by new Greeks and has gone into a short form. Idem, Vol. II, p. 459, says *apodein* for *aphoran*, to wait, to expect, until the time arrives, as Athenaeus, p. 4, at the end, *ta deina aphoran*, to wait for the time of dinner. Idem Diodorus, Vol. II, p. 498, *apokalein* for *apogoreuein*, to forbid, to prohibit, a place where nothing is missing, although it seems so. Our [author], along with the contemporaries, uses it more commonly. Polyenus, also deformed in the workshop of the new Greek [language], says *ginoskein* for *katamanthanein*, p. 332, vol. II, vs. 2, and p. 452, c. f. *apogoreuein* for *dēgoreoien* or *apologeisthai*. Procopius, Haschelius p. 367, [uses] *legein* for *apeipein*, to despair, to lose heart. Similar examples can be gathered in great number, if this work [permits]. Let this suffice, regarding the verb *anoikodomein* for to obstruct, [by] authority and analogy [and by] the examples compared, when the famous Lambertus Bos moved this in *Observationes criticae*, p. 85. But the ancients and the new [Greeks] like to place *ana* for *apo*. For *apotisai*, *apofrassein*, *apolambanein*, *apoplēroun*, etc., p. 16, *analambanein*, to occupy, to fill up to the top, so that the other approach is not open. Athenaeus, p. 4, "Beginning the poems of many, he filled" (*eggraphomenos aneilephē*—for so it must be read, not *stichon*—having related the verses of many in his adversaries, he had filled, had occupied, three or four volumes). From this *analēmata*, a structure in the top ridge (*geruste*, an approach to a place to be obstructed). See Wesseling on Diodorus Siculus, Vol. II, p. 215. *Anaplēroun*, to fill up to the top and to close, Malalas has, Vol. II, p. 191. And the verb *oikodomein* to obstruct is proven by old and new ^C writers [to be] used. Among the most ancient is Aristophanes, *Pax*, v. 99: "But with new bricks to obstruct from every side, the latrines," which passage L. Bos, l. c., incorrectly attempted. Elegant is that saying attributed to Diogenes Laertius, the Cynic, who, when asked what kind of person a dull athlete was, replied: "That he was built up with beef and pork fat to the top and as if clogged." They also use this verb in this sense [as does] Xenophon, *Hellenic.* VI, p. 525, edit. Wechel; Plutarch, *Vit.* p. 876, and Diodorus Siculus, Vol. I, p. 420, where the meaning of the verb is not noted by Rhodomannus and he makes its authority easy. Wesseling [cites] Apollodorus, Themistocles’ epistles and Lycurgus. To which can be added Polyenus, p. 214. The same Polyenus [uses] *enoikodomein* in the same sense, nor further *deite* [?] p. 86, and *epoikodomein* [in] Xiphilinus, p. 1340. Indeed, if we concede, as it is, *synoikodomein* to be the same, that is to obstruct [zu bauen], it is admitted that *enoikodomein* is due, because *syn* is used by the Greeks. See [the works of] Diodorus Siculus [on] *enoikodomein*. In the Diodorus just cited, the elegant [phrase] is opposed to *anoikodomein*, to obstruct with masonry work, the *exoikodomein*, having pulled down the obstruction to uncover the passage. Idem author, Vol. II, p. 242, "with stones to build up walls" said (thus, it is to be filled, that place), p. 192. For the wall was built up in the night... to be added to, this verb being placed in both places, notes that it is [to be used] in building up higher. I will add one more to these passages of other authors, in which this verb is read, where I seem to have found an example [of] *anaktizein* in the sense of to obstruct, [in] Malalas, Vol. II, p. 90, where he speaks of the exit of the tyrant Basiliscus: "He sent also those to the castle, having built up [everything] in the castle, and he obstructed the gates, and placed them in a tower of the castle, and built up [the gate]... and they were starving... they gave up their spirits." Undoubtedly I rightly substitute *anaktizein* for the common *anektisthē*, in which the interpreter labored in vain.

(26) That is, he took care, through the voice of a herald, that Nicephorus be proscribed because of his perfidy toward the legitimate masters, that his property be assigned to the state treasury, and himself and his accomplices be declared enemies; or even he shouted, and commanded the herald to recite publicly, and his clients, he commanded that that mark and [the] usual formula of devotion of the Christians, *anasaphel*, i.e., "the bones of that man," by which they signified that they did not only wish that he be devoured while alive, no longer, but that not even his bones would enjoy rest, but be exhumed and scattered. I conclude from this [passage of] Nicetas, that [the term] used for subjecting to anathema, ^D is opposed by the Ven. [edition]: "As if [by] one expression moved... the king with acclamations greeted... the mistress subjected to anathema." Where [a] similar sedition is described [by] our [author], it is therefore not without fruit to compare [them]. But if that anathema means here that ecclesiastical ban be signified, it is not repugnant. It has seemed to me therefore, that it should not be thought about, that he is called a layman, [that] he subjected Nicephorus to anathema, as the matter was under the authority of the patriarch. I find, however, even in Nicetas, p. 196, ed. Venet., that laymen [were] excommunicated; and the army of the enemy...

^A and his brother, he wished to strike out. When the fugitives learned of this, they went away, the father Bardas and the magistros to the Great Church, and the magistros Leo and the brother of the emperor to the camp; for the army had already arrived in the city. But the multitude of the people, wounded with zeal for God, stood guarding the church, so that the magistros would not be taken by the plots of his enemies. For often the patrician Marianus, Apambas, and the Tornicius Nicolaus, and the former strategos Paschalius would try to drag him from the church for their own benefit. But he, having pushed them back well after they had harmed him with insults and abuse, drove them off. On Sunday, the ninth of the month of August, at the morning hour, when the divine Gospel of the holy Resurrection was being read, Joseph the chamberlain entered the church ^B and, having ascended to the patriarchate, spoke to the clergy, then descended again and proclaimed many things to the crowd, and death by famine, and he rode around and went through the bakeries to announce that they should neither bake bread nor prepare a market. Having gone up to the palace and taken the children of Romanus, the emperor, he descended through the covered passages into the church at the hour of breakfast, with the people not being in the church; and he took the magistros out of the church and sent him to his house. When the people arrived in the evening at the church and found the magistros [gone], being troubled, or rather being furious, they used dishonorable language towards the patriarch ^C and the clergy, as if he had been betrayed by them, and they attempted to stone them.

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...subjecting them to such a valid [decree] that it was necessary for them, in order to be received and cleansed back into communion, [to submit] to the patriarch's authority. The words of Nicetas are: "The emperor, being pressed by the full assembly of the city; and not only enduring to see Branas reigning, but yet more declaring the anathema, which he also imposed upon those citizens who [had accepted him], and on p. 204, narrating the rebellions caused by Isaac being defeated and received back into grace, he says: "he was present [meaning Isaac], repenting of his transgression against the ones he had sworn to, and of appearing before the Great [Church] as high priest, and of seeking from there a release from the anathema, which he imposed upon the citizens who were standing above on the towers."

(27) *Dubium*: it signifies to strike out, to remove from the midst, to take away, so that he is no longer seen by anyone, and is even among the living. Regarding this use of the verb: see Petron. *Modum excæcandi* (the way of blinding) is customarily described by the Greeks: see Agnellus p. 160.

(28) This name is a family name, not a personal one. Family names [were used] long before the ninth century, as will be demonstrated in Muratori p. 222. But he is "Apambas," and that leads to "Apameianus," from the city of Bithynia, Apamea. Similar [examples] occur frequently among the Greeks. Therefore, regarding this use of family names, which were taken from the birthplace of the founder of the family, as they are most frequent [now] among the Dutch. As for the termination, the word *chiliombs* – I [Reiske] say it is the same as *hekatomb*, which is nothing other than *hekatombe*, a century; and *chiliombe*, a number of one thousand individuals. *Hekatombe* is not of sacrifice alone, but of every century. Thus *hekatombe* of ^D [Greek omitted] is, according to Athenæus p. 58. *Vox chiliombas* [is] rarer; it exists in the martyrology: *chiliombas* of each species being [the same as the former]. The species of meter is properly *iambus* or *iameon*, that is, a line or word, or *iamo* (on which see v. Aristid. t. I, p. 47), which the ancients used first, and among the first who used it most frequently in rendering oracles: *symbolon* for *simbolon*, the place where *simai*, *apes*, are; *gamoros* is the same as *gameras*, nuptial, betrothed. *Notum* *mesemeria* (midday) and *memelmenos* (cared for). *Lamia*, *lamella*, of which see p. 416 [above]. But *lamea* is found as *lamba*, and *camba* instead of *camera*. See Du Cange v. *Nota palus Pomptina*, properly *Pometina*. *Catacumba*, properly *katakouma*, which the ancients [used] that *katakoumea*—I do not wish to pursue the rest of this genus.

(29) *Id est Tornicius*. The Tornicius family is very celebrated in Byzantine history. See Leo Grammat. p. 509. Cedren. p. 634, where mention is made of this very Nicolaus. See Du Cange *ad Alexiad*. p. 229.

(30) *Commentarium*: regarding this passage, the words of Philip Vitalis, V. D. Hieromonach of S. Basil of the city, and the letter to Joseph Blanchin, which are held in *Evangeliare quadruplici* P. I, p. 529: *Undecim Evangelia heothina* are recited in the Greek church on morning days of the Lord. When these are finished [that is, when the cycle is finished once], they begin again from the beginning; they are called *anastasima*, because they [concern] the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. *Qualibet enim Dominica* (For on any Sunday), the office of the resurrection, composed by St. John Damascene and distributed into eight tones. It is called *heothina*, because it is morning.

^A of the clergy. The patriarch, however, made it known to the magister to come to the church and appease the people. But he did not permit this. The people, having learned of this, and being moved by zeal, or rather by divine impulse, some went off to the house of the most glorious magister and kept watch, plotting against him, while others, remaining in the church, and having taken all the wood in the church and used it as weapons, went out against the Macedonians and the captive Hagarenes who were drawn up in armor against them, and having turned them into fugitives and gained the victory, they killed many of the common people and soldiers. They razed to the ground the houses of those who were arrayed against the Emperor, ^B and having plundered their possessions and opened up the *fossaton*, they hastened to join the Emperor in the city. On the same night, the tenth of the month of August, the person who kept watch over Joseph, fearing the people who were coming toward his house, fled the violence and entered the church. And the people, having seized all his property and having taken captive many other members of the senate who were innocent, and having seized all their property and razed their houses ^C

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(31) Regarding "to appease," *ad placandum, sopiendum populum*. *Valet* (It is worth) "that the people be calmed, softened, or appeased." It pertains, therefore, to the sordid and new Greek, which has much left in its books. In this sense also Xiphilinus has (p. 1297): "He called them friendly by letter, as if he had called them as friends by his letters, as if he were to make peace with them." To do or perform "peace" among good and honest Greeks is not standard. The new Greek abounds with examples of this. *Energein* means "to perform, to do." Symeon of Thessalonica (cf. Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.*, p. 1244) uses it for "to act, or to establish a function, to put in motion," and so too Procopius of Heschel (p. 83): "The slings and arrows were set in motion." "King," which properly means "to rule," etc. Nicephorus Patr. CPano *Brev.* p. 179, and ^D the Continuator Theophanis p. 129, and others, use it for "to do, to establish." In the latter place it quotes *praton men eidos*, which is taken from Euripides' *Aeolus*. See Stobaeus, ch. 65. Nicephorus (ibid. p. 151) has *symposiazein tous philous pou estin* (where is [the task of] feasting friends). Anna Comnena in the *Alexiad*, p. 17, has *kymainein*, "to stir up into a surge," and *eutaxtein* for "to arrange." Codinus, *Offic.*, V, 54, said *adhaerere* for *proskollan*, "to fasten, to apply." He says that in the case of Stephen III, a certain man of that race was a wicked man. V. Du Cange v. *Innotesces* (to become known/to signify).

(32) Because *Agarenos*, as no one thinks that in Greek one wished to restore *Agarenon*. The vulgate correctly has it; *Agaroi* or *Agares* are the same, and *Agarenoi*. For *oi* and *ei* are merely terminal forms, all stemming from the Arabic or rather the Persian *Aggar and Angar*. Thus it is called by the Orientals, specifically the Persians, whose voice is native, then the Arabs, from whom we have the voice *mulio* (muleteer), *balagus* (pack-mule), or whoever provides service for a time with his own beast or body, whether freely or by force, by the word *angaria* — making a demand. Because the Arabs are generally in Palestine, Syria, and the rest of the Roman and Greek known East, they used camels for carrying merchandise and traveling. Formerly they provided this service, and still do today; and since they acquire their living from trade rather than robbery, this has come to be, and Arabs are generally called *angari* (those who provide transport) or *Agareni*. Today they are called *muckri*, and the word is very common among travelers. Travelers in the East who return bring back with them into our language the word *mucker*, by which we designate a base man, the same one as a traitor and evildoer; hence the French word *poure* (poor) comes from it. It properly denotes a man who earns his living by performing work in transporting the merchandise of others from one place to another. V. Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.*, v. *moxthēros*; one can understand and illustrate it from the Cotelerian [edition].

(33) *Fossatum* signifies, not a wall, but an army collected in camps; or a military expedition. Regarding its form of writing and its meanings, go to Codinus, p. 31, and note 52. Du Cange, *Alex.*, p. 341, and *Gloss.*, both refer to this; these places are understood as the camps at Chrysopolis. It helps, on the occasion of the Capitoline [region], to invoke the censorship of Salmasius against Gordian. *Castra omnia*, "all camps," stay there; *fossato circuit*, "he surrounded [it] with a trench," and at night generally *vigilias frequentabat*, "he kept frequent watch." *Castra omnia* are "the whole army," *hē parembolē*; all parts of the camps; and *fossatum* is indeed the same as *en tō fossatō* (in the trench), in time of war.

807 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 808 and their leaders, mentioned a little earlier, Marianus and the rest, and having defeated and put them to flight, they slaughtered many of the common people as well as the soldiers; they tore down the houses of those who opposed the lord from their very foundations; they tore apart and carried off their furniture and all their wealth, and having broken open the gates of the City, they rushed into the moat and signaled to the emperor that he needed to arrive in the City quickly. On the very next night, which preceded the tenth day of August, the paracœmomenus Joseph, full of fear, as he saw the people rushing upon him and his house as well, avoiding violence and injury, took refuge in a church. Meanwhile, after all his property had been plundered, the people leveled his house to the ground; they dragged many innocent men of the senatorial order into chains, carried off all their property, and demolished their houses. For three days the rabid mob continued in these actions. Therefore, the nobles, who were well-disposed toward the state, brought the master and father of the lord Nicephorus into the palace, and ordered him to remain there until the arrival of the emperor's son. On the second day after these tumults had ended and subsided [that is, the fourteenth day of August], the master Leo entered the City from the moat. 254 Finally, on the fifteenth day of the month of August, the emperor ordered by letter the accubitor Basil and the praepositus John that they should go out with those nobles whom he designated by name in the letters to the palace of Hieria, and meet him there. This they did as ordered. Indeed, on the sixteenth day of August, in the sixth indiction, on a day which was then a Sunday, having embarked in the morning on the imperial dromon or liburnian, the emperor arrived at the Golden Gate; where the entire city, both old and young, met him with lamps and incense. Having left the dromon and mounted a horse, he passed through the outer parateichion or pomoerium; and from there, having turned, he went through the placote or road with large stone slabs.

[The text continues with the Greek version of the narrative, followed by the commentary of Joannes Jacobus Reiske.]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE in Constant. Christ. p. 83 and p. 117, distinguishes the acheiropoieton of the Theotokos from the church of Abramius or the Abramites.

...garments made from the hair of beavers. What then? Did our author designate a cloak made from the hair of beavers, or lined or padded with the whole skins of beavers? It is difficult to decide; yet I would dare to pronounce in favor of the latter. For Herodotus (IV, 108) testifies that beaver skins were accustomed to be worn sewn onto and under garments in his own age: "In that lake are caught otters and beavers and other square-faced beasts, whose skins are used for cloaks." See Du Cange under the words *Castorini* and *Beber*, which word, if by chance it is of Scythian or Siberian rather than Germanic origin, nevertheless prevails in our language so that we call the beaver *Biber*. John of Garland in his *Synonyma*: "They give skins for cloaks: Marder, Bever, Cyrogrillus, this also the rabbit, the cismus and lareones give." Bernardus Sylvester: "The cismus has crept in, and the powerful [are covered] with the clothing of martens, and the *liber*, that is the beaver, with no lighter spoil, whose spoil, *spolas, skulos, skutos*, the exuviae, the skin stripped off, is purchased at no lighter price than the marder." We have here some beasts not known to the common people. *Cyrogrillus* is *choirogrullos*. *Cismus* is the German *Ziesmaus*, a mouse which spreads an odor similar to *cisimus* or *bisamus*, that is, musk. It was of very frequent use in the Middle Ages, not only in the colder and northern parts of the world, but also in Italy itself, for precious furs, so that they not only lined clothes with skins, but also covered their own roofs with skins; which will be abundantly clear from the places cited by Du Cange; so that, as I professed a little earlier, I cannot hide here that I am very surprised how it happens that in our codex, among so many names of garments, there is almost no mention of furs, by which the more luxurious men who were then living strove to show their opulence, and of which the men of that age are full of fame. You would scarcely believe that the use of furs was non-existent among the Greeks, who were subjected to a cold climate and joined by friendship and the bonds of commerce with the Russian people, unless they were mentioned not only in our codex, but also, as far as I know, in no Byzantine writer at all. In the ancient Greek paintings themselves, which I remember having seen, no one is seen wearing furs. Let him who knows, or who wishes, state the cause of this matter. That beds themselves were covered with precious skins in the Middle Ages appears from the place of Peter the Venerable, which I bring forward here in order to illustrate and amend it. Du Cange cites it under *Amorenses* and *Coopertorium*. It is this: "He thought he had nothing, unless the bed were equally furnished and adorned with those hairy and thick [skins] of the Numantines, that is, according to the moderns, a covering of great value covered with the skins of Amorensian cats." Who are these Numantine and Amorensian cats? It is beyond all doubt that they are not Armorensian, but Samorensian; and therefore it should be read: "according to the moderns, with the skins of Samorensian cats." The Arabic word *Sammor* denotes the Scythian weasel, commonly *Zobel*. But *Sammor* comes perhaps from the Cymri of old, today called Siberians. *Sammoria* and *Siberia*, likewise *Cimbria* and *Cimmeria*, are the same. But what do the Numantines have to do with this?

(34) Luitprand mentions this man on p. 481. (35) This place seems to refute Du Cange, who... (36) See above. (37) We wear today hats and gloves and...

entering the monastery of the Abramitae, and having stopped on horseback in the same gate, within the two sections of the people standing there, he was acclaimed thus: “Welcome, Nicephorus, Emperor of the Romans; welcome, Nicephorus, greatest King of the Romans; welcome, Nicephorus, you who have routed the phalanxes of the enemy; welcome, Nicephorus, you who have sacked the cities of your adversaries; welcome, most manly victor, always-revered; welcome, you by whom the nations have been subjugated. Through you Ishmael, being defeated, has fallen to the ground; through you the scepters of the Romans are strengthened; stretch forth [(38)] therefore, and proceed successfully, and reign. God has had mercy on His people, by revealing you, Nicephorus, as Emperor of the Romans. Rejoice, therefore, city of the Romans. Receive the God-crowned Nicephorus. For he has come truly shining upon the entire world.” Then, he entered the gate 38, proceeding on horseback through the middle of the city as far as the Forum, and having dismounted there from his horse, he entered the church of the all-holy Theotokos in the Forum, and having taken candles [(39)] he performed an act of worship, and put on the dibetesion and the campagia and the campotuba [(40)]. And from the Forum, proceeding on foot, he entered into Hagia Sophia with a litany and the precious cross, and having stood at the horologion, he was acclaimed by the two factions thus: “The public interest demands Nicephorus as Emperor. The laws await Nicephorus. The palace awaits Nicephorus; these are the prayers of the palace; these are the petitions [(41)] of the army; these are the prayers of the senate; these are the prayers of the people; Nicephorus...”

the common good, is awaited by the whole world. Nicephorus is awaited by the army. Nicephorus, the common glory, is awaited. Nicephorus, the common good, let him reign. Hear us, O God, we beseech you; hear us, O God. May life attend Nicephorus. Nicephorus Augustus, you are pious, you are Augustus and venerable. God has given you; God will protect you. You who honor Christ always conquer; for many long years may Nicephorus live and reign. May God protect the Christian empire.” ^A After these things were finished, having entered within the Ωραία gate into the metatorium, he changed his tzitzakion and entered into the narthex; and in the great imperial door, having taken up the fatlia [or small candle] handed to him by the praepositus, he performed an adoration; and having been uncovered, he entered with the patriarch through the middle of the temple and, having come past the right side of the ambon and the solea to the holy doors, he there took up the fatlia handed to him by the praepositus, performed an adoration, and turning alongside the patriarch, he went up from the front of the bema to the ambon, and the patriarch having said the prayer over the chlamys and having delivered it to those of the cubiculum, they clothed the king with it. Similarly ^B

CHAPTER XCVII.

Regarding the promotion of the prohedros or president of the entire senate.

^A tunic with gold stripes, and a purple belt set with gems, and a white chlamys around it.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY

(46) It seems better to look to the color than the material. A purple belt, dyed in purple, not made from the wool of the pinna-mussel. For though purple-dyed things and those prepared from sea-wool—however different the objects—were both equally termed "purple" [alourge], being prepared from products of the sea. Purple could color cloths of any material—wool, silk, etc. Cloths made from sea-wool could receive any color. Basil well distinguished in his homily On the Rich (as far as I gather from the passage, which I am not permitted to examine in context, for I owe it to Du Cange’s Glossarium Graecum, s.v. Pinna) that "what comes from the sea and the murex," that is, purple or the shellfish, yields burning colors coming from the sea, whereas "the pinna, beyond what is derived from the wool of sheep, provides wools" that surpass the wool of sheep; the shellfish provides colors not only purple, but also others, blue and yellow, but it does not provide wool. The pinna, however, is another kind of shellfish; it indeed yields wool, but not colors. Asterius, however, took the pinna for the shellfish and attributed to it a yellow, or rather a dilute reddish-purple juice (in Du Cange, loc. cit.): "Fishermen dye the golden-colored wools, hunting for the yellow pinna." That is, fishermen dye wools with the yellow blood of caught pinnæ. Salmasius dealt at length with the pinna and the pinna-fleece or sea-wool in his notes to Tertullian, p. 175 ff. And yet it is not useless to record what Keisler reports about the pinna and its fleece and the textile material prepared from it in his *Itinerario Italico*, p. 744: "I must mention here a curious manufacture which is in vogue especially at Taranto and Reggio, and for which the fibers or a kind of hair and wool found in a certain sort of mussel have given occasion. For people have learned to clean and prepare these in such a way that camisoles, caps, stockings, and shoes are knitted and made from them, which hold warmth better than wool. They do not reach the softness and fineness of silk, yet they always retain a peculiar luster. The natural color of this mussel tends toward olive-green. The mussel that produces such things is found frequently also around the islands of Malta, Corsica, and Sardinia; indeed, even in the Gulf of Venice I have encountered some of this kind, on which, however, the rough 'mother,' which one can compare somewhat to a tender moss, was rarely to be found." The same author writes on p. 918: "The largest of the mussels of this region (he speaks of the Ancona tract) are the *pinnae* or *pernae*, which latter name they have received from their shape, which resembles a ham. The outermost part of their shells is red, and at their pointed end a sea-byssus grows or attaches itself, which is sometimes four to six inches long."

(47) Since a large part of our codex is consumed in the description of garments, some commonly unknown and entirely new, others indeed known but not sufficiently clearly understood, I have considered it not useless if I were to dwell a little more diligently in illustrating this very obscure part of antiquity. People, therefore—surely the more respectable of those times in which our codex lingers—wore three main garments, of which the rest may be seen as either accessories or various forms. The outer one was the chlamys, a Roman, not a Greek, garment; the second was the superior chiton, which they otherwise call *chlanis*; and the third was the inferior chiton, properly and strictly called *chiton*, also named *sticharion*. The chlamys was a Roman cloak (for the Greek one was shaped differently) accustomed to be worn over the other garments, not of a certain length. It was fastened by a brooch on the right shoulder, or very close to it, never in the middle of the chest, ^B usually flowing down to the knees, ample and freely extended. Sometimes, however, it hung down to the ankles, as in the image of Justinian at Ravenna, which Alemannus produced in his notes on Procopius, p. 73. This cloak seems to be the *sagomation* of the Etymologicum Magnum, which would serve the purpose of a *sagum* or *saccus* and yet have the form of a mantle. A mantle was indeed very ample and dropped to the ground. A *sagum* was not so, as it belonged properly only to the knees or the middle of the thighs. See the note on p. 285. This is properly the chlamys, and it was a garment in the 5th century and thereafter, for military toggery as well as for the toga, after the toga went out of fashion. I have also seen in ancient images a third, very short kind of chlamys, which ended at the joint of the shoulder and the elbow, different from a *colobium* in that the *colobium* was open on the chest, whereas the chlamys was only open on the right side, so that it allowed the right shoulder to be bared, while hiding the left. I seem to myself to see an image of the chlamys, the *sagum*, and the chiton in the *Menologium Basilianum*, vol. I, p. 63, in the depiction of St. John the Baptist made according to the fashion of the Middle Ages. There is also the chlamys, in which Nicephorus Botoniates is seen dressed in the image prefaced to our *Ceremoniale*. For through its opening, the entire right shoulder appears along with the right sleeve of the chiton and almost the whole chiton itself. The left hand, however, appears alone, protruding through the raised chlamys. In the part where the hems of the right and left sides met, there was sewn or woven onto the chlamys a panel, purple, golden, feathered, showing various images, especially ^C the protomai of princes, of whom the wearer might be a subject. They call these panels *tablia*, about which I will speak at greater length presently. The brooch of the chlamys was therefore on the right shoulder, under which the right shoulder was bared. This is established by many passages of authors, of which I will cite one, Nicetas, who, in bk. III of the life of Manuel, p. 71 at the end, describes a tournament instituted by that emperor and the Frankish prince of Antioch near that city, and says the emperor proceeded on horseback, "having donned a rather elegant chlamys, fastened around the right shoulder and leaving the right hand free in accordance with the brooch." *Chlanides* and *chitones* sometimes indeed also had brooches, but not always. For many of them were made according to our present-day fashion, so that nothing would be exposed between the side of the neck and the joint of the shoulder with the collarbones, but the whole cloth was continuous, and the sleeve held together with the garment itself. In some *chitones* or tunics, however, the cloth gaped on both sides, and a wide slit proceeded on both sides from the nipple of the breast all the way to the end of the shoulder. These double slits, therefore, had to be fastened with brooches. The brooches of the *chitones* therefore differed from the brooches of the chlamydes, in that the latter were always present and could never be absent, while the former were mostly absent, and further, the brooches of the chlamydes were always single, whereas those of the *chitones*, when present, were always paired. Finally, these remained hidden from view under the chlamys, unless someone proceeded *gymnos*, that is, merely in a tunic; the brooches of the chlamydes met the eyes and were the greatest ornament of the chlamys and the chief display of riches. For they were generally golden, elaborated with skillful workmanship, and encrusted with shining gems. Hence it is clear in the passage of Chrysostom, which Casaubon cites in *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 22, from the panegyric on Babylas, that for *chlanidos* one ought to read *chlamydos*. He describes there the imperial pomp and *eisia* or appearance: "Depict," he says, "him appearing majestic from his garments, and from the purple-dyed [clothing] and the stones scattered everywhere, according to the right [side], according to the joining of the chlamys [and] those from the diadem." Through

^A two gold-embroidered and ivy-leaf [(48)] small ones. They are given by the emperor in the Chrysotriclinos [(49)].

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY. Gems on the right hand can be understood as gems in finger-rings or armlets; they can also mean the gems of rings. Since the chlamys or *paludamentum* replaced the toga, and the succession and imitation of the toga, for example, the *lorum*, were used by very few and very rarely, the chlamys was in common use for all the nobility of both of the military services, at least in the times of Justinian the Great. For following that, the chlamys among the Latins was indeed for everyone of higher honor, but among the Greeks it was for the emperor alone, for whom the nobles used the *scaramangion*. Hence Themistius (p. 109 and p. 116) calls it a "military chlamys": "a soldier of the chlamys and the belt." Philostratus (p. 223) joins the love of the chlamys and the soldier's life. But it is also attributed to the nobles of the *togata* military service, and *pôrpe*, a fibula—that is to say, the chlamys, of which the fibula is a part—is placed as a sign of the function of every most splendid magistrate, urban or of the comitatenses. Plutarch (*Opusc.* p. 884): "That they might attain some good fortune of a horse or a brooch or something of the sort," that is, that they might attain some such happiness, meaning that they might become equites, senators, or other such things. Jerome [says] that in the palatine service, under the chlamys and the white linen, his body was worn by haircloth—that is, when he was first acting as a *candidatus* (protector of the prince) and later served having been promoted to more illustrious honors of the *comitatenses*. Cf. Agathias (p. 109), where he joins the ^B brooch and the chlamys as symbols of the kingdom: "It is necessary not to decorate this [city] with the brooch and with the chlamys and the externally appearing ornaments," [and signifies] the name (that is, of a kingdom). See Petavius on Themistius (p. 378). However, it was not permitted for priests to wear chlamydes. Hence, when the Roman pontiff wished to seize for himself the supreme power and its insignia, a donation had to be forged, in which he allowed himself and others outside the priesthood the chlamys, the scarlet tunic, and all the imperial ornaments. [Constantine, in the donation made to Sylvester, allows him a crown interwoven with gems, a shoulder-piece (epomis) which circles the neck, a purple chlamys, a scarlet tunic, horse-trappings with which royal horses are saddled, scepters, and the remaining ornaments of glory.]* A belt, ^C not a chlamys, constricted the tunic, and rarely did a chlamys go beyond the middle of the thigh. The chiton is properly a garment reaching to the feet, called a Dalmatica in the Middle Ages. The chlamys lacked sleeves, but the chiton usually had them, though there were also chitons without sleeves, called *colobia*, and *oistoi*, since they were slit in front and behind over both armpits up to the end of the shoulder, such as are to be seen everywhere in the Basilian Menologion, which taste of a higher antiquity. However, usually chitons of more recent institution were sleeved. Hence Luitprand calls the Greeks of his age "tunicators" and "sleeved" as a mockery. Hence also King Charles the Bald drew envy and reproach upon himself among his own people, because upon returning from Italy to Gaul he assumed new and unusual habits, as the *Annales Fuldenses* for the year 876 attest. What are those habits? For they proceed, they say, clad in a long tunic (Dalmatica) and girded with a belt, with the head wrapped in a silken veil. That which is recorded here as a long garment, the Dalmatica, is the chiton. It was tied with a single [belt]. In the age of Procopius, the factionaries in their chitons affected to wear sleeves tight at the wrist, but very wide at the shoulder, a custom which he amusingly ridicules in the *Anecdota* (p. 32)—which passage includes not a few things ^D illustrating the clothing of that age, of which I touch upon a part in my dissertation on hosiery at p. 416. I said above that the chlamys was a Roman garment, not a Greek one. The thing itself speaks and Themistius (p. 144) clearly confirms it: "O you who love beautiful bodies, you do not differ with regard to clothing, whether it be Greek or chlamydes." He contrasts chlamydes with Greek garments. Therefore, the chlamys was not in use among the ancient Greeks; therefore it is of foreign origin, Roman of course, the same as the *paludamentum*. For the old cloaks of the Greeks were very different from chlamydes. For they were open, being slit on both sides from the hem near the feet up to the joint of the shoulder on either side, so that both shoulders could be clearly bared, like the white *casulae* or *planetae* which our preachers still wear everywhere, called *Chorhembden* and *Chorröke*. Therefore their cloaks were *dichista* (split) and winged on either side, as much in front as behind, and they would fold back each edge, right and left, toward the neck and fasten them over the shoulders with pins or pierced brooches. | There is an old coin of Alexius in a long robe open at the right side, at which place he holds a *oistŏs*, as Du Cange says (*ad Joinvill.* p. 296). [It is] a long gown, which is a chlamys, the images of which one can see in the coin which I have placed before this ceremonial of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, as also in some of those coins which I have prefixed to the Leichian Dissertation on the life of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, and in almost all, especially the older Byzantine coins. I do not see, therefore, how I can agree with Du Cange, who confuses chlamydes and *clibania*. Namely, at *Joinvill.* p. 141, he calls the chlamys *habit des chevaliers*, and at *Alexiad.* p. 401, he interprets the phrase "with two chlamydes" as *avec deux colles d'armes*, that is to say with two soldiers, because it was permitted to no one but soldiers to wear a chlamys or cuirass. *[Charlemagne on festival days used to proceed adorned with a golden chlamys, golden greaves, and a golden crown, by which he imitated the Constantinopolitan emperors, such as Justinian, of whom Theophanes [speaks] (p. 146, 196), as appears from the Annales Fuldenses A. 876. He thinks, however, that the habits themselves were different, especially the *tetragona*, Du Cange p. 158t Diss. Joinvill.]* Square cloaks and chlamydes are very different. The former were Greek cloaks, *dichista*, but these were Roman cloaks or *paludamenta*. The proper time will come to treat of those square ones. One more thing must be said: what are the "chlamydes fixed over the shoulder and closed" in the Council of Angers (A. 1365), in the words: "neither chlamydes fixed over the shoulder, but closed, wide, long and decent." Those that are here called chlamydes "fixed over the shoulder" are those which a brooch held over the right shoulder. But the "closed" ones are those otherwise so-called *clocca*, which were round, after the fashion of a bell or *campana*, and were solid at the bottom with so much circumference, while they had a smaller opening at the top, through which the head...

[(48)] To the long dissertation placed here, which I was rushing to finish at the request of the printer and because of a shortage of paper, I decided to reserve for another place.

...derae, imitating ivy. For by an error of memory I named them *apium* (parsley) instead of *hedera* (ivy) in Latin. This word is in the history *msta* of Bertrand the Roman in Du Cange, v. Σειστός (*Seistos*): "Splendid pillar-like columns of reed-work and wall-marblings, which are played upon by ivy, vine-shoots and golden leaves of violets, lilies and roses." I have already noted in the preceding [pages] several times that the ancient Greeks and Romans wore flowered garments (which the Turks and all Orientals still preserve today), with various figures of leaves, clusters of grapes, flowers and other things, which figures they call *exempla* (patterns), interwoven.

BOOK I. CHAPTER II.

To the one being honored, who, having received these, falls down and kisses the imperial feet and knees, and rising, departs to the oratory of Saint Theodore, which is in the very Chrysotriclinos, and is clothed in these by the one in charge of the ceremonies, in the presence also of the praepositos (who, along with others, had earlier brought him before the emperor, clothed in a skaramangion, a torque, and a katakoilion, through the veil of the silver doors, while the senate was standing in the same triclinos in their changes of clothing, and the emperor was wearing the stemma), and after being clothed, he is led out by them, and again kisses the feet of the master and his knees; and giving thanks, he stands in the middle. And the senate also approaches, giving thanks to the master, and departs in its own order. And then thus the one honored is led up by the praepositos above the magistroi, and the nod is given, and he goes out with the senate, and is kissed by it, and goes away to Hagia Sophia, wearing these. And being escorted by the one in charge of the ceremonies and by the primikerios of the bedchamber and by the silentiarii, passing through the Chalke and being lauded by the two factions, just as the patrikioi are, and receiving a prayer from the patriarch ...

819 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 820

to the linen-keepers. Proceeding there, while he passes through the Chalke, he departs to his house, being acclaimed and received with favorable shouts by both factions, just as the patricians are accustomed to be received; finally, in the Great Church itself, he receives a blessing from the patriarch, and departs at last to his house under the joyful voices and praises of the factions. The magistri and patricians follow him, as many as wish, and having been received by him at a banquet, they depart again. From that time, proceeding on common and working days, he puts on in the house of St. Stephen, which is in the circus, a skaramangion...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...can hardly be clearly conveyed by words alone, and we are ignorant of many things regarding the art of dyeing, and the ancients also did not always assign the same names to the same things; often one can do nothing else than use conjecture in explaining such matters. I, indeed, in this place do not know whether *oxu* should be taken for violet or for sharp. If the former, it should be written *oxuprasinotriblatton* as one word, if it were a garment in which threads lay alternately, now violet, now green. If the latter, it would be a garment of leek-green, but of a vivid and burning color. Furthermore, what *triblatton* may have been is no more clear. For it can be thrice-dyed and it can also be triple-woven. If the former, it is necessary that it be a very strong and very saturated color; for the more often the threads were dyed, the more deeply they imbibed the color, so that it could not be erased or worn away. If, however, the latter, they would be of any color, whether violet or green, each thread twisted from three thinner threads. The former interpretation is favored by Peter Damian, who says that that silk pallium, which was of three colors, is called *triblatton*. Du Cange has a place for this, s.v. *Triblathum*. The expression "three colors" does not indicate three different colors in one cloth, but three dyeings, the immersion of the cloth into the dye-vat repeated three times. This is clear from our passage here, in which either one color, leek-green, or at most two, violet and leek-green, and no more, are attributed to the *triblatton*.

...may have said better. I, indeed, see nothing here, except this one thing, that *rhoēsion* is so called from the red color.

...pertains, and I have fluctuated for a long time. Indeed, at the beginning I had translated: "Having entered there and being surrounded by the acolyte, so that he might return to the prohedros," in which case it should be read *oxikeuomenon* in the accusative: then I changed it, not knowing if it was the best counsel. I fear, however, that, as happened to me elsewhere, I may have seized upon a worse reading for a better one, deceived by a corrupt text.

...of the Latins, who are accustomed to be called Varangians, and who were deputed to the guard of the sacred body, carried axes; see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* s.v., and ad Cinnam. p. 441. Varangians or English among the bodyguards of the Greek emperor. DC. ad Villehard. p. 296. Concerning the etymology of the word, see Bayer, t. IV, *Comment. Academ. Petropolit.*] Whether they are English or Franks is disputed. For me, there is no doubt that Franks and Varangians and Waragi are the same. Abulfeda in his *Geography*, after the sea which is either of Burdulia, that is, Old Castile, or of Bordila, that is, Bordeaux (see Du Cange s.v. *Pastorelli*), lists as the next and continuous sea, the sea of the Waragi. It is clear that this is the Frankish sea, called by us today the German [Sea], extending from Aquitaine all the way to Norway. That the Franks came from the north, and passed in part into England together with the Saxons in the fifth century, is known. Whence it can easily be reconciled that the Varangians are Franks, and yet are said by Codinus to be English and to speak English. The name of the Franks was once pronounced Feranki and Faranki. (See Barth. ad Guilielmi Briton. Philipp. I, 114, p. 28, and Du Cange s.v. *Feranci*.) Concerning the etymological reason for the name of the Franks, opinions differ, which I will not dwell on listing; however, I will set forth that which seems more probable to me. First, indeed, it should not seem improbable and disturb our case that we have *b* and *f* promiscuously, and say that those whom we today and in the past called Franks are the same as the Varangians and likewise the Waragi. For, e.g., those whom we today call Wallachians, the Greeks call *Blayzous* or *Blachous*, the Arabs, *Aflak*. Then, this also is the same, whether you pronounce it Waragus or Warangus. Both are correct, whether by the custom of the Greeks or by etymology. The Greeks are accustomed to interpose *n* in the names of peoples and others. As, in the example I was just citing, they call them *Blayzous*, whom others and they themselves call *Blachos*; likewise, those who are properly Ugri, the Greeks and we, following their example, call Ungri, Ungari. Just as we today end names of quality not only in *-ich* or *-ig*, but also in *-ing*, so also the ancient Germans or Franks, in their own custom, ended them not only in *-ag* and *-eg*, but also in *-ang* and *-eng*. For *gryseus* (greusig) they said *grysengus*, see Du Cange s.v.; so also for *wehrig* they said *warag* and *wareg* and *warang* and *wareng*. As we say *Jüngling* for one who is a youth, *Zwilling* for one who is a twin, *Edeling* for a noble, etc., so with the best right, although usage does not support it, we could say *Wehring* for a tutelary man, a protector. And that this was also in use in the past is proven by the name Beringer, Berengarius, which is nothing other than *Varangus*, a protector. In daily use there is still today the word *Wehre*, guardianship, protection. *Sich zur Wehr stellen*, to prepare oneself to defend oneself. Hence *war* to the English and *guerre* to the Franks is nothing other than our *Wehre*, to fight for hearth and home; we say *wehren* for to ward off from us, to remove, to put to flight. In this sense, the Varangians would be *hoi aposobountes*, those who push away the crowd, who put attackers to flight. Or they could have been called so because they lived only by war and went outside their country to serve as mercenaries. "Warings," says Du Cange s.v. *Gravaringus*, "the English call soldiers, a word, as it seems, derived from *werra*; to us they are called *hommes de guerre*." See Du Cange s.v. *Warantus*. These Varangians or Franks, that is, protectors, lived in the guard-posts or the station of the guards. Zonaras in *Alexius*: "The Varangians, having taken the path in the excubita, where their residence is." They carried rhomphaiai and battle-axes on their shoulders, or also had battle-axes hanging at their thigh; see our p. 302; and Psellus understands these in his *History* (apud Du Cange s.v. *Rhomphaia*), when he says that Theodora was surrounded with other protectors by those who balanced heavy iron battle-axes from their shoulders: "A great multitude stood around her outside... some girt with swords, others brandished heavy-iron rhomphaiai from their shoulders, others held spears, standing in order." Not only did the Varangians serve in the palace, but also in the provinces. Scylitzes in *Monomachus* places Franks and Varangians in Iberia and Chaldia: "The emperor, having summoned the acolyte Michael from the West [therefore he had been stationed until now with his cohort in Magna Graecia or in Dalmatia]..."

COMMENTARY.

(53) Since matters pertaining to clothing and colors... (54) What these words mean, others may have said better than I. (55) It is doubtful whether it refers to the prohedros or to the drungarius. (56) The acolyte was the master of those soldiers...

821 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. 822

...the drungarios of the vigila and the magistroi and the judges sitting in the hippodrome meet him, and they greet him, and are greeted in return by him. Then he enters through the scyla, and is met at the beginning of the Justinian triclinium by the silentiarii and the admissionalis, and from there by those of the cubiculum, then in the middle of the same triclinium by the protospatharioi and the spatharocandidatoi and the others, and he is greeted by them, and he greets them in return. Then he enters into the lausiakos, and is met by the praepositus and the hetaireiarches and the other senators. (He does the same thing also when he is met by the praepositus of the patriarch. Likewise he does the same thing also with the primicerius of the cubiculum together with the primicerioi of the ostiarii.) And he sits before the magistroi and praepositi, and entering to the emperor, just as the praepositus did in the old days, he enters immediately, being honored by all. On feast days, wearing the changes of clothing he received, along with the campagia and the purple-dyed campotouba, he proceeds in front of the emperor. In the equestrian processions, the two-wheeled golden sticharion and sagion (57)...

[VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...he sends to Iberia. Having arrived there, and having gathered the Franks and Varangians scattered in both Chaldia and Iberia, he hastened to prevent the Sultan in the manner mentioned. That the Varangians also went on military expeditions which the Greeks undertook is also confirmed by the Chronicle of Cassino II, 37, p. 373, where the Greeks are said to have claimed Apulia and Calabria for themselves, having associated the Danes, Russians, and Gualanni to their aid. The Danes and Gualanni are of the same origin. For it is thought that the Varangians came from Denmark into England. But the Gualanni and Varangians are the same. "Gu" was formerly pronounced like "W," likewise "nn" like "ng," and "l" was often used to substitute for the letter "r"; thus, therefore, the Gualanni and Varangians differ almost not at all in sound. Not only did the emperor have Varangians as his bodyguards and perpetual companions, but the nobles also had them—if not true ones, then certainly Greeks dressed and armed in the manner of Varangians; just as today we call the attendants whom our magnates maintain "Heiducks," even if they are Germans by nation, yet composed in the manner of Heiducks. Schol. Basilic. to I. LX, p. 695: "In the days of the emperor Alexios Komnenos, a Varangian senator killed another Varangian senator." This is a senatorial Varangian, who belonged to some senator and served him. Therefore, the master of these imperial Varangians was called by a special name, not indeed a native one, but a Greek one fashioned after a native one. For they called themselves by a native name and were cited by their own as *Folgher*, that is, companion, follower, attendant, *akolouthos*. The German word is *folgher* and *folgheres*, that is, *folger*, *folgerer*, as they called those in the Middle Ages who serve others, as Bracton says, I III, tract. 2, c. 10. I will append his passage from Du Cange, v. *Fulgare*: "all who hold land and a house, who are called *Husfastene* [Hansfeste, angesessene], and also others who serve others, who are called *folgheres*, that is, servants, appearing in service, following the master wherever he goes, accompanying him, and not departing from his side." That word still remains in the English language, *fellow*. For *fellow* and *fellower* is the same as *fellog* and *felloger*. In general, indeed, all the Varangians serving in the palace militia were *folgheres* or *acoluthoi*; but as it was customary for that court to call the master and head of any military *tagma* by excellence by that name which belonged to each individual soldier; as, for example, *bicanatum* for the prefect of the *bicanaloi*, *excubitum*, *ploimum*, *periusium*, etc., for the prefect of the *excubitores*, *ploimoi*, *periusia*: so also they called him who presided over the *tagma* of the *acoluthoi* the *acoluthos* by excellence. For the Varangians themselves called themselves *fellows*, *folgherer*, *acoluthoi*. Rhamnusius, book II, on the Constantinopolitan war, p. 87, 1, undoubtedly understands these Varangians, praising the *Macherophoroi*, because the guard, commonly called *Griffones* by the Greeks, recruited from the English and Danes according to the ancient custom of the Greek Caesars, was on duty. I have found nothing anywhere about the *Griffones*. It seems, however, that he had Villehardouin as his author. *Sagion*, moreover, like *chlanis*, is a cloak or a shorter outer tunic; I believe it is sufficiently clear that *sagion* and *chlanis* are the same from a comparison of our Ceremonial p. 6 with p. 313. *Sticharion* and *stichtum*, likewise *stigium* (thus the same word is written in different ways), as also *stica*, is usually rendered in Latin as *strictorium*. It is easy from this to investigate its etymology. It is a diminutive according to another primary diminutive, meaning the same thing, *stichion*. This comes from *stizein*, *sticho*, to go around in a circle, and this from *stao*. From its future *steso*, I will place, comes *stizo*, as from *oiesomai* comes *dizomai*, which Moschus uses in *Europa* v. 8, and many others; Nicetas, a seeker of rare and poetic words, has *chryson stizonta*, gold surrounding or encircling, p. 41, concerning a certain German Amazon: "Who, because of the gold encircling and running around the hems of her garment, was nicknamed *chrysopous*." From this are formed the verbs *apostizein*, to place apart, and *peristizein*, to place in a circle, to clothe. Moschus uses the former in *Oarista* v. 54: "Alas, alas, and did you remove the mitra?" it is correctly translated "did you remove the mitra (the *epimazion*?)" and it was undeservedly viewed with suspicion by great men, Scaliger and Casaubon. Herodotus uses the other verb, *peristizein*...

(57) *Sticharion* is an inner, ankle-length tunic...

823 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 824 the emperor, or to be crowned, he is with him. The acclamations of the factions: "Many years to the emperor; may the years of the emperor, the autocrat, be many. May the years of the most fortunate Caesar, [Name], be many. Welcome, most illustrious president of the senate; welcome, you who have shown yourself a faithful servant and friend of the emperor; welcome. Beloved by the God-crowned emperor; welcome, beloved by the most fortunate Caesar; welcome, beloved by the senate; welcome, beloved by all the people. Glory to God who has glorified the master; glory to God who has magnified the most fortunate Caesar (58); glory to God who has honored you, president of the senate; glory to God, the only King, who promotes the worthy as they deserve, and who has honored you, [Name], with the most illustrious dignity of president. Welcome, offspring of a benefactor; welcome, noble by ancestry; welcome to the people who love you; the master has loved you worthily, as you are pure and deserving. But may the Creator and Master of all protect you, most illustrious president of the senate, for a multitude of years. May God grant long life to the sovereign, to those [who are]... (59), and likewise to the patricians."

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ... [The text discusses the etymology and usage of the word *peristizo* and related terms, citing examples from Sophocles and other classical sources.] ...

(58) The title "most fortunate" was also proper to the Caesar; see pages 132 and 264. It is found in the formulas of epistolary salutations edited by Habert: "As the metropolitan writes to the master, the son of the emperor: 'I boldly report to your imperial majesty, most fortunate master.'"

(59) I had to fill in the termination of this word, which was written in the manuscripts as an abbreviation, which I was unable to decipher. For what I have provided in the Latin is not an interpretation of the word, but was placed there so that I would not say nothing at all, and so that I would not leave a lacuna. The sense of the passage seemed to at least allow, if not demand, it. Those who would express that abbreviation had no tin type in their printing cases. Therefore, I had to resort to dots. This word was written in the codex in such a way that an 'a' stood above it, and to it was joined that abbreviation of writing which usually designates the termination -kos, -k, -kon, -kous, etc., for the Greek scribes, and it approaches the shape of the letter 's' very closely. It is that same figure for which James Gronovius, in the beginning of his preface to Herodotus, rebukes Thomas Smith in his usual harsh manner for not having perceived it in the letters of Ignatius. He was, of course, very ignorant and an idiot, who did not remember that *pneumati* is the same as *pneumatikos*. Now let the more learned see what they can make of *apelte*. I, for my part, extract absolutely nothing, having used somewhat better fortune on page 322, where the membranes also bore this very figure in the word *anthrakia*, which I could not persuade myself was anything other than *anthrax*.

APPENDIX TO THE FIRST BOOK.

CONSTANTINE IMP. PORPHYROGENITUS.

PRECEPTS FOR THE ROMAN EMPEROR WHEN HE IS PLANNING A WAR, SETTING OUT FOR THE CAMP, STAYING IN THE CAMP, ENTERING HOSTILE TERRITORY, AND RETURNING THENCE WITH VICTORY TO THE CITY,

Things to be observed,

Together with an exposition concerning his retinue, saddle-horses, baggage-animals, food, drink, clothing and culinary equipment, military watches, donatives, and other matters.

TO HIS SON, THE EMPEROR ROMANUS PORPHYROGENITUS.

^A An exposition on the nature of the military expeditions which emperors make, with a commemoration of the stations where they are accustomed to pitch camp.

The *aplikta* (or stations) are as follows: the first *aplikton* is at Malagina; the second is Dorylaion; the third is at Caborcium; the fourth is at Colonia; the fifth is at Caesarea; the sixth is in the Armeniac theme at Dasimon. ^B When the *strategos* of the Thracesians and the *strategos* of the Anatolics are obliged to meet the Emperor at Malagina. The Domestic of the Schools, the *strategos* of the Anatolics, and the *strategos* of Seleucia are obliged to meet the Emperor at Caborcium. Whenever an expedition is directed against Tarsus, all the themes are obliged to gather at Colonia, but if it is directed toward the parts of the East, they are obliged to meet...

JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS' COMMENTARY

^A ...military, to manage it, to lead it—namely, that which is done daily, for the sake of demonstrating the dexterity of the soldiers in handling arms and dividing the watches. But for the most part, this word denotes the armed procession of soldiers into camp against the enemy, and their stay in battle-array and in arms—that is, a military expedition.

^B ...Aplictum or applicatum, as *explekton*... for 'explicitum' or 'explicatum'. They call every place at which one arrives, and in which one rests, an 'aplictum' or 'applicatum'—a station or mansion.

^C ...look toward the Hyrcanian [Sea], or in a specific sense were once called so by the Greeks, as well as by the Arabs themselves, the parts by the Euphrates—occasionally also those parts situated by the Tigris; which I have demonstrated in many places in the notes to the *History of Abulfeda*, and it is also understood from Assemani’s ^C *Bibliotheca Orientalis*. Here, one should not think of Anatolia, a tract of Asia Minor comprising Lydia and Ionia (whose leader in this very place is called the *strategos* of the Anatolics). Although it is the place for illustrating these geographical matters, the necessary apparatus for this is not at hand; wherefore I shall touch upon only a few things. The Gates are confused...

not with those Gates which Manuel Comnenus built a long time later and so named, as testified by Cinnamus p. 35. Malagina, Μαλάγινα. Μαλάγνα, Μελάγγινα is a town near Olympus, a mountain of Mysia; see Du Cange, *Alexiad*, p. 411. The Nubian Geographer mentions it, p. 287. Concerning Dorylæum, see Wesseling on the *Itinerarium Antonini Augusti*, p. 203. Regarding Caboricus I find absolutely nothing. Colonia is the Armenian Colonia, concerning which see Wesseling on Hierocles’ *Synecdemus*, p. 703, and Du Cange, *Alexiad*, p. 386. Perhaps it is in the Nubian Geographer. The Caesarea mentioned here is the one in Cappadocia, also praised by Abulfeda. The Armeniaci are a certain theme or province. One should read Constantine’s booklet *De Thematibus Orientis* concerning all these matters. Touching on Seleucia of Isauria, see Wesseling, *loc. cit.*, p. 708. ^B [Concerning the Bucellarii, authors are cited in Labbe’s *Olympiodori Eclogae*, p. 90.] Cf. Fabrott’s *Glossarium Cedrenianum*, Du Cange’s both Glossaries, and Goar on Cedrenus, p. 721. Sebastia is the city well-known among the Arabs as Siwas. Tephrice appears entirely to be either the city of Tebris itself, or to have been its territory in times past. Ὁ βαθὺς Ῥύαξ is a town so named in the Armeniac theme, concerning which see Du Cange, *Alexiad*, p. 340, at the end. Ῥύακαι is from the manuscripts for ῥύακα, as one should read.

[...the Bucellarius to Colonia, the Armeniacus, the Paphlagonian, and the one from Sebastia to Caesarea. When the Armeniac ^A themes are required to be gathered together at Tephrice, at the Deep Torrent (Bathys Rhyax). When there is a dispute by the themes at Bathys Rhyax, or the deep torrent, a city so named. Things to note when the emperor prepares for an expedition.

Constantine the Great, if ever he meditated a military expedition in his mind, would consult those whom he knew to be learned by experience in proposing these questions and able to satisfy him: namely, where and when it was necessary to prepare for war. Having discovered through that consultation the place and the time for waging war, he would inquire furthermore if there were others who possessed knowledge of these things he wished to know, especially from very recent experience. Having found such men after a diligent investigation, he would gather them together; questioning each one separately and apart, he would ask ^B how great was the extent of the road leading away from the inhabited lands to this country, and what sort it was, and whether there was one road or many that led into it; and whether the regions to be traveled along the road were without water or well-watered, and then what kind of road it was—narrow, and precipitous, and dangerous—and what kind was wide and easy to cross, and whether there was any great river along the road that did not admit of a crossing. Then he would ask about that country itself, how many fortresses it had, and which of these were fortified and which unfortified, and which were populous.

^C ...of regions in which war is waged, he must have very fully inscribed, so that he may learn not only the number of paces of the intervals between places, but also the qualities of the roads, shortcuts, side-paths, mountains, and rivers described faithfully. Hence originated the maps, such as the one called Peutingerian, the *Notitia Imperii*, and the Itineraries, as the Antonine is called, concerning which see Chapter 2 of the learned dissertation of the illustrious Franciscus Christophorus a Scheyb on the Peutingerian map, which he himself published at Vienna in Austria in this very year, faithfully rendered into copper from the very parchments. In this our *Ceremonial* there exist as well two specimens of such itinerary maps, specifically on p. 283; the stations of the beacons and lanterns are named, by which in a short time the incursion of the Saracens into Roman soil was drawn forth and reported to Constantinople; ^D another specimen of such maps is in Book 2, at the end of Chapter 45, titled *Stadiodromikon*. The *Notitiae episcopatuum* also pertain here, concerning which we shall speak at the end of Book 2.

(6) I have given in Latin from the *Orbis Romanus*, i.e., from the edition of the Romans or Greeks. For the Greeks of those times called themselves Romans. Properly, "inhabited lands" are defined as inhabited places. For whatever is not of Roman domain, even if it abounds in men and culture, yet to the Greeks it is called "the desert" and "the uninhabited," since it is not permitted for them to live and move there in safety. In this sense is to be understood the word *ta anoikēta* ("the uninhabited") a little later in this *Tactician* of his, p. 262. Likewise, the ancients called it "the desert" (*tēn erēmon*), wherever anyone was deserted by his friends; see Diogenes Laertius, p. 359. In this sense *erēmos* is read in Euripides’ *Rhesus* 214; *erēmos chōros* there is "hostile soil." Also in Socrates’ *Ecclesiastical History* 1.18, *topoi erēmotatoi* is "the midst of barbarism," the center of the enemy’s domain, where there is a total lack of friends. Socrates says there that Constantine the Great had prepared for himself a camp church, which he would take with him on the Persian expedition *hina echē kata tous erēmotatous topous euktērion eutrepismenon* ("so that he might have a chapel prepared in the most desert places"). In the same way is to be understood Balsamon, *Responsio* 13, when he calls the camp clergy *tous meta tōn autokratōrōn klērikous hepomenous eis pediadas erēmous* ("the clergy accompanying the emperors into desert plains"), that is, those who follow the emperors into desert, i.e., hostile, campaigns. Hence is to be emended Epictetus in Arrian, *Diss.* 1.24.143, v. 11, Cantab. edition: *kai nyn hēmeis ge eis tēn erēmēn kataskopon pempomen* ("And now we send a scout into the desert," as it is published there, *non eis tēn Rōmēn*, i.e., "not to Rome," we send a scout into the desert, i.e., into hostile soil). In like manner as the Greek writers who flourished under the Roman empire called everything that was not under Roman law *erēmon* ("desert"), and whatever was under it *tēn oikoumenēn* ("the inhabited world") or *ta oikoumena* ("the inhabited lands"), so the Attic writers called everything that was under Attic rule *tēn oikoumenēn*. Lycurgus, *Oratio adversus Leocratem*, p. 178 (in *Oratores Graeci minores*, Hanover edition).

^A And what kind of roads are they, and are they passable? Is there a great river along the way that offers no ford? Furthermore, he would inquire about that region itself: how many fortified camps it has and which of them are strong and which otherwise; which abound in a multitude of men and which, conversely, have few inhabitants; how much distance lies between each of them; how the adjacent regions are situated; are they vast, or small and confined; is the soil level or uneven, grass-bearing or dry and barren? (This he would inquire about with his mind intent upon the horses and their fodder.) Furthermore, he would ask what sort of people dwell in the vicinity of those camps, and if they are capable of coming to the aid of the camps in time of war, and from what distance; when they are ready for an expedition, and when, conversely, they are wandering and scattered, resting on their own lands and unready for war; where and at what time they are accustomed to gather for battle, or if they never embark on an expedition, having renounced war and always remaining in their own territory. He would inquire about these same things at the same time regarding other regions as well, so that no one might know precisely into which region he had decided to lead his forces. For it often happened that, having been informed by such men, the enemies protected their own ^B or even prepared themselves for battle. Having asked and learned all these things, he would permit them to give him in writing the *aplekta* [encampments] and the distances between them, and how much of that populace they are able to contain. Having learned from all these answers that the road was free of danger, and that the outcome of the expedition was feasible, and that the expedition was glorious and worthy of the Emperor’s presence, and that the place either does not admit an alliance, or if it does, it does not admit it at the specific time when they intend to campaign, he would keep with him those who taught him these things, to remind him and instruct him in what was lacking. He would take upon himself the care of the expedition, and first of all he would entrust to the generals these headings: first, to fortify and secure the camps; second, to station suitable men in the region, so that if it happens that ^C enemies come upon that region, they themselves might drive out the population and bring them into the fortifications; third, to equip the army with what is necessary and urgent regarding both arms and horses; fourth, to secure the guard posts, so that they might make haste to learn the movements of the enemies and report them; fifth, to be prepared even regarding bridges where the army intends to cross, and where the river has no ford; sixth, to command the civil officials to lodge those of the soldiers who remain behind, for a certain amount of time while they are marching on the expedition, and after they have dismissed the population, to hide [the rest].

emperor himself, having determined the time of the expedition by himself and having calculated the cost and other imperial needs for that time, would instruct the sakellarios, the protobestiarios, the minsourator, and the domestikos of the hypourgia, each according to his own service, to reckon up the loads at the appointed time, how many pack-animals there are, and to inform him of their number. Having received the number of the pack-animals and having taken an additional number for those that go lame and those that are hobbled, he would instruct the count of the stable and the logothete of the herds to establish the number of the pack-animals, and also of the imperial riding-horses and certain other horses, as many as he wished to give for the movement to those he ordered, ^B likewise also along the road, for instance, to soldiers, refugees, officials, and the like. Having arranged all these things, he would appoint his representative in the city and would give him these instructions, and also along the road, for instance, to soldiers, refugees, officials, and the like. And having managed all these things, he would command his representative in the city, and would give him these instructions ^C likewise and for the road, for instance, to soldiers, refugees, officials and the like. And having managed all these things, he used to appoint his representative in the city, and give him these instructions.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(...) Diodorus Siculus uses it. Polybius also is to be corrected here, p. 157, ed. Gron., and *an- ebalen* is to be put back there instead of the vulgate *epebalen*: Polyaenus, p. 501, has *diaballein*, instead of transporting by ships from one region to another. ^D ... The ancients called the *mensor* the one whose task it was to go ahead of the camp and to inspect and mark out a suitable place for measuring, and to provide lodgings for the prince and his companions and to write the name of the future guest on the doorposts; see Gutherius, p. 427, Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 497, Du Cange s.v. *Mensor* and *Mintokratôr*.

Athenaeus, p. 172, and this is proved by the testimony of Menander, to whom he adds these things on his own account: that the matters of the *hypourgia* were distinct, the *demiourgoi* being concerned with pastries, and the *opsartytike* with cooks; whence it is clear that the term *hypourgia* already in the age of Athenaeus signified every attention, etc., regarding triclinia and the preparation of foods.

Eginhart, p. 218. *Sagmarii* horses or *saumarii* are those burdened with packs. Ditmar, p. 59. *Sagmaria* in this Tactic are generally taken for pack-mules; see Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. 2, p. 437, n. 3.

... and this from *skondylizein*. For often the initial *sigma* of the words is omitted, as I will demonstrate at p. 265. Often also the *lambda* passes into *rho* and the vowel is excised. Moreover, *skondylizein* denotes the same as *ekspondylizein*, to slip out of the vertebrae, to break necks, to dislocate oneself. In this sense it exists in Callisthenes, in the Ms of the *Life of Alexander the Great*: "And after two turns the right horse of Nicolaus dislocates (skondylizei)." But I do not doubt that the word is Arabic. See my notes on Abulfeda. The Greeks transferred this word, like many others, from the Arabs, as being their neighbors, and gave it the rights of their own language. Du Cange, at *Apokontourizein*, explains it as "to throw from a horse," p. 732, *Glossarium Graecum*. Regarding the passage of the Neo-Greek writer whom he cites as a witness, since it is placed outside of the connection and not knowing this dialect, I am not able to judge. Perhaps the learned man derived that word from *kontoros*, a sturdy, thick, carriage, pack-animal. Nothing else is the *kontouros* than the *kantharos* of the ancients, whence *kanthilios*.

... *hypourgia*... Properly it is service. But just as the Franks say *service* for triclinial furniture, which serves for setting and taking food and drink, so also to the new Greeks *hypourgia* and to the new Latins *ministerium* is likewise triclinial furniture. When therefore it is said "...domesticus or prefect of the ministry," it signifies him to whose care and trust the triclinial furniture is committed and consequently also the one who ministers it, brings it in, takes it out, prepares foods and drinks, and waits upon them. Hence *hypourgein* or *hyperetein* is to serve at the table, to offer dishes, to take them away; and *hypereteisthai* is to receive food and drink ministered by attendants, as in Theophanes, p. 42: "Look at the vessels in which the son of Maria is waited upon." For it is to be read thus there. *Notarios tes hypourgias* is the notary of the triclinial ministry in Leo Grammaticus, p. 496, where, in the passage *pepharmagmenōn*, *pepragmenōn* is to be restored from the text after Theophanes, p. 245. In our author, p. 261, *hē chreia tēs basilikēs hyperesias*, the indigence of the royal ministry, is that which is required for serving, i.e., to set food for the king, or that which is required so that the king may serve or set [it] for others; in a word, those things for which there is need and use in the royal banquet. That ancient use of the word *ministerium* is what I said. Lampridius in *Alex. Severus*: "the weight of his ministry never exceeded two hundred pounds of silver"; see Salmasius, vol. 1 *Scr. Hist. Aug.*, p. 984, Du Cange s.v. *Ministerium* and *Servire*. *Ministrare* for the Latins is to provide food. Paulus Longobardus VI, 35: "Charlemagne, when embassies of foreign nations came to him... lest they should plot against the munificence of Italy, he never used to minister costly wines or the delights of other things." The meaning of the word *demiourgos* is not much different, being stricter, which signified him or her, who made pastries. "Those who made pastries and cakes, the ancients called *demiourgoi*," he says.

But the new little Greeks bring forward a trifling etymology from *kontos* and *oura*, as if only beasts with mutilated tails were called that. It is helpful on this occasion to explain another word, by which the new Greeks signify the death of a beast; namely, *plantazein*. Du Cange has examples s.v. *Platan*. For *plantazein* is exactly the same as *plattazein* and *platagizein*, to crack, to break apart with a crack. As the Latins of the Middle Ages put *crepare* and the Franks from there *créver* for to be broken, to perish, so also the Greeks [use] *plantazein*, with which the German *platzen* agrees. Rightly therefore some codices of Nicetas Choniates exhibit *plantaxantōn*, where others [exhibit] *lakēsantōn*. *Lakein* and *platagizein* are exactly the same. The words of Nicetas are these: "Many however, even unarmed and on foot, returned to the camp, with the *plantaxantōn* of their vehicles by the intensity of the run."

^A to count the people, as many as are under the divisions of the city and as many as are under the prefect, and to predetermine by himself in what part each of these bodies will guard the city in a time of an enemy invasion; to restore also the breaks in the walls and to report incoming decrees from the West until the emperor himself passes through the inhabited places. After this, he should manage the weightier matters and those threatening immediate danger as he may deem beneficial, taking counsel with the more useful men of the city. Matters having no urgency, but which are trivial and manifest, he should manage, but those needing great care he should hold back until the return of the emperor; he should pay attention most of all regarding the sudden invasion of enemies, and for this reason, he should especially write constantly and receive [messages] from the border themes, and observe the affairs of the neighboring enemies, and learn and instruct. Furthermore, he should personally take care regarding weapons, from where he shall have them in time of need; he should contemplate these things by himself and prepare without confusion, so as not to cast fear upon the city and make grain and the rest of the commodities more expensive. He should silence irrational rumors and disturbances, sometimes by disciplining those who generate the rumors, sometimes by speaking to the citizens about the salvation of the emperor and the people; there are times when he may even fabricate good rumors, as if word had come indefinitely, or [as if] they had come otherwise from some of the people, putting an end to the apathy of some and the disturbances of others.

^B The emperor [Constantine the Great] was accustomed to determine the time of his expedition and its duration, and to calculate how much money and how much other equipment would be needed for such a long expedition; and he instructed the sacellarius, the protovestiarios, the measurer, and the domesticus of the hypurgia or kitchen staff, so that each of them, in the part of the concern that looked toward him, would calculate how many burdens and how many pack animals the expedition required according to the time he stipulated, and show him that calculation consigned in writing. Having obtained the calculation of the number of pack animals, and how much need there was for a supplement [of] those beasts which either the fatigue of a rough journey would render inept for labor, or which precipitous ruins would utterly destroy, he instructed the count of the stables and the rationalis of the herds to ensure the number of pack mules commanded was ready and clear, and beyond these, the horses—both the royal ones destined solely for royal use, and others which the emperor might distribute either to friends for the setting out on an expedition, or to soldiers in the expedition itself, or to enemies transitioning into his camp, or to those of his own men who possessed some military dignity and authority, or to other such men for the sake of honor or as a reward. With these things thus established, he would announce whom he wished to act in his place in the city during his absence, and he gave ^C orders to him: that he should review the soldiery, as much that which pertained to the garrison cohorts of the city as that which was subject to the jurisdiction of the city prefect [that is, the factions]; and that he should assign a specific place to each of both parties, from which they should repel the enemy if by chance they were to try to enter; further, that he should restore the ruptures and ruins of the walls; that he should report messages coming from the West to the emperor via the public post, as long as he was still treading on Roman soil; but when he had advanced into enemy territory, he should conduct himself in this manner: that he should immediately resolve matters of great moment and those threatening precipitous crises, in such a way as might seem advisable for the common good after summoning to council himself and the other optimates of the city; matters not very consequential or urgent, but light, easy for anyone to perceive and exempt from doubt and deliberation, he should execute according to his own judgment; whereas those matters which, although they required great care and circumspection, yet allowed for delay, he should reserve whole until the return of the emperor. 2605 He should especially provide against a sudden enemy incursion, and for this reason he should incessantly send letters and envoys into the farthest provinces of the empire, and receive reports from there, and with a watchful eye observe, explore, and signal to the emperor himself the actions and plans of the peoples neighboring those regions who are hostile to the Roman world. Furthermore, he should provide for himself that weapons not be lacking at the time when they might be needed and used. He should, however, turn these things over in his mind and devise them without great and tumult-filled commotion, lest he cast terror upon the city and induce a scarcity of grain and other administrative supplies. He should also suppress improbable rumors and those that stir up heat, partly by punishing their authors, and partly by asserting the benefits and ^D [index: entries preserved]

835 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 836

[Latin Text] ...adding words to the effect that the emperor and the camp were safe; he himself would also occasionally fabricate pleasing rumors and spread them among the common people: that sacred letters had arrived, announcing joyful but not yet defined news; or that joyful letters had arrived from some private individual acting in the camp. And by these means he would compose the levity of some, and the agitated and seditious spirits of others. Having given these instructions to his deputy, the holy emperor sent away all the rest of the crowd to that place where the cohorts gathered were awaiting him, reserving for himself a few belonging to the rank or the praetorian cohort, so that he might depart the city with them. Furthermore, he also sent ahead the greater part of the imperial horses, baggage, and pack animals, and the largest tents. Meanwhile, having gathered those among the holy and religious men whom he had as intimates, he asked that his soul be purified by them through absolution and communion of the Holy Sacrament, and he gave alms, both in the city and in the vicinity, and went around the sacred buildings for the sake of performing prayers there, and especially visited those to which he was usually accustomed to proceed. From those offices of piety he returned to the palace, from which he went out of the city toward the ship, with much people and the military—both that which fell under the attention of the prefect of the city and that which belonged to the urban military garrisons—present and heaping the emperor with auspicious vows and accompanying him. Having finally entered the ship, all standing on the shore fell to their knees, but he, having signed the city three times with the sign of the cross, moved and departed. On the journey, until he arrived at the camp and came into the sight of his army, he dined on three courses...

[Greek Text] And having thus ordered these matters through his representative, Julius Caesar (19), having kept back a few of the rank on account of his own departure, he sent the rest to where the legions were awaiting the emperor, and in addition to these, also most of the imperial horses and baggage and the largest tents. He himself, having gathered those known to be holy men, asked for (20) the purification of his soul, then he gave alms throughout the city and the places neighboring it. And finally, departing (21) toward the churches for the sake of prayer, in which he was accustomed to make his processions, and returning to the palace, from there he went out of the city, with much people, both those under the prefect and the city’s army present there and praying for the emperor. Finally, after he had entered the ship, all those standing by fell down, but he, having signed the city three times, moved off. He dined, until he came into the sight (22) of the people, on three (23), and he supped on two, except on Sunday. He remained inactive on that day. When he reached the people, those who had preceded him of the rank and the legions met him at the edge of the camp, and thus they accompanied the emperor until the tent (25). On that day he called the...

[Commentary] JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY ...to bring to be seen and to converse, is found in Leo Grammaticus p. 473, and Symeon Mag. p. 456. See at p. 301. *The holy Caesar*, venerable Caesar or sacred imperial majesty, namely of Constantine the Great, of whom this whole booklet speaks. This predicate of *Saint* belongs to Constantine, or as considered as emperor: for all Greek emperors were called *saints* by the Greeks, nor is the argument strong enough, which the celebrated Schöbinus in a letter to the illustrious de Scheyb (see Tab. Pentinger. edited by him p. 25) repeats from the title of *Saint* to prove that the elder, rather than the younger Theodosius, is designated in the controversial Dickwili Heberni passage: or if you look at the singular holiness which the Greeks attribute to Constantine the Great, for which they make him equal to the apostles, perhaps for no other merit than that he indulged the clergy with freedom and certain rights and harmful wealth, and gave an opportunity for invading much more that was never granted under the pretext of his name. That which I have rendered in Latin. Cedrenus p. 671, *to sacrifice the departure offerings* he said this; to sacrifice for a favorable departure to arms, or to offer a pleasing sacrifice to God, to take the holy eucharist, which the Greek and Roman Church holds as a sacrifice. It was a custom among all nations to sacrifice before battle and to fortify themselves against the dangers of death with sacred rites or to prepare for the other life. Even the pagan Arabs are said to have done so. But this passage is not for this cause. *The great temple*, from the divine and ineffable Wisdom it is named and the divine is called upon as a helper. *People*, i.e., army. In that sense this word occurs in Theophan. p. 367: *To bring someone into sight* or with three friends. It is more probable, however, the former; see at p. 349. The words *except on Sunday* are more abrupt, and one must understand that the emperor then dined on *four*, four dishes. For it was the custom of those times that on the Lord’s day they would indulge their genius somewhat more and add one dish to the usual. Which custom was also transferred to the monasteries. Thus it is said in the Cassinese Chronicle that by the custom of the Cassinese monks three cooked dishes were set before the brothers on other days, but four on the Lord’s day: "on the Lord’s day and on principal festivals we have also added a fourth." See Murat. Ser. Rer. Ital. vol. IV, p. 279, Fragment. Vales. at Amm. Marcell. p. 561. note t. Theophanes p. 249: *He went away to the camp to celebrate the feast of Easter with them, and the leaders of the army met him with the standards from two miles of the camp*, the leaders of the army having gone out of the camp to two thousand paces with standards raised went to meet him. For *sign*, is a military sign, a milestone. *Kortis, korte*, cohort, court or courtyard in Anastasius Bibliothec, the court or the courte, royal tent, praetorium. See Du Cange in both Glossaries s.v., Goar. and Combefis at Theophan. p. 390. Goar. at Cedren. p. 476. Constantin. Vit. Basil. Maced. p. 147, compared with p. 127; Anonym. Ant. Cpt. p. 14, and at Constantin. Porphyr. de Themat. p. 12, and Vulcanius ibid., p. 64.

(19) Thus the membranes. But I have translated as if I had found *to reconcile someone to someone*, one to another. (20) Perhaps *he was occupied*. If the reading is correct, it will note. (21) Nicetas VI, 1. p. 94 relates the same about Manuel Comnenus: *Having prepared things for the departure he enters*. (22) To come into the sight and conversation of him. (23) It is not sufficiently clear whether it signifies three dishes. (24) Concerning the legions meeting the emperor, see. (25) Genitive from *kortis* for which it is otherwise said.

837 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. APPEND. - 838

lords, and gave them an *apocombion* (26), and a *maiumas* (27) to the soldiers. From there, as the Emperor moved with the people along the road of the expedition, each theme would meet him at the part of the road nearest to them, so that the people would not grow weary; and on the same day that the theme received him, he would invite the lords of that same theme. And the needs of the imperial service, that is to say, slaughtered animals (28) and lambs, and such things, and the bread of the

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[...], from which he did not move at all, but sat quiet. To him as he arrived at the army, those whom he had sent ahead into the camp before his departure from the city would come to meet him, having been stationed at the edge; these were both the Praetorian guards of the sacred body and the remaining cohorts, and they would accompany him as far as the *cortina* or the praetorium or the imperial tent. On the day he arrived at the camp, he would order the military commanders to feast with him,

[...], which the Greeks use, is also *kom-*, I deceive, I mock, for "I impose upon," in Theophanes, p. 126.] The meaning of swelling is easily recognized in *kompos* and *kompsos*; *kombos* and *kompos* differ in nothing but dialect. The Macedonians used to substitute *b* for *ph*. Hence *egkombosasthai*, to put a *kombos* upon oneself, an argument of swelling, of pride, *typhoutheuesthai*. It is easily clear that I am turning over in my mind that vexed expression of Peter in his first epistle, *egkombosasthe ten tapeinophrosunen*. It signifies: make yourselves *kompous*, adorned and specious with humility, put modesty upon yourselves as a specious ornament, in which one might show off and be proud; or it may also be rendered: exaggerate humility within yourselves, store up within yourselves a great store and apparatus of humility, as it were. See the second epistle of Photius, edited by Hoeschel after the *Bibliotheca*, concerning this word. Nicetas Choniates, p. 236. *Eg-* [exaggerated].

[...], which is given into the hands by way of a gift, or sent to friends, or scattered among the populace, or placed upon the altar as an offering, with gold or silver coins sewn into it. These gifts were once called *sportulae*, and likewise profits; see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 28. You also have *kombion* in the title of chapter 55 of the second book of our Ceremonial. Apposite to our passage is that of Capitolinus in *Maximinus*, p. 24: "His cunning was always such that he ruled the soldiers not only by virtue, but also made them most loving of him by rewards [brabeis] and profits [that is, *apocombia* and *maiumades*]." These *apocombia* succeeded to the place of the old *missilia* and consular gifts. For not only did emperors place *apocombia* on the altar, or distribute them among the nobles on winter or other festival days, or send them to the factions in the circus: but also the dukes of individual cities, and likewise bishops, in their own parishes, distributed *apocombia* to the citizens, nor was it permitted for another to do this unless permission had been obtained either from the duke of the city or from the bishop. Notable for this matter is the passage in the Neapolitan *Gnomicon* of John the Deacon, p. 303: "These things having been performed [Gratiosus, Bishop of Naples], he [Pyrrhus, Patriarch of Constantinople] distributed gifts among the people, and a chair was placed for him near the altar, honoring him as a priest of the royal city." The Latins of the Middle Ages called these gifts *almonariae* and *almonarium*; see Du Cange, s.v. *Eleemosyna*, where he cites these from an old charter: "He gave me half a mark of silver and one Byzantine gold coin within an *almonarium*, that is, in an *apocombion* or sewn purse"; likewise these "leftovers - for *almonariae* [were made of] silk cloth," that is, there were left over cloths of silk, from which the purses, called *almonarii*, might be made. *Lacus* is a German word, *laken*, cloth. It is written now *apocombion*, now *epicombion*. The former method of writing is constantly preserved in our manuscripts; the latter is in Codinus, p. 121, where he says that in *epicombia*, such as were scattered during the coronation of emperors, three gold coins, three silver coins, and finally three bronze coins were sewn into each, and that as many thousands of these purses were scattered among the people as the emperor pleased. Neither method of writing is to be despised. *Kombos* to the new Greeks is *desmos*, a bond, or rather a knot, a bulb, anything protuberant. *Apocombion* will therefore be *saklion apodedemenon*, a purse tied off separately, and *epicombion* will be *saklion epidedemenon*, a purse tied on. But perhaps I am being too subtle in a matter which is due to the ignorance of the Greeks regarding their own native language, and to the inconsistency and rash and indiscriminate use of words and particles. *Kombos* comes from *kybos*, whence *gibbus* (hump). That *kybon* is everything *kyrton*, swelling, is known. Thence *kombin* (for *kombion*) is to the new Greeks a bead on a prayer string, "der Knopff an einem Pater-Noster," as Spon testifies in the Greek dictionary added to his *Itinerary*. Thence *komboun polla chremata*, to amass, to exaggerate much wealth, Malalas said, vol. II, p. 199, and *komboun* or *kombonnein tina* is the same as *kyboun tina*, to puff someone up, to exalt, to make someone swollen with empty hope, to deceive, to delude. The illustrious Leichius thought it was born from *impono*. His words are these: "[From Latin words wrongly...]"

(26) The Greeks call an *apocombion* a purse... (27) He notes here and often elsewhere a refreshment, recreation, congiarium, donative, *apoteleion* or *philophronia*, which the emperor exhibited to the soldiers, so that they might be cheerful, either in money or especially in food, as is evident from several places in this Tacticus. These refreshments or gifts and the hilarities instituted from them obtained their name, according to the opinion of some, from the fact that they were accustomed to be cheerful and celebrate banquets on the Kalends of May or some other day of the month of May, and that day was specifically called "der May-Tag" and "Mayertag," the day of May. Memorable are the words of Scheuchzer in his *Stecheiographia*, p. 57, in which he reports these things from an ancient Chronicle: "On the 17th of May, 1599, a *Mayelen* or *Anken-Braut* was given to the archers at the court in Zurich, in which were stuck a flowering grape, ripe strawberries, a ripe ear of rye and barley, and an oat stalk." What is here *Mayelen*, namely a mass of butter with ears of grain, strawberries, grapes, etc., stuck into it, that is with our author *maiumas*. On whatever day of the year such hilarity and feasting might fall, it was called *Mayetlag* or *Mayertag*. It is in the *Scriptores rerum Brunsvicensium*, vol. III, p. 262: "In the year 1526, on Sunday, July 8th, the bakers of Hildesheim, Braunschweig, and Hannover held a great *Mayertag* in Hildesheim, and all the calves were eaten up there." To me, however, the word *maiumas* seems rather to be of Arabic origin and thus distorted for *mouiaman*, which sounds like *kalemeren*, *hora charitos*, a happy, blessed day. Such transpositions are very frequent among the Greeks, who are born to turn everything upside down and corrupt it. Furthermore, that such *Maiumas* or solemn days of annual hilarity recurring at fixed times were already in use in the age of the Emperor Julian is evident from his *Misopogon*, p. 362, where see Petavius in the notes, and Du Cange in both Glossaries, and Goar on Theophanes, p. 380, but especially Rivinus and Frankenstein, who have treated this subject professionally. - [It] was, however, once a much more frequent food for the Greeks of the Middle Ages, and also frequented by the Romans themselves, as is evident from the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 646, and elsewhere.

(28) Goat meat, although it is not in use for us...

839 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 840

261 and he distributed to them *apocombia* [gifts/gratuities], and he provided the rest of the *maiuma* [refreshment/provision] to the soldiers. Moving from there with the army, the emperor would be met on the road, which the destination of the expedition dictated, by each *thema* or provincial legion at a place near the road along which they were passing; this was so that the soldiers would not be fatigued by the necessity imposed upon them and the long distance of traveling to meet him. On the day, however, when any *thema* received him and he arrived at it, the emperor would invite the leaders of that *thema* to a banquet; for them he supplied the necessities, such as goat meat, lamb, and the like, as well as the largitional *bucella* [biscuit/bread] and the remaining *maiuma* or refreshment; likewise, the *protonotarios* of each *thema* would provide for the emperor as he passed, from the revenues of the *aerikon* (or the extraordinary tribute which is paid for the common vital air that we breathe), or even from the *synonai* or the assessments and transportations of annonary [provision] goods; or if he did not have the money necessary to make the expenditures, the emperor himself would pay from his *eidikon*, that is, his private purse, especially providing the *maiumadas* [refreshments] to those who came from the more remote *themata* or provinces. The procession of the emperor and the order of the *tagmata* or cohorts of the guard of the sacred body and those deputed to the retinue, and of the *themata* or provincial legions, was in this manner. First, horses covered with true or purple cloths proceeded before the emperor at a distance of a mile, in pairs. After them came the court dignitaries; each *protonotarios* in his own *thema*, as the emperor passed through, would provide these things from the *aerikon* account and the *synonai*; or if he did not have them, taking from the *eidikon*, he himself would manage these, and especially he would give the *maiumadas* to the *themata* coming from the more distant places. The procession of the emperor and the order of the *tagmata* and the *themata* was thus: Horses with true *borkadia* [head-coverings] walked before the emperor at a distance of about a mile, in two files, right and left; after them the imperial archons; then the *stratores* with the *sellaria* [saddle-bearers] and the rest of the more mystical [secret/inner] order; then the emperor; and behind him, at a distance of about three arrow-shots, the armies as if in one straight line. In the middle were the *tagmata*, and the more honorable of these in the middle place, and on either side of the *tagmata* were the *themata*, and those of the *themata* that were more glorious were closer to the *tagmata*. Those who held and knew the *aplekta* [encampments] and the roads of our land, some would go ahead with the *kortes* [retinue] and the service staff, while others would run in front of the *themata*, pointing out the crossings of the rivers and the straight roads. The guides for each *thema* were held by the *droungarios* of the *vigla* [watch]; and under him were also the *paramonai* [stations/representatives] of the *strategoi* [generals], so that through him the things commanded to them might be made known to the *strategoi*. The first reception of each *thema* was thus: from two or three arrow-shots...

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...he had sent [them] so that those who had distinguished themselves in the battles might receive the appropriate rewards. Our author, however, does not entirely deny that the *maiumadas* are taken from the public treasury, but he only warns that where the treasury of the *aerikon* (or contributions for the use of the common air) and the treasury proper to the military exchequer—namely, the *sitonaria* or contributions by which farmers redeem their exemption from the deportation of annonary goods to distant places—supply nothing, if these two public treasuries cannot provide what is sufficient for making those expenditures, then they are paid from the private wealth of the prince. *Philotimia* [is] a liberality, a free gift, which one gives out of a desire for praise and the impulse of the ambition of honor. The celebrated Ernesti established this meaning for this word and verb *philotimeisthai* in the *Acta Eruditorum* of August 1731, page 449. Thus, *philotimeisthai ten zoen tini*, to grant life to someone out of grace and mercy. Cf. pp. 218 and 360, where the interpreter did not grasp it correctly. In the same sense it must also be taken in Procopius, *Anecdota* p. 33, as is evident from p. 36, and the passage of Evagrius which Alemannus cites there. Salmasius has more examples in his notes on Vopiscus’ *Aurelian*, pp. 499, 504, where he also deals at length with the largitional *bucella* or civil or *gradilis* [distributed] bread. The same applies to the Greek of this passage and to the *synonai*. What the *synonai* are, Procopius declares excellently in the *Anecdota*, pp. 98 and 102, where Alemannus labors in vain to substitute *synone* for *synone*. It is the transportation of grain to certain prescribed places, which happened to be most troublesome to the farmers, as is evident from the cited passages of Procopius and Themistius, p. 118. That word was born from a bad spelling by a scribe or the pronunciation of the common people for *sitoge*, that is, *sitou agoge* [transport of grain], just as *kymatoge*, although the former is to be traced back to *ago*, I lead, conduct, convey, and the latter to *ago, agnymi*, I break. Today this type of contribution is called *Awariz* by the Turks, as is evident from La Croix, *Etat present de l'Eglise Grecque*, p. 7, where he calls it *tribut annuel pour la fourniture de l'orge, foin, paille et bois*, which the Greeks of the countryside are obliged to bring to the palaces of the Grand Seigneur, the Viziers, and other great officers. ...that it is taken from the private purse, not from the general treasury, is excellently confirmed by the passage of Agathias, p. 69, ed. Vulcan: *tamias en o men ton ek tes dasmophorias erazomenon, alla ton osa ek ton basileion thesauron* [the treasurer was not of those gathered from the tax-paying, but of those things which were from the imperial treasuries]. ...that *tagma* is called a city and especially a palatine cohort, but *thema* a provincial one. Other writers also, although they sometimes vary and attribute *tagmata* to municipal cities and provinces as well, nevertheless generally agree with our author; see Leo Grammaticus, p. 478, and the *Scriptores post Theophanem*, pp. 222 and 240. *Borkadia* [relates] to a type of cloth. But I should have interpreted it more strictly here, and on p. 280, not to replace an unknown word in the Latin for the reader, which is in the Greek. For it was not clear to me then, when I was translating those passages, that *borcadium* signifies a veil, a head-covering, which is put on horses, and that it flowed from the Arabic *borca*, a veil, a covering for the head and face. Just as our author in the cited place joins *ta sagismata*, cloths, coverings for the back, and *ta borkadia*, coverings for the face and head, so also Nicetas Choniates joins *ta sagismata* and *tas kephalareas* [head-pieces], which are the same thing as *borkadia*: for he mentions horses with *kephalaria* and *sagmata* in [the life of] Manuel. [The horses of the emperors are described by writers as being purple-clad, which was permitted to no one else; see Villehardouin, p. 288.]

(29) This word will often recur in this code for... (30) Read *aerikou*. See Du Cange, *Glossarium*. (31) What he says here about *maiumas* from private purse... (32) This is constantly observed in our code... (33) Translated as cloths. And they certainly pertain to...

841 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. 842

the remaining order, more familiar to the lord. Finally, the emperor himself. Behind him, military units proceeded, arranged as if in a single straight line for the distance of three bowshots. In the middle went the tagmata; and in the very center of the middle battle line went the more honorable tagmata; the themata surrounded them, being the closer to the tagmata the more honorable they were. A portion of those who occupied and were familiar with the military lodgings and roads through the lands of our dominion went ahead with the court or imperial tent and with the retinue of the lord’s kitchen; another portion ran ahead before the themata, showing them the fords of rivers and the straight roads to be followed. The drungarios of the watch held with him in each thema or district the guides of the roads; under whose disposition also were the masters of the soldiers assigned to perform the turns of the watch in the praetorium, and this for the reason that the emperor is accustomed to signify his commands to them through the drungarios of the watch. If any thema or provincial legion were to salute the emperor for the first time, these things were done. That thema, drawn up in battle line, stood at a distance of two or three bowshots from the road by which the emperor was to pass. But when they saw the emperor approaching, the rest of the crowd remained on their horses, but all the military commanders dismounted, 262 and all together fell to the ground; then rising, the whole legion, as if with one voice, celebrated and cheered the emperor with auspicious acclamations. The emperor would turn aside to them from the road and ask how they were faring. That done, he would return to the road. This was done until the thema stood drawn up along the road of the emperor; but when they saw the emperor approaching, the army would remain on their horses, but the commanders, all dismounting, would fall to the ground, then rising with the whole army, they would acclaim the emperor. He would turn toward them and ask how they were, and thus would return again to the road; and this was his state until the inhabited regions. But when he was about to enter into the uninhabited regions, he would cast off the greater part of the baggage and the loads and the weaker of the people and the lame and wounded of the animals. He would give them a head and a small part of the army for protection, and would order them to approach one of the safer fortresses, which is closest to the place where the people are about to exit. And after these things, he would designate certain divisions from the themata, some to march (34) in front of the camp for its protection, and others to follow behind, whom they call rear-guards; these same ones were also hunters of those who turned back (35) out of cowardice or sloth; others walked on either side, whom they called flank-guards (36); these same ones especially watched those who were about to flee to the enemies. All walked at such a distance from the camp so as not to be hidden from them due to the ambushes of the enemies, and so that it might be possible for the camp to be prepared to meet the enemies by being signaled by these. Those who were ahead of the emperor were rather from that thema which was approaching the land of the enemies, because they also had experience of the roads and the other places of the enemies, and furthermore the experience of their ambushes and wars.

[COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOB REISKE]

Gr. v. Antikensor. For formerly these were called precursors or predecessors, likewise preparers, and also stratores of the army, which name was common to them with the extreme rear, which guarded the back: v. Du Cange ad Alex. p. 475. In the Middle Ages, among the Greeks as well as the Latins, and indeed also the Arabs and Orientals, it was the custom to divide the army into five divisions. Whence the army is called al-Khamis, because it consists of five parts (the words are of al-Wahidi on al-Mutanabbi), the heart [the middle battle line, which is called the fifth and the greatest and royal by Wittekind in his Deeds of the Saxons, book III], two wings [these are our flank-guards], precursors [the avant-garde], and subsecutors [the rear-guard]. Note here the Arabic word as-Saka or Saka, without the article, which the Greeks also used, as is evident from Du Cange, Gl. Gr. v. Saka, where he cites a passage of an Anonymous, from which it is evident that the word denotes to the Greeks the same as to the Arabs, namely the rear battle line. This meaning seems to be derived from the Arabic word which means "leg," because, as the leg is the hindmost and vilest part of a man, so is the rear battle line of an army. From this also the Arabs called a man of vile sort, a market-lounger, as if "leg-man," or one from the leg, that is, the rear battle line. Which same word the later Latins also assumed. See Du Cange, Gl. Lat. v. Alfechna, for which must be substituted alfetna or alfeihna; it denotes sedition, tumult, rebellion. The passage is worthy of being explained on this occasion. He cites there from an old charter these words: I will not require against your part more land except this... in which I will not place for you Azaquia [the market-loungers, exactors or sequestered soldiers, who for as long as they have exacted the owed money, keep watch in those camps or fields] or al hodera [always present, perpetual garrison soldiers], by which I will take your land from you, neither for peace [that is, through peace, in time of peace], nor for alfetna [nor in time of tumult, of war], neither with the Moors, nor with the Christians [that is, whether that war is waged with the Moors, or with the Christians]. But I return to my subject. Nicetas also divides into five parts on p. 72 and compares it to an animal, having a head [precursors], shoulders [the flank-guards], a trunk or body [the army], and legs [the rear-guards]. His words are these: Andronicus indeed had the army like an animal, arranged into a head and a part behind and limbs analogous to the whole. who delay to proceed in any place, they turn themselves into a circle several times and now this way, now that, with an unwilling departure; because it can also signify wickedness in this place. See above p. 260. I have already observed above. Therefore they are the flank-guards. They seem to be the same as the parabanditai, about whom Du Cange v. Bandum.

(34) See Du Cange Gl. Lat. v. Antegarda, and (35) The verb strephesthai is to delay. For (36) The new Greeks used plagia for pleurai, as

843 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 844

they did not walk the straight path, but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. For they did not [walk the straight path], but the rougher and more difficult one; moving in this way, they would entrench themselves at night and take other precautions against night attacks, and they would change the guards because of the great fatigue. 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845 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I, APPENDIX B - 846

but you will not introduce the teachings of virtue by nature, unless you hear the best things from a father. For if you receive from him genuine and truly truthful words, you will possess them like a paternal inheritance, which will always procure salvation for you. For those things spoken by others for the sake of favor often lack truth; but those that arrive from a fatherly soul along with truth always grant great benefit to sons. Listen, therefore, son, to a father, to things which it is not good to be ignorant of; for if ignorance is an evil, the knowledge of things is clearly a good, and especially of those that are necessary and of which there is great concern. And what else could be more necessary than martial courage and the ancient good order of our ancestors, which they formerly maintained in royal expeditions during wars? For we considered it neither just nor good that this, which was long ago celebrated and is still bruited about by many even to this day, should not be had in writing. For this writing, God-crowned Romanus, will be profitable to you along with other things, revealing Roman majesty. Whence, having searched much concerning these matters and finding no record stored in the palace, late and with difficulty we were at last able to find a memorandum concerning these things in the monastery called Sigrianes, in which Leo the Magister, who had the surname Catacylas, embraced the solitary life. For this Magister set these things down in writing by the command of Leo, the Christ-loving and most wise Emperor of the Romans, who was our father and your grandfather. But since the Magister was devoid of Greek musical [literary] training, his writing contained many barbarisms, solecisms, and lack of order, even if the man was God-fearing and a man of the desires of the Spirit, as his life showed. But in his lacking, as we said, Greek education, his writing was rather precarious and open to criticism, though nevertheless praiseworthy and true because the man was God-fearing and virtuous. Having found this neglected in its style, and reporting the matters somewhat dimly as if in the trace of a shadow, and not even containing a third part of what we have transferred for the sake of greater clarity and breadth, we have written it for you to leave as a record. Such order and sequence of royal expeditions was therefore kept and practiced until Michael the Christ-loving...

[The Latin text in the columns provides a translation of the Greek above, followed by the commentary of J. J. Reiske, which includes the following notes:]

(38) The doctrine of more elegant [learning], which is compared to the books of the ancient Gentiles/Greeks. For the new Greeks, as they did not judge themselves worthy of ancient doctrines, but preferred ineptitudes to the divine arts in which the ancients were famous, by some fate of their own and the insanity of monks, so also they repudiated the name of the ancients, called themselves Romans and wished to be called so, and considered "Hellene" a most shameful insult. To them, "Hellene" is the same as pagan, idolater, and "Hellenic" the same as gentile.

(39) Somewhat more broadly, abundantly, with not too much [concern for] order and the study of elegance. Hence some think Plato was so called because his speech was luxuriant and suffered from the sickle, because things that could have been said briefly, he announced through circumlocutions and repeated often. See Diogenes Laertius, p. 166, and p. 267. 12, where Timon the Sillograph objects to his "broad-speaking" and calls him "un-salted," such as are the waters [described as] "broad" among Herodotus and Hippocrates, thick, which have little salt and strength and that very diluted, and affect the tongue little. Cf. Du Cange, s.v. Πλάτος.

847 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 848

it happened that he published a writing subject to reproach, and one which could lead readers into errors. Nevertheless, it is worthy of praise and transmits true things; such as one would expect from a man reverent toward God and studious of virtue. Therefore, seeing that these notes of the master were written in a ruder style and one full of negligence, and furthermore that they were few (for they did not equal even a third part of those things which we have set forth in these papers in a clearer and more ample discourse), and understanding that they exhibited only obscure traces, as it were, and the extreme outlines and shadows of things: we have taken the counsel to compose these commentaries and to leave them to you and to your memory.

Such, therefore, as I shall presently explain, was the order and formula of royal expeditions, observed solicitously and in use up to Michael, the Christ-loving lord, and his uncle, Bardas, the most fortunate Caesar, having been propagated to them by the emperors, their predecessors, namely Theophilus and Michael, the grandfather of the latter-named junior, and the father of the former. In a similar way, they themselves had received it from their ancestors, those ancient emperors—and when I name them "ancient," I do not designate that great and most celebrated and holy Constantine, nor Constantius, his son, nor that impious Julian, nor Theodosius the Great, nor his immediate successors: but I designate those Isaurians who inflicted the most grievous errors and a foul heresy upon the true and rightly established faith. But also under Basil, the most valiant and most pious emperor and our grandfather, it was diligently observed and in use, which we shall attempt to set forth in these writings as best we can.

The great and exalted autocrat, intending to set out and to move arms and armies against enemies, immediately orders a lorikion, a sword, and a shield to be hung in the Chalke outside the gates. From these, therefore, it becomes clear to all that the preparation of the imperial expedition is underway, and from that time each official and subordinate begins to prepare his own arms and whatever is necessary and fitting for a soldier. Then, after this, he also orders the Logothete of the Herds to make a just distribution and a declaration, with the fear of God and all piety and truth, to the metata of Asia and Phrygia.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(40) This predicate, "Christ-loving," is also in the titles of the emperors, but it was also attributed to private individuals of singular goodness and to cities and nations. In the Acts of the Council of Ephesus against Cyril, there is "the most magnificent and Christ-loving cubicularius Scholasticius." In a place of the Sixth Council, which Du Cange cites, Italy is called "a Christ-loving land." In Palladas in the Anthology, p. 337, Constantinople is called "a Christ-loving city." For the Reimarian codex rightly exhibits there "to the Christ-loving city" instead of "to the gold-loving city," which Stephanus gave, and this passage proves that Palladas and Constantinople existed, and that he was a Christian. "The Christ-loving people of this God-guarded city" is in Theophanes, p. 322. Concerning the same Constantinople, "his Christ-loving kinsmen" is in the Greco-Roman Law, p. 242. In our author below, p. 376, is "the Christ-loving army." It is very frequent among the Constantinopolitans, especially under Michael, the son of Theophilus and Theodora, and all those who followed, who bore this title by custom and right, just as the kings of France bore the title of "Most Christian" and the kings of Spain "Catholic King." For before that Michael, there were many emperors who deserved to be deprived of this title by dull-witted monks—who did not venerate the images of the saints and of Christ, and who, as if they were clear arguments for idolatry and no holier than the statues of the gods of the Gentiles, did not want them to be different or to remain in the Christian world—whose logic persuaded them that no one could love Christ who did not hold a painted piece of wood or one carved into the figure of the crucified in divine honors, or who dared to cut or burn it. But after, under the reign of a superstitious woman, subject to a clergy no more sane, the worse part had finally won and it had been decreed in a council that he who did not hold putrid images in the highest place and dearer than his own eyes should be considered impious, devoted to all curses, and stripped of all honors—and it happened that even the most valiant emperors did not dare to move this mire and bring evil upon themselves by their own act—the title of "Christ-loving" and "orthodox" remained thereafter unblemished for the emperors and common to all. But you will never see it attributed to Leo the Isaurian, Constantine Copronymus, Leo the Armenian, Michael the Stammerer, and his son Theophilus, although in the fourth century it was already in use, as is evident from Athanasius’s Apology to Constantius: "The people were very numerous, as many as one would pray to be in each city, Christ-loving kings of the Christians." In the Sixth Council, Constantine Pogonatus is called "the most pious and Christ-loving great emperor." But this predicate was not proper to emperors alone.

(41) The Rationalis of the Caesar’s herds is properly the procurator of the pastures, says Guther, p. 691, and on Codinus, p. 31, n. 49, he says he is, according to Theodoret, "the one entrusted with the governance of the emperor’s own possessions and wealth." Too broad, if I am not mistaken.

(42) *Ekthesis* is a formula "set forth," publicly exposed, imputed to each, or of imposed burdens. See the formula for Asia, by which it is prescribed how many horses or mules Phrygia and Asia ought to provide. Thus, a little later, there is the "declaration of the *mensor*" (the quartermaster), the formula of how many and what things the measurer ought to take with him; *ektithesthai* was present above on p. 58, in a scholium, for "to command"; *ekthesis* in Constantine, in the Life of Basil, occurs for the formula by which some benefice is assigned to someone.

849 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. APPEND. - 850

according to the strength and power of each individual, as the order of the matters set forth, having a fixed number for each, is made manifest to all. Through Asia and Phrygia, 200 mules at 15 nomismata each, 200 horses at 12 nomismata each, totaling 5,400 nomismata, which amounts to 76 pounds of gold.

We shall strive to the best of our ability. When the great and exalted emperor decides to go into the field and move arms and men against the enemy, he orders a breastplate, a sword, and a shield to be hung before the Chalke Gate. By this sign, all immediately understand that the preparation for the imperial field or military expedition is being ordered; and immediately, both those who have the authority to command and those who are held by the necessity of obeying begin to prepare arms and other things useful or becoming for the military. Furthermore, the lord orders the rationalis of the herds that, having taken into counsel the reverence of God, religious conscience, and truth, he should conceive an equal and appropriate distribution, just and in accordance with the strength of each private individual, and a notification to be publicly promulgated of those things which the metata of Asia and Phrygia, according to the order known to all and placed in the open, must provide for each metaton in a certain and defined number. Now, the said metata of Asia and Phrygia must, according to the defined formula, provide two hundred mules, each valued at fifteen gold nomismata or solidi, and two hundred horses, likewise each valued at twelve nomismata, whence a sum of five thousand four hundred and twenty-four nomismata emerges, or, if you refer the same sum to the ratio of pounds of gold, seventy-six pounds emerge.

On the customs of the archons of the imperial stables, those in the city and those outside in the stables. Through the Count of the Stable, 4 mules and 4 horses; through the chartulary and the epeictes, 4 mules and 4 horses; through the outside chartulary, 2 mules and 2 horses; through the saframenta, 1 mule and 1 horse; through the 4 counts, 1 mule and 1 horse.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[Regarding the term *dia*]: ...that the work may be moved and completed, *epiedioxis*; see the passage from the Acts of St. Sebastian which Du Cange cites in *Constantinopolis Christiana* p. 87, and Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus p. 328, where he says he compels the debtors to pay. Gutherius is therefore mistaken, who on p. 713 thinks that the exactor of gold and silver is he who has exacted from the minters. For, unless he is such as Valesius said, he is certainly the one who examines gold and silver, whether it is of the proper standard. But these things do not pertain here. In the 13th century, such compelers of works were called *hasteurs* in France; see Du Cange, v. *Pagius*.

[Regarding the use of *dia* in titles]: ...is frequent in the inscriptions of chapters. Thus in a new Greek booklet published at Rome in the year 1659, Neophytos Rhodinos, *On heroes, generals, philosophers, saints, and other famous men who have come from the island of Cyprus*, it is prescribed for almost all chapters. Thus on p. 12, chapter 1 has this inscription: *On the famous and renowned pagan men of the island of Cyprus and on heroes*. So also in Malalas, vol. II, p. 72. But neither does that use of this particle seem to have been unknown to the ancients. Certainly in Diogenes Laertius p. 555, I read *diaporeisthai tes diegeseos* instead of *aporeisthai dia* (that is, *peri* or *hyper* of the narrative). Given the opportunity, I will emend this notable passage; thus, indeed, I think it should be read: *In some things, therefore, interpreted word for word, it seems to contain some power which is placed in the most straightforward speech*, which you have indeed announced in plain and common diction, *but for most of your thoughts, it is believed that darkness incubates*. Sometimes, however, I have translated *dia* with the preposition *pro* (for). And thus also Malalas uses it, vol. II, p. 99 and p. 126. Psellus (in Du Cange, Gl. Gr. p. 1662): *dia dorasi chresthai tois posin*, to use feet for spears; see a little before.

(43) In the usage of new Greek, *dia* denotes the Latin *de*.

(44) Often in this military tactic, mention is made of the chartulary of the stable. He seems to be the same as the one whom Cinnamus mentions in Book III, passim, as a military man, and about whom Du Cange treats in the notes to Cinnamus p. 452, where among other things he writes: "The Chartulary was prefect of the imperial horses, as we are taught by Zonaras in *Leo Isaurus* p. 83, and Nicetas in *Isaacius Angelus*... Godinus writes in *De offic. aulae* cap. v. n. 6 that he served in the court, and that it was his duty above all to lead the horse to the emperor at the gate of the palace itself when he was about to depart abroad or anywhere from the palace." (Leon. Gramm. p. 479, Cedren. p. 442.)

(45) It is translated everywhere (as in Theophanes p. 306, Book III, n. 2) as prefect of the work and ruling with full power, or a compeller and prefect of works, who urges the idle to advance.

(46) Wherever I turn, I do not find anyone who can teach me what *saframenta* or *saframento* were. For it is doubtful how they pronounced them, in the masculine or neuter gender. Not even a probable conjecture occurs to me: although I know that *y* and *i* are often interchanged by the new Greeks, so that one might think *sagramenta* is placed here for *sacramenta*, *sagramenta*: as Du Cange has *casua* (which the Greeks pronounce as *salma*) for *sagma*: what, however, do *sacramenta* mean in this place, where there is talk of a certain base kind of military service, such as grooms and camp-followers? If it were *sagmatarioi*, I would take it for *saugmatarioi* or *sagmatarioi*, prefects of burdens and of loading and unloading mules and pack-horses. There is one conjecture in which I acquiesce for the time being, until I am taught better, namely that I will suppose the word *tous Saframentous* or *Saframentas* to be of the masculine gender, and that they are the same as *tous Sauromantous* or *Sauromantas*. But that the Sauromatae were used by the Greeks for muleteers, that should be demonstrated from suitable authors. I once thought, could it be an Arabic word which sounds [like], he wove a rope, a thong, not in a round shape, but in a wide one, in which case *saframentarius* would signify a ropemaker. There is indeed a great use of ropemakers, especially leather-workers (we call them *Sattler*, the French say *sellier*), in the army. Below also on p. 284, the *Saframentarii* are said to have shod the horses. Which would indeed fit very well with leather-working tailors. But I do not see whence the ending *-menta* or *-mentarii* came.

851 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 852 horse. It is evident that these magistrates in general provide for mules and an equal number of horses; since each mule is valued at fifteen coins and each horse at twelve, the sum of 324 coins is reached, which, if you reduce it to the ratio of pounds, you will have 4 pounds, 26 coins. Add to this sum the previous [76 pounds], and you will have 80 pounds and 26 coins. And the rationalis of the herds brings those two hundred mules and two hundred horses mentioned above from Asia and Phrygia as far as Malagina, where they are received from him by the Count of the Stable and the esochartularius [or urban chartularius] of the stable. The beasts must be five or seven years old, and must not have brands on their thighs. There, those four hundred beasts receive the royal mark branded on both shoulders. Also, in the following year, the same exposition or exaction and branding or marking of the beasts with a hot iron takes place, and all the horses are buckled and castrated, and an accession and supplement of the royal stables is made on account of the impending military expedition. The rationalis of the herds brings those two hundred pack or burden-bearing animals, namely mules, loaded with their packs or baggage or saddlebags, and in the coverings B JOAN. JAC. REISKE of the royal stable at Malagina. The Nubian Geographer also mentions this on p. 287.

COMMENTARY. ...of the two-horse carriages and the arithmos. But *kortes* in Leo’s Tactics is the one who leads a single *tagma* or *bandon*. ...to introduce also the monetary affairs of the recent Greeks. That field is vast, and the talent and leisure are not mine. I will only state this in a few words: a pound of gold contained 74 coins or gold solidi. For 74 added four times makes 296. The remainder, therefore, is 26 coins, which supply what is lacking to the four pounds to complete the sum of 322 coins. ...were the counts of the stable, nor were they finally introduced by the Franks tending toward the East for the sake of holy warfare and propagated among the Greeks in the time of Alexius Comnenus, as Goar wishes in his notes on Codinus, p. 24. ...they were taking, and Eunapius writes about the Scythians on Roman soil and received into servitude in Excerpt. Legat. Hosch. p. 12, "the servants having royal insignia." C For it is their custom to drop the initial sigma where it is required, and to add it where there is neither need nor custom. Within p. 299 is *kanon* for *skanon*. In Maurice, Strateg. I, 2, *kandion*. *scapulare*, *cucullio*, *inwpic*. Du Cange has very many similar things in his Greek Glossary, such as *karthmos* for *skarthmos*, a leaping; *pithame*, *spilhama*; *kambiousa* for *skambiousa*, scabious, a plant; *koulka* for *skoulka*, watch; *koulkeuein* for *skoulkeuein*, to keep watch, likewise to spy, to explore the enemy’s affairs. For it is (and may I be allowed to touch upon this briefly in passing) from *exculcare* for to explore. The Latins say *exculcare* and *extundere* something from somewhere for to find out by studious inquiry; to discover. They also used to say *proculcare* for to run ahead, to explore beforehand. The new Greeks say *phaleia* for *sphaleia*, and this for *asphaleia*, security; *phaliazein* and *phalizein* for *sphaliazein*, to deceive someone, to make them slip, to lead into a *sphalma* (stumble); Malalas has *kondaptein* for *skandaptein* on p. 410, to bow the head, where the interpreter confesses that he is not certain about the meaning of the word; *tobion* for *stoibe*, of the rulers 314 coins, making 4 pounds, 26 coins. And in total the whole is 80 pounds, 26 coins. And the 200 mules, likewise the 200 horses; the logothete of the herds brings these down to Malagina, and the count of the stable and the inner chartularius of the stable receive them, five-year-olds, six-year-olds, and seven-year-olds, not having brands on the thigh. And the four hundred are sealed on both parts of the shoulder with the royal bull. And also in the coming year the same exposition and branding takes place. All the horses are buckled and become eunuchs, and through the *fossaton* (army) an addition is made. And the logothete brings pack-animals loaded with garments in the saddle-coverings, *kentoukla* with *sokaria* loads, shod, also carrying *selinaia*, along with their headstalls. And they do not suffice in the same way for the royal service; for in the time of the *fossaton* the generals give mules to the emperor as follows: the Anatolic [general] 3 mules, the Armeniac 3 mules, the Thracesian 3 mules, the Opsician [general]...

(47) The count of the scholarians, the excubitors are understood. (48) I do not wish to enter into the calculation of pounds and coins. (49) Mention will recur several times in this Tactic. (50) Therefore, they already existed in the time of Constantine and Leo. (51) Thus also the soldiers receive a brand on the hand. (52) Thus the new Greeks pronounce it for *skapoulas*. It is... (53) See the end of the preface to the first volume, where... (54) Perhaps read: "with *sokaria* and loads." (55) Some provinces of Asia Minor in the times...

3 mules, the Bucellarius 3 mules, and the remaining generals 2 mules each, both of the East and of the West; the [general] of Seleucia 1 mule, the Domestic of the Schools 3 mules, the Drungary of the Fleet 3 mules, the Excubitor 1 mule, the Hicanatus 1 mule, the Numerus and the Teicheiotes and the Domestic of the Optimates 1 mule each; total 58 mules.

[Latin text:] ...having on their backs pack-saddles, their burdens secured by ropes, their legs booted, their feet shod with iron soles, and their mouths bridled. But these pack-animals are by no means sufficient for the retinue and royal necessities: rather, the generals must also, at the time of the campaign, provide the Emperor with mules in the name of *xenalion* or gratuitous gift in this manner: the general of Anatolia must provide 5 mules; the Armeniacus the same number; the Thracesius, Opsicianus, and Bucellarius likewise each for himself, the same number; of the remaining generals, both in the East and in the West, each one two mules, except the general of Seleucia, who provides only one; the Domestic of the Schools three mules; the Drungary of the Fleet also three; the Excubitor one; the Hicanatus one; the Numerus and the Teicheiotes and the Domestic of the Optimates likewise, that is, one each. Thus the mules amount to 58.

Through the officials and the rest. Officials and others belonging to their order provide pack-mules as follows. The Hyparch or Prefect of the City 1; the Sacellarius 2; the Genicus 2; the Quaestor 1; the Prefect of the Sacellium 1; the Prefect of the Vestiarium 1; both Curators, namely the Great one and the other of the Palace [Magani], and the Clematinus [or inspector of imperial estates] one each; both Protonotaries of both Curatorships 1 mule; the Zygostates 1 mule;

COMMENTARY. [Greek text:] The Hyparch 1 mule, the Sacellarius two, the Genicus 2 mules, the Quaestor 1 mule, the [prefect] of the Sacellium 1 mule, the [prefect] of the Vestiarium 1 mule, the two Curators and the Ktematinos 1 mule each, the two Protonotaries of the two Curatorships 1 mule, the Zygostates 1 mule;

JOAN. JAC. REISKE ...that class of soldiers was called the "Obsequentes," a name bestowed by the Emperor M. Antoninus the Philosopher; concerning whom Julius Capitolinus (Vol. I, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, p. 369) relates these things: "He prepared slaves for military service, just as had been done in the Punic War, whom he called 'voluntarii' after the example of the 'volones.' He also armed gladiators, whom he called 'obsequentes'." It seems that this class of militia, called "Obsequentes" and originating from gladiators armed for war, did not last more than a century or two, although the name "Obsequium" remained thereafter in the lands of Bithynia, to which the "exacta militia" were led; just as happened with the neighboring lands of the Pontic provinces, although the class and name of the soldiers, the Bucellarii, and the Optimates had ceased. It seems, however, that the Emperor Marcus called that gladiatorial militia "obsequentes" and "obsequium" for the reason that wherever the Emperor was or wherever he went, they were bound to "obsequi," that is, to accompany him.

...of some offices, which I do not intend to illustrate individually. The discussion concerning the offices of the August house is very extensive and very difficult, and beyond my powers. I will sprinkle a thing or two, which seem to me not useless, as if by leaping. Who, therefore, the Sacellius was, since it is not clearly handed down, I will propose a conjecture, as is done in obscure matters. That he is distinct from the Sacellarius, about whom I spoke elsewhere, our passage and many others testify. Learned men almost agree on this, that the Sacellius had business with the private property of the Emperor. From the fact that on p. 68 he is joined to the prefects of hospitals and invalid-homes, and that the chartulary of the Sacellium is said to be subordinate to him on p. 417, among other officials, not only the said prefects of hospitals and invalid-homes, but also the chartularies of the *euagon oikon*, that is, in my opinion, of the "holy houses" or monasteries, especially those founded by Augusti or Augustae, the suspicion has arisen in me whether the Sacellius was the same as a chaplain or sacellan, or an almoner or eleemosynary, although lesser in power. His duty was certainly, just like that of an almoner, to distribute principal alms to the poor, to show them tokens, upon the presentation of which they would receive their sustenance and be admitted to the holy table on appointed days. He was therefore called [Sacellius] from the *sacellum* or *sacculus* (purse), just as the Greeks seem to have called the almonry or almoner's purse. Nevertheless, lest I conceal anything, on p. 417, the chartulary of the Sacellium is said to have subordinate to him not only officials pertaining to religion, such as prefects of hospitals, of old-age homes, and chartularies of monasteries, but also civil ones: royal notaries, protonotaries of legions or provinces, measurers of grain, and, what is most abhorrent to the sacred order, the prefect of the theater. This passage not a little undermines my opinion.

...they were led to war and camps. Yet their use there was not small. For it was their duty to examine whether gold and silver were genuine, and to appraise them together with gems, pearls, clothing, and any precious furniture. If, therefore, any coined gold or silver or precious furniture of elegant and artificial workmanship was taken from the enemy as booty, they had to appraise and weigh it, so that it might be known what was worthy to be brought into the sacred vestiarium, and at what value it should be held, or if anything had to be sold publicly under the spear, its price could be known. Elsewhere, in every major city, a *libripens* (weighmaster) was established, who would examine coins, whether they were genuine and of what weight, and therefore settle controversies that had arisen. (See Pancirollus, *De Magistratibus Municipalibus*, ch. XIV). For this reason, they were also employed in the receipt of money, as is evident from Menander Protector, whose words on p. 120 of the *Excerpt. Legation.* (Hoeschel) are these: "When certain Persians arrived at Dara, for whom such things were in their concerns (namely, the receipt of the coins which the Romans owed the Persians), at the same time, the money owed for the years was paid to those around Zich, along with some of the interpreters and the masters of the scales." Item, Zosimus IV, 28, p. 412 (ed. Cellarius): "One could see money-changers and usurers and others in the marketplace pursuing the most shameful of trades, carrying the symbols of the authorities, and handing over the provinces to those who paid more money." But they did not only appraise gold and silver coins and vessels—for which reason also below on p. 427, *zygostatae* and palace goldsmiths are joined—but they also appraised purples, whether they were of true color or false and counterfeit, as well as gems and other precious things. A notable passage on this matter is in Themistius, Oration XXI, p. 247, which I will not regret to transcribe: "Or, by Zeus, if someone, having plotted to [introduce] into the... [some] gold mixed with copper, or purple false in its bloom, or a stone..."

(56) Here occur the names of dignities, or rather... (57) It may seem strange why weighmasters in...

855 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 856

one for the zygostates or weigher; one for the special muleteer; one for the parathalassites and the barbarian [master of the maritime tract in the city]; one for the barbarian or master of the barbarian soldiers; one for the symponus or assistant [to the praetorian prefect] and the rationalis of the praetorium together; three mules for the secretum of the genikon; two mules for the secretum of the sacellion; two mules for the secretum of the vestiarium. In total, 25 mules; if you add to these the 58 mentioned above, you will have 83 mules in total, offered to the emperor under the name of xenalia or gifts. The metropolitans provide 52 saddled and shod mules; the fifty-two archbishops provide an equal number; these are saddled, along with their trappings, and shod. The count of the stable receives them, together with the chartulary of the inner stable, and brands them with the royal bull, such as the royal promosella or saddle-horse equipment bears. If you add these 104 mules to the 83 given as gifts mentioned above, and to those 200 mules for the rationalis of the herds, you will have a total number of 585 beasts. Added to these are one hundred horses, which the holy monasteries provide.

[COMMENTARY BY JOHANN JACOB REISKE]

If one were to bring a market to you, you would be angry and would not accept it, but would hand it over to the appointed official as if it were some criminal or turncoat; and for this reason, you have devised many instruments of torture for gold, many for purple, and many for hyacinths, and certain torturers sitting over this, whom, when you are buying, you invite to be present with you and to judge the transactions together. The last word denotes the goods about which a contract is made or trade is conducted. The same passage should be vindicated from the conjecture of Petavius, who substitutes "of stones" for "hyacinths." Themistius, however, wished to designate and include the whole class of gems under the name of one principal species. For the ancients were accustomed to consider these three as the most important among precious things: pearls, emeralds, and hyacinths, as Salmasius taught in *H. A.*, vol. II. In our codex, the reader should know that there was a figure on the parchment which, because the typesetters did not have it in their cases, I had to substitute with "total," not doubting that this very word, and no other, is designated by that scribal abbreviation. It represented a line placed obliquely, knotted as it were at the top, and distinguished in the middle sometimes by a single and sometimes by a double transverse line. One can see it in the specimen of the parchment codex expressed on a bronze plate and prefixed to the first volume.

[Notes]

(58) Wherever "total" appears in such sums. (59) Among the Greeks, the clergy is exempt from public burdens; see Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *De Administrando Imperio*, ch. 52, p. 144, where a similar loose list occurs: "The requisition of horses that took place in the theme of the Peloponnese under the Emperor Romanus." (60) A nursery of imperial horses, from which the saddle or saddled horses, *Sattelpferde*, are drawn. Goar was not successful in translating this word in his notes to Theophanes, p. 400. (61) The later Greeks are accustomed to use *amphoteroi* (both) for *pantes* (all), not without reason. Although *amphoteroi* is only said of two, and the ancients did not use it for more, there is something in the particle *amphi*, which designates the embrace of a whole thing, that persuades one that the later Greeks use the word *amphoteroi* for all. Thus, above p. 49, *amphoteroi* are all those, namely the tostrator, the count of the stable, and the stratores, p. 181; *amphoteroi* are the charioteers, masters, and inspectors. Cf. p. 374, 379, and several times p. 400. The author of the life of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, p. 291, in *Scriptores post Theophanem*, designates by *amphoteroi* Helena the wife, the children, the grandchildren, the chamberlain, and the eunuchs—in total all those previously listed. In Theophanes, p. 95, the passage suffers from no error and should be translated thus: "Having sent a legate, he had Caesarius's tongue cut out and at the same time exiled all who had taken part in the code of Proterius." In the same author, p. 201, "all" should be deleted as a scholion on the word *amphoteroi*, likewise p. 398. The same author also interchanges the words "all" and "each of the two": for example, p. 6, "all these together" are only two, Diocletian and Maximian. Conversely, p. 20, he says "of each of the crosses" when he is speaking of three crosses. It is no wonder. You can expect anything from a Greekling. They mix heaven and earth. I would seek patronage for them from Polyaenus, who on p. 146 said *amphoteroi* for *pantes*, if the common cause did not involve him. We do not have that ancient Polyaenus, but one defiled by a later Greekling. Eusebius also, III, put it thus: "But they both said," meaning they all said together. In Demosthenes also, *amphoteroi* seems to be taken in this sense in that phrase: "He will read to you both the testimonies and the law of these," in *Orat. adv. Callippum*, p. 681, n. 28, ed. Morelli. (62) Horses that are "dragged" or "drawn" are what the Latins call *dextrarii*, because they are led by the right hand. See Du Cange on Alex., p. 227.

104. The count of the stable and the chartulary of the stable receive these into their trust, and brand them with the royal bull, along with the rest of the promosella.

wherever he commands. Likewise also from the gifts ^A offered to the Emperor at the time of the *fossaton*. The Count of the Stable, together with the Chartulary of the Stable, takes from the *eidikon* for the exit [a certain number] of pairs. And the Count of the Stable, together with the Chartulary, examines the imperial storehouse as to how many imperial saddle-girths and hair-cloths for horses from Lydia, from the Curatorship of the Trychini, are present. And he takes the 100 *sagmatopasmagadia* (63) once at the time of the *fossaton* for the *metatina*. Likewise also the 104 *sagmatopasmagadia* once; in total 150 *sagmatopasmagadia*. And for the completion of the 585 *sagmatopasmagadia* he purchases—that is, there must be purchased and provided—horse-cloths and *sagmata* 82. And it is necessary to purchase *basika amalia* (64).

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

it is found that this word is written [as it is here]. ^A Below, in our author on page 269, *malos* stands instead of *mallos*, based on the manuscripts, and on page 270, *linomallotaria*. In Gregory the Great, Epist. X, 50, *amphimalum* was also published. Likewise in Malalas II, p. 98, the “saviors” are called *emmaloi*, that is *symmallo* or *eumalloi*, being lovely with *malloil*, that is, beautiful with ringlets, with the curls of their hair elegantly hanging and waving by their ears, which were conspicuous; whence also the names *Karamallos* (for *charamallos*, *Charitomallos*) and *Chrysomallos* were given to them. Since, therefore, it is probable that this word should be traced back to *mallos*, it might now be asked which of the two interpretations ought to be preferred. Here, in Callimachus, the echo answers *nai, kalos* to *nai*, a cold pun and bit of wordplay between *halas* and *allas* in Nicetas Choniates, p. 232. For my part, I incline more to the latter, nor are there wanting compounds in which the prefix *a-* signifies just as much as *monos* (single), such as *amitos*, “unthreaded,” *auros*, “uniforal” or “single-doored,” *abolos*, “unicolored.” Hence the entry in Du Cange’s *Glossarium Latinum* under *alicius*—of one thread or color—must be corrected; the opposite, then, would be *to amalon* or *monomalon*, which signifies the same as *heteromallon*, namely “floccose on one side only,” in contrast to the *amphimallon*, the *dikrosson*—as Arrian calls it in the *Periplus of the Erythraean Sea*—which is a cloth that is [floccose] on both sides, which Eunapius in the *Excerpta Legationum* of Hoeschel, p. 12, calls *amphimalla*. His words are: “The greater part of the gifts consisted of linen fabrics and *amphimalla* (floccose on both sides) for the rugs”; ^C whence it is clear that this garment of the Scythians, indeed the *bigerricae*, was such. For so they also called *amphiballa* those garments which could be worn both ways and on both sides, with the inside turned outward. Regarding both words, one may consult Du Cange s.v. *Amphiballum* and *Bigerra*, and Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* II, p. 544. That these garments were ample and convenient, such that they could be inverted and worn on both sides, the thing itself speaks, and the Gloss (in Du Cange s.v. *Explita*), which renders *strikta* as “narrow,” *anauphibola*, “narrow garments, not *bigerricae*.” But our author adds *basika*, made of cloth, as a predicate to the word *amalia*, because, naturally, a certain linen garment was also floccose, of which more will be said hereafter at the word *linomallotaria*. The woolly garment, with the nap knotted into tufts, Paulinus in his *Life of St. Martin* elegantly calls: *A garment bought for scarce a part of an eighth of a solidus.* *A texture of knotted threads with a thick fleece.*

Before I depart from this, I shall illustrate a passage of the Scholiast of Aristophanes on the *Wasps*, where he has this to say concerning the *caunace* garment: “*Caunaces*, a Persian cloak, warm. Palamedes says: *Caunaces* is a Persian garment having wool on one side.” The Hungarians even today call a woolly garment for warding off rain a *Gepenec*, as Leunclavius testifies in his *Onomasticon* to the *Turkish History* s.v. *Scaramannium*. Whence it is clear that the ancients did not pronounce this word as *caunake*, but as *cawanaki* or *cawanuki*.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

^A ...and skins for wine and vinegar for the use of the periodic journeys (69) of the animals, digging-tools (70), and flat-shovels (71), and sturdy winnowing-fans (72) for the pods. And from the imperial treasury he must take fifty pounds of iron for iron-rings, and from these make one hundred and fifty lightweight bits. And he must take reins (73) and simple headstalls from the tanners.

...to see in the parchments. If, therefore, I have been foolish and erred in this, the Latin interpretation must be reformed thus: "and baskets," and the word will be derived from *akanthos* (thorn), and *exakanthēlon* the same, which is *exakanthinon*, made from the acanthus, concerning which tree Salmasius has much to say in his commentary on Solinus, p. 372 et seqq. Indeed, the learned V. D. says in the same place, citing Theophrastus, that the acanthus grows to such a height that timber twelve cubits long could be cut from it. It was easy, therefore, for baskets to be made from the acanthus by hollowing it out, not by weaving it, which was also necessary for containing liquid, such as cedar oil. But if I reflect with myself, that the Greeks were not accustomed to compound words in this way, so that this should be *-thinos*, but rather to say either *exakanthos* or simply *akanthinos*, and that the termination *-thēlon* can hardly exist with the preposition *ex-*, I begin not to despair of my former interpretation. Nor are there wanting to it some colors at least, if not excuses. That *kanthos* is the same as *kaththos*, *kaddos*, and *kados* can easily be conceded; whence come *cantharus* and *canthelius*, which an ass or mule carries as a jar. *Tetrakanthēlon*, as if one were to say "four-jar-carrier," is found in Theophanes, p. 355, in that famous passage little understood by interpreters, for four jars or baskets, two of which, like a pack, are carried on each side of the beast of burden. Du Cange, in his *Glossarium Græcum*, p. 573, correctly interpreted that passage, and it seems to me that it should be constructed thus: ^B "In the great distress that arose, it was devised to place boards (sani-das) on two beasts of burden which were being harnessed, from a *tetrakanthēlon*, and thus to carry out the dead." Therefore, due to the urgency of the calamity, this expedient was devised so that two animals, each loaded with a single cartload of [empty] baskets, would be yoked together, and over them eight baskets were placed on wide boards or beams, upon which the corpses were borne. As, therefore, in this passage *tetrakanthēlon* is a set of four baskets or jars, so I do not see how it cannot represent a set of six (if I may so speak) in our own passage.

(69) Because [the term] *medicos* [is used for] those who go around to their patients, as Seneca says, whether to go from one to another or to make the round of visits, therefore the act was called in new Greek *periodia* and *mederi* to *perio-deuein* and physicians *periodeutai*; or even physicians were so called because they were accustomed to treat [a patient] by cycle, period, method, [and] constant abstinence of certain days, [according to] a certain formula, [at] certain intervals of exercises and medications, so that through certain periods of time they might perform the cycles of diets, exercises, medications, etc. See Du Cange s.v. *Cyclus*. *Periodeuesthai* means to use medicine, to apply medicine to one's body. Malala, Vol. II, p. 100.

(70) ...suitable for digging the earth, looking to *axinēn* (axe) and *orytion* (digging-tool). For the Greeks are accustomed to join two words of different meaning by means of [a conjunction] and to fuse them into one mass; I have treated this custom on p. 43. I have translated it, therefore, not unreasonably. For it is not impossible that the ancients had such instruments armed on one side with an axe, and on the other with a rake or a single flattened part. And *axinē* is indeed sometimes an axe, by which wood is cut; as is evident from Nicetas (and I will pile up examples in a known matter beyond what is necessary) 1. 11, c. 4, in *Alexius*: "He gave also *axinaria* (small axes) into their hands to cut wood." However, now I would prefer to interpret *axinorygia* as rakes or mattocks, that is, those instruments that have a sufficiently long and wide iron at the end of a wooden handle, which, when driven into the earth, turns it up. They called them "picas" in the Middle Ages from the German verb *picken*, to peck with a beak. To the French today it is a *houe*, from the same German word *haue*, which denotes every instrument of cutting. We call them *Radehauen*, as if you were to say wheel-rakes, because carriage-drivers, by their aid, if by chance their carts have sunk into a depth of earth or a hole in the ice, break through obstructing things, turn up the earth, and thereby free the wheels. It is probable that the later Greeks coined this word so that [they might] distinguish these *axinais* meant for digging, through apposition ^C to the verb *oryttein* (to dig), from those *axinais* which serve only for chopping wood. For both axes and mattocks, as I have said, the ancient Greeks called *axinai*; both *apo tou anynai*, from breaking, from breaking through. The former meaning is known to the public; the latter is less known and rarer; therefore I believe it necessary to establish it with some added examples. Polyænus, p. 57, among instruments for cutting wood, counts *drepana*, scythes, for lopping off branches not too sturdy; *pelekis*, for felling trees; *axinais*, for digging up roots of trees from the earth. The passage of Artemidorus, p. 111 [1. II, c. 24, fol. 65, ed. Ald. 1518], demonstrates it even more clearly: "*Axeinē* [that is, *axinē*] is a sign of a woman and of woman's work. And of woman's work, because it belongs to the one holding it [namely the axe] to draw [the thing itself] and to pull it." *Axinē*, therefore, was an instrument made for pulling and turning up. He continues: "But of a woman because of the name, because evidently she either *agei* (leads), draws to herself in love, she draws the man to herself, and becomes his *agalma*, his delight, or because she *agetai*, is led into marriage by a man."

(71) I do not have a lexicon entry for this word. Therefore, following the conjecture and the force of the word *platys* (flat), which forms a part of the composition, I have translated it as "broad shovels for sweeping away earth," such as gravediggers use to dig up the earth and later shovel back the excavated soil onto the corpse deposited in the grave. We call them *Spathen*.

(72) I have translated *bottas* as every hollow cylindrical vessel, every hollow shaft. Hence leggings are called *bottæ*. We Germans also retain that word in our language in the phrase *eine Lohbutte* or *Butte-Loh*. Du Cange led me to translate it thus, who says that *ptyon* (the diminutive of which is *ptyarion*) signified a winnowing-fan to the ancients, but to more recent ones a wooden shovel, with which earth is shoveled. Nothing could be clearer or more apt for the learned V. D. But the ambiguity of the word "shovel" (*batillum*) deceived me. For when I did not have it present in my mind that "shovel" also commonly denotes a wooden one, not armed with iron, with which earth is shoveled (which we call a *Schüppe*), but I thought only of a portable shovel with which red-hot embers are stored, it happened from that, that I translated *ptyaria* as *bottas* for carrying out mud. Wrong, without a doubt. For *ptyaria* are shovels. But whether they are metal-tipped or without iron, I do not know. In Du Cange I find *ptyarion*, an iron shovel. If *ptyarion* is a wooden shovel tipped with iron (an *ein Spathen*), *platyliskion* ought to be a pure wooden shovel or one without iron (a *Schüppe*), or vice versa.

(73) means a "retaining-strap." It remains in the French language as *rênes*, reins. Compare Du Cange s.v. *Péteux*.

^A of the *kakabê*, which he receives from the same imperial treasury, he must make straps.

[or feed-bags, such as are tied to the heads of horses, and skins for the making of halters from them, 180, and *hexacanthela* (or leather receptacles each containing six leather amphorae inside), for storing cedar oil or tar there; and wine skins and vinegar skins for the treatment of sick pack-animals. Scythes must also be procured, or axes suitable both for cutting wood and for digging the earth; likewise broad-bladed shovels for clearing away waste earth, and robust tubs or barrels for carrying out in them the filth dug from pits. He must also take from the imperial wardrobe fifty pounds of iron for preparing horseshoes therein, and likewise 150 lighter bits. He must also take care that the straps which fasten the horses' jaws, and the headstalls (or straps surrounding their foreheads) which are simple (that is, in which there is no iron), be made from leather. And from the hemp which he receives from the imperial wardrobe, he must take care that ropes are made.]

Regarding the imperial *hypurgia*

The prefect of the table, and the domestic of the ministry, and the private imperial cellarer provide eighty pack animals (or mules) to carry the imperial culinary ministry and the silver plate of the imperial table. The prefect of the table and the domestic of the ministry receive a ^B certain sum of money for expenses from the *Eidikon*, specifically for the cost of seasoning. The apothecary provides imperial wine for the magistri and patricians—the imperial measure being *zygophlaskia* (75) of three measures [each], weighing eight, and for the magistri and patricians, skins of five measures [each], weighing ten. Formerly, the two *curatoriae* provided *skortzidia* for the imperial oil, beans, *omyzin*, pistachios, almonds, and lentils, as well as the oil; the remaining food items, namely lard, dried meat, cheese, salted fish, slaughtered meat, suckling lambs (76), suckling cows, and local wine, the protonotaries provide. The prefect of the table and the domestic of the ministry must also purchase *bertzitia* (77) and tendons. And they must have *arithmia* and *amprinoi* from the imperial *curatoriae*. And wherever the imperial ministry is spent, wherever he finds good wine and oil and legumes, he must place them in his vessels; and as much, moreover, as any send as gifts to the emperor, the prefect of the table, the domestic of the ministry, and the private imperial cellarer receive the food items, and they distribute them wherever the emperor commands. And one must know that the prefect of the table must have nets ^C for the exclusion of Syria, and nets (78) ^D

[index: entries preserved]

birds and vessels, so that they may drink. And when the emperor gives orders to depart for Syria, they must load the eighty pack-animals of their company, and those pack-animals which the mensurator decides upon, so that the prefect of the table and the domestic of the service and the private imperial cellarer may load them as well, so that in no way should anything be missing for the imperial service.

For the mensurator, that is, for the imperial tent, fifty pack-animals.

It is necessary for the mensurator to carry two tent-groups and the folding-tents of the imperial tent; for as long as the emperor is in Romania, one troop goes ahead with half the service, and the imperial camp is prepared in advance, and the emperor finds everything ready and prepared; it is necessary, however, for the mensurator to have folding stools, so that three men may sit on each stool. Likewise, for the length of these, ^B there should be folding tables, table-cloths, and *epeuchia* and *phountata* for the floor-cushions.

JOIN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

(79) See Du Cange, Gloss., on both words and Alex. p. 278, and Salmas. t. 1, Scr. Hist. August. p. 667.

(80) This does not mean these things which the Latin rendering suggests, but the table-cloths, the coverings of tables, as *mansalia* are hand-towels for wiping the hands; see Du Cange, v. *Mensalium*.

(81) See Du Cange, h.v.; they are clean cloths, specifically those which both Greeks and Turks are accustomed to spread under themselves when they are about to pray to God; for this reason, among the Mohammedans, such a cloth, which they always carry with them, clean, the *masalla* or *musella*, is the term for the item upon which or over which one prays: then, in more common use, any kind of cloth or carpet used for anything, [and] *epeuchion*, a thing over which one prays, is called [that]. The word *musella* remained in the Spanish language, *almucella*. The testament of Ramiro, king of Aragon, in Du Cange, Gloss. Lat. v. *Acitara*, which signifies a hanging, such as, for example, is spread on saddles or trappings: *et meos vestitos, et acitaras, et collectras, et amucellas, et servitium de mea mensa*. Hence you may also understand the passage of John the Deacon in the Neapolitan chronicle, p. 310: *Fecit tres calices aureos cum patena aurea, quam in gyro et in medio gemmis decoravit. Fecit etiam et duo paria macellarium ex auro mirifice sculpta, in quibus Evangelia per festivitates leguntur*. These very words are found in Rainer, concerning the discovery of the relics of S. Eutyches and Aculius, in Du Cange v. *Mascellare*. *Mascellarium* here is from the nominative singular *mascellare*, which is the same as *massellare*. For in the Middle Ages, middle *c* was worth the same as *ss*.

(82) The term *phountata* is also written, and this method of writing is more frequent. Since there is frequent mention of *fundata* dress in this codex and in Anastasius, and yet it is not yet sufficiently established what it was, we believe we will have done a service if we inquire into this subject somewhat more diligently. And in the first place, the opinions of learned men concerning this word, which I know, are to be proposed. Therefore Goar, ad Codin. p. 49 n. 22, says that *phounta* and *phouta* are the same, and [are] the *toupha*, the apex, the tiara, and p. 62 margin shows *phounta* instead of *toupha* as a variant reading, which may have given the learned man occasion for error. Bulenger relied on *fundatus* as woven with gold, embroidered with needles (these are the words of Du Cange's Gl. Lat. h.v.), who also thinks it is the same as what we call *étoffe à fond d'or*; *drapo di fundo d'oro* of Dominicus Magrius. But since this word is also attributed to silver and gold vessels, Du Cange adds that he does not see how *fundatus* could be said of needlework. Salmasius, in his letter to Sarravius p. 145 ed. Burmann, explains his opinion concerning *fundata* clothing in these words, which I shall not regret to transcribe, although they are somewhat lengthy: "'Clothing made of *funtato* work and gilded, by which nets were tied, with which the heads of women were adorned; they also call them *fundas*, as the Greeks call them *sphendonas*, because the *fundas* (slings) with which stones were thrown, were woven in that part, to which the stone or lead ball was placed, with a net-like work.' In garments, however, the paths woven with gold or sewn in Phrygian work intersected each other crosswise, like the meshes in nets. This work they called *de fundato*, that is, from the *funda*. But *funda*, as I said, is understood as a woman’s head ornament, which was called by the Greeks *sphendonē* and *opisthosphendonē*, which ornaments were *epichrysa* (gilded), as Pollux notes. Hence, in garments also, gold threads woven in a net-like and *fundatim* fashion received the name. Tibullus called them paths. — And from *funda*, *fundatum* is the same as *funda*: as from *arena*, *arenatum*; from *fossa*, *fossatum*. Indeed, later writers said *fossatum*, where the ancients said *fossa*." Compare what he discussed concerning *funda* and *ventralis* in Script. Hist. Aug. t. 1, p. 670 and t. II, p. 437. It is not helpful to examine these, nor to refute them. They are similar to many other Salmasian notions, in which you may admire the learning, but long for the faith and the truth. Nevertheless, honor must be accorded to a great talent even where the confidence of its own knowledge slips. Finally, Alteserra ad Ana-

867 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 868 and a sufficient number for the royal table, likewise tapestries laid down, upon which one may recline on the ground. These—

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...and acting [in this capacity]; but the *minis-trator* does not bring these, rather the *protovestiarios* provides them. Stas. p. 119: "Vela de fundato" are woven with golden signs, just as a chalice is engraved with signs... Among the goldsmiths, whom they call gem-setters, a *funda* is a small net of gold similar to a sling, in which gems are enclosed. For my part, various conjectures regarding the meaning of this word, as is the case with an ancient and obscure matter, have entered my mind. Three, however, hold the chief place for me. Either, in my opinion, *fundatae* garments were so called because they had a golden or silk *fundus* (base/ground); others call this the *trama* (weft) or *subtegmen* (woof); *stairen*, however, is of another kind; or because they were of a color *fundatus*—sharp, intense, deep—as the French still say today *foncé*, of a deep and intense color, dark blue or almost black; or because they had *fundae* woven into them, that is, orbicular areas. There was also a time when I thought these garments were called *fundatae* because they had *fundae*, that is, purses or pouches (French *poches*, German *Taschen*), sewn onto them. But because tapestries and palls dedicated on altars are also called *fundata* everywhere, in which there is no use or place for pouches, I rejected this conjecture. Having set the others forth, it is now my task to provide proof. On this occasion, I must discourse on the meaning of the word *sphendonē* and *funda*, and also on the purses of the ancients. The first opinion, according to which *fundatae* garments have a golden or silver or silk base, but a warp of another, cheaper kind, is favored by that *tramosericum* or cloth whose weft was silk, in an old document in Du Cange, s.v. *Mafors*, and the passage in Anastasius, p. 122, would strongly support it: "Vela holoserica majora sigillata [Zōdiōta] habentia periclysin et crucem de blathin seu fundato," if learned men were citing and correcting it correctly in this way. But in the Parisian edition, which C I use, I read *de bathin*, and that is correct and proper. *Bathin* is an Arabic word, denoting saturated, nourished, well-fed, and distended and stuffed. This was transferred to color. A nourished, saturated color is so thickened that it cannot be intensified or receive more color particles; in a word, deep. Therefore, a *fundatus* color is the same as a deep one. But a deep color, looking at the word in itself, can be any color tending toward the dark. Yet in usage, not every color was called deep, but only a certain specific color, which I conjecture to have been a dark, blackish blue. Among the ancient Latins, there was already a specific species of color called *color profundus*, as is understood from the letter of Valerian to Aurelian, H. Scr. II. A, p. 450, in which, among other things, he attributes to him a *subarmallem profundum*, for which they later said *fundatum*; whence the Gallo-Franks retained the term *foncé*. This interpretation of the word *fundatus* pleased Du Cange in his *Glossarium Latinum*, to which I do not hesitate to subscribe; although there was a time when I was more addicted to the third explanation, as being more elegant and containing something more learned, namely, that *fundatae* garments were those which had round areas woven into them, which they called *fundae*; by another name also *de cyclaton* and *cum rotis*, concerning which names there will be another place to speak. The reason for our appellation is this. *Funda* to the Latins and *sphendonē* to the Greeks is anything round, circular, or at least ending in a cone from a round base. Hence *sphendonē* is any long circular band surrounding the pupil in the likeness of the cornea of the eye; it is the conical goal in the circus; it is the *canthus* or circle which is placed around barrels for the sake of holding the staves; it is the *tutulus* or apex of the head, which ancient Greek women and our Western ones also wore in the Middle Ages, highly peaked in the shape of a sugar loaf; which, if they wore it straight and high on the crown, was called *sphendonē* simply; if they wore it inclined and oblique on the back of the head, it was called *orthosphendonē*; concerning which see the interpreters on Pollux V.96. Finally, *sphendonē* was the conical apex of a bonnet, folded and hanging behind the head or onto the shoulder, and correctly converging from a wide, round base into a narrow apex, as Virgil says in the Georgics: "And another now beats the wide river with a sling (*funda*)." Finally, *funda* is a funnel (*infundibulum*) from *infundendo* (just as *sphendonē* from the ancient *sphendō*, to pour, to pour down), and a conical pouch in its likeness, whether it was woven of linen or silk, or cut from leather. All these are from a figure either entirely round or conical. There still remains in our language the word *funda* for a barrel hoop, when we say *Fundgrube* and *Fundleder*, a pit enclosed by wooden hoops, in which leathers are prepared, from which shoes are soled, and such thick, rigid ox-hide prepared in such a pit is called *Fundleder*. That *sphendonē* and *funda* are the circle surrounding a barrel and holding the wooden boards is clearly evident from the passage of John Canabutzes (cited by Du Cange s.v. *Chantrōsis*): "They call a certain circle *chantrōsis* and with this sixth [i.e., with the compass, or with this tool, but it is difficult to judge this passage taken out of context] they describe and make it equal in every way, fitting for the circumference of the barrel, as they say, *chantrōsis*." The word *chantrōsis* comes from *kanthroun*. Moreover, *kanthron* is a diminutive of *kanthos*, the iron circle which is placed around wheels to hold them. Hence the Arabic word *almocantharat*, known to astronomers, signifies circles parallel to the horizon, likewise a sundial marked with such circles. Now it is easy to understand the words of the Code IV.53: "His *skaranikon* dressed in *chatzion* having a small red *phounta* on the top." It had a hood sewn onto that *skaranikon*, pointed like the bread which they call sugar [loaf]. It also appears why *phounta* is explained by Portius and Ulacius (in Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*, s.v.) as *kyttaros*. For *kyttaros* is, e.g., a small cavity in which acorns sit, and that word also denotes something not far removed from the shape of a funnel and a cone. It is helpful on this occasion to correct and explain the passage brought by Du Cange, l.c. For Du Cange brings these glosses from the same authors; *Antiae*, *tzoulouphi phounta prokoimon*; but *phounta* are called *antiae* (forelocks) here because the ancients sometimes built up curled forelocks in the manner of a double *funda* or double cone, whence Moses is believed to have been called horned. Finally, the word *tzoulouphi* is Arabic, and signifies all hairs, first occurring to the eyes, prominent. Hence let it also be understood what *topsyphountōmenon* is in Theophanes 207. He describes there the habit of Arethas, the petty king or phylarch of the Arabs, to whom Julian the Magistrian had been sent as an ambassador by the Emperor Justin the Younger: "King Arethas was naked (that is, he was not wearing a chlamys, but only an undergarment; it is wrongly translated as 'he was naked') and over his girdle he had linen-gold garments on his loins, and over his belly a split garment, [adorned] with precious pearls, and on his arms five *klabia* each (these are small knots containing cloth, such as are often seen on the stoles of ancient Greek women over the arms, immediately touching [the skin], or raised only a little from the ground by the help of supports. See Du Cange s.v. *Cham-cuniæ*). Therefore, for the words of the Latin interpretation "in which one may recline on the ground," I would prefer to substitute "which are used (or spread) on low beds,"

(83) They are beds either placed on the ground itself and [covering] it

869 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I, APPENDIX B - 870

As often as they are needed, the protovestiarios of the emperor provides them from the baggage of the private imperial wardrobe. The same official also provides *pilota* [cushions/mattresses], or thick felted *diblatta* [double-dyed purple garments], or *sarica*, that is, garments covered in a double-dyed silk wrapping; and *ptena* [perhaps mattresses stuffed with feathers], upon which one may recline. Likewise, other felted items, covered in blue linen garments, having combed wool, each weighing thirty pounds, for the invited friends; and haircloths for the *chamokoumba* [low stools]. These are also provided in the same manner.

COMMENTARY. 170, and Vol. II, p. 20, 84, and elsewhere. For those circular or mostly rhomboid areas, conspicuous in the region of the knees, are the openings of pouches or purses. Perhaps our author understands these as well when, on page 271, he mentions garments *meta phendon*, equipped with purses. Let us now see what "pouch-like" cups might have been. From what we have discussed so far, it can be concluded that "pouch-like" cups were either those that converged at the bottom in the manner of a pouch, a funnel, or a cone, or those that were encircled by a single gold ring along the top rim, or by several at certain intervals; or, finally, those that rested on a base and a foot or a broad circular disk, whereas those lacking such a foot, ending in a truncated cone and resting on the bottom of the cup itself, would not be called "pouch-like" or "without feet," as in the old document in Du Cange, under the word *Mazer*: "All my silver household goods and *cyphi de mazaro* [that is, cups of Megarian work, earthenware, porcelain] with feet and without feet." Sometimes the cups were of one material and their bases or feet of another, as "the hanap of St. Louis was of porcelain mother-of-pearl, garnished with a foot of gilded silver." See Du Cange, under *Mazer*. If, however, these conjectures do not satisfy someone, perhaps this one will be more pleasing, to which I myself also attribute much: that "pouch-like" cups were cast, not hammered with a hammer. For in the Middle Ages, *fundare* was said for *fundere* [to cast], and *fundator* for *fusor* [caster], *choneutes*, a melter of metals.

...of the emperor from the loading of the private imperial wardrobe. Thick *pilota diblattia* and *ptena* from the loading of the private imperial wardrobe; other *pilota linoveneta* [blue-linen cushions] having combed wool, of thirty pounds each, for the invited friends; haircloths for the *chamokoumba*... For after the emperor departs for Syria, the stools and the tables and the... [with a] gold-linen head-cloth slung [like a sling], having four rows on both sides of the knots.

No one could easily understand the latter part regarding the ornament or headband unless they had before them the image of the Arabic habit produced by la Rocque, engraved on copper, p. 4 of his *Itinerary through Palestine*, published in Amsterdam in the year 1718, and had read his words describing the Arabic turban. These are as follows: "A turban, which consisted of a cap of red cloth, surrounded by a veil or scarf of black silk, striped with gold, two ells square, the fringe of which, twisted and half a foot long, hung over the forehead and cheeks. One of the ends of this scarf, called *Bustmani*, hung over the front of my left shoulder, and the other, which had been passed through the folds of its windings, came out from the top of the cap and formed a kind of plume that descended from behind down to the back." Therefore, a *sphendonismenon phakiolion* is a *cidaris* or turban made in such a way that it goes from a broad circular base into a pouch, a funnel, and a cone. The *cidaris* of Arethas, exactly like that of the Arab described by those French words, had two peaks, from each of which four *opala* hung, that is, strips or ribbons woven either from gold and silk threads, or strings of pearls. From this, furthermore, it is clear why they called a purse, and likewise the stomach (see Gario. pont. II. 23), a "pouch": they converged either from a wide opening into a narrow end or from a wide middle into two narrow legs, like a sling, that instrument by which stones are thrown from a distance. We still use both kinds of slings or money pouches today. Some, woven of silk, have in the middle, wider part, an opening common to two different compartments for storing gold coins on one side and silver on the other. Such were the waist-belts of the ancients, about which I do not wish to repeat what Salmasius argues in *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*. They wrapped these waist-belts around their zones and wore them in that way. But they also had, certainly in the Middle Ages, such pockets (*des poches*, *Taschen*) as we wear sewn into and hidden in our clothes. Indeed, they also carried a third type of pouch, visible to the eyes, hanging from their belts in the place where our soldiers carry their military pouches (commonly *Patrontaschen*). The passage in Nicetas (in Du Cange, under *Disakkion*) is to be understood as referring to the latter type: "Our ecumenical chief shepherd... carrying a *disakkion* [double bag] not of gold on his hip, a staff and a...". He means to say that the patriarch did not carry a bag on his thigh containing gold. The French interpretation of Valerius Maximus in the Leipzig manuscripts, which I mentioned above, provides an image of a man carrying such a bag. In these bags or *punchae* (which is exactly the same thing and derived from it) or purses, which were exposed to view, they were once accustomed to display luxury and wealth, as is evident from St. Audoenus in the *Life of St. Eligius* I. 12: "He had belts made of gold and many gems, and also elegantly jeweled purses." Purses are often mentioned in clothing in Muratori, *Antiquitates Italicae* II, p. 313-316, and elsewhere. One can see an image of purses, such as ours, hidden between the cloth and its lining (for the ancients were not ignorant of them) in Ciampinus, Vol. II, *Veterum Monumentorum*, table 52, and in the *Menologium Basilianum* passim, as in Vol. I, p. 12, 18.

And although *blatta* often denotes silk, and also certain felted items made of cheaper silk, and likewise cotton, I think nevertheless that the discussion here is only about the *blatteus* or purple color, about which we shall perhaps see elsewhere what it was like, if anything certain can ever be established about this color given the inconsistency of the ancient authors. As for what I added in the Latin, "covered in a double-dyed silk wrapping," I took that from p. 270. But both the difficulty of the subject matter itself and the barbaric language of the new Greeks, obscuring everything as if with a mist, will easily win me pardon. I conjectured that *ptena* were mattresses stuffed with feathers. For I wanted to write "mattresses," not "bedspreads." That the ancients certainly used feather-beds or mattresses stuffed with goose feathers is abundantly proven by Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 125, and Du Cange under *Plumacium* from *Xvodo-soma* (under *Ploumos*), to which may be added that of Corippus, Book II: "and the paternal seat, constructed with feathers, and high with beautiful tapestries"; it is also evident from that passage in the *Life of St. Winwaloei*, abbot, no. 15: "Instead of a woolen or linen garment, he used goat skins; instead of feathers or bedding, he used tree bark." But if I reconsider that the new Greeks, for *psila lepta* [thin, fine things], say *pthena* (see Du Cange under this word, from *cover* [to wither/thin out]), the suspicion enters my mind that *ptena* here does not denote feather mattresses, but the same thing as *psila* and is opposed to the preceding word *pachea* [thick]. So that the sense of our passage here would be: thick and thin double-dyed felted items for low beds. The new Greeks love to change letters, as *phthuari* for *ptarion*, *phthaisma* for *ptaisma*, *phthaigein* for *ptaiein*, *phthuein* for *ptuein*, *phlemmoni* for *pleumonion*, *stapis* for *staphis*.

(84) I would like "or silk" to be deleted in the Latin. Although... (85) I fear that I may not have interpreted this correctly here either. (86) They are blue-colored linen items. To this manner, therefore...

871 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 872

in the place, the protonotary, and wherever the Emperor commands, he deposits them. A Turkish bath (87), that is, a Scythian *tzerga*, with a leather cistern made of *ademion* (88); sixteen three-measure copper kettles (89); twelve fire-boxes for the sake of the bath; bricks for the furnace; folding cots; an imperial church with sacred objects (90). It should be noted that the *primicerius* of the *vestiarium* is obligated to carry the sacred objects.

[Latin translation of the above text:] ...which are spread out for friends invited to the royal banquet, and which are placed under those upper ones, closest to the ground, with haircloth, in a number proportional to the guests. For from the time the Emperor invades Syria, he leaves behind the benches, tables, and superfluous tents and one court with the protonotary of that place, from which he immediately departs into the enemy territory; and this protonotary arranges them in that place where he has been ordered by the Emperor to deposit them. Furthermore, the measurer must also carry with him a Turkish or Scythian bath, a *tzerga*, with a leather cistern made of *ademion* [or Parthian or Cordovan red leather]; twelve copper kettles or cauldrons, each holding three measures; twelve *pyromachia* [perhaps portable handled braziers for holding burning coals] for the use of the bath; bricks for the furnace; folding cots; an imperial church or portable oratory with images and its other sacred equipment. The *primicerius* of the *vestiarium* must carry these sacred items with him.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(87) I seem to myself to gather from this passage of our author and another from Abumasar, that the bath so called "Turkish" or, as the Scythians, that is, the Tatars, call it in their own language *tzerga*, is a small leather tent. The passage of Abumasar (in Du Cange, s.v. *Tripyn*) is this: "Of those dwelling in the *tzergas* and *charkadas* of both the Tatars and Turks." The word *Chorecal* or *Chorcah*, whence comes our "Horde," refers to the mobile and nomadic villages of the Tatars, woolen, felt, or skin tents, which I have often read in Abulpharagius and others. But I have read *tzerga* nowhere else. It seems to me that a German book, called *Das veränderte Russland*, p. 158, describes such a *tzerga* with these words: "They [the Cossacks or Tatars] have a kind of hut made of leather, which looks similar to a hoop-skirt, and are called *Kubiten*. They set these up with poles, make a fire and eat inside them, and after the fire has burned out, they stop up the hole at the top and warm themselves in such a way at night." You recognize the customs and the posterity of the Scythians, concerning whose dry or vapor bath Herodotus (IV, 75) writes knowledgeably, denying that they use a wet bath; "they crawl," he says, "under their felt tents, and having thrown hemp seed onto the glowing stones, they bathe themselves, delighted by the vapor bath, or warm themselves by the fire; this is for them instead of a bath." I have no doubt that our *tzerga* is exactly the same thing; namely, a leather tent of conical shape, like a bell, having a window at the top which allows the smoke of the burning fire to pass through, and when the wood has been turned into coals, it is closed to keep the heat within the circumference of the tent. From the passage of Abumasar cited, it certainly seems to be gathered that *tzerga* is a tent or a hut. Because, however, our author adds "with a leather cistern," it must be believed that such a hut served not only for a dry bath but also for a wet one. For that leather cistern was the same as a tub in a bathhouse, full of hot water, in which those bathing would sit.

(88) Since I knew for certain that *ademion* was the same as what we call *cordobanum* today, and furthermore I had persuaded myself that the red Armenian or Parthian skins celebrated by the ancients were the same as the Cordovan ones, I gave what lies in the Latin. The Arabic word denotes skin in general, but in particular, red; [Hebrew text omitted] also denotes red in Hebrew. It appears from the passage of Meidani, where, telling the story of Nezar distributing his wealth among his sons, he introduces him speaking thus: "Let this alcove, or tent, be red for Modar," to which the grammarian adds for the sake of explanation: "It was, however, of *Adim*, that is, red leather." The Romans praised Persian, Parthian, and Armenian skins, and in the Middle Ages, ermines—which you must be careful not to confuse with our ermines, following Du Cange’s example in *Joinville*, p. 131, as they are as different as heaven and earth; likewise Cordovan skins, whence our "Cordowan"; today we celebrate Turkish leather, *Saffian*, Cordovan, Morocco, or whatever other names they are called by. These skins or leathers do not differ by reason of preparation, but only by the workshops. Once, red skins were among precious things; see Muratori, II *Scr. Rer. Ital.*, p. 143, and Luitprand, *Hist.* VI, 3. Among the gifts that Alaric demanded from besieged Rome were three thousand *dermata kokkina* (Zosimus, p. 356); and among those things which the envoys of Theodosius gave to a certain Illyrian queen were "three silver bowls and red skins, and pepper from India and the fruit of the *cinnamomum*," as Priscus the rhetor says in *Excerpt. Legat.*, p. 42, cf. Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 416, and Salmasius on *Scr. H. Aug.*, t. II, p. 408. In the Middle Ages, they called these skins *ermesinas* instead of *Armeninas*. For they were prepared equally in Armenia as in Parthia and in the neighboring regions. *Processus de translatione S. Antonini* (in Du Cange, s.v. *Filuticum*): "The said holy body was shod with stockings of *flaticum*, as it is called, white [white thread stockings], and sandals of red *ermesinum*." What is called red *ermesinum* here is the same as red Parthian leather, and much different from that precious fur which is brought from Siberia and commonly called ermine, which they also did not ignore in the Middle Ages, as is evident from Du Cange, s.v. *Hermelinum*. But who has ever seen a red ermine mouse or heard of a man being shod with it? Concerning Cordovan leather, see Du Cange, s.v. *Cordebisus*. A better way of explaining it occurs to me. Meanwhile, I will allow the learned reader to consider whether *-ion* is a termination, such as *-ium* in Latin, as in *instrumentum*, *tormentum*, etc. Thus I certainly find *pyromachion*, which would be *pyromation*, a fire-vessel, a vessel for holding fire, which seems to signify nothing other than *pyromachion*. Thus, carrying, transferring.

(89) I interpreted this by conjecture, and not yet...

(90) The Latins of the Middle Ages called a military church a chapel. Such a church is described by Ekkehard the Younger in *Casibus S. Galli*, ch. 4, with these words: "The chapel, which he used while traveling with relics (namely, of the saints and books and all sacred utensils)." Such a church was placed in a special tent, as is evident from the passage of Gautier the Chancellor in *Gestis Dei per Francos*, p. 454: "But these, already carried off by the hands of the impious, are not found, except for the tents of the prince and the chapel, in which the most wicked men contended with the sword, competing for the desire of gold and silver and principal ornaments." I owe the evidence of both passages to Du Cange in his Latin Glossary, s.v. *Capella*. The passage of Durand, Bishop of Mende, is memorable...

873 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. APPEND. - 874 to be equipped with the burdens to be carried, thirty pack-mules were designated. Through the private royal wardrobe and the thirty pack-mules given from the bedchamber (91) for the loading of the same royal wardrobe. All the royal vestments and the remaining equipment [are carried] in containers covered with genuine leather and polished iron, along with *charalamia* (92).

JOAN. JAC. REISKE - in Rationali Div. l. 11, c. 10, n. 8: In most places, priests are called chaplains. For in ancient times, the kings of the Franks, when proceeding to wars, carried with them the cape of St. Martin, which was kept under a certain tent, which was called a "chapel" from that cape itself, and the clerics in whose custody that chapel was, were thence called chaplains. There are also those who say that in ancient times, on those expeditions, small houses covered with goatskins were made in the tent, in which masses were celebrated; and from this the name "chapel" was derived. There are, therefore, *hiera*, sacred furnishings, portable altars, *antimensia*, the other vessels for celebrating mass, and especially small icons of the saints, such as the Russians still carry with them into battles and on journeys. *[The image of the Blessed Virgin and the relics of the saints are brought into battles by the Greeks. Du Cange ad Villehard. p. 313.]*

Regarding the field church, and that the first of all, there is an excellent passage in Socrates, *Ecclesiastical History* I, 18. (see Habert. *Pontific.* p. 639): "So great was the desire of the Emperor [Constantine the Great] for Christianity that, when a Persian war was about to occur, he had a tent constructed of variegated cloth forming the likeness of a church, just as Moses had done in the desert, and he had caused this to be carried, so that he might have in the most desolate places [in the midst of the enemy, where there are no friends, no Christians, no churches] a prepared house of prayer." What Socrates calls a "prepared house of prayer," and says was made of variegated linen, Balsamon calls an *oikiskarion* made of silk fabric, *Respons.* XIII: "Thus also the clerics following the emperors are permitted to perform sacred rites in desert plains only in the *oikiskarion* set apart as a royal church."

The field church was in the praetorium or the Emperor's tent, separated from the profane only by an interposed veil, as is evident from the passage in Cinnamus, p. 30, where he narrates that the uncle of Manuel Komnenos, Isaac, in the hope that the emperor would perish in battle, and with the desire of seizing the empire, entered the oratory and held a tumultuous council behind the veils, "since he had learned about the emperor and that he was in extreme danger, having entered the royal court, and having come inside the oratory improvised with veils, he awaited what was to come."

To the furnishings of the field church belonged the *omophorion* of the Blessed Virgin, which they carried with them into battle, as is evident from the history of Romanos Lekapenos, see Du Cange ad *Alexiad.* p. 329. Whether they also carried out the relics and vestments of other saints into the camps and carried them fixed to a pole, is not clear to me. Perhaps the *omophorion* of the Blessed Virgin is to be understood in Maurice, *Strategikon* l. VII, where he says that behind the *candophoros* stands the one who carries the cape: "and behind him the one carrying the cape, and after him the one carrying the *skoutarion*." This custom of carrying the relics of the saints into battles was accepted by the Muhammadans from the Greeks, like many other trifles and superstitions. For they not only had the *burda* or cloak of Muhammad among the insignia of the Bagdad kingdom, but also carried it around through the battle lines in the most serious wars. See a little later, col. 878. To this also pertains the image of the Blessed Virgin; "the image of the Mother of God, which the emperors of the Romans make a fellow-general, has been captured by the enemy," says Niketas Choniates, p. 300, which was transferred from the ancient custom of having a sign of Victory and Fortune in the camps and the praetorium. For, just as the pagan Romans held these signs of their deities as a pledge of the happiness of the empire and believed that without them it was all over for them: so the new Greeks had Mary as the patroness and guardian of their affairs and believed that with her image they would act prosperously. Besides other images, the emperors were also accustomed to have their own images in their field chapel, which I gather from a passage of Niketas Choniates, where he narrates that a certain Salus, that is, a foolish hermit monk who was also held to be a saint and prophet, with the prophetic spirit of Isaac Angelos, who was subsequently to be blinded, gouged out the eyes of the image "which was set up in the small house assigned to him for prayer," p. 236.

COMMENTARY. All royal wardrobe furnishings and the remaining equipment pertaining to it are carried in vessels which are covered with leathers of purple color and polished with ferments, those which were called *coton* from that, because the emperor slept there; it was a wardrobe, and in the wardrobe everything of the highest value—ready money, gems, gold and silver vessels, silk clothing, etc.—was kept; hence it is that both "wardrobe" and *coton* are used interchangeably for the royal treasury. See Du Cange, v. *Vestiarius*. Henry Knyghton, ad an. 1381: "He swore that he believed that there was no Christian king having a better wardrobe. For, as he said, there was such an abundance of vessels and jewels of silver." Hence it is that, when Niketas Choniates in a certain manuscript codex, as testified by Montfaucon in *Palaeographia Graeca* p. 327, is called "the overseer of judgments and the one presiding over the bedchamber," it is translated as "prefect of the imperial treasury." Hence also it is that Cassiodorus used "cubiculum" for treasury, *Variae* I, ep. 2: "hasten to come with the purple cloth which you have been accustomed to give to our bedchamber each year." Which other Latin authors have also done. See Du Cange, v. *Cubiculum*, the same as chamber, treasury, and also ad *Alexiad.* p. 286, and v. *Koiton*. Rightly, therefore, according to the customs of his own age, Xiphilinus p. 984 ed. Hamburg. vs. 48, said "treasures" in the royal bedchamber, although perhaps Dio did not write it so. For Xiphilinus does not always use Dio's language, but inserts his own. Wherefore I would have preferred that in that most excellent edition the word *koiton* had not been ejected. A notable passage of the *Alexiad* pertaining to this must not be passed over, p. 56: "Having met a certain Byzantine on the road carrying a sufficient purse of gold and departing for the great city... since he learned from him that he was carrying much gold from certain collections, and that he was transporting it to this bedchamber, he forced him to lodge with him," and lower on the same page: "fearing lest he also be imprisoned because of being seen with empty hands by those around the royal bedchamber."

(91) Because in that palace or part of the great palace, that which was called *coton* from it, because the emperor slept there, was the wardrobe. (92) This word tormented me for a long time, and yet it was so fatal to me that in translating it into Latin I disgraced myself. I hardly dare to excuse such a gross error, born from the fact that I knew *chartes* in the new Greek usually signifies parchment and *m* and *b* are often interchanged. From this I concluded that *chartalamion* was said for *chartelaion*, a paper or parchment handle. I also believed that membranes could be polished with pumice so that they could conveniently be called *ganotai*. But without a doubt these things are foreign. *Chartalamia* are thin plates or foils, here of iron. Therefore, this word is one of those which, in the usual manner of the new Greeks, consist of two words meaning the same thing, examples of which I will give later. For *charta* and *lamina* mean exactly the same thing. "*Chartai* and *plakes* are the same," says Salmasius, t. II *Hist. Aug.* p. 548. Hence "golden papers," "lead paper" for golden or lead plates. See...

875 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 876

[Greek text: ...similarly polished (93), so that they may be carried on pack animals. To the same category belong the psychristaria or cooling cells, silver, with their leather coverings, in which oenanthe [a certain kind of ointment with a sweet and strong scent], as well as rhodostagma [or distilled rose water] and water are kept: of which one small vessel contains white oenanthe, two large ones contain rhodostagma, and five large ones contain water. Item, two silver beduria for holding water. Ascodablas or various wineskins, large and small; other psychristaria or cooling vessels, made in the shape of amphorae, four large tinned bronze ones for holding water: two tinned bronze beduria. Sacred vessels of that church which the measurer carries with him; JOAN. JAC. REISKE, Diplomatique des RR. PP. Bénédictins p. 473, and Du Cange at the end of the article Charta. Anastasius in Gregory M, In the Basilica of the Holy Mother of God, which is called "at the martyrs," he had the roof, demolished by ancient neglect, cleaned to the pure [that is, all the old plaster was scraped down to the very stones] and restored it anew with most abundant lime or [that is, and] leaden sheets. Hence, hypochartosis is plaster work, a crust of lime. The word lama, the second part of the compound, comes from lama, which I will demonstrate below on p. 416 to be the same as lamina, where it and its derivatives will be discussed more broadly. It is clear, therefore, that chartalamion is composed of two words meaning the same thing. There is no lack of examples in the writings of recent Greeks as well as Latins which demonstrate that they were accustomed to compound two words meaning the same thing, whether both were Latin or Greek, or mixed from both languages. Such are the words pontogephyra, pyrgo-castellum, arciuolla (from arcus and volia, the vault), arvuscampus, arvusager, cabal- C lialpharaces (na alpharas in Arabic is horse), caupashtov, tibia: for safr in Arabic is tibia. mallets, smoothed, polished. Item, tinned. The latter occurs here and where chartalamia ganota occur. both scented wine, the flower of wine, the best and most choice wine, concerning which meaning see Du Cange, Gl. Gr. h. v. and v. Claretum, Pigmentum and Species, which is a kind of strong, fragrant ointment with which the ancients were accustomed to anoint themselves and their clothes, concerning which Salmasius treated in Script. Hist. Aug. t. I, p. 851. of this word and that it is of Arabic origin. It signifies, indeed, a small pouch, such as those in which our travelers carry with them the cut leaves of the Nicotian herb, with a wide, circular bottom. Badrah in Arabic is a large sack. In Rihan ad Albabi I read: he deposited with her before his departure wineskins full of pearls. Hence the Arabs also say badrah for a sum of ten thousand drachmas, just as the Turks count by purses and the Belgians sometimes by Sakje Sestehalven. Properly, however, a badrah is a large sack, such as holds that many drachmas. Therefore, Bedouria argyra are silver pouches. But the insolence of the expression "silver pouches," since pouches can only be made of leather, caused a scruple in my mind, so that, distrusting my conjecture, I replaced the word just as I had found it. I think, however, that this doubt does not hinder the previous interpretation. For thus it could conveniently be said, and not without example, that silver vessels were made in the likeness of sacks. Nor are such expressions infrequent among the best authors. In the unpublished Anthology: "a bronze olpe"; and yet an olpe is properly an earthenware flask. 1) ... [Greek text] ... COMMENTARY. is. Nicetas p. 63 has Thericleia, golden cups similar to Thericlean earthenware, so called from the author Thericles. The same author on p. 144 said keramion molybdinon, a leaden "earthenware," that is, a pitcher, as are the earthenware ones, but leaden. Casaubon has other examples in his notes to Athenaeus p. 274, in which author on p. 199 you have "golden Thericlean [cups]" and on p. 200 "golden and silver keramia." The same author on p. 207 said "leaden keramides," leaden tiles. of balls or semi-spheres with a wide, circular bottom. For dablin, tablin, taulin signify a drum. See Du Cange h. v. tini Majorica, see p. 388. timeusia or portable altars with images of saints, and rituals, patens and chalices, candles and candlesticks. Thus Nicetas narrates that John Comnenus [used] a new (but it was not new, having been used by so many other emperors before) and notable example of his piety, because "whenever the phalanxes of the Romans were failing, he had the icon of the Mother of God standing by, looking upon it with groaning, and with piteous gestures he shed tears hotter than the sweat of battle." Not the best praise in the judgment of our age. Indeed, modern heroes would undoubtedly consider him a coward who is said to have shed tears hotter than the sweat of battle at a painted image. if anyone wishes to understand it as a code, I will not object. But lay Greeks were not accustomed to read the entire Bible, being content with their rituals, in which the evangelical pericopes were contained. "The sequence" here denotes the ritual, in which the order of the divine office is described. See Du Cange Gloss. Gr. h. v. That Polyenus was [the author] is sufficiently clear from his surviving work itself. For they have so mutilated and defiled it, and contaminated it with so many trifles—these seats and artificers of all ineptitude—that I wonder how learned men can attribute such enviable praise to this author, whom, if the times of the Antonines could bear, vines can also bear thorns. If Syrianus was a similar companion, I for one will easily bear his loss. I do not know. For he does not seem to have been the same as the philosopher Syrianus, the teacher of Proclus, whom Fabricius discussed in vol. VIII of the Bibliotheca Graeca. I find the name of a Syrianus, a mechanician or poliorcetician or teacher of military discipline, among those from whom Leo testifies in the Vienna codex that he profited and took his Tactics. See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. t. VI, p. 371.

(93) They are called ganota, which have been made smooth and polished either by rubbing or by striking. (94) Oenanthe is twofold among the Greeks. They call it thus (95) The meaning of translating this passage did not escape me (96) They are wineskins in the shape of drums or cymbals (97) The Greeks call earthenware vessels phagarika, Latin (98) Belonging to this sacred furniture are (99) If anyone [wishes to understand] properly so-called Bibles or sacred (1) Very common and dear to the modern Greeks (2) Who that Syrianus was and when he lived,

877 - APPEND. 878 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I.

A book of occurrences; a book containing matters regarding fair weather, winter, storms, rain, lightning, thunder, and the onset of winds; in addition to these, a book of thunder and a book of earthquakes, and other things which are observed by those who sail. It should be known that such a book was labored over and compiled from many books by me, Constantine, in Christ the eternal Emperor, Emperor of the Romans. Euphemias [funds/provisions] for the lower chambers, so that friends may rest, which have also been mentioned previously in the exposition of the minister, that they are given from the imperial treasury; theriac, sagapenum, and other antidotes.

JOAN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[The Latin text provided in the original is a commentary by Reiske on the preceding Greek text. It translates as follows:]

...good fortune, remains for us from the number of the ancient dream-interpreters. Just as the men of the Middle Ages were filled with trifles and vapors, buried in the thick darkness of barbarism by a certain fatal inclemency of those centuries, so also, having abandoned more useful studies, they applied themselves with their whole heart to various arts, interpretations of dreams, judgments of constellations, and similar rubbish.

*Synantematicum*, a book in which the interpretation of *synantemata*, or "occurring things," is contained, [explaining] what good or evil each of them portends. The ancients loved to capture omens from occurring things. Cf. Spartianus in *Severus*, t. I, *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, p. 637, and Artemidorus IV, 7. The sayings that first meet the eyes in written books, from which the ancients used to take omens, can also be referred to here. Our common people, and especially women, when rising in the morning or undertaking some work, open the Holy Bible and make conjectures about the future from the joyful or sad [passages], threats, or promises. The Greeks once did the same with the sacred code, as is evident from Theophanes, p. 258, and Cedrenus, p. 412. The Muhammadans use their Alcoran for the same purpose, and I have seen many copies of the Alcoran to which a *phal nameh*, or interpreter of all things emerging from the Alcoran, was added at the end. Casaubon dealt with Virgilian lots in *Script. Hist. Aug.*, t. I, p. 19, regarding the word of Spartianus, which, with the reader's permission, I will correct and illustrate in passing with a few words. I think, namely, that it should be read thus: [Hadrian] was in the love of Trajan, nor did he report him (Hadrian) to him (Trajan) because of (that is, on account of) the tutors of the boys, whom Trajan loved excessively, who favored Celsus. I have written "to Celsus" instead of "to Gallus" because of those things which are read on p. 39. Moreover, "reported" is placed for "reported much," namely by Trajan; they used to say "to report" [deferre] then, and in a later age "to report much or something to someone." Thus it occurs here and there in the *Script. Hist. Aug.* *Cano* v. of the Lateran Council in Neubrigensis, l. III, c. 3: "They exercise such cruelty against Christians that they spare neither the monastery..."

...teaching the directing of armies and the waging of war; likewise mechanical books, in which the art and instruments of capturing cities and the manufacture of weapons and the method of hurling them are described, and other things congruent and useful to the present purpose, that is, to military expedition, such as those dealing with wars and the method of besieging camps; historians also, especially Polyaenus and Syrianus. The book called [Artemidorus’s] *Oneirocrites*, or on the interpretation of dreams; another *synantematicum*, or on omens which are taken from living or mute things when first going out or instituting something...

...they busy themselves with *bematizein* [calculating] the position of the stars; emperors from every age down to our own times have been diligent investigators of the positions of the stars, or students of judicial astrology, so much so that some have even described *themata*, or tables in which the stars are arranged in their degrees and constellations, distinguished by triangles, circles, and other figures, from the combination and calculation of which a judgment about the future is elicited. Let Salmasius be consulted on climacteric years. This is the meaning of a passage commonly misunderstood. The verb *bematizein* is the same as *thematizein*, regarding which word see Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* One might laugh to read that someone, among his goods and other books which he bequeaths to a certain monastery (in Montfaucon, *Palaeogr. Gr.*, p. 414), also counts "another old book according to the astronomers having nativities and a horologium and the thirty," where a *horologium* is a book in which it is signified which hours are good or bad, and for what work it should be begun or not, or concerning the storms of the year. What "the thirty" are there, I do not know. Perhaps it is some Arabic astrologer who titled his book "The Thirty." You may recognize the triviality and ignorance of those times and the lack of useful and liberal studies not only from that insane affection for astrology, but also from the fact that in the crowd of vain and useless books which emperors are said to carry with them into camp, there is no mention of geographical maps and itineraries, which Vegetius (III, 6) testifies that ancient emperors were accompanied by, in these words: "More skillful leaders are confirmed to have had the itineraries of the provinces in which the necessity [chreia, some thing to be necessarily performed] is carried out, not only annotated [consigned to written monuments in books], but also painted [that is, handed down by certain and true report]; so that they might choose the way for those about to set out not only by the counsel of the mind, but also by the sight of the eyes."

...[regarding the word] *nautikos* for a noun, as *nautikos* for a sailor, *stratiotikos* for a soldier, see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 161 and 426.

...Regarding this book, no mention is made anywhere... and that there ought to be a storm of day and night, Polybius clearly demonstrates, p. 554, ed. Wechel. *Calendologion*, where he exhibited a Graeco-barbarous *Calendologion*, by which it is designated what kind of weather, fortune, or calamities each day brings. We readily grant that books of this kind provide use to sailors and are necessary. But there was an excess in these toward an insane study and superstition, especially in the East, whose kings always had and still have an *Almonaggem*, an astrologer, as their chief ministers and friends, as is evident from histories and itineraries, such as those of Bernier and others. Nor did the Greek emperors favor this vain art any less, as their history and Nicetas Choniates, p. 342, testify, whose words are these: "The emperors down to our own times..."

...what this word meant or where it came from, although I suspected it was Arabic. Nor was I wrong in my conjecture. Yet I would hardly have believed, unless taught by experience itself and the example of this word, that the modern Greeks, who are considered by me to be capable of all ineptitudes and filth, had ever proceeded to such a license in defiling and mutilating foreign words as to produce such an example as this is. For *sikininitzin*, which the Arabs denote as *sagapenum*, having removed the better part, for the sake of easier pronunciation they said *initzin*. See Du Cange, v. *Sikininitz*, where he brings forth various ways of writing these words, all wrong except one, *sikipinitz*, and with the added ending *in* (for *ion*) *dixitin-itzin*, or similar spellings *niskidinitzin* and *sichibinitzin*. Moreover, it is known that *sagapenum* is a very useful simple in both medicine and surgery.

(3) Undoubtedly he means Artemidorus, who... (4) Thus written in the manner of that century for *synantematikon*... (5) The emperor being somewhat skilled in astronomy... (6) See Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.*, v. *Brontologion* and... (7) Sailors, who sail more frequently. Regarding the ending... (9) When I was translating this passage, I did not know...

879 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 880 [...occurring, another, who deals with storms and signs by which an approaching serenity or storm, whether on land or sea, is known, concerning rain, lightning, thunder, winds, earthquakes, and other things which sailors are accustomed to observe. Such a book I, Constantine, in Christ the eternal king, king of the Romans, have compiled with great zeal from many books. Furthermore, the royal wardrobe ought also to carry foundation carpets, upon which royal guests may recline; of which we have already made mention in the previous chapter, when we were enumerating those things which pertain to the care of the measurer, saying that they are supplied to him from the royal wardrobe. The wardrobe also carries theriac, enitzin, and other antidotes, both compound and simple, for those who might happen to have swallowed poison; pandects]

[Pandects with all kinds of oils and remedies and all kinds of plasters and ointments and salves (10) and other medical items, herbs, and other things pertaining to the healing of humans and beasts. Silver sitlolekanon (11) and pouring vessels with garments for the king, and other white-bronze (12) and glazed ones for the sake of noble refugees. Thick, feathered, double-dyed felt cloths for the king for the low-lying seats of the procession, two saddles of the cucumilium (13) entirely hollow (14) and gilded, having coverings, and other coverings from above concealing the cut (15) of the need; and for the sake of the noble refugees, two other such silver-encased (16) ones.]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY (10) Between plasters and ointments and salves, I think there is no difference except in consistency, so that plasters are the thickest, ointments are of a consistency between hard, cuttable, and liquid, and finally, salves are the thinnest. What are called pandects here, we commonly call *Reiseapotheken* (travel pharmacies). (11) *Sitlolekanon* are basins, such as those that usually have handles, ewers, and small buckets. I have translated this here and on p. 329. (12) *Asprochalka* are orichalcum, i.e., brass. Our people also sometimes use *weiss Kupfer*, white copper, for brass or orichalcum. It is evident from the Greek scholium which Du Cange has under the word *Aspros*: "It is a drop of what is called orichalcum, that is, white bronze." They also used to say *leukochalkos* for the same; see Du Cange under this word and Hesychius. (13) I cannot figure out what *cucumilium* is. It recurs on p. 272, where by a probable conjecture it could be translated as a tent or a place where gourds or pots and all kitchen equipment are kept. The word does not fit here. (14) I seem to see *sella* (saddle) here: a saddle which has a pipe or a golden apple. Elsewhere it is said of a sword *chrysokanos*, which has a golden pipe or handle; see at p. 411. Because there was a distinction in the manuscript after *kopta*, I retained it; however, I think it would be better absent. (15) Reading *striaturam*, that is, upper coverings, which cover other lower ones that are striped or assigned for use with stripes. From this, the reason for my Latin interpretation will be perceived, which without a doubt will seem obscure and improbable to many. It appears from this passage that the custom which once prevailed in the court of the Sultans of the Mamluks of Egypt and still prevails today in the Ottoman court, originated from the Byzantine: namely, that the saddle or harness on which the emperor rides is covered with a double cloth, of which the emperor sits immediately on the lower one, while the other is spread over the former if the master is absent; the latter is carried by the groom while the master rides; but when he descends, the groom spreads the outer cloth, which he carries, onto the horse, and by that very act has permission to mount the horse. The carrying of the covering is among the highest symbols of power among Muhammadan princes. On this matter, I have dealt more extensively in my notes on Abulfeda, who mentions several times the cloth spread before him and his people by the indulgence of the Egyptian Sultans. Meanwhile, I shall only transcribe the words of Leo Africanus from his *Africa*: "They say," he says, "some carry the stirrups, others the king’s javelin, another the saddle cloth, another carries the horse’s bridle: when they see the king has descended from his horse, immediately they cover the saddle with the cloth, etc." (16) It means the same as *argyroperikleista* or encased in silver. Regarding the word *kopta* to which I attributed "striatura" (striation), the word *egkope* contributes not a little, which Combefis, in his notes after Theophanes 89, translates as "tessellated work." It is the same as *egkope*. For the modern Greeks use *syn* and *en* interchangeably. The manuscript history of Belisarius has *egkoptos* in Du Cange, Gl. Gr. p. 1184: "Who can describe the throne of the king? Since it is all variegated (or striated), painted with fringe and gold." Hence a certain kind of pastry, which we call *Wafels* and *Gitterkuchen*, as if latticed or cancellated, the Franks call *gaufres* from the German *Wafeln*, the Greeks called *koptas*; Artemidorus 1, 74 has *koptas sesamidas* (sesame cakes). I deal with *koptais* and *enkechrysomenais* garments on p. 336. Thus also the Latins of the Middle Ages used to call a section in a garment a "radiatura," a latticing of areas and colors. "Monks desire to differ from others by an unusual sectioning of their cloths." These are the words of Ordericus Vitalis in Du Cange under the word *Birrus*. For these words, if they do not demand this meaning—which I would not want to affirm, as I have not read the whole passage in context—they nevertheless support it. In the cited passage of Du Cange, it may be noted in passing, mention is made of "birrutus" brothers. See if they are so called from the *birrus* or fur-lined cloak. What if the name is to be derived from the fact that they wore *barratas*, that is, striped garments? I submit this conjecture to the fair reader. *Perikleista*. For as *peri-* in composition denotes "around," "enclosed," so *kata-* in composition denotes "thoroughly" or "in every way," which the Latins call "conclusus." Thus *katasiglon gramma*, a document entirely full of seals or abbreviations of writing; see Du Cange Gl. Gr. p. 1365; *katazographos*, entirely full of paintings and as if overwhelmed; see ibid. under *Extorpat*. Athenaeus, p. 265, calls a place *tracheian kai katadendron*, entirely full of trees. In the same place, p. 422, a certain poet calls Euripides *katachryson*, entirely golden, teeming with gold, that is, sprinkled with clever sentences. Arrian, *Dissertations of Epictetus*, p. 214, *kataglossos*, one who fills everything with his tongue, who overwhelms and stuns everyone with talkativeness. Theocritus XV, 34, calls a garment *kataptyches emperonama*, entirely full of folds. Athenaeus, p. 471, calls a cup *kissos kataphryousan*, entirely flowering with ivy. The same, p. 495, has *kladou katakarpon*, a branch entirely full of fruits, and p. 550, a man *katasarkon*, obese, stuffed with flesh. Sophocles said *kathypnos*, full of sleep, in *Trachiniae* v. 987, where the editors of the vulgate wrongly divide the word. See note on p. 380.

881 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I, APPENDIX - 889

royal *kaukia* (caps), bridles (17) for the sake of the friends invited by the Emperor; two royal swords, one for the procession and one for the journey. One *paramerion* (thigh-sword). *Aleipta* (ointments), various *kapnismata* (incense/fumigants), frankincense, mastic, incense, sugar, saffron, musk, amber, liquid and dry aloeswood, true cinnamon of the first and second grade, and cassia, and other perfumes. *Sendes* (19), *linomalotaria* (20), *sabana* (21), *sindonia* (linen cloths), *branaias* (22) for the lower body, *mandilia* (handkerchiefs) for the lower body.

...furthermore, universal storehouses or apothecaries, filled with all kinds of oils, remedies, plasters, poultices, ointments, and other medical substances, such as herbs and other things that are useful for healing men and beasts; likewise a *sitlolecana* or ewer with an accompanying basin, both of silver, in their leather cases, for the Emperor’s own use; other such vessels of bronze, plated with silver on the outside and tin on the inside, for the use of military commanders and noble defectors. Furthermore, thick felt mats and *ptena* [perhaps mattresses stuffed with feathers] for the Emperor, on which he may lie upon the ground; two [equestrian] saddles for the procession [or those used in processions], likewise saddles of *cucumilium* (a type of leather or fabric) entirely covered with striped gold...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...as if carried into another world by the perversity of this institution, he had to translate a book not yet sufficiently understood, not yet sufficiently familiar. But so it was fated. Therefore, there will be *aleipta*, the same as *smegmata* (cleansing ointments). For I have no doubt that *kapnismata* are sweet-smelling woods set on fire to smoke. Nicetas, p. 129, joins *myra* (myrrh/perfumes) or *Indika xyla* (Indian woods) in these words: "The entire populace of the city, having run together to the Holy Shrine, perform a most brilliant procession for him, wetting the streets with perfumes and perfuming the air with Indian woods and spiced aromatics." Lampridius in *Heliogabalus*, p. 870, calls them Indian odors, which are burned without coals to perfume the rooms.

...of fresh ones, rather than Arab ones, which they call *sondos*, and which lexicographers (according to Golius) claim to be an excellent and subtle type of silk cloth; others say it is Attalic cloth, interwoven with gold and silver. But the etymology is not yet certain, whether it is of Arabic or another origin. Leaving aside, therefore, the intricate and doubtful etymologies, let us explain the passage of the old French Romanesque, which Du Cange cites under the word *Boqueranus*, in which our word *sendes* also appears.

...meaning: for it denotes both a bowl from which soup is drunk with a spoon, or in which cooked dishes are served, and a cup from which wine is drunk: from this it happens that the meaning and etymology of the word *chalintzion* are not certain. If it must denote a cup, it is undoubtedly the same as *kalytsa*. Thus the modern Greeks call a chalice, having adopted the word from the Latins, just as the Latins had previously taken theirs from the Greek *aut* (or *calix*); see Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*, p. 558. But if it denotes a large bowl, it is from the Arabic word *Khalig*. [See d'Herbelot, *Bibl. Or.*, p. 987, under that word.] It denotes any large water channel. Hence the CPtan (Constantinopolitan) strait or Bosporus is wont to be celebrated as *al khalig* in particular. See Du Cange under *Caligo* and *Calyx*, both of which he is very wrong to think are Latin. And hence you may correct the passage of Sanuto Torsello, p. I, 1. 1, c. 1: "In the month of October that river [the Nile] abounds to such an extent that those spices and merchandise from Babylon enter through the said river by a certain *caligiata* [not *talgiata*, as is commonly edited] long, and are carried for two hundred miles, which is from Babylon to Alexandria." See Du Cange under *Talgiata*. But because the Arabs, due to their extravagant imagination and eloquence, compare their vast platters—the greatest glory of their hospitality—overflowing with cooked, soupy foods, to huge rivers, lakes, and straits: from this it happened that the word *chalig* also denotes a platter or serving dish. Labid in the *Moallacah* (V, 175, 76, ed. Sac.) preceded this idea for the Arab poets, which they were not slow to imitate: "They apply themselves, as if to an inn, to the ropes of my tents, poor little women in wrinkled rags, resembling [in thinness and horrific appearance] a camel, which, tied to the master's grave, is left to die of hunger. Their orphans surround them like a crown, when the adverse winds, like professional mourners, perform the turns of lamentation, to the lake, to which they are led by frequent passage." My commentaries on the Arabic Abulfeda have more examples.

...to judge; but I fear that I have not succeeded well enough in this place. I believed *aleipta* were things that melt over coals, and thus dry, friable aromatics; but the word *aleiphein* (to anoint) contains nothing of this, and *aleipta* seem rather to have been liquid pigments or aromatic species that were applied to the body by smearing or rubbing. I conclude this both from the etymology (for it comes from *aleipho*) and from the fact that below, p. 382, *aleipta* are distinguished from *thymiamata* (incense) or frankincense, and are counted by boxes: which certainly would not happen if *aleipta* were a dry, hard substance. Let no one, I pray, wonder that I so often cut my own vines. I would certainly prefer that this necessity had not been imposed upon me. It is better, however, to correct errors than to hide them, since it was not possible not to sin. In such a wealth of things obscure in themselves, in which one must act by conjecture alone and grope as if in the dark, it was fitting that many things should turn out wrongly for him who...

Tyres [Tyrian] and *pailes* [pallia/cloaks], *bouquerans* and *cendez*. Regarding the word *bouqueran*, see by all means Du Cange in the aforementioned place, and I add nothing else, except that the spelling *bouquerame*, which the Italians used, is better and closer to the origin. For it is the Arabic *Abukerame*, a cloth with woven figures, *zodiotos*. ...made in the place just cited of Constantine, *Life of Basil*, p. 196. These are, however, shaggy linens, much like those called *Fuhrmansmützen* by our people. It is mentioned in the *Roman Order* (in Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinum*): "A tonsured chamberlain, a shaggy linen: it is permitted for them to sit upon a shaggy linen, which is the custom to place upon the horse's saddle." Unless you would rather prefer *linomalotaria* to be linen covers for beds or blankets, in which sense Theodore the Studite seems to have used it in his *Catechesis* (in Du Cange under *Tosos*) in these words: "Again another (he says). If I do not have so many *malotaria* (the printers wrongly gave *balotaria*), so many bed coverings, or a pillow, or a change (a linen sheet, on which one lies and which is changed more often for a clean and white one) *kataplyton* (freshly washed), I will not rest."

(17) Since *kaukion* is of ambiguous meaning... (18) I wished to distinguish these words in the Latin... (19) A very frequent word in both Greek and... (20) I have retained the name itself, just as the Commentary... (21) These are white, shining linens; see Du Cange in both Glossaries under this word. (22) I do not doubt that *branaias* should be read, that is...

883 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 884

having coverings; and upon these, other coverings placed over them, concealing these and usually removed when the emperor goes to sit upon them; and for more noble refugees, two other such silver-ornamented rims. Caucian, or imperial hollow basins, called *chalintzia*, for guests invited to royal banquets. Two imperial swords; one for the procession, or that which the emperor uses when he must appear in royal splendor; and the other for the road, or that which he uses on journeys; likewise one *paramerion*, or shorter sword, hanging from the thighs. Likewise, incense, which is thrown onto live coals and melts, and other kinds, which, when ignited, are allowed to exhale smoke of a sweet odor and pass into coal and ash; these are various, such as incense, mastic, frankincense, sugar, saffron, musk, amber, dry and liquid aloe-wood, true cinnamon of the first and second grade, wild cinnamon, and other ointments; [and types of fabrics] *sendes*, *linomalotaria* or fluffy linens, sheets, *sindonia*, cheaper *brandeæ*, and cheaper napkins.

271 Concerning garments not yet sewn, crude, not yet having attained the form of wearable clothing, which are sent to foreigners as gifts. Furthermore, the royal wardrobe carries with it *scaramangia* of various colors and *exemplia* (24).

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

At the time when I was translating this passage into Latin, it is clear from the interpretation that I had translated it poorly. Longer use and time have taught me that I translated it wrongly, and the whole passage can easily teach anyone that that interpretation does not hold. For if *arraphia* are garments not yet sewn, shaped, and adapted for wearing, the author should have said not *scaramannia*, not *esoforia*, but cloths or fabrics for preparing *scaramannia* and *esotoria* from them. It often happens that through trepidation we seize upon worse things, passing over the better ones. I, indeed, much tossed in my mind before this sheet was released to the press, placed what I placed in the Latin, as the workers were pressing and would not allow delay, not because I knew them to be true and had them verified, but because nothing better occurred to me. Finally, I was persuaded, having duly weighed the matter, that *arraphia* are indeed wearable garments, but in which no seam was present, no needle had been applied, but which were woven from the whole, in one continuous texture, whether it was done by the weaving loom, or by those needles or iron cannulae, by whose aid woolen stockings are prepared by women, which the Germans call *gestrickt*, the Dutch *gebreyt*, and the French *broché, tricoté*. Salmasius caused me much doubt while disputing about the seamless tunic of Our Lord Jesus Christ in *Script. Hist. Aug.*, vol. II, p. 566, and it was little short of him drawing me over to his opinion. So specious was the argumentation with which he supports his opinion. I saw, however, at last that it is not true, which I shall demonstrate later. First, it must be known what he thinks the garments *arraphia* were. It is necessary that I transcribe his most important words here. They are learned and instructive, and they also belong here under the title of what pertains to exotic garments, about which we shall have to discourse shortly. He says it must be known that among the ancients, some tunics were *schistoi*, which were also called *rhaptoi* and *symporpetoi*, and others *arraphoi*, which were entirely covered and closed, and in no part sewn or split, just as our shirts and undergarments are, whether they be woolen or linen; therefore, *schistoi* were tunics which were fastened on both sides at the shoulders with a brooch. Pollux: "A split tunic was held together by pins at the shoulders." They also called those pins *raphai* and *raphides*: which I would like to be observed carefully: for in this lies the foundation of this new interpretation of ours. Hesychius: *symporpeton*, or *symporpon*, a tunic fastened with seams at the shoulders; *arrapha* are, according to Hesychius, what Pollux calls *peronai*; the same Hesychius: *heteromaschalos chiton* (a slave’s working tunic), because it had one sleeve. I can add the passage of Plutarch, in which *raphe* denotes a brooch. It is in *Lives*, p. 1509: "having loosened the *raphe* from the right shoulder," he took care that the brooch of the tunic (the discussion there is about a chiton or tunic) be tightened more loosely, so that he could move himself better and agitate his hands more nimbly. The image with the hanging part could be seen. Such a *raphe*, a brooch, which can be drawn tighter, is in the image of Constantine the Great killing Licinius in Banduri, *Ant. imp. Or.*, vol. II, p. 633. Salmasius continues after some interruptions: Truly, he says, since *rhaptein* is nothing other than "to bind together things that are scattered," that is what brooches accomplish, which join distant things into one, and bind together and fasten the diverse parts of a garment among themselves: *syrraptein peronais* in Lucian in the dialogue *Erotes* is to connect a chlamys with brooches: hence the Greeks call the opening of a garment, which is joined by brooches, *raphe*. Hence *chiton eschistoi* were also *arraphoi*. Therefore, John wished to indicate that the Lord’s tunic was not of that kind of tunic which was fastened with brooches on both sides, when he said it was *arraphon kai ek ton anothen hyphanton di holou*, because in the upper parts of the tunic, *raphai*, or brooches, would have more of a place, by which the tunic was held tight and sat on the shoulders. The things which the man of vast reading has on the meaning of the word *raphe*, brooch, are altogether excellent, and the passage cited by Du Cange in *Gloss. Lat.*, s.v. *Bolonatus* from an old charter favors him: "The tunics have sleeves extended to the fist, not sewn, or buttoned in some way"; where "sewn sleeves" cannot be anything other than those which are fastened with brooches; since "buttoned" are those which are fastened with small orbs, *Knopfen*. Nevertheless, I cannot subscribe to his opinion, but I rather accede and adhere to the common one, which judges that the Lord’s tunic was entirely woven and in no part sewn with needle and thread. The express words "woven from above" favor it, as do so many images not only of Christ, but also of other saints and others visible in tunics, in which no mark of a seam is detected, and other monuments still demonstrate that that weaving craft, which wove garments, still flourished in the old and middle ages. And this seems to me to be asserted in clear words by John the Deacon in Isidore, book 1, epistle 136: "His pallium, woven of shining byssus, is seen to be pierced by no needles, just as in the most ancient *musis* [that is, *musiis*, *mouseiois*, mosaics], to call them by a corrupted word from good Latin, *monstra* for *monstratio*, *deigma*, that is, a picture woven into the cloths, whether they be flowers, or branches of trees or vines, or images of men or animals or other things." Concerning the word *exemplion* or *exomplon*, see Salmasius to *Script. Hist. Aug.*, vol. II, p. 853, and Du Cange, *Gl. utr.*, where examples are also attributed to marbles. For those marbles are said to be "in examples," that is, marbles with examples, examples, that is, pictures, similar to spots, and marked with various forms, white, black, green, red, and other veins, tesserae, foliage, and so on.

(23) What I might have believed *arraphia* and *ta exyphasmena* to be. (24) *Exemplion*, which we are accustomed to call *Muster*.

885 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. APPENDIX. - 886

[Greek text: σκαραμάγγια διάσπρα, δικίτρινα (25), διβένετα, οἱ κολόβια (26) μεγαλόζηλα (27) ἐκ τῶν κατ' οἴκους]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[Latin text: Diversorum colorum et diversorum quoque exemplorum seu picturarum pannis intextarum, ut musivis [vel picturis] ostenditur. Sane valde improprie esset auctor locutus, si dictione nullis acubus perforatum significare voluisset nullis fibulis constringendum. Latinæ linguæ rationem omnem perverteret, qui stolam inconsutilem, quæ apud Du Cangium v. Semicinctium memoratur, contenderet esse non fibulatam. Vid. Ciampini t. II Veter. Monument. Musiv., ubi de textrina veterum attingit, aitque se novisse hominem Romæ, qui eamdem artem noverit, et interdum exercuerit. Passim locorum monstrantur indusia de toto texta et omni sutura destituta, quæ pro inconsutili tunica Domini venditantur. Ipse ego quoque in æde R. M. V. apud Ultrajectum ad Rhenum talem vidi et tractavi. Et inconsutile appellat Matthias a Michovia illud feltri genus, quo olim Scythæ, hodie Tatari, vectiles curribus ædículas suas tegunt. Est pallium album spissum inconsutile (quod acus nulla perforavit, nullum filum continet) pro imbribus et fluviis bene utile. Paulus Jovius in libello de legatione Moschovitarum eosdem centones nobiles nulla filorum textura, sed coactis ex lanis candidos appellat. Si scaramangium illud est, quod dixi p. 5 (neque dubito esse), refutari ex nostro loco potest sententia Salmasii. Hic enim referuntur inter vestes appapous scaramangia, quæ tamen ex mea sententia in pectore fibula astringebantur. Salmasius ipse quoque τὰ κολόβια ad τοὺς σχιστούς refert et ad fibulatas vestes. Noster autem nominat ἐν τοῖς ἁῤῥάφοις. Vicissim inter τὰ ἐῤῥαμμένα referuntur quædam, quæ fibulis opus non habebant, at absque acu et filo constare non poterant, ut τὰ τουβία, τὰ σφιγκτούρια, τὰ ὑποκαμισοβράκια. Et quare tandem tunicas, vestes sarciles, pantas, memorarent veteres, si etiam non sarciles, appalous; non habuissent. Du Cange Gloss. Lat. v. Sarcile inter alia loca citat hunc: Pro isto beneficio vult, quod P. F. det duobus pauperibus tunicas singulis annis ad Natale Domini, et utraque tunica sit de duabus ulnis de Sarzil, quæ currunt in foro Montisbrusonis. Cogitavi aliquando ἄῤῥαφα esse non maniacata seu non segmentata, partexta vel ora serica vel paragauda destituta; ἐῤῥαμμένα contrarium. Sane ῥάμμα idem est ac περιῤῥαμμα, limbus, prætexta, clavus, periclysis; conf. Salmas. l. c. p. 572 et 574; et vestes consutæ de aliqua re Latinis novis dicuntur illæ, quibus segmenta vel oræ aut ornæ assutæ sunt. Concil. Andegav. anni 1365: nec cloccas sericatas sive consutas de serico alterius coloris, quam fuerit clocca deferant. Pari modo Noster infra p. 280 memorat ἱμάτια ἐῤῥαμμένα μετὰ τριβλαττίων. Verum si sic esset, quare addidisset auctor Noster ad ἐῤῥαμμένα vocem μανιακάτα οἱ ἀμφιεσμένα ἀπὸ διβλαττίων? Et quædam inter τὰ ἐῤῥαμμένα ejus sunt naturæ, ut prætextam vix patiantur, velut tibialia, hypocamiso-braccia. Imo claris verbis Noster p. 280, ἀνὰ λώτιον ἑνὸς ἐῤῥαμμένου λιτοῦ habet. Atqui si ἐῤῥαμμένον est prætextatum, non consistentia loquitur auctor jungens ἐῤῥαμμένα, prætextata, et λιτά, pura, non prætextata. Cæterum a voce Græca ῥάπτω, puto formatum fuisse Latinum medii ævi rafimenta. Vid. Du Cange Gloss. Lat. h. v., ubi e Glossis vet. citat: rafimenta, interramenta, id est ὑφάρια ῥαπτά, lodices et vestes sepulcrales. reperiatur, perinde erit, meo judicio, sive ἐ decurtatum ex integro ἀπό, sive ex Italico di pro de transumptum dicas. Nam δι- in tali compositione aliud nihil est quam ἀπό, διρόδινος, de rosato, δικίτρινος, de citrino, nempe colore, seu coloris rosei, citrei, et sic porro. Monachus Sangallensis pro sua scribendi et pronuntiandi ratione diacedrinus dixit: tyria purpura vel diacedrina litra, alii de lodicibus, quidam de gliribus circumamicti procedebant. Cl. Muratorius, cui locum hunc debeo, putat t. II Antiqu. Ital. p. 410, pro litra, legendum esse lista, id est ora, periclysi. Ego quidem præferrem lutra. In pellibus lutrarum, pretioso panno colorato indutis, olim processisse nobiles et aliunde constat, et e Du Cangio v. Lutra. Vales. ad Ammian. Marcell p. 51. Petav. ad Themist. p. 377 et 446, ubi citat Servii locum, e quo apparet, colobia fuisse talia pallia vel palliola potius, cervicem obeuntia, pectus et scapulas et humeros ad cubitos usque tegentia, qualia gestant in solemnibus actibus academiæ Lipsiensis rectores magnifici et decani facultatum, ex ritu vetere cujus vestigia reperio. tactici, quæ animum meum diu vexarunt et suspensum tenuerunt, conjecturam debui sequi, melioribus adminiculis destitutus. Et dubitavi profecto aliquando, recte hanc vocem et similes sequentes reddiderim, subnascentibus conjecturis, quæ fuit cum non minus speciosa et probabiles viderentur. Nunc tamen non dubito eam interpretandi rationem, quam Latina versio suggerit, cæteris præferre. Incidebat igitur aliquando in animum, essentne τὰ μεγαλόζηλα crasso filo texta, μεσόζηλα filo medii generis, λεπτόζηλα filo tenui. Sane tenuiarii sunt vestiarii artifices, qui lenta, pannificia tenuia, subtilia faciunt; v. Salmas. ad Scr. Hist. Aug. t. II, p. 144. Opponi quidem huic conjecturæ possit hoc, τῷ λεπτῷ commode non opponi τὸ μέγα, sed τὸ παχύ, adeoque dici debuisse illo quidem sensu παχύζηλα. Sed eadem difficultas quoque premit positam in Latina versione interpretationem. Nam τῷ μεγάλῳ non recto opponitur τὸ λεπτόν, sed τὸ μικρόν vel τὸ βραχύ. Verum facile difficultas hæc tollitur. Vulgus Græcum, aut potius Græci omnes, non exemptis probis hujus gentis et antiquis auctoribus, et λεπτός et ισχνός et βραχύς permutant. Sic Polyenus p. 45, βραχυφωνίαν dixit pro ισχνοφωνία. Artemidorus p. 130, τοὺς λεπτοὺς ἀστέρους opponit τοῖς μεγάλοις. Idem p. 62, λεπτοκάρυα habet pro minutis nucibus. Thucydides II, 83, τὰ λεπτά πλοῖα τοῖς μεγάλοις opponit. Cedren. p. 2: ἡ λεπτὴ Γένεσις, parva Genesis. Apud Du Cangium habes in Gl. Gr. p. 804, λεπτολάχανον pro minuto olusculo, et alibi λεπτογένεσιν, parvam Genesin, librum Apocryphum. Sunt igitur in hoc quidem ambæ conjecturæ pares. Deinde cogitavi, essentne τὰ μεγαλόζηλα idem atque τὰ μεγαλόγραμμα Cedreni, cujus celebrem locum p. 793, paulo post, data occasione, tractandum Datiquanto latius mihi sumam. Sunt autem τὰ μεγαλόγραμμα telæ cum grandibus et latis aut striis aut floribus, et in universum exemplis; et sic de reliquis quoque estimandum, μεσόζηλα et λεπτόζηλα puta. Sed animadverti deinceps -ζηλος esse meram terminationem, quæ qualitatem rei indicat, colobium megalozelum vel megalozilum ergo idem esse atque μέγα, et sic porro. Patet ex ἀπόζηλος, quod idem est atque αὐτόζηλος, et hoc idem atque αὐαλέος. Glossæ Græcobarbaræ apud Du Cangium: ξυλάλεος, κατάξηρος, ξηρός, ξηραμμένος, ἀπόζηλος. Græci enim ut β et interdum ut η efferunt. Patet quoque ex illa nota, proba, veteri voce χαμαίξηλος, humilis, idem valente atque χαμαλός. Similis est et ad Græcorum instar conficta Latinis medii ævi vox hybride imizilus (V. Du Cange Gl. Lat. h. v.) ab imus et terminatione -ζηλος, brevissimæ mensuræ aut vilissimæ speciei. Maxime itaque consentaneum est, cum diversæ sint staturæ homines, μεγαλόζηλα esse pan-]

(25) Cum pariter διακίτρινα et δικίτρινα scriptum (26) De colobio V. Du Cange utroque Gloss. (27) In hac voce et multis aliis hujus militaris

887 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 888

citrine, Venetian: *colobia megalozela* or *proceris* from those which are worn at home; *esoforia mesozela* (29) or for medium statures, such as are worn at home—*meizones* larger, *mesoi* medium, *leptoi* of short measure.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

I come now to that passage of Cedrenus vexed by Salmasius, in which *grammata* are read. This passage is: “[Michael Stratioticus]... the heads of the citizens not by letters, as now, but by *megalogramma* [large letters] of fine linen or purple [so it should be read, or certainly *burgos porphyrae* as an adjective]...”. Salmasius, in *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 574, wishes to read *grammaton* instead of *grammaton*, and *margellorrammon* instead of *megalogrammon*. But it happens to him as it usually does to those who, filled with the knowledge of many things, pour out their erudition in an inappropriate place, and, with many ideas presented at the same time, stray from the truth, and out of a desire—not known to the common people—to teach, they seize upon rare things and those that provoke the admiration of the unlearned, rather than simple and true ones. Almost everything in that passage is correct, certainly those vexed words. I know, indeed, that *migma* is an addition, a segment; but it has no place here. For when the Greeks wish to signify cloth of that kind which the Latins call a segment, and from which our *Summet* can be derived just as probably as from *hexamitum*, they say *sementon*, not *ramma*. Without a doubt, *grammaton* is correct, and there is no doubt that it should be derived not from the singular *gramma*, but from *grammaton*; yet it is doubtful whether *grammaton* (with the middle syllable lengthened) is the same as striped, barred, lined, or distinguished by letters, or finally illustrated with pictures, images of men and things. For the word *grammaton* can denote all these things. For as *pluma*, *plumizein* becomes *plumare* and *plumatus*, needle-painted, and from *gemo*, *gemmo* becomes *gematos*, filled, from *drosos* and *drosizein*, *drosatos*, dewy, so from *gramme* and *grammizo* comes *grammatos*. Moreover, it is the same for the Latins to *paupire* and to *lineare* as it is to draw stripes and to paint. A lined cloth, that is, either *rhabdoton* or *zodioton*, is found in an old charter in Du Cange, s.v. *Afforciatus*. A cape of lined gold cloth. The authority of the writers of the Middle Ages also fights against Salmasius, who count *grammata* (with the middle syllable lengthened) among precious things and garments, among whom are Malaspina and Balsamon. The words of the former (in Muratori, vol. II, *Ant. Ital.*, p. 313) are these: They covered the middle of the streets with cloths and ropes, with *strophiis* suspended from cords, *flectis* [that is, *plektis*, ribbons or small chains woven from gold threads], *dextrocheriis*, *periscelidibus*, *arbitris*, *grammatis*, *armillis*, *frisiis*. At the end of this passage, Muratori notes that he thinks some names here are corrupted. They certainly are. For *arbitris* is poorly handled, and the *armillis* placed next to it is its correction. There are indeed other *armillae*, the same as *dextrocheria*, also called *pericarpia*. But in this place, they are *armillae*, bands or circles usually fastened and placed around the middle of the arms. One who wishes could also take the word *frisiis* as a gloss for the word *grammatis*. Nevertheless, in my opinion, *grammata* in this place are garments that are either radiated, or *anapana*, painted, figured, as the Greeks also used to say *zoographada*; see Du Cange, s.v. *Boxinos*. The passage of Balsamon, which I promised a little earlier, is this, on the 6th Council, canon 28: *the expensive, gold-woven emblems, popularly called margellia, grammata [or grammaton] and antipana*. This is the foundation of the aforementioned conjectures of Salmasius. Therefore, according to Balsamon, these three things are the same: *ta marellia* and *ta grammata* and *ta antipana*. *Antipana* are the same as *antepanni*, cloths which were placed before others, sewn on, segments, borders, margins, *praetextae*. *Margellia* are needle-painted, embroidered, not derived from *margo*; for this word is not of the Latin state, but Arabic. For it comes from the Arabic *Racama*, he painted with a needle; whence the Italian *ricamato*, which is merely the Arabic *Ricamo*. This word and *Murcum* and *Narcam*, which the common people also pronounced *Morgom*, [mean] needle-painted work. If the Greeks say *margellion* for *margemion*, that is a corruption of the common people. That *margemium*, not *margellium*, is the true reading is proven by a certain old Spanish charter in Du Cange, s.v. *Aliphasis*, which word is also the Arabic *Allibas*, and denotes *himation*, an outer garment. The words of that charter, laden with many Arabic words and therefore worthy of explanation, are these: *plumatios digniores paleos 10* [that is, silk, plumated, or more precious and honest and splendid needle-painted garments], *alios subminores 8* [*hypomeionas*, as our author loves to speak, as the ancients did, *hypomeionas*], *aliphases vulturinos* [that is, a cloak with vultures woven in], *almucallus morgomes* [*epeuchia grammata* or *ploumata*, *phatoles paleos*, *tous kat' oikon*, daily, domestic garments, *robes de chambre*, silk]. The Italians received this word *Ricam* from the Arabs; see Du Cange, s.v. *Ploumion*, where he cites these glosses from Hieronymus Germanus: *Ricame*, *ploumi*, *ricamato*, *ploumismenos*. What kind of *Sabanæ litteratæ* were in another Spanish charter in Du Cange, s.v. *Alfanegue*, I doubt, whether they were ones in which letters were woven, or needle-painted. Certainly, the arguments are equal on both sides. The passage is: *lectos cum suos tapetes cum suos plumatos paleos et Graeciscos et suas sabanas litteratas et fateles alfanegues*. The last two words are Arabic, and signify garments of daily domestic use [lined] with the skins of that marten which we call *Iltes* and *Iltz*, the Arabs *Faneg* or *Feneg*. Either Matthias Sylvaticus wrote *Pontica*, or he erred in naming *Parthicas* skins for *Ponticas*, when he writes: *fenucio*, that is, *pellis Parthica*. For I do not agree with Du Cange, s.v. *Parthica pellis*, who fetches this gloss from Greece. Various kinds of lettered cloths were in use among the ancients. For some garments had letters only one or two at most on the lower hem towards the feet, woven in such a way that with us every owner of bed-covers and all linen household goods takes care to have them marked with the initial letters of his name. In that way, those *sabanæ* which are commemorated in this charter could seem to be lettered. A memorable passage is that of Hesychius: *Tribon, a garment having signs like letters*. Therefore, *tribones* and *tribonia* are those garments of Jesus Christ and the Apostles in the mosaics of the ancient churches, which present to the view letters and figures similar to letters, but of unknowable meaning, very frequent in Ciampini (in both volumes of *Vetera Monumenta*), who also disputes much about their institution, meaning, and use. In another way, lettered garments were those which showed one ancient letter repeated a thousand times throughout the whole text, as the so-called *gammadia*, about which [I speak] in another place. Finally, in another way, garments were lettered when the names of those wearing them, or even entire sentences, were woven in. Rubens has a notable example of chasubles covered with the names of bishops woven within circular areas, *Lib. 1, Hist. Ravenn.*, ad an. 515, from which Du Cange brought the passage, s.v. *Diptychum*. The Greeks also have it as a custom that they inscribe the names of bishops on their *eiletois* or corporals, about which see p. 39. There still remains among the insignia of the kingdom...

(28) Concerning the domestic garments of the ancients, see Casaubon on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. 1, p. 261. Ibidem p. 990, forensic and domestic garments are opposed. (29) *Sinine* [are] linen undergarments, such as we are accustomed to wear today on the skin itself, or innermost tunics.

of those [used] at home, *aspromynaia* ^A (30), *dibygantaria* white and *iasta*, *lorota* triple-threaded (31) and *holobera* *iasta* and *analekta* (32) of various colors. It must be known that all these are carried in containers which are wrapped in red leathers and covered with polished iron fittings and similarly polished tin plates.

Through those [garments that are] stitched. Stitched garments, two-part (33) *maniakata* (34).

JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS COMMENTARY. ...the German empire, a pallium or rather an *epomis* of Charlemagne, written with Arabic sentiment around the border in woven silk letters. It was the custom to weave the names of oriental princes not only on banners but also on cloths which were manufactured in their wardrobe factories and sent as gifts to foreigners or to internal nobles, concerning which matter I have spoken regarding Abulfeda. It is memorable what the author of *The Changed Russia* relates, that he saw in the imperial catacombs of Moscow silk coverings spread over the biers in which the ancient Tsars were laid, whose borders were inscribed with writing and Russian speech, not in silk or gold threads, but in tiny pearls coordinated into the shape of Russian letters, [describing] the deeds and fates of each Tsar. But perhaps another, more ample place will come for speaking of these inscribed garments. I return to *grammata*, mine, which can eventually also be cloths adorned with images of people or things. It is memorable what Cedrenus says, that in his time the Constantinopolitans wore *grammata* on their turbans. He lived in the middle of the eleventh century. One could now conjecture that by *grammata* were meant no other cloths than those painted with images of people or things, not lettered, not irradiated, and this from the fact that John Cantacuzenus, in the fourteenth century, relates that this fashion was in use in his time. His words are lib. III, c. 36, where he speaks of the pomp of John Glykys, Patriarch of Constantinople: "The head covering which it is the custom for patriarchs to wear, if they are not of the monastic order, initially wrapped in white linen, he himself adorned with gold, having inscribed upon it images of our Savior Jesus Christ, and of her who bore Him, the Theotokos, and of John the Baptist." That the ancient Greeks also wore images (*zoa*, that is, pictures) on their head coverings, Democritus of Ephesus testifies: "But the Ionian [garments], violet-dyed and purple and saffron-colored, woven with rhombi, and the heads divided equally with images." Thus I believe I have sufficiently illustrated and defended the passage of Cedrenus.

^B ...talares, it is not clear to me. For it is not yet sufficiently evident whether the new Greeks wore tunics super cute [next to the skin] in the ancient Greek and Roman manner, or whether they were woolen. See what I say below regarding *sphigktouriois* and *hypokamisochiton*. To me, indeed, it is more probable that the word *esophoria* signifies not under-garments or shifts, chemises, Hembden, but the tunics directly incumbent upon them, [reaching to the] ankles. For I find *esophoria* made of silk. But I would scarcely believe that silk was used for shifts. Anastasius, in *Nicolaus I*: "In the ciborium of the Constantinian basilica, he hung four best cloths of *siphori* [that is, of *esophorion*] and of *fundato*." There was, therefore, a kind of cloth called *esophorion*. Leo Ostiensis, I, 28: "likewise a silk *sterica* [others call it *strica*, and others again *stica*] of *silphori* with gold and gems."

^C ...signify, I confess that I neither know nor can guess. ...of colors, but rather with three threads alternately repeating the turns of three different colors. Thus *dimiton*, bili-

^D ...as they are worn at home; and these last are of various colors and patterns; *aspromynæa*, *dibygantaria* white and *iasta*, *lorota* triple-threaded and *holovera* *iasta* and *analekta* of various colors. All these things are carried in vessels which are wrapped in red leathers and covered with polished iron fittings and similarly polished tin plates.

Concerning the consuls. Furthermore, they are carried into military expedition by...

COMMENTARY ...cloth, *polymiton*, multilicen, that is, *polychroon* [multi-colored] *poikilochroun*. Perhaps *tetramita* are those which Anastasius calls *vela* of quadruple [thread]. Hugo Falcandus *l. c.*: "Hence also you may see *amita*, *dimita* and *trimita* being performed with less skill and expense, hence *hexamita* being condensed from a greater abundance of material." Or they are garments of three spots, in which three colors are scattered hither and thither through the spots in no certain order, nor any certain figure. The author of the *Mamotrectus*: *polymitos* are garments of various colors and drops, from *polis*, which is plurality, and *mitos*, which is a drop. Vid. Du Cange v. *Gutta* and *gucla*.

(32) ...the new Greeks used for *analektron*) were a sudarium or mappa, so called from this, that such *mappae* were wont to be spread upon *analogia* or ecclesiastical pulpits, and upon them holy codices were placed, from which evangelical and epistolary texts were recited. Such a *mappa* the monk of Pegau calls: "A veil, which is placed upon the *analogium* on top feasts, on which the Gospel is wont to be recited," and the Acts of the Murensis monastery, p. 29: "A linen cloth to be placed under on the *analogium* on festal days." Vid. Du Cange *Gl.* both under v. *Analogium*. The word afterward seems to have passed from sacred *analecta* to all profane *mappae* also of similar form and fabric.

(33) If any part of antiquity is obscure, it is truly the wardrobe, which perhaps we shall never sufficiently understand, since no ancient paintings exist, and remaining ancient monuments often complicate rather than help, [as to whether] the Romans used different garments than the Greeks, and in nothing more than in attire. But I would prefer now [to deal] with silk hems, *mit samtenem Kragen oder Aufschlagen um den Hals* [with velvet collar or lapels around the neck]. Vid. Du Cange *Gloss. Gr.* v. *Maniakēs*, where he cites from the *Glossae*: *maniakēn to tou himatiou peristomion*, that is, that which encompasses the mouth or opening of a garment. In those figures of the Basilian Menologion, in which I said the image of torn garments is exhibited, there occurs also an image of such hems, by which those openings or fissures are extended and girded, like a certain silk segment, or Phrygian embroidery; vid. *e. c. t. I*, p. 105, 113, 161, 162 and elsewhere, likewise Salmas. *t. II Script. Hist. Aug.* p. 569, where he treats of the *segmenta* which adorned the throat. "Women's garments, he says, were adorned with *segmenta* at the throat, that is, with golden bands." I would not deny that golden bands were sewn on, but *segmenta* strictly are bands or fillets of purple or silk, more or less wide, sewn onto the edge of the garment surrounding the neck. Salmasius continues and thence [concludes] *segmentum* is placed for an ornament of the throat or a necklace. Servius: "And necklace, an ornament of the throat, which they also call *segmentum*." Isidore has the same, and the rest. Banduri to Constantine, p. 35, cites a passage of Valerius Maximus V, 2, where *segmentum* is called an ornament of the neck, which is called a necklace. Therefore *monilia* and *maniacae* are not only gold torques or strings of pearls, but also silk or hexamita *segmenta* sewn onto garments.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE

The desire of men to innovate in dress is wont to be excessive, yet that matter is so constituted that it cannot be signified clearly enough in words unless it be demonstrated before one’s eyes. There has been much discourse among the ancients concerning *schista*, that is, cleft or split garments. In this matter, the times of the authors and the garments of which they speak must be carefully distinguished. For the cleft of a pallium is one thing, that of a tunic another. I shall speak first of the pallium. The cleft pallium of the ancient Greeks was something else, although it was very similar to the pallium of the Franks. We still have an image of the ancient Greek pallium in those garments called by us *Chorrocken*, the choral robes of our priests. Many call these chasubles, others planetas. A *casula*, indeed, which is cleft up to the shoulder on both sides and solid at the top around the neck, or encircling the neck in a circle, is the ancient square pallium. The Greek pallium consisted of two wings as it were, one in front, the other in back. Because these two wings formed four corners, it was called square. The octagonal one will be discussed below. These two wings—they used to fold them back (àvέβαλον), reject them, so that the part which would touch the feet in a long pallium might now recline over the shoulders, where it was fastened either by needles (*περόναις*), or by a clasp (*πόρπη*) inserted, and secured. When it rained, snowed, or the wind blew, the needle having been removed or the clasp loosened, they allowed the wing to fall down. Therefore, there were strips of cloth sewn to individual corners, which they either fastened with needles or inserted into clasps sitting atop the shoulders, which held the wings folded upward. They called these strips *pteryges*. In general, where a clasp was, there in that region was the *pteryx* to be inserted into the clasp, as is evident from the passage of Aristophanes in Pollux VII, 14:

*Having loosened the pteryx of the tunic,* *And the bond in which the breasts were contained.*

I do not recall seeing an image of such a pallium anywhere. Nor were the later Greeks accustomed to it. For their chlamys was a pallium that was not *dischiston* (twice cleft), but *monoschiston* (once cleft). However, the Latins, for example those of the Middle Ages, like the Franks and Italians, used it more frequently. Nevertheless, they were split in various ways. The lateral splits of some reached only to the knees, or, if much, as far as the top of the thigh. The lateral splits of others, however, reached as far as the joint of the shoulder and scapula, exactly as in the ancient Greek pallia. By these pallia or casulae split so high, the shoulders were conveniently bared: by those others, split less high, less conveniently; for he who wished to bare his hands had to lift the pallium and balance it with his hand. Joannes Mussus describes such a square pallium, less deeply split, as follows: such garments are so "curta" [that is, very short], somewhat longer in the back and front than at the braid. The Monk of St. Gall is even clearer concerning the deeds of Charlemagne, I. 36: their [the Franks’] last habit was a pallium of a grey color or sapphire, quadrangular, double [that is, *διπλωτόν*, lined with furs or other things], so formed that when it was placed on the shoulders, it touched the feet in front and back, but from the sides it barely covered the knees. On these square pallia, see Du Cange ad Joinvill. p. 158, where a *long mantel fendu à un côté* is frequently mentioned in the charters of Stephanus de la Fontaine. Such a pallium is *monoschitum*, and approaches more closely the form of the Greek chlamys. In this alone do the chlamys and the Frankish *monoschitum* differ: that the split of the right side proceeded beyond the shoulder and was tightened on the shoulder by means of a clasp to the other part – the rear part, to put it that way – of the chlamys, if indeed the split has a place in the chlamys: for the chlamys was solid. But let us be lenient in our words; in the Frankish *monoschitum* pallium, however, it would not ascend beyond the right knee, so that one wearing the chlamys could freely and nimbly bare his right hand, but he who wore such a pallium would have to lift it if he wished to bare his hand. Whether the pallium of Charlemagne was *monoschiston* or *dischiston*, about which Du Cange speaks loc. cit., they will judge who have vol. II of the *Acta Sanctorum* for June at hand. For that image which Du Cange praises exists there. I neglected to observe, when I was examining it, what the form of the pallium was, and at present that volume of the *Acta* is not at hand. In the meantime, so that my readers may estimate with their eyes the Frankish square or twice-split pallium, I shall append an image of a Frankish king from that Frankish manuscript of Valerius Maximus already praised above, which the library of the Leipzig senate has among its parchments. From this it also appears that the Frankish queen is indeed a woman—not the Constantinople empress whom Montfaucon explained in *Antiq. Expl.* T. III, tab. 26, and represented in bronze—whom the Bosian diptych shows. The *casula* was not a Greek, but a Western habit. In that image, clearly visible, is a square pallium, open almost entirely on the right, not so highly split on the left, and closed at the edges or rims by a double row of pearls or white beads. There is also, in the same pallium, a *tablium* and *praepondulia*, about which I shall speak in their proper place. Before the royal wardrobe... with garments sewn and twice split [in A *from various colored scaramangia (35) and sexemplia*, dressed in *diblaattia*. Furthermore... [35] This passage does not resolve our entire previous dissertation on the scaramannium. For if the *scaramannium* belongs to the *dischista* or "twice-split" garments, it was not of the kind we described above—hemicycloidal, solid all around, approaching the chlamys—but was either a square Frankish pallium or something similar, that is, it had individual splits on the outer side of each leg.

^A and split mania-cuffed garments [instructed with golden torques], consisting of scaramangia of various colors and patterns with diblattea borders. Besides these, there are garments of medium length, split in two, maniacuffed, with diblattea borders; others, however, are colobia, such as are worn at home, of medium length, split in two, torqued, but without diblattea borders. All these things ^B are carried in the storehouses, dressed with true scrolls and tinned irons, along with likewise tinned chartalamia. From all these, the more excellent ones from the diblat...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(36) Since I knew that *λιτόν* in this Tactic, where he speaks of garments, might signify a garment which had nothing of gold or silver, and especially no trim [segmentum] sewn around the edges of the collar and the sleeves, I fluctuated a great deal in this place. For *μανιακάτα*, or torqued, and segmentata, are openly opposed to *λιτά*, pure, which have no trim. Therefore, either the word *λιτός* must be taken here in another sense, or, as I would prefer, *καί* must be inserted: *μανιακάτα καὶ λιτά*. If it must be taken in another sense, it cannot signify anything other than garments of lesser excellence, of inferior thread. Which interpretation does not please me, however. In the same way, the illustrious Casaubon rendered *λιτὸν περικεφάλαιον* in Polybius VI, p. 468, as a vile covering for the head. But there, too, that expression signifies a head covering to which nothing else—neither mark, nor ornament, nor shield, nor terrifying protection against the force of blows—had been added against the enemy, but just a bare and naked helmet. See ibid. p. 469. Thus *λιτὸς ἄρτος* in Diogenes Laertius, p. 609, is the same as *ξηρός*, bare, dry bread, without any side dish. By this example, therefore, I have everywhere translated *λιτόν* as "pure." For the Latins called a garment "pure" when it lacked ornaments. Trebellius Pollio in *Claudius*, p. 390, has *interulas puras*, that is, not bordered with purple, or not trimmed. Otherwise they called it "humble" and "meager," according to Salmasius on t. I, *Scr. Hist. Aug.* p. 90 and 631. Tacitus *Annal.* III, 2, has *signa incompta*, that is, stripped of purple and gold, or of the images of eagles, victories, and princes. The Latins of the Middle Ages called them "simple" and otherwise, namely with respect to "prepared" garments, that is, adorned, made for display (*ad parandum*, *ὡς πρὸς ἐπίδειξιν καὶ ὄγκον*), which they also called "ornate" in the Middle Ages. For in Anastasius there is *sarica prasina ornata* (unless you prefer to take *ornata* for *περιωρνευμένη*). The Rule of St. Caesarius to the Virgins, c. 22: *lectualia simplicia sint*. For it is very unbecoming if secular bedspreads or painted tapestries shine in a religious bed. The *Chronicon Cassinense* III, 74, mentions *dalmaticas paratas, ornatas de collaribus et manicis et tabulis*, and *alias*, that is, of a different sort, *λιτάς*, not prepared, eleven; tunics prepared, five; and *alias*, ten and nine. (The Scholiast on Thucydides II, 97, p. 162, explaining that expression *ὑφαντὰ καὶ λεῖα*, woven and smooth, says this: *λεῖα τὰ λιτά, πρὸς ἀντιδιαστολὴν τῶν ὑφαντῶν καὶ πεποικιλμένων*. They are, therefore, those *λιτά* garments of one thread and one color, and for that reason different from the multicolored garments which are called *ὑφαντά* by Thucydides by way of excellence; for although garments of one thread and one color are no less woven than the multifaceted and multicolored ones, yet these deserve this name in particular because they are woven with art and diligence. (Ex Addend.)

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 896 are carried in vessels, which are wrapped in purple leathers and secured with polished iron fittings and parchment... [Greek text: of eagles (37) and imperial (38) garments, the second of these from bdellium (38*); tight-fitting garments (38**)]

JOHN JACOB REISKE’S COMMENTARY. C. The more excellent of these were made from that diblatteon (or twice-dyed) type of cloth, which takes its name from the woven eagles. I believed, indeed, at that time, that the eagles, the insignia of the Greek empire, were sewn onto leggings or breeches. I had not yet, of course, seen that image of the Constantinopolitan Caesar, which Rhamnusius presented in his book on the Venetian War, praised a little earlier, in the third place, all sprinkled with figures of woven eagles—single, not double-headed. The name of the cloth adhered to it from these figured eagles. Du Cange, in table VI of those eleven which he placed before his dissertation on the coins of the lowest age, related this very image, along with the other two images of the emperor and empress of the Constantinopolitans edited by Rhamnusius. But if you compare that print—certainly of the Frankfurt edition, which I use—with the Venetian edition of Rhamnusius edited by Gaffarel, you would discover that the Cangean one differs from this in many respects and was rendered without any care. Indeed, in the chlamys of the Caesar, there is almost no trace of eagles in the Cangean edition, which nevertheless clearly force themselves upon the eyes, sufficiently numerous, in the Venetian edition of Rhamnusius. They called such garments "eagle-adorned." The Cornutian Charter in Du Cange, under the word *Mafors*: "a silk-weft, rose-colored, eagle-adorned mafors." Anastasius: "having a history, that is, an image, of eagles," in the life of Leo IV, p. 180, where he mentions a garment of *fundatum* having a history of eagles. If *fundatae* garments are covered with circles and round areas, Anastasius designated something very similar to that which the Rhamnusian Caesar just mentioned wears. The Chronicle of Cassino mentions purple *planetae* with a fringe and with an eagle of pearls. Therefore, they wove and likewise sewed eagles onto garments, with silk wings, gold, and pearls as well. I do not think that tunic was anything other than one "historied" with eagles (as they spoke in the Middle Ages), which our author mentions on p. 339 with these words: "Wrapping the eagle-chlamydion." But if, however, *to chlamydion* is said not by apposition and explanation, but by itself, and denotes a garment different from the eagle (which seems otherwise to me), it can still be admitted and explained as a garment of the eagle, which, as an outer covering of the shoulders, wandering and waving in the air, represented an eagle as if with expanded wings and was either entirely the same as the chlamys, or certainly differed in no other thing than size. The figure of this *aetos* is very frequent, especially in the images of military men, and is called this military garment in express words by the Continuator of Theophanes. I, indeed, am in doubt whether it is an *aetos*, or a chlamys, or both (the same thing, indeed, noted by different names), which I see Constantine the Great having, partly on his left breast, partly waving in the air behind his back, in Banduri, Vol. II, *Antiquitates Imperii Orientis*, p. 633, in that image which shows the victorious Constantine the Great and Maxentius falling by his spear at the Milvian Bridge. The victor is seen there sitting on a horse, dressed in a *sagum*, and above it a flying eagle, fastened on the highest right shoulder by the aid of a strap, which hangs down almost to the belt. More images of *aetoi* or chlamydes are seen in the figures of the Theodosian arch placed by the same Banduri in the same volume; see p. 56, and almost all the copper plates of that arch. In the images of the Basilian Menologion, the *spiculator*, the executioner of the martyrs, occurs most frequently, dressed in this *aetos* or chlamys, as e.g., Vol. I, pp. 59 and 74, and Vol. II, p. 176; likewise in table 18, Vol. I of Ciampini’s *Monumenta Vetera*, plate 23, where the *spiculator* strangles St. Bartholomew. The passage of the Constantinopolitan Continuator, p. 12 of the *Scriptores post Theophanem*, which I praised a little earlier, is significant here, where among all the things of the empire that would one day come to Michael the Stammerer, this is reported: that the *tuation porvixobares*, which Leo the Armenian, recently inaugurated emperor, "was wearing a military custom (they call this an *aetos* or a sea)," which he had put on, handed to him by Leo of the exiles and by himself. We shall set aside the part of this passage which claims that the *aetos* is the same as the "sea" for the next observation. Symeon Magister, p. 402, and Genesius, p. 3, report the same history, whose words it is worth the effort to append and compare. "He is stripped of the garment," says Symeon, "which he had put on, shining with rose-like colors, and the *kolobion*, which they call by the ancient name of the *stratēlatēs*, the *aetos*." Genesius, however, has it thus: "He is stripped of the garment which he had put on, eagle-like in two rose-like colors, which they call by the local name *kolobion*, and this one loosened from the belt according to the custom kept of old for the *stratēlatēs*." These two authors differ primarily in that Genesius makes the *aetos* and *kolobion* the same, the other different. You may also conclude from them that the *aetos* was a garment that was accustomed to be tightened with a belt. But in this, in my opinion, they are much mistaken, and it appears they had a confused or rather no idea of the *aetos*. What the obscure and affected expression "eagle-like in two rose-like colors" means, I would not say—whether a garment that imitates an eagle, a flying chlamys, or one that has woven eagles? And what, finally, are the two rose colors? Are they two, three, or more rose colors? There are indeed roses of a different color, of a lighter and a deep purple; but the color in garments is nevertheless only one. But why do we fight with the ineptitudes of the triflers and childish Greeks? I return to the *aetoi* or flying chlamydes, which seem to have ceased in the 9th century, or even earlier. Their image in some way survives today in those small mantles which advocates in certain cities of Germany, such as Halle in Magdeburg, where I have often seen them, wear—so short that they hide their ends in the right sleeve of their togas. I also think those ribbons, woven with silver and gold and silk threads, long and multiple, which minor military officials and also the valets of noble men wear sewn to the right shoulder, are remnants of the *aetoi*. And those *ta kata nōtou leukolina* (white-linen things on the back), which Nicetas twice narrates were accustomed to be worn by the Constantinopolitans in his time, were nothing other than such short mantles of advocates: first in *Alexius*, son of Manuel, c. 18, p. 174; then indeed also in the narrative concerning the affairs of the city after it was conquered by the Latins, p. 382. The former passage is here. Narrating there the joy of the faction favoring Andronicus because he was named emperor, he says that some danced in the middle of the streets: "Bringing out the head-coverings woven in the senatorial manner, and taking hold of the white-linen things on the back, which were flowing, they rolled them up like balls, dancing in the [white]... of the robes."

(37) With small woven flies. Properly, *bdellia* are the small flies that come out from the follicles of the elm tree; see Du Cange under *Muyoudarion*. Whence they seem to have the name, *bdellia* from the elm. (38**) What these are, I do not know, unless perhaps linen undergarments; see Du Cange under this word and what we shall say a little later about under-tunics.

(37) I have rendered "the more excellent of these" as "assulas" [Note: Reiske likely meant "the more excellent of these were made from..."] (38) See above note (50) col. 339.

897 - APPEND. 898 DE CERIMONIIS AULÆ BYZANTINÆ LIB. I.

*thalassai* (38) and *abdia* (39) with broad borders, and *abdia* with *masoura* (40), some of them adorned with double-dyed purple, taking up white linens, they would unroll them like balls of rope and place them into the hands of everyone they met in the streets, so that, having grasped the rope as it were, they might lead a dance. This designates a game which the ancients called "leading the rope" or "leading the garland." Another passage, criticizing the insolence of the Latins who had taken the city, notes these excesses among others: "They walked about the streets wearing garments with broad stripes not for use, but for mockery, and placing linen-covered head-dresses on the tops of their carriages, and wrapping the white linens that flowed down their backs around the jaws of their horses, they rode here and there through the city," that is, they wore garments distinguished by broad stripes (or panels) not for use, but for mockery, and circulated through the crossroads; they placed hats covered with fine fabrics on the heads of their horses, and bound their jaws with white linens, which are described as flowing from the shoulders down the back, and in that attire they rode about, wandering here and there. I add one more thing for our own age: it seems the Russians received from the Greeks the custom of sewing or weaving eagles onto their garments. For the lesser imperial officials, such as the drivers of public carriages and postilions, have a red eagle sewn on, according to the German book titled *Das veränderte Russland*.

I am able to offer conjectures. If the passage of the Continuator of Theophanes cited above has credibility—and it certainly ought to—*aetos* (eagle) and *thalassa* (sea) do not differ. And indeed, the name *thalassa*, "sea," would be a fitting name for a flowing garment, no less than "eagle." In a similar way, the ancient Greeks called the flowing peploi of women, which hung from the head to the feet, *rhuakes*, "rivers" or "torrents" (see Diogenes Laertius, p. 305, where they have incorrectly changed it). Perhaps it is also for this reason that the outer garment of the *kauschoi* or imperial envoys among the Turks is called *thalascopipete*, a word composed of Greek and Arabic, the latter part of which denotes an ample garment. Both denominations are consistent; for such a garment, which is not usually tightened with a belt, is ample and, as it were, flowing. However, before I saw that passage of the Continuator, I believed that *thalassai* were called wavy or *cymatile* cloths, a type of which is the commonly named "Camelot," a word to be derived not from camel hair, but from that very word, though pronounced corruptly, *cymatilis*; for the manufacture of this cloth, see Busbecq, *Epistol.* I, pp. 57 and 62 (I use the Wechel edition of 1605). Furthermore, I suspected that these garments were called "seas" because of the flowing or embroidered borders and hems, or threads woven through the middle of the cloth, such as the ancients called *patandroi* and the new Greeks call *potamoi* ("rivers"). Antipater in the *Anthology* (Book VI, no. 8, p. 425) has three girls dedicating offerings to Diana, among whom one dedicates a garment with woven girls dancing and the winding errors of the wandering Meander river: "And Bitie made these girls flourishing in the dance, and the winding streams of the wandering Meander." See Salmasius on Tertullian, p. 302, Paris edition. I seem to see such a type of *thalassoton* or *kymatodes* cloth on the coins of Justinian, as in the last line of the first bronze plate in Du Cange’s *Familiæ Byzantinæ*, p. 88, and in the second line of the same plate, and likewise twice in the fourth. Du Cange describes the so-called *potamoi* of the new Greeks on garments thus: "They are white lines," he says, "intermixed with red on the palls, mandyas, and sticharia of Greek priests." Andreas a S. Cruce, in the same work, says he saw the cope of a Greek patriarch varied by white and purple stripes running transversely from top to bottom. These lines, placed at certain intervals on tunics from the top hem to the bottom, are surely nothing other than the *meandri* of the ancients or the scales of Boethius in his *Consolation*, where he describes the habit of Philosophy. He says she was clothed in garments on the bottom edge of which was read the letter Π, and on the top the letter Θ; and between both letters, certain steps were marked in the manner of a ladder, by which there was an ascent from the lower element to the higher. It is debated what those letters mean; for it is clear they were not invented by the philosopher without reason. As far as I can gather from an opinion I have seen reported by others, taken out of context, it seems that for the letter Π, the letter Δ should be substituted, which would signify *Genesis* (Creation), just as Θ seems to denote *Thanatos* (Death). But those things which Boethius calls ladders are undoubtedly purple or other-colored bands, accustomed to be sewn or woven onto garments parallel from the top hem to the bottom; an example of such ladders, meanders, waves, or *potamoi* or *thalassai* can be seen in Ciampini, Vol. II, *Monumenti vet.*, plate 39.

It is not the Arabic word *Abat*; I do not know what else it could be. However, *Abah* or *Abat* is a garment of the Arabs, especially the Chaldean Christians, criticized in the seventh century in the satires of the poet Jarir, who was very hostile to Christians, but also celebrated in the memory of the fathers in the travelogues of Pietro della Valle and de la Roque. The aforementioned Italian (Book II, epist. 7) describes it as a tunic of coarse thread, split at the chest, without sleeves, which the Arabs wear over an undershirt. The Frenchman, however, calls it an outer cloak (p. 4 of his *Voyage de Seyde au camp du grand Emir*): "I had," he says, "over the rest a kind of mantle called an *aba*, made of a species of camlet, variegated with white and black with small flowers woven in gold." Let no one wonder that I everywhere harp upon and seek out Arabic. If I exceed the limit in this matter, I suffer what all lovers are accustomed to. Both the waking and the dreaming look upon and listen to their beloved. I once loved Arabic letters and cultivated them strenuously, at great expense to my affairs, with little benefit to my reputation due to the character of this century, to which Arabic is distasteful. Nevertheless, it is no less certain that a numerous crowd and, as it were, a colony of Arabic words has immigrated into the new Greek language, as is wont to happen from the wars and continuous commerce of neighboring peoples. The Greeks had many dealings of peace and war with the Saracens at all times, as long as the affairs of both flourished. Sometimes, too, entire colonies of oriental peoples speaking Arabic were transferred to Greece. See Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople, *Breviarium*, p. 204.

I saw it explained as a small flask, so I rendered it in Latin as "with woven small flasks." Whether rightly or wrongly, let others judge. I truly fear that it would have been more correct to translate it as "with woven siphons or reeds," that is, long cylinders. For as far as I can gather from the examples of the word *masourion* brought by Du Cange in his *Glossarium Græcum*, *masouria* were long glass tubes for inflating or injecting liquid into some blood vessel. I find the cloth *admasurum* in Du Cange’s *Glossarium Latinum* under this word, where he cites this passage from Leo Ostiensis, *Chronicon Cassinense*, Book I, ch. 58, "a cloth *admasurum* for eight Byzantines." I have no doubt that the word should be divided into two, *ad masurum*, that is, with *masuria* or small woven flasks. I could refer here, not without a semblance of truth, to *masoric* towels, as if adorned with woven small flasks, which Anastasius mentions in the *Life of Leo IV*, p. 196: "He offered three *masoric* towels [this is how it should be read both here and in the other passage of the same work, p. 188, both of which Du Cange cites under *Olea*] of admirable beauty, woven with silk and depicted with color," which, namely...

(38) Nor can much be said about this garment beyond... (39) If it is not a contraction for *abadia*, and thus... (40) Since *masourion* is defined by Du Cange in his *Glossarium Græcum* as...

899 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 900

[...the more excellent ones have eagles embroidered on them, and double-dyed silks, and imperial insignia or arms; but those of the second rank and inferior in price have, for example, bdellia or small flies woven into them. Sphincturia or strictoria, thalassas or "seas" [a type of garment so named], and abdia with wide straps, and abdia with small woven flasks, partly trimmed with double-dyed borders, and partly without them, or plain. Furthermore, hypocamisobraccia or breeches of various qualities, both in terms of capacity and price. Epirrhiptaria or throw-over scapulars, covering the shoulders and head, of true color, of the first, second, and third order. Zostria or belts of true color, various, and pseudoxea or of a paler color, each at the price of one nomisma and four miliaresia, others of a paler color at the price of single nomismata, others at the price of eight miliaresia. Pairs of shoes of adimion or cordovan, various. All these must be carried in leather bags or saddlebags, and they are intended for noble refugees to whom they are given, and for other noble and great foreigners to whom they are sent. Furthermore, the imperial wardrobe carries with it garments for daily use, such as are worn at home, more excellent and neat,

B JOHN JAC. REISKE ...on feast days would hang around the major altar. But those Majorican [fabrics] do not belong here, as they take their name from the island of Majorca, where they were made. The Andalusian Saracens in the Middle Ages conducted the greatest trade in precious cloths in the West, so that "Spanish" cloths, Almerian purples, and likewise Majorican towels were celebrated everywhere, while our Latin [texts] were being reformed. But what are hypocamisa? As far as I understand from the jumble of examples of κάμισον and ὑποκάμισον brought forward by Du Cange in his Greek Glossary, the κάμισον was the same as an outer tunic, shorter, ending at the knees, not the inner tunic, ἐσώρριον, ending at the feet or ankles. The ἐπιρριπτάρια, however, were perhaps undershirts, linen undergarments lying closest to the skin. This and the clothing of those times will be illustrated by a notable passage from John Mussus in the *Chronicon Placentinum* in Muratori, vol. II, *Ant. Ital.*, p. 320: "Young men wear other garments, both large [cloaks or chlamydes] and others short and tight; and so short that they show the middle of the buttocks and the genitals [it seems to signify the *ta kabadia* or the *dindotdas*, which we call *Bruslatze*, as if 'rags of the chest', *epiphorakia*], except that they wear *caligae* [that is, breeches, drawers] of cloth, so long [that is, very long], tied in five places to the *zuparelli* [that is, attached five times to the *ependytai* or those chest-cloths; see Du Cange, s.v. *superalia*], which they wear underneath other garments that cover the buttocks, the member, and the genitals with the said *caligae*. And also underneath they have very tight linen *saraballae*." Therefore, they called undergarments *saraballae*, from the Arabic word; see Du Cange, s.v. *Saraballa*. That he adds "very tight," I am surprised; for the Arabs understand *sarabal* as any very ample and most prolix garment. This passage, however, leads me to believe that the *sphincturia* were what are for us undergarments. I have already touched upon breeches when I was dealing with the *dindotdas*. For the breeches of the Greeks were formed like those of the Heiducks; they proceeded, that is, from the lower belly down to below the calves, as can be seen in the *Basilian Menologion*, vol. I, pp. 9, 22, 23, 26, 27 and

C D ...tunics. Epirrhiptaria, (42) of true color (43), first and second and third, zostria of true color, various, and pseudoxea (44), at the price of one nomisma and 4 miliaresia. And other pseudoxea at the price of 1 nomisma, and others at the price of 8 miliaresia. Shoes of adimion, various pairs. It is to be known that all these must be carried in leather bags or in saddlebags. These are for noble refugees and are intended to be sent to noble and great foreigners. Fine-threaded garments from those at home, excellent and clean, adorned with triple-dyed and double-dyed silks of true color, and double-dyed silks with eagles, and imperial [insignia], and bdellia, both split at the sides with Persian-style [ornaments] for the strategoi and kleisourarchai. Other fine-threaded garments from those at home, second-rate, plain, split at the sides, with manicata, for the thematic tourmarchai and other refugees and archons. It is to be known that all these are carried in containers covered with genuine leather and polished iron, with likewise polished clasps. Sphincturia, thalassas, and abdia with wide straps and with flasks, some adorned with double-dyed silks, others plain. Epirrhiptaria of true color, various, hypocamisobraccia...

COMMENTARY. ...elsewhere. Cf. Muratori, *Ant. Ital.*, vol. II, p. 110. * [On the breeches of the Emperors, see Du Cange on Villehardouin, p. 309.] Before I lay aside this subject, it is helpful to illustrate briefly the Gloss in Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.*, p. 564, namely this: *kaminarioi* are called the ecclesiastical ministers who are occupied in the church with heating the sacred cauldrons. This word does not descend from *kamison*, but from another Arabic or rather Syriac [word], which signifies a minister. Indeed, *kamison* is also of Arabic origin. ...the patriarch used. George the Monk, p. 567.] From Leo Grammaticus, p. 490, it is clear that it is a head covering. In vain, therefore, does Goar, on Cedrenus, p. 611, criticize Xylander, who translates it as a cowl. Likewise, Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.*, s.v., compares it to the *froccus* of monks, where see. From our [text], p. 419, it appears that this garment could be tightened at the throat by means of a buckle or clasp. ...word signifies, whether red or violet. Certainly, learned men usually translate this word into Latin as "violet." But that it also signifies red is apparent from the passage of Nicetas in Salmasius, vol. II, *Hist. Aug.*, p. 560, and from that of Chaeremon in Eustathius on the *Odyssey* K, who calls *rhoda oxyfengē* (bright-red roses) *oxea*. He understands not pale roses, but those of an intense red and almost approaching a dark color. Often also *oxys* denotes not a color, but a mode of color, very intense, of vivid light and striking to the eyes. Hence *oxea* and *pseudoxea* are opposed, with light alone being taken into account. But when *oxea* first, second, and third are listed, account is taken of color, not light. For the cloth was dyed more often, and silk and scarlet have been dyed more than once; see *Life of St. Amator* in Du Cange, s.v. *Plumatum*. ...Salmasius on *Script. Hist. Aug.*, vol. II, p. 405. Themistius, p. 247, mentions *porphyran to anthos*, "if the *basanistai* (torturers) of the purple [are] many," of which I have already spoken above, where [I spoke] of the *chrysostatai*.

(41) That is, hypocamisa and breeches. In this way... (42) *Epirrhiptarion*, a head covering, with which... (43) It is often very difficult to say which color... (44) It is the same as pseudoalethina, about which Salmasius...

901 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. - APPEND. 902 with purple cloths, eagles, imperial insignia, and bdellium. All these are double-folded and provided with purses or pouches, and are destined for the generals and the commanders of the mountain passes. 272 Other garments of the second order from the class of the domestics, without borders, double-folded, with collars, for provincial tourmarchs and the remaining deserters and tribunes. These are carried in vessels which are covered with purple leathers and provided with polished iron fittings and handles [or parchment grips] likewise of various qualities. It must be known that all these must be carried in small leather bags or in saddlebags. An account for the expedition of the army for the benevolence of those struggling in wars and of the commanders and for other expeditions, centenaria (45), miliaresia, sacks (46) for giving to the scholarii who guard at the imperial phina (47), to the imperial agouroi (48) and to those of the imperial company and to others, to whom the emperor may command to give out of piety (49), whether once a week,

JOAN. JAC. REISKE P. 20 (of these Commentaries p. 44), nor would I have instituted a discussion about them again, had not a remarkable passage of Abulfeda escaped me at the time when I was writing those things and they were being printed, which I cannot bring myself to deny to the reader, as it brilliantly illustrates the custom of Oriental princes of casting and decorating with inscriptions huge and heavy wheels of gold and silver, called in the manner of coins, of which our so-called medallions are hardly shadows. Abulfeda therefore relates to the year 377 (A.D. 998), that Saheb, son of Ebad, the first counselor and administrator of Fachreddaula the Bujid, who was the first Saheb, perhaps in imitation of the Byzantine or Roman court, to introduce the title of saheb, that is, count, into the Arabic nation (V. d'Herbelot p. 733), offered to his lord on the Kalends of the year in place of a gift a gold coin weighing a thousand miscal or pounds. A miscal is usually equated to one and a half drachmas. It was therefore almost the weight of fifteen hundred Belgian ducats. The words of the author are: "The tawny [this is the coin] is similar to the sun both in appearance [reddish] and in shape [round], from whose attributes all the attributes of the sun are taken; he who calls it a denarius [that is, a ducat or gold solidus] gives it a true name. But he who asserts that it is a thousand denarii, he speaks of one of the predicates of this coin. Of an entirely new invention. For from the beginning of things no other similar one has been struck, nor have its peers been marked with such characters. He refers the genus and the name to the Schahinschah [or king of kings, Fachreddaula, and it is called either Fachric or Schahinschahic, as if his chattel], even if it be small [and unworthy of such a lord], as are those who come to implore his munificence. It signifies that he will live as many years as the miscal itself weighs; so that the world may begin to rejoice in the long life of its lord and foster good hope."

C With the hyperbole removed and not admitted into the census, it is an elegant and noble epigram. Behold a specimen of Oriental poetry.

D opinion. For he seems to want to say sacks, which were given to the scholarii as pay. Whence you may conclude that the pay was then also paid to the soldiers in sacks, as is done today among the Turks, who count according to purses, with each purse containing the same certain sum of coins. And thus sacks ought to be taken as a kind of money, such as are centenaria, etc. are the guards or military stations, or because they were at the extreme ends of the camps, or because they were ends, *horoi*, boundaries, to which the soldiers were finished, defined, confined (confinés, as the French say), that is, placed and ordered to stand. *Phina* in general is every boundary, limit, *horos*, *pua*, which finishes a thing and separates it from its neighbor. Hence you may understand what are the four *phinae* in the Church, namely the four stations and boundaries as it were, which those who were separated from the communion of the other faithful would not exceed. The Anonymous in the description of St. Sophia p. 261, ed. Combefis. in the Origins of Constantinople: "He named the four *phinae* of the temple the four rivers going out from paradise, and he gave a law, that according to their sins they should stand, each one being separated." Therefore those *phinae* of the Church were the goals, the finished, the *aphorismenoi* (separated), *kechorismenoi* (divided), where sinners would stand from the rest of the assembly; V. Du Cange, h. v. in Gloss. G., by whom the learned Leiche seems to have been induced to render it as portico in our text p. 14. There is also there a goal set in the middle of the triclinium made of ivy, myrtle, and rosemary in such a way that from a straight trunk it extended two arms as it were or roofs, oblong umbrellas, and thus provided the use of a portico, yet not arched nor closed on the sides, but open and flat shaped like the letter T. In our present place by "the imperial *phina*" is understood the interior guard around the tent of the Augustus or the praetorium. For there was also another exterior one around the extreme circuit of the camps, as is clear from the following p. 277. In the circus also there was a *phina*, called by another name *pi*, a portico consisting of two lateral and one transverse walkway, with the fourth front side, through which one enters, open, in the likeness of the Greek letter called Pi, such as I saw in Amsterdam on the Amstel, and it still exists in Dalmatia at Salona from the ancient palace of Diocletian, as is clear from the figures of that image which Sponius gave in Itinerar. t. I, p. 20, and from him Banduri in the notes to Constant. p. 84 and Montfaucon. t. III, Antiq. Explic. p. 134. See within p. 355: "they ascend as far as the *phina* that is the Pi." The name *phina* did not obtain that portico because it was a portico: for *phina* does not denote a portico by itself: but because it was at the end of the circus, where the race would end. That this *phina* was a portico was accidental, nor can it be concluded from that that *phina* denotes a portico. robust and beautiful body: V. Du Cange h. v. and *Tapso-phortaton* and *Garso* and to the Alexiad p. 338. I once came to the opinion that this word descends from *agouros*, a beardless youth, to whom a beard is not yet growing. Often *y* and *x* are interchanged. Thus *paragoge* has Du Cange Gl. Gr. for *parakoge*, a rope, which follows a boat pulled by fishermen. piety, still remains in the Italian language *pietanze*, a portion of food, which is given to monks and other persons beyond bread for sustenance. The words are of Muratori Ant. Ital. t. II, p. 1265. The Latins of the Middle Ages also called humanity and piety, V. Du Cange in these words. Solace, solaces were attributed in the Theodosian Code, that is, he was pouring out the prince's munificence; v. Guther. p. 499 and Du Cange Gl. Lat. h. v. Goar. to Codin. p. 75, distinguishes between *eustheia* and *philanthropia* in such a way that the former is liberality bestowed on churches, the latter on nobles and soldiers. But our passage destroys this distinction.

(45) I have already dealt with centenaria at (46) I fear that I have not sufficiently grasped this passage (47) It is apparent from several places of this Tactic, that the *phina* (48) They interpret *agouros* as a large youth, (49) Piety, that is munificence. From *eusebeia*

903 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 904

...or by twos, and for other exits. He takes along, furthermore, strictoria, thalassa, and abdia with broad straps, and masurota, some bordered with purple, some plain. Various epirrhiptaria or scapularies; breeches of different kinds. These must be carried in leather bags or in saddlebags. The imperial wardrobe also carries with it for the expenses of the camp a logarium, or a certain amount of ready money, both in centenaria and in miliaresia, placed in small bags, so that the Emperor may have the means to reward those who show themselves brave in the dangers of war, and to honor the tribunes, and to satisfy other necessary expenses; as well as for the scholarii who perform royal guard or camp duty, and the king’s aguris or ephebes, and those who belong to the royal hetaireia, and others to whom...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...cations and by error attributed to pyrecholo, which was the hisca, and conversely to this, which was that. For the pyrecbolum is a wooden drill, by which, when agitated strongly over the hysca, it catches fire. But hysca or hisca—for which the Latins said esca, closer to the origin—is the tinder of fire, a spongy wood or that spongy wooden material which is often found in nuts, for example, between the shell and the kernel, or such as that spongy material which our people call Schwamm, Feuer-oder Pulverschwamm; see regarding this word Paul. Leopard. Emendat. VIII, 7, and Du Cange Gl. Gr. h. v. It is not a barbarous word, as the Greeks claim, but of good Greek origin, although mutilated. The ancient Greeks said toxipa, likewise Oropeus. Theophrastus mentions the former in Hist. Plant., the latter the Scholiast of Apollonius Rhodius to book 1, v. 5. 1184, where he says thus: "They rubbed the woods and upon it (so it should be read, afterwards, that being done, through this, or an' auton, from them) they cast the fire. For he calls these hyrgia, which are rubbed against each other to generate fire, of which one is flat, which is called storeus, and the other is similar to a drill, which they turn while rubbing it against the storeus." That this custom of exciting fire was used by the Greeks, Latins, and Arabs has been declared by Petrus Scriverius in Hist. Comitum Hollandiæ p. m. 391, and Schuliens. in Orig. t. I, p. 63. [Lakkos] denotes a receptacle, whether empty or full of wet or dry things. Thus also the Latins said lacus, in which sense I have used it in the Latin. Later Latins called small glass pots, in which they placed lamps burning through the night for fear of falling sparks, lest they set fire to surrounding objects, crucibula. See Du Cange h. v. That word is to be derived from the German word Krug, crucha, cruche, that is, a small pot or pitcher, whence the diminutive cruciolum was made, with the insertion of m, crucimolum, and with that changed to b, crucibulum. ...opinion. We call it ein Wachsstok. Perhaps the same was the crinale, about which see Du Cange h. v. I attributed the invention of camp lanterns to the Emperor Manuel. I do not remember having read that in Cinnamus. Certainly he is mistaken. For it is evident from this passage that they are older than him. Such lanterns the Latins called absconsas and sconsas (because the burning candles lay hidden in them), see Du Cange Gl. L. h. v. Bernard. Monach. in Consult. Cluniac.: "The prior receives the sconsa, which the hebdomadary prepares for him at that hour with a candle lit inside every night to perform the circa, that is, the circuit or lustration, which is done by walking around." They made such absconsas from various materials, from glass and thinly scraped leather, from thin membranes, and horn, affixed to wooden or bronze boards. Elegant is the passage in St. Aldhelm de Laude Virginum: "Nor let the glass lantern be vile to you, virgin, / Or one made of scraped hide and willow wood, / Or fashioned from a thin veil of membranes, / Even if a bronze lantern perhaps excels it." ...to be able, already in the tenth century, to have portable clocks, which are driven by bronze wheels, springs, ropes, and attached weights, such as ours are. For because a small silver clock is mentioned for night watches, it certainly could not have been a clepsydra. For the space of an entire night, especially a winter one, a large vessel was required. Much less could it have been a gnomon. Nothing else remains, therefore, than to conclude that this small silver clock was portable, not indeed in a purse, such as we have, which are very minute (for that kind was not yet known in that age), but such as is accustomed to be placed on a table or set against a wall. This is also evident from the well-known passage of Regino, where it is said that Haroun al Raschid, king of the Saracens, sent a clock to Charlemagne, which he describes in more detail; however, I do not wish to repeat it. At least it is gathered from that passage that that clock was operated by mechanical art. Whether the Greeks had clocks such as we have in the bell towers of our churches, indicating the hours of the day and night by the sound of a bell, is not clear, but they seem hardly to have had them, although in our codex mention is made here and there of the clock of St. Sophia, likewise of the Tripeton and the Chrysotriclinium, and among others of the clock of St. John the Forerunner. For those pieces of wood, called semantra by the Greeks, with which the Greek Christians were once called to prayers, could have been stored in those towers. See what was said at p. 100. I cannot, however, conceal that it is evident from a certain passage of the Greek Anthology toward the end of book iv that already in the sixth century the clocks of the Greeks were equipped either with bronze tablets, on which twelve hours were marked, or with bells sounding twelve times a day, starting from single strokes and progressing up to twelve. For the passage can be explained in both ways, so ambiguous is it. Behold: "A gift of Justin the tyrant-slayer, Emperor, / And Sophia his wife, a light of liberty. / Behold the wise bronze announcer of the hours, / From the unit itself up to the twelve." He speaks of Justin the Younger. It is also memorable in this passage that he calls bronze, the announcer of the hours, the light of liberty. Therefore, already in the sixth century, bells and their ringing were a symbol of the liberty of cities, as it is today. I would hardly think that a trace of this exists elsewhere. And this is why...

[Text in Greek] ...both the sakellarios and the eidikos, and they carry in their loads a pyrecbolum with tinder (50) and three silver candles, and three bronze ones, one for the bedchamber, one for the kitchen, another for the bedchamber attendant's room. And a pit (51) must be made having a depth of two spans, and so that they are covered above the ground by bronze plates and [text missing/illegible] and they are placed together with them for one (52) [text missing/illegible], three small wax candles (53), bronze lanterns (54) with sieves, and a small silver clock (55) for the night watches, which must stand in the bedchamber. And another of bronze, which must stand where the bedchamber attendants stay. In addition to these, four solid gold bowls, two solid gold minsourakia, orthomia...

(50) In the Latin I have swapped the meanings of these words. (51) This word denotes any hollow for the Greeks. (52) See what I shall say below at p. 281. (53) I have said in the Latin what it is, according to my own opinion. (54) Du Cange Gl. Lat. mentions Cereophalum, from... (55) It seems to me that it can be concluded safely enough from this passage...

903 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. APPEND. - 906

two solid gold ones. It should be known that these must be used when foreigners are dining with the Emperor. For this reason, they are kept in the loadings of the imperial wardrobe, so as not to be used every day for the imperial table. The silver of the imperial service must be carried by the service [staff] for the loading of the eighty pack-animals of the imperial service; and from the time the Emperor departs for the wilderness, two *finae* must be made, and they must receive *miliarisia* every week. Likewise, the imperial *auguroi* [receive] *maiouman* and *miliarisia*. The *magistri*, the *patricii*, and the officials dine with the Emperor in the *akletoi* [uninvited] together with the *praepositi*. whether this happens once a week, or once every fourteen days. I omit the other expenses. Those things which we have mentioned, the *sacellarius* and the *idicus* take and see to it that their pack-animals are loaded with them, as also these: a wooden fire-pan or fire-starter, and a wooden fire-drill or borer, and three silver candelabra and as many bronze ones; one of which is placed in the *coeton* or imperial bedchamber, another in the *cucumilium*, and the third in the *paracoetonarium* or bedchamber which is at the side of the *coeton*. Below, they must each have individual basins to a depth of two spans; at the top, covered with bronze plates perforated like a sieve; and adjacent to each, three *cerulia* [that is, candles, as it seems, not straight, but coiled], and bronze lanterns, pierced at the top with holes like sieves; and a small silver clock for night watches, which must be placed in the *coeton*; and another of bronze, which must be placed where the *coetonitae* stay. Furthermore, four solid gold bowls, and *minsuracia* or *missoria*, or two solid gold platters, [and] two *orthomilia* [or pyramids, such as are placed over platters to hide the food], entirely of gold. These more precious vessels must be used and called into service when foreigners dine with the Emperor.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

I would prefer this [passage] about bells to be understood as referring to a sun-dial, rather than to others. It is equally doubtful, furthermore, that the Muhammadans had their own timekeepers or observers of the hours in the towers of their mosques, as I learned from Abu Oseibah, who says of a certain Muhammad: "He was the phoenix of his time in the science of making hours [that is, clocks] and in the science of the stars." That man was a contemporary of Saladin, that is, he lived in the twelfth century. But because it is added that he was skilled in astronomy, it is easy to conclude that those clocks were solar gnomons measuring the hours by shadow. Yet there is a passage in the same Abu Oseibah which seems to strike closer and fit the present matter more aptly. Shortly after, indeed, below the earlier [passage] about Abul Fadl, son of Abdel Karim, called Al-Mohandes or the Geometer, a Damascene who lived in the middle of the tenth century in Syria and Egypt, he narrates among other things that he was a subtle and skillful mathematician and mechanic, at first a very skillful woodworker, then having proceeded to higher things of the humanities and sacred theology. This is the man who repaired [watched over the keeping in good condition and repairing, if by chance they contracted damage] the clocks of the great temple of Damascus, for the inspection and visitation of which he received a fixed salary from the treasury. Something greater and different from a sun-dial is undoubtedly designated here. For once a solar gnomon is fixed in a convenient place, there is no longer a need to guard it, or to visit and repair it at intervals of time if it is ruinous. But that our larger clocks equipped with bells require continuous watches, there is no one who does not know. Nor can a repair be conveniently spoken of regarding a wooden sign, for which a mathematician is not needed, but it suffices to employ a common workman; although it is said more correctly of such a wooden sign than of a sun-dial that it is "observed." For that had to be struck more often during the day, and Brochardus narrates in his *Description of the Holy Land* that the Nestorians make a signal for all hours with a wooden board, for lack of bells, see p. 335 of Grynaeus’ edition. For my part, it is enough to leave the matter in the middle for further examination by the learned. Besides many others who have disputed about the clocks of the ancients, whom Zimmermann lists in his *Florilegium Philologicum* under "Horologium," and Fabricius in his *Bibliographia Antiquaria*, the most recent memory of this subject has been touched upon by Mr. de Burette in the *Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres*, and the learned Muratori, vol. II, *Antiqu. Ital.* p. 389, where among other things he wonders why in an old document which he produces, a night clock is mentioned. He was not reflecting, of course, that the ancients looked to solar clocks during the day, and to water-clocks at night, or even to bell-clocks, if they happened to have any. And in exactly that way Aristoxenus in Athenaeus p. 174 must be understood, narrating that Plato made for himself a *nykterinon horologion* (night clock). Since, indeed, in our passage two clocks are mentioned, one silver and the other bronze, it seems to me that they were mechanical [devices] driven by wheels and weights like ours, and that the one which had a silver plate indicating the hours was called "silver," and the one which had a bronze plate was called "bronze" by our author. Cf. Du Cange under "Horologium," where, since he placed this word among others without interpretation, as he is accustomed to do in suspicious cases and where it is not clear, it is helpful to note in passing that in the place he cited from the Synod of Nîmes, the word *horologia* signifies autumn fruits, *ta en tais horais legomena*, collected in summer. *Oporologia* could also be put there.

(56) What I believe them to be is apparent from my Latin. Perhaps they were called by that name because they resembled a *miliarium*, a milestone column ending in a truncated cone. For they were accustomed in the past to bring in food covered. The *Ceremoniale Davantriae* in Jos. Catalanus, *ad Cerim. Rom. Eccl.* p. 150: "All food will be carried to the said king covered; the king will be served with spices [sweets] with a covered spice-box." Those *orthomilia* could also perhaps be seen as the *miliaria* of old, which were metal vessels for heating water, made in such a way that they went into a conical tube, having in the middle of themselves a cavity in which live coals were placed; such as we have even today for heating tea water or keeping it warm. Concerning those *miliaria*, see Athenaeus III, 20, where he mocks a Greek philosopher who had called a Latin word *miliarium* by a Greek [name] invented by himself, a composition not at all ridiculous in my judgment, but most apt. For it is a vessel, but hollow from bottom to top, so that the hollow tube resembles a chimney, and the vapor of the coals exits just as through a chimney. Such cauldrons were called *miliaria* because they resembled the form of a *miliarium*, an indicator of paces on roads, that is, a perfect cylinder or cone. Cf. *Antholog.* p. 161.

907 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 908 [...]; for which purpose also the baggage of the royal wardrobe [though not of the culinary ministry] is packed, as they do not serve daily at the royal table. The remaining silver culinary equipment, however, the culinary ministry must carry in the rest of the eighty pack-mules assigned to it. From the moment the Emperor moves into the desert, two *fina* or vigils must be held, and *miliaresia* must be given to them weekly. Likewise, the imperial *aguroi* or *ephebi* must receive *maiuma* and *miliaresia*. The *magistri*, *patricii*, and officials, as well as the *praepositi*, are to dine with the Emperor, even if they have not been specifically summoned and invited by name.

For the *eidikos*, 46 pack-mules are designated. The *eidikos* takes from the bedchamber bags of coined money, both in *centenaria* and in *miliaresia*, for the imperial *hetaireia* and the imperial *aguroi* and the *scholarioi* serving around the Emperor for the purpose of guarding him; likewise, ten cloths bought from the market, others nine, others eight, others seven, others six ells in length, decorated with straps, silken [or sericated, that is, made of silk]...

[COMMENTARY BY JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE] (57) I accept *ten agoran* here for *he agorasis*; cloths "from the market" are cloths procured by purchase from the market, not taken from the royal factory. *Agora* is the act of buying, and *to phoron* is the place in Constantinople where goods for sale were displayed. (58) I once thought whether these names—*decalia*, *octalia*, etc.—might refer to the weight of the woven gold, so that *decalia* would be those that had ten ounces of woven gold, and so on. Indeed, Casaubon, in his notes to *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* (vol. 1, p. 407), observes that the weight of gold contained in garments was customarily noted by the ancients, so that they would say, for example, "white subserica with borders, three ounces, two pounds, six ounces," etc., and as on page 773: "a gold-embroidered subserica tunic of two pounds." But since no mention of gold is made here, I think it is more correct to establish that *decalia* were cloths of ten ells, from which garments were subsequently to be fashioned, and so on for *nonalia*, etc. Certainly, in Ammianus Marcellinus (p. 205), Valesius interprets "fifty-measure materials" as beams of fifty ells. From this, it is apparent what a "triacontasimum" pallium is in the *Chronicle of Cassino* (IV, 17), which it is said Emperor Alexius Comnenus sent and donated for the altar of the church of that monastery. Angelus a Nuce, in his notes to that place, thinks that cloth was so called because it was of thirty threads, or perhaps thirty colors. I would rather think it was of thirty ells. I shall transcribe the passage, which is memorable for another reason. The author says: "Emperor Alexius of Constantinople, through his *choropalsios* [that is, *curopalates*], sent to Blessed Benedict a vestment from his own back, gilded; the aforementioned abbot received this envoy quite honorably and established that the same Emperor should remain a participant in the good works performed at Cassino forever. Another time, the same Emperor sent eight pounds of *Michalati* solidi for the sake of remembrance, and a *triacontasimum* pallium for the altar of our church." Du Cange proposed his own opinion regarding the meaning of this word in his *Glossarium*, which, however, does not yet draw me away from my own. But what is the meaning here of "from his own back"? Angelus a Nuce thinks it signifies the imperial chlamys; but read rather "of diarrhodine [rose-colored silk]." But I return to my purpose. In this manner, a *centenaria* is an arch one hundred feet wide, from which the Arabs took *suntar*, a bridge, which is also preserved by the Spaniards; see Du Cange on this word, who, however, does not hit the mark.

...is in the Latin. But I should have translated it simply as "silk." For the modern Greeks say *metaxotos* for *metaxinos*, as is evident from Du Cange’s *Glossarium Graecum*. Perhaps the period after *Aigyptia* should also be deleted, and the cloths understood as those whose raw material, silk, was transported from Egypt to Constantinople and woven there into fabrics. Silk was not indeed born in Egypt, but was brought there from India via the Red Sea; yet it could be called Egyptian silk because it was sent from Alexandria to Constantinople and had to be sought from there. For all Anatolian or Oriental goods (this is how it should be read in Vopiscus in *Aurelian*, p. 536, not *anabolicae*, a word about which great men inquire and bicker) had to be imported into Europe through Alexandria, and Nicetas Choniates (p. 244, Venice ed.) mentions *serika endymata*, "which were supplied to the Emperor from seven-gated Thebes." Alexandrian pallia are frequently read in Du Cange under *Pallium* and *Pigacium*. There is a notable passage in Procopius (*Anecdota*, p. 111) regarding the factories transferred from Berytus and Tyre to Constantinople during the reign of Justinian. Or perhaps they are silks woven in Egypt, but here, in Constantinople, dyed with purple. That sericated cloths were woven in Egypt seems sufficiently proven to me by the fact that on page 344 I read *diora blattia*. And yet Dinis, Tenis, Tanis, once called *Tainia* or *Tainias*, also *Dionysias* from Dionysus, is a famous city of Egypt; see what I shall say at that place. It could be objected that there were silk factories under Justinian the Great, or that, as they were never known in Greece before, they were first introduced, or at least restored after a long interval (a matter about which Salmasius argues at length in his notes to Tertullian), and that they flourished at that time in Constantinople, and that the art of producing and manufacturing silk reached the Latins from the Greeks through the benefit of Robert Guiscard, who, having captured Greek weavers in Athens, the Peloponnese, and elsewhere in Greece, carried them off with him to Italy: and therefore the Greeks did not need to seek silk from India through Egypt. But it is easy to respond that the supply of silk born among the Greeks was not so great that it sufficed for their needs and the silk trade which they conducted westward with the Venetians and Pisans; for which reason they were forced to seek supplements from Egypt. The very same thing happens today. A great deal of silk is produced in Italy and processed at Genoa. Nevertheless, we still seek it from Persia and India. It is also evident from the Oriental history of those times handed down by Arabic writers that the silk trade flourished greatly in Egypt at that time, and that the Spanish Saracens, whose silk cloths went for the most part into France due to the proximity of the regions—and are therefore celebrated by French writers under the name of Almeria and other cloths—procured all their silk from Egypt and especially from Alexandria. I shall say more about this matter in my notes to Abulfeda, year 344, or 955 of Christ. The same Abulfeda often mentions in his life the Sultanic factory of silk cloths, or those proper to the Sultans of Egypt, commonly called Mamluks, at Alexandria. But more will be said about these things if the author himself is ever published.

(57) *He agora* and *to phoron* are not the same, although... (58) I was thinking at one time whether these [names] of garments... (59) The formation *wta* misled me, so that I might give what... (57) *decalia* (58), *ennalia*, *octalia*, *heptalia*, *exalia*,

909 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. - APPEND. 910

All these things are for the purpose of being sent to foreigners as gifts. Garments bought from the market, sewn, double-split, with cuffs, ten-cubit, nine-cubit, eight-cubit, seven-cubit, and six-cubit, Egyptian silk-striped, genuine local, cotton genuine local and green; belts of various prices and qualities; fasteners for each garment in proportion; under-tunics of various prices and qualities; outer garments of various prices and qualities, with fasteners for each garment in proportion; footwear of various prices and qualities; shrouds with their accompanying items, first, second, and third.

It should be known that the purple cloths, both unsewn and sewn, must be carried in containers, while all the rest, such as the genuine local striped ones, both sewn and unsewn, in leather bags or saddlebags; fire-strikers with tinder, two bronze sieve-like lanterns, two bronze lamps for the imperial baggage. Bronze sieve-like plates for covering the pits where the lamps are lit. A pit must be made having two spans, and be covered with bronze sieve-like plates because of the wind and smoke, and so that two torches and two candles are kept alongside the lamps for needs that arise at night. Three hundred candles, two ounces each; three hundred pounds of torches, since the drungarios takes one every evening for the rounds, and after he joins the themes, two or three, if there is the force of the wind; ten rolls of paper.

It should be known that when the emperor orders a crossing to Pylai, he instructs the count of the stable, and he brings down the imperial saddle-horse to Pylai. Likewise also the domestic of the Optimatoi, so that he too may be found with all the Optimatoi at Pylai, and he provides according to the pack-animal of the Optimatoi. And that he sends ahead two imperial officials, one to Pylai to ferry the people across, likewise also to Leukates to drive the ships toward Leukates, and the other to Sangarios and to Saint Sabinos. He sends the imperial officials ahead, and all of them, so that they may meet his majesty at Pylai, and the magistroi and patrikioi and others whom he orders, along with the praipositos, he takes up with him onto the dromonia, and having become at a sufficient distance from the imperial harbor, so that he may observe the city, he rises from the...

911 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 912

and provide a number of pack-mules from the Optimatoi equal to the pack-saddles. The Emperor shall also send ahead two imperial officials, one to the Pylae, so that he may transport the people or the army, and he must also go to Rhegium, so that he may lead the ships to Rhegium; the other, however, to the Sangarius and Saint Sabinus. The Emperor sends the imperial officials ahead and orders all the rest to assemble there, so that they may meet his Majesty at the Pylae. He takes with him on the dromons the Masters, the Patricians, and others whom he wishes and designates, as well as the praepositi; and having traveled far enough from the royal harbor so that he can now behold the whole city at once, he rises from his couch [this is that chamber which is accustomed to be built and inhabited in the stern for the ship’s commander and the pilot], and standing on the deck of the ship, with his face turned toward the east, he lifts his hands to heaven, and with his right hand signs the City three times with the sign of the cross, and at the same time pronounces this formula of pious vow: "My God, Lord Jesus Christ, into Thy hands I commend and deposit this Thy city. Preserve it from all enemies and calamities that are about to invade it, from civil war and the incursion of foreign nations; cause it to be such that it cannot be captured or devastated. In Thee we have placed our hopes: Thou art the Lord of mercy and the Father of compassions and the God of all consolation. Thine it is...

1 SCHOL. Prayer of the Emperor. (68). lifting his hands toward heaven, and having sealed the city three times with his hand, he prays to God saying thus: "Lord Jesus Christ, my God, into Thy hands I deposit this Thy city. Guard it from all the opposing and difficult things coming upon it, from civil war and the incursion of nations. Keep it uncaptured and inviolate, for in Thee we have placed our hopes, and Thou art the Lord of mercy and the Father of compassions and the God of all consolation, and Thine it is to show mercy and to save and to deliver from temptations and dangers now and always and unto the ages of ages. Amen." And after the Emperor has crossed over, he inspects the *promosella*, the *parippia* (66), and the pack-mules, and gives orders to the Count of the Stable and to the chartulary that, as will be said below, he should combine the pack-saddles and the *parippia*. And for each pack-saddle, the Domestic of the Optimatoi is required to provide [a horse] of the Optimatoi, making a record of both the name and the village; and if it is lost, the Optimatos is penalized for it; but if it dies, he brings the seals (67) to the Count and the chartulary. The Count of the Stable also provides for the loads...

VARIOUS READINGS. C JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(64) This word in this place does not mean a bed, but a cabin, *katastegon*, a refuge in the middle of the ship or even in the stern, into which the pilot with the more honorable of the passengers retires, while the rest of the common people lie under the decks. The Dutch call it *kajuit*. Basil the Patrician also uses it in this sense in the *Naumachia* in Fabricius, *Bibl. Graec.* vol. VIII, p. 140, v. 5, and it is continued in Theophanes, p. 217. Such an image of a couch is seen in that bronze plate which the Parisian printers of the *Scriptores Historiae Byzantinae* placed without judgment before Codinus and many other works of that royal series, showing Constantine Palaeologus as he arrives at Florence by ship.

(65) One cannot conceive of anyone crossing to Asia and seeing the city with his face turned toward the east, unless he sets sail from the furthest part of the Golden Horn. Therefore, the Emperor must be imagined as boarding the ship from the Blachernae palace, or that tract, or even from the southern corner of the city, from some harbor looking toward Thrace and the Aegean Sea. For if he is imagined as departing from the Bucoleon, the ordinary harbor of the Augustus in the city palace, he had the city at his back and could not see it at all unless his face were turned toward the west. And even then, the aforementioned couch would have obstructed the one looking. This is also supported by the fact that on p. 285, the Emperor returning to the city is said to disembark in the harbor and at the gate of Rhegium in the same way he had left. But that was near the Blachernae and at the end of the Golden Horn.

(66) This word occurs very often in this *Tactic* and in the later Greeks with a different meaning than it originally had. By origin, it denotes a horse that is led alongside another and ridden. Indeed, when a carriage was granted, one or two horses were considered to be granted: but when a third mount was granted, it was called a *parippos* or *paraveredus*. I have made Panciroli’s words, cited by Goar on Cedrenus p. 460, my own; cf. Guther. p. 631. But since such secondary mounts were of an inferior kind, it is for this reason that Anastasius, translating the passage of Theophanes p. 347, gave *kaphon*, a miserable horse, and the new Greeks, if I remember correctly, use it only for a cart-horse. See Du Cange’s *Gloss. Gr.* under this word and *Lat. v. Paraveredus*. Or rather, *parippia* and *paraveredi* are horses between the chargers, which are most noble, and the roncins, which are most vile. The chargers correspond to the *promosella*. They rode these in battle; for they were armored. Before the battle and at other times, when they wanted to move their bodies by riding, they sat on *paraveredi* or *palafredi*, *parippia*, which seem to have been so called because they walked at the side of the chargers. Finally, the roncins were pack-horses. Brunetto in the MS *Tresor* in Du Cange, v. *Dextrarii*: "There are horses of several kinds, in that some are great chargers for combat, others are palfreys for riding at the ease of one's body, others are roncins for carrying burdens." He who used two such horses in battle, leaping from one exhausted horse, the *parippios*, onto the other, the charger, was called a *desultor* by the Latins and a *zeugites* by the Greeks. Hesychius: *zeugites*, a leaper. This word should be restored in Diodorus Siculus XIX, 106, p. 399, where it is commonly read incorrectly as *suylanac*.

(67) If the author had intended what is in the Latin, he would have said *tas kombinas* or *ten kombinan* rather. Therefore, I think it is more correct to understand this passage as referring to a branded mark; and thus the *optimatos* or groom was required to show the Count of the Stable the royal brand cut from the thighs of the broken horse, or the royal arms branded on it, by which he might provide proof that the animal had perished with him.

(68) This scholion in the margin of the parchments. For I have not added anything of my own, neither conjectures nor anything else, to the margin.

913 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. - APPEND. 914

[...to have mercy and to save and to rescue from dangers now and always and unto the ages of ages. Amen.]

After the Emperor has crossed the strait, he inspects his *promosella* (the imperial baggage train) or his saddle-horses, and his *parhippia* (spare horses) or pack-horses and mules, and he commands the Count of the Stable and the Chartulary of the Stable that they combine the mules and spare horses in the manner which will be explained hereafter; that is, they are to commit them to the muleteers to be shown upon demand, together with the imperial tally. The Domestic of the Optimates must provide a number of muleteers consisting of Optimates equal to the number of pack-animals, and make an index in which is written the name of each Optimate and the estate which he possesses by imperial grant and assignment. And if indeed an Optimate loses his pack-animal—whether it has strayed from the road, or fled, or been seized by the enemy—he himself pays the loss from his own estate; but if the beast has died, he presents to the Count and the Chartulary (that is, of the Stable) the imperial tallies formerly given to him when the beast was committed to his care. The Count of the Stable also provides for every ten pack-animals one *syntrophos* (companion) or messmate or travel-companion, taken from the station and the imperial stables at Malagina, to the end that the Optimates, while leading the way, may pull the pack-animals behind them with a lead, while the *syntrophoi* following behind drive them before them, and lift up again any loads that have fallen or threaten to collapse, and restore them to their place and into equilibrium. The same also holds for the pack-horses, for every twenty of which one companion is present. When they have arrived at the station, the mules, having been freed from the pack-drivers, are handed over and counted for him [the Chartulary of Malagina]... [Greek text follows: ...for every ten pack-animals one companion of the Malagina, so that the Optimates may pull the pack-animals, the pack-saddles, and the companions follow them and adjust the loads. And when they unload the pack-saddles at the *aplekton* (encampment), the Chartulary of the Malagina and the *saframentarius* take them up, together with the counts and the companions and the Optimates, and they lead them out to pasture, and likewise for the pack-horses of the loads, one companion for every twenty pack-horses. And when the trumpet sounds, they bring them back again and hand them over, just as they were combined. The entire barley, both of the pack-mules and the spare horses and the saddle-horses, in which they were combined, the Chartulary of the Stable receives together with the cellarer, that is, their rations from the protonotary of the theme, and they provide the ration for each animal. The protonotary receives an order from the Emperor concerning the *aplekta*, and deposits there the barley and every other imperial necessity. The gifts brought to the Emperor in the form of barley are received by the Count of the Stable, who makes a record of the quantity, together with the *eidikos* and the notaries, they also making these into a record, so that after the return journey is made, the protonotary and the Chartulary may calculate it in the *sekreton* of the *eidikos*, so that the days of the rations of the protonotaries may be deducted.]

And after the Emperor has passed and seen the *promosella*, it is ordered to the Count, and he distributes it, as will be said below. By the Count of the Optimates, 200 men of the service; and the Count of the Stable and the Chartulary must take 100 of them into the record on account of the 100 spare horses being led along. And the Count, together with the other 100, is taken by the official in charge of the table, the Domestic of the service, and the imperial household cellarer; and some pull the 80 pack-animals, and the 20 follow. And when the Emperor descends to the *aplekton*, the companions and the Optimates lift the spare horses of the ministers and lead them to the pasture to the Chartulary of the Malagina. The same applies to all the loads and all the combined imperial horses, that is, one pack-animal per Optimate, as has been said above.

[Latin translation of the Greek section:] ...the Chartulary of the Malagina; but the *saframentarius* and the counts and the companions and the Optimates go out with the beasts into the pasture. And when the trumpet has given the signal for retreat, they lead back their animals and present them before those from whom they had received them, in the way in which they had been combined, that is, as soon as they had received the beasts and the tallies. As for the whole of the barley, that is, of the pack-mules as well as the spare horses, and also the saddle-horses, they receive that—that is, their daily rations in barley—all at once in one mass in the place where the beasts are combined [that is, in the individual encampments], the Chartulary of the Stable and the cellarer from the protonotary of each theme: and then they divide it and offer to each animal its daily portion. The protonotary of the theme, having been admonished by imperial disposition...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE] ...and the pack-animals grew in the eyes of the groom, the muleteer. Such the Spaniards call or once called *azemblarios*. This word is of Arabic origin. *Zemil*, and with the prefixed article *azzemil*, is a pack-animal, a beast of burden or a loaded animal. Hence *azzemilarius*, and by a common corruption *assemblarius*, who cares for the pack-animals. See Du Cange on this word, where he cites these things from a certain Spanish document: "We decree that if any *azemblarius* [companion] and his coadjutors [Optimates and porters [townsmen, our municipal officers] shall be reported to us and our court as having failed in taking the animals necessary for us." The porters mentioned here are the municipal officers, the inhabitants of the towns; see Du Cange on *Portas*, a tribe or region of a city. Among the Belgians this still survives, who call a city ward *een Buyrt*, and a citizen or municipal officer of Amsterdam *een Porter*. In many compositions, such as *katagein*, to lead back home one who has been absent, *kathēkein*, *katerchesthai*, to return from exile. Compare Aristophanes, *Frogs*, v. 1996. It was, and I fear that what I have been able to extract is neither apt nor sound.

(69) *Syntrophos* is he with whom, in whose mess... (70) *Dōsei*. Understand: the signal. (71) Return home. That force is in the particle *kata*. (72) In translating this passage into Latin, I had to sweat.

915 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 916

containing the names of each of those assigned, he deposits there in the places where he has been ordered to deposit the quantity of not only barley, but also all other necessities of the royal retinue, which has been assigned to him. That which is offered to the emperor in the name of a gift in barley, the Count of the Stable receives into his trust and care, recording in writing repeatedly how much he has received in the presence of the *eidikos* and the notaries, who do the same along with him. This is done so that after the return home from the expedition, when the [general] protonotary and the chartulary [of the stable] render an account of what has been provided and received from the stores in the secret of the *eidikos*, the days on which they would otherwise have had to provide the necessities may be remitted [for the next expedition]. After the emperor has crossed the strait and inspected the *promosella* or his own private cavalry, he commands the Count of the Stable how he wishes it to be handled, and he distributes it in the manner which will be described hereafter. The Count of the Optimatoi must provide two hundred men from the culinary ministry, half of whom the Count of the Stable and his chartulary receive into their trust and care, designated by name in writing, for the one hundred horses which are led and brought forth before the emperor. The Count of the Optimatoi, however, with the other century of the Optimatoi, is received into the trust and care of the Prefect of the Table, the Domestic of the culinary ministry, and the private royal cellarer. And of these latter, eighty indeed lead as many pack-horses behind them; the remaining twenty follow the herd. These Optimatoi, together with the *syntrophoi* with them, upon the emperor’s arrival at a station, receive the post-horses from the ministers of the kitchen and lead them to pasture to the chartulary of the Malagina. This is also done concerning the remaining pack-animals, and all those who have received royal beasts into a *kombina*, that is, into their commission and trust, together with the *tessera*, do the same in general; namely, the individual Optimatoi are added to individual pack-horses, as has already been said above. The loadings, however, are done thus: For the royal culinary ministry, eighty mules are loaded, sixty-two *parhippia*. For the royal court or the retinue of the royal tent, fifty pack-horses, 43 *parhippia*. For the private royal wardrobe, 30 pack-horses, 15 *parhippia*. For the *eidikos*, 40 pack-horses, and for the *hebdomarioi*, 15 *parhippia*. For the *protovestiarios*, 4 pack-horses and as many *parhippia*. For the twelve *koitonitai*, 24 pack-horses and as many *parhippia*. For the forty servants of the royal table standing by, 20 pack-horses and as many *parhippia*. For the two hundred men belonging to the *hetaireia*, 100 pack-horses and 24 *parhippia*. For the hundred foreigners prefects of the *hetaireia*, 50 pack-horses, 100 *parhippia*. For the Count of the Stable, 12 pack-horses and as many *parhippia*. For the chartulary and the *epeiktes*, 16 pack-horses and as many *parhippia*. For the *promokondos* of the cellar of the royal stable, 30 pack-horses and 12 *parhippia*. For the Count of the Stable of the City, 2 pack-horses and two horses likewise from the urban ones. For both counts of the stable, one palatine who acts in the City, and the other who is in the Malagina, 1 pack-horse and 2 horses from the urban ones. For the forty *syntrophoi* or messmates of the saddlers, 5 pack-horses, 40 *parhippia*. For the chartulary of the Malagina, 5 pack-horses, and as many *parhippia*. For the *saframentarios*, 1 pack-horse and two horses. For the four counts of the Malagina, 4 pack-horses, 4 *parhippia*. For the *stratiotikos* [or rationalis of military affairs] for carrying royal membranes, 1 pack-horse. For the four *papades* [or clerics or monks of the palatine clergy following the camp], 4 pack-horses. They make in total 482 combined pack-horses. To which if the *parasyrta* or pack-horses are added...

B The loadings are thus: For the royal ministry, 100 pack-horses, 62 *parhippia*; for the royal court, 50 pack-horses, 43 *parhippia*; for the private royal vestiary, 30 pack-horses, 15 *parhippia*; for the *eidikos*, 40 pack-horses and for the *hebdomarioi*, 15 *parhippia*; for the *protovestiarios*, 4 pack-horses, 4 *parhippia*; for the 12 *koitonitai*, 24 pack-horses, 24 *parhippia*; for the 40 standing at the table, 20 pack-horses, 20 *parhippia*; for the 200 men of the *hetaireia*, 100 pack-horses, 24 *parhippia*; for the 100 foreigners of the *hetaireia*, 50 pack-horses, 100 *parhippia*; for the Count of the Stable, 12 pack-horses, 12 *parhippia*; for the chartulary and the *epeiktes*, 16 pack-horses, 16 *parhippia*; for the *apothetes* of the cellar of the royal stable, 30 pack-horses, 12 *parhippia*; for the stable-count of the City, 2 pack-horses and two urban horses; for the two stable-counts, 1 pack-horse and 2 urban horses; for the 40 *syntrophoi* of the saddlers, 5 pack-horses, 40 *parhippia*; for the chartulary of the Malagina, 5 pack-horses, 5 *parhippia*; for the *saframentarios*, 1 pack-horse, 2 horses; for the 4 counts of the Malagina, 4 pack-horses, 4 *parhippia*; for the *stratiotikos* for royal papers, 2 pack-horses; for the *dekanos* for royal papers, 1 pack-horse; for the 4 *papades*, 4 pack-horses. Total combined pack-horses 482. *Parasyrta* are those for the replacement of those that die and for the deserters, and in...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (73) The Greek vulgar pronounces *sara* for *tessara*, and so *sarakonta* for *tessarakonta*; see Goar on Cod. p. 95, and Theophan. p. 400, v. *Sarantopechon* and Du Cange’s Gl. Gr. p. 800, where he has *sarantoleitourgo*, forty masses, forty-day. The ancients themselves used to say *sara* for *tessara* and *tara* for *tettara*, as is evident from Athenaeus p. 224, where the poet, complaining about the pride and savagery of the fishermen, says they are so importunate and fierce that they do not indicate the prices of fish with whole words, but with them broken and mutilated by a certain part, so that they do not say *tettaron obolon*, but only *taron*: "And not speaking whole words, but removing a syllable, it would be *taron obolon*." (74) Here was missing without a trace of a lacuna in the codex the number of *parhippia*, which I discovered from the computation and supplied in the Latin. 2. For the *dekanos* for the carrying of royal papers likewise.

917 DE CERIMONIIS AULÆ BYZANTINÆ LIB. I. APPEND. B - 918

At the time of the loss of Syria, for the ration of barley, 582 pack animals. And the combined parhippia [side-horses] 400. The horses and the led horses walking in front of the emperor on the right and left, in all 1,086 horses and mules. And 30 saddled horses. And as many as may come out from the city and as many as the emperor may obtain at the time of the fossatum [encampment], the count of the stable and the chartulary and the cellarer receive the rations for all these animals from the protonotary, and they provide them to all the combined animals. The parhippia and the mules are rationed with a single ration, and the saddled horses with a triple ration. The epiktes [overseer] stands by for the rations of the horses, and for the shoes, and for the halters, and for the blankets, and for the drink. It is an ancient imperial decree that no one should receive as a gift, neither a mule nor a parhippion, that bears the imperial seal, so that the promosella [imperial stable/reserve] may not be made common and perish. If anyone is found having such a one, he is condemned as a thief; but from the animals that are not sealed, wherever the emperor commands, he gives, whether to foreigners, or to fugitives, or to others, to whom he commands and wishes. For a horse or mule sealed with the imperial bull is given to no one as a gift. For when it grows old and becomes unfit for the travel of a journey, he exchanges it for the imperial promosella. The count of the stable and the chartulary, with their officials, must be present at the imperial loadings, so that each pack animal carries a load of 8 modii; and if they find overloads on the road, they beat those who have placed such things, and throw them off. And after the combination [of animals] has been restored, then, if the emperor commands to march one cohort and half the tents, along with half the service and to prepare the imperial encampments, it is done thus. And until it joins with the themes, the same sequence is followed, and the order of marching on the road is kept according to the form of the movement.

Concerning the circitores [night watchmen]. It is to be known that when the drungary of the watch makes his rounds in the evenings, he takes a fatlion [candle/torch] from the eidikon [special treasury], and the 100 scholarii whom he has with him perform the...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE] (75) As all things of the emperors were divine, so also were their mandates, which were called thespismata, oracles; see Theoph. p. 22, 80, and 86, to omit others. (76) Thus the manuscript. But more correctly [it should be] charistikēn for charistikion, unless perhaps dōrean is understood in the former case.

919 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 920

[The text describes the external guard, with those belonging to the *hetairia* (imperial bodyguard) holding the internal guard under the supervision of the *hetairiarch*, outside, yet near the court, where the ropes of the court are attached to the stakes. The *drungarios* receives the sign (password) privately from the Emperor himself—whether it be the Savior, the Mother of God, the Archistrategos (that is, the Archangel Michael), or some other of the Holy Martyrs who are considered to preside over armies and military affairs, or finally whatever else may seem good to the Lord—a different one each evening. Furthermore, the *drungarios* appoints inspectors or overseers, who press upon those keeping watch unexpectedly, and patrol the watch throughout the night. The *hetairiarch* does the same within his own *hetairia*. From the moment the *drungarios* has made his rounds, neither a *koitonites* (chamberlain) nor anyone belonging to the *hetairia*, nor any other person, whether old or young, eminent in rank or inferior, has the authority to proceed outside the *skouta* (that is, outside the rampart), unless he receives the sign from the Emperor and reports it to the *drungarios*. If, nevertheless, someone presumes to proceed outside the rampart without having provided the sign, they seize him in chains and drag him to the *drungarios*, and notice of this matter is referred to the Emperor, and his judgment is sought as to what he wishes to be done regarding such a person. If, however, having obtained the sign from the Emperor, he presents it to the *drungarios*, he is led out by him; yet he must remember to return through the same exit by which he was sent out by the *drungarios*. Otherwise, he is bound by the *pedatourai* (foot-guards) and handed over to the Emperor in the morning. This is observed until, the expedition finished, they return home. From the moment the Emperor reaches the *themata* (military districts), another *phina* (guard line) is added to the two aforementioned, near those of the *hetairia*, that is, outside the *hetairia* and inside the *scholarioi* of the *drungarios*. When the Emperor passes through the *themata*, he is met by each *thema*, that is, the *thema* being drawn up in formation. And indeed, as the Emperor passes, from a considerable distance before reaching the Emperor, both the *strategos* and...]

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(77) The military saints are the two SS. Theodore (Theodore Stratelates and Theodore Tiro), and S. Demetrius and S. Procopius. And these are called the *kallinikoi* (glorious victors) and are invoked by the Greeks so that they may promise victory. Cf. Nicetas 40, see Goar on Codinus p. 86, and Cedrenus p. 681. Constantine adds in the Life of Basil the Macedonian p. 199 two others, Hesperus and Zoe.

(78) Inspectors, who as it were stand over the soldiers. But it can also be rendered "visitors," from *epistenai*, who suddenly and unexpectedly surprise and inspect their affairs and actions: or finally "observers," guardians of good order, those "in charge of discipline," prefects of modesty or discipline, whose duty it is to see that everything is done modestly. For *episteme* among the modern Greeks is modesty, prudence, the judicious attention of a man to his actions and what is decorous for each place and time, "to act with circumspection." Cyril in the preface to the Catecheses: "Do you see for me this solemn state of the church? Do you observe for me the order and discipline," good order and modesty, discretion. Eusebius VIII, 17, p. 316: "so that they do nothing contrary to discipline." Zosimus II, 32: "he corrected the errors regarding military discipline with the appropriate punishments." Clement I, 11, Apostolic Constitutions c. 57: "for it is necessary to stand in church with discipline, soberly and watchfully." See Du Cange under *epistemonarches*, as if "the ruler of discipline" or "of knowledge."

(79) To attempt, *dokimazein*, to make an attempt to inflict death upon someone, and an attempt at a bold crime, and we also say *probiren* for to dare: "I will try it at the risk." Thus also the Greeks of the time use *dokimazein* for to dare. There are examples in Theophanes and similar works; see e.g., Nicetas p. 46.

(80) *Pedatura* and by a more corrupt pronunciation *pedatoura* are certain spaces of land filling the number of one hundred feet. These are military stations on walls and in camps, distant from each other by a certain geometric number of feet, and finally metonymically the soldiers themselves in the stations, the foot-guards, keeping watch; see Du Cange, Latin Glossary under this word. Or *pedaturae* are places, spaces, in which a foot, a man, is "pedated," *empedoutai*, stands firmly and stably. Hence for an enclosure in which a man or something else stands. It is easily seen from this why one link in a genealogical tree was called *impedatura*, a circle in a genealogical chain: the step, the obstruction. Cf. Du Cange under the word *Impedatura*. The soldiers of the *pedatura* in Matal. vol. II, p. 50, are soldiers who stand at certain proportionate distances from the imperial throne, some closer, others further away, which the translator did not perceive in his notes on Photius' Bibliotheca p. 929.

(81) Cf. the letter of J. Lipsius to Dav. Hoeschelius.

The protonotary of the theme, the tourmarchs, ^A the drungary-counts, the merarch, the count of the court, the chartulary, and the domestic of the theme perform the reception. And as the Emperor passes by, all the aforementioned fall upon the ground ^B, worshipping the Emperor; but all the soldiers remain standing on their horses. And after the worshipping of the generals together with the aforementioned officials, the Emperor deviates a little from the path, saying to them: "We have well found you." Then he asks them: "How do you fare, my children? How are your wives, my daughters-in-law, and the children?" And they say: "In the life of your Majesty, we, your servants, are also well." And again the Emperor replies: "Thanks be to the holy God who keeps us in health." And when all have offered prayers for the Emperor, the Emperor commands the general and all the aforementioned officials to mount their horses and, with their army, depart to their own place assigned to them. But if the Emperor prefers rather to assemble the tagmata and the themes, whether in the theme of the Armeniacs at Dazimon, or in the theme of the Charsian at Caesarea, or in another theme at the place where he intends to encamp, provided it is suitable; and when he comes close to the *aplekton* (encampment area), at a distance of three miles, the tagmata and the themes come out to meet him, praying for the Emperor, and to each tagma and theme the Emperor speaks, turning toward it, as follows: "We have well found you. How do you fare? How are my daughters-in-law, your wives, and the children? How was your journey on the road? Struggle, soldiers of Christ and my children, that in the due time you may show your bravery and your courage and your upright faith and love toward God and our Majesty, so that our Majesty, worthily of your courage and bravery and upright faith and love, may acknowledge your favor ^C"

^A and reward you, and honor you with various honors, 88 and show the unworthy worthy, and show you a thousand good things." And after speaking these words to them, they come behind the droungarios and those of the hetaireia, and they march in formation. And when a narrow pass, or a river, or a bridge is encountered, the regiments pass through in front: first the Scholai, second the Excubitors, third the Arithmos, fourth the Hikanatoi—and the themes likewise. And just as the regulation provides, the magistroi and patricians and the koiōnitai and the imperial eunuchs walk; but the emperor immediately, and beside them, calls the magistroi and patricians, and with whomever he commands, he converses; and the koiōnitai walk in the rank of the patricians, while slightly behind them walks the protovestiarios and the official in charge of the table, and behind them, at the distance of a stone's throw, walk the eunuchs and patricians and protospatharios; and in front of the emperor walk the praipositos and the cubicularii, and in the middle of the praipositi walks the cubicularius bearing the precious and life-giving wood 89 with its case around his neck; and in front of the cubicularii walk the imperial attendants, and in their middle walks the signifer bearing a golden, jeweled cross. ^B And in front of the imperial attendants walk, two by two, one hundred royal archery horses, led by hand, with real saddlecloths and housings on the right and left. And two candidati, or even spatharioi, walk to the right and left of the emperor ^C as cavalry, at a distance, with shields, and they lift up those approaching and bring them to the emperor, and they are questioned by him as to what they require, and their petitions are taken up and delivered to the official in charge of petitions 90. And when the emperor reaches the *aplekton*, where the imperial court is stationed, he calls the magistroi, the domestikos of the Scholai and the praipositi, the anthypatopatricians and the strategoi and the officials and the kleisourarchai, and feasts with them at the table. It is to be known that at the *aplekton*, if the emperor commands, as the late illustrious Emperor Basil often did, he gives to the strategos

925 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. APPEND. B - 926

a sewn garment with triblattia; to the tourmarchs, one sewn garment each with diblattia and bdellia; to the merarch, the count of the corte, the chartulary, and the domestic of the theme, he gives one sewn garment each, plain; and these things are performed in the great and Roman themes. To the generals and cleisurarchs of the Armenian (91) themes, he gives, if he so commands, one sewn garment each with diblattia, eagles, or even imperial [insignia]; to their great tourmarchs he gives plain garments, and to the merarch and the others he gives one sewn garment each, plain, of the decalia [type], from those purchased at the market. It is to be known that when the emperor departs into the deserts toward Syria, he leaves behind the baggage train and one corte and the extra tents and the collapsible tables, and all other such equipment, and the "poor" (92) horses and the lame ones; and the protonotary of the theme from which the emperor departs toward Syria takes charge of them, along with the masters of the stables of the Malagina, and from the stable-counts of the cellars along with their companions; and to whatever theme the emperor intends to go out from Syria, the protonotary hands these over to the protonotary of that theme, and he keeps the imperial horses in good condition, so that when the emperor comes out from Syria, he will find them rested and stabled, and he has every imperial necessity ready. And all the other officials below perform the departure and follow the imperial baggage train; and the minousourator has felted centoucleina (93) lined with linen, as has been said before, and the imperial table becomes a chamocoumba. The imperial cooks prepare the prophaga in the evening. And the eighty [men]...

[Latin text translated:] ...to lead, who ask them about their necessity and petition, and to accept their suppliant petitions, and to hand them over to the master of suppliant petitions to be kept. These things [happen] on the way between the camp and that place where the legions first meet the emperor. When at last the camp is reached, where the royal corte stands, the emperor calls the masters, the domestic of the schools, the prefects, the proconsuls, the patricians and the strategos, the officials, the cleisurarchs, and feasts merrily with them. Sometimes, if it pleases the emperor (as the most famous emperor Basil certainly did very often), he distributes garments in the camp among the nobles: to the strategos, a sewn garment adorned with a triblattea border; to the individual tourmarchs, individual sewn garments with diblattea borders and figures of bdellia or small flies woven in; to the merarch, the count of the corte, the chartulary, and the domestic of the theme, individual sewn garments, but without borders, or plain. This is indeed how it is done with the great and Roman themes or legions. But to the strategos and cleisurarchs of the Armenian themes, the emperor distributes, as often as it seems advisable to him, individual sewn garments with diblattia, to which either eagles or some imperial [mark] are attached; to the great tourmarchs of those themes, garments without borders; to the merarch and the others, individual sewn garments without borders, of the decalia [type], from those which have been bought in the market. When the emperor now moves into the deserts (that is, the enemy territory and the field not habitable by our people) toward Syria, he leaves behind the touldon or baggage and one or the other corte and the superfluous tents and the collapsible tables and all the rest of the unnecessary equipment, and the "poor," that is, the lean and invalid [animals]...

[Commentary by Joan. Jac. Reiske:] (91) The themes or provinces are opposed here as Armenian, not because they were not subject to the Greek emperors—for they belonged to the Roman dominion no less than Asia Minor or Thrace—but because they made a profession of a different faith. It is a known fact that the Armenians were no less hateful to the Greeks than Protestants are to Roman Catholics.

(92) The new Greeks call lean animals "poor" (ptōcha), as the Latins call them "miserable" (misera), "pitiful" (elega). I do not know if the Gloss in the Nomica apud Labbeum pertains here: "Pauperies, the damage caused by a misdeed; this is used of brute animals." That which is in the Greco-barbarian version of Aesop's fables is certainly clearer and more appropriate, which Du Cange cites under the word *lignos*: "Now I am *lignos* and poor," where the Greek codex says "I am thin and lean." That *lignos* is the same as "pitiful" (eleeinos). Thus they corruptly and mutilatingly utter the old good words of the new, as *ligos* for *oligos*, *laphros* for *elaphros*, *leēmon* for *eleēmōn*, *leēnos* for *eleeinos*. The Latins likewise called such beasts of burden "miserable" and "pitiful" (misera and elega), that is, worthy of pity. Gregory the Great, Epist. 30, XII: "You sent us one miserable horse and five good donkeys. I cannot ride that horse because he is miserable; but I cannot ride those good ones because they are donkeys." But we ask that if you intend to keep us, you wish to act according to our mind and render us content, [and] bring us something worthy. Not so the Patriarch of Constantinople, whose ordinary transport was a donkey, as we shall see below. Abbo, I, on the war of Paris: "They contended, pitiful in shoulders and the horn of a heifer." Hence it is that the new Greeks use *ptōchainein* for to waste away, to be extenuated. Manuel Malaxus in the Chronicon, in the word *Sepherion*, which is Arabic and denotes provisions, food necessary for the way or journey, and in the plural, the food which a traveler takes with him for the journey: "A soldier had a mule, which had a pack-saddle [i.e., sagmata, sarciae], and when he went to war he loaded his clothes and used it for many journeys. The time came and his journeys ceased and the mule, and the soldier no longer looked after it and the mule became poor, it became mangy." A certain soldier had a pack-mule, upon which he placed a saddle-cloth and many provisions, going out on an expedition. Finally, the provisions failed both him and the mule, and the soldier saw nothing left. Whence the mule became poor [that is, lean] and mangy. See Du Cange under the word *Pauper*, where he cites from some author about the flesh of the poor.

(93) With one word we best signify a *Matrazza*: coactilia [quilted items] made of wool, cotton, cheaper silk, tow, etc., between two cloths of linen, cotton, silk, etc., inter-stitched, or sewn through with frequent threads, so that they do not move from their place. These are those *kentoukleina*, that is, *kentēta*, frequently pricked. The Arabs call such work *Mollarras*, stitched, *estigmenon*, whence the common name *Matrazze*; compare Muratori, vol. II, Antiqu. Ital. Diss. XXXIII, p. 1245. The Latins of the Middle Ages called them *culcitae punctae* [quilted cushions], and *perpunctae*. See Du Cange on this word, whence the word *pourpoint*. Such *pilōta* they also called *levitones*, *leuitai*...

927 CONSTANTINI PORPHYROGENITI 928 and lame pack animals; which the protonotary of that theme or province, from which the emperor descends into hostile territory—Syria, for example—receives into his own care, as do the directors of the Malagina stables, the stable-counts of the saddle-horses, and the messmates. This protonotary, in turn, hands them over to the protonotary of the theme or province into which the emperor is to return upon his departure from Syria. This latter protonotary meanwhile exercises the beasts with various drills, so that when the emperor returns from the Syrian expedition, he finds them refreshed by long rest and well-kept in the stables; and thus, whatever of them he may need, he has ready and prepared. All the lower directors, having set aside unnecessary baggage, follow the imperial camp. The measurer has with him felt-like coverings and is dressed in blue linen garments, as was said above; and the imperial table is made low or humble, spread upon carpets on the very ground. Every evening the royal cooks prepare what must be served the next day for breakfast. Eighty optimates pull the royal pack animals, and twenty others follow for the sake of storing the slipping loads; the cooks and messmates from the Malagina do the same with their own beasts. And when they find beams or trees lying in desert places [that is, in hostile soil], the messmates and cooks cut them into logs, and each one takes a single log and carries it to the royal kitchen. Upon the imminent movement and departure of the camp or baggage train, the prefect of the table must load the eighty royal pack animals with all royal necessities, and receive from the protonotary for the use of the royal table and for the *maiumada* or recreations of the fellow-soldiers: one hundred sheep with lambs, 500 small rams, 50 cows, 200 hens, 100 geese. As long as the emperor is in Romania, the royal *agouroi* or youths and the men of the *hetairia* receive *maiumada* from the gifts offered to the emperor; and the tent-keepers—that is, those whose duty it is to transfer the imperial tent from one place to another, to erect it and take it down—likewise the weekly officials, the messmates of the saddle-horses, and the cooks.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE COMMENTARY *tonas*, *lebētonas*, concerning which see the note to p. 241. One to one, or each one takes one, each takes a single piece of wood. Thus above 281, *hekastō didonai pros pente nomismata*, to give five solidi to each man, or p. 272; *Symparakeintai autais pros entria tou roulia*, where *pros hen* has the same value as *hekastō*, they place three blue garments for each one. P. 285: *pros hena askon boeion*, to which the particle *ana* is opposed, *ana dyo askōn*. Thus also the ancients. Diogenes Laertius, p. 161, at the end: *pros etos*, every year. Polybius, p. 507: *pros eikosi talanta katengyēsamenos*, having secured for himself that twenty talents be paid by each one of them as a pledged debt, that is, twenty talents from Megaleas and the same amount from Crito. Hence I explain the passage of the Alexandrian Chronicle in Heraclius, p. 902: *Ean oun thelete labein hekastos tōn en tē polei pros sagin kai kamisin, poioumen singilin*, If therefore you wish each of the townspeople to take a single *saga* and *camisia*, we make a pact. Menologium: They take and follow for the repair of the pack animals. Likewise also the cooks and the companions of the Malagina, and when they find wood or trees lying in desert places, the companions and the cooks cut them, and they take one log each, and carry them to the royal kitchen. At the departure of the camp, the one in charge of the table must load the 80 royal pack animals with every royal necessity, and must receive from the protonotary for the use of the royal table and for the *maiumada* 100 ewes with lambs, 500 rams, 50 cows, 200 hens, 100 geese. When the emperor is in Romania, the royal *agouroi* and those of the *hetairia* and the tent-keepers and the weekly officials of the *eidikon* and the companions of the saddle-horses, and likewise the cooks, receive *maiumada*. And when the emperor sets out into the deserts, they receive *maiumada* every Sunday and one *miliarision* each. Those of the *phina* of the *scholarioi* of the inner and outer [guards] also receive one *miliarision* each; because, from the time the emperor sets out for Syria, two *phinae* circle the imperial tent. And as many officers as remain with the emperor, if the emperor often orders them to be rewarded, receive *miliarisia*; if they are great officers of the *tagmata* or of the themes, they ought to receive two or three or four *miliarisia*, according to the quality of the person. At the departure of the camp, as many as ride royal horses and have royal pack saddles, those royal horses themselves ought to receive four *modioi* of barley for their fodder; likewise, as many as are bare saddle-horses carry eight *modioi* under their coverings. And as many pack horses as the count of the stable has, royal ones with pack saddles, he loads them with ten *modioi* of barley each; and the one in charge of the table must have *exkoussatoi* from the theme of the Opsikion from the village of Tembre, along with nets, so that they may catch fish in the rivers of the desert. When the emperor is in Romania, the protonotaries serve in each individual theme, and likewise the...

[Commentary continued] ...The brothers receive a piece of bread and a single cup of wine in the narthex, and nothing more. Here, however, I should rather have translated it as "those who keep watch in the praetorium." For a great military leader of the first rank, it is indeed a small amount for our times. Either that was the poverty of the Greek empire, or, if we wish to be milder, the frugality of those times. Yet it is not by one argument alone that the arrogance of the Greek empire shines forth in our book. (97) Beneficiaries are excused, who enjoy a certain immunity from civil and personal duties and taxes. Cf. Du Cange on the Alexiad, p. 356, and what *Das veranderte Russlandt*, p. 45, has concerning the white and black land so called in Russia, where the inhabitants of the white land are excused.

[929] ...the counts of the court, and they provide pack-animals to the Drungary of the Watch for imperial services. When the Drungary is away on imperial service, the Hikanatos himself represents him. When the Emperor sets out into the deserts, neither the court nor the imperial baggage, nor the property of anyone else, goes ahead, except for those whom the Drungary of the Watch shall designate by the Emperor’s command from the themes. They stand guard and march in front of the Emperor at a distance of about two miles, five hundred *akritai*, armed men, and another theme, as he shall designate, to be flank-guards at a distance of two miles from the Emperor, and two other themes, as the Drungary of the Watch shall designate by the Emperor’s command, to be rear-guards. And he rotates both of them every day. And the Drungary takes the counts of the court of the themes, and keeps them for the Emperor’s encampment, to set up the court and to pitch it with the *cortinarii*; for this reason they are called counts of the court. And when the Drungary wishes to inspect the themes, that is, by night, he has with him the same counts of the court of the themes and *mandatores* and two *fatlia* from the imperial *vestiarium*, and he goes around the themes and inspects the *pedetourai* and the *exoviglia*; and if he finds any of the officers neglecting those remaining in the *pedetoura* and the *exoviglia*, from the *tourmarchai* and below, he beats them severely, and as he finds them, he reports to the Emperor. The *protostrator* of the Emperor, together with three imperial *stratores* [C] along with the Count of the Stable and three saddled horses, keep watch behind the imperial tent, until the Emperor emerges from Syria. The saddled and led horses no longer walk in front, but where the imperial *promosella* is, there they graze with the others, and the imperial *stablokomes* watches over them, taking care of them. When anything is lost from the people, the one who finds it brings it and gives it to the Drungary of the Watch, and the one who lost it comes to the Drungary and receives his own property easily. But if the one who finds the item hides it and it is found later, he is condemned as a thief. It is to be known that, while the Emperor is in Syria, the *magistroi* and the *patrikioi* and the *protospatharioi* officials receive the *maiuman*; the *magistroi* receive two *sphakta* each, the *patrikioi* one *sphakton* each, and the *protospatharioi* officials receive one *sphakton* for every two, each Sunday; the common people, that is, the imperial *agouroi* and those of the *hetaireia* and the rest, receive one *sphakton* for every ten; and the *ethnikoi* receive one *sphakton* for every thirty.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

and the rear, they exchange turns daily. The Drungary of the Watch also takes the counts of the court from the themes, so called because they move closely around the emperor, and they are present to pitch and strike the court, which is the work of the tent-pitchers: whence they also obtained the name of counts of the court. The Drungary has these same counts of the court of the themes with him when he wishes to patrol at night, as well as the *mandatores* and two *fallia* or candles taken from the imperial wardrobe, with which he patrols the themes or legions, and inspects the foot-patrols or stations, and the *exobiglia* or outermost watches. At this time, if he finds any military commanders performing their duty carelessly or failing entirely—those who were supposed to be present at the foot-patrols and outermost watches—he himself beats them severely, namely the *turmarch* and whatever rank is inferior to him thereafter, or he reports them to the emperor, according to the condition of the matter as he discovers it. The imperial *protostrator* with three imperial *stratores* and the count of the stable and three saddled and caparisoned horses keep watch behind the imperial tent until the emperor returns from Syria. The caparisoned horses, which previously used to be led before the lord, no longer go in front, but wherever the imperial tent may be, there they graze together with the other horses under the observation of the count of the stable. If anything is found missing among the people or the soldiers, whoever finds it brings it to the Drungary of the Watch and presents it to him; from whom, in turn, its true owner who had lost it easily recovers it. But if anyone hides a thing he has found, and yet the lost item is subsequently discovered in his possession, he pays the penalty as a thief.

While the Emperor is staying in Syria, the *magistri* and *patricii* receive one heifer each every Sunday, and the *protospatharioi* officials receive one for every two. The dregs of the people or the imperial household, such as the *agouroi* and those belonging to the *hetairia* and the rest, receive one goat for every ten men. Foreigners, or as many aliens as serve in the camps, receive one cow for every thirty men. However, as long as the emperor is still staying in Romania, the aforementioned receive the *maiuma* from the gifts; if none are present, the *protonotarii* must provide said livestock. The Prefect of the Table and the domestic of the *hypurgia* or culinary ministry must, while the emperor is in Syria, carry with them for the service of the imperial table one hundred measures of old Nicaean wine in skins, and thirty measures of Nicaean oil. The imperial cupbearer also carries a sufficient supply of the lord’s wine. All other things that are needed must be requested from that equipment which the *protonotarii* are bound to provide, namely from Romania. The caparisoned horses [those one hundred and four], as long as the camp remains in Syria, walk in front together with the imperial saddlers, and graze within the *fina* or camp watches.

In addition to what has been said, these things are also worthy of being spoken of, so that they may come to your knowledge, most beloved son. For the experience of human events, instructed by a broader knowledge than that which is acquired through teaching, since it is accustomed to make the intellect of those who care and desire to be ignorant of nothing that is necessary and becoming to them, capable, industrious, prompt, and dexterous, causes those who possess these qualities and are forearmed to approach subsequent dangers much more boldly, and at the same time more safely and securely from falls, than they would have done by their own nature.

Since, therefore, you have read well and carefully the exposition of the imperial military expeditions previously set forth by us, as a son obedient to his father in all things: it is now opportune and fitting for me to teach, and for you to hear, those things which are done before the expeditions, so that by means of certain beacons and torches...

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (2) Concerning the *phana* or lanterns, of the Saracen indicators, this observation is trivial and occurs here and there among the writers of Byzantine history, as in Cedrenus p. 552, Zonaras vol. II, p. 162, Symeon Magister p. 450, not without trifles, and best of all in the Continuation of Theophanes Constantinus p. 122, from which our Greek can be emended in almost the same way that I have observed in the Latin. I will not dispute now about such fires and their diversity, [whether for] friends or enemies [see Aristides vol. 1, p. 225, line 6 and Polyaenus 584, beginning] and others of this subject. That field is wider than for our commentaries, nor is it my intention to enter it, nor is there sufficient apparatus at hand for that matter.

933 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I - APPEND. 934

...by succession, before they were lit, the Emperor would immediately learn of the enemy's incursion in a single hour. But these things will be made clearer to you from the chapters set before you. It must be known that in ancient times, when the Saracens were setting out from Tarsus against the Romans, the fortress called Loulon, situated in a high and conspicuous place, would immediately light a beacon, which the so-called Argaios mountain would receive by succession, and it would also light it. And then, from there, the mountain called Samos would light it. And after this, the fortress called Aigilon would receive it, and it would also light it. And from it, the mountain called Olympus would receive it, and would light it on its summit. And after that, the mountain called Kyrizos would receive it, and it would also light it. And then, the mountain called Moukilos, above the Gates, would receive it, and it would also light it. And after this, the mountain of Saint Auxentios, called the "scopus" (lookout), would receive it, and it would also light it. And after it, the solar [beacon] in the palace of the Pharos would receive it, and it would also light it. For the guards stationed there, always and at all times keeping watch so as not to be caught unaware, would look precisely toward the mountain of Saint Auxentios.

It must be known that when all these beacons were lit, the chartularies of the outer stables and the "saframentarii" would immediately shoe the imperial horses, and having prepared the imperial pack-saddles, they would immediately set out and descend to the Gates to meet the Emperor. The Emperor would go out as far as the Gates, and the imperial retinue, the commanders, and the others coming out from the city by land would arrive at the Gates before the Emperor. And when the Saracen army was seen gathering against the parts of Romania, the Emperor would immediately go out to meet it.

It must be known that the aforementioned beacons remained in use until the days of the Emperor Michael, son of Theophilus. While he was once at the palace of Saint Mamas and was about to hold a horse race, in which he was known as a charioteer instead of an Emperor (for in the horse races he was a charioteer instead of a driver), it happened that the usual beacons were lit. And he, having considered this, said: "If the departure of the Saracens becomes known, the citizens will be saddened, and they will not come out to the hippodrome to watch my chariot race." And from...

[JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY]

(3) It is the fortress mentioned several times by Elmacinus. (4) It was near Prusa and Olympus. Damascenus, Studita Homil. 25 (in Du Cange, v. Parabounion): "hunting with many others on the Olympus of Prusa toward the 'parabounion' of Saint Auxentios." (5) Perhaps because it was very high. (6) Thus the manuscripts, and it admits of an explanation. "The things gathered" (for "those being gathered") or "the gathered things" (for "those having been gathered") of Romania can mean the same as "the system," the entire body of the empire and its appendages; I would prefer "systasis." (7) The Emperor as victor in the circus games at Saint Mamas. Georg. Monach. p. 541, where many things [are said]. The Bulgarians devastated the palace of Saint Mamas and others. Symeon. Mag. p. 408. The palace, in which Michael the Drunkard often drove, was outside Constantinople or in the suburb of Pera. See Constant. Vit. Basil. Maced. p. 152, below p. 290. Hence it is said "being at the procession of Saint Mamas," when [he was] rusticating and at the same time celebrating his festival, which fell on June 17th, as is evident from Theophanes p. 398, who also says on p. 363 that during that festival, through a completed solemn procession, a horse race was accustomed to be held in the palace of Blachernae.

935 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 936

That in ancient times it was the rule for the themes to receive their pay every four years, as for instance at that time: the Anatolic, the Armeniac, the Thracesian; at another time the Opsician, the Bucellarian, the Cappadocian; at another time the Charsianite, that of Colonia, that of Paphlagonia; and again at another, that of Thrace, that of Macedonia, that of Chaldia. And when the four years had passed, the themes that had been paid in the first year were paid again. It is necessary for all the strategoi to issue an order to their tourmarchs, and they to the drungarocomites, that in every bandum they should have their comodromos, and likewise a shoemaker; and that for each bandum they should have one ox-hide skin and two skins of goat-leather, so that they may easily cross deep and difficult rivers. They should also have their tools without fail, namely: one small axe, one adze, one small knife with its wooden mallet. The Domestic of the Schools must issue the same order to the lieutenant of the Schools, so that the counts of each school may have the same arrangement in their school. Likewise, the excubitor shall issue the same order to his scribones, and the drungarius of the vigla to the counts of the arithmos, and the hikanatos to his counts; let them have the same tools.

It happened, therefore, at that time, that in the customary manner the lanterns, those signals of war, were seen to be lit. He reasoned, therefore, with himself in this way: "If I allow the rumor of the Saracen invasion to reach the citizens, they will conceive sadness from it and will not gather to watch my chariot races." And for that reason, he forbade the lighting of those lanterns thereafter. Formerly, this type or tenor or form was observed in the rogae or military stipends to be paid. The themes or individual legions were accustomed to receive their rogae every fourth year, recurring in this manner. In this first year, these strategoi received them: Anatolic, Armeniac, Thracesian. In the second year, these: Opsician, Bucellarian, Cappadocian. In the third, these: Charsianite, Colonia, Paphlagonia. Finally, in the fourth, those of Thrace, Macedonia, and Chaldia. Then the cycle of payments returned to the same beginning, and ran through the same turns again and again. The strategoi ought to issue a mandate to the tourmarchs under them, and these to the drungarocomites under them, that each bandum or standard or cohort should have its comodromos or blacksmith, as well as a shoemaker, and individual ox-hide skins, and two skins of goat-leather, by which they may easily cross deep rivers difficult to traverse; likewise, that they should never be without their tools, without any deficiency, namely: individual axes, individual adzes, individual curved carving knives, and wooden mallets. It is also necessary for the Domestic of the Schools to command the vicar of the Schools, that he take care that these very things be kept ready and prepared in his school by the count of each school. The excubitor will issue the same mandates to his scribones, and the drungarius of the vigla to the counts of the arithmos, and the hikanatos to the counts of his order.

Things to be done when the emperor returns from a military expedition or other long and lasting journey to the city. Upon the emperor’s return, all the same things are done along the road that we said were to be done when he was departing. When he arrives near Constantinople, the remaining dignitaries meet him at Rhegium. But the tribunus praesentalis, who had remained in the city for the purpose of guarding it, meets him in a mantle or red sagum, immediately after the emperor has stepped down from the ship at Rhegium, and the emperor is seated on his horse.

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(8) He is the prefect of the theme of the Thracesians or Thracesionoi, or of Ionia or Asia Minor, and is not to be confused with the following "of Thrace," the strategos of Thrace commonly so called; see Constant. de themat. p. 7. The fable which he inserts there, not without trifles, concerning the origin of that century, has Herodotus as its author. That region was named from the Thracians, who occupied it in later times or rather held it from all time, even before the Greeks led colonies there. It extended as far as the mouth of the Euxine Pontus, and thus also included the Trojan territory. In the most ancient times, Thracians lived on both shores of the Hellespont, whose European kin never lost their name, but the Asiatic ones lost it for some time, until it revived by the will of some fortune or other. And thus William the Breton, Philipp. I, v. 10, correctly describing Homer, says: "Who sang of Thrace victorious over the Argives," that is, whose poems tell of the territory Trojan laid waste by Greek arms, and Barthius is mistaken when he disturbs that passage. The theme or legion of the Thracesians or Thracesionoi was an "equestrian" one, that is, cavalry, and knights held garrisons there, as is gathered from Constant. de themat. p. 18.

(9) Whether the particle "or" here is interpretive or disjunctive, it is not clear. However, the former seems more likely. Once this is admitted, the "mantle" and "sagum" would be the same. Indeed, I believe that the mantle and the sagum were not very different, based on what I argued at p. 255. Furthermore, I would prefer in the Latin to assume "cum" [with] instead of "in": "adoring with the sagum." Now, to adore with the sagum is to make it worthy of submission by a certain movement of the sagum into some fixed figure, just as we today are accustomed to do with a certain movement and position of a hat; see the notes at page 8.

(10) It is a truncated word for *katabasis* or *katabasimon*, which in the new Greek is the same as *katabasis*. In a similar way, they say *diaba* (see Du Cange, s.v.) for *diabasis*, a crossing, and *ekba* or *empa*, an entrance; see Du Cange, s.v. *empa*. Thus the Latins of the Middle Ages [used] *camilla* for *capillacium*.

937 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. - APPEND. : 938

[The Emperor] receives him. He does obeisance with the sagion only, and pays him homage. The consistorian counts and all the tribunes, dressed in white, do obeisance and pay homage in the same manner. A silentiary stands by them and says: "Phylarch of the presence, consistorian counts, phylarchs of the praetorium." The eparch of the city and the consulars, and, if he be found there, the patrician, stand in front of the palace, and as he descends from his horse, they do obeisance, and the emperor receives them by word of mouth. If any of the magistrates wish to go as far as Heraclea and receive the emperor there, this is permitted to them.

If the emperor comes on foot to the Hebdomon, the senators meet him at the church of the Innocents in front of the martyrium; the master descends, receives them by word of mouth, and enters the martyrium to pray. The master then departs to the Hebdomon, and the senators go where they wish. If the master comes by ship, they stand at the shore, and as he exits the dromon, they do obeisance as the apomoneus does in Constantinople, and he receives them by word of mouth; they pay him homage as far as the gate, and there they take their leave along with the other magistrates.

But these things apply if he is returning from an expedition or a long journey. For if he goes as far as Selymbria or Heraclea, or a little further, and spends a few days there and immediately returns, the magistrates receive him where they had arranged. For if the emperor has departed from the Hebdomon and returns to the Hebdomon, they meet him there; but if he wishes to proceed directly into the city, they meet him there again, and the senators go ahead.

And if the emperor enters on foot, they meet him at the Forum of Theodosius, called the Taurus, and offer him crowns, one of gold and others of laurel; the emperor gives them coins in return for the gold crown, so that they do not suffer a loss. If the emperor is returning from Asia, or Bithynia, or the Persian war, the eparch of the city meets him wherever the emperor decides to make a change of horses, whether at the Satyros, or at the Pleaticon, or at the Rufinianae, or at the Hiera. If the emperor wishes to ascend through the Strategion, the senators go ahead to the forum of the Strategion, and there offer the crowns. If he wishes to proceed directly to the palace by ship, he stands in front of the landing stage, and there he receives the eparch according to custom.

939 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 940

[Greek text segment:] ...offer to him. On the eleventh day of the month of August, on the second day of the week, in the year 6033, the pious Emperor Justinian entered Constantinople around the first hour through the gate of Charisius, the senators and the Eparch of the city having met him there without crowns. And coming to the Deuteron, he prayed in the [Church of the] Apostles, and lit candles at the tomb of the Lady, and descended to the Capitol. As he entered the middle [street], the domestic protectores, the seven scholae, and after them the tribunes and counts met him, all with white cloaks and candles, standing on the right and left. And after them the magistriani, the fabricenses, the order of the eparchs and of the Eparch, the money-changers and the merchants, and every guild; and simply, from the Capitol to the Chalke of the palace, everything was filled, so that the Emperor’s horse could barely move forward. And as the Emperor entered the Chalke, the admissionalis stood, having the protector and the triumphator, and shouted the triumphal acclamation. For the Magister had decided that this should be done so that the Emperor would not enter through the Golden Gate. And all the officials and patricians, traveling on foot from the Apostles, formed a procession, and the cubicularii followed on foot.

[Latin text segment:] If the Emperor returns from some land expedition in the West, he is met in the Forum of Theodosius, which is called Taurus, and they offer him crowns, one indeed of gold, others of laurel. For the golden one, the Emperor returns to them a fair price in coin, so that they do not seem to have suffered a loss by incurring expenses from their own means. But if he returns from Asia or Bithynia, or from a Persian war, the Prefect of the City meets him where the Emperor has decided to make a *mesallagum* [that is, having disembarked from the ship, to remain for a time in some Asiatic palace until he has changed his travel attire for a more splendid one]; whether this happens at Satyros, or at Poleatikon, or at the Ruinianae, or at Hieria. If, furthermore, the Emperor wishes to ascend to the palace via the Strategion, the senators go ahead to the forum of the Strategion, and there offer crowns. But if he wishes to be carried by ship directly to the palace without a detour, he stops before the landing or exit, and greets the Prefect of the City and the *apomoneus* or royal vicar; and he receives the crowns offered to him. Let us bring forward an example of a royal entry into the city. On the eleventh day of the month of August, on the second day of the week, in the year of the world 6033, the pious Emperor Justinian was entering Constantinople around the first hour through the gate of the monastery of Charisius, where the Prefect of the City and the senators met him, but without crowns. Then, departing to the Deuteron, he offered prayers in the church of the Holy Apostles, and lit candles at the tomb...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(3) No other year than the epoch of the created world according to the Greeks can be designated here. For their historians are not accustomed to cite the years of an emperor’s reign so nakedly. And yet that year 33 (that is, 6033) falls in the year of Christ 525, when Justinian was not yet emperor. For he was finally crowned in the year of Christ 527. I do not see how I can solve this doubt unless by casting the blame on the scribes, who, according to their custom which is well enough known, substituted Justinian here for Justin. But are they accustomed to attribute the title "the pious" even to the deceased? Indeed, Peter the Magister composed his work not under Justin the Elder, but under his successor Justinian.

(14) That it should be written *Charisiou* is clear from Du Cange in the book cited on page 50. It seems that the name of this gate was once not *Charsios* but *karsios*, which is the same to the Greeks as *lykarsios*. If, however, it took its name from a man, the reading *Charisiou* is to be preferred. For Charisius was a man’s name, not *Charisias*. The reading *Charisiou* is also held (in the index of Du Cange) by Cantacuzenus III. 85. The same Du Cange in the cited place makes this a maritime gate; but in the notes to the *Alexiad* p. 258, he makes it an inland one. This dispute could be settled from this passage if the author of this history had added the name of the district or city from which Justinian or Justin had come at that time.

(15) Regarding the custom of lighting candles and burning them before the images of the saints, if I wished to write a commentary, I would be doing what has already been done. The matter is also well known that this custom is a remnant of pagan idolatry; see Arrian, *Dissertations of Epictetus* p. 111. Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* vol. II, p. 203. Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus p. 357. From the same source also flowed the rite of meeting emperors with burning candles. For the ancients held emperors as gods and treated them with all divine honors: hence they did not deny them the honor of candles and carried fire; see Theophanes p. 164.

(16) Those things which I added in the Latin [text] are to be deleted, namely [the words] *praetoriorum*. When I was translating this passage into Latin, I did not yet know what these Eparchs were; namely, they were provincial, as I said I thought above on p. 37. Perhaps, however, that addition is correct. For in the age of Justinian there were still four praetorian prefects.

(17) Traders, merchants. So often among the later Greeks, see Theophanes p. 121, 188, and 189. *Pragmateia*, negotiation, trade, commerce, and *pragmateuesthai*, to acquire for oneself, ibid. p. 217, 277, *soterian pragmateusasthai*, to acquire salvation for oneself. Codinus p. 494, *pragmateutika skaphe*, merchant ships. Perhaps also *pragmateutikoi* in Polybius p. 678, ed. Wechel, should be taken for traders, camp merchants. The illustrious Casaubon translates [it as] men of great prudence, looking to men experienced and hardened in conducting affairs. From that notion of acquiring, of obtaining, they are also called *pragmateutai*, agents in affairs, actors of the Emperor’s affairs, [see Gutherius p. 967], because they acquired, sought out, and supplied what was desired and demanded, such as are the brokers, *die Makler*, called *pragmateutai* by Plutarch in his booklet on not contracting debt p. 1480, ed. Steph., where he joins *pragmateutas* and *trapezitas* in such a way that our author joins *pragmateutas* and *argyropratas*, whom I demonstrated above on p. 8 to be usurers, bankers, money-changers. Conf. p. 11. The passage can therefore be rendered as it is shown in the Latin, and it can also rightly be given as money-changers and agents of the Emperor’s affairs. But I prefer the former Latin. Our ancestors also used to say *Handler* for merchant, and we still use this word today with others (for we do not use it equally by itself), such as *Rauchhandler*, *Lederhandler*.

(18) I translated as if I had read *legon* or *echon*. For I do not see, if the vulgate is retained, who is the *triumphator* other than Justinian.

941 - ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK I. APPENDIX 942

...the oratory of the Despoina, or our Lady, the blessed Virgin. Thence he would descend into the Capitol. Next, in the Mese—that is, the middle way so called—the domestic protectors and the seven scholae would meet him as he was brought along; after them, the tribunes and counts, all in white tunics and carrying candles, standing in order on the right and left of the street; after them, the magistriani, the armorers, the order or apparition of the prefects [namely, of the praetoriums], and the prefects [of the city], the goldsmiths, and all the merchants, every guild or corporation; in a word, from the Capitol all the way to the Chalke [gate] of the palace, everything was full of people, so much so that the emperor’s horse could scarcely advance a step. When he had finally come into the Chalke, he would encounter the admissionalis standing there, who would receive him with the title of protector and triumpher, and in a clear voice would sing a triumphal song [Io triumphe]. The master [of offices] had indeed ordered it to be done this way, because the emperor had not entered through the Golden Gate. All the archons and patricians, going on foot, had crowded the sides of the emperor from the Holy Apostles onwards; the chamberlains, also on foot, had followed.

The Return of Basil, the Christ-loving Emperor, from the War at Tephrice and Germanicia.

When the emperor had returned with victory from the war of Tephrice and Germanicia, he crossed over to the Hiera [20] in the Hebdomon, where all ages of the city met him with crowns made of flowers and roses. Likewise, the entire senate that was in the city received him there, and the emperor received them by word of mouth. Having entered and prayed in the church of the Forerunner which is in the Hebdomon, he lit candles and went out, and having put on a tri-colored scaramangion, together with his son Constantine the young...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

Glycas, p. 296, reports that he was always defeated at Tephrice and left Germanicia with his mission unaccomplished, which he attacked in the 13th year of his reign, A.D. 879. Cedrenus, p. 570, says that Basil, although he could not capture the city of Tephrice, nevertheless devastated and destroyed the entire surrounding territory and many fortresses within it, and returned home with rich spoils. [The Tephrician Agarenes are mentioned in Script. post Theoph. p. 455; Germanicia was sought in war by Emperor Basil, Scr. p. Th. p. 456. Germanica, Germanicopolis, Adata, a town of Syria, Glycas p. 295. Addata, a town of the barbarians, besieged in vain by his grandfather, was captured by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, son of Leo. Vit. Basil. Maced. c. 34, ed. Allatii.] Therefore, Germanicia is al-Hadath, which the Nubian Geographer, p. 292, says is one short day and one station away from Tarsus. Abulfeda also writes in his History for A.D. 636 in the same way, and thus the more approved Greek and Arab authors. There are, however, not a few books that write it al-Hadab, as the Greeks write 'Adra; see Cedrenus 947. Leo, son of Bardas Phocas, [besieged] al-Hadab until he captured it. Thus that passage must be amended and interpreted. Notable above others is the passage of the Scholiast of Motanabbi, who, regarding these words of the poet, "Does not red Hadata know its color?", brings forward these things: "Hadat is the name of a known fortress, which Saif ad-Dawla founded on Roman soil." That the poet calls it red refers to the fact that it was stained with the blood of the Romans. They had indeed snatched it and were fortifying it for themselves as a safe castle. But Saif ad-Dawla slaughtered them, oppressed in that fortress. If these things are true, Adata or Adapa and Germanicia cannot be the same. For Saif ad-Dawla, during the reign of Basil, was either not yet born or was certainly still a boy. Perhaps, therefore, other writers say more correctly that Germanicia is called Tel Sauran by the Arabs. "Germanicia of Syria, which is now Telesaora," is read in a geographical fragment which Banduri, vol. II, p. 10, published in his notes to Constantine’s *Themata*. The copyist, according to the custom of the modern Greeks, omitted the final 'v', and it should be read Telespa, as in the commentary of Du Cange on Zonaras, p. 71. And so also Abulfeda has it, from whom one can understand the location of the place somewhat. He says in the marginal notes to table VI, which deals with Syria, as follows: "Ibn Khordadbeh refers many [places] to al-Awasim [or the Cleisurae, border camps], such as the eparchies of Mambeg, Tizin, Bales, Rosafah, and Gumah, likewise Schaizar, Apamea, Maarrat an-Nu'man, Sauran, al-Athamaine, Tel Bascher, Capharthab, Salamiah, Gusiah, Lebanon, up to the Castel between Homs and Damascus." Whence the late Evodius Assemani drew his information, I do not know. He writes, however, in his notes to the Acts of St. Simeon Stylites, p. 402, as follows: "What is commonly called Marhas by the Syrians and Arabs, is Germanicia to the Latins." Maresium and Hadata are different, as is evident from the cited passage of the Nubian Geographer, and also from Abulfeda, who has these things under Marasch: "al-Hadath and Maresch are two small cities, well cultivated, rich in waters, crops, and trees. Both are cleisurae." Abu Rihan al-Biruni says the longitude of al-Hadath is 62 deg. 35 min., and the latitude 37 deg. 30 min. In the *Al-Azizico* I find it written that the distance between it and Antioch is 78 miles, and between it and the Gihon or Pyramus river is 12 miles. Without a doubt, Hadatha and Sauran were not far apart. But the former is more famous in Arabic books. Guil. de l'Isle also inquires into the location of Germanicia in the annotations to his geographical map of the Greek Empire, compiled from the *Themata* of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and places it in Euphratensian Syria. See whether it is what is called Germuk today and is located on geographical maps midway between Diarbekir or Amida and Maresia. Where Tephrice should be placed, however, is not sufficiently clear. Perhaps it is Theodorias on the borders of Colchis, corrupted in pronunciation to Tephriki from Thefdoriki; for Thewdoriki is the same as Theodoriki and Theodoriki by pronunciation. If that is correct, these two cities were not a little separated by the spaces of the lands. I did not add [the Greek text], as I have never done in that part of this work which I edited. That *apo* should be read instead of *epi*, is easily evident.

(19) Symeon Logothetes, p. 455, reports that Basil [besieged] in the beginning [A.D. 879]. However, Constant. Vit. Basil. p. 166 and 640 say [otherwise]. Thus Elmacinus, p. 221. (20) I found a marginal note in the codex, which I did not add of my own accord, as I have never done in that part of this work which I edited. That *apo* should be read instead of *epi*, is easily evident.

943 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 941 [...having ridden,] they came to the temple of the most holy Mother of God in the monastery of the Abramites, with the entire senate and the urban populace preceding them, along with certain simple banners, not adorned with purple. At that temple, both father and son dismounted from their horses, entered the said temple of the Mother of God, and after performing their prayers and lighting candles, they sat there for a short while, until the spoils taken from the enemies were brought into the city.

COMMENTARY BY JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE That houses were decorated when the Roman state was flourishing in public joy, we learn from Tertullian *To His Wife*, where he says: "He proceeds from the door, laurelled and illuminated, as if from a consistory of public lusts" (see Goar on Theophanes, p. 11); and from Xiphilinus, who describes the entry of Severus into the city of Rome, p. 1242, as follows: "The entire army, both infantry and cavalry, followed him [as he walked] in arms. And the sight was the most brilliant of all that I have seen [Dio is speaking], for the city was crowned with flowers and laurels and adorned with variegated garments, and it shone with light and incense. And the people, dressed in white and rejoicing, shouted many acclamations, and the soldiers in their armor moved about as if in some festive procession, and we ourselves also walked about in order." I would much prefer, with the illustrious Reimar, *proēimen* (we proceeded). But if the vulgate *perieimen* is correct, it will note that the senators proceeded in a double file around the emperor. The same Dio, p. 1028, describing the so-called golden day on which Nero placed the diadem on Tiridates, says: "The whole city was adorned with lights and garlands," where see the authors cited by the illustrious Reimar. That the people proceeded in white and laurel wreaths, and that games were held in the theater, and that it was covered with a silk veil to ward off the sun, on which veil was embroidered with a golden needle Nero driving a chariot, surrounded by stars. From that custom of drawing a silk veil over the theater seems to have been born the custom of stretching silk cloths over the middle of the streets and fastening them with ropes to the houses on either side, and suspending other precious cloths from the very roofs of the houses, among which, at certain intervals, burning candles, torches, and laurel wreaths were interspersed. To decorate the city in that way, just as we say "to illuminate" using only lights, so the ancients used to say *stephanoein* (to crown) from the suspended garlands. The Arabs, who received this from the Greeks, call this procession, decoration, and preparation *Zinah*. There is frequent mention of such *Zinahs* in Abulfeda. Della Valle also mentions them here and there and describes them clearly, and Wansleb more briefly in his *Egyptian Journey*, p. 335. These things correspond exactly to the illuminations or coronations used in the Middle Ages in Byzantium and in Italy, as will be evident from the examples to be brought forward. That this custom came into Greece from the East is evident from the Bacchic rites. For in these, which it is agreed passed from Syria into Greece, there was a frequent use of burning torches, under which Bacchus was led. And from this you may understand that passage of Athenaeus, book IV, p. 148, concerning M. Antonius the triumvir, indulging in luxury at Athens and behaving as Bacchus: "He would sometimes cross over to the Acropolis," as if into the Capitol, triumphing under the escort of torches, "with the whole city of the Athenians being illuminated by torches from the roofs [the flat roofs of the city had torches fixed to them, or lamps full of oil hanging from them], and from that time he ordered himself to be proclaimed Dionysus throughout the cities." Notable is the passage of Odo of Saint-Blasien in Du Cange, under the word *Coronari*, which encompasses the whole rite of such a coronation. "The whole city is crowned," he says, "with tapestries and garlands of different kinds and value illuminating the crossroads, with frankincense, myrrh, and other fragrant spices smelling inside and outside the city in the streets." But much clearer is the passage of Saba Malaspina in book IV of his *History* (published in vol. VIII, *Rerum Italicarum Scriptores*, p. 842), where he describes the entry and reception of Conradin of Swabia into the city of Rome in the year 1268; nor can I restrain myself from transcribing it, although it is a little long. "The ranks of dancing soldiers were distinguished by the attire of precious garments and different colors over their armor [that is, worn over their arms or breastplates]. And what is great and wonderful to hear, the dances of women playing within the city resounded with cymbals and drums, pipes and vials, and every kind of musical instrument. And wishing to show the abundance of their precious things, which pleasure usually follows, they covered the middle of the streets from house to house standing opposite, by throwing ropes and cables in the manner of an arch or bridge, not with laurel or tree branches, but with expensive ropes and various furs [vair], with strophia [that is, headbands, bundles] hanging from the ropes, plaited [that is, braided, *seirais kataseistois*, braids of silk, gold, and pearl threads], bracelets, anklets, letters, gold-fringes, and the hanging of rings of various and precious kinds, even diadems and brooches or necklaces, in which the brightest gems shone, silk purses, knives covered with *piancavo*, samite, fine linen, and purple, curtains, bed-covers, and linens woven with gold and silk throughout, joined with veils and gold-embroidered cloaks, which a skilled craftsman had constructed from diverse and laborious material and care on this side and across the sea." Queen Christina of Sweden was also received into the city of Rome according to this example, as appears from that Italian pamphlet which describes the ceremonies of her reception, and is read as no. LXX of the Appendix to the illustrious Arkenholtz's *Memoirs of Queen Christina*. Its words are these: "All the streets from the place called Ponte Molle to the palace of St. Peter, which are three miles in length, are all adorned with the finest tapestry cloths and at the windows with damasks and red velvets." I cannot pass over the passage of Nicetas Choniates, which I should have given first of all. Explaining the triumphal procession of John Comnenus returning to the royal city from Colchis with victory, book I, p. 13, he says: "When the day arrived on which the procession was appointed, a single veil adorned the streets, golden and purple; nor were the images of Christ and the saints absent from there, as many as the weaver's hand had imprinted on the coverings, so that one would have said they were living, not woven; and worthy of admiration were the wooden structures and scaffolds erected on both sides along the passage for the reception of the spectators. And there was a space of the city which was prepared in this way, extending from the eastern gates of the city to the great palace itself. And indeed the four-horse chariot was ready, and four beautiful-maned horses, whiter than snow, were pulling it. But the emperor, having allowed the mounting of the chariot, etc.," which I have given on page 352. What is memorable in this place, and not read elsewhere, is that in Constantinople, on both sides of those streets...

(21) Crowned with laurel and illuminated with burning lamps.

915 - APPEND. 946 DE CERIMONIIS AULÆ BYZANTINÆ LIB. 1.

...various garments, and silks, and polycandela [multi-branched lamps], and likewise the whole earth, having been beautified, was strewn with flowers. And in the meadow outside the Golden Gate, tents were pitched, and they brought across from Hieria to that place the noble and prominent captives of the Hagarenes and the choice spoils of the war, both of banners (22) and of arms, and having been deposited inside the tents, they were divided, and they passed through in the middle, being led in triumph from the Golden Gate to the Bronze [Gate] of the palace, the middle and great Golden Gate having been opened at that time. After...

[Latin translation of the above Greek text:] ...magnificently adorned, had preceded. For the prefect of the city had taken care that the houses of those streets through which the procession was to pass, that is, from the Golden Gate to the Bronze Gate of the palace, should be adorned and illuminated not only with laurel, rosemary, myrtle, roses, and other flowers, but also with scaramangia [tunics] of various colors, and cloths of silk, and polycandela. And not only were the houses adorned, but the entire pavement of the streets had been cleaned by sweeping and subsequently strewn with flowers. But into the tents, which had been fixed in that meadow which [is] before the gates, through which the triumphal procession was to proceed...

VARIÆ LECTIONES. 2 SCHOL. It should be known that the city was prepared like a bridal chamber.

JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARIUS. ...and [the streets] to be illuminated by lamps arranged at certain intervals. But they also knew and were accustomed to present fiery spectacles on the waters. A notable document of this matter is in Cinnamus, p. 120: "he burned boats and skiffs with liquid fire according to custom." It appears from that passage that the pyrotechnic art had not been brought to that degree of perfection to which it has arrived today; yet it was their custom, for the sake of demonstrating public joy, to burn boats and smaller vessels upon the waters, from which, however, paintings, inscriptions, and other proofs of literary wit and pyrotechnic dexterity seem to have been absent. Among the Orientals themselves, I find traces of artificial fires during feast days in a notable passage of Abulfeda, from which one learns that that custom of lighting fires for joy on feast days was known to the Persians as well, and perhaps came from them, as the supreme worshippers of fire, to the Europeans; furthermore, that the Persians were not ignorant of the punishment by which our nobles in the Middle Ages were accustomed to be disgraced, namely, being carried on a horse's saddle, about which Du Cange treated at length under "Sella gestatio." This passage is at the year 323: In the year 323, Mardawigj Dailomila, lord of Parthia and other regions, was killed, which happened for this cause and reason: he had ordered, in order to celebrate his birthday more splendidly, that huge piles of wood be constructed through the mountains and hills surrounding Isfahan, which would burn through the following night; he had gathered a number exceeding two thousand, and with boxes full of burning naphtha tied to their feet, he allowed them to fly wherever they wished. [Monstrous artificial fires, of barbaric taste, but they reveal something grand.] Furthermore, he had ordered most elaborate feasts to be prepared, a thousand horses to be slaughtered, two thousand oxen, an incredible quantity of livestock; nor were sweets prepared any less. Yet, when placed before him, he loathed them as being beneath his majesty, and for that reason he was gravely angry with his courtiers. For he was irascible, and was accustomed to vex the Turks serving in his camps more than the others. When the banquet was finished and the illumination extinguished, when he wished to return to the city the next morning (for all these things were happening during a procession into the field of Isfahan), they were present in arms and on horses at the master's tent. The horses, as many had been led to the same place, when they made a noise of neighing and clamor, Mardawigj, seething with anger, asked whose those horses were that dared to approach his headquarters so closely; and having learned that they were the Turks', he ordered, in order to punish and disgrace the race hateful to him, that the Turks themselves should take the saddles removed from the horses upon their shoulders, and enter the royal city with that burden. Since this could not but happen, it added much to the hatred with which the Turks burned against the man, who was not even very acceptable to the native Dailomites; most hideous in face and harsh in character, etc. But there will be those who will think that this fiery spectacle corresponds not so much with our pyrotechnics as with that sacrifice of Mithridates, also a Persian or Parthian, about which Appian narrates on p. 215, ed. Henr. Stephani, among other things in these words: "he lights [the pile of wood heaped up by royal hands], and it, burning because of its size, becomes visible to those sailing from a thousand stadia away." It is certain, however, from this that the barbaric Orientals also once illuminated their festivities with fires. The Greeks did the same, but much more elegantly than those Hyrcanians, as I learn from Athenaeus, who, in narrating the banquet of Caranus, says that the guests were introduced into a room, "in which everything was surrounded by white curtains, and when they were opened, torches appeared secretly by machines, the partitions having been opened, and Cupids, and Dianas, and Pans, and Mercuries, and many such images, holding silver torches," whose every side was covered with white veils, which, when raised and drawn up, revealed to view torches passing through the gaps of wooden frames, made by design by certain machines, and who held them on silver candelabra, Cupids, and Dianas, and Pans, and Mercuries, and other images. Behold something not unlike the illuminations of our time, even in the days of the Macedonian kings.

(22) I have found this word written variously in our manuscripts, for sometimes, and that more frequently, they doubled the λ, sometimes they gave a single one; yet I have never seen a double μ. From which it is clear to me that this word is to be derived from a fan, from which it was corrupted.

947 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 948

...was golden, the nobler and more illustrious Saracen captives and the chosen, more excellent spoils of war, such as banners and weapons, had been transferred from the palace, and having been deposited there first, and subsequently the captives having been arranged in the procession, the spoils were distributed among the porters, who were to carry them into the city as a triumphal spectacle. And so, through the middle of the valves of the Golden Gate, which were opened for the sake of this solemn act, they entered the city and proceeded as far as the Chalke. After, therefore, the spoils together with the captives had entered the city in the triumphal procession, the lords, having been praised, rose up above the temple of the Holy Mother of God, and they put on—having cast off their skaramangia—the autokrator and great emperor wore a tunic of loros, gold-woven throughout, latticed with pearls, and adorned on the fringes with perfect pearls, having girded himself also with a zōstikion sword, and having worn a caesarion diadem upon his head; and his son Constantine wore a golden clibanion and a zōstikion sword, and golden foot-coverings, and in his hand he took a golden lance adorned with pearls. And upon his head he wore a phakiolion in the manner of a propoloma.

VARIOUS READINGS. * SCHOL. It should be known that this tunic is called the "rose-clustered."

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. (23) Chrysostom, vol. VIII, p. 573: Just as when an emperor is entering a city, the soldiers, going ahead, carry the so-called standards on their shoulders, announcing his entry. (24) I translated "tunic of loros," reconsidering the loros; correctly; I should have written "tunic with a lorica superinduced"; see Du Cange on this word. Let the same be said by me regarding page 291. (25) The infulae of the emperors were of different forms from the infulae of the Caesars, as can be established from the image of the emperor with the image of the Caesar in Rhamnusius at the beginning of the history of Constantinople captured by the Venetians. The emperor sometimes wore a cross on his infula, the Caesar never, just as he does not wear it in the praised image, with which the passage of our author on page 412 agrees, where he says the insignia of the Caesar is a stephanos (that is, a stemma without a cross-type). I do not know whether I should refer here to the passage from the life of St. Melania the Roman (in Du Cange, v. Kaisar), as in it, it is not sufficiently clear whether no infulae are attributed to him, or ones different from the imperial ones: "He who has received this dignity of Caesar is another, as one might say a sub-emperor; for he has a gold-dyed purple robe and the other marks of royalty, except that he does not have all the symbols of royalty of the golden crown." (26) It is certain that they were a lorica and a clibanion; but what they were, is not clear to me. There are those who think the clibania were "mitrata," such felted things as the Chronicon Colmaniense describes for the year 1298: "wambasia," that is, a thick tunic made of linen and tow or old rags, a corslet. But they are sufficiently refuted by the fact that here they are called golden clibania, or made of gilded iron, and elsewhere they are called "olorpa." The name "clibanus" itself also indicates this, which is the same as "chalybinus," made of chalybs, the hardest iron. The Glosses of the Basilics led me to this etymology: "The clibanarii are all-iron. For the Romans call iron coverings 'clibana' instead of 'chalybina'." (27) This word flowed from "faciale," a veil with which faces used to be covered and wiped of sweat, tears, and filth. It hung over the shoulders to about the middle of the chest. Such a figure is frequent in ancient images, as in those of the Virgin Mary, which Du Cange gave in the Gloss. Lat. vol. III, at the end of tables III and VII. These facialia, when they were subsequently formed differently and wrapped around a pointed or hemispherical cap, turned into turbans or cidares, such as the Turks wear today following the example of the Greeks. When the custom of wearing those cidares was introduced is not clear. If Georgius Alexandrinus in the life of Chrysostom did not measure the customs of the ancient age by his own, turbans were already in use among the Greeks in the fourth century. For he says in chapter 41: "Lifting him up into the air, some threw their cloaks, others the flaps of their koutzoula, others daggers, others their phakiolia." But already long ago the Greeks were accustomed to being covered, as is evident from the images of Mercury, Castor, and Pollux, and from the Phrygian cap and others; see what I will say below about the camelaucion. Du Cange also discusses the antiquity of this garment at length in his Greek Glossary, which deserves to be compared. Perhaps it was introduced by the Scythians. For on the Theodosian column in Banduri, Scythians wearing almucias are frequently seen, as in table I. 4, 8, 9, 12, etc. (28) Round, narrower at the bottom, wider at the top, a "propolon" or rather something that is made to "pro-pallein," to stand out and strike the eyes, such as are seen in the images of Byzantine Augustae in Rhamnusius, and in Du Cange before the Greek glossary table V and behind the Latin Glossary table VI and VII. See the same under the word "tompation." Nicetas Choniates, page 282, wittily calls the little cap a "cathedran amphinephalon." The ancients called such things "stephanae." For a "stephane" was different from a "stephanos," as Casaubon well advised on Athenaeus, page 352. For the latter is entirely round equally, of moderate height, but the "stephane" is a tall circle, and not always of equal width throughout, so that it resembles towers standing in the hands, and is likewise called "stephanae." I am pleased to add a description of such a modiolus from Busbecq, who says in Epistle I that he saw such a head ornament on Bulgarian women. Nothing, he says, seemed so new as the turreted head, and the form of the cap (if it can be so called) was clearly unusual. It is made of straw covered with cloth, a figure clearly contrary to that which the peasant women use among us. For this one is let down onto the shoulders and where it is lowest [that is, closest to the head], there it is widest, then it tapers into a pyramid; on the contrary, that one is narrowest at the lowest part, then rises above the head into a top, almost to a span; where, however, it faces the sky, it is most capacious and open, so that it seems made no less for receiving rain and sun than ours is for warding them off. And in that space which is between its lower and upper rim, small coins and little images and pieces of glass of different colors and whatever shines, however vile, hangs for ornament. Such caps, while they contribute to height, also contribute to gravity, although they are easy and ready to fall with a light jolt. Thus, therefore, they present themselves, so that you would think some Clytemnestra or Hecuba, but with Troy flourishing, was coming onto the stage. The Bulgarians, just like the Turks, received it from the Greeks. For that this type of cap is familiar to the Turks also appears from the image of the Constantinople Seraglio in Banduri, page 1016. But just as these received it from the Greeks, so the Greeks had received it from the Romans. For such tympania or modii or caps as the Greeks or Greek women wore on their heads, covered in silk or other fine cloths, such the Roman women once wore made of hair, as is evident from that well-known passage of Tertullian on the dress of women, "adding besides I know not what enormities of stitched and woven hair-pieces now in..."

949

white and interwoven with gold, having on the forehead a likeness of a gold-woven crown (29). Both mounted and rode on white horses covered with jeweled trappings. While they stood on horseback, they received the demarchs and the two factions, the members of the factions wearing garlands and crowns (30) on their heads, and around their necks other garlands made of roses and flowers, and in their hands carrying handkerchiefs (31), while their leaders (32) wore their victory tunics and cloaks. Among these, the following was first proclaimed: "Glory to God who has restored to us our own masters with victory; glory to God who has magnified you, Emperors of the Romans; glory to you, all-holy Trinity, that we have seen our own masters victorious; welcome, victorious, most valiant masters." And other victory acclamations were shouted, and the *apelatikoi* (33) strategies were recited, with the two factions walking in front. Having come from the Abramitai to the Golden Gate (34), as we have said, it having been opened to them,

[Latin text omitted as per instructions, continuing with the commentary]

COMMENTARY. JOAN. JAC. REISKE

galeri, a type of head-covering, like a sheath for the head and a cover for the vertex, now pushed back onto the neck. You clearly add to the weight by attaching certain *collyrides* [round cakes/pads] as if they were the bosses of shields to the necks. The *galeri* mentioned by Tertullian, as sheaths for the heads, were not indeed constructed of hair, but Latin or Western women in the Middle Ages wore caps tapering into a sharp cone and covered with fine fabrics, as can be seen in the image of Valerius Maximus translated into French in the Leipzig manuscripts. The *collyrides*, which Tertullian calls [them], were circular, flat hair-weaves with a protruding sharp cone, like the boss of a shield. That these, though made of cloth, were in use by women in the 16th century is testified to by Busbecq in the passage cited a little earlier, and also by ancient images, such as that of Mary of Burgundy in Scriverius, *Vitis Comitum Hollandiae*, vol. II, p. 441. Such bossed *collyrides* placed on the ears can be seen in the same place on p. 319, in the image of that unfortunate Countess Jacqueline. *Korymbos*, empty swellings, *liripipia*, that is, *leere Pipen*, empty jars or channels, they were called in the Middle Ages; see Du Cange, s.v. *Liripipium*. This would indeed be the place to discuss the *keryphala* of the ancients. But the matter would lead us too far from our purpose. Therefore, the image of the *propoloma* is also seen in Table XLI, fig. 2, vol. III of Montfaucon’s *Antiquitates Explicatae*, where two heads are rendered from Beger, one of a man and one of a woman. Beger believed, as antiquarians are prone to persuade themselves of everything, that these were the heads of Battus, King of Cyrene, and his wife Pheretima. But they are without doubt the heads of some Lombard or Hungarian king and such a queen, or finally of a German emperor and empress from the Middle Ages, which the style of the faces, the long hair, and the man’s diadem or *infula* and other things sufficiently prove. Coins and ancient bronze stones also provide an image of the *propoloma*, in which the image of "Rhea the tower-bearer" (as in the *Anthology*, p. 457) is seen.

interwoven with gold. This golden circle represented the crown of the ancient emperors, unless perhaps it lacked teeth or rays around the circumference. Or it was in place of a frontal. Suger, in Du Cange s.v. *Phrygium*, calls the imperial ornament like a helmet surrounded by a golden circle. The passage here is complete: "They [Callixtus II] in the Roman manner, surrounding his head with a *phrygium* [that is, a *calantica* embroidered in Phrygian work], place upon him an imperial ornament [otherwise *basileia*, a kingdom, so-called] like a helmet surrounded by a golden circle." Whether this golden circle was entirely of gold, of metal alone and solid, or interwoven with golden threads, is not clear. In the order for blessing, the Duke of Aquitaine is called a golden garland: "The prince ought to come with a company of barons of the county and his head crowned with a golden garland [fillet], which kind of golden circle will be removed from his head when he arrives there." I deal elsewhere with the golden circle of the patricians.

prepared by cutting back the threads; hence the name. See Du Cange s.v. *Segmentum*. I have already said elsewhere that the word *Sammet* [velvet] can be derived from this word *segmentum* no less conveniently than from *hexamiton*, from which it is commonly repeated.

*oraria*, for wiping the face and mouth. Glosses of the *Basilica*: *Othonia* and *othonaria* [they wrote this for *othonia* and *othonaria*], long fabrics, which are also called *oraria* by some. These, those entering the palace, the senators, carried with them and used to wipe their noses and spit. This passage gives some light to another in Oecumenius on the Acts of the Apostles: "Those who are unable to wear *oraria* hold *semikinthia* [handkerchiefs] in their hands, such as [those wearing *oraria*] are those who wear consular robes and the like." What we today carry in our pockets as handkerchiefs, the ancients carried in their hands, as I say more extensively where I discuss the *akakia* or *anexikakia*.

whose carriage was certainly not tunics and cloaks; *touton* pertains to the faction members; their magistrates are designated as those lower than the demarchs, of whom frequent mention is made in this code. I have already said elsewhere, and the Latin also sufficiently declares, what was in my own mind.

emperors, whether newly elected and coming into the city from the camp for the first time, or old ones returning from an expedition with solemn pomp. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, in the *Breviarium*, p. 163: "As was the custom for emperors to ride into Byzantium through the Golden Gate, as it is called, by way of a processional reception, and having arrived at the Great Church, there he bound on the crown of the empire."

(29) For "interwoven with gold" I would prefer to be replaced in the Latin by... (30) Made with segments or shaggy silk, which is... (31) These are *encheiria*, hand-cloths, handkerchiefs, facial cloths... (32) I wrongly referred this in the Latin to the military leaders... (33) Understand *sue*. I have expressed my opinion on the *apelatikoi*... (34) For through this gate they were received into the city...

951 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 932

[They] stood before the entrance of it, having been acclaimed, and in their necks they wore garlands woven from roses and other flowers, and in their hands small bouquets. The leaders of the factions wore their triumphal cloaks, or those which they use when they have achieved victory in the circus games; finally, the archons or military commanders returning from the expedition wore shirts and tunics. The acclamations with which they received the emperor were these: "Praise to God, who has restored our lords to us with victory; praise to God who magnifies you, emperors of the Romans; praise to you, most holy Trinity, because we see our lords victorious; welcome, victors, most valiant lords." I omit the remaining auspicious triumphal acclamations, and the *apelatica strategica* or ducal processions [or hymns, with which it is customary to accompany the victorious military emperors], and those which both factions, preceding them before the lords, recited from the monastery of the Abramites all the way to the Golden Gate. Before the Golden Gate, which, as we have said, was opened for them to be brought in, [they did] likewise. Having received there the Eparch of the city and the *apomoneus*, who fell and did obeisance, they offered to the emperor a golden crown (35) according to the ancient custom, and others made of laurel, as symbols of victory; the same men received (36) from the emperor coins as a mark of honor, and more, for the golden crown. When the factions had finished, they entered the great Golden Gate in procession, and came to the Sigma, and through the left [side] to the Exakionion and the Xerolophos, immediately [passing] the Bous and the Capitol, the Philadelphion and the Tauros, the Artopoleion and the Forum. Arriving at the Forum, they dismounted from their horses (37), and entered the church of the most holy Theotokos, the Patriarch having met them there with a procession from the Great Church. In which (38) having received candles from the praepositus and prayed, having gone out and cast off the military [garments], they wore *dibetisia*, *triblatia*, and gold-woven chlamydes.

VARIOUS READINGS. B 3 SCHOL. It should be known that in the aforementioned places, receptions of the factions and acclamations take place.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. C Regarding the gold offered in the city, Themistius has an elegant passage on p. 181: "The city prepares for that day the crown [he had said a little before 'of gold'] from its wealth, with which it will be crowned, returning brilliantly, bearing trophies from the ill-omened barbarians." Concerning the *aurum coronarium*, see Harduin ibid., Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus p. 461, and Casaubon on the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* vol. I, p. 54. I will not, therefore, retract the common passage concerning triumphal crowns, but only on this occasion will I explain and correct a passage of Trebellius Pollio, on which the learned Salmasius notes some excellent things, though I do not know if all are true. The cited author narrates in vol. II, *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* p. 322, concerning a certain image in which Aurelian is depicted bestowing the *praetexta* and senatorial dignity upon both [Tetricus having been defeated, he himself the victor], receiving from them a scepter, a civic crown depicted from a mosaic. When Salmasius found "crown, cycle of painting from a mosaic" (*coronam, cycli picturiae de museo*) in the Palatine codex in this place, he concluded from it "crown cycle, all things painted from a mosaic" (*coronam cyclum, picta omnia de museo*), understanding "cycle" as a shield. He gives his conjecture an appearance [of truth], but does not reconcile it with the truth. If the vulgate reading must be rejected at all, which I do not think, it would be better to preserve the reading of the Palatine codex, changing only a single letter, *picturis* for *picturiae*: "crown of the cycle, in paintings (that is, in pictures, painted) from a mosaic." Now, the "crown of the cycle" is the same as the *circulus patricialis*, so named because it was the insignia of the Roman patricians, and it consisted only of a round golden plate or orb, without rays. For the crowns of the emperors were radiated. The difference between the two crowns, the imperial radiated and the patrician, is revealed by Leo Ostiensis in Du Cange under the word *Circulus*: "They contribute the honor of the Roman patriciate to the same Henry IV, and decree that he use a golden circle besides the imperial crown"; likewise that passage of Arnold of Lübeck in the same place concerning the wife of Philip of Swabia, Emperor: "The queen proceeded with a royal diadem, yet not crowned, but circled." I would indeed believe that triumphal crowns were without rays, and thus similar to the circles and crowns of the cycle mentioned in a later age; but it would be difficult to prove that the expression "crown of the cycle" was already in use in the time of Pollio. Meanwhile, I do not deny that it is also difficult to conceive how a defeated enemy can give a civic crown to a victor. For although the enemy might be a citizen, by whose preservation the victor earned a civic crown, nevertheless the Roman people ought to give the civic crown; the defeated party could not. Let the more learned resolve this knot. Pius in Spartianus vol. I, *Scriptores Historiae Augustae* p. 256: "He returned the *aurum coronarium*, which had been offered on account of his adoption, entirely to the Italians, and half to the provincials." See above p. 286. [Formerly it was the custom to offer gifts or even tributes in golden crowns. Nor were such crowns to be despised. Procopius, *Gothic War* I, p. 172, penultimate ed. Hoesch, narrates that Peter the Magistrate had bargained with Theodatus, King of the Goths in Italy, that the latter would promise, besides Sicily, to send to Justinian every year a golden crown worth 300 pounds of gold. But did the Greek emperors also give crowns to foreign kings, and indeed not *stefanous*, but *stemmata*, such as they themselves wore, *eis filotimias epidosin* (as a gift of honor)? The Hungarians assert this, who say they received the crown of their kingdom from a certain Emperor of Constantinople as a reward for service rendered; see Gabriel de Juxta Hornad, *Initia christianae religionis inter Hungaros eccles. orient. asserta*. From Addenda.] twice at Rome before its gates they dismounted. Xiphilinus concerning Severus p. 1242, beginning: "He came to Rome as far as the gates on horseback and in equestrian dress, and from there he [proceeded] in civilian [dress] and on foot." temple. *En* denotes the time or place, when, where, or there, which while it is done, or in this way; *En ho* in that sense Thucydides often uses, as on p. 118, where the translator is not correct; for he wishes to say: it is difficult to maintain moderation in speaking there, where even the truth, though only shadowed by words, can with difficulty be reconciled with faith, *chalepon to metriōs eipein en ho* (that is, *entautha, hopou*) *molis kai he dikēsis tēs alētheias bebaioutai*. See Aristides vol. 1, p. 114, Diogenes Laertius p. 597, § 104, Dio Cassius p. 287, and many others. For it is a common expression. Cf. Viger, *De idiotismis L. Gr.*, most recent edition, p. 468. They also say *en hois*, if a plural precedes or follows. Thus certainly *en hois* can be taken for "where," if one wishes, p. 320.

(35) Concerning the golden crown [offered] to the triumphing emperor by (36) That example of Antoninus agrees with this (37) The ancient Roman emperors [showed] reverence to the city (38) The Latin is not sufficiently accurate here in that

and campagia, and being crowned, they passed through the center ^A of the forum, with those vessels, labara, standards, and banners, and the great scepters, and the golden flamula, and the precious, great, and gem-encrusted cross being stationed and carried before them; and having passed through the center as far as the Milion, they entered through the vestibule of the Milion into the Horologion, and deposited the crowns in the secretarium within the Beautiful Gate, and entered into the narthex, having prayed with candles at the central Holy Gate, and having entered with the patriarch, and the rest of the divine liturgy, and the entry to the palace were accomplished just as in the imperial processions. And a great banqueting table was set in the Triclinium of Justinian, and, having been gladdened, they gave to all those of the senate vest-miliarsia (39). We must know that the urban arrangement and the decoration were prepared by the Eparch, while the order of the procession, the meeting of the senate, the victory acclamations of the factions, the progresses, and the locations of the receptions were ordained by the Praepositus, with the help of the curator and all the silentiarii and the cubicularii. Now, the one who remained with the Magister and the Eparch, and who directed the authority of the service on behalf of the Emperor, was Banes, the patrician praepositus and sakellarios; according to the ancient custom prevailing among the emperors, whenever the Emperor went out on a *fossatum*, he would entrust the Praepositus with the domain of his own authority, and the administration of the commonwealth and the public affairs to the Magister and the Eparch. Upon the Emperor’s return from the ^B *fossatum*, many receptions and offerings of gifts took place.

COMMENTARY OF JOANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS

(39) See supra at page 267, where I spoke of the words compounded in this way to be resolved by the interpreter and joined by an insertion. For it signifies garments and miliarsia. So widespread was this custom formerly in the Persian courts and among all Oriental Muhamadans, the Russians, and all Christian Europeans, and even still in the Turkish, and its evidence is so full that it is almost redundant to explain it. Since, however, there is such frequent mention of it in our codex, I consider it wrong to pass over it entirely. That garments were accustomed to be given as gifts in most ancient times is apparent from Diodorus Siculus, in whose Book XXI, Eclog. page 491, edition of Wesseling, these things are read: "Having gladly received the young man [the son of Agathocles], having put a royal robe upon him, and having given him magnificent gifts, he sent him away." Among our author, there is frequent mention ^D of garments sent to outsiders as *xenalia* (gifts for foreigners), as well as to refugees, foreign princes of their own jurisdiction, and military commanders of a different dominion coming to the Greek Emperor or crossing into his camp, and also those given in honor to military commanders conducting themselves strenuously; just as those garments with which the newly honored were invested. Liutprand in *Historia*, book vi, recounts how many garments with coins the supreme nobles of the Constantinopolitan court received in the solemn distribution before the feast of Easter. Pachymeres VII, 29: "Wondering greatly at the man, he bestows many gifts upon him, augmenting [that is, increasing] his honor, receiving him not only with exchanges of garments but also with gold and horses." The same XII, 40: "The emperor receives him with kindness and gladdens him with exchanges [of robes]." And chapter 29: "to the Genoese ship commanders... namely, those who had been changed into more splendid robes than they had previously had from the emperor." *Chronicon Cassinense* III, 39: "Michael Parapinacius, for the salvation of his soul, by a precept [a sacred *keleusis*] sealed with a golden bull, ordained that the monastery [of Cassino] should receive every year from the palace of the Constantinopolitan empire twenty-four pounds of gold and four pallia for the support of our congregation." Caffarus, *Annales Genuenses* (vol. VI, Script. Rer. Ital. Murat.), page 265, says that in the year 1154, peace was established with the legate of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus such that, henceforth in perpetuity, every year they should have two hundred perpera and two pallia from the emperor's court, and in addition, the archbishop should have in perpetuity sixty-one perpera and one pallium per year, and the said commune one fundicum and a church in Constantinople. That custom would obtain among us today, too, had we not discarded the old-fashioned garment and the custom of wearing the pallium. For those nations that either formerly gave or still today give garments as gifts, their gifts consist of vast pallia, which suit anyone's stature and are only thrown over other garments and cover them. We, however, use narrow ones. Today the Turks are greedy for such gifts, so that they prefer silk garments to golden rewards, as is evident from the Epistles of Busbekius. We shall have a place elsewhere to discuss the custom still surviving today among us, and once observed in both the Byzantine and Frankish courts, of distributing liveries [that is, *liberationes*] among the ministers of the court. Meanwhile, see Du Cange, s.v. *Liberatio*.

955 CONSTANTINI PORPHYROGENITI 956

[Latin text] ...with candles near the middle of the sacred doors, they would enter the bema with the patriarch, and so on; the rest of the divine office and the entry into the palace were performed in the same way as they are accustomed to be performed in solemn formal processions. At the end, feasts were set out, and a great banquet was held in the great triclinium of Justinian; and when that merriment was finished, the lords gave the senate garments and miliaresia. It must also be noted that the ceremonial appearance and the cleansing of the city were the work of the Prefect of the City; but the arrangement of the procession, the meeting of the senate, the triumphal shouts of the factions, the processions, and the places of reception were established by the Praepositus, to whom for this purpose the master of ceremonies, the silentiaries, and the entire cubiculum provided helping hands and carried out his orders. The royal vicar, who—while the emperor had set out for the East on that occasion—had remained in the city together with the Magister and the Prefect of the City and had administered the empire in the emperor’s place, but as a subject, was Baanes, the patrician and Praepositus Sacellarius; and this was according to the ancient custom of the emperors, who, when setting out for the camps, would permit and entrust the administration of their empire to the Praepositus, but the care of civil government and common affairs to the Magister and the Prefect of the City. When the emperor returned from the camps in this manner, many largesses occurred, and, as far as could be done, gifts and rewards were distributed both to those who had participated in the expedition with him and to those who had remained at home or in the city.

[Greek text] ...to all, as far as possible, both to those with him and to those in the gate, were given.

[Latin text] Return from the campaign of Emperor Theophilus, when twenty thousand of the Cilician Saracens, who had gathered and risen up against him with a strong hand from Tarsus, Mopsuestia, Adana, Irenopolis, Anazarbus, and elsewhere, had fallen. Theophilus, therefore, returning from the war which he had had with the Hagarenes in Cilicia, entered the city in this way. As he had reached the palace of Hieria, the Augusta and the Diepon—or the vicar of the realm during the emperor’s absence—and the Magister and the Prefect of the City and the entire senate that was then present in the city went out to him, having left the exarchs or prefects of the tagmata inside for the protection of the city. And the senate, indeed, as the emperor was a short distance from the palace, fell to the ground and adored him; but the Augusta met him, as soon as he had dismounted from his horse, inside the chancel of the chamaetriclinium—or low triclinium near the ground—and adoring him, greeted him with a kiss. The emperor then ordered that the senate should spend seven days with him in Hieria, or the palace of Hieria, as if in a procession or suburban retreat, until the number of Hagarenes captured in the war had arrived in chains; and that the wives of the senators should come from the city to the same place and provide company for the Augusta. When this was done, on the seventh day he departed from Hieria and crossed the strait by ship to the palace of St. Mamas, in which he spent three days with the senate. From there, sailing again, he arrived at the Blachernae; and having exited the dromon, he mounted a horse; on which, inside the outer wall...

[Greek text] ...was crowned, with the factions shouting: "Well have you come, incomparable factionary."

[Latin text] JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...to speak of the expedition which the Arab historians themselves, such as Elmacinus on page 142 and Abulfeda for the year of Christ 838, celebrate (see Leon. Grammat. p. 453, and Symeon. Logothet. Annal. p. 441), in which he captured Zapetra or Sozopetra and other places, but in turn so provoked the wrath of the Bagdad Caliph, Almotasem, the brother and successor of Almamon, that two years later, namely in the year of Christ 838, he invaded Romania with a most numerous army and destroyed Amorium. The triumph narrated in this chapter is briefly described by Symeon in the same place: "Thence [from Brya] arriving at the city and first performing the 'palm' ceremony, riding in a white chariot and triumphing over the spoils from the campaign (40) of the return of Emperor Theophilus, when he defeated with force those who had camped against him from Cilicia: the Tarsians, Mopsuestians, Adanites, Irenopolitans (41), Anazarbeans, and the rest, twenty thousand." The return, therefore, of Emperor Theophilus from the war of the Hagarenes who had camped against him from Cilicia, his entry into the royal city was such: when he reached Hieria, the Augusta went out from the city, and the Diepon with the Magister and the Prefect of the City, and the entire senate in the city, having left the exarchs of the tagmata for the guard of the city. And the senate met the emperor from a short distance before he reached the palace, and falling, they adored him. The Augusta met him inside the chancel of the chamaetriclinium as he dismounted from his horse, and adoring him, she greeted him; and the emperor ordered that the senate should spend seven days with him in Hieria as if in a procession, until the prisoners of the Hagarene captives should arrive. He also ordered that the wives of the senators should leave the city and spend time there with the Augusta. After the seventh day, having sailed from there, he came to St. Mamas, and spent three days with the senate. Having sailed from there, he arrived at the Blachernae, and having exited the dromon, mounting a horse, he came through the outer wall to the gate prepared...

[Latin text] ...it is uncertain which one, whether that of Cilicia, otherwise called Neroniades, or another of Isauria, or finally Medinat as Salami (Medina Coeli, as the common people in Spain call it by a cognomen), the city of peace; by which name Greek and Arabic writers celebrate Bagdad, the capital of Assyria and the Saracen empire. I, indeed, think that the discourse here is about this last one, although the proximity of the other cities mentioned here—Mopsuestia or Massisa, Adana, Anazarbus—might seem to indicate rather the Cilician Irenopolis.

(40) I do not doubt that our author is speaking of that expedition... (41) Thus the manuscript. They designate Irenopolis, but...

957 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. APPEND. - 958

...to the meadow of the Combinostasium. On the same day, those who were bringing the captives arrived at Chrysopolis, and having put them into ships, they transported them to where the Emperor was present. The Eparch of the city had prepared and decorated the city like bridal chambers (42) with various scaramangia, silks, silver, candelabra holding many lamps, and various flowers from the Golden Gate to the Chalke; and the soldiers of the ranks, having divided the captives, the spoils, and the arms separately and in order, celebrated a triumph through the middle of the city. After these things, the Emperor arose and wore a gold-woven tunic, the rhodobetron, having girded on a sword and placed a tiara (43) upon his head. He mounted a white horse caparisoned with a jeweled saddlecloth, taking a scepter in his right hand.

[Latin translation of the above text:] ...to the Golden Gate; in whose vicinity, descending from his horse, he entered into the court prepared for him in the meadow of the Combinostasium [or station of the circus combinations], until the captives and spoils had been brought into the city by the triumphing soldiers. For on that very day they had come to Chrysopolis, those who were leading the captives, and having placed them on ships, they had transported them to that place where the Emperor was then staying, as we have said. These, therefore, and these things, having been divided into their classes, the soldiers or garrison troops brought in, triumphing with the captives, the spoils, and the arms through the middle of the city, which the Prefect of the city had previously taken care to adorn like bridal chambers with various scaramangia, sendes cloths, silver, candelabra supporting many lamps, roses, and other things of various colors.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. The preparation of the illuminated city (as we say) with the bridal *pastos* or *pastas*; as at the end of the scholium on page 288. It is a *pastas*, also a *thalamē*, an umbrella or canopy, a baldachin, of square or round shape, covered above with veils and silk cloths and hanging down on all sides, carried by means of several poles, under which in ancient times images of gods, and today sometimes a monstrance, are carried around; kings and queens proceed in solemn processions (see *Mémoires de la reine Christine* by Mr. Arkenholz, vol. 1, p. 534), and Turkish brides are led into the husband’s house according to a custom derived from the Greeks. And because the bridal bed, in which the bridegroom and bride first lie together, is constructed and adorned in exactly the same way, it itself is also called a *pastos*. Priscus, in the Hoeschelian Eclogues, page 51, describing the bed of Attila, calls it a "couch covered with linens and various hangings for the sake of ornament, just as the Greeks and Romans construct for those who are marrying." Because, therefore, in such a crowning and illumination of the royal city, most precious silk fabrics were stretched across the middle of the streets, and others hung from the walls of houses on both sides of the streets, the city in this way acquired the appearance of a bridal canopy; see page 351. One may see an image of the *pastas* on that large coin of Heraclius, which Du Cange exhibits in *Familiae Byzantinae* p. 112, and in the *Dissertatio de nummis medii aevi*, table 4. Conversely, on page 48, we read *toga* that is, *tiara*. Moreover, *tog*, *tug*, *toya*, and *toupa* are the same word. It is an Arabic word. *Tog* or *tug* to the Persians is a stiff, upright, unbending cap, upon which a bundle of feathers or very precious plumes made of gold or other material stands out and sways like a balance. I call everything that oscillates a balance: the modern Greeks also call it *libellion* from balancing. This word is corrupted in various ways by Greeks ignorant of its Latin origin. For sometimes the Meursian *Tacticum* of Constantine presents *plion*, sometimes *dibellion*; see Du Cange on both words and under *Liberatio*. Codinus, in chapter XV, no. 20, counts among the imperial insignia the *dibellion* carried before the Emperor as he proceeds into churches "by the Tzangas" (that is, by the *tzangarios*, the imperial shoemaker) from his shoulders. See the same, no. 63, where he says that all the Varangians wore a *libellium*, and that it was carried before the Emperor as he proceeded into the camps. You see the origin of the horse’s tail, a Turkish military insignia which the Greeks seem to have assumed from the Bulgarians after the tenth century (see Du Cange, *Famil. Byzant.* p. 311) and transmitted to the Turks. Unless perhaps the Turks, born of the same Hunnic origin as the Bulgarians, retained it as handed down from their fathers. You also see how the Janissaries received from the Varangians the carrying of the *libella* or bundle of feathers, rising above their *calantica* from a silver cone, images of which, shaped into a horned moon, can be seen in the Ferriol collection of copperplate engravings published in Paris in 1714, table 16, in the image of the Sulack Baschi or Captain of the Protectors of the Great Lord, and table 30, in the image of the Tschorbadschi or Captain of the Janissaries. Joannes Thwroczius, in Du Cange under *Ostillarium* (so he incorrectly presents it), calls this *libella* a royal oscillating sign: "solemn chargers with their most glorious arms and all their coverings, or appurtenances, with the Sartanea chariot [so it seems it should be read, not *curru*], or the royal oscillating sign above, in the form of an ostrich bird, gilded and jeweled, given and conceded to the said monastery." Let the Hungarians see whether their countryman reported truly that a *libella*, such as we have described, is called *Sartanea* in Hungarian. *Tufa*, such as the Meursian *Tacticum* of Constantine wants fixed to the back of horse saddles, are a bundle of bristles or feathers, narrow at the bottom and wide in a circle at the top. Zonaras said *tyfa* instead of *tufa*, so that he might find a place for his etymology. "He led a triumph," he says, speaking of Emperor Basil, "crowned with an upright tiara, which the common and vulgar people call *typha*, named, I think, *typhon*, because it makes those who are bound by it to be puffed up (*tetyphōsthai*)." He thinks, namely, that it is not correctly called *typha* by the vulgar, and that it is corrupted from the ancient name *typos*, by which the ancients called this pointed tiara because it made men full of *typhos*, or pride. But it is a Persian word corrupted from *tug* or *tog*. The Greeks are accustomed to change *y* and *i* interchangeably. Thus they say *sayma* (that is, *safma* according to their pronunciation) for *sagma*; *eulytroun* for *eklytroun*; *Chripos* for *Euripos*. Even today the Turks call the standard made from a horse’s tail attached to a spear *tug*, whereas the ancient Germans, Angles, or Anglo-Saxons, and from them the Romans, called the type of standard consisting of dense bundles of hair or feathers a *tufa*; see Du Cange under *Tufa*, Frisch in *Lex. Germ.* under *Zopf*. French lexicographers under *Toupet*. From *tufa* or *tupa* comes *tutupa*, the square cap of the clergy, as *cufa* from *cucufa*; see Du Cange on this word. [Concerning the *tupha* of the emperor’s crown, see Du Cange no. 17, *Dissert. de infer. aevi nummis*, Wachterus under *Zopff*, and the specimen of the codex containing an ancient poet to be printed by Scheidius at Hanover, p. 138.] *Toupha* is a type of tiara, which Basil used when he was leading a triumph over the Bulgarians. Dufresne on Joinville, p. 292, where a passage from Tzetzes is cited. Georgius Acropolita, in *Chronicon* ch. 11, counts such a *tufa* or conical or pyramidal cap with a crest among the insignia of the kingdom, where see Georgius Dusa.

(42) This word recurs several times in this codex. (43) A marginal scholium renders this word as *toupha*.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 960

to be clothed in flowers, crowned, and illuminated. When the soldiers had entered the city in triumph, the emperor would rise from the court, dressed in a tunic interwoven with gold, having a loros, such as they call rhodobotrys [or rosuvea], having a sword hanging at his side from a belt, and on his head a tiara or, as they call it in the common tongue, a tufa; and in that attire he would mount a white horse, to whose neck and back hung jeweled trappings and coverings, upon which he was conveyed, carrying a scepter in his right hand. The Caesar, Alexius Moseli, his son-in-law, who rode at his side, also on a white horse illustrious with jeweled trappings, wore on his body a golden cuirass, golden bracelets on his hands, golden greaves or knee-pieces on his legs, on his head a helmet with a golden head-band or fillet, a sword at his side, and in his right hand a golden spear. Having been carried to a small distance from the Golden Gate, the emperor would descend from his horse, fall to the ground, with his face turned toward the east, and worship God three times. Then, rising again, he would remount his horse, and thus at last enter the Golden Gate. To him as he entered through its great middle valves, the magister, the diepon [or vicar of the imperial administration], and the prefect of the city would bring a golden crown, adorned with gems and pearls of great price; which, taking, he would place around his right arm. And immediately the factions would meet him, not otherwise than is customary to be done in the processions of feast days, chanting triumphal hymns. Then, as the emperor proceeded through the sigma and the street which leads to the church of Saint Mocius, as far as the Milion, the senators would descend from their horses at the Milion, and proceed on foot before him as far as the well or lustral cistern of Hagia Sophia. But those who returned to the city with the emperor from the camps and the expedition, those horsemen would enter with golden cuirasses and swords and pikes or spears, each order separately, in this order. Before the emperor would precede the praepositi and those belonging to the bedchamber in golden cuirasses; behind them, however, and behind the emperor at a distance of about five fathoms, the eunuch protospatharii, likewise with golden cuirasses and sword-staffs. As therefore in that procession the emperor had arrived at Hagia Sophia, he would descend from his horse, enter the temple through the area of the holy well, perform prayers there, and [having donned] greaves and they themselves golden, having placed upon his head a helmet with a golden head-piece, having girded on a sword, and having himself mounted a horse likewise white with a covering of precious stones. He also took in his hand a golden spear; and having reached a little beyond the gate, the emperor descended from the horse, and fell toward the east, having worshipped three times. Then in this way he rose and mounted the horse. And as he entered the great Golden Gate, the magister and the diepon and the prefect of the city brought to him a golden crown fashioned from precious stones and costly pearls, which the emperor also taking, he wore it upon his right arm, and immediately the factions met him in action, as in a festive procession, acclaiming victories. And having passed from those places through the sigma and the [street] toward Saint Mocius as far as the Milion. At which Milion those of the senate descended from their horses and walking on foot they marched before the emperor as far as the well of Hagia Sophia. Except, therefore, those who entered the city with the emperor from outside, with golden cuirasses and swords and spears, they entered on horseback, each rank separately and apart; before the emperor the praepositi and the cubiculum, [in] golden cuirasses; behind, however, at about five fathoms, the eunuch protospatharii with golden cuirasses and sword-staffs. And in the Chalke of the palace stood before the gate a pulpit, and in one part the golden organ called the "protothauma," and in the other part a golden and jeweled throne, and in the middle of these the great golden and jeweled cross; and the emperor, having descended from the horse, entered through the well into Hagia Sophia, and having prayed, he went out again through the same gate, and walking on foot came into the Chalke, and having ascended, he sealed himself upon the throne, and the factions cried "One is holy." And having sat down, the city administration brought him golden bracelets, and the emperor taking these wore them upon his arms, and he accepted them giving thanks, having spoken from himself regarding the success of the war. And all acclaimed him victoriously; and rising from the throne he mounted the horse, and passed through the passages of Achilles and

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (44) He has been carried a little beyond the gate. This is that "windowed porch" which he mentions. (45) Before the palace was a pulpit or suggestus, indeed an opinion, but I expressed it ambiguously in Latin. I would prefer that the other be substituted, as it is clearer. It was already in the time of Zosimus, who in book IV, ch. 6, calls it "the platform before the court." It was built and placed on a throne upon that pulpit. Moreover, the pulpit is the same as the "bema," an elevated platform from which a magistrate or the emperor would speak. The Latins of the Middle Ages called it an "arengaria" from "arengando" or speaking. A place before the palace where, when the Signoria entered, the Podesta climbed into the pulpit, which was the name for that pulpit or lectern from which he harangued and made an oration. See Du Cange, Glossary, vol. V, "Arengaria." Nicetas, p. 203: "The emperor, turning to feasting, opened all the ancient court gate and windowed porch, so that those who wished might enter and see him as a trophy-bearer." I remember reading in Sanson that there was such a pulpit before the palace of the Persian kings, an asylum for those fleeing there. And that it was also the custom of the Latins of the Middle Ages to build pulpits before the doors of their houses is evident from the Chronicle of Lorsch, year 948: "He covered the whole paradise with lead, he built pulpits before the doors of the same paradise." (46) Namely, into the pulpit which was before the Chalke. (47) "One is holy," or "venerable," which perhaps is to be preferred; for "holy" is a title befitting the emperor. I seem to have found this in the manuscripts.

961 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK I. APPEND. - 962

...of the side [streets] of the Zeuxippus, and he went out to the uncovered hippodrome (48), and having entered beneath the *kathisma*, he descended through the laurel [gate] to the lower covered hippodrome, and having dismounted from the horse, he entered into the *skyla* in the palace, and a *deximon* (49) was requested. And on the following day the *deximon* was performed, and very many promotions were presented, advancing from the rank of the imperial *mandatores* up to the eponymous (50) patriciate, and very many gifts were given to the *politarchai*, and the *politeuma* was granted by the emperor, and equestrian games were performed, and there again they celebrated a triumph over the captives and the spoils, and for many days the reception of the gifts given by the hands of the emperor continued. It must also be known that again for a second time (51) the same Theophilus went out on an expedition, and upon returning...

[Latin translation of the Greek text above] ...Then he would recount in a public oration, not through the *quaestores*, but again he would go out through the same gate through which he had entered, and thus he would proceed further on foot as far as the *Chalke*. In the *Chalke*, or bronze gate of the palace, there stood before the gate a pulpit, and in one part of it a golden organ, called the *protothauma* or first and chief miracle; in the other part a *kenzum* or seat, that is, a throne, golden and gemmed; between both in the middle was that huge golden and gemmed cross. Upon this pulpit and into that throne the emperor would ascend, and standing upon the throne he would sign himself with the sign of the cross; seeing which, the factions would acclaim: "Holy is God." Then, as he sat down, the urban magistrate would offer him golden bracelets, which he, accepting, would place around his arms, and he would dismiss those who had presented them with an expression of thanks.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...placed by Jove, to add, with respect to the porticoes of the circus. He wishes, therefore, to designate the middle area in which the competing horses run. But to tell the truth, I do not understand this place, as I do not many others that concern the topography of Constantinople, which no one will ever understand unless he has seen the places themselves. Since, however, those places have been destroyed and completely changed, it is easily clear that a great part of this codex will be an eternal mystery. It can also be concluded from this place, not without the greatest probability, that there were two circuses in Constantinople: one called the upper, not roofed, with awnings stretched and spread over the middle of the circus on ropes, the *doximotos*; another called the lower, roofed with awnings. But this matter pertains to the circus dispute, which I touched upon in the preceding pages...

...with a loud cry in the Circus he would demand. When, therefore, they would demand to be admitted to the venerable sacred purple for the sake of congratulating [the emperor] on account of a born heir, on account of a happy return from a defeated enemy, on account of an Augusta taken as a partner of the bed, on account of the renewed birthdays of the empire and of his birth, and other such things, then it was said that an *aitesis tou deximou* was taking place, a demanding of an exception or expectation. For *deximon* is the same as *doche*, a reception of one arriving or an awaiting of one about to arrive, or the same as *dexiosis tou proselthontos*, a welcoming of one who has approached. And it was said that a *deximon* was taking place when the emperor would admit the nobles and the urban senate and the masters of the factions to adore him and to congratulate him. The title *kyrios* properly belonged to the patricians. I read a place in Procopius’ *Anecdota* from which this could be proven. But I did not note it, nor does it occur to me now as I search. The illustrious Corsini in the Appendix to the Greek notes, diss. I, p. [?], [argues that] simple consuls, who were neither Caesars nor Augusti, were called our lords and *despotai*. Du Cange, in the notes to the *Alexiad*, p. 283, cites the inscription of a statue placed for Domenico Selvo, Doge of Venice, on account of the victory won by him over Robert Guiscard at Dyrrhachium. This is, however, in the year 1081: "I repelled Guiscard with Mars at Dyrrhachium: hence the prelate Alexius calls me lord." Du Cange notes in the margin that by the word "lord" the title of Despot was attributed to the Venetian Duke. The title of Despot was too illustrious for the Greek emperors to communicate it to others not born of their own blood. He wishes rather to say that that Venetian duke, on account of the excellent service rendered, was named Patrician by Alexius and honored with the title of *kyrios*, lord. I confess, however, that this word *kyrionymos* occurs rarely or perhaps never in this sense. For that word denotes in itself one who bears this or that name properly and truly, with respect to those who bear it improperly or falsely arrogate it to themselves, the *akyronymous* or *pseudonymous*. Thus in Pachymeres VII, 28, the day of Cheese-fare is called *kyrionymos* Sunday, although many other days throughout the year are dedicated to the eating of cheese, yet it is so called in particular. In Nicetas Choniates, p. 300, Sunday is called *kyrionymos*, said of the Lord. I would have followed this method of interpretation if it had been established for me that there were true Patricians and others who were only titular, since the patrician dignity was not an office, but a mere title, a mere dignity. Are those understood who, besides the patrician dignity, were free from all other courtly duties? ...the expedition, about which there should be little doubt that it is the subject here, happened in the second year after that previous one, i.e., A.D. 838, and it had successes certainly not worthy of a triumph, with the loss of Amorium: "Having been defeated in the war, the emperor fled and returned with shame, having barely saved himself," says Symeon the Logothete in his *Annals*, p. 423. Whom he names *Toue* (for so it should be read, not *Toue* as it is edited), him Abulfeda calls Afschin Chaidsar; which discrepancy is due to the scribes. For they differ little in Arabic, with the diacritical points removed, *Giondub* and *Chaidsar*. The latter reading is, however, without doubt to be preferred, not only because Abulfeda, dictating the individual letters of the name, as it were, inculcates *Chaidsar*, [saying] it must be read no other way, but also because *Chaidsar* is a Persian name suitable for a Persian. For Afschin was a Persian. *Giondob*, however, is an Arabic name and therefore less suitable. It is helpful to repeat the history of that war from Abulfeda, both to compare it with the Greek authors and so that the place of Elmacinus concerning the same, page 141, can be corrected and rightly understood from this. The words of Abulfeda, however, are in vol. II, p. 170: "In this year [of the Hegira 223, A.D. 838] the conquest of Amorium happened. Namely, Theophilus, emperor of the Romans, had carried slaughter and plunder as far as Zabethrum [Sozopetra] through the Moslem dominion, and he had treated as many of the faithful as fell into his hands in such a way that it was a horror to those watching and hearing. Although Motasem bore this very ill, yet it stung him most of all that a certain Hashemite woman [a kinswoman of the prophet] while being seized by the Romans, had cried out with a loud voice, 'Alas, Motasem!' [demanding the help and vengeance of the absent one]. By which he was so moved by such an unworthy and intolerable crime that, having immediately gathered his forces on the twentieth day..."

(48) It seems to mean not roofed or sunny, under the open sky. (49) If the people desired anything from the emperor, it was... (50) The patriciate is so called because after Augustus... he also demonstrated with more examples, also... (51) The second [expedition] of Theophilus against the Saracens...

963 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 964

him, and he ordered that all the children of the city should go out to meet him with crowns made of flowers, and he entered in the same manner as before. Rising at last from the throne, he again mounted his horse; and he passed through the porticoes of the Baths of Achilles and past the sides of the Zeuxippus, and entered the uncovered hippodrome; where, entering below the *cathisma*, he descended through the laurel grove to the lower covered part of the hippodrome, and leaving his horse, he entered the palace through the *scyla*; at which time the *regatio* of the tenth [day] took place, which occurred on the second day; and very many gratifications and promotions were made, from the rank of royal mandates up to the rank of the patriciate, to which the title of *cyrius* or lord belongs. The city magistrates and the urban community also received largesses; equestrian contests were performed; and again, captives and spoils were produced there, in the hippodrome, that is; and for many days the distribution of gifts coming from the imperial hands prevailed. When Theophilus was returning a second time from the trench, he was about to enter the city in triumph, and he ordered that the city children, adorned with garlands of various flowers, should meet him. In other respects, this second entry was similar to the former one.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...on the eighth of the fifth month of this year, he moved with such an apparatus of arms, leather tents, and other things, as had been provided for no Caliph before that day, and as had been seen by no one. For he was agitating in his mind the overthrow of the city, Amorium, which he had learned was the eye of Christianity and held in higher regard by the Romans than Constantinople itself, and which had remained untouched by the Arabs since the birth of Islam. With this intention, therefore, he proceeded to the Motasem as far as the river near the sea, so that he was a day’s journey from Tarsus, where, having distributed his forces in three parts, he placed Afschin Chaidzar, son of Cavus, in command of the right wing, added Aschnas to the left, and led the center himself. He sent out these camps in such a way that each, with two [units], devastated the districts and the entire Roman soil. This being done, they advanced to Amorium, first Aschnas, then to Molasem, and finally Afschin. Which camps, joined on the seventh day of the ninth month of this year, surrounded it with a crown and attacked it with engines. The struggle between the Greeks and the Moslems was most fierce. The Moslems, having finally breached the walls, took the city, slaughtered the men, plundered the wealth and the weaker sex, and carried off a huge booty and captives from everywhere to the prince, by whose order the city was reduced to ashes and leveled to the ground. With these things accomplished within the fifty-fifth day from the beginning of the siege, he returned to the Motasem to the March of Syria.

INDEX (52) WITH GOD OF THE SECOND BOOK.

1. What must be observed when the palace is opened daily, and when the daily procession takes place. 2. What must be observed in the procession which is instituted on Sundays.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(52) That a general index of chapters was also prefixed to the first book is clear from its remains, though they are corrupt, of which I have spoken elsewhere. The index of this second book had already been published long ago by the illustrious men Jo. Henr. Majus in the *Catalogus Bibliothecae Uffenbachianae* and Jo. Alb. Fabricius in vol. VI of the *Bibliotheca Graeca*, sometimes departing from the titles of the chapters themselves, which are read in the middle of the work. That the ancients were accustomed to prefix such indices of chapters to their books was demonstrated with examples by Henr. Valesius at the beginning of his notes to Eusebius’s *Ecclesiastical History*.

(53) Standing, that is, succeeding, occurring, or even impending. Properly, *histatai* is used for to begin, to be present, to impend, as below p. 442, *histatai to kletorion*, the sacred banquet begins or is present; p. 161, *histatai he proeleusis*, the procession begins, and *histatai trapeza*, the banquet begins. Thus, also, Nicetas p. 5 (Venetian ed.) said *kath’ histamenēn basileian* for an empire that is beginning, being born, or coming together. Note the formula *histamenou*: *kathistamenēs eti tēs archēs*, the empire still beginning, Nicetas p. 5; *histamenou tou earos*, spring impending or beginning, Appian p. 224.

1. What must be observed when the palace is opened daily, and when the daily procession takes place. 2. What must be observed in the procession which is performed every Sunday.

965 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

3. What must be observed when the Emperor appoints a Domestic of the Schools, or generals, or a Drungary of the Fleet, or a Sakellarios, or a Sakellion, or other officials. 4. What must be observed upon the promotion of a Rector. 5. What must be observed upon the promotion of a Syncellus. 6. What must be observed, as is currently performed, for the annual commemoration of the holy and great Constantine, and the dedication of the precious crosses established in the new palace of Bonus. 7. What must be observed on the feast and procession of All Saints. 8. What must be observed on the first of the month of August, when the precious and life-giving cross goes forth. 9. What must be observed on the feast of the Dormition of the most holy Theotokos in Blachernae on the 15th of August. 10. What must be observed on the Monday of the first week, when the Emperor speaks at the silentium of the Magnaura. 11. What must be observed when the precious crosses are about to go forth in the middle week of the holy Forty Days. 12. What must be observed when the Lords go to bathe in Blachernae. 13. What must be observed on a pagan Sunday, or on another common day, when the Lords intend to go to the Holy Apostles or to another church to pray. 14. What must be observed upon the ordination of a Patriarch of Constantinople. 15. What must be observed (54) when a reception takes place in the great triclinium of the Magnaura, with the Lords sitting upon the throne of Solomon. Concerning the reception that took place in the same triclinium under Constantine and Romanos upon the arrival of the envoys who came from the Amerimnus of Tarsus regarding the exchange and the peace, on the 31st day of May, the first day of the week, in the fourth indiction; in which is also [contained] the reception of the Spaniards and the horse race that occurred then. Likewise also concerning the feast of the Transfiguration of the Lord and the reception of the Delemik. Furthermore, [concerning] the hegemon and archontissa Olga of the Rus. How all these things were performed.

966 3. Observanda, when the Emperor appoints a Domestic of the Schools or generals or a Drungary of the fleet, or a Sakellarios, or a prefect of the Sakellion, or other officials. 4. Observanda in the promotion of a Rector. 5. Observanda in the promotion of a Syncellus. 6. Observanda in the annual celebration of the memory of the holy and great Constantine, as it is now performed, and in the dedication of the holy crosses fixed in the new palace of Bonus. 7. Observanda on the feast and the procession joined to it of All Saints. 8. Observanda on the Kalends of August, when the venerable and life-giving cross goes forth. 9. Observanda on the feast of the Dormition of the most holy Mother of God in Blachernae on the fifteenth day of the month of August. 10. Observanda on the Monday of the first week of the holy quadragesima, when the Emperor speaks words in the silentium or assembly of the nobles in the Magnaura. 11. Observanda when the holy crosses are to be carried about in public in the middle week of the tessaracoste or quadragesima. 12. Observanda when the Lords go to bathe at Blachernae. 13. Observanda on a pagan Sunday [that is, such a day on which no great feast or solemn procession falls], or on another ordinary day, when the Lords wish to go to the Holy Apostles or another temple for the sake of devotion. 14. Observanda in the election of a Patriarch of Constantinople. 15. Observanda in the exception or audience which is given in the great triclinium of the Magnaura, with the Lords sitting on the Solomonic throne. Specifically, that reception when Constantine and Romanos received the envoys of the Amerimnus, who had arrived in the city from Tarsus for the sake of exchanging captives and establishing peace, on the thirty-first day of May, the first feria or day of the moon, in the fourth indiction. In the same chapter it is also treated concerning the admission of the Spaniards and the equestrian chariot game edited then; likewise concerning the feast of the Transfiguration of the Lord; and also concerning the admission of the Delemik; finally also concerning the reception of Olga, who was hegemon or duchess and princess of the Russians. Which are all the admissions to the audience of the Emperor, [and] it is explained with what ceremonies they occurred.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. (54) The title of this chapter varies in the middle of the work itself from this, where it can be compared.

967 OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS then they come into the circus. 968 16. What must be observed when the magistrates of the four tagmata proceed to the hippodrome. Of the Emperor Constantine. of those things which the senior emperor, and those which the junior, and finally those which the Augusta, provide. of the conquered in the forum when a solemn procession is celebrated and the emperor treads upon the necks of the magnates of the Agarenes. of the emperor. 25. On the promotion of a cubicularius. of the customs of ancient usage [or honorary tribute] formerly accustomed to be paid to the Great Church. raised to the imperial schema or attire, and how David, his brother, was created Caesar. the senators, with the patriarch also present, received. offer to the Church. the deximum, or that they ask to be admitted to the Lord. 295 33. On promotions to dignities, which take place on annual days, when the birthday, or the first assumption of the empire, or the coronation, or the birthday, or the wedding of the emperor is celebrated. 34. On promotions, which take place on birthdays or other such annually recurring days. of the circus, who was created in the deximum of the same game. certain ones, who had defected, but had been brought back into order. JOAN. JAC. REISKE the beginning of chapter 28, are missing in the Leipzig codex, at least two leaves. Would that the rapacious hand had spared even chapter 17. That this violence was done with study and by one understanding what he was seizing, you may generally gather from the fact that chapter 42 is also missing, in which of the son of Constantine the emperor. 18. What must be observed when the brumalia is being performed, whether of the great emperor, or of the small, or of the Augusta. 19. What must be done when a triumph of victory is being performed in the forum with a litany, when the emperor is about to tread upon the magnates of the Agarenes. 20. What must be observed when a triumph of victory is being performed in the hippodrome. 21. What must be observed when a male child is born to the emperor. 22. What must be observed at the baptism of the son of the emperor. 23. What must be observed at the tonsure of the son of the emperor. 24. On the promotion of a cubicularia. 25. On the promotion of a cubicularius. 26. Concerning those things which happened at various times regarding the ancient custom performed in the Great Church. 27. How Heraclius was raised by his own father from the dignity of Caesar to the schema of the empire, and how David, his brother, became Caesar. 28. Concerning the procession in the Great Church. 29. How on the day of the hippodrome Heraclius received the senators, the patriarch also being present. 30. Concerning the funeral of a patriarch. 31. With what rites the emperor must offer gifts in the Great Church. 32. How, when a feast day is present, both factions ask for the deximum, or to be admitted to the Lord. 33. Concerning the promotion of dignities on the day of the request of the empire and coronation and birthday and crowning. 34. Concerning the promotion of dignities on the day of the request of a birthday and other such things. 35. Concerning the saximus. 36. Concerning the introduction of an ex-prefect on the day of the hippodrome, having been proposed in the deximum of the same hippodrome. 37. Concerning certain ones who had rebelled and were again enslaved, how they were received by the emperor. COMMENTARY. a series of the emperors of Constantinople was held formerly. A triumph is the pompous bringing forth into public and the leading of anything whatsoever. Therefore a triumph of victory is a processional display of spoils taken from conquered enemies.

16. Observanda, when the magistrates of the four tagmata 17. On the inauguration of Romanus Porphyrogenitus. Others 17. The proclamation of Romanus Porphyrogenitus 18. Observanda in the celebration of the brumalia both 19. Observanda when a triumph over conquered enemies 20. Observanda in the celebration of a triumph in the circus. 21. Observanda, when a son is born to the emperor. 22. Observanda at the baptism of the son of the emperor. 23. Observanda at the tonsure of the hair of the son of the emperor. 24. On the promotion of a cubicularia. 26. On those things which happened at different times, regarding 27. How Heraclius was raised by his father from the dignity of Caesar 28. On the procession into the Great Church. 29. How on a certain day of the chariot game Heraclius received 30. On the burial of a patriarch. 31. With what rites the emperor must offer gifts to the Great 32. How, a feast day being present, both factions 35. On the saximus or pyrrhicha. 36. On the introduction of an ex-prefect on the day of the chariot game 37. How rebels were received by the emperor (55) The end of this chapter, the whole following chapter and (56) This expression is good and is elegant. For

969 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

38. Concerning the ordination of Theophylact, the most holy patriarch. 39. Concerning the patriarch, that in ancient times he had his own praepositus. 40. Concerning the manner in which the Emperor, the magistri, the proconsuls, and the patricians put on the loroi on the holy and great Sunday of Pascha. 40. The vessels and other items lying in the temple of the most holy Theotokos of the Pharos, and those in the church of Saint Stephen in the Daphne. 41. Concerning the various types of changes of clothing. 42. A brief memorandum (57) of the emperors who reigned in this great and most fortunate Constantinople, from the great and most pious and holy Constantine. 43. Concerning the tombs (58) of the emperors which are in the temple of the Holy Apostles in the heroon of the holy and great Constantine; the heroon of the great Justinian. Acclamation by the armies, when victories and triumphs are celebrated. (It should be known that the same acclamation is also sung by the rest of the army when some largesse or a maioumas is provided to them by the Emperor.) The acclamation sung by the Sardi to the emperors. 44. The arming, the departure, and the number of the fleet and of the people sent against God-cursed Crete with the patrician Himerios and the logothete of the drome, under Leo, the Christ-loving lord. 45. The expedition and departure undertaken against the same God-cursed Crete under Constantine and Romanos the Porphyrogennetoi, in the 7th indiction. 46. By what titles the Emperor ought to honor the magnates and the first men of the nations. 47. The greetings of the envoys coming from various nations to the Emperor. 48. The acts of the inscriptions made to the foreign nations. 49. The amounts set forth to be given by those who are to be honored (59) in dignities and offices. As they existed under Leo, the Christ-loving lord. 50. The rogae of the strategoi and cleisurarchs according to the standard, as they were paid under Leo, the Christ-loving lord.

970 [Latin translation of the above Greek text, provided in the original source]: 38. Concerning the election of Theophylact, the most holy patriarch. 39. That the patriarch anciently had his own praepositus. 40. How and why on the holy and great Sunday of Pascha the Emperor, the magistri, the proconsuls, and the patricians put on the loroi. 40. Concerning the vessels and relics in the temple of the most holy Deipara [Theotokos]. Item, concerning those which lie in the church of S. Stephen of the Daphne. 41. Concerning the various kinds of changes of clothing. 42. A list of the emperors who held court in this great and most fortunate Constantinople from the great, most pious, and holy Constantine. 43. Concerning the sepulchers of the emperors which are in the temple of the SS. Apostles. The heroon of the holy and great Constantine, the heroon of the great Justinian. Joyful and honorable acclamations and blessings of the armies in triumphs celebrated for enemies defeated. (It must be held that the same formulas are also sung by the whole army when the emperor grants them a distribution of a small gift or a maioumas.) The auspicious acclamation of the Sardi toward the emperors. 44. Concerning the arming, the expenses made for it, and the number of the fleet and people sent against Crete, which God may destroy, under the leader of the fleet, the patrician Himerios and the logothete of the drome, under Leo, the Christ-loving lord. 45. Concerning the expedition against the same cursed [Crete] instituted under Constantine and Romanos the Porphyrogennetoi, in the 6th indiction. 46. By what appellations the Emperor ought to honor the magnates and the primates of other nations. 47. Formulas by which envoys arriving from various nations salute the Emperor. 48. Formulas of titles to be inscribed in sacred letters to the princes of the nations. 49. Exposition of the tax or statutory tributes which ought to be paid to those promoted to axioms or dignities, and to offices or palatine functions, such as it was in the time of Leo, the Christ-loving lord. 50. Exposition of the rogae or stipends which were given according to the formula to the strategoi and cleisurarchs in the time of the same Leo.

[Notes by Joannes Jacobus Reiske]: (57) This whole chapter is missing. Which arouses the suspicion that it was removed by someone not unlearned, who wished to conceal the true age of his parchments. For it would have been evident from the index that not the grandfather Constantine, son of Leo, but the grandson, son of Romanos, had composed this work. (58) I have presented this title as I found it. Majus preferred to give another one extracted from the very middle of the work in Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca, book VI, p. 618, whose edition of these titles I would wish to be compared with ours. (59) I have given "promoti" [promoted]. More strictly to the letter it is "movendi" [to be moved].

971 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS. On the inspection of the granaries of the strategium. Of the guests, and the order according to which each dignity is summoned and holds rank before another; collected from ancient cletorologia or books explaining the ceremonial banquets and the order of nomenclature in the time of Leo, the Christ-loving Lord. At the same time, it also treats of the custom or tribute of every major dignity and of the patricians, who belong to the second class of guests. [Of the distribution] on the brumalia and annual days, on which the memory of the inauguration and coronation is celebrated. Of the patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops. [Of the distribution] of the patricians; likewise of the customs which the praepositi receive from the tagmata of the hippodrome, or the militia of the circus. Through ninety-four facts. On the nature of animals. The elevation of the heart upward to God. On customs in human life that are pleasing and decorous. In fifty discourses.

972 51. Things that must be observed when the emperor proceeds in a chariot to view the granaries of the strategium. 52. An accurate account of the constitution of the imperial banquets, and the invitation and rank of each of the dignities, compiled from ancient cletorologia in the time of Leo, the Christ-loving Lord. In which also [it treats] of the custom of every dignity and of the patricians placed in the second class of guests. 53. On the distributions of the pious gifts of the emperor, both at the brumalia and at the coronations and imperial accessions. 54. Of Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, an exposition of the precedence of patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops. 55. On the distribution of the combia [garments/gifts] of the customs of the patricians; on the customs of the praepositi, which they receive in the tagmata of the hippodrome. 56. The Life of Alexander of Macedon, containing ninety-four historical facts. 57. The Physiologus, the wondrous nature of each animal, and the elevation to God, and fifty discourses on those who are pleasing in life.

JOAN. JAG. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. [The text] has perished entirely, and it seems to have constituted a volume of this miscellaneous codex. The expression *kath’ historian phakta* means the same as *phakta tes historias*, i.e., *facta*, which is to say narrations, history, things consistent with history, taken from history, therefore true, not fictitious or romantic, to which reference is made, and of which there is a great number among the Greeks, Arabs, and Europeans. Although, to tell the truth, the greatest part of the history of Alexander the Great is circulated as true, such as that Arrianic one, it has always been held by me as a charming fable of the Greeks, who were born to exaggerate all their own affairs. Let anyone read Arrian with even a little attention, and he will immediately detect a romancer, who has no regard for chronology, no regard for geography, no regard for the order by which nature is accustomed to conduct human affairs. The modern Greeks call narrations *phakta*. See Salmasius, *Script. H. A.*, vol. II, p. 85. *The wondrous nature of each animal*. "Physiologus" is otherwise the title of the book; here it is the designation of the unknown author himself. And hence weight is added to the opinion of those who attribute it not to Epiphanius, but to some anonymous author, and perhaps one older than Epiphanius. Nevertheless, this Physiologus has been published in the works of Epiphanius. See Fabricius, *Bibl. Graec.*, vol. VII, p. 427.

51. Things to be observed when the emperor proceeds in a chariot. 52. Accurate exposition of the constitution of the sacred banquets. 53. On the method of the emperor’s pious largesses during the brumalia. 54. Of Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, an exposition of the precedence of patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops. 55. On the distribution of the combia, which [are given] according to custom. 56. The Life of Alexander of Macedon, narrated historically. 57. The treatise of the Physiologus on the wondrous nature of each animal.

(60) Fabricius, *loc. cit.*, presents this title differently. (61) This chapter, or rather this book, together with the following one... (62) Understand *pragmaton*: of the things of each one.

OF EMPEROR CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

BOOK TWO OF THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT.

PROLOGUE.

The discourse concerning the imperial and senatorial order, since it is manifold and not easily grasped by the many—as things and orders are entirely subject to change and transformation according to the vicissitudes of time—has been treated in the following manner: Whatever parts of it had been committed to writing by some, though not with care or discernment, but rather poured out in a crude and scattered fashion, and which were already fading and growing old with the passage of time, and were on the verge of vanishing into non-existence, have been painstakingly gathered by our efforts and, in the preceding book, have been contained and arranged in a certain sequence and considered order.

As for the contents of the present book, they were never committed to writing by anyone, whether through the negligence of the ancients or perhaps because they were not suited for such matters. However, they have been preserved in memory and transmitted by the elders to the younger generation, and having escaped envy, they have managed to reach our own time. We therefore deemed it unjust to overlook such a great world of orders left in disarray, and, as far as it lay within our power, to allow the vital parts of the imperial glory to be mutilated. For just as in a body, if the head is in a bad state, he who does not apply all remedies against the whole is responsible for bringing about the danger, so I believe that he who does not apply remedies and restoration to the greater and superior part of this common body of our state, which is in a bad state, and who does not gather and consolidate those things suffering from disorder, will be held to have neglected both the people in common and the state, and to have destroyed the whole at once. For these reasons, we have risen to this present collection, which was not labored over by any others of the tactical method, [to preserve] the empire.

JOAN. JAG. REISKE

There are also included in the volume things which the author did not provide from his own hand, but excerpted from ancient codices of the Palatine Library, such as the Notitia of the bishoprics by Epiphanius, the Cletorologium of Philotheus the Articlinus, and likewise chapters 27, 28, 29, 37, 44, 49, 50, 51, and perhaps certain others.

PROOEMIUM.

Since the treatise on the imperial and senatorial order is manifold and multifarious, and not easily understood by the common people (since, just as other things take on different forms from time to time, so too the orders of human dignities suffer their own changes and migrate from their own boundaries), we have endeavored, first of all, to hand down and include in the book that precedes this one, in a certain sequence and wisely and considerately digested coordination, all those things which our study was able to gather and extract from the monuments of the ancients committed to writing regarding this subject. For it was not entirely abandoned by the ancients; yet it was treated in such a way that, since they had used neither care, nor selection, nor judgment, and had not acted seriously, but had rather poured out and scattered things as they happened, what they handed down began to grow obsolete and to wither with the aging of time, and threatened to fall almost entirely out of the circle of human use and affairs. But the things which the book we are now beginning contains were never committed to letters by anyone, whether this happened through the carelessness of the ancients, or because they were by nature less suited for commenting on such things; yet memory preserved them and propagated them from the elders to the younger, and, having escaped envy and adverse circumstances, they were transmitted to our own times. We therefore judged it unjust and unworthy of our person to permit such a great and beautiful world and order of subordination and political constitutions to lie further in disorder, and to allow (what we could have prevented, had we not been given to sloth) the members, as it were the capital parts of the imperial glory, to be mangled and to fall away one after another, bringing death and ruin to the empire if they were wounded. For just as, if...

COMMENTARY.

For whatever of antiquity has perished, fortune in human affairs envies us and removes from our eyes.

(63) These things are not to be taken too strictly to the letter.

(64) That is, *ton phthinon*, so to speak, the decay.

(65) We have girded ourselves, risen up, set about.

975 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 976

...providing the senatorial body and all subjects with a life and conduct marked by good order, through which they become more dignified and decorous, and thus beloved by emperors, respected by one another, and admirable and renowned to every nation. For if anyone does not bring every possible remedy to a head that is suffering, he casts the whole body into danger of destruction; so too, whoever neglects this body of our common civil government in such a way that he does not apply to its more eminent and capital part, when it is ailing, all those things that have the power to heal the defect and preserve its integrity, and does not gather and bind together the things that threaten to fall away and hang loose due to a disturbed order: that person, in my judgment, destroys the people. We, therefore, have applied ourselves to this part of that discipline—hitherto attempted by no one—which treats of the turns and duties of civil orders, by that method intending to add so much more majesty and terror to the empire; and to the senatorial assembly and the entire multitude subject to it, we intend to provide the means for passing their life and mutual intercourse in decorous order and tranquility, so that, rendered more respectable and honorable, they may deserve the love of their princes and the veneration of their fellow citizens and peers, and be in the mouths and admiration of foreigners.

299 CHAPTER ONE. Things to be observed when the palace opens daily, and the procession into the palace on ordinary days or daily begins.

After the dismissal of the orthros or morning office, the hetaireiarch descends with the officers of the hetaireia and the hebdomadaries of the hetaireia, and likewise the papias with the hebdomadary diaetarioi and their primicerius, and they open the ivory gate; and the parhebdomadaries of the hetaireia enter, and ascend by the spiral staircase, and descend by the spiral staircase which leads to the ganote gate [or the gate encrusted with polished marble slabs], through which there is access to the Lausiakos. And through this gate they enter into the Lausiakos. The hetaireiarch and the papias then change their skaramangia, and with the diaetarioi they pass through the Chrysotriklinos and the Horologion, and they open the gate that leads from the Horologion into the Lausiakos. Then, in this manner, with the maglabitai and the parhebdomadaries of the hetaireia, they open the Justinian Triclinium and the scyla and the gate that opens into the hippodrome, and those of the middle hetaireia are permitted to sit in the scyla. The hetaireiarch, however, and the papias and those who belong to the great hetaireia, together with the diaetarioi, return; and the hetaireiarch, coming back, sits in the Lausiakos before the bronze gate that leads to the kitchen. The papias enters the Chrysotriklinos and places the keys on the bench that stands inside the veil of the arch facing west on the left. Two diaetarioi and one maglabita go off from there and open the secretarial offices and the gate that leads to the eidikon. The hebdomadaries of the koiton take the emperor’s skaramangion from the vestiarion and, carrying it away, place it on the bench that stands outside the silver gates of the koiton, that is, those leading into the Chrysotriklinos. And when the first hour is completed, the primicerius of the diaetarioi comes, and with the key of the bolt...

[VARIOUS READINGS] * SCHOL. It should be known that the hebdomadaries of the great hetaireia are permitted to sit at the bapheion (66).

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKIUS] (63) That is, the bapheion. I think it was the place where the imperial tailors had their workshop, where garments were repaired and donated.

977 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. the primikerios of the dietaria, holding the bolt of the Romanision (67), strikes three times upon that silver door, and immediately, at the command of the emperor, the chamberlains bring in the skaramangion, and the emperor puts this on, and going out, he enters into the Chrysotriklinos, and stands in the eastern apse, in which the image of our Lord and God, representing God in human form, is depicted (68), and having rendered the customary prayers to God and performed a metanoia (69), he shows his servile reverence toward God, and then he sits upon the golden stool standing there, and says to the papias—the papias himself and the deuteros obviously standing at the veil to the right toward the west, near the sliding veil—"The logothete." And immediately the papias, going out into the Lausiakos, where the maglabitai stand, tells the admissionnalios to go and bring in the logothete. He, going to the secretarial offices, brings in the logothete, walking before him. The papias, rising from the bench of the maglabitai, takes the logothete, walking before him, and brings him into the Chrysotriklinos. And indeed the

978 or that which is apt to release and remove the obstacle, strikes three times upon that silver door. Having heard this, the chamberlains immediately, by the emperor's order, bring in his skaramangion. Clad in this, the emperor goes out into the chrysotriklinos, and stands erect in the eastern apse, in which the image of our Lord and God, exhibiting God under human form, is seen depicted, and he performs the customary prayers to God, and performs a metanoia [that is, as if penitent, he bows his head and body], showing himself a servant to God and the worship due to Him. These things having been performed, he finally sits on the golden stool which stands there, and with his speech turned to the papias, who stands together with the deuteros or secundanus in the west of the triclinium by the right veil [or right railings] near the sliding veil, he commands him to summon the logothete. Immediately the papias goes out into the Lausiakos, where the maglabitai stand, and commands the admissionnalios to seek and bring the logothete. He, going away into the secretarial offices, brings the logothete, walking before him, up to that place in which the papias was waiting. There indeed the papias, rising from the bench of the maglabitai, takes the logothete with him, and he himself

VARIOUS READINGS. SCHOL. It should be known that in the apse in which the imperial throne is established, on the right toward the east stands a golden stool, in which the emperor sits; if it happens that there are other emperors, their stools stand below the apse. It should be known that on the left part of the same throne stands another stool covered with purple. It should be known that in the same apse, in the right part of the semicircle toward the east, stand all-golden stools and others covered with purple.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKE. (67) It is the romanisium, that is, the bolt by which the doors are fastened, as interpreted by Du Cange under this word. The word is of Arabic origin: romman is the pomegranate for the Arabs. Hence they called the bolt having a globe or bulb or body at one end similar to a pomegranate a romanisium; and hence the Roman balance, not because it was invented or used solely by the Romans, but because one end of the rod was shaped like a pomegranate. If it is permitted to conclude anything correctly from this word, locks and keys made according to the ancient custom were in use in the Middle Ages. For formerly the bolts were passed through the doorpost in such a way that the knots or bulbs of the bolts protruded beyond it, which, if they were to be removed, had to be not only pulled back, but also first lifted on high. The subject of ancient locks is very obscure, and cannot be described in words unless it is demonstrated in person.

(68) Is depicted. The modern Greeks use stēlē not only for a statue, but for any painted image. See Du Cange Gloss. Gr. s.v., where he also cites stēlographēma from Constantine Manasses. Nicetas, in the life of Alexius, book 11, has stēloūn for to paint: "in the narthex, where the first and greatest of the archangels standing by God, Michael, is depicted [estēlōtai] drawing a sword, with fine applications of mosaics," that is, painted in mosaic work. The same, p. 210, has stēlē for an image struck on metal or coin: "he struck a silver coin, having engraved his own image [stēlēn] upon it."

(69) The modern Greeks say "to perform a metanoia," to put on penitence, for bowing the head and body often as if penitent. Since penitents, showing penitence to the priest by both words and gestures, bowed their heads and bent their knees, therefore this act itself was called penitence. Liturgy of Chrysostom: "The priest says: Approach, deacon. And the deacon approaching performs a metanoia devoutly for the forgiveness of sins." See Goar on Codinus, p. 97, where he translates "bállontes metanoías treís" as "having made three reverences," and especially Du Cange Gl. s.v. for both.

(D) In Continuator of Theophanes, p. 273, there exists "to perform a metanoia to someone," to humbly supplicate someone on bended knee. In a similar way, later Latins said "penitence" for the inclination of the body. Cassian, Institutes of the Coenobia III.7: "He waits standing before the doors for the dismissal of the congregation until, all having gone out, by a prostration [penitence] on the ground he may obtain pardon for his negligence or tardiness." Peter Damian retained the word itself, Epist. vi. 27: "Man is a breastplate clothed to the flesh, it surrounds the limbs divided by iron circles, he sends metaneas with labor [that is, he bends his knees with difficulty], he strikes his palms on the pavement often." To send metaneas is our own "to perform a metanoia."

(70) It does not occur to me now where I might have read that the throne of the CPtan emperors was double, one on the right empty and dedicated to Christ, from whom the emperors professed to have their kingdom and whom they called King of kings and eternal King, in respect to themselves as temporary kings and vicars; another on the left, in which they themselves would sit. This passage favors them in a certain way, and especially the one following next, which says that the emperor was accustomed on Sundays to leave the right throne empty, as if for Christ, out of reverence for the day sacred to Christ. And I understand the passage of ours below, p. 311, in this way. In a similar way, also, when foreign legates were present, for the sake of showing devotion toward the author of their religion, in councils there stood at the top an empty throne with the codex of the Gospels placed and publicly exposed, as if Christ the supreme teacher were presiding, and on the left sometimes a lower throne of the emperor, as can be seen in the image in Banduri, from which Fabricius repeated it before Volume XI of the Bibliotheca Graeca. Notable is our passage below, p. 339, where it is said that the younger Emperor Romanus sat on the throne called Arcadius's, but to its left stood the throne of Constantine empty. However, images nowhere show this empty imperial throne.

...also preceding him, and leads him into the Chrysotriclinium. Having entered, the logothete falls to the ground within the veil, and does obeisance to the lord, and immediately rising, approaches him. It is to be noted that when the logothete exits and enters again, he does not do obeisance to the lord again, as he had done when entering the first time. Likewise, if the emperor wishes to see any archon or palace dignitary or senator, he enters, and in the customary manner falls to the ground and does obeisance, and exits again. But if he is summoned to enter again, he does not repeat the obeisance. On all other days, when there is no urgent or pressing necessity to attend to and dispatch public business, the *missae* are given at the end of the third hour. When the hour or time arrives at which the *missae* are to be given, the emperor says to the papias: "Go, perform the *missae*." The papias, therefore, immediately taking the keys from the bench, goes out and shakes them, and thus makes a noise, from which everyone knows that the papias has gone out from the Chrysotriclinium to perform the *missae*. On common or ordinary days, the emperor sits on the right side of the throne, which faces east, in the golden chair that stands there, dressed in a scaramangion without the gold-bordered sagion. But on Sundays, he sits on the left side of the throne in the chair that stands there, covered with purple, dressed, in addition to other things, in the sagion bordered with gold. And at that time, not the logothete enters first, but before him the ministers who belong to the Chrysotriclinium, introduced by the papias, who places them within the sliding veil hanging in the western part of the triclinium. On the same left side of the throne, the emperor also sits if he wishes to admit certain foreigners to himself, dressed in the sagion bordered with gold, with the envoys entering before him and the ministers of the Chrysotriclinium standing in the same manner and in the same place as has been said. On Sundays, the magistroi, patricians, and officials come in red sagia to the procession [that is, into the hall for their respective offices and business]; but on ordinary days, in scaramangia. But if the lord wishes to see the magistroi and patricians even on ordinary days, they enter to him in red sagia. The officials, however, enter [to the lord] on Sundays in their red sagia, but on ordinary days in scaramangia. If the emperor wishes to receive certain foreigners in the Chrysotriclinium, but does not wish to place the diadem on his head, he puts on the crown which is called the *kaisarikion*, and the sagion entirely woven of gold and bordered with pearls at the edges or hems. In the same manner, the emperor admits Saracen magnates, to whom he grants a private audience. In the same rite and order as in the morning, the palace is also opened in the evening, and one proceeds into it; except that in the morning the nobles [come] in scaramangia, but in the evening...

COMMENTARY By Johann Jacob Reiske and Du Cange, Latin Glossary, under this word, where he does not overlook the passage capital to the present matter in Luitprand, p. 465, History VI, ch. 9: "It is the custom for this palace (the Great Palace) to be open to all after the morning dawn, but after the third hour of the day, having dismissed everyone, with a signal given, which is *Missae*, to prohibit access to all until the ninth hour." This was transferred from the ancient custom of consuls dismissing the senate with this formula: "We do not detain you, conscript fathers." See Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. I, p. 330.

(71) *Missae*. See Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 318.

981 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 982

...arrive in under-tunics and colobia (72). It should be known that a magister, or a patrician, or a strategos, whether he is away on a journey or on imperial service, or even if he is occupied with his own private affairs, when he comes to be received again (73) by the masters, does not enter wearing a sagion, but only in a skaramangion.

CHAPTER II. Things that must be observed in the procession that takes place every Sunday.

The master of ceremonies reminds the praepositus if the emperor commands a procession to be held. The praepositus says this to the one who is "paradynasteuon" (74) for the day. He reminds the emperor, and if the emperor commands the procession to be held, the praepositus goes out and gives orders to the master of ceremonies regarding this. And after dismissing the...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...to be restored in Latin. Du Cange in his Greek Glossary deals with *aposynopsizein* and *aposynopsizesthai*. I will only remark here that this word is not as unusual or new as it might seem. Indeed, *apopsis*, the sight of a friend, a meeting with a friend after some absence, a revisiting (for *apo* in this compound means the same as *re*), is found in the Anthology, p. 53, no. 273: "But we neither step upon the shore, nor are we in *apopsis* (sight/meeting), as we always were, Sosylus, even before." He wishes to say: we do not meet as we once did. Now, they were accustomed to meet especially in the Piraeus and on the shores of maritime cities to inquire about and hear of new things, as is evident from Plautus alone. In the same Anthology, p. 471, around *anem* there is *apoptesthai*, to see again: "or again we shall see the tender Scylla." *Palin apopsometha* is exactly the same as if he had said *palin au opsometha*. For *ou* hardly differs in pronunciation from *ap'* (whence *apo* is derived). Thus *aposynagesthai* on p. 14, to gather again.

Regarding *paradynasteuon*, especially because of the addition of "for the day." For it is gathered sufficiently from the places of authors, quite numerous, in which mention is made of *tou paradynasteuontos*, that there were several *paradynasteuontes* at the same time in the court, that is, friends of the prince possessing the greatest favor and authority with him, and that it was not a peculiar dignity conferred by special ceremonies, but that those who enjoyed the good fortune of pleasing the prince, whatever high dignities or offices they held, were called by this name by the common people and historians. But since there was no dignity of *paradynasteuontes*, it is nevertheless strange that it is said "the *paradynasteuon* for the day," the one most powerful with the master on that day, as if the master were accustomed to divide his favor by turns of days and to conduct it in a circle, circumscribed by certain periods. For whether he favors one especially, he will always love him and have him by his side, or if several, he will have them as his companions at the same time. But perhaps the expression "for the day" is not to be taken so strictly, and it means nothing other than that usage common to the ancient Greeks, *aei*, "the *aei* (always) *paradynasteuon*," the one who, in any dynasty, with any emperor, one after another, will be most powerful in favor.

Translators fluctuate in rendering this word into Latin, and the Greeks themselves call this same *paradynasteuonta* by various names, sometimes *mystikon*, sometimes *sympraktora kai philon tou basileos* (confidant, and co-operator and friend of the emperor), as...

...or strategos, who has permission to act outside the master's sight, whether because he goes to the camp, or because he is sent away to carry out some other imperial command, or even for his own private needs: he, when he has returned and greets the Masters again, never wears a sagion, but only a skaramangion.

CHAPTER II. Things to be observed in the procession or assembly of the magnates in the palace, which takes place every Sunday.

The master of ceremonies reminds the praepositus by asking whether the emperor wishes a procession to be held. The praepositus, however, refers the matter to the *paradynasteuonta* [or the one next to the master and partner in the care of affairs], who is performing the ministry on that day. He admonishes and asks the emperor. And upon his command, the procession is to be held...

[COMMENTARY]

Malalas, Vol. II, p. 54. Perhaps the title *patrobasileos* also pertains here. Those whom others call *doryphoroi* (guards), Joannes Phocas in his description of the Holy Land, ch. 22, calls *paradynasteuontas*, because, indeed, both the protector or shield-bearer and the *paradynasteuon* are perpetually around the prince: "Very near there is that well, from which our forefather desired to drink, from which water the men who were *paradynasteuontes* to him, two men, having cut through the camps of the foreigners, drew with a bucket." Nicephorus Gregoras describes Muzalon the logothete thus: "Muzalon was at that time *paradynasteuon* to the emperor and mediating in imperial and public affairs, and enjoying the greatest respect from the emperor." We have here a *paradynasteuon* and a logothete. In Leo Grammaticus, p. 502, there is someone "being promoted, *protovestiarios* and *paradynasteuon*," where it is translated as "administrator of the empire." In the writers after Theophanes, p. 273, there is someone "*parakoimomenos* and *paradynasteuon* of the Senate," where Combefis translates: "president of the Senate, holding the first place after the emperor." Whence you might almost conclude that the *paradynasteuonta* or the *proedron* of the Senate, the prince of the Senate, were the same. Was the principate of the Senate, therefore, not tied to any one dignity, but whoever possessed the greatest favor of the prince, those, whatever other dignity or office they held, were the princes of the Senate? In the same place, p. 293, are joined "the *paradynasteuontes* and the first of the Senate." Goar on Codinus, p. 24, translates it as "partner of the empire." The illustrious Ritter in his dissertation on the praetorian prefect, p. 15, considers the *paradynasteuontas* to be the same as the friends of the prince in Spartianus, following the duke Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 138. In Theophanes, p. 84, it is translated as "the *paradynasteuon* in the palaces," exercising supreme power in the palace. The same man is called a little later "the one holding the palace and the emperor," p. 402, where it is translated as "administering all things," and p. 65, "of those *paradynasteuonton* to him," from those in whose power the supreme authority lay. Hence it appears not badly preserved is the diction of Nicetas, p. 423, Venetian ed., "*paradynasteia* of the Augusta," the favor of the Augusta, as if he had said "the power with the Augusta." The words are: "The protosebastos Alexios drew the administration of all things to himself, puffing himself up with his own power and abusing the *paradynasteia* of the Augusta." Elegantly the same Nicetas, p. 131: "Let the emperor rule, not like wheat choked by tares, by those who are *paradynasteuontes*." Cf. the same, p. 186.

(72) In under-tunics and colobia. I would wish it thus in... (73) To see again. He dealt with the words *synopsein* and... (74) This passage is difficult here both because of the word itself... 1. Zosimus 1, 40. He calls Claudius "after the emperor"...

983 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 984 to be celebrated, the praepositus goes out and gives orders to this effect to the ceremonial officer; and when the divine office in the Lausiacus is finished, all those protospatharii whom the artoclinius [or nomenclator convivalis]—whose turn it is on that day to invite to the sacred banquets—has summoned by name, enter and take their seats in the same Lausiacus. The others, however, who were not invited, take their seats in the triclinium of Justinian. Then some silentiarius goes out into the triclinium of Justinian and cries out in a clear voice: "Celousate" [that is, "may it please you to rise"]. Then all the basilici or Caesariani leave the palace and depart, each to his own residence. The magistri, praepositi, and officials take their seats in the scyla together with the drungarius of the watch. The acoluthus, meanwhile, standing at that door of the Justinian triclinium from which the tagenarium veil [so called from the atlagenes woven into it] hangs, looks around to see whether the ceremonial officer and the silentiarii have gathered to form a consistorium within the said veil. The ceremonial officer, together with the ostiarius, wearing the camisium and paragaudium [having entered the Justinian triclinium], both salute the praepositus with bended knee. And the ostiarius, after he has passed through the tagenarium veil, stands inside, inclining his head toward the drungarius of the watch. The ceremonial officer and...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE (Gallienus) the one who manages all affairs. The same is he who is "the one in charge of the greatest matter" in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. VII, 13, the prefect of the supreme matter. Cf. Zosimus 369 and Petavius on Julian’s Misopogon, p. 365, Spanheim edition. In the Middle Ages, among the Latins, such men were called "deliciosi," whom Muratori (Ant. Ital. vol. I, p. 130) rightly, it seems, considers to have been none other than those who are now called by the Italians "confidenti" or "favoriti"; likewise "praecordiales," as Emperor Conrad III in his letter to Alexius Comnenus (in Otto of Freising I, 24) calls his legate, the Bishop of Würzburg; Frederick I (in Du Cange, s.v. Exarchus) calls Heraclius, Archbishop of Lyons, the exarch of the Burgundian kingdom and the supreme prince of his council, and the chief in all his doings and affairs. They were also called "auriculares." See Alteserra on Anastasius, p. 115. [The nobles of the Thracians, enjoying some authority over the common people, though less than the king's authority, Thucydides II, 97, p. 162, calls "paradynasteuontes kai gennaious ton Odyrson," because they reigned "para ton Basilea," beside the king and at his side, and in his stead. From the addenda.] ...certainly not the New Savior, nor the Theotokos of the Pharos, both of which are palace churches. I would believe indeed that there were, as in all tribunals, so also in the Lausiacus, chapels or private oratories, in which daily, before the dispatch of business was undertaken, the worship of God was performed. Nevertheless, on Sundays, the nobles were required to gather in one or the other palace church, unless the emperor was heading to some urban church in a public solemn procession, in which the nobles accompanied him. See pp. 317 and 323, where the oratory of St. Basil in the Lausiacus is mentioned, which perhaps is designated here. ...for it was customary for various figures of men, wild beasts, birds, regions, and other things to be woven into curtains, and to be named from the things woven. Thus they called "paonates" the cloths woven with peacocks, "aetous" with eagles, "boous" with oxen, "leukoleontas" with lions on a white background, and so on. Our Ceremonial abounds in such examples.

COMMENTARY On garments with woven figures of animals. See Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 26, and Salmasius on Hist. Aug. vol. II, p. 300, where he says such garments, painted with animals as well as other things, were called "zoota" and "sigillata," as if decorated with seals, that is, images, and came from the East. The matter of the painted Persian curtains is well known. Euripides already mentions peploi with woven figures in Ion, v. 1446 seqq. They also called them "historiata," that is, distinguished by histories or images. Peter, King of Aragon, in Chronicle III, 16 (in Du Cange, s.v. Dalmatica): "una Dalmalica de drap vermell historiat ab obres de aur et ab fullatges," that is, a dalmatic of crimson cloth, painted with gold needlework and fur or pelt. The same Du Cange has "vela columbina" s.v. Amphibalus. See the remarks on p. 271 regarding garments with woven flies and other images. Du Cange has a "capella," that is, a small cape, white, worked in embroidery with golden parrots or "papagones," s.v. Papagen. ... See Du Cange s.v. Equavizio and Tropavixiy and the remarks above on p. 76; "magister" was already explained above. Among their own weapons was the battle-axe, which, according to the custom of their people, they carried lying on their right shoulder. Nicetas in Alexius I, 11, describes the Varangians thus: "the guard of the Germans who carry single-edged axes on their shoulders." You may conclude from this passage that their axes were not double-headed, but cutting on one side only, simple, not double. And you are confirmed in that opinion by the sight of that plate in the Ferriol collection (no. 35), which shows a Serdingest with a single-edged axe. That type of soldiery...

(75) But what church was in the Lausiacus? Not... (76) See above note 82, col. 133. (77) "Vela tagenaria" are those into which "attagenes" are woven... (78) What the "maglabium" was, see note on p. 62. (79) That the Acoluthus was of the Franks or Varangians...

985 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

signifying to the acolyte to enter. Then the acolyte enters, carrying his spatha, and holding in his right hand the maglabion, or club, and the axe placed upon his right shoulder. But when he arrives in the great triclinium of Justinian, he makes obeisance as often as he treads upon each of the great omphalia, or navels [that is, the marble circles on the floor], to the master of ceremonies and the silentiaries, and he stands in the upper part, looking toward the west, that is, toward the Scyla; and immediately the acolyte receives a signal by a nod, and pronounces to the magistri: "Celeusate," [that is, "You, magistri and patricians, are requested to come hither." Having heard this, the magistri and patricians enter], making obeisance to the drungarius, the master of ceremonies, and the silentiaries, and they sit down on their benches. Again, the acolyte then receives a command by a nod from the master of ceremonies, and shouts: "Celeusate, secretici." Then the chartularii of the general or fiscal accounts, and the chartularii of the military affairs, and the antigrapheis, or masters of the bureaus, enter, dressed in red cloaks, making obeisance also below in the tympaneum [that is, in the station of the drums in the triclinium] of Justinian, and they too sit down on the benches. Again, the acolyte then receives an indication from the master of ceremonies, and calls the four topoteretae of the tagmata [or cohorts], the chartularii, the counts of the schools, the scribones

COMMENTARY.

[Greek text omitted] ...on his right shoulder. And when he comes into the great triclinium of Justinian, he makes obeisance to each one of the great omphalia (80), to the master of ceremonies and the silentiaries, and he stands above, looking toward the western part, that is, toward the Scyla, and immediately the acolyte receives a nod and says to the magistri: "Celeusate." The magistri and patricians, making obeisance to the drungarius and the master of ceremonies along with the silentiaries, sit down on the benches. And again the acolyte receives a nod from the master of ceremonies, and says: "Celeusate, secretici." And the chartularii of the general and of the military [departments] and the antigrapheis enter, wearing red cloaks, making obeisance themselves also below in the tympaneum of Justinian, and they too sit down on the benches. And again the acolyte receives a nod from the master of ceremonies, and calls the four topoteretae of the tagmata, the chartularii, the counts of the schools, the scribones and the other great officials, and those of the numeri and the walls. It must be known that, when the four tagmata are not in the city, he calls the topoteretae and chartularii of the numeri and the walls and the officials of the arithmos, and they enter in scaramangia, wearing their own swords, and they stand at the width of the same triclinium, and having their hands bound (81) and in silence

JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

Turkish equestrian. The Turks certainly borrowed many institutions from the Greeks. But *pelekys* is not an axe of one edge, but a double-axe, cutting on this side and that, as is evident from the double-axe of Theocritus. You might think, therefore, that for *heterostomous* one should read *hekatostomous*, that is, *amphotero-stomous*. But you are mistaken in this, too. The later Greeks, confusing everything, said *heterostomon*, *heterokopon*, *heterotykton*, and so on, for "sharp on both sides" and "cutting on both sides." Cf. Codinus, p. 80, n. 30, and Du Cange ad Alex. p. 257, and above at p. 87. Indeed, the axes of the Franks, called by the Franks themselves *Francisca* [Franzische], were double-headed. Hincmar in the Life of St. Remigius: "he took his francisca, which is called [elsewhere, which is] a bipennis." See Du Cange v. Francisca. Procopius describes them in Gothic War II, p. 247, ed. Hoesch.: "each one of them carries a sword and a shield and one axe, of which the iron was thick and sharp on both sides to the highest degree," etc. Nicetas, p. 9, says the equipment of the Varangians was "long shields and *heterostomous* axes." Hence appears the origin of the word *Branca* [that is, *Franca*], which denotes a *spatha* or double-edged sword, so called from the similarity to the Frankish double-axes. See Du Cange v. Branca. Furthermore, it is said here that the acolyte is subordinate to the drungarius of the watch. But on p. 416, it is said that he is subordinate to the drungarius of the arithmos. Whence it follows that either there is an error in one of the two places, or the arithmos and the watch are the same thing.

(80) See above note 36, col. 161. (81) Various compositions of the hands can signify this. For *cheires dedemenai* can be hands thrown back to the spine, *opisthagkedon*, and placed crosswise so that they refer to what is called the cross of St. Andrew, or such a crossing of the hands before the chest, or an interlacing of the fingers of each hand. Regarding which of these Dio Cassius speaks on p. 1127, saying of the envoys of Decebalus: "having laid down their arms, they joined their hands in the manner of captives and supplicated," is not clear. However, it was especially the custom among the ancients, if they wished to testify to another their submission, servitude, or weakness, or to supplicate him, to place their hands crosswise either over the chest or on the back, so that Dio's "joining the hands" in the aforementioned passage seems to be understood in one of these two ways. Yet the addition "in the manner of captives" and the testimony of Peter the Patrician make it easy for us to interpret this passage as hands thrown back to the spine. For it is customary for the hands of captives to be bound behind their backs. This is the passage of Peter, p. 15, Excerpt. Legat. Hoeschel.: "coming to Trajan, they threw down their arms and bound their hands behind." Here it is *dēsantes*, not binding with thongs, but composing them into the form of a crossed cross. The same, p. 20: "and now if he wishes to obtain a lighter punishment, let him bind his hands behind and fall down." But perhaps the custom of supplicating was peculiar to the Dacians; the Parthians and Orientals did otherwise. Certainly, whether Dio Cassius designates this in the other passage, p. 1028: "having placed his knee on the ground [Tiridates] and having crossed his hands, he calls him [Nero] master and makes obeisance," is not clear. It is also doubtful whether Plutarch's "crossing the hands" should be understood as hands thrown back to the spine or crossed before the chest, in that passage on p. 923 of the Lives, where he says that ministers stood around Tigranes, who was sitting and transacting business, "with hands crossed through one another" [I think he would have said "fingers" if he had wished to signify interlaced fingers], "which seemed to be the confession of slavery above all other postures." Since, however, it is certain that the Greek emperors adopted many of the rites from the ancient Persian court, and that the Greek nobles stood before their lord not with hands thrown back to the spine, but crossed before the chest, as will be demonstrated immediately, and that from the Greeks the Lombards first, and then also the Turks, received this custom, which they still use today, it is credible that the ancient Parthian...

the artoclines enters wearing a sword, along with the master of ceremonies and the ostiary, and both go to the praepositus, reminding him to hold the dismissal. The same artoclines, when about to leave, bows to the drungary of the watch, then calls out by name in the cletorium scroll those whom he is required to invite, and immediately the drungary draws his sword, and the papias also goes out shaking the keys in his hand, and the silentiary immediately says, "Give the command," and the procession is dissolved, and each one departs for home.

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

CHAPTER III. Things to be observed when the emperor appoints the domestics of the schools, or the strategoi [or masters of soldiers], or the drungary of the fleet, or the genikos [or rationalis of the public treasury], or the sacellarius, the prefect of the sacellum, or other officials. The lord commands the logothete to introduce the person to be promoted or honored. The logothete therefore, going out [from the chrysotriclinium], introduces him wearing a scaramangion; unless it is a day of change of garments, or one in which splendid robes are worn for the sake of the procession, and the official to be honored is already such. For in that case, he introduces him in his own proper change of garments. Therefore, having passed the sliding veil of the chrysotriclinium, the candidate for the new honor falls to the ground, bowing to the emperor, then rises and follows the logothete, and comes and stands at a short distance from the emperor. And the emperor exhorts him to [act] with the fear of God.

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

[The commentary discusses the custom of standing with hands crossed over the chest, citing historical examples from Persian courts, Byzantine ceremonial, and the coronation of Lombard kings as depicted on a marble tablet in the Basilica of Monza. It notes that this posture, known as *desmocheires*, was a sign of service and submission. It further discusses the technical terminology for the curtains (*bēla*) of the palace, distinguishing between those that were pulled up, those that were slid aside (*syrtē*), and those that were carried by hand.]

989 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 990

by the emperor. The emperor exhorts the one standing before him in this manner, that he should administer and direct the office entrusted to him in the fear of God, in truth, in faith, and in justice; that he should use candor toward his subjects; that he should accept gifts from no one; that he should connive with no one; and [he speaks of] many other things that are appropriate to be said for that time, place, and person being appointed to such great duties. Thus, if a Domestic of the Schools, or a Strategos, or some other magistrate of the military order is to be created, he instructs him in those things which are able to stimulate and kindle a noble heart to manly constancy and courage. The one to be honored responds to that exhortation in a fitting and decorous manner. This being done, the emperor says: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, my God-given empire and supreme majesty creates you Domestic of the Schools, which may God command to be always safe and sound." Immediately the honored one falls to the ground and does obeisance, and kisses the feet of the senior emperor, and then also of the junior; and thus he is led out by the logothete into the horologion, or into the portico of the Chrysotriklinos. There the logothete hands him over to the praepositi, saying: "Our holy emperors, guided by God, have created this man Domestic of the Schools." To this, the praepositi offer many auspicious prayers for the masters, as is the custom, and they take the honored one and lead him into the Lausiakos, and the protopraepositus says to all: "Our holy emperors, guided by God, have created this man Domestic of the Schools." And all acclaim the long-life [polychronion]. It should be known that for the promotion of strategoi and of secretarii and others, the same order and sequence is observed, except that for the Domestic of the Schools and the Drungary of the Fleet, the emperor says: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit." But for strategoi and secretarii and others, he says: "In the name of the Lord." Then thus he is taken by the official of the establishment, and he leads him into the Hippodrome, saying: "Our holy emperors, etc." And these things are for the domestics and strategoi; but for the secretarii the same order is observed, except that from the Hippodrome the one who has been promoted is taken by the official of the establishment, and he carries him off...

[VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKE.]

(83) Instigating, exhorting, sharpening. The verb *epaleiphein* in this sense, taken from wrestling, in which those about to wrestle are anointed (*aleiphontai*) for the contest, transferred to any other exhortation whatsoever, is very frequent in new and old writers alike. Appositely Cedrenus, to the origin, p. 678: *aleiphein pros tous agonas*, to incite to courage. Scriptores post Theophanem, p. 93: *aleiptes kai didaskalos kakon*, instigator and teacher of evils. Martyrologium Basilianum, vol. 1, p. 208: *therapeuon kai epaleiphon pros to martyrion*, urging to bravely undergo martyrdom. Anna Comnena, Alexiad, p. 214: "Sending for the soldiers throughout the whole night, he spoke much about the Scythians, as it were anointing them and advising them on what would be advantageous for the battle hoped for in the coming year." Theophanes, p. 260: "The emperor, having gathered the army, raised them up with words and incited them with exhortations." Manuel Comnenus, according to Nicetas, p. 35, incited the Turks against the Alamanni with letters. The same, p. 41: "He cared for the military registers, especially fattening them with frequent gifts, and anointing them with hourly exercises for the works of war." The same, p. 81: "Knowing how much a certain encouraging shout from the anointer often helped the athlete for the contest at hand, he rouses the army with words." Cf. the same, p. 273, 284. Hence Cinnamus, p. 8, init., must be corrected, where he says: certain monks were inciting (*epaleiphon* [wrongly edited as *apelegon*]) John Comnenus to the attempt, all but urging him, "stretching out to be confident regarding the capture of Gangra," ordering them to hope certainly for the occupation of the city with words that create confidence. The same medicine must be used to heal Nicetas, p. 16: "The Romans were inciting (*epaleiphon* [commonly edited as *apeilephon*]) Eustathius with voices and were shouting for him to strike back." Nor is this only in the new, but also in the old. Thus Polybius, p. 190, [regarding] Antigonus, and Plutarch in Themistocles, p. 206: "A beginning of greater contests, for which he was always anointing himself on behalf of all Greece and training the city." Cf. Aristides, vol. II, p. 29, and Diogenes Laertius, p. 103, § 18.

991 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 992 of the Lord.” The master of ceremonies, having received those who were entrusted to him, leads them into the circus and presents them to the crown gathered there—that is, to the palace cohorts and both factions—in the same manner as we set forth a little earlier with the formula: “Our holy emperors,” etc. Regarding the secretales, this peculiar custom is observed: it is maintained for the domestics, the generals, and the secretikoi, as has been said, except for the eparch. For the praepositus leads the eparch out to the onopodium and delivers him to the state as eparch and father of the city (84). The master of ceremonies leads the newly honored person from the circus with him into that secretum to which he has been assigned. Finally, the praepositus leads the hyparchos, or prefect of the city, out to the onopodium, and there delivers the future prefect and father of the city to the magistracy.

CHAPTER IV. Things to be observed in the promotion of a rector. On the day of the mutatoria, or on one of those days when it is permitted to proceed in splendid attire, the emperor summons the praepositi and orders the one to be created rector to be introduced. But if the day on which the emperor has decided to perform this solemn act is not one of those days on which the nobles are required to appear in mutatoria, then the emperor notifies the praepositus of his will on the preceding evening, and the entire senate comes to the palace the next morning in mutatoria. Having thus been introduced and standing before the emperor, the candidate for the rectorate is addressed by him as follows: “In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, our imperial majesty, by the grace of God, creates you rector.” And at the same time, the emperor hands him the garment called the rectorikion, which is presented to him by the praepositus. Note that the praepositus hands the garment to the emperor. It is a white garment, having a phialion (86) [se-

B JOHN JAC. REISKE I dealt with this in the place where I discussed the patricians, at Chapter I, where I showed that "patrician" and "father of the emperor" were once the same thing, and that the title of "father" had the same value as that of "curator." Thus, soldiers used to call the emperor their father. From this, one understands the otherwise obscure and vexed passage of Lampridius in *Antoninus Diadumenus*, p. 773: “The gods have given us [the soldiers are speaking] Antoninus as a father [that is, of the soldiers]. Antoninus is worthy of the empire.” Thus, they used to say "father of the monastery." See the testament of St. Fulcran in Du Cange, s.v. *Advisor*: “with the provision that Bishop Nucfredus be the provider, father, ordainer, and defender of this monastery.” In the Council of Ephesus, a certain Dalmatus is mentioned: “presbyter and archimandrite, father of monasteries.” Hence it is that the Genoese of old, and likewise the peoples of Brescia and Milan, used to call their rectors, praetors, and the prefects of any colleges whatsoever "Abbots," that is, fathers. For "Abbas" signifies father. See Du Cange, s.v. *Abbas* and *Advocati urbium* and s.v. *Πατρόβουλος*. For he is the *πατρόβουλος* or *ὁ πατὴρ τῆς βουλῆς*, the father of the senate, the prince, the head, the defender, and its curator.

D Hence it is clear that the scholiast of the Greek Anthology, whoever he may have been, correctly understood that passage of the Anonymous, Book IV, chapter 3, poem 2: “These gifts, O King Medoctonus, brings to you Eustathius, the progenitor and child of your Rome.” For he explains the word *γενέτης* as "counselor," and the other, *παῖς*, as "citizen." That Eustathius was, therefore, a Roman, an inhabitant of Rome, and the same as the Father of the city or prince of the senate. Brodaeus interpreted that passage poorly. The same Brodaeus, at the end of chapter 23 of the same Book IV, does not correctly interpret that passage of Agathias, where he calls himself "father of the city": “But Agathias, having changed me, made the father of the city The most honored from the most dishonored.” So in Libanius, ep. 876, 5: “Using such power, you were often called father [father of the soldiers].”

CHAPTER IV. Things that must be observed in the promotion of a rector. On the day of the allaxima, the emperor summons the praepositi and orders them to introduce the one who is to be promoted to rector. It should be known that if it is not a day of allaxima, and the emperor wishes to promote a rector, the praepositus is notified on the evening before, and the entire senate proceeds with allaxima. When he is introduced by the praepositi and stands near the emperor, the emperor says to him: “In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, our imperial majesty, by the grace of God, promotes you (85) to rector.” And the emperor hands him the garment called the rectorikion. It should be known that the praepositus hands the garment to the emperor. It is a white garment, having a phialion (86) [se-

COMMENTARY showing that it is not difficult to lead soldiers as well. See what is to be said at p. 413. (85) I have translated "our imperial majesty" from the custom of our century. I could have translated it from the formula of the Middle Ages as "my empire," regarding which see Du Cange, s.v. *imperium*. [“not according to the empire of the Romans,” unworthy of imperial majesty, Theophanes p. 9. "your empire" for "Your Majesty" is found in Liutprand p. 12, and "your holy lordship" in the same place.] (86) A phiala or phialium is a hood, *Kutte*, a cloth sewn around the neck for the outer garment, which, when folded back, covers the head: Nicetas Choniates, p. 249, calls it *ἐρέαν τῆς κεφαλῆς*, where he attributes it as a peculiar habit to monks and clerics: “None of the high-throned archbishops,” he says, “who enjoy the first honors, or the deep-bearded monks who let the *ἐρέαν τῆς κεφαλῆς* hang down as far as the nose.” That this garment existed among the Greeks for more elegant and noble men, Du Cange observed from Georgius Acropolita in *Gloss. Gr.* s.v. One may see the figure of such a phiala and the garment worn in that image of Hippocrates which Boivin inserted into his notes to Nicephorus Gregoras, p. 778. A more recent Greek undoubtedly fashioned it according to the custom of his own century. From the same image, one may also understand what *περιβεβλαττωμένον* is. For that phiala has a certain border, whether golden or silken, or feathered or needle-painted, Phrygian, a fringe, commonly called *frisium* and *frisum*. Hence you may understand that passage of an old charter in Ughelli, *Italia Sacra*, vol. VII, p. 1275: “I offered to the Church one amice with a large fringe,” that is, with a wide feathered border. The Latins of the Middle Ages called it an *amictus*. See Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* s.v. *Amictus*, and Durandus III, 2, where he describes it thus: “The priest about to celebrate assumes the amice, by which the head is covered, which the pontiff has in place of an ephod or superhumeral, and now it can also be called a superhumerale—the amice is spread around the shoulders on all sides—two strings or cords, by which the amice is tied before the chest. The neck is tightened by the amice, with it we also cover the head, lest by looking around we think of illicit things. The chest or heart is covered by it—

(84) Regarding this title, which is proper to the prefects of the city (85) I have translated "our imperial majesty" according to the custom of our century (86) Phiala or phialium is a hood, *Kutte*,

993 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 994

a gold-woven garment, having a width of about four fingers, and extending slightly over the shoulders, along with gold-woven, solemn sleeve-ends and gold-woven borders. It does not have *gonatia*, just as the *sticharia* of the eunuch *protospatharioi* and the *magistroi* do not have them. And having received this from the hand of the emperor, he prostrates himself upon the ground, and kisses the feet and knees of the emperor, and likewise those of the junior emperor; and after this the *praipositoi* lead him out into the veil that is by the *aristeterion* (87), which is in front of the *koiton*, and there they clothe him in such a garment, and again they lead him in to the emperor, and falling down he prostrates himself and kisses the feet and knees of the senior emperor, and likewise those of the junior, and the emperor hands him the gold-bordered *mantion*, and it is wrapped around him by the *praipositos*, and again falling down he prostrates himself and kisses the feet and knees of the senior emperor, and likewise those of the junior. Then the emperor hands him a sharp-pointed purple *maphorion* (88), having throughout gold-embroidered roses like lupines. It is to be known that the *praipositos* hands both the *mantion* and the *maphorion* to the emperor. And such a *maphorion* is for the promotion once and only. He is not wrapped in it either in the procession, or on any other day whatsoever. And such a *maphorion* is wrapped around him by the *praipositoi* from the head, so that his whole body is covered by such a *maphorion*. And again falling down he prostrates himself and kisses the feet and knees of the senior emperor, and likewise those of the junior, and then in this way the *praipositoi* lead him out through the horologium into the *Lausiakon*, and the entire senate gives thanks to the emperor, and greets him, and he must sit in the *Lausiakon* with the *praipositoi* in his own proper rank. It is to be known that the *raiktor* always sits with the *praipositoi* in the procession of the *Lausiakon* and in the other processions.

It is white, having a phialion [or head covering] that is very splendid, woven with gold, to a width of four fingers, extending somewhat more broadly on the shoulders. It also has sleeve-ends, woven with gold and very splendid, and borders of the garment woven with gold. It does not have *genualia*, just as the *sticharia* of the eunuch *protospatharioi* and the *magistroi* do not have them. Having obtained this garment from the hand of the senior emperor, he adores him on the ground, and kisses his feet and knees, and subsequently does the same to the junior emperor; and thus the *praipositi* lead him out into the veil, which looks toward the *aristeterion* or dining hall, or which goes before the *coton*. There, after they have clothed him in the garment we have just described, they lead him back to the emperor. Lying on the ground, he kisses his feet and knees, first the senior’s and consequently the junior’s as well. Then the lord hands him the gold-encircled *mantium* or cloak, which is immediately wrapped around him by the *praepositus*. This done, he falls to the ground, adores, and kisses the feet and knees of the senior emperor and the junior alike. Then the emperor hands him a purple *maphorion* [or humeral] of vivid color, covered entirely with gold roses embroidered with a needle, like so many lupines. The *praepositus* hands this *maphorion* and *mantium* to the emperor; and the honored one wears the *maphorion* only once, namely at his promotion; but subsequently he does not wear it in a procession, nor on any other day. And the *praepositi* then wrap it around his head in such a way that his whole body is veiled by it. This done, he again falls down and kisses the feet and knees of both emperors successively; and then at last the *praepositi* lead him out through the horologium into the *Lausiakon*. The whole senate 306 gives thanks to the emperor for the given *raiktor*, and greets the honored one, who sits with the *praepositi* in his own seat and order in the *Lausiakon*. For the *raiktor* always sits with the *praepositi*, both in the assembly in the *Lausiakon* and in other processions.

CHAPTER V. Things to be observed at the promotion of a *synkellos*.

The emperor commands the *paradynastenon* [or consort of the empire], and he leads in the one who is to be promoted as *synkellos*.

993 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 996

As soon as he enters the emperor’s chamber, he kneels and worships him, and then approaches closer. After the lord has commanded and enjoined upon him whatever he finally wishes, he adds: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, our imperial majesty, by the grace of God, creates you syncellus." He immediately falls to the ground and kisses the feet of the senior lord, and likewise kisses those of the junior as well. Then the emperor hands him over to the chamberlains, who lead him to the patriarch and signify to him in the name and on behalf of the emperor: "Our majesty has named this present man syncellus." The patriarch, according to custom, gives thanks to the emperor and immediately signs the newly appointed syncellus with the sign of the cross, and calls the metropolitans and archbishops who are present in the royal city at that time, and says to them: "Our holy emperor, guided by God, has appointed this man syncellus." Hearing this, they all give thanks to the emperor and depart. Then the patriarch orders a small bench to be placed at his left side, separated from the benches of the metropolitans. But if another syncellus [of another patriarch] happens to be present, that bench is placed to the right of the patriarch, separately. For always, just as syncelli enter the patriarchal residence before the metropolitans, so too do they sit separately from them. In great processions, the syncelli do not sit on small benches, but on their own seats; that is, only in the patriarch’s secretum, when the emperor is not present. But in the presence of the emperor, they sit below the magistroi on the long benches. And when the metropolitans are about to enter the gate of the secretum, the syncelli rise from their benches, and as the metropolitans enter, they find them there, and the patriarch orders the syncelli to be seated. And again the metropolitans and the archbishops enter.

VARIOUS READINGS. (89) This word often occurs in our Ceremonial, especially the phrase "separated table," as the Latins of the Middle Ages used to say, that is, removed by some space, separated, distant from the others, more remote, as Juvenal said, Satire VIII, 176: "No other person shares the common cups, nor is there a more remote table for anyone." Thus, p. 346: "he stands separated as if by one fathom." Those separated tables and separated benches used to be higher, and this was derived from the East. For the kings of the Parthians "lay on a high couch," and the so-called friends or guests "sat below on the ground and ate what was thrown to them like dogs," as Athenaeus says, p. 152. But here the syncellus’s separated bench is lower than the patriarch’s; and if there were only one syncellus, he sat to the left of the patriarch, but if another were present (for at that time that title was becoming common and many metropolitans were obtaining it), the newly honored one sat on the right. For the newly honored always had the prerogative of "appointment" or placement in a higher position over others of the same rank who were already veterans. There will be a place elsewhere to discuss the separated table of the emperors. Here I will only note that in Russia, too, when it still enjoyed a patriarch, he presided on a throne four steps higher than the thrones of the other prelates were. See Verandert Bussland, p. 137.

(90) The controversy regarding precedence between syncelli and metropolitans seems to have been often agitated, and although it seems to have been defined here, and those steps were attributed to them, it nevertheless broke out again under Romanos Argyros, as is evident from Scylitzes, p. 723: "On the day of Holy Pentecost, a disturbance occurred because of the seating during the liturgy, as the metropolitans did not accept that the syncelli should sit before them on the synthronon."

(91) There was a certain proportion of ecclesiastical dignities in the Byzantine court with the courtiers, as some of the former were equal to some of the latter: a subject which the Cletorologium pursues more broadly; yet in such a way that courtly dignities always took precedence over those ecclesiastical ones that were analogous to them in rank. Therefore, the Greek clergy were better mindful than the Latin of Christ’s precept concerning humility and the imitation of childlike simplicity and the despising of the ambition of worldly pomp, although they did not profess poverty; or rather, the presence of the emperors restrained the Greeks, who were by nature no less ambitious and, had they not lacked liberty, would have dared the same as the Latins. The things that follow, being handed down more obscurely, caused me no small trouble in translating. If I have done it correctly, I shall be glad; but if incorrectly, it is no wonder. For I had to use conjecture here rather than certain knowledge.

997 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 998

bishops according to the customary ecclesiastical order. When the metropolitans are about to enter the gate of the secretum, the syncelli rise from their benches and stand; and all enter, and at the command of the patriarch, both the syncelli and the metropolitans sit down, and the patriarch holds a discussion with them regarding certain ecclesiastical matters, such as and as many as they wish, and after a short time, at the command of the patriarch, all rise and depart.

CHAPTER VII. Things to be observed, as the rite is now performed, for the annual memory of the holy and great Constantine and the dedication of the precious crosses established in the new palace of Bonus.

Some days before, as many as the masters command, a procession takes place to the new palace of Bonus, and on the eve, the vigil is celebrated privately in honor of the precious and holy crosses. And on that very day, about the second hour, the masters put on their purple scaramangia and their swords, and ride from there, and depart to the Holy Apostles by the road leading to Saint John of the Xerokepion, and

[COMMENTARY OF J. J. REISKE]

[The text continues with Reiske’s scholarly notes, which include the following translations and explanations:]

...but simultaneously with the archbishops according to order, according to ecclesiastical constitutions, the syncelli indeed rise from the benches [but they do not go to meet them, but remain in their own place], and they persist until, all having entered, the patriarch orders everyone to sit. So that afterwards, when they have sat down together at the same time, both the syncelli and the metropolitans, the patriarch institutes a collation or colloquy concerning subjects pertaining to the Church, as many and of such kind as pleased the assembly. A little later, by the command of the patriarch, all rise and depart.

CHAPTER VI. Things to be observed (as the rite is now indeed) in the annual celebration of the memory of the holy and great Constantine, and the dedication of the sacred crosses dedicated in the new palace of Bonus.

So many days before, as the emperor may wish, a procession [or the emperor passes from the great palace] is made into the new palace of Bonus; and on the vigils of the day which we have mentioned, a vigil is performed privately [for the sake of the Lord’s devotion alone and far from the common people] in honor of the venerable and holy crosses. But on that very feast day, about the second hour, the masters put on their purple scaramangia and their swords, and having been carried from there on horses, they head to the church...

(92) Memories, *mnēmai*, were called solemn celebrations of the dead, of the death of martyrs, with supplications and agapai or funeral feasts provided and distributed among the poor and consumed at the tombs of the martyrs or in the porticos of churches.

(93) I have spoken about the verb *enkainizein* on page 27. When...

(94) To fix a cross, to plant it in some church (for one or more were planted according to pleasure) is the same as the celebration of the birthday of its dedication.

(95) There is an argument in this place that Constantine the Senior, son of Leo, not the Junior, son of Romanus, is the author of this Ceremonial. For Romanus the Senior or Lecapenus, as Cedrenus testifies on page 644, built the palace near the cistern of Bonus and in the quarter of Bonus, the same one which here in this place is not [attributed] to the author, but is called the new palace of Bonus by the neighborhood. Therefore, it could be called new under Constantine the Senior, but under Constantine the Junior that one was already old. Added to this is the fact that a little later the tombs of Leo the Wise and Basil the Macedonian, not more recent ones, are mentioned.

(96) Thus was called the day immediately preceding the feast, because the faithful, as it inclined, gathered in the sacred churches and remained there all night *pannychizōn*, that is, they kept watch and awaited the arrival of the feast.

(97) Not concerning those great, spectacular crosses, honored of old with distinguished veneration, which were accustomed to be carried around through the city for the sake of purification and in which the true cross was said to be, but I think it should be understood as concerning the crosses proper to the church of the palace of Bonus. For those aforementioned processional crosses were kept in the palatine church of the Mother of God of the Pharos. However, it stands against this that on page 308, the great cross of Constantine is mentioned, that is, the one which Helena, his mother, found, or certainly the one which he had caused to be fashioned according to the vision of the heavenly cross, to have stood in the church of the palace of Bonus.

(98) A place not ignoble in Byzantine history, concerning whose location and fate it is not my purpose to treat. I only intend to give the reason for the name. Namely, *Xēron* denotes a bare garden, without a palace, that is, a garden or suburban [plot], two of which were accustomed to be present at the imperial gardens. *Xēron* to the Greeks denotes that which to our people is *drucken* in the expression *drucken Brodt*, dry bread, without any side dish whatsoever. Thus *xēra lithia* are raw, rustic stones, without art, as they grew of their own accord, not cut by iron, as Du Cange wishes on Alex. p. 268, or joined without any cement, as Goar decides on Theophanes p. 329. Thus *xēron edaphos*, hard ground, is...

999 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1000

...of the Holy Apostles by the way which leads to the Xerocepium. When they have come near to the Holy Apostles, they dismount from their horses and enter through the great gate of the baptistery into the narthex, and turning to the left toward the east of the same narthex, they enter within the veil suspended there, behind which the imperial chairs stand and their changes of clothing lie prepared for them; they put on their *dibetesia* and chlamydes there, and thus they enter in turn into the *naos* or nave of the Holy Apostles. There, before the holy gate, they worship three times with candles and celebrate God with praises, with bended knees; then they turn to the left toward the east of the *bema* or tribunal, which is in that temple, and proceed toward the tombs, that is, toward St. Constantine. There, inside the gate leading to those tombs, the patriarch receives them; and again, in the *bema* which is there, they testify to their grateful and devout spirit toward God with a triple adoration with candles; and the patriarch hands the censer or thurible to the senior lord; with which he incenses both the holy *bema* and the tomb of Leo the orthodox lord [father of Constantine Porphyrogenitus], and of the holy empress Theophano [who was Leo’s wife], and of Basil, the orthodox and good emperor, and finally of the first Christian and great emperor Constantine, that holy and glorious prince. After these things are performed, the emperor returns with the patriarch. And the latter indeed enters into the *bema* of the Holy Apostles and performs the blessing, and the chanters begin the *troparion* which starts with these words: "Having beheld the image of Thy Cross in the heavens, etc." The emperor, however, bids farewell and bestows the kiss of peace upon the patriarch, and amidst supplications and chants proceeds together with the *magistri* and patricians and the rest of the senate, and passes through the atrium of the vault of All Saints and through the way which leads thence into the palace, and enters into the hall of the palace. Both emperors sit there on chairs brought by the *archontogennemata* or valets and deposited there, waiting until the patriarch arrives with the ecclesiastical suppliant procession.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

*Cedren. p. 493; ἐπὶ ξηροῖσι καθῆσθαι* namely, to sit on hard stones, in the first Idyll of Theocritus, to sit on hard stones, with no rug, fleece, or brushwood spread underneath. Gloss.: *χαμευνία* is *ξηροκοιτία*, sleeping on the ground, lying on dry hard earth, with no rug spread underneath. *Sicum* is a vehicle in *Script. Hist. Aug.* t. II, p. 37, not spread with rugs or straw; *πνεῦμα ξηρόν* in Cinnamus page 12, a solitary wind, which no rain accompanies; *τόποι ξηροί*, earthen or sandy places, not mixed with any rocks or metallic veins, but heaped up with mere earth, from which Hippocrates most approves of flowing water; see Casaubon on Athenaeus, book II, ch. 8, p. 93. Suidas v. Dionysius Theophantor: Proclus most often uses the theorems of the blessed Dionysius and the very dry words themselves. *Ξηροπυρίται* are the same breads as *αὐτόπυροι*, of wheat alone, without the admixture of anything else. Furthermore, it should be noted that *τὸ ξηρονήπιν* is placed thus nakedly for *εἰς τὸ ξηρονήπιν*, which I have expressed in the Latin. Often *εἰς* or *ἐν* and similar prepositions are omitted; see at 308. Many emperors, and among those who are mentioned in this place, Leo, Basil, Constantine the Great, as is evident in chapter 42 of the second book.

(99) For in the *naos* of the Holy Apostles they were buried.

(1) It is for *λιτανεύει*. Thus a little later *καθέζονται* for *καθέζεται*. Concerning this desultory scheme, which uses the singular and plural indiscriminately, I have already spoken elsewhere in the preceding pages.

(2) They are *ἀρχοντογεννήματα*, whom later ages called *archontopoulous*, others magnates, sometimes also youths of royal blood destined for minor, though not ignoble, services. See Du Cange on this word and on the *Alexiad* p. 337, and v. Adelingi. For thus they called them, as well as shield-bearers and servants of arms; likewise *pedagogianos*, concerning all of whom compare Du Cange, *Gl. Lat.* As here the *archontogennemata* brought chairs to the emperor in the procession, so also in the *Ceremoniale Romanum* the servants of arms carry the faldstool with its appurtenances, as is the custom. Some of the ancient tyrants also *ἠνάγκαζον τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς μὲν διφροφορείν, τοὺς δὲ ῥαβδουχεῖν*, etc., as witnessed by Athenaeus p. 259, in which place I leave it in the middle whether *διφροφορεῖν* is to carry a chair, which a footman spreads at the command of a lord who is proceeding and wishes to sit somewhere, or whether it is to carry the lord in a litter.

[1001] ...the gate, he begins to chant the [hymn] of the dedication, that is to say: "Glory be to thee, O Christ God, the boast of the apostles." And when the patriarch has approached the place where the masters [the emperors] are seated, the masters rise and receive him. And immediately the service of the dedication is performed, as is customary in the ecclesiastical order; and when the "openings" [the ceremonies preceding the opening of the temple] have been completed, the masters enter with the patriarch and proceed to the bema of Saint Constantine. (For there are bemas there: one belongs to Saint Helena, and the other, in which the silver ciborium is also located, belongs to Saint Constantine.) And there, through the triple veneration with candles, they give thanks to God, and returning from the left side, they ascend the steps and stand before the great cross of Saint Constantine, awaiting the reading of the Holy Gospel and the dismissal of the litany. They ascend into the palace there, and after the dismissal of the liturgy, they dine with the patriarch and the senate and the metropolitans, whomsoever they may command.

CHAPTER VII. Things to be observed on the feast and procession of All Saints.

It is to be known that the procession of All Saints is performed according to the rite of the mid-fast, and as it is now performed, or the Monday of Bright Week...

[1002] ...as it arrived from Zion. As that procession enters the gate of the palace hall, the troparion mentioned above still sounds: "Of thy cross," etc.; but when that gate has been passed, the troparion proper to the day of the dedication or consecration begins, namely that which begins with the words: "Glory be to thee, O Christ God, who art the argument of the apostles' boasting." When the patriarch then approaches that place where the emperors are seated, they rise and welcome him. And immediately the rite of the dedication or consecration of the holy crosses is performed, just as it is the custom to do according to ecclesiastical constitutions; and after the *anoexeis* [the ceremonies that precede the opening of the temple] have been finished, the masters enter with the patriarch [into the sacred buildings which are in the palace], and proceed to the bema of St. Constantine. (There are two bemas there, one of St. Helena, the other of St. Constantine, adorned with a silver ciborium.) There they adore God three times with candles, and returning thereafter from the left side, they ascend the steps, leading to the great cross of St. Constantine; and they stand before it, awaiting the recitation of the Holy Gospel, and, the litany being finished, they ascend into the palace contiguous to the temple, and the liturgy or divine office having been performed, they feast with the patriarch and the senate and the metropolitans, namely those chosen and invited.

[COMMENTARY] ...series, order of the liturgy to occur. To the Latins of the Middle Ages, it is a sequence and office. The Roman Order in the rites of the Paschal feast: the cantors, by order of the lord pontiff, sing a sequence which is appropriate for Easter, with the organs playing. See Du Cange, Latin Glossary, under this word, who nevertheless derives it otherwise. Nor was the word in this sense unknown to the ancient Greeks. Alciphron, p. 408, said "the order of the feast," and Petronius [spoke of] the order of a banquet. The medieval Latins also used *consequentia* for a series. Lambert, *Life of St. Heribert*: "the whole court favors the same thing in one sequence."

...of the dedication of a church. For the dedication and inauguration of a church, first the *egkainia* are required, those things which must be done in a new, not yet consecrated church: prayers and the consecration of the church with triple processions, with praises and glory, as they used to say, or hymns and torches around the church while it is still closed; the second is the *anoixis*, when, at the request of the bishop or presbyter or another dedicating [the church], outside the gate of the narthex, with the relics standing to be deposited in the church, the gate is opened by those who are inside; the third is the *enthronismos*, when the dedicating priest places himself or another who is to preside over that church upon the throne or presbyterial seat in the highest part of the tribunal; see Du Cange under the word *Anoixis* and the authors who have written about the sacred rites of the Greeks. Meanwhile, it is helpful to transcribe in part what Durandus, in *Rationale of the Divine Offices*, Book I, ch. VI, hands down concerning the rites by which the Latins dedicate a church. Fourth, he says, it must be told how a church is dedicated. And indeed, with everyone ejected from the church, with only the deacon remaining inside, locked in, the bishop with the clergy blesses water before the doors of the church, not without salt; meanwhile, inside, twelve lights burn before twelve crosses painted on the walls of the church. Afterwards, however, with the clergy and people following, circling the church on the outside with a bundle of hyssop, he sprinkles the walls with holy water, and each time he comes to the door of the church, he strikes the lintel with his pastoral staff, saying: "Lift up your gates, O princes," etc. And the deacon from within answers: "Who is this king of glory?" To whom the pontiff: "The Lord is strong." But the third time, the door having been unlocked, the pontiff enters the church with a few ministers, the clergy and people remaining outside, and says the litanies, etc. Symeon of Thessalonica has a long treatment on the dedicating of a sacred building from p. 114 to 125, in many chapters, an index of which Fabricius has in *Bibliotheca Graeca*, last volume, p. 64, 65, where among other things, chapter 118 asks why the gates are closed, "Why are the gates closed and 'Lift up the gates' is sung?"; ch. 120: "What does the prayer before the gates of the dedication mean?"; Chapter 124 is "concerning the order of the dedications," which, if I did not have to strive for brevity, I would transcribe in its entirety.

...and the feast day of his memory is sacred, and the altars themselves dedicated to him bear witness. Nothing, therefore, although he was a Christian, was in a worse condition of apotheosis than Augustus. Since, however, the Greeks have many altars in one church, it is necessary that they also have as many tribunals as they have altars.

(β) The feast of All Saints fell on the feast of the Holy Trinity according to our custom, or on the octave of Pentecost.

(3) We have already seen often that this word [is used] for the whole series, order of the liturgy.

(4) The opening, *anoixis*, *ta anoixia* are the rites of the dedication of a church.

(5) The Greeks use "Saint" for Constantine the Great.

(7) It is entirely the mid-fast or the middle week of the Quadragesima; see Du Cange under this word in both Glossaries. Yet you would more correctly understand here the principal part of that week, its Sunday, and consider it to be called by the name of the whole, as the capital part.

1003 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1004

On the second day of the week of renewal, that is, the Paschal week, which is the Sunday of Antipascha, or which follows immediately after the feast of Easter. The lords descend from their horses at the gate of the Holy Apostles that leads to the clock of the same church, and from there, surrounded by the cubiculum and the customary nobles, they turn to the right, and having passed through the narthex of the church of All Saints, they ascend into the catechumena of the same temple, and enter within the veil suspended there, and the rest is performed just as is the custom in the other processions through which the lords are carried on horseback to the Holy Apostles. Meanwhile, the patriarch, arriving with the procession of the crowd, stands inside the church of the Holy Apostles outside the chancel of the sanctuary, and when the appropriate time arrives, the praepositi enter to the Augusti and clothe them in their own tunics. As the lords exit outside the veil, the magistri and patricians receive and venerate them, and a *doche* (reception) and greeting of the lords and nobles takes place there; once this is finished, the master of ceremonies, prompted by a nod from the praepositus, cries out: "Celeusate" [that is: "You may move"]. Thus they descend by the spiral staircase and the narthex; and as they exit the narthex of the Holy Apostles, the Pera faction of the Venetians, along with the domestic of the schools, receives and venerates them, with the domestic of the schools handing the lords garlands woven with roses. A little before the lords enter the clock, the demarch of the Venetians with the white faction receives them in the atrium, he too offering garlands. As the lords enter the very gate of the clock of the Holy Apostles, the excubitus (or prefect of the excubitors) with the Pera faction of the Greens receives them, and he too offers garlands. And finally, as the lords enter the gate of the gynaeconitis (or women’s station) of the Holy Apostles, the demarch of the Greens with the red faction receives them, and he too offers what the others did. Thus, as they proceed freely without hindrance, the patriarch receives the lords outside the chancel of the holy bema (or tribunal), and after the kiss of peace is given mutually, they enter together into the sanctuary, where the lords kiss the *endyta* (altar cloth) spread upon the altar and the holy Gospel, the patriarch presenting both and moving them to their mouths. From there they begin a supplicatory procession, with the clergy chanting: "Glory to Thee, O Christ God." The lords, exiting the bema in this procession, receive processional candles from the praepositi, and thus, with the patriarch accompanying, they proceed chanting and supplicating God as far as the church of All Saints; where, after the completion of the *anoixeon* (openings) or, which is the same thing, the office of the *encainia* (dedication)—that is, after the said prayers which are accustomed to be said in the memory of the dedication of this church, which is to be renewed annually, and through which, to no one at the closed church...

[COMMENTARY] ...the emperor would proceed from the church of All Saints to the church of the Holy Apostles, but the patriarch would proceed directly from the patriarchate or St. Sophia to the Holy Apostles.

1005 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. The patriarch departs to the [church of the] All-Holy. The masters [emperors], through the inner circular passage of the sanctuary, depart to the oratory of the holy and imperial Theophano. And there they take off their cloaks, and sit down, awaiting the reading of the holy Gospel. When the holy Gospel is about to be read, they go out of the same oratory and stand (10) inside the veil hanging there toward the sanctuary, and they perform the hearing of the holy Gospel. And after the completion of the holy Gospel, they enter again into the same oratory of the holy Theophano, and sitting down, they arrange the invitation list, and then they are wrapped in the gold-bordered cloaks, and they pass through the narthex of the oratory of Saint Hypatios and the atrium leading out from there, and from those places they ascend by the wooden staircase that leads out of Saint Constantine, which leads to the catechumena of the Holy Apostles, and from there they pass through the catechumena of the Holy Apostles, and enter the palaces. And there their honorable table is prepared. The things performed at the table and those of the afternoon procession, as has been said before, are similar to those of the second day of Bright Week and of New Sunday, as they are performed now. 1006 [Latin translation of the above text:] ... [The masters] enter the bema, as is the custom; and from there through the eastern part of the tribunal they enter the oratory which is there, of Saint Leo the martyr, and having venerated God there with a triple adoration with candles, they immediately bid farewell and give the kiss of peace to the patriarch. And the patriarch indeed goes to the church of the All-Holy; but the masters, through the circular passage which is within the bema, go to the oratory of the holy empress Theophano (which is in the church of the SS. Apostles), and there, having deposited their tunics, they await the time when the holy Gospel is to be recited. That moment arriving, they go out of the oratory, and stand inside the veil suspended there on the side facing the bema, and they hear [unseen by anyone] the reading of the holy Gospel. Which finished, they return to the same oratory of the holy Theophano, and sitting there they order the cletorium [that is, they designate by name and order to be summoned by the nomenclator those whom they wish to sit as guests with them on that day]. Then, clothed in gold-bordered cloaks, they pass through the narthex of the oratory or chapel of S. Hypatios and through the atrium stretched out before it; thence they ascend by the wooden staircase which leads from the church of S. Constantine to the catechumena of the SS. Apostles; and having traversed the aforementioned catechumena of the SS. Apostles, they enter the palace [attached to this church]; where the sacred table is prepared for them. The rites, however, to be observed at the meal, and likewise in the afternoon procession, are as they are now performed, [similar to those] which we explained in the description of the procession of the second day of Bright Week [or the one next to the feast of Easter], and of New Sunday [or that which is called in white].

CHAPTER X. What must be observed on the first of the month of August, when the precious and life-giving cross goes out. C It is to be known that, if the first of August falls on a Sunday, the precious cross must be brought out from the skeuophylakion of the great palace (11) on the preceding Sunday, that is, seven days before the first of August. It goes out while the orthros is being chanted, around the third or even the sixth ode, and is deposited in the skeuophylakion, and being balsamized (12) by the protopapas, it is set forth in the church for the adoration of all. And after the dismissal of the orthros, the entire imperial clergy stands by, chanting the customary hymns of the cross, and when the masters command, they enter and kiss it, and departing, they sit on the chrysotriklinos for D 311 CHAPTER VIII. Things to be observed on the Kalends of August, when the venerable and life-giving cross [on which Christ suffered] goes out in public. If it happens that the Kalends of the month of August fall on a Sunday, the holy cross must be brought out and produced from the skeuophylakion [or repository of precious vessels and sacred relics] of the great palace on the Sunday immediately preceding, or the seventh day back, at the time when they chant the matins, between the third or sixth ode. And first, taken from its seat and placed on the ground in the skeuophylakion, it is balsamized or anointed with sacred ointments by the [royal clergy's] protopapas; then it is set forth thus in the church [of the great palace, of the Mother of God of the Pharos, as it seems, or of the Nea] for the common adoration of all. Then after the finished matins office, [the emperor] approaches that holy cross, and in the presence of... [COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE: ... (10) That the emperors stood for the reading of the Gospel, is evident from various places of ours; see p. 308 end. That the faithful also did the same, Valesius demonstrated on Philostorg. III, 6. Cf. Leo Allatius on Greek books, Bibl. Gr. Fabr. t. V, p. 24. (11) The great palace is the ordinary residence of the emperors and is opposed to other urban and suburban ones. But because the skeuophylakion is only a medium of sacred things, the palace church must also be understood here, and indeed that of the Mother of God of the Pharos, as is evident from p. 312. Therefore I would wish the words "or of the Nea" in the Latin of this page 311 to be deleted. (12) The Greek Church takes great care in the worship of its idols, and no less the Latin. They wiped, they anointed them every year, they also put a new robe on them annually, deeming it impious to grant [this] to the gentiles. Ordo Roman. p. 572: The cross is anointed from above with balsam and every year the same anointing is renewed, when the lord Pope with the cardinals makes a procession on the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. So also the pagans, who, as Artemidorus testifies p. 122, c. 34, were accustomed to wipe their idols, to clean them with dry woolen or linen cloths, to cleanse them with water, soap, scrapers, hog bristles, to wash away and remove filth, to anoint, which our author calls to balsamize, to sweep those things before the temples and before the statues. To some gentiles that was the dignity and care of anointing and washing the idols. Thus the descendants of Phidias were the "cleaners" of Olympian Jove, as Pausanias testifies in the Eleans, whose duty it was to wipe and adorn that most famous statue once a year.]

1007 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1008

The entire palace clergy consists of this, singing the customary *staurosima* or chants in praise of the Cross. If the Lords wish, [exiting from the sacred bedchamber, before the customary procession] they enter [the church] and, having venerated the Cross, they depart and sit in the Chrysotriclinos and perform those things which are customary to be performed in the hall during the daily procession or assembly of the dignitaries. The Papias then, carrying the holy Cross raised upon his head, dressed in a *scaramangion* and a purple cloak, and attended by the service of the palace clergy and the protopapas of Saint Stephen, of the Daphne, and of the *diaetarioi*—both those of Stephen and of the palace, all of whom carry candles—proceeds [from the palace church] through the *heliakon* or sun-room [extending before it], and past the Chrysotriclinos. Then, the Cross being brought further, it is set down and exposed for the common adoration of the entire senate in the Lausiakos, specifically in its left part before the door of the oratory of Saint Basil. Having been adored there, the Papias again lifts the Cross and proceeds with the same retinue, and sets it down in the palace of the Daphne in the temple of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen.

On the twenty-eighth day of the month of July, the Cross begins to go about and sanctify every place and every house of this royal city, which may God preserve; and it goes about and sanctifies not only the buildings but the very walls of the city, so that the city itself and all things surrounding it may be filled with grace and sanctification. That procession of the Cross continues until the thirteenth day of the month of August. For on that morning, it returns to the sacred palace and is set upon the *senzo* [that is, the seat or throne] which stands in the Chrysotriclinos. The *diaetarioi* sing the customary *staurosima* or troparia in praise of the Cross, and an *ektenes* (litany) having been performed by the protopapas of the Daphne, they add the blessing, fixing it according to custom [that is, vowing with the conceived and customary formula: May God will to order the city, and the holy Cross within it, to be *sterean*, fixed, immovable, and struck by no calamity]. And immediately the Cross is again lifted by the Papias, and carried about in the retinue of the protopapas of the Daphne and the *diaetarioi*, it goes about and sanctifies the bedchambers of the palace and the whole of it. Then it is set down in the oratory of Saint Theodore. Toward evening, the Papias and the *deuterus* bring it into the Pharos, where the *skeuophylax* [receives it], and in the morning, while the *orthros* is being chanted, at the third or even the sixth ode, it is wiped clean by both the protopapas and the *skeuophylax*, and is set down in the sacred *skeuophylakion*. If the first of August falls on a Monday, it must go out on the preceding Sunday, that is, three days before the first of August. If the first of August falls on a Tuesday...

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY BY JOHANN JACOB REISKE]

(13) He describes the *ambarvalia* of the Christians, who believed that by carrying the Cross and the relics of the Saints around the walls of the city and through the squares, they would avert all evils. Life of St. Anianus, Bishop of Orleans (in Du Cange, v. *Ambulatorium*): The pontiff, trusting in the Lord, [carried] the pledges of the Saints along the walkway of the wall [this is the *mesoteichion*, the *pomaria*; we call it *Zwinger*].

(14) What *stereoun* the prayer means, I confess I do not know. What I have provided in Latin, I have provided not out of certain knowledge, but led by conjecture, so that I might not leave it entirely untouched, and because the passage seemed to demand, if not to bear, the implied meaning. This conjecture is certainly favored by the fact that among the acts or praises and festive acclamations and vows of happiness, this formula was also accustomed to be sung with a unanimous voice: *May God confirm our kings*: see, for example, p. 376: likewise *Lord, confirm this kingdom*, as on p. 164, to the *Euchologion* p. 26, stating in clear words that *stereoun* is to recite prayers by which God is asked to confirm the kings, and reciting the very formula of the prayers: *Heavenly King*, etc., and finally adding that Greek priests speaking of the power of this prayer say they are *stereoun tous basileis*, to confirm the kings, that is, to ask that God confirm them. It is not unusual for the new Greeks to compose *en* with the genitive. Below p. 373, we have *en chamosoriou* instead of *en chamosorio*, in a humble and small box. Above p. 162, *en kyriakes* is "in the membranes," which the editor believed should be refashioned. In Procopius, *en geitonon* is very frequent instead of *en geitosi* or *ek geitonon*, in the vicinity. Malalas, vol. I, p. 226: *a birthday being celebrated in Byzantium, a disturbance [that is, disorder, tumult] occurred on both sides.*

(15) Thus, a little later, *en paraskeues* recurs.

1009 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1010

[Greek text omitted] ...and they hand it over to the sceuophylax or keeper of the vessels. Finally, the next morning, while the morning office is being chanted, around the third or sixth ode, the cross, having been wiped and cleaned by the protopapas and the sceuophylax, is placed back into the sacred sceuophylacium. But if the Kalends of the month of August fall on a Monday, the holy cross must be brought out on the penultimate Sunday, that is, the eighth day before the Kalends of August. If, furthermore, those Kalends fall on a Tuesday, the holy cross must be brought out on that very Sunday which immediately precedes that Tuesday, that is, on the second day before the Kalends of August. If, subsequently, those Kalends fall on a Wednesday (or the fourth day of the week), the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that Wednesday, that is, on the third day before the Kalends. Likewise, if the Kalends fall on a Thursday (or the fifth day of the week), the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that Thursday, that is, on the fourth day before the Kalends. If, finally, the Kalends fall on a Friday (or the sixth day of the week), the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday immediately preceding that Friday, that is, on the fifth day before the Kalends. If, at last, the Kalends of August fall on a Saturday, the holy cross must be brought out on the Sunday preceding that seventh day of the week, that is, on the sixth day before the Kalends.

CHAPTER IX. Things to be observed on the feast of the Dormition of the most holy Mother of God, on the 15th of August.

If the emperor commands to go and keep the all-night vigil at the Blachernae, he departs on the day before, and performs the all-night vigil. On the following day, that is, on the day of the feast, all proceed while it is still night, wearing mutatoria: the magistri, praepositi, patricians, and officials; the eunuch protospatharioi, along with their mutatoria, also carry their spathobaclia; the oikiakoi (or household) protospatharioi carry their specia. All the rest proceed in scaramangia, except for the secretikoi. All proceed and gather in the triclinium which is called the Danubius, and they sit there. But if the emperor does not wish to go and keep the all-night vigil, on the day of the feast he changes into his scaramangium, and if the weather is not calm, he goes on horseback, and departs wearing the scaramangium; but if the weather is calm, he departs by sea. And the entire senate sits wearing the scaramangium outside the hollowed door, on the shore.

[Greek text omitted]

CHAPTER IX. Things to be observed on the feast of the Dormition of the most holy Mother of God, on the 15th of August.

If the emperor desires to go out from the great palace to the Blachernae to perform a devout all-night vigil there, he does so on the day immediately preceding, and completes the sacred vigil; and then the next morning, that is, on the feast day itself, all proceed, while the day has not yet fully broken, in mutatoria—the magistri, praepositi, patricians, and officials; the eunuch protospatharioi, besides their mutatoria, also carry their spathobaclia; the oikiakoi (or household) protospatharioi carry their specia. Except for the secretikoi, all the rest proceed in scaramangia. All proceed and gather in the triclinium which is called the Danubius, and there they sit. But if it does not please the emperor to go on the preceding day to the Blachernae and perform the sacred vigil there, he puts on his scaramangium on the feast day itself, and is carried by horse, if indeed the sea is not calm; but if it is silent and settled, he goes there by boat.

COMMENTARY. [The commentary discusses Greek linguistic forms and the etymology of "koilos" (hollow/low) in relation to ecclesiastical seating arrangements.]

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

...proceeds; and there he is received by the whole senate, who, dressed in *scaramangia*, wait outside the *coeliomene* gate [that is, the depressed or lowered gate; that is its name] on the shore, awaiting the lord’s arrival. As the emperor disembarks from the *dromon*, the *praepositi* receive him; and as he proceeds a little further, the *magistri*, patricians, and officials receive him, doing him obeisance, and they escort him up the spiral staircase that leads to the catechumena of the Great Church. He passes through the triclinium of the Holy Shroud, and ascends through the *bisaloton* and the spiral staircase, crossing the triclinium called the Danube. They emerge into the portico called the Josephiac, and the *praepositi* escort him as far as the bedchamber. The *magistri* and the senate all remain seated in the Danube, and they change into their ceremonial robes, and sit there awaiting the arrival of the proper time. When the time for the ceremony arrives and the master of ceremonies informs the *praepositi* that the time has come, the *praepositi* enter to inform the emperor. The emperor, coming out of his bedchamber, enters the Anastasiac triclinium, wearing his *dibetesion*, and as he stands there, the lords of the bedchamber stand on either side. The *spatharocubicularii* stand behind them. The eunuch *protospatharioi* stand behind the emperor. The *praepositus* calls for the *vestitores*, and after the emperor has been vested in his *chlamys* by them, they depart. Then the *ostiarios* descends and stands at the veil, and together with the master of ceremonies, he separates the *magistri*, patricians, *strategoi*, and officials, and orders them to withdraw to their respective ranks. After this, the *ostiarios* enters the Anastasiac again, but remains standing inside the veil. Seeing this, the emperor gives a nod to the *praepositus*, and the latter gives it to the *ostiarios*; the latter, having received it, brings in the *magistri*, patricians, *strategoi*, and officials. Upon entering, they prostrate themselves. When they have risen, the *praepositus* receives a nod from the emperor and says there, "Give the command." The emperor, escorted by the lords of the bedchamber, the patricians, and the *strategoi*, goes out into the Danube triclinium. The bearded *protospatharioi* and the *droungarios* of the watch stand on either side near the door. The patricians and *strategoi*, together with the senate, prostrate themselves. When they have risen, the *praepositus* receives a nod from the emperor, and he himself gives it to the master of ceremonies, and says, "Give the command." The emperor, escorted by them, proceeds until he is near the small column lying transversely in the pavement of the *embolos*, and there he receives the patriarch.

1013 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1014

[Greek text] ...along with the litany. Having taken candles from the praepositus and prayed, he hands them back to the praepositus; and having venerated the immaculate Gospel and the life-giving cross, both the emperor and the patriarch venerate one another, and having exchanged the kiss, the emperor receives a processional candle from the praepositus, and turning back, he passes through the same portico. The one in charge of the arrangement begins the troparion: "In your birth you preserved virginity." Chanting the same troparion, all those of the procession enter the narthex of the Great Church. All the other remaining parts of the order are observed on the same feast, just as on the Hypapante. It is to be known that the logothete of the drome, the raiktor, the protoasekretes, and the mystikos (20) stand with the protospatharioi of the chrysotriklinos in the Josephian portico.

[Latin text] ...at the column placed transversely at the end of the portico, and there he receives the patriarch with the litany or the crowd of supplicants accompanying him; and having taken the candles extended by the praepositus, he makes prayers, and having done so, he returns them again to the praepositus; having then venerated the immaculate Gospel and the life-giving cross, both venerate one another, namely the emperor and the patriarch, and they exchange the kiss of peace, and then the emperor, receiving the processional candle from the praepositus, retraces his steps through the same portico; the master of ceremonies, meanwhile, intones the troparion: "In your birth you preserved virginity." All who are present at this procession, chanting the same troparion, enter the narthex of the Great Church [of the Blachernae]. The remaining rites, however, are to be observed on that feast day similar to the rites of the Hypapante or the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin. Furthermore, it is to be held that the logothete of the drome, the raiktor, the protoasekretes, and the mystikos stand together with the protospatharioi of the chrysotriklinos in the Josephian portico.

CHAPTER X. Things to be observed on the second day of the first week [of the Lenten fast], when the emperor delivers a speech in the silentium of the Magnaura.

Around the third hour, the signal for dismissal is given, and the entire senate departs, and the magistroi, the patricians, all the imperial men, and the entire civil crowd stand below the steps of the Magnaura, as do the droungarios of the vigla with his regiment and the imperial retinue (22), and the droungarios of the fleet with all those under him. The lords go out from the skaramangia, wearing also their gold-bordered sagia, and they pass through the walkways of the Holy Forty [Martyrs] and the sigma and the church of the Lord, and they light candles there, and from there they pass through the sakella and the ovatos and the ascending narrow street to the solarium of the Magnaura, and they enter the great triclinium, being escorted by the cubiculum, the maglabitai, and the hetaireia. For there in the great triclinium, below the side arch on the right towards the east, stand the golden chairs of the lords. And sitting there for a little while, until everything is well prepared by the praepositus—for it is required that the [emperors] sit...

[VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.]

(20) Whether the Mystikos was a peculiar court dignity, or if he was so called by the common people and historians because he was a more intimate friend of the emperor, of inner admission, I do not know. He is mentioned quite frequently by Byzantine writers. In Leo Grammaticus 480, Goar retained the Greek word Mysticus in the Latin, but to Cedrenus p. 599, he added in the margin that he was a senator of the secret council. Cf. Script. post Theophan. p. 224, and p. 251, where someone is mentioned as "the mystikos and paradynasteuon." Ibid. p. 276, someone occurs as "the mystikos and teacher of the philosophers" (John Nicolaus, surnamed Mysticus, occurs in the codex of Lambecius, Jurid. 77. I, L. VII). Cf. Du Cange v.

(21) Concerning this solemn oration, see what was said above p. 91.

(22) Who these are, I do not make out. They must be of the kind of soldiers, whether they are scholarii, or Varangians, or of any other kind, whom the emperor chose for himself as perpetual companions and shield-bearers, who are around him wherever he goes. Hence "laos periousios" is the dear, chosen, and beloved militia, the militia of the "periousia," of the peculium or the peculiar; see Theophanes p. 305, where he says of Justinian Rhinotmetus: "He enlisted 30,000 and having armed them, he named them the 'laos periousios'."

1015 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1016

...of the arrangement, in order to prepare both the asekretis and everything that custom requires. For above the steps, up to the last one, is placed the epeuchion, upon which the lords stand; from there on both sides, that is to say, to the right and to the left, from the first step to the last, the asekretis and notaries stand in rows, intending to take down what is spoken by the emperor. Above, at the first step, on the right side toward the east, stand the logothete, the first asekretis, and the protonotary. It should be known that, while the lords are seated, all those of the cubiculum, those of the maglabion, those of the hetaireia, and those of the chrysotriklinos stand by. When everything is well prepared, the praipositos enters and performs obeisance, bowing his head in a certain manner and moderately lifting his sagion with his hands; immediately the lords rise, and going out beyond the cancelli, they stand above at the first step, upon which the epeuchion is spread, and immediately, at a nod from the praipositos, all the people say the polychronion. And after everyone has fallen silent, the emperor begins to speak. It should be known that while the emperor is speaking, at a complete stop—that is, a pause—in the same speech, the emperor is silent, and the people, at a nod from the praipositos, say: "May God grant long life to your imperial majesty." And after the people have finished, the emperor makes the sign of the cross three times: in the middle, to the right, and to the left. And then, having returned, the lords sit in their golden chairs, where they were before, and immediately those of the arithmos begin to offer the customary acclamations, and the praipositos, going out, prepares everything well; for the magistroi, patrikioi, and senators stand by the side portico of the western left part, awaiting the arrival of the lords. And when everything is well prepared, the praipositos enters, and having performed obeisance in the aforementioned manner, the lords immediately rise and pass through the left part of the steps and the portico, where the magistroi, patrikioi, and senators stand, and they go out through the exit gate into the triklinos of the candidati, and from there they pass through the excubita, the scholae, and the chytos of the Chalke, and they go as far as the holy well. There they light candles and venerate the holy well, and at the great gate which leads from the holy well, the patriarch meets them at the place where the holy cross is set out for veneration. The lords [meet] the patriarch...

1017 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1018

are venerated. Then they proceed through the door to the right side of the sanctuary; where all the senators, palace ministers, and chamberlains stand, blessing the lords. These, having entered through the sacred doors of the chancel, light candles, as is the custom, and perform the rest according to the rite. Finally, the patriarch receives the censer from the hand of the castrensis and hands it to the emperor. He censes all around the holy table; and then the lords exit from the right side of the sanctuary, together with the patriarch, through the smaller sacred doors that are there, and both proceed as far as the porphyry columns. There, however, they bid farewell and bestow the kiss of peace upon the patriarch. And he indeed returns into the sanctuary to perform the tritohekte, that is, the office to be performed between the third and sixth hour; the lords, however, enter the metatorium, and from there, after the absolution or end of the tritohekte, they ascend mystically or privately, without witnesses and with their intimate friends and guards, by the spiral staircase leading from the metatorium to the catechumena; and finally, through the diabatica or covered porticoes, they return to the palace, which may God guard, escorted by the maglabitai and the hetaireia. But all the senators, chamberlains, and palace ministers, after the completion of the tritohekte, depart from there, that is, from Hagia Sophia, each to his own home. For since that day is "pagan" [that is, not dedicated to a solemn and formally proclaimed procession], they do not accompany the lords as they return to the palace.

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

CHAPTER XI. Things to be observed when the precious crosses are to be brought out in the middle week of Holy Lent.

It is to be known that on the third Sunday of Holy Lent, that is, from the Sunday of Orthodoxy, after the third or even the sixth ode of the matins, the three precious and life-giving crosses are brought out and deposited in the skeuophylakion, and then, being anointed with balsam by the protopapas, they are set forth in the church for the adoration of all. And after the dismissal of matins, the ascent of the Nea [Church] is opened, and the clergy of the Nea ascend, and together with the imperial clergy of the palace, they stand chanting the customary staurosima. And when the lords command, they enter and venerate the precious and life-giving crosses. Then, departing, they sit in the Chrysotriklinos for the customary and daily procession. And one [cross], being lifted by the deacon of the Nea and accompanied by its clergy, descends and is set forth in the same Nea church. The other, being lifted and carried by the papias of the Great Palace, wearing a skaramangion and a true sagion, accompanied by the imperial clergy and the protopapas of the Daphne of Saint...

[Latin text omitted as per instructions]

[1019] ...carried by those [the clergy], it passes through the Heliakon and the Chrysotriklinos, and being led away, it is set forth for the adoration of the entire Senate in the Lausiakos, on the left side before the gate of the oratory of Saint Basil. And after the adoration, it is again carried by the papias, being escorted by those aforementioned, and is deposited in the Palace of Daphne in the church of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen. And on the second day of the same week, after the masses have been celebrated, the papias goes out and takes the cross from Saint Stephen’s and carries it to the Great Church of Saint Sophia. The other cross remains in the Sacred Palace. It should be known that on the Friday of the same middle week of the Holy Forty Days, after the dismissal of the ninth hour, the papias brings the precious cross into the Sacred Palace. Likewise, the clergy of the Nea [New Church] also bring in the other cross on the same day after the dismissal of the ninth hour. And on Sunday, between the third and sixth odes of the Orthros, having been wiped clean by the protopapas and the skeuophylax, they are deposited in the same skeuophylakion.

[1020] ...the same New Church. But the other one, taken by the papias of the Great Palace, who wears a skaramangion and a purple sagion on his body, and is accompanied by the palatine clergy and the protopapas of Saint Stephen of Daphne and by the officials of the palace, all of them carrying candles, passes through the Heliakon and the Chrysotriklinos, and being carried forth from there, is exposed for the adoration of the entire Senate in the Lausiakos on the left, before the gate of the oratory of Saint Basil. Where, after it has been sufficiently adored, it is taken back again by the papias in the same company, and is exposed in the Palace of Daphne in the church which is there, of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen [that is to say, the one who was the first of all martyrs to undergo the supreme punishment]. On the next day of the same week, after the masses are finished, the papias goes out and takes that cross from Saint Stephen’s, and brings it to the Great Church of Saint Sophia. The third cross, indeed, is not taken out of the Sacred Palace. On the Parasceve, or Friday, of the same middle week of the Holy Forty Days, after the absolution of the ninth [that is, the office accustomed to be sung around the ninth hour], the papias brings the holy cross back from Saint Sophia into the Sacred Palace. Similarly, the clergy of the Nea also bring back the other cross from their church on the same day and at the same time. On the following Sunday, between the third and sixth odes of the Orthros, the crosses are again replaced by the protopapas and the skeuophylax in the same repository of vessels where they had been kept before, having first been well and properly wiped clean.

CHAPTER XII. Things to be observed when the Lords go to bathe at the Blachernae.

On the Parasceve, or Friday, in the morning, the entire Senate proceeds or gathers, dressed in skaramangia, at the Blachernae outside the city gate, at the place where the Lords are accustomed to arrive by dromon. Likewise dressed in skaramangia, the Lords enter the dromon together with their private body ministry, the logothete of the dromos, the protoasekretes, the prefect of petitions, the hetaireiarches, and the drungarios of the vigla. They arrive at the gate where the Senate awaits them; and the magistroi, patricians, and officials stand outside the gate on the right side of the road by which the Lords pass; on the left stand the royal saddled horses. The nobles, when they are near the Lords, adore them by falling to the ground; the Lords, escorted by the praepositi of the cubiculum, the maglabitai, the basilikoi, and those of the hetaireia, enter the church [of the Holy Mother of God] by the path that leads there. When the Lords have entered through the outer gate, the magistroi, patricians, and officials follow behind. In the propylaeum, or ante-portal of the church, the skeuophylax [or custodian of the vessels and sacred relics deposited in that temple] receives the Lords...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE] ...domestic and without doubt many others in the Great Palace, which they would frequent daily or more often according to the custom of that nation. That Blachernae [bath] therefore was used only for the sake of ceremony, by ancient rite, once a year, or certainly very rarely (as to a bath, which would add no ordinary holiness to those using it, and would bestow blessing and prosperity, for which reason also below on p. 320, it is called the "holy washing"). But if it were to be asked with what ceremonies this was done, it is explained here. Concerning that Blachernae bath, see, if it is worth it, the silly comment of the little Greek, which the notes of Alemannus on Procopius p. 83 contain. For besides the absurdity of the thing itself, the man also blunders in chronological matters. That Blachernae bath was built long after Justin.

(26) The Greek emperors had a bath...

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II

...the sacristan with a censer, and the clergy of the same church, attending them. And indeed, as the Lords enter the narthex, they put on their gold-bordered cloaks, light candles, and pass through the middle of the church and the solea; and again they light candles outside the holy doors, and enter the holy sanctuary, and kiss the holy altar-covering. It is to be noted that, while the Lords are praying in the holy bema, the senate, the members of the cubiculum, and the imperial officials pass through and stand in the narthex of the holy reliquary. Then, in this manner, they pass through the right side of the bema toward the east and the sacristy, and enter the narthex of the holy reliquary; and the imperial officials stand to the left of the imperial procession, while the magistroi and patricians stand to the right, with respect to the gates. The Lords light candles according to custom at the imperial gates of the holy reliquary, and enter, and immediately the cubicularii close their gates (for bearded men do not enter there, only those of the cubiculum). The Lords again, according to custom, light candles in front of the holy bema, and enter and kiss the holy altar-covering, and the first emperor takes a censer from the praepositus and censes around the holy table. Then they take off their cloaks, and the first emperor receives from the praepositus the fan made of peacock feathers, and he performs the rite around the holy table; and they exit the bema and go from the right to the visitation, and they light candles there also and worship. And from there they go outside the metatorion, in which the icon of the Theotokos and the silver cross are established, and they light candles there also, and enter the metatorion, and if they so command, they are covered.

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(27) Among the sacred instruments there was also a fan, made of thin membranes, likewise of linen, and also of peacock feathers (whence it is called a "peacock-feather fan" and "peacock-feather circle"), with which a deacon, or one standing by, or two deacons standing one on each side of the altar, would drive away flies while the sacred rites were being performed, or otherwise shake dust from the sacred altar-coverings. Clement, Apostolic Constitutions VIII, 12: "Let two deacons from each side of the altar hold a fan made of thin membranes, or peacock feathers, or fine linen, and let them silently drive away the small flying creatures, so that they do not fall into the cups." Pontificale Huberti p. 111: "Two other deacons, taking fans, stand on each side of the holy table from the flanks and fan over the holy things with all reverence, so that a fly or any such small creature does not settle." Since, therefore, the emperors in both the Greek and Latin Church held the rank of deacons or subdeacons, it was permitted for them to enter the tribune, to read the epistle publicly, to change the altar-covering, and to perform other such things not permitted to a layman, as was demonstrated in another place; it was permitted to them also, as is evident from this place of ours, to hold the fan and with it to cleanse the sacred table; see Du Cange s.v. Ripidion, and ad Alexiad. p. 346, Vales. ad Ammian. Marcell. p. 578, Mabillon in Museo Italico p. XLVII. Let us correct the text in the service. The Lords, having entered the narthex, put on cloaks bordered with gold, light candles, pass through the middle part of the church and past the solea, where they again set down the lit candles outside the sacred doors. Then they enter the holy thysiasterion or place of sacrifice, and venerate the holy endyta or altar-covering with a kiss. Meanwhile, however, while the Lords fulfill their devotion in the holy bema [or tribune], the senate and the cubicularii and the basilici pass into the narthex of the holy reliquary [or the sacred shrine of the Blessed Virgin's garments], and there they hold themselves in their assigned ranks. Devotion completed, the Lords pass through the right side of the bema toward the east and through the sacristy, and enter the narthex of the holy reliquary, with the basilici or imperial men standing on the left in the path by which they must pass, and the magistroi and patricians on the right, with respect to the imperial gate of that chapel. At these imperial gates of the holy reliquary, the Lords fix lit candles according to custom, and then enter [into the nave of the reliquary]. Having entered, the cubicularii immediately close that gate. For bearded men do not enter there, but only the cubicularii. There, again, they light candles outside the holy bema, as is the custom, and then enter the bema, and venerate the holy endyta with a kiss. The first or supreme emperor, having received a censer from the praepositus, censes around the holy table. That done, the Lords take off their cloaks, and the praepositus hands to the greater Lord the fan made of peacock feathers, with which he sweeps around the holy table. That done, they exit from the bema, and go from the right side to the episcepsis [or visitation and adoration of the sacred relics of the Blessed Virgin], and there also they light candles and worship [the relics]. From there they proceed as far as the metatorium, in which...

(28) Metatorion, in the codex, as is more frequent. Thus the new scribes are accustomed to do, omitting the final letter v: a custom of our scribes which I have religiously expressed, especially in the second volume. Nothing is more frequent for them than karphio, silentio, and such. Thus in the specimen of our codex, kataperisseia is expressed for kata perisseian, labdareo for labdareon. A little before on p. 315 we had gradelio. Below on p. 337, we will have chlanidimen chlanidin, p. 348, kletorologio, p. 380, karphin and kynostomaio and spithamaio, p. 381, eis Syria. In the nomic glosses of Labbe there is parabletio men parabletion. In the book of the illustrious Corsinus on the notes of the Greeks, p. 36, there is ARCHW for ARCHON, with a circumflex line drawn over the f and at its side, which is the very letter v. For the letter... [referring to the occasion of Anastasius in Nicholas I, p. 210: and two fans (thus read for the common "and with two fans") in the type of peacocks (that is, painted, so that they might represent the likeness of peacock tails) with shields (that is, tablets, squares or rhomboids of precious metal) and various precious stones. It is clear that from these fans were born those with which our ladies prepare themselves and play. The Greek emperors had girls sitting by them as they slept, who would agitate the air and drive away flies, which is evident from the Alexiad, p. 254: "seeing the maidservant fanning the air and driving the mosquitoes far from the skin of the emperors."]

1023 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1024

[Greek text: ...standing, the members of the middle *hetaireia* stand, and they too offer prayers. And as they exit, they pass through the narthex...]

And the image of the Mother of God and a silver cross are present; at the entrance of which, also, before they enter, they light candles. Having entered then into the *metatorium*, if they so desire, they are invested with their robes. It must be held that in that place where the masters stand making prayers to God, there also stand those who had accompanied them up to that point, the men of the middle *hetaireia*, after good words have been spoken to the masters. The masters then pass through the narthex, where they are venerated a second time by the *magistri*, patricians, and officials; and the masters ascend by the spiral staircase and proceed further to the *apodyta* [or the undressing room, where garments are deposited after bathing]. Meanwhile, while these things are happening, those who had previously departed from the masters for this purpose arrange themselves, the imperial attendants, to the right and left outside the *paraptera* [or wings or lateral substructures] leading to the *apodyta*, and they pray for good things as the masters pass through by themselves. The masters, crowded by the *kouboukleion*, the *maglabitai*, and the great *hetaireia*, enter the *paraptera* leading to the *apodyta*. Having exited from there and been accompanied for a little while, they stop after good words have been spoken to the masters...

[Greek text: ...and again they are received by the *magistri* and patricians and officials, and the masters ascend by the spiral staircase and depart. The imperial attendants, having gone ahead, stand to the right and left outside the *paraptera* leading into the *apodyta*. And as the masters pass through, they too offer prayers. The masters, escorted by the *kouboukleion*, the *maglabitai*, and the great *hetaireia*, enter the *paraptera* leading to the *apodyta*. And those of the great *hetaireia* stand immediately after with a few others, offering prayers, and after them the *maglabitai* stand, and they too offer prayers, and after them those of the *kouboukleion*, and they too offer prayers at the inner single-door leading in, and outside the single-door the *praipositi* stand, and they too offer prayers. The masters depart into the *apodyta*, and undressing, they are wrapped in their golden *lentia* (20), and...]

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...they represent that in the manuscripts with a circumflex as well. The same Corsini, in the Appendix to the aforementioned work, page 28, observes that in the Inscriptions *Psychario* is found for *Psycharion*. Below, p. 342, is *Apochabda* for *Apolambdan*. In Du Cange’s *Glossarium Graecum*, p. 1111, *paramia* for *paramian*. Everywhere the form *Amerumn* or *Amerhoumn* is present, which reading was born from those who did not understand that the circumflex there functions in place of an accent and represents the missing letter *n*. For the full and correct form is *Amermumn*, Amer Mumnin. From this canon, many passages of ancient authors and marbles can be corrected, corrupted not so much by ancient scribes and stonecutters as by our printers and editors, who did not perceive the shorthand of ancient writing. For they do not commit a fault who omit a letter according to the universal custom of their time, but those who do not add it in books expressed by the aid of type, in which such things are not accustomed to be omitted. I will seem to some to be writing things for myself and disapproving of my own action in others. And indeed, I would have followed another path if it had happened to me to edit this book a second time; but now, since I am editing it for the first time from parchments which are believed to have no twins, I have written a law for myself to follow their example, which some future editor may change. I, however, wished and ought to have rendered the customs of both those and earlier times religiously from the authority of the parchments. For I know well that modern Greeks omit the final *n* not only in writing but also in speech; and this is not a new example, but the ancients were also accustomed to do so. For whence would the Latins have mutilated the endings of Greek words with the final letter *m*, unless their fathers, the Aeolians and Dorians, had taught them so? *Plato*, *Amphitruo*, likewise *statio*, *generatio*, and similar words say this. For these are in the Greek manner; just as from *statos* comes *station*, so from *generatos* comes *generation*. And they omitted not only the final *n*, but also the endings *in* and *os*. Nothing is more frequent in Lupus Protospatha than to utter *Maniaci*, *Stratigo*, *Patricio*, *Anatolico*, and such in the nominative. Thus all spoke and wrote in the age of Lupus, and from ancient tradition Italians and Spaniards still speak and write *Paolo*, *Nicolao*, *Domingo*, etc. In table XVIII of volume I of Ciampini’s *Monumenta Vetera*, p. 35, there is in area 23 an image of St. Bartholomew, who is being strangled, with the inscription: *O S D Bartholome kremastheis epi staurou teleioutai*. And thus the ancient Greeks themselves not rarely omitted it, as is concluded from *aphno* for *aphnos* or *aphanos* and similar words, of which a huge number could be collected if I were to do so; see what is to be said at p. 342. Meanwhile, I will subjoin one or two examples of the omitted final *n* in ancient marbles as a specimen of how one should proceed with such things. In Montfaucon’s *Diarium Italicum*, p. 425, this distich is read with many others: *Tou Dios Alkmenes te gonon timaisin aexo / uios Lastheneos stesen agalma tode*. In the first of these verses, the last letter is absent not by the fault of the stonecutter, but by ancient custom, left to be supplied by a reader skilled in Greek. The same must be judged concerning the inscription of Herodes Atticus, by which he dedicated the Triopium; in which the omitted *n* involved learned men in error, as in v. 6: *Tophrake tai Triopeiai en athanatois alegesthon*. For thus that passage is to be read. In the same dedication of the statue of Regilla, v. 34, *anassa* is read for *anassan* and v. 43, *me* for *men*, where the skill and prudence of the reader ought to silently supply the omitted *n*, not to accuse the stonecutter, just as neither the scribe, who wrote *Anchialo* for *Anchialon*. See *Script. Hist. Aug.* T. I, p. 848, and II, 377. That is correct, whether you attribute it to the scribe who wrote the Palatine codex, omitting the transverse line signifying *n*, or to the plebeian dialect, which in pronunciation itself omitted final *n* and *m* and *s*. Inscriptions and the Peutinger Table teem with such things. *Ad Capsu Juliam* for *ad Capsum J.*, *Corintho*, *Epidauro*, *Pireo*, which can be just as much of the Theodosian century as of the thirteenth, in which the parchment example that still survives today was formed at Colmar from an older codex. For the learned man labors in vain to demonstrate that the parchments and letters of the Theodosian century are those from which the table first emerged, and again very recently at Vienna in Austria. The text itself perhaps has Theodosius or rather his land-surveyors as authors, but that example is without controversy more recent; which the very appearance of the letters shows, exactly similar to that with which monks were writing parchments four centuries ago. A known passage of the Theodosian Code: *Nemo vir*

(29) These are what the ancients called *paragaudae* lines.

1025 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1026

they enter into the holy bath. It must be known that the praepositi enter before the masters, along with some of the cubiculum and cubicularii carrying the candles, which the masters light while praying. And before the pool, near the entrance door on the right side, stand the praepositi and those of the cubiculum with the secret service of the masters, both the balnearites and the protembatarius (30). The remaining bathers of the Blachernae stand to the left of the masters. And as the masters enter, they take candles from the praepositi and light them, and worshipping the holy silver icons which are in the pool, they pass through the right side of the pool. In that same right side of the pool stand two censers, into which the emperor, as he passes, taking aromatics from the praepositus, places them with his own hands into the censers. Then the masters light candles at the eastern niche, in which the silver icon of the Theotokos also stands above the phiale. And from there they depart to the left, where the impression of the hand of the Theotokos is imprinted in the marble, and is enclosed by a silver circumference (31), and they light candles there also, and with his own hand the first emperor places an aromatic into the censer there, receiving it from the praepositus. Returning from there, the masters enter into the holy Photinos, into the inner vault, and depart...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...whether he has gold on his tunics or on his linen garments. Lampridius mentions gold on linen, p. 972, vol. I, Scriptores Historiae Augustae: "In linen, however, he [Alexander Severus] considered gold to be madness, since rigor was added even to harshness," see the learned interpreters there and at vol. II, p. 452 and p. 231, where Gallienus is said to have always used golden covers. In our author below, p. 359, we have *chrysoun encheirion*, a golden orarium or sudarium, interwoven with golden threads. 8. Audoenus in the Life of St. Eligius 1, 15, calls linen garments "reddened with metal": "He also had belts made of gold and gems, and also elegantly jeweled purses, and linen garments reddened with metal, and the edges of the garments [perhaps read *saramancarum* or *saranicarum*] covered with gold." Already in the most ancient times of Herodotus, golden linen hand-cloths were in use, as is evident from his Book II, ch. 122, where he relates from the tradition of the Egyptians that King Rhampsinitus descended alive into the kingdom of Pluto, and there played dice with Demeter, and sometimes won, and sometimes was defeated by her, and returned again having a golden hand-cloth as a gift from her. *Dinochrysa* such garments are called by the Greeks; see Theoph. p. 270] and *chrysouphanta*; see p. 320. *Embasis*, presides over the bathing stools. For the Greeks call *embatas* or *embadas* or *embaseis* from *embainein* (to enter) those who are bathing, called "descensions" by the Latins; see Salmasius on Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. I, p. 691. Du Cange, Glossarium Graecum, s.v. *Embadon* [unless it is rather *embadon* or *embaton* or *embaton*] is for Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the Life of Basil the Macedonian, p. 201, a phiale, a marble basin, which receives the water flowing and leaping from a siphon. The word *phiale* (whence our *fiole*) is good Greek. The ancients used to say *pyelos*. Such basins, in which bathers would swim and wash themselves, the ancients called *pyeloi* and *mactrae*. I will correct on this occasion a passage of Polybius, which caused trouble for Valesius. It is in the Peirescian Excerpts, p. 142, and I shall transcribe it, as I believe it should be read: "The festival of the Antigoneia being celebrated in Sicyon, and the baths having both the common *mactrae* (common-use basins or large pools), and *pyeloi* (tubs) placed beside them, into which the more elegant of men are accustomed to enter privately, if ever someone [namely, himself] of those around Andronidas should descend into them," or the rest.

...the right hand of the Virgin in silver, extended and protruding from the surface of the painting, as is understood from Gerlach's Itinerary, p. 63, whose words are these: "Around the altar in the choir [or tribune] are seen painted the saints Gregory, Basil, Chrysostom, with emaciated faces: also Nicholas of Damascus and other doctors of the Church. At the top, above all, stands out the *Pantokrator* or J.C. with two of his disciples. Always on the panels of the choir [above the doors, which are named after the saints] to the right is seen the image of the *Pantokrator* or Lord Jesus Christ with a silver hand, from which hang silver plates and small masses, representing whole men, as well as arms, hands, feet, and other members. In the middle stands the image of the Mother of God with the child Jesus, also with a rich silver right hand, from which likewise such silver plates and small masses and golden threads hang. To the left stand images of women, which present the appearance of mourners, from which also votive offerings are accustomed to be hung." Let him who wishes compare these with those who have written about the votive offerings of the ancients, and deny thereafter, if he dares, that the Christianity of the Greeks is ancient paganism with the name of the idols changed.

(30) The protembatarius is he who [presides over] the *embatai* or... (31) Thus the modern Greeks are accustomed, so that they add to the image of the Virgin Mary...

1027 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1028 of the image of the Theotokos, which pours forth the holy water from her own holy hands. And after lighting the candles, the praepositos receives the holy stacte from the bath attendant and presents it to the sovereigns. The sovereigns sign themselves with their own hands, and upon exiting, they bathe. And after bathing, they go out into the outer small vault, and changing their linens, they wrap themselves in others woven with gold. The protembatarios, standing before the pool, says the prayer. It should be known that, while the prayer is being said, the bath attendants bring in the twelve bastaktai (32) from the left side of the pool, and they pass before the lower eastern (33) niche, and stand at the right side of the pool. The sovereigns enter and stand, and the first emperor gives to each of the bastaktai one nomisma. The praepositos must prepare (34) the hand of the bastaktas for the reception of the imperial gift. And after the completion of the distribution, the protembatarios sanctifies the pool with the cross, giving to the sovereigns holy water from the pool with the same cross (35). The sovereigns, having received the holy water, enter the pool, and while the ektene is being said, they submerge three times, and exiting, they ascend into the undressing room, and having dressed according to custom, they exit with their mystical retinue. It should be known that outside the single-doored room, in which the praepositi stand praying for the sovereigns, stands the caretaker of the Eugenios hospice, giving blessings to the sovereigns as they pass by. As the sovereigns pass, those of the cubiculum, the maglabitai, and the hetaireia move from the places where they were standing and proceed before the sovereigns. If the sovereigns command to ride and go either to the Spring or elsewhere, they do this; but if not, entering the dromon, they go into the palace, or go elsewhere, wherever they wish.

Thence they depart to the left, where the hand of the Mother of God exhibits the form of her own self, expressed in the manner of a marble image, surrounded by a silver border. They light candles there also: and the first or major emperor, with his own hand, casts the aleiptos or incense into the thurible, which is present there, having received it from the praepositos. Thence the sovereigns returning, enter the chapel of St. Photios, which is in the inner vault. Thence having descended, they fix the lit candles before the marble image of the Mother of God, which with her own holy hands pours forth the hagiasma or holy water. After the candles are lit there, the praepositos receives the holy stacte or holy lixivium handed over by the bath attendant, and communicates it to the sovereigns. They sign themselves crosswise with it with their own hands, and bathe, the others having exited. Having bathed, they go out into the smaller outer vault, and having laid aside their linens, they put on others interwoven with gold. The protembatarios or master of the throne, standing before the pool, performs the blessing; while this is being said, the bath attendants introduce from the left side of the pool twelve bastaktai or water-bearers, who, after they have passed before the lower eastern niche, arrange themselves in a station in the right region of the pool. The sovereigns entering, stop, and the first and greatest emperor gives to each of the porters a single gold coin. The praepositos must have previously arranged the hand of each bastaktas or porter in such a form that he may receive with decorum and grace the coin placed by the sovereign. After this largesse and distribution of coins is finished, the protembatarios sanctifies the swimming pool with his cross, and with the same reaches out to the sovereigns the hagiasma or sanctified or blessed water from the pool. The sovereigns, having received the hagiasma, enter the pool, and while the ektene is being said, they submerge themselves three times; then they exit from the pool and ascend into the undressing rooms, and again clothed in their usual garments, they exit with their mystical or private body ministry. While the sovereigns are exiting through the single door, before which we were saying a little earlier that the praepositi are accustomed to stand wishing the sovereigns well, there stands also the caretaker of the Eugenios hospice, bestowing upon the sovereigns as they pass by eulogiae or blessings. As the sovereigns pass by each rank of those whom they had left standing before the doors they were about to enter in the undressing room, these also begin to move themselves at the same time and precede the departing sovereigns from that place.

VARIOUS READINGS 18 lower conj. R., according to the codex and edition. (32) Or it was placed thus for the 12 bastaktai. (33) It is so in the manuscripts. But read either lower or according to the east. I am uncertain which of these to embrace, I have seized the former in the Latin. (34) Namely, to the right hands receiving the gold, as Amm. Marcell. p. 16 (19) ed. Lindenbr. says. For otherwise they used to receive offerings with the extended fold of a garment. (35) Therefore that cross was so formed that it had at the end a small, somewhat hollow dish, by which water might be drawn. The Russians, taught by the Greeks, still use such a dish in the lustration of the water of the Theophany, as is evident from the cited passage of a certain Englishman on page 6 of these Commentaries, which illustrates this of ours excellently and deserves to be compared.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. ...bajuli, or the bastakta are the same as the bastaktra, poles, by which things are carried (see what is said on p. 267). If you explain it in the latter way, metonymy will have a place, naming the instrument for the user. These bajuli can now be either water-bearers, who collect or draw water into the pool, called by the Greeks nerophoroi, see du Cange v. Aquarius, or those who carry the body of the Augustus and Augusta in litters, or drive litter-mules, and in general load, unload, care for, and observe the imperial baggage and sacred impediments in the bastage; see concerning bastagae and bastagarii Guther. p. 730, du Cange Gl. Lat. h. v. and Vales. ad Ammian. Marcell., p. 83, where he explains bastagen as "the baggage animals of the prince."

1029 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1030 and the station which each holds, the first chamberlains from their own, then the maglabitai, and finally those inscribed in the hetaireia, each from their own stations. From there, furthermore, if they please, the lords are carried on horses to the Pega [that is, to the Pegan palace and the Mother of God of the Spring], or wherever else they might wish; but if they do not wish to ride, or if they wish to go elsewhere, they depart.

CHAPTER XIII. What must be observed on a pagan Sunday, or on any other common day, when the lords intend to go either to the Holy Apostles or to some other temple for the sake of prayer.

On the day before, orders are given to the praepositus and the catepan of the basilikoi, that on the following morning all should assemble there in skaramangia, from wherever the lords have decreed to ride out. And so, all assemble in skaramangia early in the morning, and the praepositi together with the cubiculum come forth from the palace, whether to the caballarium [that is, the catadromos or horse-stable], or to the Lord’s Church, or to the hippodrome, or to the tzukanisterion [that is, the area for practicing equestrian ball-games], or to the Daphne. For from these entrances the emperors are accustomed to ride out.

The lords go out in skaramangia, wearing also their swords, and being escorted by both the praepositi and the cubiculum, they ride. The praepositi and those of the cubiculum also ride, preceding the lords. The maglabitai and all the imperial men, with skaramangia and swords, each proceed in his own order. The magistroi, anthypatoi, patricians, and officials follow behind the carriage with the droungarios of the vigla and the droungarios of the ploima, following the lords. And indeed, when the lords go to the church and dismount from their horses, seats are placed—namely, those carried by the archontogennemata—either in the propylaeum of the same church or in the narthex, and in these the lords sit, and being surrounded by the more mystical order of the chamberlains so as not to be easily seen by the many, they change the footwear they are wearing, putting on stricta. It should be known that in the narthex of the church the praepositi also put on their saga. And then, rising and putting on their own gold-clasped saga, they come to the royal doors, and from the praepositi they receive candles, and they give thanks to God through a triple prostration with them. And then they enter, and pass through the middle of the church and the solea, and standing outside the holy doors of the bema, they again receive other candles from the praepositi, and do likewise. Then entering into the holy sanctuary, they kiss the holy endyta. Then the senior emperor receives from the hand of the praepositus the thurible and the aromatics, and with his own hand placing them upon the coals, he incenses around the holy table, and having done this, he returns [it].

VARIOUS READINGS. 13. NOTE: It should be known that the emperor does not ride to the Church of the Apostles in the morning without a skaramangion and choma. 14. [Textual note regarding the reading of the Greek.] 15. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE: That it is not anthrax, coal, both the sense and the lack of accent showed; it was clear to me that the last letter was not simple, but composite. (36) Since I found anthrax in the manuscripts,

the praepositus [gives] the censer, and he passes [through the bema] by the side by which it is appropriate for him to exit. Finally, these things having been performed, if they wish to dine in that temple, that is done; if not, they return riding on horseback to the palace in the same order in which, as we have said, they had gone out from there to the temple, likewise riding. If in Lent the lords wish to go to church, then a metastasimon is made, that is, permission to depart from the court and courtly business is announced, at which time the third hour is chanted in the Lausiakos, and indeed in the oratory of St. Basil which is there. Permission having been given, they all depart to that place from which it is intended that the lords will ride out. Having gathered, the lords mount their horses, and they depart. On the ninth day of the month of March, the memory of the Holy Forty Martyrs is celebrated, with the lords coming to their church, with the same rite that is observed when the lords ride to any urban church, and which we have just explained. On the Kalends of the month of July, the memory of the Holy Anargyroi is celebrated, with the lords proceeding to their venerable church, which is in the quarter of Paulinus, as it may please them, whether on horseback or by dromon. The order and sequence of the procession is as above. It should be noted, however, regarding this feast, that in whatever way the lords proceed to the quarter of Paulinus, whether on horseback or by dromon, they always use skaramangia; then this, that the lords, after they have performed their devotion with candles before the holy doors of the chancel, do not enter into the bema (for it is not the custom for that to be done on that day), but adore the holy relics of the Holy Anargyroi before the chancel, and after the candles have been lit and fixed there, they go out into the exaerum or atrium, where they mount their horses and begin the return to the palace; whether they return on horseback or by dromon. Often, however, it happens in this procession that they feast with the nobles in the palace of the Blachernae, and thus finally return to the palace in the evening. On the twenty-seventh day of the month of July, the memory of St. Panteleemon is similarly performed, with the lords riding to his venerable church, which is in the monastery or district of Narses. But if it pleases the lords to go there by ship, the order and sequence is in this manner: In the morning, the entire senate and the cubiculum proceed in skaramangia to the district or monastery called of the Canicleus, and the emperor enters from the palace into the imperial dromon with his private ministry and the logothete [of the drome and the protoasecretis, the master of petitions and the hetairiarch...

COMMENTARY (37) The ancient Greeks used *geuesthai* for to breakfast; the later ones use *geuma* for to dine and for dinner; see Salmasius, vol. II, p. 615. Hist. Aug. Palairet, Observations on the N.T. on Acts XX, 11. (38) Anargyroi are called certain saints, and among them especially Cosmas and Damian, who practiced medicine for the poor for free; see Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. s.v., and Ricaut, *Etat présent de l'Eglise grecque*, p. 148. (39) In the district, in the quarter, in the island called of Paulinus, or of the buildings once so called; see Cedrenus, p. 502, Theophanes, p. 518, and Goar there; and Du Cange, *CPl. Christ.*, book iv, p. 184. "The temples of the Anargyroi were near the Mother of God and the Blachernae. Wagnereck on the Life of the saints Cosmas and Damian, p. 28." This temple was in the Blachernae themselves or the suburb so called. In the expression *eis ta*, when it must be taken in this sense, *oikemata* or *synoikia* or something similar is understood. (40) This saint was also a physician; see the Menologion of Basil, vol. III, for the day of July 27. Script. post Theophan. p. 269, where it is said that Romanus Lecapenus founded a church and monastery in his own name; see Du Cange, *CPl. Christ.* IV, p. 173 at the end.

1033 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1034

And the masters depart to the [monastery] of the Canicleion. And when the masters are setting out, the maglabitai and those of the company, together with the praepositi and those of the cubiculum and the archontogenneta, receive them. And departing from the dromon, they pass through and go to the courtyard, and there the imperial officials receive them, and from there the masters mount horses and depart as far as the outer propylaeum which leads to the embolos, and dismounting from their horses there, they ascend the steps, and pass through the right-hand eastern part of the baptistery. For there the magistroi and patricians and the remaining senators and imperial men stand and receive the masters, and from there the masters enter into the narthex, and putting on the gold-bordered sagia, they light candles at the imperial gates. And immediately they enter and pass through the middle of the church and the solea and again light candles outside the holy doors, and they enter into the holy sanctuary, and kiss the en-dyte and the holy head of the martyr (41), and they pass through the left-hand eastern part of the bema, and they enter into the tetraseron which is there, and again the holy head is offered by the priests, and again it is venerated by the masters with candles, and from it they receive the holy apomyrisma (42), and they go out into the open air to the anadendradion which is there, and being covered there (43), they take off the skaramangia, and putting on the kolobia they return, ordering [the journey] on horseback, as far as the palace, or ordering [the journey] by dromon; which latter is done in the same way upon departure as upon arrival at the said monastery of the Canicleion.

[The Latin translation provided in the source text follows here, which mirrors the Greek above.]

VARIOUS READINGS. 16. NOTE: It should be known that the maglabitai also have their own chelandion, and they themselves go before the Emperor as he departs to the dromon.

COMMENTARY BY JOANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS. (41) I have retained the word *cara*, that is, head, in the Latin, since Latin writers also use it; see Du Cange, s.v. *Cara*. Rhamnusius, p. 133, [notes that] a portion of the head of St. John reached Venice after Constantinople was conquered by the Latins, which formerly, under Valens, had reached the vicinity of Chalcedon in Cilicia, and then under Theodosius the Great had reached Constantinople and had been dedicated in the Hebdomon.

(42) Liquor or moisture from the relics of the saints—distilling. Life of Theophanes, p. 9, near the end, and p. 362, where Theophanes narrates these things concerning the head of St. John the Baptist kept at Edessa: "The head, venerated by the faithful until today, is honored by a bodily and spiritual fragrance, gushing forth healings for all who run to it." Thus Cedrenus, p. 748, and Anna Comnena, *Alexiad*, p. 60, mention "the myrrh dissolving" from the tomb of St. Demetrius at Thessalonica. The Continuation of Theophanes, p. 48, says that the blood of Cyril, bishop of Gortyna in Crete, distills myrrh, which the inhabitants catch with sponges. St. Nicholas in Myra, a town of Lycia, "gushes forth myrrh according to the name of the city," as Constantine Porphyrogenitus maintains in *De Thematibus*, p. 16. Such images that became moist were said to "exude myrrh" (*myrodotein*), Theophanes, p. 370, and the Greeks proceeded to such an extent of error that they would take even chests placed in a damp spot, and *liberas*, as Hippocrates says, that is, wet or becoming moist, as a sign that what was placed inside was holy; see Scylitzes Curopalates, p. 812, and Du Cange, s.v. *Apomyrisma*, *Myron*, *Manna*, and *Oil of the Holy Cross*. This superstition flowed from paganism, or rather, as many other things of its kind remain among the modern pagan Greeks, so-called Christians. For the ancients wished for those they loved, when they had departed this life, that sweetly fragrant flowers might spring up in large abundance from their tombs, through which their very bodies might seem to smell sweet, and those to whom this happened, they held to be men who, while they lived, had been dear to the gods. An elegant Greek inscription in Muratori, *Thesaurus*, p. 1693, clearly testifies to that belief, a part of which is this: "But you, earth, be good and light to Aquilinus, and by his sides may you grow sweet-smelling flowers, whatever you bring forth among the Arabs, whatever are found among the Indians, so that the dew exuding from his sweetly fragrant body may signify that the boy lies here dear to the gods, worthy of libations and incense [or sacrifices], not of lamentations."

(43) I have taken this to refer to the vault, about which I spoke above in the rites of the Coronation of the Augusti, and our author advises on p. 322. It can, however, be taken in the ordinary sense of a veil worn, which the emperors would lay aside upon entering the church, and put back on their heads upon exiting.

1035 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1036

[Latin text:] ...was. If the lords return by way of the sea-gulf, they enter, by their own command, into the dromon along with as many of their retinue as they themselves wish and order to feast with them on that day. On the twenty-sixth day of the month of September, the memory of St. John the Theologian is celebrated in a similar manner, with the lords going on that day to his venerable church, which is in the Dihippion. On the Kalends of the month of November, the memory of the Holy Anargyroi is performed in a similar way, with the lords going to their venerable church, which is in the district or monastery of Basiliscus. On the twenty-ninth day of the month of August, the memory of the beheading of St. John the Forerunner is likewise celebrated, with the lords going to his venerable temple, which is in the monastery of Stoudios, with the same rite that we explained above regarding the memory or feast of St. Panteleemon. For the entire senate gathers in the morning in the monastery of Stoudios wearing skaramangia; the magistroi, patricians, and officials stand outside the gate that faces the sea; the cubiculum, the basilici, the maglabitai, the hetaireia, and the archontogennemata stand in the harbor where the dromon arrives. The monks of that monastery stand in a double row, on the right and on the left, from that outer gate all the way to the harbor. The lords arriving there with the same retinue and in the same order that we mentioned for the memory of St. Panteleemon, and having disembarked from the ship, proceed under the escort of the cubiculum, the maglabitai, and the hetaireia, with the hegumen of the Stoudios monastery going before them carrying a smoking censer, and the monks with burning candles. As the lords approach the gate where the magistroi, patricians, and officials are standing, these latter adore them by falling to the ground, and once raised, they follow them. Thus, the lords proceeding through the atrium ascend and pass through the porticoes that are there, and thus they arrive at the right eastern part of the narthex, where they put on their gold-bordered sagia and light candles; then they proceed further inside together with the priests (into the nave), where they light candles again. This done, the introit [or beginning of the divine office] takes place immediately; the praepositus hands the censer to the senior emperor, who, holding it, incenses; then they proceed to the right side of the tribunal, where the head of the holy Forerunner is exposed; having religiously venerated it, they exit into the metatorium that is there, take off their skaramangia, put on colobia, and having passed through the women’s section, they stand in the right eastern part of the bema, and light candles there for the hearing of the reading of the Holy Gospel. Then they go out again into the garden that is there, under which they celebrate the krama, with such nobles as they choose, while the monks meanwhile serve drinks and dishes. After the krama is finished, they rise, and by the same way they had come...

[Greek text:] ...as many of the nobles as they wish to feast with them, they enter with them into the dromon by their command. On the 26th of September, it is to be noted that the memory of St. John the Theologian is likewise celebrated, with the lords going to his venerable church in the Dihippion. On the 1st of November, it is to be noted that the memory of the Holy Anargyroi is likewise celebrated, with the lords going to their holy church in the district of Basiliscus. On the 29th of August, it is to be noted that the Beheading of St. John the Forerunner is likewise celebrated, with the lords going to his holy church in the Stoudios according to the aforementioned pattern for the memory of St. Panteleemon. For in the morning, the entire senate proceeds in skaramangia to the Stoudios. The magistroi, patricians, and officials stand outside the gate facing the sea; those of the cubiculum, the basilici, those of the maglabion and the hetaireia, and the archontogennemata stand at the harbor where the dromon arrives. It is to be noted that the monks of the monastery stand in rows from the gate to the harbor, on the right and on the left. When the lords arrive according to the aforementioned pattern of St. Panteleemon and disembark from the ship, they are escorted by the cubiculum, the maglabitai, and the hetaireia, with the hegumen clearly going before them with a censer and the monks with candles. As the lords approach the gate where the magistroi, patricians, and officials are standing, these fall down adoring the lords, and rising, they follow behind them. The lords, proceeding through the open air, ascend, and through the passageways there, they enter through the right-hand part of the narthex facing east, and there, putting on their own gold-bordered sagia, they light candles, and enter with the priests, and light candles again. It is to be noted that the introit of the liturgy takes place immediately, and the first emperor, having taken the censer from the praepositus, incenses, and proceeding to the right of the bema (for the holy head of the Forerunner is laid out there), they light candles there, and kiss it, and exiting, they enter the metatorium there, and take off their skaramangia, and putting on colobia, they enter and stand in the women’s gallery in the right-hand part of the bema facing east, and they light candles for the hearing of the Gospel. Then, going out into the garden there, they perform the krama (44) with whichever nobles they command...

[Commentary:] JOHN JAC. REISKE: ...kramatizein, mention is made. Now, krama and mixtum is a breaking of the fast, a breakfast, and to mix, kramatizein, is to break the fast; see Du Cange, s.v. Mitium, where he has brought forward many examples of this meaning. For the Greeks were accustomed to approach the celebration of divine worship and the mass especially while fasting; because they considered tasting food before receiving communion to be a great crime. Therefore, so that they might not exhaust themselves by fasting too long, they were accustomed, before they departed from the church, to take a few morsels of bread and a cup of wine, either neat or mixed with water, or seasoned with aromatics, which later Latins called "pigmenta" (see Du Cange, s.v.), and seasonal fruits and sweets in the porticoes...

(44) More frequently in this codex, mention is made of the krama and of...

1037 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. ...with the abbots serving at the *crama* (snack/refreshment). Rising from the *crama*, they depart by the way they came to the dromon, being directed as we have said.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...to bring into the church, and to refresh themselves there at the long tables placed there, before each departs to his own home. The Greek Emperors, while they still existed, used to receive their nobles in their *metatorium* (reception room) or imperial chapel, with this *crama* or breakfast proposed and exhibited; and when on a certain feast day they had to invite some of the nobles to sacred banquets, the *Atriclinus* (master of ceremonies) had to invite by name, at the time of the *crama*, those individuals whom the Emperor wished to dine or sup with him, as is evident from p. 421, where these memorable words are read: "You must, O friends, at the imperial table..." under the royal banquets of the *crama*, "...call the magnates of the Great Church to the banquet of the Emperors." This is a brief idea of the *crama*. Now, the origin of both the thing and the word must be discussed more fully at some time. I, for my part, think that the *crama* is the remains, image, and succession of the ancient *agapae* (love feasts). Joannes Belethus, however, thinks otherwise in ch. 119 of his *Explication of the Divine Office*, who claims that this *mixtum* or small breakfast (as he calls it) was instituted out of fear, lest those who had communicated should spit out any of the received Eucharist with their saliva, but that by this rinsing of the mouth, all sacred things might be properly washed down into the stomach. His words, which are worthy to be read here, I shall not regret to transcribe: "It must be explained now," he says, "concerning a certain small breakfast which ought to take place before the great dinner on Easter, when communion has been received. For it has been established in certain churches—and it ought to be done so everywhere in the world—that on that day bread and wine should be kept in the church, and when men have communicated, a small box of bread should be given immediately to each one before he returns, and a little wine, lest by chance any of the sacrament should have remained in the mouth, which could easily be emitted by spitting. For it could easily happen if it were not eaten immediately." Which custom, indeed, is praised and approved by all, and took its origin from the institution of the Blessed Benedict. For that most holy man instituted, for the same reason, that those who have to serve other brothers at dinner after communion should eat something first. And this dinner they call *mixtum*.

H. T. When I first read this passage after Durandus (for Belethus is appended to his *Rationale* in the Lyons edition) and then in Du Cange under the word *Mixtum*: I could not sufficiently marvel at the novelty of the opinion, which judges that *mixta* were instituted for the purpose of wiping away the taste and all remains of the sacrament from the mouth, and allowing nothing of it to perish. But I subsequently found an ancient and serious author, Chrysostom, who, as Palladius testifies in his *Life* (p. 66), "advised everyone after communion to taste water and a small cake, so that they might not involuntarily spit out any of the symbol with their saliva or phlegm."

The first Fathers of the Church, when they saw that neither Jews nor Greeks could be brought over to their side without pontifical rites, granted them both the host and the sacrifice and the banquets adhering to the sacrifices. Hence remained in the Church the custom of feasting in temples, concerning which, since there has been occasion to discourse on our *Ceremonial* several times, we shall not let it pass now that it is offered. Namely, there were attached to the major churches, to which the Emperors were accustomed to proceed solemnly on fixed days, palaces, or rather they were so interwoven with the churches themselves that they formed a part of them. There was a *metatorium* there, in which the Emperor might rest at a time when his presence was not needed, or when there was nothing for him to do in the church, listening to hymns and sermons, if any were being recited. In this very *metatorium* he also celebrated the *crama* or breakfasted with the nobles before returning from the church to the palace to dine. Adjoining this *metatorium* was a *triclinium* (dining room), in which he dined either alone or with the nobles he wished, if, for instance, he wished to celebrate vespers in the same church and did not want to return to the palace for the sake of dining. Cf. p. 308 at the end, 310 at the end, 323, and elsewhere. Finally, there was also a *coston* or chamber there, a dormitory, if the Emperor wished to stay overnight in the church. To this refer those words of Nicetas Choniates concerning Andronicus, p. 175: "Having erected expensive buildings at the temple of the Forty Martyrs, he set them apart for himself for habitation, whenever he should arrive at the sanctuary."

Examples of this custom of Emperors dining in churches exist elsewhere as well, of which Du Cange exhibited not a few in *Constantinopolis Christiana*, Book II, p. 136, to which I add Leo Grammaticus, in whom (p. 480) these words are read: "The Emperor decided to go and dine at Saint Lazarus," and John the Deacon in the *Neapolitan Chronicle*, p. 304: "Constantinus Augustus came to Rome; on the Lord's day he proceeded to Saint Peter's with his army. All went out to meet him with candles, and he offered upon his altar a pallium woven with gold, and masses were celebrated. On the following Saturday he came to the Lateran, washed, and dined there in the basilica of Vigilius." Clerics also used to feast in churches, and this feast was called *kyriakon*, according to Phavorinus, in whose lexicon this gloss is read: "Kyriakon: the feast held in a church," a banquet destined for the clergy alone and accustomed to be celebrated by them alone in the church. Saxius, in his notes to Landulph’s *History of Milan*, says that traces of the ancient *agapae* or banquets instituted to foster mutual charity lasted until the 14th century in the Milanese church, namely, banquets granted to the clergy alone performing sacred rites, with all luxury and the intemperance of the promiscuous crowd removed. Even today, the Greeks are accustomed to celebrate funeral banquets sacred to the memory of their relatives, or the birthdays of those martyrs to whom each church is dedicated, in the porticos of the church or in the narthex, where one or more long tables stand, upon which dishes are placed and the guests sit. See Gerlach, *Itinerarium*, p. 206, and Ricaut, *The Present State of the Greek Church*, p. 288.

1039 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 329 CHAPTER XIV. Things to be observed in the election and ordination of the Patriarch of Constantinople. When the patriarch has been taken from the living, the emperor signifies and commands. JOAN. JAC. REISKE, whose words, since they illustrate our *crama*, I shall append. "After eight days [from the funeral], one pays them a visit of charity to console them for their loss and to accompany them to the church, where prayers are made for the repose of the soul of the deceased. The men eat and drink again in the church while the women renew their lamentations; at the end of the ceremony, the friends are given wheat and boiled rice, wine, and dried fruits. This practice, known by the name of *ta sperna*, passes among them for being of very great antiquity, etc." It is indeed, as is evident from what has been said so far, an ancient custom, which owes its origin to the *crama* and the *agapai*. Cerlach describes this custom thus on p. 63, whose words I shall render in Latin: "After the divine service was celebrated and the *Agape* distributed, the funeral of a certain woman was held, that is, it was sung; which chant the people often interpolated with their own, *Kyrie eleison*. The priest said prayers, incensed the fruits, raisins, almonds, other legumes, and sweets, exposed in large platters in the upper part before the tribunal, while the chanter with his disciples sang antiphons. Finally, those consecrated fruits were distributed among the congregation with the most delicate red wine. This done, the masses were given, and they departed." These gifts—I mean the platters full of sweets and laden with wine and delicacies, offered in the memorials of martyrs or other faithful of the church and to be distributed in the congregation—they formerly called *eulogia* and *sportulae*. Balsamon on Canon 4 of the Apostles: "The things offered at the memorials of the saints and the departed, and called *kaniskia*, adorned with various fruits, are offered at the altar." But I return to the discourse begun about the *crama*. From this *crama*, or distribution of a morsel of bread with a draught of wine, or a morsel dipped in wine, or a spoonful of wine with crumbled or inserted bread-crumb, before departing from the church, the custom of denying the cup to the laity flowed.

C. In the course of time, the *crama* also fell into disuse, and thus it happened that the laity were entirely deprived of the chalice, and for the sacrament retained only that which the Greeks call *agape* or *antidoron*, a piece of consecrated bread, which in the Greek Church is accustomed to be distributed to those not communicating. A species of *crama* is also that largesse of the monks, about which Goar reports in his *Euchologium* (p. 715) that they are accustomed on the day of Easter, after the solemnities of the mass are finished, to bless bread, cheese, and eggs in the church and to set them before those standing in the narthex to be tasted with a blessing before a more sumptuous meal. Ordinarily, the *crama* consisted of one piece of bread and a draught of wine; sometimes *trogala* were also added, such as figs, dates, almonds, and likewise sugar-confections. The *Menologium* (in Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*, p. 752): "The brothers receive a crust and a single cup of wine in the narthex, and nothing more." The *Triodion* on Holy Saturday: "The cellarer enters and gives to the brothers a fragment of bread and six dried figs or dates and one cup of wine." To this also pertains in some way that custom (about which see Casalius, *De Ritibus veterum Christianorum*, p. 61) of giving milk and sweet wine mixed to the newly baptized. For just as this refreshment was the conclusion of the rites of baptism and, as it were, the priest's act of thanksgiving to the baptized for the faith received, so the *crama* was also the conclusion of the divine office, and by it the clergy professed, as it were, their gratitude to the people for the service rendered to them, and gave this as a kind of reward for their zeal. If it is asked from where the bread, wine, sweets, and the whole apparatus of such a breakfast were taken, I conjecture that the stewards of each church purchased those items from the revenues of the church; and that the faithful were also accustomed to bring portions of bread, wine, and other things with them to church, a part of which the priest would take to prepare the sacrifice, another for the *agape* or *antidoron*, and another destined for the *crama*. Let us now proceed to investigate the etymology of the name. *Crama* could have been so called either because it consisted of miscellaneous items and, as it were, in a certain mixed platter; or because *kekrammenon*, that is, infused, namely wine, was exhibited, or because it was mixed, that is, wine was poured into it; or finally because wine was given mixed and tempered with water. All three etymologies have a semblance of truth, but the latter two have the greatest. "Mixed" is usually opposed to "neat" (*akraton*), and *krama* to *akraton*: see Du Cange, s.v. *Merus*. The well-known sobriety of the first Christians, from whom this custom flowed, also suggests that the wine which was given to the faithful in the *agape* was mixed with water and therefore called *krama*, because it was to be mixed with water and was mixed, and that the Christians preferred this to the *akraton* of the pagan Greeks, the neat wine which they used in their *akratois* or *akratismois*, their break-fasts. This is clearly evident from the passage of Justin Martyr in his *Apology*: "We greet one another with a kiss when we have ceased from our prayers; then there is brought to the president of the brothers bread and a cup of water and *krama*." This *krama* here is wine not neat, but to be mixed with water; for this reason, a little later, he substituted *oinon* (wine) for that word: "The deacons, as they are called among us, give to each of those present to partake of the eucharistized bread and wine and water." The word *eukraton* also supports this etymology, about which see Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.*, p. 455. Moreover, *eukraton* is *eukras* (by the new Greeks using *s* for *n*)—the same as *enkraton* and *synkraton*. It could, however, have been called so from wine, even if very neat. For although that word denotes "mixed," *kerannuein* is used by the Greeks and *miscere* by the Latins alike for pouring any liquid into a vessel. Du Cange gave examples s.v. *Miscere*. Homer: "Pouring oil over his head and shoulders." Hence *krasis* for the new Greeks is any wine, neat just as well as mixed, and because they were accustomed to break their fast with a draught of wine, therefore *krasin pinein* for them is to breakfast, to eat. *Glossarium Graecobarbarum* (in Du Cange, s.v. *Pinein*): "He tastes, or he eats, or he drinks a *krasin*." That their *akraton* or breakfast consisted in a draught of wine is evident from the passage of Cinnamus, p. 158 at the end, where Dionysius, leader of the Huns, ordered his men to breakfast in arms with much irony, taking the drink for the health of the Romans, and they, having risen, drank and became engaged in the arms. There is one thing more I must add about the Leichian version of this word. Although it does not please me, the learned man could have been led to take *kramatizein* as "to converse" by the usage of the verb *miscere* among the Latins in the Middle Ages, when *miscere* simply meant the same as "to mix words"; see Du Cange, *Gl. Lat.*, s.v.

CHAPTER XIV. Things to be observed in the ordination of the Patriarch of Constantinople (45). When the patriarch is dying, the emperor signifies...

COMMENTARY. — (45) Concerning the rites of the election of the Patriarch of Constantinople, many...

1041 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1042

[The Emperor commands] the most God-beloved metropolitans to nominate three [candidates], who shall also seem to them worthy of the patriarchate. And indeed, these having gathered in the catechumena of the most holy Great Church, and having cast their votes for whomever they wish, they report these names to the Emperor, and the Emperor orders them to enter the palace. And indeed, these having entered and standing before the Emperor, they present in writing those whom they have elected. And the Emperor, if he agrees and is pleased with whomever he favors; but if not, he says, "I..."

[VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE.]

...many, as Habert in his *Pontificale*, and Du Cange under the words *Mēnyma* and *Problēsis*, whom it would be tedious to transcribe here. Regarding the word "Patriarch," I note only this: that it is to be derived from the fact that he is the *patrōn tōn patriōn*, the interpreter and guardian of the ancestral customs and rites transmitted from the ancestors to their descendants. It is known that *ta patria* denotes ceremonies and institutions belonging to a certain nation or a specific family. Plutarch in *Numa*, p. 24: "Some of the ancestral customs of Numa have a secret meaning." Our chapter otherwise illustrates this, and it will not be useless to compare chapter 38 of this same second book, which deals with the election of Theophylact as patriarch.

The title belongs to clerics and monks. I have translated it "God-beloved and God-loving," so as not to exhaust the force of the word. Both ideas are indeed present. I could, however, have omitted the latter. For when the Greeks speak of such things, they call them *theophileis*, looking not so much to their love toward God as to the love of God toward them; and Hoeschel observed in his *Life of Saint Anthony* that those who love God are called *theophilous* and *philotheous*, but those loved by God are called *theophileis*. For although it is clear that *theophilēs parodos* in Nicetas, p. 32, is a "God-loving passage" which happens because of the love of God, and analogy does not oppose either opinion, it nevertheless favors the latter more. Just as *pornogenēs* is "born of a harlot" (Basilica I. XLIX, tit. 4, c. 18), so *theophilēs* is "loved by God." In this sense, Aristides (Vol. I, p. 48, end of chapter) called poets *theophileis*: "The poets alone are *theophileis*," or "dear to the gods," "and from them the gods most gladly receive gifts." Likewise, in the same place, he calls the same person *theophilē* and *Theō kecharismenon*. Alexander Trallianus (V. 4) calls Jacob Psychristus, a physician so named because he used a cooling diet, a "great man," he says, "and one who became *theophilestatos* regarding his art," "to whom God, out of great love, granted remarkable fortune and rare dexterity in the medical art." "For the man was *theophilēs* and gentle, and truly pleasing to God." Regarding this passage, see Schurtzfleisch on Eusebius' *Chronicle*, p. 91. Formerly, that title was also attributed to emperors; then the clergy took it as their own, with the title *philochristōn* being permitted to the emperors. Athanasius in his *Apology to the Emperor Constantius*: "But you, O most God-beloved Augustus, may you live for many cycles of years and perform the dedications." Then, among other titles by which the patriarch was addressed in person and in writing, there was also *hē sē theophileia*, as is evident from Greco-Roman law. In our present passage, the predicate *theophilestatoi* is given to the metropolitans. In the formula for announcing a patriarch, which Du Cange (*Gl. Gr.*, p. 927) reports from Malaxos, the same predicate *theophilestatoi* is given to them; but to the bishops, *panierōtatoi*; see what is to be said a little later at 336.

Sophia, and because formerly the seat of the Constantinopolitan patriarchate was held there, those who were promoted to that patriarchate were said to be "promoted to the most exalted and great patriarchal throne of the Great Church of Christ." Thus, in the formula just cited from Du Cange, Jeremias is elevated from the metropolitan see of Larissa to the Constantinopolitan patriarchate with these words, which I do not regret to report, nor are they alien to the present matter: "The divine and holy synod, [together with] these most holy metropolitans, most God-beloved bishops, most honorable clerics, most noble archons, and all the Christ-named people, call your archiepiscopacy from the throne of the most holy metropolis of Larissa to the most exalted and great patriarchal throne of the most holy Great Church of Christ."

...the named, but the second *toutous* following immediately refers to the electors, the nominators. I would have preferred, however, *touto* or *peri toutou* for the first; "they report to the Emperor that they have fulfilled the commands." For what need was there to exhibit their names in writing, which they had already signified by oral report? Nevertheless, I have dared to change nothing here in the Latin, nor to depart from the Greeks. Regarding the custom of nominating three men for a bishopric, one of whom in the earliest times the ordainer, and subsequently the Emperor, would choose, Habert dealt with this on pages 459 and 477: "The archons of the patriarchate and the archpriests were ordered to give their opinion in writing, and Maximus was proposed by *prostagma*." Habert did not correctly understand the word *prostagma* there. For it is not, as he himself wishes, the designation of the names of the candidates for the patriarchate exhibited in writing to the Emperor by the nobles of the patriarchate, but the *problēsis* itself, the announcement proceeding from the Emperor's mouth, "the confession of the Emperor by his own mouth, that he accepts the one elected and voted for by them," etc., as Symeon of Thessalonica says in Du Cange under the word *Problēsis*. The *problēsis* or announcement of the Emperor was not merely, as Symeon of Thessalonica wishes, a *synkatathesis*, an assent and attestation of his acquiescence in the proposed candidate, but a constitution with full right of the one whom, by his own free will—whether recommended by the clergy or not—he wishes and commands to be patriarch. The Greek priests indeed wished to shake off this yoke of their dependence on secular power, and they strove to pave a way for themselves with captious words: but it did not succeed for them any more than it did for the Latins. These are the words of Symeon. He says that the Emperor has this honor from the Church, that he may profess with his own mouth, in the act of announcement, "that he accepts the one elected by them, the Church..."

(46) Men of the sacred order and dedicated to God here. (47) The Great Church is the same as the Holy [Sophia]. (48) This first *toutous* refers to the elected, the named; the second to the electors, the nominators. (49) Patriarchal syntagma (in Habert, p. [?]). (50) It appears from this chapter and especially from this place...

1043 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1044 it is well, and he renounces him: that is, "I wish such and such a person to be." And if he wishes some other patriarch to be created besides those written there, he signifies that he wishes this one or that one, naming him, to be created patriarch. With the metropolitans, as is proper, acquiescing and yielding to the imperial mandate and choice (provided the one named by the lord is worthy and fit for the office), a *metastasimon* occurs, or an exit from the palace, and the entire senate and all the metropolitans, all the ecclesiastics, the nobles and presbyters and the remaining priests go to the Magnaura; to which the emperor also proceeds, clad in a *skaramangion* and a gold-bordered cloak, and standing there before them, he addresses the senate and the metropolitans with these words: "Divine grace and our imperial majesty, which is owed to him, creates this [whom you see and I point out] most pious man as patriarch of Constantinople." (For the one to be honored is present before them.) All acquiesce and accept the lord's judgment, and offer him pious vows, and signify other things, which [he holds as grateful and acceptable], and he himself [has] the archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome, and ecumenical patriarch, yet he does not himself perform the act, nor does he give anything to him, but he agrees with and follows the deed. These latter statements are false: "Yet the emperor himself does not introduce him into the function and exercise of the office, nor does he give him anything, but he consents and acquiesces to the matter already perfected by others, like a footman following behind." If these things are true, the emperor never conferred any secular dignity upon anyone, but merely confirmed by his consent, which he could not deny, what was seized by the honored persons themselves. For by the same formula by which he conferred other dignities and offices: "Our majesty through God creates and renounces you as such and such," he also conferred the patriarchate. What impudence of lying it is to affirm that it pertains to the clergy, and is bestowed by the clergy alone, that which, if one does not receive it from the emperor, he never obtains; to whose collation only the will and edict of the emperor can intervene. Somewhat more modestly and truly Nicephorus Gregoras, Book III: "Arsenius is ordained priest and patriarch by the common opinion and vote of the bishops, and with the emperor most greatly consenting and confirming, as is the custom, the high priesthood." He rightly adds "most greatly," which is the head of the matter. For the hinge of the whole business turned on the will and assent of the emperor. [Regarding] ecclesiastical promotions, and of such weight, that without it the ordination is void and null; [It has]. Pontif. p. 116. Whence it appears that in Cedrenus p. 449 D, after *ekpephōnētai*, not after *episkopon*, a greater distinction should be placed. Codinus, however, has another [formula], to which this formula is lacking, namely this: "The Holy Trinity, through the kingdom granted to us by it, promotes you as archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome, and ecumenical patriarch." According to the varying quality of the subject, the character of the one being ordained patriarch is added, which each has held until now, *hierea* or *hieromonachon* or *presbyteron*, *episkopon*, *archiepiskopon*, *metropoliten*, or finally *synkellon*. The title "most reverend" was proper to the lesser ecclesiastical grades. Council VI, Act 12: "The most God-beloved bishops and the most reverend clergy who are under the throne of the city of Antioch." ...to hold the middle intercepted from the sides, so that he cannot slip away. Elegantly M. Antoninus the philosopher emperor, XI, 18: "Your little spirit and all the fiery part that is mixed in is held here by the composition." In this way, those whom they wished to honor were led by companions, especially if someone was to be brought to the emperor, he was stationed in the middle, intercepted by two holding his arms; which, under the guise of honor, was truly to provide for the emperor's security. Even today that custom is observed in the Turkish court, into which it was translated from the Greek along with many others. "Each of us," says Busbecq, Epist. I, p. 71, concerning himself and his companions being led to Suleiman, "as we entered, was led to him by his chamberlains, holding our arms. (For such is their custom since the time when a certain Croat, in revenge for his lord who had been killed, Marko, despot of Serbia, having requested an audience, killed Amurath.) And afterwards, as if having kissed his hand, we were led back to the opposite wall in such a way that we would not turn our backs or any posterior part of our body to him." That reason which Busbecq alleges may have made the Turks cautious, and persuaded them all the more of this custom. But without doubt it flowed into the Turkish court from the Greek. For it formed itself after the example of the latter in many things. Often in our author there is mention of the patriarch by the silentiaries both in the approach to the emperor and in the retreat, *parakratoumenou*; p. 18, Liutprand, Hist. VI, 2, says that he himself "was led before the emperor's presence leaning on the shoulders of two eunuchs." The Roman pontiffs instituted the same thing for themselves. [Ordo Roman. I, on the pontifical mass p. 15: The pontiff descends from the seat with the primicerius of the notaries and the primicerius of the defenders holding his hands, and p. 141: Then the lord pontiff rises supported by two, proceeding in procession, as is the custom.] In the collection of Ferriolan tablets, tab. 87, an image of an Armenian bride is shown, whom two bridesmaids lead to the church intercepted in the middle to be joined to her husband, holding her with both arms, but not with bare hands, but veiled with a precious handkerchief. Life of Saint Nilus the Younger, p. 152: "Holding him from both sides by the hands, they led him up to the patriarchate, seating him in the middle." But especially elegant and memorable is the passage of Sguropulus in the History of the Council of Florence, sect. IV, c. 5: "As we were passing through the streets, the patriarch was held by the arms, on one side by Christopher of Korone more decorously, and on the other by the Portuguese..."

(51) A solemn formula in ordinations or (52) By the one pronouncing these words, he ought to have been [pointed out] repeatedly (53) The verb *parakratein* signifies someone

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

[1045] ...being directed by the ecclesiastics, he departs to the patriarchate. The Emperor returns and enters the palace. And when a feast or a Sunday occurs, a procession takes place in the Great Church, as is the custom, and the candidate (54) receives them with all the ecclesiastical order. And indeed, having entered according to the accustomed form, and the subsequent acts having been performed according to the other processions, the God-loving metropolitans depart for the honorable ordination. The Christ-loving emperors step back a little (55), until the matters of the ordination have been performed by the metropolitans, and then, in this way, through the right part of the sanctuary and the circular passage, they enter the oratory, in which the silver crucifixion is established, and through the triple prostration with candles they give thanks to God, and having bid farewell to the patriarch, they go out. If it is a great Sunday or Pentecost, or another feast on which the lords go to the Great Church, they enter the metatorium, and the subsequent acts are performed as in the other processions. But if it is another feast on which the Emperor does not go to the Great Church, or a common Sunday, they ascend through the spiral staircase which is towards the side of the Holy Well in the parts to the right towards the east...

[1046] ...they are. Then the Emperor presents and commits the new patriarch to the provost and the nobles of the bedchamber and the silentiaries, and thus, supported on both sides by the arm, he is led by the provost and one of the silentiaries into the patriarchate or the residence of the patriarch, with the ecclesiastics directing and following; the Emperor, however, returns to the palace. Next, upon the arrival of a feast day or Sunday, a procession takes place to the Great Church, just as processions are accustomed to be made there. The elect or the provost, and together with him the whole ecclesiastical order, receives the emperors there with a retinue. They enter into the nave, and the office is performed according to the customary formula, and everything is done in sequence and with those rites which obtain in other processions. Then, those things having been performed, the God-loving metropolitans begin the election and ordination of the patriarch. The Christ-loving emperors, however, step back a little into their own footprints, and wait until those things which pertain to the ordination have been performed by the metropolitans. Then, entering through the right region of the tribunal and through the circular passage into the chapel, in which the silver image of the Lord’s passion is seen, they adore God three times with candles, and having bid the patriarch farewell, they go out into the metatorium, and the rest is done, as in the accustomed processions, if indeed it is a solemn [day]...

COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE

B It was considered less decorous among the Greeks for someone to offer only the tips of the fingers to be touched, not so much grasped, in the Latin manner; but it was more decent, as the Greeks themselves did, to place one’s own arm under the arm of another and to interlock them, and thus to lead him.

C That is an ancient custom and came to the Byzantines from the Romans. For it is read in the Life of Caracalla (T. I, Script. Hist. Aug., p. 710) that he returned from the Capitol, where he had given thanks and made vows to Jupiter Capitolinus for the empire he had recently received, to the palace leaning upon [παρακρατούμενον] Papinian and Chilo, both prefects of the praetorium. Usually, those who would lead another in this way were themselves of nearly equal rank; sometimes even equals, as in our text (p. 363), Heraclius the Younger, about to be raised from the dignity of despot to Caesar, is said to have gone in the solemn procession to the church at the side of his elder brother Constantine, being supported [παρακρατούμενος] by him. Whether Gervasius signifies the same thing with the word *Subascellatus* in Du Cange’s Latin Glossary, let those see for whom it is a pleasure and for whom that place regarding hands was intact. That is, destined by votes and the hope of some sacred or civil office, or a special sacred one, yet not yet ordained, announced, or invested, he to whom the *hypo-psephisis* or *to hyperpsephisthenai* pertains, another denomination, subject and subordinate to the former. For the denomination of clerics, *psephos* (vote), is simply said, and they are said to be *psephizesthai* (to vote), so to speak, when the clerics nominate and propose three candidates for the Emperor’s choice as capable and worthy. The Emperor, however, is said to *hypopsephizesthai* (to sub-vote), that is, to vote after, when he himself nominates one of those nominated by the clergy or some other person and orders him to be ordained; and such a nominated person is called *hypopsephios*, that is, sub-voted, post-voted, designated by a second vote. This use of the word *hypopsephizesthai*, which I mentioned, is clearly evident in those words of John Cantacuzenus, p. 859: "Therefore, a search being proposed concerning a patriarch, I restore the ancient freedom not to you so much as to God, to whom it will matter most to reveal the one who will well preside over the Church; later, however, I myself will sub-vote one of the three, as is the custom." Therefore, *hypo* in this composition is the same as *epi*, over, after something else preceding.

...in the manner praised, so that they do not present their backs to the venerable assembly. But why and how far the Emperor retreated is clear from p. 367, where it is said that the Emperor retreated a little "as far as the silver column of the ciborium." Therefore, the priests performed the ordination inside the altar and the railings of the tribunal. The same custom is still observed by the Turks, taught by the example of the Greeks, so that one does not turn one's back to a more honorable person, or to one to whom one wishes to show honor, but goes back in one's own footprints without turning the face. Busbecq, in another place (p. 14), describes the greeting of the Janissaries thus: "When they were admitted into the dining room, he says, they greeted me with bowed heads. Then, approaching quickly and almost at a run, they touched my garment or hand, as if about to kiss it, and thrust a bundle of hyacinths or narcissi [these are *osphradia* in our text] upon me, and soon with almost equal speed they retreated to the doors, so that they would not turn their backs to me; for that is considered indecorous in their institutions. There, with hands composed with the greatest modesty [hands bound] and looking at the ground, they stood silently, so that you would recognize our monks in them more than soldiers." Our author calls this *opisthopodein* in one word and *opisthophanos aperchesthai* on p. 101; likewise on p. 85, and on p. 353, he has *opisthophanos apaghein*. Xenophon, if I remember correctly, said *anapodidon* and *anapodizesthai*. Furthermore, it was not permitted for the emperors to be present at the election, lest they terrify the clergy with their authority and draw or force them into a faulty election; the clergy, in turn, willy-nilly did not elect anyone other than whom the Emperor wanted and had ordered, yet they elected freely. Thus we play the mime, some in sacred matters, others in profane. Cf. Sigonius, *De Regno Italiae*, p. 22, v. 49, to the year 595.

(54) Thus is called he whom the Latins call "elect." (55) "They withdraw," as Busbecq says in the place...

1047 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1048

[...parts of the catechumens, awaiting the reading of the holy Gospel.]

If, however, this action falls on another feast day, on which the Lord does not go out as usual, or on a Sunday (on which a solemn procession is not otherwise accustomed to be celebrated), they ascend by the spiral staircase, which is in the region of the holy well, to the part on the east, towards the right of the catechumens, and there they wait and listen to the recitation of the holy Gospel.

CHAPTER XV. Things to be observed when a reception [of foreign envoys] takes place in the great triclinium of the Magnaura, with the Lords seated upon the Solomonic throne (56).

It is to be known that when a reception is about to take place in the Magnaura, the palace does not open in the morning for the daily procession to be held; rather, the entire senate proceeds in the morning to the Magnaura, and changes their vestments there. And around the completion of the second hour, when everything is prepared, the praepositi and all those of the cubiculum enter through the church of the Lord, and the Lords, having put on the dibetisia and the gold-bordered saga, go out through the porticoes of the Holy Forty and the sigma, escorted by the cubiculum, the maglabitai, and the hetaireia, and they go out to the church of the Lord, and they light candles, and from there they pass through the sacella and the ovatum and through the narrow passage that leads to the solarium of the Magnaura. And they enter into the great triclinium, in which the Solomonic throne is also established. And there, in the right-hand part towards the east, below the apse, the golden stools stand, and the chlamydes and the crowns are laid out, and the Lords...

COMMENTARY. If a reception is to take place in the Magnaura, the palace is not opened so that the morning daily procession and assembly might be held there; but the entire senate proceeds in the morning to the Magnaura, and there they change or put on their change-of-clothes. When the second hour is almost finished, when all things are prepared, the praepositi and all the cubicularii enter [into the chamber of the Lords] through the church of the Lord. The Emperors, however, dressed in dibetesia and gold-bordered saga, go out through the porticoes of the Holy Forty and through the sigma, with the cubiculum and the maglabitai and the hetaireia crowding around; they enter by the way into the church of the Lord, they light candles there, they pass from there through the sacellum and the ovatum and the narrow passage which leads to the solarium of the Magnaura. From there they enter into the great triclinium, in which the Solomonic throne is placed. For there on the right side, if you look to the east, below the apse, stand the golden stools, and the paludamenta and the crowns lie exposed. The Lords, however, having crossed the triclinium, enter into the caeton, which is on the left side [the appropriate place for public audiences].

JOAN. JAC. REISKE ...the Emperors gave audience to foreign envoys, because of the lions disposed on both sides of its steps, made and used in the likeness of the throne made by Solomon, King of Judea. Thuanus, in the year 1606, concerning the pseudo-Demetrius, the tyrant of Russia, relates that it was objected against him, among other things, "that he had ordered a throne to be fashioned for himself out of gilded silver, the sides of which six lions, divided on either side of the steps, surrounded, a display of pride which none of his predecessors had used." It is possible that in this appellation the custom of that age also played a part, by which any wonderful and spectacular works were called Solomonic. Thus Nicetas, in Book III of Isaac Angelus, intending to declare his opulence and generosity in the distribution of feasts, attributes to him a Solomonic table, saying among other boastful and bombastic things: "simply a Solomonic table." See Du Cange, Glossarium Latinitatis, under the word "Salomo," where among other things he cites this passage from William the Librarian, concerning Stephen VI: "He contributed there one gilded canthara, one Salomon, one golden kingdom with most precious gems," etc. Du Cange is undoubtedly mistaken when he says that in this place "Salomon" signifies a book of Solomon, perhaps Proverbs or another, and "regnum" the books of Kings. "Regnum" is a crown, concerning which meaning we treat elsewhere; "Salomo," however, is the same as an amula. The Arabic "Salam" is a bucket (situla). It is therefore an Arabic word. But from the other passage which Du Cange cites next, from the English monastic records, it is clearer that in the Middle Ages any precious and artificial works were accustomed to be called Solomoniaca. It is this: "Two silver patens with two most precious ewers from the works of Solomon." I cannot refrain from illustrating a third passage, which he cites in the same place, but more concisely and completely, under the word "Fortera" from the Chronicle of the Order of Saint Benedict by Antonio de Yepes. "Let them sell those vessels or Solomonic forterae for double the price of the silver, and those others for their value, and with the whole price let them give it to the Lady Auria, and let her spend it on the works of Saint Mary for my soul and for my lord." In these barbaric terms, the vessels are worth the chased and precious gold and silver works. "Forterae," however, are said by transposition for "fotrerae" or "fodrerae," that is, "fourrures," precious garments lined and adorned with the skins of exotic mice and pearls. This charter calls these "Solomonatica" because they were rare and admirable both for the price of the exotic materials and for the art of their composition, and worthy of a man such as Solomon was considered to be at that time. The sense of this passage, however, is this, if anyone should ever wish to render it in better Latin: "Let them sell those vessels and furred garments for double the price of their material, so that the art of the works and their rarity is redeemed for as much as the material itself is worth: but let them sell the other, less artistic things for their own price, since the skill of the craftsman added nothing to their native value. Let them present all the coins made from them to the Lady Auria, that she may dedicate them in the church of Saint Mary and of our Lord, for the salvation of my soul." Therefore, Muhammad spoke in the manner of his century in the Koran when he attributed any wonderful and stupendous works to Solomon, and fabulously claimed that he had fashioned them not without the work of spirits. Which the Arabs who followed him subsequently imitated. A passage of Lambert of Ardres in Du Cange under the word "Platura" (for which "plastura," plastered work, Stuccaturarbeit, should be substituted) also testifies to that custom. He mentions a chapel likened to a Solomonic tabernacle in plaster and painting.

(56) Thus was called the seat upon which, sitting, the Emperors...

1049 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1050

...they enter the bedchamber there from the left. And when all things have been well prepared by the master of ceremonies, the praepositi, and the logothete of the dromos, the praepositi enter and remind the masters. And immediately the masters go out and depart to where the chlamydes and the crowns are kept, and having been clothed in them by the praepositi, they ascend and sit upon the thrones, and the people, standing outside the two curtains drawn to the west, say the polychronion loudly. And then, in this way, the praepositi go out and bring in those of the cubiculum through the two sides, right and left, as the custom holds. And when these have stood, the praepositi signals to the ostiary holding the golden rod, and he goes out and brings in the first group, the magistroi. And again, by a signal from the praepositi, another ostiary goes out and brings in, in the same manner, the second group, the patricians. And again, by a signal from the praepositi, the other ostiary goes out and brings in, in the same manner, the third group, the senators, and simply as many groups as the custom and the order of receptions require. And then, in this way, the katepano enters with the domestikos and the chrysotriclinitai, and they stand on the right and left before the two curtains drawn to the west, and after they have stood, the praepositi signals to the ostiary holding the golden rod, and he brings in the foreigner, that is to say, held by the katepano of the basilikoi or by the count of the stable or by the protostrator, with the interpreter also accompanying them, and the logothete of the dromos also approaching. And indeed, upon his entering, he falls to the ground, prostrating himself before the masters, and immediately the instruments play; then he enters and stands at a distance from the imperial throne, and immediately they strike the instruments. It is to be known that, as the friend [the foreigner] moves toward the emperor, the men most prominent among them enter, and prostrating themselves, they stand inside the two drawn curtains. And as the logothete makes the customary inquiries to him, the lions begin to roar and the birds in the tree...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...[waiting for the time of the audience and the reception of the legates]. Everything having been duly prepared by the master of ceremonies, as well as by the praepositi and the rationalis of the public post, the praepositi enter [into the bedchamber] and signify that matter to the masters; who immediately go out and ascend to where the chlamydes and crowns lie; having been clothed in these by the praepositi, they ascend to the throne and sit upon it; which having been done, the crowd, which stands outside the twin curtains drawn toward the west, cries out with a loud voice the polychronion, or the vow of long life. Then the praepositi go out and introduce the ministers of the cubiculum from both sides, right and left, as custom dictates. When these have taken their places, the ostiary holding the golden rod goes out, warned by a nod from the praepositi, and introduces the first veil, or mission, or body of the nobles to be admitted, namely the magistroi. That done, he goes out again, but another ostiary, and he too warned by the nod of the praepositi, introduces in the same manner the second veil, namely the patricians. Again, in turn, the praepositi warns that first ostiary, and he, having gone out, introduces the third veil; and this is done alternately until all the veils have entered, as many as custom and the ceremonial of receptions demand. These things having been done, the katepano of the basilikoi and the domestic [of the chrysotriclinitai, as it seems] and the chrysotriclinitai enter, and they stand here and there to the right and left before both drawn curtains. When these have taken their places, the ostiary with the golden rod goes out, warned by the nod of the praepositi, and introduces the ethnic, or foreign legate; whom the katepano of the basilikoi or the count of the stable or the protostrator hold by the arm, with the interpreter accompanying and the logothete of the dromos leading the way. The legate [having entered within the veil, immediately falls to the ground and adores the masters; and at the same time the wind instruments sound. As he rose and proceeded further, he stands at some distance from the imperial throne, and immediately the percussion instruments [naccarae] sound. The friend, that is the foreign legate, thus approaching the emperor, the more honorable men of his retinue enter, and having performed adoration toward the master, they stand lower down at and within both drawn curtains. The logothete...

(57) Instead of "tous." That is an idiom of New Greek, using the dative for the accusative; see p. 390. (58) Regarding the spectacles which are commemorated here, of golden, or rather gilded wooden, organs, roaring lions, a golden tree, and various little birds sitting upon it singing in various ways, see Cedrenus 544, compared with p. 568, Du Cange on Zonaras p. 76, and CPli Christ. p. 128, from which I will not transcribe the passages cited by Constantine Manasses and Liutprand, who himself saw and heard this childish comedy, being content to have cited one, Leo Grammaticus, who on p. 450 names among other things "a golden tree, in which birds sitting upon it sang musically by means of a mechanism." Thus it must be read there. But I will add the notable passage of Abulfeda, from which it appears that those absurdities had invaded the court of the Bagdad Caliphs as well, and either migrated from the Greeks there, or from there to the Greeks, or seized both royal seats at the same time. Whence it is not surprising if that childish taste later permeated the courts of the western princes. Abulfeda narrates that in the year of the Muhammadan era 305, or 917 of Christ, legates of the Greek emperor, that is of our Constantine Porphyrogenitus, whom Leo the Master names on p. 476, came to the court, where they were received with no ordinary pomp, which he describes thus: "In the same year, the legates of the Emperor of the Romans came to Bagdad, whom Al-Muqtadir received with incredible splendor and filled with admiration for his riches. For on the day he summoned and admitted them to pay him homage, he had ordered the army to stand in battle array and in arms. The whole palace shone, instructed in both arms and various pomp. The whole army, infantry and cavalry, standing thus in arms, numbered one hundred and sixty thousand heads. The Aguri [he designates the protospatharioi and protectores] stood by in most splendid changes of clothing and belts illustrious with gold and gems. Likewise, seven thousand eunuchs stood by, of whom four thousand were white, the rest were of black color. Finally...

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1032

...and likewise those in the trees, to sing harmoniously; then, both on the sacred throne and in the golden trees placed around it, they begin to sing harmoniously. The beasts on the throne, which are conspicuous, begin to raise themselves from their bases on high and onto their feet. Meanwhile, while these things are being performed, the basket or gift of the envoy is brought in by the protonotary of the dromos, which he offers to the emperor in the name of his master. A little later, the percussion organs sound, and the lions cease their roaring, the birds stop singing, and the beasts lower themselves back onto their supports. After the display of the basket is finished, the envoy is prompted by the logothete, and having venerated the king, he exits. As he rises to depart and proceeds, the wind organs sound, and the lions and birds each perform according to their own voice and manner, and the beasts rise from their steps. When the envoy has exited beyond the veil, the organs are struck, the birds omit their song, and the beasts return to their seats. If, besides this one, another friend is present whom the masters wish to see, he enters and exits with the same ceremonies and in the same order of proceedings as we have just said. And in general, however many friends there may be, what we have said happens to each one of them. When the friends have exited, the praepositus says in a loud voice: "Give the command." And the magistri, patricians, and senators exit, praying: "For many years."

JOAN. JAC. REISKE COMMENTARY

...seven hundred ushers had also proceeded. Dromons and chelandia had been sent in the most splendid equipment into the Tigris. As for the adornment of the Caliph's palace, 38,000 veils had been hung there, among which 12,500 were purple and gold-embroidered. The number of floor coverings was 22,000. One hundred lions were seen there, each with its own keeper. Among the rest of the furnishings of the pomp was a tree, partly of gold and partly of silver, divided into eighteen larger branches, upon which and the remaining smaller ones sat birds of diverse form, golden and silver. The leaves of this tree were likewise made of both metals. Just as the branches, moved by machinery, swayed according to a certain law, so also the birds, with modules measured and inserted by mechanical art, chirped. After the head of the Greek embassy had seen these and many other illustrious proofs of great wealth, which it would be tedious and too long to recount one by one, he set forth his mandates before the Caliph, with the Wazir acting as intermediary. Thus far Abulfeda. It is easily clear that this tree is the remains of the golden plane tree of Xerxes, once so celebrated by the Greeks, whether it remained in the court of the kings of Persia and passed with their kingdom immediately to the Saracen Caliphs and from them to the Greeks, or in reverse order passed from the Persians to the first Greeks and from them to the Saracens. It is certain that this display of pomp and wealth penetrated from the Greeks into the further West, into our own Germany. For I read in the Saxon history that Henry the Illustrious, in the year 1265, at a tournament instituted at Nordhausen, displayed a silver tree to be viewed. The Chronicle of Veterocella, vol. II of the Scriptorum Rerum Germanicarum of Menken, col. 405: "This illustrious prince, most worthy of great praise, the richest among all the princes of Germany and most famous for his virtue, caused a certain forest planted with green trees to be constructed in Thuringia near the royal city of Northusen with wonderful beauty, where, like another Ahasuerus, having summoned all the nobles of the kingdom of Germany, he showed the riches of his kingdom. For he caused a tree made of gold and silver of wondrous beauty to be placed there by smithcraft, and if any count, baron, or knight broke his lance upon another in the joust, he immediately obtained a silver leaf from the tree as a sign of virility according to his merit; but whoever had unhorsed a companion or peer, while he himself remained, immediately obtained a golden leaf from the said tree as a sign of virtue." But absent from this tree were the ridiculous and childish toys, the chirping little birds and the lions roaring for laughter. I said a little earlier that this throne was called Solomonic because of these lions. And there should be no doubt about that matter. Yet it was a custom among nations, even those to whom the institutions of Solomon and the Jews were entirely unknown, such as the Persians and Greeks, to place the foreparts of beasts on the thrones of their kings as supports. Taught by the Persians, the Greeks imitated them, and from them the Romans. I learned this from a notable passage in Diodorus Siculus, vol. II, p. 278, where he describes at length that magnificent throne—or whatever one might call the castle of sorrow or the bed of the apparel of evils—dedicated by his commanders after Alexander the Great had departed this life. I wish I could translate that whole passage here and apply it to our Ceremonial and explain it more fully according to the methods of my institution! I will therefore cite only those parts of the said passage that properly pertain to the present matter. Diodorus says, therefore, that there was a conspicuous golden throne there, a golden throne, square, having embossed foreparts of goat-stags, from which golden rings hung. A little later he adds: near the entrance to the chamber there were golden lions, looking toward those entering. Finally, the parts of the axles that were visible were made of gold, having the foreparts of lions holding a hunting spear in their teeth. Two eagles support the throne of Julian in Lambecius and Du Cange, Diss. de nummis Medii Aevi, vol. II; in the diptych ibid. vol. I, the jaws of lions.

(59) It might appear that the latter scholion is of the former. (60) Either it fell out of the parchments, or it is tacitly supplied. But there is no need for that supposition. For "ὥστε" is conveniently understood: "ἐν τῷ ἀποκινῆσαι αὐτόν," "while he proceeds from his place," "ὥστε ἐξελθεῖν," "so as to exit the palace." It must be "ὅσοι ἂν θέλωσιν [that is, are going to be] εἶναι φίλοι." Regarding the use of the verb "βούλεσθαι" and "θέλειν" for "μέλλειν," I spoke on p. 173, and regarding the word "φίλοι" for "guests" on p. 82.

1053 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1054

And after these have gone out, the praepositus again says: "Celeusate." And the chrysotriclinitai and those of the cubiculum go out, praying: "For many years." And when all have gone out, the masters descend from the thrones, and casting off their crowns and robes, they put on their gold-bordered sagia. And they enter secretly into the God-guarded palace by the same way they ascended, escorted by the cubiculum; and when the cubiculum has stood in the chrysotriclinos, as the emperor passes by, they pray: "For many years," and so forth.

Concerning the reception held in the illustrious and great triclinos of the Magnaura under Constantine and Romanos the Porphyrogennetoi, emperors of the Romans in Christ, upon the presence of the envoys who came from the Amir al-Mu'minin from Tarsus concerning the *allagion* and peace, on the 31st of May, day 1, indiction 4. It is to be known that there were hung in the great triclinos of the Magnaura, in which the Solomonic throne stands,

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS]

The reception of the envoys is noted to have occurred in the month of May of the 4th indiction, during the reign of Constantine the father and Romanos the son, Porphyrogennetoi; it is established that this occurred in the year of Christ 946, and thus that Romanos had already been crowned at that time, whom Du Cange, in his *Familiæ Byzantinæ*, finally reports to have been declared a colleague in the empire by his father in the year 948. The Caliph who sat at Baghdad at that time was Al-Muti. But the embassy had departed from Baghdad under Al-Mustakfi; if indeed it ever departed directly from Baghdad and not rather from Tarsus. To whom, then, did Tarsus or Cilicia belong at that time? Since these Tarsian envoys are read to have been sent not by some lesser Emir, but in the name of the Amir al-Mu'minin or the Caliph, it is necessary that Tarsus at that time belonged to the Buyids, and indeed to Mu'izz al-Dawla, the procurator of the Baghdadi Caliphate or Amir al-Umara. Were it not for this passage, I would have otherwise believed that Tarsus at that time was under the dominion of either the Hamdanids or the Ikhshid, the ruler of Egypt, for the sake of the exchange of captives of both sides. The Continuator of Theophanes (the Constantinian, p. 275) undoubtedly narrates this pact of exchanging captives and cultivating peace, saying that Constantine, after Romanos Lekapenos was extinguished and the usurpers removed, enjoying the empire alone, thought of redeeming the Christians from the hardships of chains among the Saracens. For this reason, he sent John Kourkouas and Kosmas the magistros into Asia to the Tarsians, who concluded this business at the river Lamus. These things agree beautifully with our chronology. Romanos the elder died at the end of the year 944. At the beginning of the year 945, Constantine disturbed and drove into exile the sons of Romanos, the rivals and usurpers of his empire. It is credible that in the same year, shortly after that event, he placed the crown upon his son Romanos for the sake of strengthening his reign; and being free from these cares, he thought of redeeming the Christians, and for that reason dispatched his envoys to Tarsus in the summer or autumn of the year 945, with whom, as they returned, the Tarsians in turn traveled to Constantinople in the spring of the year 946 for the sake of redeeming the captives of their own people. Furthermore, interpreters translate the word *allagion* in various ways. Goar, on Codinus p. 32, n. 53, translates it as a globe, a troop of soldiers, "may it please you"; and the masters and patricians and senators go out with the recitation of the good wish, "For many years." Those having gone out, the praepositus again shouts: "Celeusate," and the chrysotriclinitai and cubicularii go out, and they themselves also making the same wishes. And so, all having departed, the masters descend from the throne, and having deposited their infulae and tunics, they put on gold-bordered sagia, and mystically, or without solemn pomp and retinue, they return to the palace, which God may wish to preserve, by the same way they came, accompanied by the cubicularii; who, when the master comes into the chrysotriclinos, there they stop and, as if bidding farewell, they themselves pray for many years.

Concerning the reception made in the illustrious and great triclinos of the Magnaura in the time of Constantine and Romanos the Porphyrogennetoi, emperors of the Romans in Christ, because of the presence of the envoys of the Amir al-Mu'minin, who had arrived from Tarsus for the sake of negotiating the exchange of captives and peace. That reception occurred on the thirty-first day of the month of May, the first feria, the fourth indiction. There were suspended in the great triclinos of the Magnaura, in which the Solomonic throne stands, copper chains (concerning the meaning of which more will be said shortly), Fabrot in the Glossary of Cedrenus [translates it as] the exchange of money, the interpreter of Leo Grammaticus p. 491 translates it as a treaty, which it seems to signify there as well; but on p. 505, it is undoubtedly the exchange of captives, as in this place of ours and in Cedrenus p. [blank], for the exchange of captives and a treaty are accustomed [to be linked]. Concerning the archon of the *allagion*, about whom Goar (l.c.) and Du Cange (v. *Allagion*) dispute, it must be briefly noted that he was the prefect of the *allagion*, of that cohort which for the guard of the palace and the sacred body, once per day and night, or as often as it pleased the prince and had been ordered, *allassei* (exchanges), with the other, which until then had performed the same duty, it exchanges turns and performs them until it is freed by another succeeding into its place, up to the time of the *allage* and succession. The Franks say *la garde* and *changer la garde*, we say *die Wache* and *die Wache ablösen, auf die Wache ziehn*. Hence it is easy to understand why the word *lochai* is rendered by the scholiast of Oppian (Book I, Halieutic) as *allagion*. The Arabs call it exactly by the Greek word *Annubat*, that is, *allage*, a turn, which word not only the Turks but also the Latins have assumed; see Du Cange v. *Anubda* and *Anupda*, Leunclavius in *Pandectae Turcica*, who pronounces it in the Turkish manner as *Neubet*. Our author also calls it *takeloton* in Book II, ch. 19 and 20. I do not find how often the turns of the watch were changed by day and night in the Byzantine court, unless perhaps it could be concluded from the first chapter of the second book of our author that it was done once per day. I would think, however, that it was done at least twice. For Codinus mentions the *probulos*. Nevertheless, among the Romans also, the watch cohorts were changed once per day and night; see the passage of Julius Africanus in Du Cange, *Gl. Gr.* p. 199. The Muhammadan princes were once accustomed to change their guards either twice a day, morning and evening, or five times, under the five times of prayer. That pair of *Nubae* or *Nubtars*, proceeding at the beginning and end of the day in arms with drums and trumpets and unfurled banners, they called *Nubat Dzil Carnein*, the *allagion* of Alexander the Great. There is a notable passage on this matter in Abulfeda, which, since it also [mentions] the diction of our author: *aulones ta organa*, the wind instruments sound, by which...

1055 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1036 silver-plated [chains] from the monastery of Saints Sergius and Bacchus, which is in the district of Hormisdas, taken out, seven on the right and as many on the left, and for the four [instruments] strictly so called, and trumpets and pipes, and another: [Greek text: ἀργυρόχαλκα (63) τῆς μονῆς τῶν ἁγίων Σερ- γίου καὶ Βάκχου τῶν Ὁρμίσδου, ζ' εἰς τὸ δεξιὸν μέ- ρος καὶ ἑπτὰ εἰς τὸ εὐώνυμον, καὶ εἰς τὰ δ' ὄργανα, κ.τ.λ.]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...and [he] illustrates the percussive instruments, namely drums and bronze drums or naccarae, it will not be tedious to add: For these four sons, daily according to the custom of the Seljuk princes [whose successors the Khwarizmshahs were and wished to be seen as], five Nubas [or processions of armed alternating guards] were performed at the moments of the five prayers. The father, however, reserved a special nuba for himself, that which is called the Nuba Dzil Carnaine [or of Alexander the Great, or rather of the Two-Horned one], and it is celebrated twice a day, at sunrise and sunset. The instruments destined for these nubas were twenty-seven in number, golden drums, adorned with various gems, which were struck on the day it was first instituted that they should be played by as many princes of the first rank, born of Sultanic blood.

...of precious vessels, taken from monasteries and sacred buildings and exposed to view for the sake of display. This clearly shows that if the emperors dedicated any such vessels in churches, it was not done with the intention of donating them to the churches in every respect, or of permitting and transferring to the churches every right of their own over that property, but they merely deposited them in the churches so that they might serve as an ornament to them, and sometimes also for use, for as long as the necessity did not arise to reclaim them—when it was permitted for the emperors, both those who had deposited them and their successors, to either restore the removed items if they wished, or to keep them, to mint coins from them, or to convert them to their own uses in another way. Nor, however, do we read that the patriarchs were silent. That one [the name does not occur to me now] who, if I am not mistaken, reproached Alexios Komnenos for vessels dedicated to God being extracted from sacred buildings and shown to Saracens and thereby polluted, and who almost threatened the emperor with anathema, was easily brought into line by the royal majesty, as he was insolent beyond the measure of a priest, casting covetous eyes on things not his own, and, following the example of the Latin clergy, plotting tyranny. For the Latins, placed far from the weapons of imperial power and not so much obeying their masters as dominating them—from whom, due to their ignorance of letters, everything could be obtained—practiced these evil arts with impunity, by which not the wealth of the Christian cause, but lazy disturbers of public affairs and wicked hypocrites, born to mock and insult innocent simplicity, grew rich. For when Italy was overrun by barbarian nations and all good arts were extirpated and all slightly more humane civil institutions were abolished, the rude Goths and Lombards had no treasuries in which to store their coins, nor did private men and small municipalities have them, nor did they commit the memories of events to writing, but entrusted all their possessions to the faith of those who, by words and cunning tricks rather than by the deed itself, created a great opinion of their own holiness among the ignorant. Thus it happened that credulous and simple men, departing from life or even while still vigorous, if they had collected any wealth which they wished to be kept safe from thieves, deposited it with monks and in churches—not knowing safer places to which it could be entrusted—with the mandate that they should keep it for them and return it if either they themselves, or those to whom their inheritance and lordship would subsequently pass, were to demand its return. At first, that trust was kept for a short time; then, with the traditional memory of the deeds of their ancestors wavering and vanishing, and the power of the clergy increased through the stupidity and wealth of the laity, when it was either permitted to lie hidden for those who were prevaricating, or they could not be forced by the true owners to return what belonged to others, they began to exercise their innate greed, having cast aside dissimulation, and to arrogate to themselves the deposits of their ancestors, committed to the faith of the churches, and to ward off those demanding them by force and reduce them to silence. You have an example of this wickedness in the Chronicon Cassinense I, 26. That it was once the custom for coins and household goods to be deposited in churches, as in a safe place, to be reclaimed by the owners and returned to them, is clear from the passage of Gregory the Great, Book II, Indiction II, ep. 49, where among other things (Du Cange gives the entire passage under the word *Desusceptu*) he has this: "It is fitting that for the clerics of his [church]... another [should make] a *desusceptum* [today we say a receipt], in which your fraternity may confess that you have received from this or that person this or that to be deposited in our archive [perhaps he means to say: confess that you have received from this or that person this or that to be deposited in the church’s treasury], so that, when it is necessary, all things can be restored to the competent person without loss," and Book III, ep. 16: "We wish that those who hand over all things not only receive *desuscepta* [receipts], but that notices of them be kept by you subtly [that is, carefully]." That even today Greeks dying in a land not their own are accustomed to entrust their wealth to the faith of their monks, and to urge them to return it when the heirs demand it—which is to make a "garden goat"—is attested by Gerlach in his *Diarium Itineris CPtani*, p. 477. The same situation once existed in Italy and our West, the same custom of acting as among the Colchians or Mingrelians in the age of Busbecq, that is, about two centuries ago, of whom he narrates in Ep. III, p. 153, as follows: "There is very little coined silver among them; few know a silver coin, fewer a gold one, almost none have any. Yet silver is held in such honor that if any is obtained from the trade of foreigners, as is necessary, it is all conferred for the use of temples, for casting crosses or chalices or other ornaments of temples: which the king, when it seems good, gathers up under the pretext of public necessity and diverts to himself." So also Athenaeus narrates, p. 337, about a certain wealthy Athenian shortly after the Persian War, who "once asked the Athenians for a place on the Acropolis, where he might build a place where his money would lie, saying that money could not be safely kept in a private house; and the Athenians gave it." That the Greek emperors exercised their right over their own property and took vessels from churches for use—those men, namely, who were sensible and truly men, not subject to the terrors of old women and monks—is evident both from this passage and many others of this Ceremonial, and from the example of Leo the Khazar, who took the crown deposited by Heraclius in the Great Church from the altar and wore it in a certain procession. When he died not long after by his fate, the foolish Greekling clerics and the equally foolish Theophanes cried out that he had been visibly and immediately punished by God on the head where he had sinned, by a coal that had sprouted, and that he had been seized by frenzy. "He was charred," they say, "on the head, and miserably breathed out his soul, having received the wages of sacrilege." He did not commit sacrilege, O good people, Leo, but he did not allow you to brood over things that were foreign, that had nothing to do with you. Today we laugh at such inept reasoning. But these garlands are the rewards of virtue, which Leo would not have borne if he had been soft and indulgent to lazy and wicked charlatans. Cf. Constantine, *De Administrando Imperio*, pp. 63, 64, ed. Banduri. [Isaac Angelus takes golden vessels from temples and does not return them, Nicet. p. 200 seqq., likewise p. 233, n. 7, 253, 1. Cf. p. 294, a custom derived from the Gentiles, see Diodorus Siculus, vol. II, p. 73, 68, Gregory of Tours in Du Cange, under the word *Palla*.]

(63) Throughout this entire chapter we have examples of things dedicated in temples being used in time of...

1037 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

...large columns from the outside of the triclinium to the [triclinium] of the same monastery; the large silver polycandela of the New [Church] were hung. And they set up in the same triclinium of the Magnaura, on the right side, in the middle of the large columns, the golden organ outside the veils hanging there, and above it, towards the east, the silver organ of the Venetians; and likewise on the left side, the silver organ of the Greens. It should be known that the tapestry-makers made the entire *anadendradion* (trellis-work) in the manner of a *tropica* (vaulted structure) out of *sendes* (silk fabric); and from there to here, from the small columns of the *sendes* down to the floor, large *scharamangia* (curtains) were hung, which were also given from the palace. It should be known that, when the Spaniards (65) arrived, a reception was held in every way similar to [the one for] the same monastery, and...

[Latin translation provided in the source text:] ...the palace attendants had fashioned [it] from *sendes* cloths in the likeness of a *tropica* (64) and four other [structures] requested from the same monastery and with four large columns; and outside the triclinium in a large *tropica* or *trichila* (arbor), one from the same monastery. From these chains hung the silver polycandela or candelabra of the New Church, fitted with many candles on poles or sockets and bowls and many candles in a circle. 330 They had also placed in the same triclinium of the Magnaura, on the right side, in the middle between the large columns, the golden organ outside the veils hanging from those columns, and on both sides of it, to the right indeed, higher up towards the east, the silver organ of the Venetian faction, and to the left, lower down, the silver organ of the Green faction. An arboretum or atrium of the triclinium covered with trees...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...a hanging sphere, a walkway of any shape, whether it was elongated or round, covered and shaded by whatever material, whether vines or silk cloths. Following the example of Athenaeus, p. 148, *xedia* and *antron*, a grotto, you might call it a makeshift, quickly constructed cave. Cf. the same, p. 196 and p. 200. Just as the Latins used *curva* and *curvula*, so the Greeks called it *tropica* from *trepo*, I turn, curve, roll, a volute, a vault. Therefore, Combefis correctly, in *Contin. Theophan.* p. 87, translates it as *apsis*. On p. 273, he translates it as *tropica*, a place of the palace so named. Perhaps he was led to believe it was a place of the palace so named (in which I would not wish to assert that he was wrong) by the passage in Theophanes, p. 373 at the end, where he says this concerning Patriarch Nicetas, an enemy of the images: "He scraped off the images in the patriarchate of the small secretum which were made of mosaic, and had those of the great secretum of the *tropica* which were made of wood-painting taken down." I do not like the reasoning instituted by Goar in interpreting this passage. The name *Tropica* could indeed have been the proper name of some structure in the palace, and that name could have adhered to it from an adjacent curved portico. But in this passage of Theophanes, the *tropica* is mentioned not of the palace, but of the patriarchate, and the *secretum* seems to me to be called *tropica* because it had a small curved [structure] attached to it. That such porticos shaded by vines were accustomed to be attached to palaces and basilicas or churches is evident from Du Cange, s.v. *Lobia* and *Laubia* [it is a German word], from which it is useful to excerpt only these two passages: one from an old charter in Puricellus, "Let them move and take away entirely the roof or *lobia* which they made or had made next to the wall of the church," and another from a charter of Emperor Louis IV in Ughellus, which is said to have been given "in the palace which is founded next to the basilica of the most blessed prince of the Apostles, in the greater *laubia* of that palace." Such a portico, a *lobia* (called from *Laub*, that is, from leaves and twigs), Marcus in his poem on St. Benedict calls a "forest domed with foliage," that is, in the manner of a dome, a tholus or cupola: "The forest flourishes with fruit-bearing foliage domed." Concerning the curved portico, see Salmasius on *Solinus*, H. Aug. t. I, p. 656; concerning the *trichila*, the same, p. 86, where, however, I would prefer to keep the common reading. I conjecture that such pergolas shaded and intertwined with vines were also called *curvulae* from a certain passage of John Cananus, p. 489: "He burned and set on fire every fruit-bearing wood and tree, and cut the *kourboulas* of the vineyards from the root," where I would prefer to derive that word *kourboula* from the Latin *curva*, *curvula*, namely a portico, rather than from *kourmos* for *kormos*, a trunk. Besides the examples of this word which Du Cange brought forward in his *Glossarium Graecum* 1618, the same has another under the word *Parakellion*, latrine, p. 630. I conclude from what has been said so far that the *tropica* of our passage was a walkway, a portico, a curved [structure], a pergola either truly shaded by vines and covered for a short time with silk cloths only for the sake of the procession; or a portico made in the manner of such a pergola, not however intertwined with vines, but constructed in a makeshift way with boards or slats only for the sake of the procession, by which it could be covered with silk cloths, under the veil and shade of which one could sit and walk, and be able to catch the air breathing freely. Therefore, the *anadendradion* differs from the *tropica*. The former is a series of upright, standing trees allowing a free view of the sky, arranged in a certain order. In the latter, however, vines or other flexible trees forced into an apse take away the view of the sky. When, therefore, a little later our author says that the *anadendradion* or *topiarium* was fashioned in the image of a *tropica* by the insertion of silk cloths, he signifies by this that vaults made of laths or long slats had been placed over the *topiarium* to support the silk cloths that were to be spread out. That it was the custom of the Middle Ages to spread silk cloths on such pergolas vaulted with laths for display, or to hang them from cupboards erected against the walls, is proven not only by the passages of authors which I cited there, where I dealt with triumphal processions, but also by these two cited by Du Cange s.v. *Mutatoria*: one from St. Bernard: "What is the use of so many *mutatoria* (changes of clothing) either extended on poles or folded in bags?" and another from James of Vitry: "The mime and the actor sing at the table, many *mutatoria* of garments are extended on a pole for the display of vanity, and the poor of Christ are tormented by hunger and cold."

(64) I have translated it as *trichila*, that is, a curved portico, a hemispherical hanging [structure], a walkway of any shape... (65) I wish the author had added from which king of Spain...

1059 A CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS B 1060 of the tropikon or vaulted ambulatory. On both sides of the columns, from the *sendes* cloths covering the vault above down to the floor, were hung large *scaramangia* [tunics], provided by the palace. When the Spanish envoys were present, they were received in exactly the same manner as those from Tarsus, with the only difference that the *anadendradium* or garden of the Magnaura was not adorned with *sendes* cloths, but entirely with *scaramangia*. At that time, works of precious material, enameled or painted in encaustic, taken from the imperial treasury or storehouse, were also hung. The Spaniards, whom I mentioned, were admitted on the 24th of October. But I return to the narrative I began concerning the Tarsian envoys. In that *tropikon* made of *sendes* cloths, fourteen silvered bronze chains were hung, taken from the monastery of Hormisdas (or St. Sergius), and as many silver polycandela [chandeliers] from the Nea [New Church]. In the vault that leads to the triclinium of the Candidati, one chain with one polycandelon was hung. The triclinium of the Candidati had been furnished and decorated by the *sakellarios* with large purple *scaramangia* and various imperial silver works, and it had five chains, from which hung as many silver polycandela from the New Church. The space that is outside the mule stable and the first *schola* had been decorated by the Eparch of the city with silk cloths and *haplomata* (or vast altar cloths) and *sindones*, and in addition with skillfully made and sculpted silver works belonging to various hospices for pilgrims and the elderly and to churches, and otherwise deposited there. And in front of the mule stable, five polycandela hung from their chains; in the first C *schola*, only one hung from the middle of the dome. In the triclinium of the Excubitors, as many silver polycandela, taken from the New Church, hung from six chains. The Tribunal [or triclinium of nineteen couches] had been decorated by the Eparch of the city in the manner customary for processions, namely with purple cloths, *haplomata*, and *sendes* cloths, as well as with golden works artfully painted in encaustic and elegantly sculpted silver works, which the money-changers had provided. In the same place, twelve silver polycandela hung from as many chains. These belonged to the New Church.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE COMMENTARY. I do not doubt that he has commemorated the embassy of both Liutprand and the Spaniards together, neglecting the greater and pursuing the minutiae, just as our author does below on page 343: "On the Kalends of August," he says, "I left Pavia," but he remains silent about the year, "I came to Venice," to which place he was going to Constantinople, having been sent there as an envoy by Berengar II, who had recovered the kingdom of Italy in the year 947. "Where," he continues, "I also found Solomon the Count (perhaps by the title of Count he wished to express *protospatharios*), the messenger of the Greeks, a *koitonites*, a eunuch, who had returned from Spain and Saxony," etc. But what had Solomon done in Spain and Saxony? It seems that Romanos Lekapenos, agitating in his mind an expedition against the Saracens of Crete, wished to solicit into an alliance of war some Christian king in Spain, perhaps the Aragonese, who might attack them from the Mediterranean Sea, or harass the Muhammadan petty king of Valencia with arms, and thereby prevent him from succoring the Cretan Saracens, his fellow citizens. The Saracens had seized them from Theophilus. But what he did in Saxony at that time, I do not fathom. Did he wish to draw Emperor Otto I into an alliance of war against the rebellious petty kings of Campania, or to arm him against the King of Hungary? Who can say the truth? However, whatever the case may be, it seems the Spanish envoys, of whom mention is made here, were sent by that Spanish king to whom Romanos had sent [envoys], so that they might bring back his response to the Greek embassy. That Constantine himself sent another embassy to Spain after this time, in the year 948, is perhaps evident from the fact that below on page 383, three ships are counted with others for the royal fleet destined against Crete, and it is said that the *ostiarios* and *nipsistiarios* Stephen took these with him, having been sent to Spain with a royal commission. But that fleet was dispatched against Crete, as our author testifies, Indiction VII, A.D. 949. To be discussed at page 383.

(66) See above note 54, col. 113.

1061 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II 1062

up to the cancelli leading there, with purple cloths, hangings, and silk fabrics; and a small chain was hung, and the great silver polycandelon of the Blachernae. Be it known that the triclinium in which the camelaukion stands and the magistri are created, and the so-called onopodium, was adorned by the sakellarios with purple cloths and veils from the chrysotriklinos. Be it known that the gate of the Augusteon, that is, the Golden Hand, was adorned with the sharp veils of the chrysotriklinos. Be it known that the passageways from the Augusteon toward the apse were adorned with various embroidered veils. Be it known that the hippodrome was adorned by the eparch with purple cloths and various imperial veils. Be it known that they were decorated with laurel, according to the custom of processions, such as small crosses and wreaths, the so-called sciasta, on the right and left on the walls under the so-called river-cancellis, and the upright standing ones called trees, but also other flowers which the season of that time provided; but also the floors of these were strewn with ivy and laurel, and the more appropriate ones with myrtle and rosemary. Be it known that, after the veils entered the great triclinium of the Magnaura, the whole triclinium was strewn with roses. Be it known that on the entire floor of the anadendradion and the pulpit leading to the megatriklinos, precious Persian carpets were spread. Be it known that the magistri and the more handsome of the proconsuls wore the loroi.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...that they were accustomed to be carried about in Greek churches in his own time, and that he had seen them, Gerlach testifies in his Diary, p. 64, in these words: "Before them [he speaks of priests proceeding from the tribunal and carrying the Venerable [Cross] through the church] walked two boys with wax candles, and two others with decorated laurel branches, which are almost equal to the crucifixes, as one carries them raised high in the Papacy: [and a little later]: At the sides they were accompanied by two boys, who carried two gilded spears or rods wound with laurel wreaths, and at the top were almost like a cross, and shone like a mirror." — *cancellis*, I have fluctuated for a long time as to how I should render this passage, and at first I had translated it thus: "With laurel, as is the custom to do in processions, and with certain other things which that season of the year provided, configured with flowers to the right and left of the walls from the cancelli of those so-called Potamia, and affixed from those standing upright, commonly called Trees." Then I changed it, by an ill fate, without a doubt. For although I do not know what the Potamia were, or what the Trees were, I do not doubt that this interpretation, which I have just brought forward, is to be preferred to that which was placed opposite the Greek words. But it often happens to us little men that, through trepidation, having omitted and cast aside the better things which were ready and at hand, we seize upon the worse. The *dendra* (trees) seem to have been trees made by topiary work, box or yew cut into the shape of trees. The *potamia* (rivers), however, were perhaps marble boundaries with wavy lines, placed before those cancelli; see Du Cange s.v. Potamoi, or what I said above at p. 271 concerning the thalassai; or they were some kind of material, either wooden or marble, whose beams or stone slabs were so painted or naturally formed that they exhibited flowing streams, that is, they had lines fluctuating in a serpentine manner. Indeed, those things which proceed *gradatim* (by steps), but not correctly, but rather in a wavy parallel, the new Greeks call *potamia*. Continuator of Theophanes, Book III, n. 42: "The Karianos bears this name because it has from the *gradatio* of the stone of Karianos, as it were a certain wide river": see Du Cange s.v. and what we said at p. 302 concerning the umbilici.

(67) See above note 57, col. 271. (68) Poles wrapped with laurel with a crossbar at the top. (69) Thus the manuscripts for "walls" and "cancelli" for... (70) Although concerning the loroi, the scipiones, and the acaciae...

CHAPTER 58.

*On the appointment of a referendary.* The masters give orders to the praepositus, and he goes out; he seeks a silentiarius and sends him to see if the quaestor has processed. When he is found, the praepositus receives the reply and reports it to the masters, and receives from the masters the referendary who is to be promoted. He goes out in attendance, as has been said above, and seeks the quaestor in the hemicycle, and delivers the referendary to him, whether there is one or two. They offer prayers for the masters and go out in the procession. If it happens that the quaestor is not found in that procession, he is sought by a runner sent by the praepositus. If he comes before the masters have reclined, the praepositus reports it to the masters and receives the one who is to be promoted, and seeks the quaestor in the heating chamber (thermastra), and delivers the referendary to him, and they offer prayers to the masters and depart. If it happens that the referendary is ill, the whole procedure is performed as has been said above regarding the assessor.

CHAPTER 59.

*Observances when a spatharocandidatus is to become a protospatharios.* The masters give orders to the praepositus, and the one who is to become protospatharios enters wearing a skaramangion and a sword, being led in by an ostiarius and held by a protospatharios eunuch. Falling down, he kisses the feet and knees of the masters, and the masters place the maniakis around his neck, and he goes out.

CHAPTER 60.

*Funeral of emperors.* The remains are brought out through the caballarium and placed in the nineteen accubita on the golden bed called the "of sorrow," and the same remains are laid out there, crowned with a diadem and...

1065 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1066

[Greek text segment:] ...shirts and gold-embroidered cloaks. The eunuch protospatharioi, along with their own sticharia and sabania and gold maniakia, carried the gold, jeweled spathobaklia. The remaining eunuch protospatharioi wore their own sticharia and maniakia. The primikerioi wore their own sticharia without cloaks. The magistroi, having worn the loroi, gave their own sticharia to those primikerioi who did not have their own sticharia. The ostiarioi wore gold paragaudia over their shirts and carried gold, jeweled staves. The remaining ostiarioi who did not have gold paragaudia wore their own cloaks over their shirts. The spatharoi...

[Latin text segment:] ...after the entry of the veils into the great triclinium, the whole place was sprinkled with roses. The entire floor of the garden and the pulpit, or higher pavement, through which one enters the great triclinium just mentioned, was covered with Persian carpets of great value. As far as the attire of the nobles is concerned, the magistroi and the proconsuls, who were most distinguished, wore loroi, though without staves or maniples; the other proconsuls and patricians wore their own shirts and tunics with gold tablia. Four eunuch protospatharioi, besides their strictoria and sabania or linens and gold torques, also carried gold spathobaklia encrusted with gems.

[JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.] Du Cange (Glossarium Graecum, p. 838) brought forward the passage of Symeon, which helps one understand that the imperial vestments of the Constantinopolitan court, which were used in public processions, were not made new by every emperor, nor very often, but were old ones kept and used until they were so worn out that they could no longer be employed. For this reason, Liutprand mocks Nicephorus Phocas, saying that he was short of stature and made even more hideous in appearance by the fact that he wore imperial ornaments worn out by age and taken and fitted for the persons of his predecessors. He was wearing, in fact, those garments which the Emperor Theophilus had perhaps caused to be made to the measure of his own body, since those transmitted to him by previous emperors could no longer serve, but were falling apart from age, and this was according to the custom of the ancestors. It is certainly understood that [Theophilus] restored them. Georgius Monachus, p. 516. Cf. Symeon.

[Regarding the lorum:] If anyone wishes to see it, he will be able to conceive its image in his mind, and in what respect the new lorum differs from the old. It differs greatly, and the new lorum has nothing in common with the old except the striation. For the rest, as all the institutions of the new Greeks are, it is ridiculous, affected, and a *phlyax* (trifling) mixture of a chiton or tunic, the form of which it has (for it adheres strictly to the body and has sleeves), and of a chlamys, the traces of which are recalled by the fringe worn on the left elbow, and finally of a lorum or collar, like a lorum or belt, wide, permitted to hang freely down the chest or on both sides, or arranged crosswise. From these gifts of three different garments, the new lorum was sewn, entirely different from the old. Relics of the old lorum still survived in the 16th and 17th centuries, and still survive among our matrons in the leather lorum, which they wear and wore loose, or not sewn to other garments, but removable around the neck, arranging both appendages crosswise over the chest.

From this, one may now understand that famous passage of the supposititious Donation of Constantine the Great to Pope Sylvester, as they say: "Then the diadem" (this, it is feigned, the Augustus granted to the Pontiff), "namely the crown of our head, and at the same time the phrygium or mitre, and also the superhumerale, namely the lorum, which is accustomed to surround the imperial neck." The Greek translator of this passage is criticized because he rendered the words "and also the superhumerale, namely the lorum" as *kai to doron kai to omo-phorion hoper kukloi ton basilikon trachelon*. He certainly sinned in that he considered the lorum and the superhumerale to be different things. But it can easily be excused and corrected by placing the *to* before *kai*, thus: *hama kai to doron, to kai omophorion*. However, it is wrongly deduced from this passage that the origin of the priestly pallium [is the same], and it is concluded that the lorum and the omophorion are the same. If Blastares used "omophorion" here because he thought the Latin "superhumerale" could not be expressed more conveniently by another Greek word, this must be forgiven him, as he abused the term. For he attributes to it a notion which it could indeed have by grammatical reasoning, but which usage contradicts. For what the Greeks are accustomed to call an "omophorion" commonly, even if it is carried over the shoulders no differently than a lorum, is nevertheless not the same as a lorum, but is very different, as is demonstrated in its proper place. Balsamon also erred, taking the lorum for a mitre or cap in those places which Du Cange (Glossarium Graecum, s.v.) brought forward, from which the rest that can be said about loroi can be drawn. He cites there, among other things, a passage from Achmet’s Oneirocriticon, where he has: "A belt of gold and stones and pearls, that is, a lorum." It is doubtful whether *etoi* should be understood interpretatively or disjunctively. It is correctly done in either way; if the latter, *loros* can signify either a belt (something different from a girdle) or an orarium, that is, a collar embracing the neck and chest. [See Commentary on the Donation of Constantine, p. 93. The Emperor Theophilus restored the garments which are called loroi.]

[Nicetas at the beginning of Manuel Comnenus:] ...that no one could be considered a legitimate emperor who had not received the *gnoristika* (identifying marks) of the rulers—crowns, scepters, garments, and all the ancient imperial insignia—at his coronation. This very thing happens at the coronation of our emperors and other Christian kings, who put on the garments of Charlemagne, even though they are falling apart with decay, and yet wear the heavy crowns of the same, and of St. Stephen, and St. Edward, and others. Indeed, the processional and pompous garments of the nobles were also given to them from the royal wardrobe for the use of a short time, to be returned after the procession was finished. For this reason, a distinction is made between *mutatoria basilika* (royal changes of clothes) and *ta oikeia* or *ex auton* (those which were the property of the senators); thus, a little after this passage of ours, p. 332, the *protospatharioi* are mentioned with their own *sticharia*, and Codinus (Offic. V. 53) notes: "Such garments are worn not from the court, but from one's own." Cf. p. 335, where the masters of the urban guilds are said to have worn the garments of the secretikoi. Among the ancient Romans, precious processional garments were already kept in the Capitol and were brought out by the Consuls at the time of use; see Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. II, p. 83, 1. Garments which were put on those newly honored as a sign of honor also had to be returned after the promotion was completed. Cf. Theophanes, p. 108. Those symbolic garments had to be returned by the departing magistrate, as for example the quaestor, and cast upon the successor, as is evident from our pp. 157 and 158, in the latter of which these memorable words are read: "The demarchs take the cloaks from the demarchs who have been succeeded... because they are royal." That loroi were not worn except in the most solemn and splendid processions is clear both from our present passage and from chapter 40 of the second book, and likewise from the passage of Leo Grammaticus, p. 472: "The Emperor (he speaks of Basil) at its renovation (in the dedication of the Theotokos of the Pharos) having worn a lorum and given much money."

1067 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1068

[...poles with broad iron-tipped spears at the top]. The eunuch protospatharioi wore only their strictoria and torques. The primicerioi wore their strictoria without tunics; and if any of them did not have their own strictoria, they wore those of the magistroi, as they were the ones who wore the loroi. The ostiarioi wore golden paragaudia and golden jeweled rods over their shirts. But if any of them did not have golden paragaudia, they wore their own tunics over their shirts. The spatharocubicularii wore golden paragaudia and the swords of the dignitaries, fitted with golden hilts, over their shirts. Those of them, however, who did not have golden paragaudia wore their own shirts and their own swords. All the cubicularii wore their own shirts, and some of them, moreover, wore the tunics fitted with golden tablets that they are accustomed to wear on feast days, namely the fundata tunics proper to the patricians; others wore tunics embroidered with silver thread and similar contomanika and purple contomanika [or tunics with short sleeves]. The protospatharioi who were also officials wore their own shirts and the fundata festival tunics proper to the magistroi. The protospatharioi of the Chrysotriklinos wore golden stekia and golden maniakia; those who did not have stekia wore skaramangia and sagia of silk. The chartoularioi and notarioi of the sekreta wore their own shirts and authentic sagia. The asekretai and the notarioi of the asekretiai and the other sekretikoi wore their own shirts and the fundata tunics of the feast days, that is, those having sharp-edged talia. Near the imperial throne on this side and that, that is to say on the right and the left, stood the Roman scepters (72) and ptychia (73) and...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...were called Romans, as is known. The scepters are a kind of banner, long poles fixed with golden or silver plates and nails, and, as it seems to me, fashioned in the shape of a cross, pure or without iron or blade, but with veils hanging from them, as can be gathered: "For there stand... the Roman scepters awaiting the masters, the so-called vela, likewise also the eutychia, and the other scepters, in addition to these the equipment of the protektores." See note 92, col. 139.

(72) "Roman" here means Greek; for I know the Greeks... (73) Thus this word is usually accustomed to be written in our codex; sometimes, however, it is written whole and uncorrupted as *eutychia*, as in the passage of our author cited a little earlier on page 7, without which passage I would never have arrived at the true nature of the ptychia by conjecture. For when I first read this word, I suspected (nor could I do otherwise) that it signified codices of the Gospels, such as large, heavy ones, written on the finest parchment with the greatest calligraphic beauty in large letters, covered in red silk and fastened and adorned with bosses and corner plates, as well as golden and silver clasps or hooks, which they were accustomed to carry suspended from poles. See Garbelli’s Epistle to Joseph Blanchini in the Prolegomena to the *Evangeliarium quadruplex*, p. 6, and the distinguished Leich on Diptychs, p. XL. Certainly this conjecture was not without foundation. For on p. 342, the *ptychia* of the Gospels are said to have been among other precious things publicly displayed for the Saracen envoys to see. Thuanus also, describing the procession by which the Pseudo-Demetrius entered Moscow in 1605, hailed as emperor, says: "Next after the prince walked a crowd of clergy with square banners, on each of which was hung either an image of some saint or a book of the Gospels." In that passage of the Mubachian book, which we cited on p. 6 of these Commentaries, we saw that among the Russians, prelates also carried codices of the Gospels in the public procession of the feast of Lights. Added to this is the fact that in the Middle Ages, pugillares were carried before the Roman pontiff in public processions; see Du Cange, s.v. *Pugillares*; which I believe were Gospel codices, and the *pugillum* mentioned in that passage which the same author cites under *Pugillus* is nothing other than a Gospel codex.

In many coins of the Constantinopolitan emperors, it may seem doubtful whether a labarum or a square Gospel codex is hanging from the pole. The Saracens also borrowed from the Greeks the custom of carrying codices of the Koran suspended from poles in battle as banners, concerning which custom I speak in Abulfeda. Yet since the first Byzantine emperors retained many institutions of the old Roman imperial court, which the following centuries either increased with Christian additions or deformed with their own absurdities; and since among the banners of the ancient emperors there were also signs of Fortune, they themselves also had and venerated golden images of Fortune in their bedchambers, as pledges of the majesty and happiness of the empire; and on the coins of the first Byzantine emperors, a winged Victory is frequently seen: and below, p. 415, the domesticus of the scholai is said to have among his officials *eutychiophoroi* and *skeptrophoroi*, which was undoubtedly done in imitation of the imperial court. (For it should not be thought that the domesticus had banners and standard-bearers that the emperor lacked.) Cf. p. 427. I have no doubt that the word *ptychia*, *eutychia* or *eutycheia* is corrupt and signifies banners, upon the poles of which were either superimposed, or woven into the bands or cloths, images of Fortune or Victory, *nikaria*, little victories, as Cedrenus calls them on p. 322, where he explains CONOB, the solemn subscription of Byzantine coins, which to me indeed seems to signify "Constantinopolis, formerly Byzantium." That the use of Victory on standards never ceased among the Byzantines is evident from the passage of Codinus, *De Officiis* VI, 20, p. 79, where he mentions a *flamullum* called the Archistrategos. This Archistrategos or Angel Michael was nothing other than Victory. The superstitious Greeks, believing that angels were winged because they saw the winged figure retained from antiquity on the banners, and not knowing it was Victory, made it into the angel Michael from a pagan deity. And they are certainly to be excused. Indeed, our painters do not paint angels otherwise than as Victory is depicted on the coins of the first emperors; e.g., the coins of Constantine in Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.* p. 56, and Theodosius p. 61. From the Greeks, the Latins of the Middle Ages also assumed this banner, like many other things, and called it an Angel; see Du Cange, s.v. *Angelus*, where among other things he cites this from Wittekind: "In the fifth rank, which was the largest and was called the royal one..."

1069 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1070 the remaining golden scepters, held by the candidates, who were clearly wearing skaramangia and the golden torques of the chrysotriclinium, carried golden images and golden necklaces. But those who did not have images of their own, the prince himself, surrounded by a chosen youth from many thousands, and before him an angel, with whom was victory, surrounded by a dense column. Therefore, our good ancestors believed, from a poorly understood ambiguous tradition, that victory was there where the angel was. And it was, in truth. For the angel was nothing other than victory, a fictitious deity of paganism, endowed with the new Christian name of angel and archistrategos. Let us consider the Lombard coin, which Horatius Blancus expressed on the same bronze plate for Paulus Warnefridus, on which he displayed the iron crown of Monza, with the inscription "Saint Michael," and let us compare it with the victoriate coins; we will find no difference between the two, except for this: that the Victoria has a bare or laureled head, while St. Michael has not a cap, as it seems, but a nimbus around his head. Traces of this custom of carrying signs of victory in processions still survive in the Greek Church. For Stephanus Gerlachius reports in his *Diarium CPtanum* p. 474, where he describes the rite of the Greek Paschal procession, that the litany proceeded thus: First came the protosyncellus with the codex of the Gospel of St. John, covered with a golden plate; second, the hieromonk with the stational cross; third, the cantor with an image of Christ rising from the sepulcher; in the fourth place proceeded two hieromonks, each of whom carried on a staff a round, wide, gilded plate, upon which was depicted a cherub endowed with six wings. I omit the rest. Sometimes later, the same author, describing the procession of the sacred gifts from the tribunal into the nave, says thus: "Then began the great procession or the circumambulation, where six or seven went out to the back door of the choir [the small holy door to the right of the bema side] and walked very slowly around the church. There all those present bowed themselves, some fell down completely, others grabbed the clothes of the passing priests and kissed them. The first carried the bread for the Eucharist on his head, covered with a red linen cloth. Two others carried two chalices, one full, the other empty: the fourth and fifth the two images of Cherubim and Seraphim, preceded by two readers with candles." These cherubim and seraphim succeeded to the place of Fortune or Victoria, just as St. Elias succeeded to the possession of the temple which was once the Sun's, according to Malalas, vol. II, p. 40. What once had been of Helios, the Christians now ordered to be of the holy Helios. They mutilated the statue of the Mother of the Gods holding a lion in her hands in the time of Constantine the Great, shaping the hands into the likeness of one praying or blessing the city, so that henceforth the Christian populace would adore that same idol, which was once called the Mother of the Gods, with a slightly changed name, as the Mother of God, as Zosimus II, 31 testifies; see what is to be said at p. 336. From Semon Sancus, Eusebius produces the fable about Simon Magus in *Hist. Eccles.* II, from which it is clear that already in the time of the Ptolemies, victories were carried in public processions. This passage is: "Satyrs followed, twenty in each part of the stadium, carrying ivy torches gilded [that is, gilded and carved with the coils of surrounding ivy; Casaubon does not correctly emend there], after whom came Nikes having golden wings [for the rest were wooden, clothed in golden garments], and these carried censers six cubits long, decorated with gilded ivy and golden garlands and roses; thus it seems it should be read, wearing animal-embroidered tunics." Innumerable such examples of retained pagan superstition and idolatry, but disguised with Christian names and encrusted with ridiculous mystical expositions, could be cited if we were to do so. The learned Leichius also caught the scent of this matter. Ancient emperors usurped divine honors and took care to have fire carried before them, as if they were deities. Fire was also carried before the new ones according to the old institution. *[A lamp was carried before the Greek Emperor, besides the scepter and the sword, because of that: "Let your light shine," Codinus p. 101. But it was rather that fire which was accustomed to be carried before the Augusti.]* It remains now to demonstrate how *ptychia* flowed from *eutychia*. It must be held, therefore, that the Greek populace, both new and old, was accustomed to drop *e* and other initial vowels and to pronounce them as *b* or even as *p*. They pronounced, therefore, the word *eutychia* as *ptychia* or *plychia*, as *sidokapsia*, *pleusis*, *pthenia*, *siderokausia*, *Schmelzhütten* (smelting works), *babic*, the region toward which one looks, *eutychia*, abundance and prosperity of all things, likewise *bemeria* for *eumereia*, a happy state of one's affairs, *bygenikos* for *eugenikos*, noble, *bgainein* for *eugenein*. They say *eugenein* for *ekgenein*, and this for *ekgenesthai*, *ptychia* for *ptychia* (see the learned Hemsterhuis on Aristophanes, *Plutus* p. 159), *pity* for *epitychia*. *Epilynchanousin* in inscriptions for *Epilynchanus*; see Salmasius on *Hist. Aug.* vol. I p. 99, *xartion* for *exartion* (naval equipment), *piskopos* for *episcopus*, *phrydi* for *ophrydion* (eyebrow), *blogein* for *eulogein*, *ladi* and *ladin* for *eladion* (oil), *lamnein* for *labnein* and this for *elaunein* (to drive), *largyros* for *olargyros*, *laphos* for *elaphos* (stag), *laphros* for *elaphros*, *leemon* for *eleemon*, *ligos* for *oligos*, *litroboles* for *alitroboulios*, *matin* for *imation*, *matomenos* for *haimatommenos* (bloodied), *mera* for *hemera*, *miereus* for *hemiereus*, *moiazein* for *omoiazein*, *nikokyria* for *enoikokyria*, *pagein* for *apagein*, *pion* for *opion*, *piso* for *opiso*, *pitideios* for *epitideios*, *pitycheros* for *epitycheros*, *epitychanos*, *epitygchanein*, *perikos*, *eustochos*, *legein* for *oregesthai* (to desire), *remazein* for *eremoun* (to devastate), *riphos* for *eriphos* (kid), *photan* for *erotan* (to ask), *sazein* for *isazein* (to equalize), *schouria* for *ischouria*, *skazein* for *hesychazein* (to be silent out of sadness, to be sad and taciturn), *sodema* for *eisodema*, *eisodos* (entrance or income), *sphalizein* for *asphalizein* (to close), *scharin* for *escharion*, *eschara* (hearth), *tisane* for *ptisana*, *phidi* for *ophidion*, *ophis* (snake), *phodos* for *aphodos* (dung), *chnaron* for *chnarion* (footprint), *pselos* for *hypselos* (high), *psouni* for *opsonion* (daily bread). Wagons of such could be heaped up. But enough is enough. [*Ptychia* for the codices of the Gospels, and they are enumerated among the treasures of the church by Nicetas Choniates, p. 233, which Isaac Angelus is said to have plundered: "He tore the sacred vessels from the divine temples and brought them into his own tables. Removing also from the precious crosses and *ptychai* of the pure oracles of Christ, he placed expensive ornaments, necklaces, and chains from them." The Russians still carry Seraphim or Cherubim (as they call them) around in their processions, *Stat von Groot-Russland* p. 337. Roman emperors once had signs of victory in their bedchambers as pledges of the happiness of the empire, and as many as were the emperors who were colleagues, so many were the signs of victory, as is evident not only from the passage of Spartianus in the *Life of Severus* p. 637, where he narrates that three plaster victories stood on the podium of the imperial circus seat, the middle one of Severus the father, two on either side of both sons, Bassianus and Geta, holding palms and orbs or shields in their hands with the names of each emperor inscribed, but also from that passage where he says p. 640: "He had decided to double the royal Fortune which was accustomed to accompany the princes and be placed in their bedchambers, so that he might leave a most sacred image to each of the sons." But when he saw that he was being pressed, he is said to have ordered, at the hour of his death, that Fortune should be in the bedchambers of the emperors, the sons, on alternate days.] 13. The passage in Athenaeus p. 497 F is notable.

...they wore *skaramangia* and Russian cloaks. The *chartularii* and *notarii* of the *Secretum* wore their *camisia* and purple cloaks. The *asecretae*, the *notarii* of the *asecreta*, and the remaining *secretici* wore their *camisia*, and in addition, they wore *fundatae* festival tunics—namely, those that have purple panels. Near the imperial throne stood, to the right and left, Roman scepters, signs of the Roman Empire, and *ptychia* [or signs of secondary fortune], and the remaining golden scepters or standards, all of which the *candidati* held, wearing *skaramangia* and the so-called *candidaticia*, or garments of the *candidati*. The remaining vessels, *campiductoria*, *labara*, and signs stood below the aforementioned instruments and were held by the rowers of the first *dromonion*, who wore the *fundata* change-garments of the *tagmata*. Outside the veils, above the steps, stood the *maglabitai* wearing *skaramangia*.

[COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOB REISKE]

...might be placed. Thus spoke the infancy of those centuries for: so that he might remain on alternate days, this one in the chamber of Bassianus, the other in that of Greta. An argument for the ignorance of antiquities, as Nicetas testifies, p. 339, that some took the equestrian statue of Constantine the Great for Pegasus and Bellerophon, others for Joshua, son of Nun. Cf. the same Fragment, Vol. VI, Fabricius, *Bibl. Gr.*, p. ... anything other than to denote standards. This appears sufficiently both from the adjective *loipa*, "remaining," which presupposes that the preceding items are the same as the following ones, and from the last verse of this page; *ta proerrethenia skeue*, "the aforementioned vessels," are scepters, victories, signs, etc. I have translated it as "vessels," however, looking to p. 341, where among *ta skeue* certain things are referred to that are not standards, such as the great cross and the rod of Moses.

...that they might carry [them], or such as the maniples had, each of which would be directed by a *campiductor* or *doctor*. Regarding the *campidoctores* or *campiductores*, *gymnastai ton stratioton*, I shall not repeat what has been said by Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, by Guthorius, by Du Cange in his *Glossarium Latinum*, and others. Much about this. Cf. Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinum*, s.v. Regarding the etymology, I will only advise that it is a word of the Greek language and not of barbaric origin: it seems to me to be derived from *lapara*, and that this veil or standard was initially called *laparon*, which was prepared with double cloth or leather and was hollow and empty inside, so that it could swell and deflate with the wind. It is written here *laboura* instead of *labora*. For *labaron* and *laboron* are said and written interchangeably. I have demonstrated with examples that *o* and *a* are often interchanged, where I spoke about the ending *-orium* (such as *ornatorium* for *urnatorium*, etc.).

...of all. In our codex, however, they denote only those standards on which the bust of the emperor was sewn onto purple cloth. I gather this from the places in the glossaries and the *Apocryphal Commentary on the Life of Jesus Christ*, which Du Cange provided s.v. *Protomai*. Cf. what the same author has in *Glossarium Graecum*, p. 1343, regarding the *sebastophoroi*. Nicetas, p. 126, D 8: *Semeiai, ai tous basileis eikonizousi*. ...descend, and as for the sense of *hypokato*, "below," see the remarks on p. 313.

...so to speak, not double-headed axes. For double-headed axes are properly *ai pelekkeis*, but here they are *tzikouria*. The Greeks called *hemipelekkan* the half of an axe, which has the edge on one side only, which is *dextera*.

...*ktoria* (75), and *laboura* (76), and *signa* (77), stood *hypokation* (78) [below] the aforementioned vessels, clearly also held by the rowers of the first *dromonion*. And these same rowers wore the *fundata* change-garments of the *tagmata*. Outside the veils, above the steps, stood the *maglabitai* wearing *skaramangia* and their own swords. And immediately after the *maglabitai* stood the Macedonians of the Great *Hetaireia* from the *esophoria*, wearing *zostikia* swords and silver [belts] with gilded and silver straps, carrying also shields of gold, bronze-gold, iron, and *monopeleka* (79) and *tzikouria*. Below the same steps stood the Great *Hetaireia*, likewise the Middle [one], along with the Pharganoi (80) and Chazars (81), all of...

...*Aron kalountai*, says the old interpreter of Homer; v. Du Cange on *Alexiad* 257 and *Glossarium Graecum*, where he cites this passage. [Regarding the *dextralia*, see the passage of the old interpreter of Homer in Salmasius on the *Axe of Simmias*, p. 200.] It is that same one just cited. I seem to perceive a distinction between these two words, *monopelekou* and *tzikoudiou*, in that verse of William Brito, which Du Cange cites in the aforementioned place: *Ascia dum dextris, bisacuta securis et ensis Fulminal*. And I have conformed the Latin interpretation to this. I could also have given *dextrale* for *ascia*; see on p. 87.

...of the body of the Augustus, originating either from Egypt or from the province of Transoxiana, Fargana. Their mention is frequent among Oriental historians, but they usually call them not *alfaraghna* (with a dotted 'g'), the Farganoi, but *alfaranah*, the Pharaohs, as if they had been so named not from the native province of Fargana, but from the Pharaohs, the kings of Egypt, because of their ferocity and untamed spirits. For the Arabs call every monstrous, savage, gigantic man a "Pharaoh," or a monstrous thing "Pharaonic," just as the Greeks call it "Titanic." I am uncertain which spelling should be preferred. The latter might seem preferable because Oriental princes usually had Turks, whose homeland was Fergana, as their bodyguards. Nevertheless, Africans and Misrenses, or Egyptians, were no less famous for being chosen for their ferocity as guards of the bodies of the Augusti; they could have been called *farahnah* (Pharaohs) from the ancient lords of Egypt, the Pharaohs, whose insolence and savagery or even stature they recalled. "The Egyptians call everything of extraordinary size by the name of Pharaoh, imagining that they [the old kings of Egypt] were all giants": these are the words of Wansleb, *Voyage d'Egypte*, p. 266, end of ch. These, therefore, will be the *Faraones*, the remnants of those Copts...

...Zantina, nor do I have anything to add about them, except this: that it became common among the Arabs and other Orientals to pronounce *Chozaros* with an 'o'. Hence that famous book published by Buxtorf, *Cosri* or *Cosari*, as if to say "Cosaric Disputation." Finally, the name of this nation, once famous for its bravery, came into the infamy of robbery, so that robbers and assassins were called *Chozaroi*. See Du Cange s.v. *Chozaroi*. [The Greeks place the Chazars in the Cimbrian Chersonese, but the Arabs in Iberia or Circassia. And so also Matthias a Michow on both Sarmatias, p. 457, which is a remarkable passage, specifically says that the modern Greeks call these nations Abgari and Abgazeti. 107. From the Addenda.]

(74) It seems that here and in similar places *skeue* [means] nothing... (75) *Campiductoria* were signs, such as *campiductor*... (76) What *labara* were is known, and many... (77) They were once a general name for military insignia... (78) That is, *hypokationtos* or *hypokationti*, if one... (79) They are otherwise *index*: so-called single-headed axes... (80) *Phuryani* are a type of military or protectors... (81) The name of the Chazars is known in Byzantine history...

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1073

[Greek text segment] ...carrying swords and bearing shields. The domestic protospatharioi stood in the solea (83) on both sides, wearing green-and-rose-colored (83) skaramangia and swords. And after them stood the spatharocandidatoi wearing multicolored skaramangia and swords and the spatharocandidaticia. And after them stood the spatharioi, also wearing multicolored skaramangia and their own swords, carrying also dextralia. And after them stood the stratores wearing skaramangia with white lions (84), and of other colors and patterns, carrying also the stratoricia (85). To the right, toward the west, at the junction of the two veils, outside and above the steps of the great triclinium of the Magnaura, stood the [member] of the great hetaireia (86) bearing the gold-woven imperial standard, the phlamoulon. On this side and that of the same steps of the same great triclinium of the Magnaura, outside the same...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...of the rebellious and indomitable troops, the Baschinus-rites as they are called by their own name, whom Renaudot, *Hist. Patr. Alex.* p. 281, says Al-Mamun, when he could not tame them, transferred to Baghdad and hid away in his own military. Certainly, in Hamza of Isfahan I find a type of equestrian militia in the Baghdad court called Misrense. The same Hamza also mentions another type of infantry militia in the Baghdad court, who can be none other than the Cyrenaeans or Africans taken from the province of Africa: A tumult broke out between the black infantry and the Alcarawenasi [or Cyrenaeans], and with many killed on both sides, the blacks finally emerged superior. And Abulfeda, in the year 255 [A.D. 869], telling of the fall of the Caliph Al-Mu'tazz, lists these three different orders of protectors or palace militia in the Baghdad court: the Almagarebah or Maghrebis, that is, the Westerners, Africans, and Mauritanians; and the Turks, namely the Farghanians and Transoxanians; and the Pharaohs. There is no place here to discuss the Almogarabis and Almogawaris, a type of militia not unknown to the Latins and Greeks of the Middle Ages.

...since the solea of the triclinium of the Magnaura is mentioned here. I have dealt more fully with the solea at the first chapter of this codex.

...and rose, is certain; but how these two colors were mixed or arranged in such a cloth is not equally certain. For they could have been mixed and scattered throughout the cloth in spots, stripes, orbs, or other figures, so that the background, for example, was rose, while the spots were green; or rose and green stripes could have run in turns in a parallel direction, one next to the other; or finally, one half of the garment could have been entirely rose-colored without mixing, and the other half entirely green; just as today, for example, orphans in the cities of Belgium proceed with one half of the body dressed in black, the other in red or reddish, or in certain cities of Germany, as I myself have seen, heralds in archery contests (*Vogelschiessen*) wear a cloak with one half brown and the other yellow. Such "parted and divided" garments (as they called them), that is, diverse, were of very frequent use in the Middle Ages. However, they called garments of another type, whose colors were mixed throughout the whole fabric, "mixed." John of Saint-Omer (in Du Cange, s.v. *Jocularis*): "Others, which is proper to jesters, varied their garments with divided colors on both sides, as well as mixed ones." Henry of Knighton, in *De Eventibus Angliae*, lib. IV (in Du Cange, s.v. *Liripipium*), says that ladies were dressed in "parted" garments. Du Cange himself doubted how to render the word *leucoporphyros*. For he gives in the *Glossarium Graecum* under this word: "partly white, partly crimson, or whitish-crimson." But in Latin he translates *leucoporphyrus* from "white purple." He meant to say a more diluted purple (for white purple is *doblato*), as is clear from the added *leucorhodinus*, which he translates from a more diluted rose color.

...of the great hetaireia, wearing tunics and belt-swords or those hanging from the belt and thighs, silver with gilded silver straps, also golden shields and others of gilded bronze and iron as well; also single-bladed axes and double-axes. Below those steps stood both hetaireiai, the great and the middle, and the Farghanians and Chazars: all carrying swords in one hand and shields in the other. The domestic protospatharioi stood in the solea on both sides, wearing skaramangia distinguished by a double color, green and rose, and swords. After them stood the spatharocandidatoi wearing swords and multicolored skaramangia and the spatharocandidaticia. After them stood the spatharioi, also wearing multicolored skaramangia and their own swords and dextralia. Then stood the stratores, wearing skaramangia painted with white lions and other things, both in colors and in figures. They carried...

...of white lions standing straight, or even walking, or also colored images of lions on a white background enclosed within a circle. One may see this garment on the eunuch standing to the right of the emperor in that image which we have prefixed to our *Ceremonial*, and also in that of the Great Duke Apokaukos, which the illustrious Boivin inserted into his notes to Nicephorus Gregoras, p. 52. The Latins called such lions in a round area circumscribed by a circle "rotated" or "circum-rotated" lions. *Histor. Episcop. Antisidor.* (in Du Cange, s.v. *Circumrotatus*): "Three most excellent palls costing a thousand solidi, one of which shines with green color, with multicolored circum-rotated lions, the second is distinguished by images of kings likewise circum-rotated riding in a royal manner, the third also smiles with golden lions circum-rotated looking out." They were also accustomed to join lions and little sheep in the texture. Du Cange, s.v. *Scapolus*, which denotes a little sheep, has leggings embroidered with *scapoli* and lions.

...this word might denote the clothing of the stratores, like *katsapl-kion*, *spatharikion*, etc.; yet because the stratores are not said to *phorein* (to wear), which is the verb proper to clothing, but to *bastazein* (to carry) the *stratorikia*, which is said only of a thing that is portable between the hands and balanced, such as a shield, a spear, a double-axe, etc., I believed I would do better if I interpreted them as rods peculiar to them. Perhaps I should have followed the same counsel a little earlier on p. 332, and rendered them not as garments, but as the rods of the candidatoi. Perhaps the *kandidatikia*, *spatharikia*, and *spatharokandidatikia* are the rods of the candidatoi, spatharioi, and spatharocandidatoi. Certainly below, in the second section of chapter 40, *stratoricia*, *candidaticia*, and *spatharocandidaticia* are referred to among the *skeue* (equipment), from which they are different, and as different they are listed separately a little later as *mutatoria* (changes of clothes). But in that particular place, that method of interpretation was discouraged by the word *phorein* placed there, which, as I said, is used for things that can be worn on the whole body, not for those which are *bastazetai*, balanced in the hands.

(82) Therefore, the solea was also outside the church, which must be supplied. (83) Garments so called from a double color, green and rose, is certain. (84) There are images of lions woven into the cloth on a colored background. (85) According to their form and termination, they ought to be... (86) Thus the manuscripts. Either the *o* has fallen out, or it is tacitly...

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1076

...furthermore, their own stratorician or private rods. At the right, towards the west, at the junction of the two railings, and indeed outside of them, stood at the top of the steps by which one ascends to the great triclinium of the Magnaura, the Master of the Great Hetaireia, carrying an imperial flamullum made of silk cloth, interwoven with gold. On both sides of the same steps, outside the same veils, stood two protelatai or primicerii of the rowers, carrying golden sacred flamulla. Immediately after both protelatai stood, to the right and left, all the golden chrysoclaba [a species of banner made of golden cloth with golden imperial flamulla]. And then, in order, to the right and left of the two protelatai, stood all the golden chrysoclaba and silk and other imperial flamulla, carried by the rowers of the imperial dromon, the rowers of the tagmatic [forces] of the four colors (87) clearly wearing their change-of-clothes. The demotai of the two parties and the apostolitai chanters (88), likewise also those of Hagia Sophia, stood on high benches on this side and that of the same steps, praising and singing basilikia (89). And the demotai wore their...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...tagmatic or garrison troops were different from the four palace tagmata, unless you suppose these palace tagmata—for instance, the Scholae, the Excubitors, the Hicanati, and the Numeri—were distributed throughout the royal city to perform watches and stations, and that from there a number was attributed and deputed to each of the four factions to serve its needs and preside over its guard.

...dylocopita, the chanters of the church of Holy Sophia. For in the past, not all sacred churches had their own chanters, just as they do not have them today, but only the principal ones. The school of chanters took care of the others. See Du Cange, Gl. L. v. Cantores.

...augusta; such as that on p. 223, arranged by the letters of the alphabet, where I also spoke of some things concerning the custom of reciting such poems. It is understood as stichera, troparia, melē, or something similar. In a similar way, "apostolika" were called the poems accustomed to be sung in the church in praise of the apostles, and "theotokia" poems in praise of the Mother of God.

Western kings adopted this custom from the Orientals. Hoveden in Richard I: "He, for the sake of the argument [or augmentation] and the fame of his name, compiled begged-for poems and adulatory rhythms, and had enticed chanters and jongleurs from the kingdom of the Franks with gifts, so that they might sing of him in the streets, and it was already said everywhere that there was no one like him in the world." Even in the court of Attila the Hun, after the banquets were finished, two barbarians came forward opposite Attila and recited poems they had composed, singing of his victories and his virtues in war, as attested by Priscus the Rhetor in the excerpts of the Legations, Hoeschel, p. 52: "And some were delighted by the poems," he continues, "others, reminded of the wars, were stirred in their spirits, while others moved to tears, whose bodies were weakened by time and whose spirit was forced to be quiet." These poems succeeded those ancient panegyrics, of which we have twelve survivors from the immense number, edited last by Cellarius. The Greeks transmitted this custom of praising their lords on any occasion with poems sung or recited in full court, as to the Westerners, so also to the Arabs. You may very often read in Abulfeda fragments or at least the mention made of poems which this or that Arabic poet recited in a very crowded assembly, not without a rich reward, on the birthday of this or that Saracen prince, or on the birthday of Muhammad, or on the Muhammadan Easter, or on another occasion. I hope it will not be unpleasant for the readers if I repeat even a single passage from there, from which the method of those Arabic poets who were fed in the courts of oriental princes, what their stipends were, and what the time for reciting was, may be known. Those things which I said above on p. 8 regarding the "euphemia" or congratulatory poem, usually exhibited to the emperor on feast days by any faction through its demarch, will receive light from there. Narrating therefore, Abulfeda, at the year 469 [Chr. 1076], regarding the princes who were then in Aleppo, reports these things: Mahmud, son of Nasr, son of Saleh, of the Mirdasid family, having been removed from the living in the year we mentioned, was succeeded by his son Nasr, whom the poet Ibn al-Qaysarani [it is read wrongly in Elmac. p. 282 as Habus, where these same verses and more, but miserably corrupted, are held] praised with that poem, of which this is a part: "There are eight things which, since you acquired them, have never been separated, nor will they ever be separated: your soul and the fear of God, your liberality and your riches, your speech and your elegant senses; your prudence and your victory." It was a certain custom of Mahmud, son of Nasr [your father], which if I am not much mistaken, Nasr will restore. This was the custom: As often as the poet celebrated Mahmud with a poem, he carried away a thousand gold coins. Nasr also bestowed just as much, with the addition that if the poet had not said "you will restore," but "you will double," he would have given double. A little later he adds these things: "On the first day of the tenth month of the year 468, Nasr was celebrating the feast of the Breaking [by which indeed the monthly fast is broken, which the new Greeks call 'katalysin'], which, since it fell in the spring season that year, it happened that all flocked to the prince for the sake of congratulating him in the most splendid mules they could each manage, and in the greatest number. Ibn al-Qaysarani was also present then and recited that poem, of which these are, etc." With banquets prepared from there, Nasr drank until evening. Therefore, those Arabic poets did not exhibit their poems written, as the Greeks did, only on feast days, but recited them themselves by mouth, as on the prince’s birthday, the birthday of Muhammad, the day of the Breaking or the lesser Easter, likewise at the Easter or greater Bairam, and when the prince had entered into power, or had struck down an enemy or wild beasts by hunting. But let us return to our Greeks. The very ancient custom of celebrating princes in their poems during festivities and banquets, besides Homer and other ancient poets, is also attested by Athenaeus IV, p. 155, by the example of Antiochus the Great, who, when he was giving solemn banquets, which were followed by an armed dance, had in his retinue that historian Hegesianax. When the order of dancing reached him, he begged off from performing this unaccustomed spectacle of himself and offered rather to recite poems in his praise: "But when the order of dancing came to Hegesianax, who wrote the histories, he stood up and said: 'Do you wish, O King, to watch me dancing poorly, or do you wish to listen to me reciting my own poems?' Being ordered, he sang of the king in such a way that he was deemed worthy of a contribution and became one of his friends." In these words, the meaning of the term "own poems" is memorable—not the poet's own, but the King Antiochus's, those composed about him; then "deemed worthy of a contribution," that all the guests gave a collected gift; thirdly, that the poet was numbered among the "friends," the familiars and table-companions of the king. An older example and fragment of such...

(87) Veneti, prasini, russi, and albi. Therefore they seem... (88) Chanters of the church of the Holy Apostles. As... (89) Poems in praise of the emperor and the family...

1077 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. B 1078 their own changes of clothing and golden wreaths, carrying their own hand-weapons. The Apostolitai and Hagiosophitai wore the *fundata* changes of clothing of the tagmata, and those of the *skeptos* (90) wore the *holoblatta* and *hypo phialion* shirts (91), as did those serving in the chambers of the nineteen Accubita. It should be known that the Logothete, on the day of the reception, also wore a *loros*. It should be known that at the exit gate in the Triclinium of the Candidati, the officers of the *arithmos* stood both inside and outside, also wearing *skaramangia*, wearing their own swords, and carrying shields. It should be known that on this same day of the reception, all the aforementioned, from the protospatharioi down to the last man wearing a *skaramangion*, stood each according to his own color and *exemplion* *skaramangion*; that is, those wearing the green-rose eagles (92) on one side and the other, those with the *bophoi* (93) and the multi-circled eagles (94), likewise those with the seas, and the white lions likewise. And to speak simply, as has been said, each stood according to his own *skaramangion*. The Candidati stood in their own triclinium on one side and the other with their own *skaramangia*, wearing their *candidatikia*, and behind these same Candidati stood on one side and the other the *mandatores* of the *arithmos* with swords and shields. The rowers of the imperial *dromonia* stood on one side and the other in the same Triclinium of the Candidati, towards the side of the Church of the Lord and into the triclinium where the *kamelaukion* stands and the *magistroi* are, and into the *onopodas*. And after these, in the portico of the Augusteus, that is, at the Golden Hand, stood on one side and the other the *archontogennemata* and the soap-washers (95) of the *vestiarium*.

C JOAN. JAC. REISKII COMMENTARY

[The Latin text provided in the source is a scholarly commentary by Reiske on the Greek text above. It is translated as follows:]

...the *basilicia*, which the tragedian Neoptolemus sang at the banquet of Philip, King of Macedonia, father of Alexander the Great, is cited by Diodorus Siculus XVI, 92, p. 152, vol. II, ed. Wesseling.

(90) I conjecture that the name *skeptos* was given to the military pomp of the Augusta, consisting of eunuchs, *apo tou skepein* [from covering], because they surrounded her as she proceeded, and by surrounding her, covered her from public view.

(91) Thus our manuscripts were accustomed to write *hypo* for *apo* or *meta phialiou kamisia*, [meaning] shirts which have with them a *phiale* or hood, cowls.

(92) What I have added here in the Latin as a type of cloak refers to the military garment called an eagle because, waving in the air, it resembles a flying eagle with expanded wings. It is possible, however, that a garment with woven images of eagles is also designated. I have spoken of both types above.

(93) That is, garments with woven images of oxen or buffalo. Such also, I trust, were those which Anastasius names in [the life of] Leo III with a *bubilo*, as if with a buffalo: "He made a red veil with a buffalo."

(94) It is uncertain whether these are garments in which many bands were sewn in the manner of the Meander [pattern] with many circles, flexures, and windings, now ascending, now descending, or whether they were *tutulatae* or *tubulatae*, with frequent folds and recesses of cloth, placed against others, of which I speak at the word where I presented *prosdysin* according to the prescription of the manuscripts.

(95) There are those who clean and wash clothes with soap.

1079 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1080 scaramangium, and on it the likenesses of the same thing. The Candidati stood in their own triclinium, called the Triclinium of the Candidati, on this side and that, wearing their scaramangia, also bearing the candidaticia. Behind them stood on both sides the mandatores of the arithmos with swords and shields. The rowers of the imperial dromones stood on this side and that in the same Triclinium of the Candidati towards the tract of the Church of the Lord; the same also stood in that triclinium in which the camelaucium stands and the masters are created; as also in the onopodes. Behind them stood in the portico of the Augusteon, or, which is the same thing, in the Golden Hand, on both sides the archontogennemata or the nobler valeti, and the saponistae or the linen-wearing candidatores and the servants of the sacred table. These archontogennemata indeed wore their scaramangia and their swords; the saponistae vestiaritae, however, wore Atrabatic tunics. The mensales finally wore contomanica pseudoxea, or garments with short sleeves of a pale purple color. Outside the bronze gate of the Triclinium of the Candidati stood on this side and that the drungarii of the ploima or the fleet-men, their usia [or family], and the great pamphylus or B

JOHANN JACOB REISKE that the daily attire of the court should be white, and that not only the protectors of the sacred body should appear in white linen (whence they received the name of candidati), but also that all the nobles should be required to wear white garments, a custom transferred from ancient Rome, where the more honorable men wore white togas. Therefore, what the fullers of Rome once accomplished with chalk on the white togas of the Romans, being woolen, the saponistae at Constantinople accomplished with soap and wheat-starch, as they were for the most part linen. For it is evident from the passage of Peter Damian, Opusculum 42, Landulph, ch. 7, that it was the custom even at that time for washed linens to be thickened and stiffened with wheat-starch glue, which the Franks call *empeser* from thickening, and we call *starken* from stiffening: "Thus he walked about looking neat and always adorned and conspicuous, so that his head was never covered except by a gibelline [that is, sable] fur, and wheat-starch would artfully infect his linen and snow-white garments by the skill of the fuller [that is, the saponista, the candidator]." Hence you may understand that saying of Uguccio: "Candidarius, a fuller, who prepares [that is, adorns, arranges] cloths and whitens them and makes them shine." However, this passage of Uguccio can be understood just as well of a chalk-using fuller as of a soap-using fuller. The ancient Franks and Germans called this art of strengthening linens and smoothing them to a shine *glissire*, a word not entirely unknown to modern Germans. For we still have and, although more rarely, use the verb *gleissen* for to shine, to glisten; see Du Cange, v. *Glissum*, and the passage of the Monk of St. Gall, bk. 1, 3, 6, concerning the affairs of Charlemagne, cited above on p. 7 in the discussion about the candidati. Furthermore, later Latin writers called these men *lavanderos*, from the nominative *lavander*, which is nothing other than *lavator* (washer), and they also counted them among the officials of the court; see Du Cange, v. *Lavandarius*, where he cites these verses against them: "He is the seneschal, truly that butler, / That washer is present; also that stoker." The author of these verses counts among the courtiers the seneschal, the master of the sacred offices, so called because he presided over the *sino* or *sindo* (we today say *dem Gesinde*, the family, the royal retinue); second, the butler or cupbearer or cellarer; third, the washer, who would take care of the clothes to be washed, prepared, that is, adorned, and stored in the wardrobe. Finally, the stoker, that is, the heater and cook at the same time. Hence D

the archontogennemata their own scaramangia and swords. The saponistae vestiaritae [wore] the Atrabatic tunics, and those of the table the pseudoxea contomanica. Outside the Bronze Gate of the Triclinium of the Candidati stood on this side and that the usia (96) of the drungarius of the ploima and the great pamphylus (97), carrying shields (98) and wearing their own swords. And in the first schola and the Triclinium of the Excubitors up to the same tribunal stood on this side and that the usiae of the pamphyli, carrying shields and wearing their own swords. And the archontes of the ploima also stood on this side and that, each in his own usia. And in the tribunal stood on this side and that the political [party] with the guilds (99) and their own archontes, the archontes wearing the six chlanidia of the secretika, the platania (1), and all the rest the white chlanidia of the tagmata. And behind them the ploimoi carrying shields, also wearing their own swords. And in the Triclinium of the Scholae stood on this side and that the ploimoi carrying shields, wearing

COMMENTARY I think the saponistae were the same as the masters of the linen garment or at least related to them; see Du Cange, v. *Magister*. (96) The family which belongs to someone, which someone sits [with], just as *epiovola* in the same sense, about which word I spoke above, the family which is around someone. Specifically, *odola* was said of the family of sailors who conveyed the sacred body in dromones to the suburban palaces and elsewhere. Hence you may read in Constantine, *De Administrando Imperio*, p. 140, B, 4, *mia ousia* for one of the two dromones with the sailors pertaining to it. Cf. below p. 383, D, 2, and in our author *tes basilikes ousias elatai*, rowers of the royal dromon or ship. See to p. 355. (97) I think he was the prefect of the pamphyli, and these were the pamphyla ships carrying the pamphyli or naval soldiers from all non-Greek nations, such as Italians, Russians, Turks, Mardaites, Slavs, etc. (98) Shields in general, but especially leather ones. It is a word of Arabic origin. *Darcah* or *Dorcah* and with the prefixed article *al*, *Addarca*, denotes the same. It is not a deerskin, as it is translated in Constantine, *De Administrando Imperio*, p. 81, G, 7; see Menage, *Orig. L. Francia*, v. *Targe* and Du Cange, v. *Targa*. Hence comes into our language the word *Tartsche*, but today obsolete, still surviving in the German translation of the Bible; see Frisch, *Lexicon Germ.*, v. *Tartsche*, and Du Cange, v. *Testina*, where he cites this passage from the testament of King Ranimirus in the *Historia Pinatensis*: "I give my arms, which pertain to men [the male sex by inheritance], the *patas* and *adarcas* and *gelmos* [that is, *helmos*, helmets] I leave to my son Sanctius." (99) Denotes the urban colleges of artisans and craftsmen, such as merchants, goldsmiths, cobblers, tailors, and others of that kind. (1) This word appears twice in succession here. Lower down, however, and on p. 370, I found *platanion* in our manuscripts. I have rendered this word everywhere in both the Greek and Latin as the codex gave it, not knowing which reading is better and from where it is to be derived. *Platanion* could seem to have been named either from interwoven plane leaves, or *apo ton platon*, as if it were a scapular or shoulder-garment. But if you prefer the other reading, you could repeat it from interwoven *platania*, that is, does or hinds; see Du Cange, v. *Platonion*.

1081 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

...and their own swords. Inside the Chalke Gate, the Tulmatzai (2) stood on either side with banners, carrying shields, and wearing their own swords and quivers. Outside the cancellus of the Chalke, the pachoma (3) stood, some towards the side of the Numeri, others towards the arch of the Milion. The remaining sailors and the majority of the Talmatzai and the baptized Rus stood with banners, carrying shields, and wearing their own swords. It should be known that the Justinian triclinium and the Lausiakos were not equipped with anything else, except that, as was customary, the holophota (4) were hung, and their polycandela were complete. In the portico of the Chrysotriklinos, that is, in the Horologion, the two imperial golden organs and the two silver organs of the factions were set up. The Chrysotriklinos was equipped as it was customary to equip it for Easter, that is, by means of the pentapyrgion (5) and the imperial thrones.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE: ...public vessels, often cited recently by the name of Talpatschori. To this, another reading occurring shortly after, Taluation, comes closer. I have decided to present both spellings as I found them in the manuscripts. ...of the nautical plebs. ...made, heavy with hanging polycandela. Regarding this type of lighting, see Du Cange on the Ecphrasis of Paulus Silentiarius, pp. 558 and 559. But the passage of Paulus which he cites there, he did not understand correctly. It is Part II, verse 440: "And at the foundation of the deep base you will perceive beams, dividing the middle of the two-pronged iron, over which a phalanx of light wanders through the temple, bound by straight-moving, reddened lines." The poet says nothing here about clerics, nothing about canonical rules, but these dithyrambs mean nothing other than that the lamps on those crosses or holophote trees were arranged in such a way, high and wide, or perpendicularly and horizontally, that they would burn in two lines intersecting transversely at right angles, tinted with a red color: "At the bottom of the mass you may see robust beams, dividing the middle of the two-pronged iron, over which a phalanx [a series extended at length] of light passing through the temple moves, bound by straight red lines." The shaft of such luminous trees or crosses was therefore wooden, but both arms were formed by an iron pole passed through the middle of that wooden shaft. This also appears from the elegant description of Leo of Ostia III, 31: "A cast beam made of wax with fifty candelabra, in which, indeed, as many candles would be placed during the principal festivals, with lamps hanging underneath from the same beam, which bronze beams are supported by bronze arms and hands from the wooden beam, which he had caused to be most beautifully carved and adorned with gold and the dyes of colors." You should add the passage to the notes on Paulus, in which Du Cange himself recognizes and revokes his error. The same Paulus, in the second part, verse 411, describes a cruciform holophoton thus: "And you will perceive the form of a great cross, many-eyed, neighbor to the disk [a polycandelon with a bowl placed underneath], with multi-perforated backs, a light-bearing vessel."

1082 ...prefect of the Pamphyli [that is, naval soldiers], carrying shields [or leather shields] and their swords. In the first schola and in the triclinium of the excubitors, up to the tribunal, the families of the Pamphyli stood on either side, carrying shields and their swords. The magistrates of the ploimoi or sailors stood on either side, each near his own family and cohort. 335 In the tribunal stood on either side the politike or the body of the urban magistrate with the systems or bodies of the urban guilds and the prefects of each guild; of these, those who were the six tunics of the secretikoi, called platonia, the others all wore the white tunics of the tagmatikoi. Behind them stood the ploimoi or sailors, carrying shields and their swords. In the triclinium of the scholae, the ploimoi stood on both sides, carrying shields and their swords. Inside the Chalke or bronze gate stood on either side the Tulmatzai [or Dolbatschi or...

COMMENTARY. As in our present passage it is called holophoton, so the author of the Acts of Saint Elias the Younger, p. 194, called it a candela pamphoton: "They said they saw a pamphoton candela shining above his head," a lamp equipped with a shaft from which many small lamps emerge, all burning and scattering light. ...mentioned in ours and others, it is not certain. Du Cange, CPli Chr. p. 128, thinks it was a building consisting of five towers and part of the Magnaura palace. Nor is there any doubt that the pentapyrgion was built in the Magnaura by the Emperor Theophilus, as Cedrenus p. 513 and Leo Grammaticus p. 450 testify, whom Du Cange cited there. But in this passage of ours, p. 42 of the Cletorologium, it appears that the Pentapyrgion was not a building, but a movable ornament, which had been not only in the Magnaura but also in the Chrysotriklinos, which would be displayed during the most solemn days. For the words of the Cletorologium I. I are thus: "On the golden table provided in the illustrious Chrysotriklinos, on which also the conspicuous possession of the golden pentapyrgion was set forth for honor." I first came to the thought that the pentapyrgion was a wooden machine built in the likeness of a castle with towers, walls, and gates (they called it the castle of honor), into which noble ladies were accustomed to be enclosed and precious cloths to be hung, so that once such a fortress was stormed by the most noble soldiers, each would have what he had seized; such an imitation, like the ancient missiles, appears to have been in use among the Westerners in the Middle Ages, from Roland of Padua, whose passage the illustrious Muratori, Ant. Ital. vol. II, pp. 416 and 837, reported, and also from the life of Henry VIII, King of England, whom English writers report to have proposed a similar movable wooden castle to his nobles to be stormed for the sake of amusement. But since on p. 118 of our codex it is said that the imperial bed stood under the Pentapyrgion, and on p. 336 it is described as a cabinet, having various shelves, from which all precious treasures would hang: it is clear that it was a cabinet consisting of five towers, perhaps with three extended to the front and two on the sides, under the middle of which, as the largest and highest, the imperial bed stood, not always exposed to view, but only on the principal feast days, since on p. 339 it is opposed to "the daily and standing tower," the small tower or turreted cabinet that stands out incessantly and daily. The ancient Greeks were also accustomed to [make] small boxes of precious and exceptional things in the manner of a tower...

(2) They seem to be the same as the Dalmatians; whom... (3) It seems to be the "pachos," thick, dregs, or lees... (4) I have translated by conjecture as beams in the likeness of a cross... (5) What the Pentapyrgion was, which is not infrequently...

1083 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1084

Dalmata with servants, carrying quivers, swords, and bows with arrows. Outside the chancel, the chalces or new ports, stood the pachoma [that is, a mixed crowd, as it seems], part in the tract towards the numbers, part towards the chamber or vault of the mill, the rest, namely the ploimi and the superabundant Dalmatae, whom their station could not hold, likewise the baptized Rossi with servants, carrying shields and swords. The triclinium of Justinian and the Lausiac palace had no other ornament than this. Holofota, or beams made in the likeness of crosses, with heavy polycandela hanging from them, were suspended there according to custom, with full candelabra, lacking none of their candles. In the portico of the Chrysotriclinium, or in the horologium, stood both the golden imperial organs and both the silver organs of the factions. The Chrysotriclinium was adorned in the way it is accustomed to be for the feast of Easter; namely, with the pentapyrgion exposed there, and the imperial thrones or seats and couches and the golden table and the rest which are accustomed to be exposed around the time of the Paschal feast. At the time when the envoys of the Spaniards were present, the Chrysotriclinium was not adorned; because on the day of the audience they were not feasting with the lords; and therefore the works of precious metal, artistically painted with enamel, which are accustomed to be kept in the phylax or main treasury, were suspended in the garden of the Magnaura in the tropical or arched portico, which had been fashioned by the tapestry-makers from vast scaramangia. Through the eight chambers or vaults of the Chrysotriclinium were suspended the stemmata or infulae from the temple of the Most Holy Mother of God of the Pharos and the other temples of the palace, and various winter works, and the imperial and Augustan robes as follows: the all-gold and pearl-studded platanion of Saint Peter; the chorosanchorion of Saint Theodore with the grypoleon and the gryparium of the aristetērion; the triple-woven platanion of the Pantheon, the caballarios, the Augustan [robe] near the chamber of the aristetērion; the peacock, the Augustan mantle of the diaitarikion, the caballarios, the caesarikion of the silver gates facing west; the taōnion and behind it the aetarion. And above the silver gates of the same Chrysotriclinium was suspended the golden sagion called the caesarikion. It is to be known that the stemmata and the winter works were hung one by one, that is, a stemma in the middle and winter works on either side; but in the eastern chamber no winter works were hung, but it was entirely adorned with stemmata. It is to be known that in the seven chambers of the Chrysotriclinium silver polycandela with silver chains [were hung] from...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...to signify a garment with woven pigs or boars, and hawks or vultures. For a hawk or vulture is called Sacar and Soncor or Sungur by the Arabs, whence the surname of that famous Bursequinus or Bursekinus, Acsungur, white hawk, which William of Tyre and other contemporary writers, as happens with barbaric names, and perhaps also with scribes coming in for a share of the blame, pronounce Assungur. This very thing is that animal called a synkourion in the Orneosophion of Emperor Michael, which Du Cange interprets as a species of hunting bird. Hence also dogs trained to hunt with hawks are called by the Greeks sagaria, as if hawk-like. Sacre in the Frankish language still remains from the Arabic, as is known. What the vulture-like aliphases were in the Spanish chart, I explained on p. 271.

...to compare and call them pyrgiskoi from it. ...as I demonstrated in another place. But one could [connect] the choirokistai and pyrgiskoi and treasure-chests. And that such turreted chests were accustomed to be placed in the corners of atria, the Chronic. Cassinense III, 34 is the author, whose words are these: "those little chests which we said were set up like towers in the corners of the atrium." Therefore, the cases in which the Venerable, as they call it, and the relics of the Saints are kept, formerly had the form of little towers. The Greek-Latin Glossaries render pyrgiskoi and pyrgiaka as little towers and cupboards; see Du Cange on Silentiar. p. 574. See the things said on p. 42, D. 7. I shall take this opportunity to compare the custom—which the ancients, when they wished to show off their luxury and wealth, had of adorning bedrooms, tents, and porticoes with precious garments, and likewise with missoria or, in earlier times, shields, which differ little in shape from missoria, of gold and silver—with antiquity and with this place of ours, that of Athenaeus, where he describes that tent in which Ptolemy Philadelphus once received guests at Alexandria. Of which I shall relate only a small part, though I would wish the whole to be read. It is Book V, p. 196: "In the spaces between [the columns, that is] paintings by Sicyonian painters, and alternately choice images of all kinds and gold-woven tunics, and most beautiful cloaks, some having images of kings woven into them, others mythical scenes; and above these, shields were placed alternately, both silver and gold."

(β) I have left it in Latin, as is proper in such obscure matters, the word itself, since there is no certainty about the correctness of the reading and the meaning. I might think, however, that churosanchorion was intended by the author, that is, choirosanchorion. For the Greeks are accustomed to interchange oi and u.

(γ) I have edited it thus, since in the manuscripts it was grypsoleon with a p+ placed above, which I interpreted as an amendment by the same scribe correcting his own error and ordering the substitution of... I do not know, however, if I have done so correctly enough. The modern Greeks certainly say grypsos for gryphe, the fabulous bird. However, gryponagro, which is read below on p. 340, favors me. The custom of weaving monstrous animals, tragelaphoi, hippalectryones, into tapestries came from the Persians; see the learned Wesseling on Diodorus Siculus, vol. II, p. 278, 60. If only the tragelaphoi and hippalectryones were monstrous compositions and not rather stags and goats separately, and likewise horses and cocks also separately and painted, not mixed into one mass. I find imatia strouthōta with little birds woven into them already among the most ancient Greeks in Athenaeus.

1085 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1086

of the church of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos were designated. And in the eastern apse, instead of the three lamps, three crowns were hung: in front, the green crown of the holy and glorious Apostles, with its cross and its dove (8); on the right, the blue crown of the Most Holy Theotokos of the Pharos, with its cross and its dove; and on the left, the blue crown of the holy great martyr Demetrios, with its cross and its dove. It is to be noted that these three crowns were fashioned by Constantine, the Christ-loving emperor. It is to be noted that in the four central panels of the middle tower of the five-towered structure, and in the front central panel of the front tower, and in the front central panels of the right and left towers, various *ergomoukia* (9) were hung from the church of the holy great martyr Demetrios and from those stored in the guardhouse. And on the wooden attachments which were fastened to the walls of the five-towered structure, the bridal girdles (10) were tied, which were adorned with stones and pearls; and tunics, both those of the imperial or royal order and those proper to the Augustae alone. These were the garments which we shall enumerate. There was a *platanion* of solid gold and covered with pearls, taken from the church of Saint Peter, which is in the palace. There was a *chorosanchorion* from Saint Theodore with a *grypoleonte* or mantle, upon which images of vultures and lions were woven; likewise a *gryparion* or cloth filled with figures of vultures; and this one indeed from the dining hall. Then there was a *platanion* of *triblatteum* or thrice-dyed silk from the Pantheon. 336 Furthermore, a *caballarios* or cloth covered with images of horses, an imperial *heplesion* or tapestry from the vault of the dining hall. Likewise a peacock [or cloth displaying peacocks], an imperial mantle, and [from] the *diaetaricion* or dining room of the attendants. A *caballarios* of the Caesars or a cloth belonging properly to the Caesars from the silver gate, which is toward the west; a *pavonarium*, behind this an *aquilarium*, both cloths. Over the silver gate of the same Chrysotriclinium was hung a golden cloak, which is called *cesaricion*. And they were arranged thus:

COMMENTARY. JOAN. JAC. REISKE

C with a cross at the top and above it a dove with wings spread as if flying. This was derived from the Romans, whose custom the Greeks, being ignorant of antiquities, while wishing to sanctify it—as they say—with a Christian mystery, obscured by imitating or retaining it. For the staff of the ancient consuls, their successors and imitators, the Byzantine emperors, substituted the cross, and for the eagle, which the consuls carried upon an ivory staff, according to the custom of the ancient Greek and barbarian kings (see Aristophanes, *Birds* v. 510, seqq.), they replaced it with a dove, or rather the foolish Greek populace, seeing a little bird upon the cross, the emblem of the Roman Empire, thought it to be not what it was—an eagle—but a dove. Let him who wishes to see such staffs with an eagle examine the impressions of consular diptychs, such as Table I, to Du Cange’s dissertation on medieval coins, and the coin of Philippicus in *Famil. Byzant.* p. 116, and that famous coin of Sallustius Crispus, son of Constantine the Great, Caesar, an impression of which the very learned Francesco Bianchini recently renewed at the end of his preface to Anastasius the Librarian, believing it to be of wonderful importance and excellence. I am therefore truly amazed that it did not occur to so learned a man that it was a fraud and a forgery; and why the forger, who corrupted that coin, did not make a cross from the staff, which he could easily have done by adding a transverse beam. On the reverse side of the coin, the clear signs of fraud reveal themselves. The coin itself is indeed ancient and genuine; but a new hand interpolated it in favor of the Roman Church. For there were never lacking at Rome those who labored to establish the authority of the Roman See—when they could not do so with suitable arguments—by means of forged documents, coins, and other monuments of a similar sort, but in vain, at least among those who, knowing and willing, do not allow themselves to be deceived. Once, Constantine the Great had been engraved on that coin, sitting on a throne, holding a cross in his left hand, or a staff with a transverse handle, speaking with his right, with a laureate head. But the forger composed the right hand, instead of the gesture of one speaking, into that figure by which a pontiff blesses the people, and for the laureate crown, he substituted a tonsured head encircled by a nimbus. Finally, in the ancient inscription of the coin: SALUS ET SPES R. PVBLICAE, between the letters S and R or between the third and fourth words above the head of the one sitting on the throne, he inserted the letter X, as if the one sitting were Christ. But the name of Christ is not appropriate in that place and disturbs the meaning, and the patrons of that coin themselves say that not Christ, but Peter, is represented therein. But who ever placed Praetorian soldiers at the side of Christ or Peter or any other Saint in coins and remaining monuments? That witty fellow ought at least to have changed the soldiers into apostles. I have already spoken above about the antiquities obscured by the craftiness of the clergy and the stupidity of the populace, when I was discussing the *akakia* and the *ptychia*. The English kings also imitated this custom of carrying doves upon scepters in the Middle Ages. Bromton (in Du Cange, v. *Baculus*, where more testimonies of English authors are provided): "William Marshal carrying the royal scepter, on the top of which was a golden sign of the cross, and another carrying the royal rod, having a dove on the top." These doves seem to have been removable and perhaps adapted to the crosses by means of screws; see p. 339. There remains also another reason for explaining the word *peristera* in this place of ours. Namely, the modern Greeks call the flap of a hood hanging down onto the shoulders and covering them, in the manner of a dove's tail, a *peristera*; if anyone prefers to accept it in this way here, I shall not object. Ricaut notes this use of the word in his description of the Greek Church, p. 208: "They wear bonnets lined with white, from which hangs behind the back a tail of the same fabric, which they call *peristera*, a dove, claiming that it is the emblem of the innocence of their life, etc."; see Du Cange, v. *Liripipium* and *peristera*. Such a dove or flap covering the neck can be seen in the image on the title page of the booklet which P. M. Paciaudi published in Rome last year, 1752, on the carrying of the umbrella, in a gem of the Victorian Museum, in which the pontiff is seen riding a horse, blessing the people, followed by an attendant with an umbrella.

(8) The imperial hoods sometimes had at (9) I do not grasp what this word means. It is clear (10) In girdles, as for men, so also for women

1087 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1088

...were hung in the middle of the polykandylon of the Chrysotriklinos: the two Augustan breast-caracalla (11) and the two *diakoptai* (12), one the bridal one and the other the one stored in the repository, and the two Augustan *katapeista* (13) and the two Augustan *poikta*.

COMMENTARY. ...precious enameled works and crowns, so that one might succeed the other in turn, gold work, then a crown, then again enameled work, and so on. But in the eastern vault, no chemically painted (enameled) works were hung, but it was adorned only with fillets. From the seven remaining chambers or vaults of the Chrysotriklinos...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE The Turks and Arabs retained this word from the Greeks, calling the wide belt which Christians of both sexes wear over their bellies a *zunnar*. For what the Muhammadans wear is a *ushach*. The place in Teixeira’s Spanish book on the kings of Persia, pp. 25-28, is appropriate, where he discusses the belts of the Orientals at length; from which it is helpful to extract these points: "In Persia, belts were always a sign of honor and dignity; and even today they are, and according to the material and workmanship, one knows which is of greater or lesser preeminence, because the one of gold is more noble, the one of silver less so; more noble is the one adorned with certain stones, and less so the one with less workmanship, so that according to the place each person has in the palace, so he wears the belt."

— or breast-capes. For hoods do not suit the chest. *Caracallae* are shaggy, floor-length garments; why, however, *ot* enters into this composition, I do not fathom. For certainly there was no *caracalla* that did not cover the chest as well as the trunk of the body.

...rendered by "cut garments," referring without doubt to split or slashed garments, which had fissures and wide gaps made by art at certain intervals, especially in the sleeves and breeches, such as were in use among the Latins in the Middle Ages and even into the 16th century, as the surviving paintings of them testify. They called these garments *cultellatae*, that is, cut with a knife, and *fractilatae*: see Du Cange on these words. And, as the same author suggests, also *frepatae*, unless they were rather *frepala*, twisted, contorted, wrinkled, and *wrapped*, an English word which denotes twisting. The old Franks called them *coupées*, that is, cut, as is evident from the passage in the Assizes of Jerusalem, which Du Cange cites under *Epi*. I would not, therefore, deny that *sixontas* could signify cut or split garments. However, what prevented me from following this method of interpretation was the fact that in no monument of Byzantine antiquity have I ever seen a garment cut in such a way. Therefore, I preferred to render it as "radiate." That *konry* is the radiation or striation of cloth, I demonstrated above on p. 270. And indeed, such cloths could have been *taxontoi*, cut, in a double way: either with rods running parallel downwards, or crossing each other; they called such garments "latticed" in that age. An old charter in Du Cange under *Apoplatius* mentions *apoplattia* veils, crimson and leek-green, latticed, that is, with scarlet and green rods crossing each other, and the letter of Basil the Macedonian to Pope Hadrian II mentions a *dicitrinum* (yellow) garment, latticed. The ancients called these garments cut in either way, whether with parallel or crossing rods, *entetmenas*. Sophronius in Athenaeus p. 48 has *strouthota eligmata entetmena* (not *entetymena*, as the common editions prefer), bands cut with little birds woven in and rays.

...of pearls, which are seen on Byzantine coins and other images hanging from the ears of Augusti and Augustae, so called *apo tou seiou*, from shaking, tossing, nodding, oscillating. Everything hanging loosely, so that it can be impelled and oscillate, is *seira* or *seiston*. The Anonymous writer on the temple of St. Sophia, p. 258: "The cross of the ambon weighed (hung) 2 pounds of gold, and it also had *seista* and lychnites with pear-shaped pearls," that is, it had small chains hanging from it supporting lamps with pearls similar to pears. The translator there correctly translates it as "small chains," whatever Du Cange (H. Gr. p. 1345) may contradict. *Seira* in Theophanes in the year 7 of Maurice, p. 207, is a tassel (a tuft, a tip) hanging from a *kamelaukion*. The same as *seista* are also *seia*; see Goar on Codinus p. 47 and Du Cange under *Seia*. The Latins in the Middle Ages called them "pendants"; see Du Cange under this word and Salmasius on the *Historia Augusta* t. II, 23, whence also the French *pendant d'oreilles*, likewise *plectas* and *flectas*. The Greeks also call them *kremastaria* and *kremotaria*. Achmet, *Oneirocriticon* c. 248: "If a king sees that the earrings, that is, the *kremastaria* of his crown were cut off, his kingdom will be poorly adorned and short-lived": see Du Cange under *Clamastarit*, likewise *chalzania*, whence the Latin *calendaria*: Tertullian, *De habitu mulierum*: "The tender neck bears necklaces and islands, the slender skins of the ears expend a *calendarium*," from *chalan*. Anna Comnena calls them *hormathoi* and describes them thus: "For on both sides of the temples certain *hormathoi* hang down by means of pearls and stones and graze the cheeks. And this is a thing reserved for the attire of kings." That earrings and bracelets are insignia of kings is shown by Du Cange under *Dextrocherium*. Heraclius in Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople, *Breviarium* p. 47: "Having taken the crown of the head which he wore, he puts it on the head of the Turk [he speaks of the prince of the Turks around Colchis, with whom Heraclius was forming a friendship], and having feasted with him, he gifts him all the vessels for the service of the banquet, as well as the royal attire, and earrings adorned with pearls, and likewise he adorned the princes around him with similar earrings." Images of such *kataseista* can be seen on coins which are very often in Du Cange in *Familiae Byzantinae*, such as p. 67, v. 2, p. 92, v. 3, p. 97, 136, 152 and elsewhere, but in other monuments in Alemannus on Procopius p. 47 and Banduri T. II p. 633, in the image of Helena finding the cross, and in Montfaucon t. III *Ant. Explic.* tab. 26, which shows a certain queen of France, as I think, with strings of pearls hanging both from her earrings and her mantle. But just as the more recent Greeks call these *kataseista*, meaning oscillating or loosened downwards, these braids lashing the shoulders or shoulder blades, whether of pure hair, or pure pearls, or both intertwined with themselves and gems, so the ancient Greeks called them *episeista*, and those who wore them *episeistoi*. Before I depart from here, I must explain what *seiromaste* is. The Greeks call a long, round spear this; everything correctly extended, round, long, nodding, oscillating is *seira* to the Greeks, as *Salab* and *Sabil* are to the Arabs. And just as the Arabs compare spears with ropes, so also the Greeks called a spear *seiromasten* and *saliban*, with the similarity and the word itself taken from the Arabs. Codinus, *Offic.* IV, 40: "He carries from the left part of his belt a *seiromasten*, which they commonly call a *saliban*." There will perhaps be, God willing, a place to say more about this word in the edition of the unpublished Anthology which I am preparing, where on the Jensian poem 23: "My stelae and sirens," where *seirinas* are either hanging garlands, or...

(11) I translated "breast-hoods," but I would prefer "capes." (12) This word, my distinguished predecessor, p. 172... (13) They were, in my opinion, strings of pearls...

1089 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1090

... (14); and in the great *kosmetes* (15) of the same Chrysotriklinos, silver *minsouria* and *mesoscoutella* (17)—large, embossed (18) vessels—were hung in the places for the *daugitai* (16), taken from those stored in the vestiary of the Karianos. Above, in the sixteen light-admitting arched bays of the dome of the same Chrysotriklinos, the small *scoutellia* of the aforementioned *minsouria* and *mesoscoutella* were hung, seven per arch, and these also were embossed.

Silver polycandela hung from silver chains, requested from the church of the Most Holy Mother of God of the Pharos, were suspended in the eastern conch; in place of three polycandela, three *infulae* were hung: in the middle, one of the color of the Green faction, from the Holy Apostles, with a cross and dove standing above it; to its right hung an *infula* of the color of the Blue people, from the Holy Mother of God of the Pharos, with a cross and dove; and finally, to its left, a Blue *infula* from the church of the holy and great martyr Demetrios, with a cross and dove. These three *infulae* were made by the order of the Christ-loving Lord Constantine. In the four central spaces, or middle compartments or panels of the central tower...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

...I shall say whether you are dining. It seems that the custom of wearing such *elenchoi* (pendants) or hanging ornaments came from the East. Certainly, the kings and magnates of the Persians wore them. Thus, the author of the Arabic book entitled *Riyhan elabab*, which is filled with historical facts and knowledge, narrates in the description of the battle that the Arabs call *Yaum Dhu Qar*, that the man who killed the Persian emperor took his silk garment painted with gold, and both his pendants and his bracelets. Perhaps this was the ornament of the Persian emperors. The same was also demonstrated by Brissonius in his book *On the Kingdom of the Persians* from Greek authors.

*Schnierbruste*, a breast-binder, whether it was stiffened with whalebone or prepared in another way. Or perhaps the *augusta* (which later Latins call *paratorium*) were adorned or prepared, or the place in which the *kosmos*—that is, the world, jewels, gems, and pearls—were kept; and this was the same as the *zip-urgapien*, which Leo Grammaticus mentions on page 473. If gymnastic exercises had been in use in Constantinople in the Middle Ages, I would conjecture that the *kosmetes* was a *palaestra*, a gymnasium. Indeed, the church of Mary in Cosmedin at Rome, about which Radevicus writes in the *Life of Frederick I*, 17 and 22, and Keissler in his *Itinerary*, p. 519, was once nothing other than a *palaestra*, as its other name, *Schola Graeca*, sufficiently indicates. Young Romans went there to learn physical exercises according to the Greek custom (the Greek fencing and dance floor). Perhaps it is the same as the *stadion* of the Greeks, which Capitolinus mentions in *Antoninus Pius*, ch. 8. For it should be read that way there, not *Graecostadium*, as it is commonly edited. Later centuries called it *paraturium*. *Description of the Regions of the City*, edited by Mabillon: "From the Flaminian Gate to the *paraturium*," that is, the *paratorium*, which was born from a misunderstanding of the word *kosmein*, which here denotes nothing other than to adorn or prepare. To the Greeks, it is the same as *askein*, to exercise. Hence Arrian, in his *Discourses of Epictetus*, often joins *hoplisai kai kosmesai* (see pp. 304, 305, and 310), where he says that Alexander the Great was most skilled at ordering an army into battle, arming, and exercising them. Maximus Tyrius, sermon 22, p. 222, ed. Heinsius: "What of the Cretans? Do they not seem to you, having been well *kosmethentes* (exercised/ordered) under King Minos—not only instructed in beautiful laws but also properly trained in running, javelin, archery, and other exercises—to have been deemed worthy of having Zeus proclaimed as the teacher of their virtue?" In Greek gymnasia, the master of exercises was the *kosmetes*. See Corsini, *Fasti Attici*, Vol. II. From this, you may understand and correct that passage of Antagoras in Diogenes Laertius, p. 24: *kathara biotos sophias epi theion ekosmei agona* (not *aiona*), "a pure life exercised itself for the divine contest of wisdom."

...windows? I certainly looked toward that in the translation. A better one does not occur to me. Regarding what follows, one may compare the passage of Constantine *On the Themes*, p. 4 A, where Banduri wrongly gave *arga*, and Meursius better gave *argyra*, though neither translated it correctly. This word must be revisited. In the Middle Ages, not a few pronounced *mesa* for *mensa* and *mesis* for *mensis*. Atto the Bishop (in Du Cange, s.v. *Confertum*) calls them *commessalia*, which Isidorus Mercator calls *commensalia*. *Pesa* for *pensa* (weighing), and *pesare* for *pensare* (to weigh). Thus, they omitted the 'n' where they should not have, and conversely, they inserted it without reason or necessity, as in the immediately preceding word *minsouria* for *missoria*, which are so called because *missus* (courses) were brought in on them. John, Bishop of Citrum, p. 330, of the *Greco-Roman Law*, not badly observes that the word *minson* (missum) signifies "in the Italian language, the food prepared by the cooks."

...the Latins called things carved into standing figures *anaglypha*. *Monast. Anglic.*, Vol. III, p. 310: "One silver vessel for holy water with raised work of images and interlaced with vines," that is, in which running vine-shoots distinguished the protruding images. They also called them *interrasilia*, because the spaces between the images were scraped or abraded, although I do not deny that *interrasile* also means perforated and translucent, as is clear from the passage of an uncertain author (in Du Cange, s.v. *Interrasilis*) concerning Theodoric: "He ordered a golden plate to be made *interrasilem*, having the four letters LEGI [read thus, not REGIS, as it is edited]." *Missoria* (dishes) and the rest of the ancient dining apparatus were accustomed to be carved in raised work. Hence Sidonius Apollinaris says, Book IX: "Carrying the head [of the dishes]... with embossed metal... more superb feasts... they carry on burdened shoulders." *Hist. Aug.* See what Salmasius notes on Vol. II of the *Scriptores*, p. 401, regarding the *boletar halieuticum* (fishing dish). An image of such a *boletar*, or at least a fishing dish, distinguished by images of fishermen pulling fish with a hook, can be seen in Ciampini, Vol. II, *Monum. Veter.*, plate I. An elegant and well-known description of an embossed cup is at the beginning of Theocritus, which may be compared with the *Dillis* of the old charter (in Du Cange, s.v. *Crucibulum*): "My gilded cup, and throughout the entire outer part, adorned with vine-dressers fighting against dragons." From this, one may understand what a *thuribulum* (censer) of *pinonatus* work is in Du Cange, s.v. *Pinonatus*—namely, one with figures of pine cones or strobili carved into it. Likewise, what *scapolatum* work is in the same place, where he cites this passage: "A silver gilded chalice with a spiral and *scapolatum* and *pineatum* foot," that is, one in which spirals and *scapulae* (small shoulder-blades or little eggs) and pine cones or strobili were carved. In the Middle Ages, they also called such works *gravellata*, which the French today call *gravé*. *History of the Bishops of Auxerre* (in Du Cange, s.v. *Missorium*): "He gave an *anacleum gravellatum* missorium," where Du Cange is not to be heeded.

(14) I conjecture this was the same as what we call today... (15) It seems to have been a triclinium or hall in which... (16) What this is, I do not understand. Perhaps *diavylas*... (17) Not from *mesos*, but from *mesa*, that is, *mensa*... (18) I have translated it sometimes as "raised work." For thus...

1091 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1092 of the pentapyrgion, or structure having five cabinets; and in the front middle of the front cabinet and the front middles of the right and left tower or cabinet hung various *ergomucia* from the temple of the holy great martyr Demetrius, and others taken from the treasury. And from wooden pegs protruding from the walls of the pentapyrgion hung fastened bridal girdles, distinguished by gems and pearls, taken from the treasury. From the middle of the polycandelon of the Chrysotriclinium hung two imperial *stethocaracala* or pectoral caracallae or hoods, and two *diacoptae* or radiant garments, one bridal, the other deposited in the treasury, and two imperial *cataseista* [or strings of pearls, such as are accustomed to hang from both sides of the head onto the shoulders], and two imperial *pnictaria* [or breast-tighteners]. In the great *cosmeta* [or dressing room] of the same Chrysotriclinium, from the windows hung *missoria* and table platters, large silver embossed ones taken from the wardrobe of Carianus. Higher up, from the sixteen windowed arches of the dome or cupola of the Chrysotriclinium, hung smaller platters pertaining to the aforementioned *missoria* and table platters, these also being embossed or protruding with raised figures, seven in each arch.

887 Concerning the reception itself and its formalities. When the Lord had exited the palace and entered the *metatorium* of the great triclinium of the Magnaura, it was signaled to the Saracens to be present and appear before the Lord. The Saracen friends, therefore, having exited from the *chryseon* [their lodging], first descended by the spiral staircase which faces toward the imperial stable, and the arch which is called Anelba; thence, having crossed the Sacred Well, they descended outside the railings of the Chalke from their horses, and having crossed the Chalke, the triclinium of the Schools, and the tribunal, turning to the right, they sat in the arch which is there (for it was draped with purple cloths and enclosed by a partition), until the Emperor should be present in the triclinium of reception with all things necessary for that act. At which time the Emperor, coming from the palace, entered the *metatorium* of the Magnaura, and the psalmists or singers began with the people to sing the *basilicia* or imperial songs dedicated to the singing of the praises of the emperors. The Emperor, however, clothed in an octagonal tunic and a great white diadem, ascended the Solomonic throne and sat upon it. Which being done, all acclaimed the *polychronion*, and the psalmists, both the Apostolitae and the Hagiosophitae, began to sing the *basilicia*: and the veils were introduced according to the customary rite, and finally the Saracen friends, taken by the *catepan* of the *basilikoi* and the count of the stable. These two, the *catepan* and the count, [carried...]

A κ B JOAN. JAC REISKE I once believed the *Chryseon* to have been a forum in which there were workshops of the goldsmiths, in which most precious cloths, fringed with gold and silver, were sold. Theophanes led me to this, p. 395, narrating thus: "A part of the imperial factory of the goldsmiths in the Chryseon burned down." It could entirely be gathered from there, as I said, but it is also possible that in the Chryseon there were not only workshops for the most rich silk cloths, but also other things to be transacted. Nicetas therefore signifies clearly enough that the *Chryseones* were not one, but many, and all grand buildings, in which gold and silver were either brought into the imperial treasury under any name whatsoever, or were carried out and spent from there, the customs house. "They resembled a swarm of bees," he says p. 31, "flying with a buzzing sound from a hollow rock, who differed in no way from those milling about in the market, as many as entered the imperial *chryseones* to enjoy some favor, so that they were crushed at the gates and [struggled] to provide and receive in turn, some hastening to enter, others hurrying their exit."

Concerning the reception. When the Emperor had exited from the palace and entered the *metatorium* of the great triclinium of the Magnaura, the Saracens were notified to come and see the Emperor. These same Saracen friends, having exited the *chryseon* (19), descended the spiral staircase toward the imperial stable and the chamber called the Anetha, and from there they passed through the Sacred Well, and having dismounted outside the railing of the Chalke of the horses, they passed through the Chalke and the triclinium of the Schools and the tribunal, and turning to the right (for the arch there was equipped with purple cloths and fenced in), they sat there until the Emperor arrived and all things for the reception. It is to be known that, when the Emperor had come from the palace to the *metatorium* of the Magnaura and entered there, the psalmists with the citizens began to sing the *basilicia*. It is to be known that the Emperor, being clothed in the octagonal *chlanidion* (20) and the great white crown, ascended the Solomonic throne and sat. And after he had sat, all prayed the *polychronion*. And the psalmists, both the Apostolitae and the Hagiosophitae, began to sing the *basilicia*, and the veils were introduced according to the accustomed form, and lastly the Saracen friends, held by the *catepan* of the *basilikoi* and the [count of the stable].

COMMENTARY. It appears from this place that the *Chryseones* were houses in which stipends were paid to those to whom they had been assigned. The same appears from the beginning of chapter 6, book III of Manuel Comnenus, where he says: "The Sultan, having drawn many and brilliant gifts from the imperial *chryseones*... returned rejoicing and laden." Likewise from the same, p. 174: "He ordered those in charge of the imperial *chryseones* to deposit the price of the expenses at a multiple." P. 278: "As the bloom of fruit once enslaved the progenitors, so also the fiery color of gold drew those in charge of the imperial *chryseones* to the harvesting of it." [Regarding] the square of the kings of the Franks, of which Du Cange speaks at Joinville and I said above p. 271. Was it therefore, as that was split at each thigh, and furthermore between the legs from the front and back, so that it had four slits and eight corners? So indeed it seems.

(19) It is written *chryson*, *chryson*, and *chryseon*. (20) How was this formed? I know the pallium...

1093 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1094

of the Count of the Stable. They themselves also wore *specia*, not their own, but others that were most beautiful and necessary [i.e., precious], and collars adorned with precious stones and large pearls. It is not the custom for a bearded man to wear such a collar, whether with pearls or with precious stones, but they were ordered by Constantine, the Christ-loving Emperor, to wear these only for the sake of display. And when the customary order had been completed, the Saracens went out and passed through the *anadendradion* (trellis-walk) and the Triclinium of the Candidati and the triclinium in which the *kamelaukion* stands and the *magistri* are created, and from there through the *onopous* and the portico of the Augusteon, that is, the Golden Hand, they entered the Triclinium of the Augusteon; and they sat there until the Emperor entered the palace. After the Emperor had entered the palace, the Saracen friends were summoned after an hour from the Augusteon, and they passed through the inner passages of the Augusteon and the apse into the Hippodrome, and from there they passed as far as the *skylai*, and having entered, they sat in the western part of the Justinian Triclinium on the benches standing there. And then, in this manner, garments already sewn and other changes of clothing were sent to them by the Emperor through a *koitonites* (chamberlain). It is to be noted that the golden Roman sceptres and the *ptychia* and the other golden sceptres stood on this side and that, that is, on the right and the left, held by the *candidati*, who were wearing *skaramangia* and their own *candidatikia*. They remained standing throughout the entire *kleitorion* (banquet hall). It is to be noted that in the *kleitorion* the *magistri* wore their own *magistrata* *sticharia*, *baltidia*, and *chlanidia* according to the custom of Easter. The *parakoimomenos* wore a *specion*, and likewise the *logothete* and the remaining *patricians* wore...

[The Latin text provided in the source is a translation of the Greek text above, followed by Reiske’s commentary on the term *anankaia* (necessary/precious) and the term *kleitorion*.]

1095 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1096

[Greek text: ...bearing mirrors. When the Saracen friends were seated at the sacred table, the chanters sang, the Apostolitai indeed within the veil in the chamber or vault which looks toward the sacred bedchamber, and the Hagiosophitai within the veil in the chamber which looks toward the Pantheon, standing. They sang songs in praise of the emperor throughout the entire banquet, except that, at the entry of the courses or dishes, they would pause. For then the wind instruments would sound. When the banquet was finished and the lord had risen from the table, before the Saracen friends went out from the triclinium, imperial gifts were distributed to them and their retinue by the prefect of the table. And two friends or envoys indeed received in golden jeweled bowls, each for his own portion, five hundred miliaresia, while the remaining men or companions and their servants received in total three thousand altogether. Having gone out from the dining hall, the friends sat down in the triclinium of Justinian in its eastern section, which looks toward the middle garden,]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE

[Commentary:] ...of the kings of Persia was, concerning whose music during banquets, Della Valle, Olearius, and other travelers [have written]. Moreover, the musicians of the Constantinopolitan emperors sang their praises, as our [author] calls them *basilikia*, according to the custom of those times, in which the princes of Europe, following the example of the Byzantine court, were accustomed to maintain an immense supply of mimes, jesters, and musicians, all of whom they called minstrels (whence arose *les ménestreux* and *ménestriers*), as ministers of a lower order, the dregs of the retinue, whose duty it was not only to amuse the princes with ludicrous spectacles, but also to soothe their ears with various songs and musical instruments, and even with the praises of the princes themselves, not without adulation. I use the words of Du Cange, whose passage in *Gloss. Lat.* v. *ministelli* deserves to be compared, as well as his notes to Joinville, p. 161. The Hagiosophitai, however, do not belong to this impure class of men, and their music was not petulant or voluptuous, but temperate and almost sacred, as befitted ecclesiastical men. The Constantinopolitan court abhorred thymelic, intemperate, and flagitious music.

[Greek text: ...standing, the chanters, the Apostolitai, stood inside the veil in the chamber toward the imperial bedchamber; the Hagiosophitai stood inside the veil in the chamber toward the Pantheon, throughout the banquet singing *basilikia*, pausing only at the entries of the courses because the instruments were playing. It is to be known that after the emperor rose from the table, before the friends went out, through the [prefect] of the table, there were given in golden jeweled bowls, to the two friends five hundred miliaresia each, and to their remaining men three thousand miliaresia. And the same friends having gone out, they sat in the triclinium of Justinian in the eastern part toward the middle garden, on the benches there, and the emperor sent to them through a chamberlain *oinanthia* (vine-blossom perfumes) and rose-waters, and *galaia* (perfumed oils) and other aromatics. And having washed through the previously prepared carved hand-basins there,]

[Commentary:] ...if they wished to give [gifts], to offer them in a cup or a bowl. That is an ancient custom, already commemorated by Herodotus in that elegant passage III, 130: "Each woman presented Democedes with a golden bowl, giving so lavishly that the staters falling from the bowls," etc. Olympiodorus, in Photius p. 108, describing the wedding of Athaulf with Placidia, says the bride was gifted by the groom with fifty handsome youths, *epheboi*, dressed in silk garments, each carrying in his hands two very large dishes, of which one was full of gold, the other of precious stones, or rather, invaluable ones (that is, exceeding all price). Symmachus, *Ep.* X, 28: "We deservedly offer you ceremonial bowls with five solidi, as to deities of integrity, by which neither your modesty nor our census is burdened." He speaks of New Year's gifts. Gualfaneus de Flamma, in Muratori, *Ant. Ital.* t. II, p. 862, describing the festive rites by which the feast of the Epiphany was once celebrated in Milan, says among other things that three kings crowned with golden crowns, holding in their hands golden cups with gold, frankincense, and myrrh, processed. Morena, in the history of Lodi, p. 967, t. VI, *Scr. Rer. Ital.*: "The Milanese brought a golden cup full of denarii to the king himself, so that they might recover his grace and good will." The kings of the Franks once, as witnessed by Du Cange on Joinville, p. 88, when they wished to distribute largesse on feast days, had cups full of coins brought into the middle, from which they took, while the herald cried: "Largesse, largesse." In the *Ceremoniale Romanum* of Cencius Camerarius, it is said that a silver cup with coins is presented to the pontiff by the Chamberlain. The English offered their annual gifts or tributes in *hanaps*. Now, a *hanap* (a *nap*, *ein nap*, or that which that word denotes for us today, a somewhat deeper bowl, or the same as a cup). Indeed, the French translator of Petrus de Crescentiis, book V, translates the words *Azerus optime convenit scyphis et paropsidibus et incisoriis faciendis* as: "is very good for making *hanaps* [cups], *escuelles* [bowls], and plates"; see Du Cange v. *Hanappus* and *Incisorium*. Hence it happened that small bowls were called *scutellæ* from the fact that they were offered in *scutellæ*, just as *sportulæ* were named from the *sportellæ* in which they were offered. Anastasius in *Bonifacius II*: "He offered the presbyters *scutellæ* from the inheritances obtained," that is, *aparchai*, particles, tastes of the inheritances which he had acquired.

(22) Perhaps that custom was transferred from here to the courts. (23) It was once the custom if one wished to give coins to someone. (24) The middle garden is so called because it was intercepted by the palace and surrounded by structures on all sides, so that nothing of it could be seen. (25) Here some aromatic species and unguents would be listed. As today we carry with us boxes of pulverized tobacco, so once, not only in the East but also in the West, they carried aromatic boxes with them. Agnellus, *Pontific. Ravenn.* p. 155, describing great mourning, says: "The matrons threw away their earrings, and rings, and bracelets, and anklets, and necklaces, and scent-bottles, and needles, mirrors, etc." Rolandinus of Padua in his *Chronicle*, book I, ch. 10, mentions among other things with which the so-called "Castle of Honesty" was once accustomed to be stormed, also thrown bottles of balsam. The word *oinanthia* could indeed be taken from that type of wine which in the Middle Ages they called *claretum*. For it appears from the *Ordo Romanus* of Gregory X, § 14, that this was served after banquets and following the washing as a species or sweet; I prefer, however, to take it as an aromatic or unguent, since those things which are mentioned next are of the same kind. See on p. 269.

1097 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1098

...with oenanthia [a type of unguent], rose water, galias, and other unguents and aromatics. After they had washed themselves there in basins of raised work, and had wiped and dried their hands with precious towels, and had thoroughly anointed their bodies with sweet-smelling unguents and liquids, they would go out again through the Lausiakos, the Horologion, and the Chrysotriclinium, through the eastern gate of the Chrysotriclinium and the solarium of the Pharos, and would descend through the solarium of the New Church and the Great Triclinium into the Tzykanisterion. There they would mount their horses again, and thus be carried away to their mansion, that is, to the Chryseon. 339 It should be noted further that embossed missoria and scutellae were suspended on benches placed there. The Emperor would send to them there... [Greek text follows] ...and having been abundantly filled with the sweet-smelling and fragrant drops and ointments, they would go out again through the Lausiakos and the Horologion and the Chrysotriclinium, [exiting] the eastern gates of the Chrysotriclinium, and having gone out through the solarium of the Pharos, they descended through the solarium of the New Church and the Great Triclinium into the Tzykanisterion; having ridden from there, they departed to their own lodging, that is, to the Chryseon. It should be noted that embossed missoria and scutellae were still hanging in the great cosmeton of the Chrysotriclinium, and the small embossed scutellae were hanging in the windowed vaults of the dome. It should be noted that, after not a few days had passed, the Saracen friends asked to see and converse with the Emperor, and since the Chrysotriclinium had been decorated with the aforementioned painting [lineatura], three crowns were hung in the small tower that stands there constantly and every day in the Chrysotriclinium, in the middle panels of the same tower; to the east, the green crown of the Holy Apostles; to the right, the blue crown of the most holy Theotokos of the Pharos; and to the left, the blue crown of the holy great martyr Demetrios, along with their crosses. And the three doves of the three crowns were hung in the western panel of the same tower. From this side and that of the same tower, two thrones were set up: on the right, towards the east, that of Arcadius, in which Romanos, the Porphyrogenitus and God-crowned Emperor, sat; and on the left, the throne of Saint Constantine. From this side and that, that is, to the right and left of the Chrysotriclinium, the remaining imperial thrones were set up, as well as the two golden beds and the two silver footstools, upon which the western veil is raised; they were set up...

COMMENTARY. JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...[regarding] the custom of the ancient Greeks of washing and anointing themselves after banquets, see Athenaeus, p. 409 c. end. [Regarding] the middle ages, as *grammizein*, to paint, *grammistes*, a painter, in the famous passage of Theophanes, p. 247. These are such as Themistius, p. 223, calls *poikillontas*, who whitewash the walls of houses from the outside or encrust them with lime work, but paint them inside with colors and figures, likewise those who created *edaphe anthina* with tessellated or mosaic work, concerning whom see Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, pp. 559 and 710, where he says they were called whitewashers, colorers, or *indikoplastai*, because they stained walls with indigo or woad. They also painted walls with black color during mourning; see Du Cange, *Glossarium latinitatis*, s.v. Litra. There are also *grammistae*, who expressed images of things not only on walls, wood, and linens with colors and brushes, but also on trees pruned with shears. Thus, above, p. 331, we had *grammizein apo daphnon stauria kai stephania*, to paint and decorate triclinia, ambulatories, etc., with laurels cut into the shape of crosses and twisted into wreaths. (29) A little earlier I explained my opinion about the doves, namely that they were figures of doves placed upon the crosses with which the tops of the crowns were adorned. I doubted whether they were fixed immovably to them. From this place it appears that these doves could be removed from the crowns. Were they therefore adapted to the crosses by means of screws? Or were they rather the capsules of the crowns? Certainly, in the middle ages, they were accustomed to fashion capsules for sacred objects, consecrated bread, and relics in the likeness of doves, wishing thereby to signify that the power of the Holy Spirit incubates within the stored relics and preserves and sanctifies them; see Du Cange on Paul the Silentiary’s *Ecphrasis of St. Sophia*, p. 575, and *Glossarium latinitatis*, s.v. Columba, and Greek s.v. Peristera. It appears from the places cited there that the image of a dove hung on ciboria over altars and over baptisteries, from whose feet crosses hung by a hook or small chain.

1099 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1100

The golden Easter veils were also hung in the same Chrysotriclinos. Its floor was strewn with myrtle, rosemary, and roses. The golden table was not there. The magistroi, anthypatoi, and patrikioi wore their ceremonial robes according to custom, as did those of the cubiculum; all those of the Chrysotriclinos wore red sagia (cloaks). All those of the secreta wore the true (purple) sagia. The praipositi stood in their own station. The Emperor, wearing the eagle, the chlanidion, and the great white crown, sat down. The koitonitai, the katepano, and the mystikos stood in their own ceremonial robes in the proper veil of the Chrysotriclinos. The Saracens entered through the Hippodrome and the Skylla, and having passed through the Justinian and the Lausiakos, and having been led in by the logothete according to custom to the Emperor, and having come near the imperial throne, they conversed with the Emperor as they wished. Their men, having been led in, stood in the place facing west, which is raised on the two histopodia (masts), namely behind the three great golden missoria, waiting there until the friends (the envoys) had taken leave of the Emperor and were exiting. When the friends reached the middle of the Chrysotriclinos, their men, having offered acclamations, exited with them, and again through the Lausiakos and the Justinian, the Skylla, the Hippodrome, and the apsis, they departed to their own lodging in the Chryson.

[Latin translation of the above text follows in the original source]

Concerning the Hippodrome event held for the arrival of the Saracen friends, who had come for the sake of peace and the exchange of captives, in the 17th indiction [A.D. 946], under the Emperors Constantine and Romanos Porphyrogenitus.

In the deme of the Venetoi stood the numerus, acting in place of the domesticus of the scholai, wearing the golden Venetoi chlanidion of the domesticus of the scholai. In the deme of the Prasinoi stood the domesticus of the walls, wearing the golden Prasinoi chlanidion of the domesticus of the excubitores. In the deme of the Leukoi stood the demarch of the Venetoi; in the deme of the Rousioi stood the demarch of the Prasinoi. In the deme of the Venetoi and in that of the Prasinoi were hung rose-colored veils adorned with lattice-work segments, three in each deme. In the deme of the Leukoi and in the deme of the Rousioi were hung the sharp (pointed/figured) veils of the Chrysotriclinos, the gryponagroi (griffin-eagles). All the demotai and the chanters, both those from the Church of the Holy Apostles and those from Hagia Sophia, stood in the four demes; and the demotai were wearing...

VARIOUS READINGS. NOTE: It should be noted that at that time the excubitor was present in the city, and he himself stood in the deme of the Prasinoi, and not the one of the walls.

1101 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1102

[Greek text:] ...their own shirts and crowns made of segments, from the Church of Saint Sophia, standing by the four factions, carrying their own hand-cloths; the Apostolitai and Hagiosophitai wore the all-purple shirts of the sceptum and those under the phialion and the others of those serving in the arches of the 19 accubita. The demotai who stood in the two great factions of the Venetoi and the Prasinoi carried the phengia (30) of the saximum. The four charioteers wore the public gold [vestments] of the golden hippodrome; the other public [vestments] were worn by the four bigarioi. The other bigarioi wore gymnastic garments. The four eikastai and all the workmen wore the gold all-segmental short-sleeved tunics. The civil [administration] wore the white chlamydes of the four tagmata. When the Venetoi faction won, a saximum took place according to the custom of the vegetable hippodrome, that is to say, the victors were escorted by the four eikastai and all the workmen of the two factions who wore the all-segmental short-sleeved tunics, and by the demotai of the two factions carrying the phengia of the saximum. The demarch of the Venetoi, as victor, according to the custom of the vegetable hippodrome, wore the true sagion, and he also was escorted. For it was ordered, for the sake of showing [honor] to the Saracen friends, that the demotai, the eikastai, and the workmen of the other faction should also be escorted. For the old custom does not have this, except only to escort the demotai, eikastai, and workmen of the winning faction. The charioteers, the demarch, the demotai, the eikastai, and the workmen, having performed the saximum in their place, standing at the H and acclaiming, passed through the Mese and went to their own church at the Theotokos of the seaside, at the Diakonissa, according to the custom of the vegetable hippodrome. On the 6th of the month of August, that is, on the feast of the glorious Transfiguration of the Lord Jesus Christ, the feast was celebrated according to the...

[Latin text:] ...or circus degrees of the same number of factions: those, the factionaries, in their own shirts, wearing small crowns made of segments and their own hand-cloths: these, however, the Apostolitai and Hagiosophitai singers, wore the holoblatta, that is, entirely silken, shirts of the sceptum and the hypophialia [or sub-hoods] and other cloaks accustomed to be served or hung in the arches of the 19 accubita. The demotai standing in the two great demes or divisions of the circus degrees, namely the Veneta and Prasina factions, carried phengia, that is, staves with crescents, such as they are accustomed to carry in the dancing game. The four primary charioteers wore the golden demosia or public vestments of each faction, pertaining to the so-called golden circus. The remaining demosia were carried by the four principal bigarioi. 41 The other bigarioi wore gymnastic garments. The four painters and all the workmen wore golden holosementa [or things made entirely of segments] with short sleeves. The urban magistrate wore the white tunics of the four tagmata. Therefore, the Veneta faction winning, a saximum [or dance] was performed by that rite which is observed in the lachanic hippodrome [or that equestrian game, through which vegetables and other edibles are accustomed to be scattered]. Namely, the victors were accompanied by the four painters and all the workmen of both factions, wearing the holosementa with short sleeves, and by the commoners of both factions, carrying the phengia of the saximum. The demarch of the Veneta faction, as victor, wore the true or purple sagum, as is the custom in the vegetable chariot game, and he was accompanied in the procession by his faction. I have said that both factions then proceeded in the procession. For it had been ordered, for the sake of display toward the Saracen guests, that the plebeians and painters and workmen of the other, defeated faction, the Prasina, should also take part in the procession. Otherwise, this is not...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

(30) I think the phengia were staves with a handle or support for the hands on both sides in the shape of the Greek letter Ψ, so that the handle of the half-moon might represent two horns. The Patriarch of Constantinople still carries a similar staff today, called a dikanikion, differing from this figure only in that it has a transverse silver beam at the top, just as the horns themselves or the handle are silver. Or perhaps our phengia were such staves as that which the Basileus of the Giaours or the captain of the doorkeepers is seen to have in the collection of the Ferrioleian bronze tablets, table 14, shaped in this manner: -(- The Greeks formerly called the moon selene and aster; moderns call it phengos and phengen, that is, phengion. It is clear, therefore, why they called staves equipped with a two-horned handle moons or crescents. In the same way, they formerly called those things sewn onto the shoes of senators selenidas, shaped like a half-moon, sharp on both sides and hollow in the middle, as well as episphyria; and Herodes Atticus calls such shoes in the dedication of the statue of Regilla asteroenta pedila, moon-shaped shoes. For the aster is the moon; see Salmasius on that passage, p. 152. This seems to me the best and truest explanation of our word. Now I will propose two others, in my opinion less probable, but let the learned decide about them. First, this one: the ancient Greeks called bald heads selenia; see Salmasius, Dialog. de Coma inter Cesarium et Curtium, p. 36. Were the phengia, therefore, staves with heads of men made of ivory, or silver or gold, such as we carry on our staves today, called by some Socrates or Aesop? The second is this: Phengion denotes in modern Greek a nimbus, such as are painted around the heads of saints. The ancients similarly called them meniskoi from the moon. What if, therefore, the staves called phengia or nimbi had at the top of the vertex such nimbi or wide round silver plates? Just as the shield-bearers among the Latins carried hats or caps on staves. The Ceremoniale Romanum, book 1, section 2, makes mention of those hats in these words: "These are followed by four nobles carrying four crimson hats on certain staves, who are called honorary shield-bearers, the chamberlains." Indeed, below on p. 418, the prize or insignia of the doorkeepers is called a rhabdos perikephalaian echousa, a staff with a capital. That capital seems to have been nothing other than a round, wide covering made in the form of a hat or a flat disk.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

[1103] ...the ancient rite, by virtue of which the factions, the painters, and the craftsmen celebrated the procession of the victorious faction only. When they arrived at the II, the charioteer, the demarch, the populace, the painters, and the craftsmen would stand there and perform their dances, and having spoken praises to the Emperor, they would depart through the Mese to their own church, namely the temple of the Holy Mother of God, which is in the monastery of the deaconesses; just as is customary to be done in the circus games of the greens. On the sixth day of August, or the feast of the splendid Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus Christ, the feast was performed according to the rite handed down from remote times, except that the Emperors, for the sake of the Saracen guests, wore the *loroi*, and carried the crosses and the *akasiai*. The *magistroi*, proconsuls, and patricians also wore the *loroi*, but they did not carry the *skepena* or *akasiai*. All the vessels were brought out and the *opsikeuson* was performed according to custom, that is, the great cross, the rod of Moses, the Roman scepters, the *ptychia*, and whatever other things are stored in the temple of the Lord. But also the chanters, the *apostolitai*, and the *hagiosophitai* joined the factions in the receptions, offering acclamations, clearly wearing the aforementioned changes of clothing in the reception. The tribunal, in which the friends stand according to custom and watch the Emperor as he goes to the church in procession and returns again, was equipped according to the aforementioned outfitting of the reception. The great temple of Hagia Sophia was equipped according to the custom of Easter. And in the catechumena, that is, above the royal gates, were hung the golden veils of the columns of the ciborium and other veils and vestments from both Hagia Sophia and the New Church; but also very many small chains from various churches, and all the large polycandela of the New Church, but also crowns and various *ergomoukia*, golden jeweled crosses, and codices of the Gospels were set up there. The rest of the procession was ordered according to the customary form. On the ninth day of the month of August, a Sunday, a *kletorion* took place in the triclinium of Justinian, and the embossed silver [plate] which is stored in the vestiary of the Carian was brought out, and through it the entire service of the table was performed; and all the theatrical games were played. In the same *kletorion*, the two Tarsian friends and their men fled, and the prisoners (31) from the praetorium, 40 Tarsians. The two friends received 500 *miliaresia* each in golden dishes, their remaining men 3,000 *miliaresia*, and the 40 prisoners 1,000 *miliaresia*. *Miliaresia* were also sent to the prisoners remaining in the praetorium. When the Emperor stood up, the same friends were seated again in the right part of the same triclinium, in the manner previously stated. And again, through the chamberlains, mystical [gifts], *stagmata*, and fragrant ointments were sent to them, and having washed and perfumed themselves, they passed again through the Chrysotriklinos and the eastern gates, in the manner we have previously stated.

[1104] ...the ancient rite, by virtue of which the factions, the painters, and the craftsmen celebrated the procession of the victorious faction only. When they arrived at the II, the charioteer, the demarch, the populace, the painters, and the craftsmen would stand there and perform their dances, and having spoken praises to the Emperor, they would depart through the Mese to their own church, namely the temple of the Holy Mother of God, which is in the monastery of the deaconesses; just as is customary to be done in the circus games of the greens. On the sixth day of August, or the feast of the splendid Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus Christ, the feast was performed according to the rite handed down from remote times, except that the Emperors, for the sake of the Saracen guests, wore the *loroi*, and carried the crosses and the *akasiai*. The *magistroi*, proconsuls, and patricians also wore the *loroi*, but they did not carry the *skepena* or *akasiai*. All the vessels were brought out and the *opsikeuson* was performed according to custom, that is, the great cross, the rod of Moses, the Roman scepters, the *ptychia*, and whatever other things are stored in the temple of the Lord. But also the chanters, the *apostolitai*, and the *hagiosophitai* joined the factions in the receptions, offering acclamations, clearly wearing the aforementioned changes of clothing in the reception. The tribunal, in which the friends stand according to custom and watch the Emperor as he goes to the church in procession and returns again, was equipped according to the aforementioned outfitting of the reception. The great temple of Hagia Sophia was equipped according to the custom of Easter. And in the catechumena, that is, above the royal gates, were hung the golden veils of the columns of the ciborium and other veils and vestments from both Hagia Sophia and the New Church; but also very many small chains from various churches, and all the large polycandela of the New Church, but also crowns and various *ergomoukia*, golden jeweled crosses, and codices of the Gospels were set up there. The rest of the procession was ordered according to the customary form. On the ninth day of the month of August, a Sunday, a *kletorion* took place in the triclinium of Justinian, and the embossed silver [plate] which is stored in the vestiary of the Carian was brought out, and through it the entire service of the table was performed; and all the theatrical games were played. In the same *kletorion*, the two Tarsian friends and their men fled, and the prisoners (31) from the praetorium, 40 Tarsians. The two friends received 500 *miliaresia* each in golden dishes, their remaining men 3,000 *miliaresia*, and the 40 prisoners 1,000 *miliaresia*. *Miliaresia* were also sent to the prisoners remaining in the praetorium. When the Emperor stood up, the same friends were seated again in the right part of the same triclinium, in the manner previously stated. And again, through the chamberlains, mystical [gifts], *stagmata*, and fragrant ointments were sent to them, and having washed and perfumed themselves, they passed again through the Chrysotriklinos and the eastern gates, in the manner we have previously stated.

VARIOUS READINGS. 20 *asimen* cod. and ed., as more often. Cf. to page 7.

COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAG. REISKIUS. (31) Saracen captives were formerly kept in the praetorium, as today in the so-called Seven Towers of Constantinople, or as today Christians are kept in the baths of African cities and Turks captured in the baths of Genoa and Livorno. Those Saracen captives were treated much more humanely by the Greek Emperors than Christian captives are treated today by the Turks. For not only were they released from chains and work on Sundays, see Du Cange v. Humanitas, but they were also free during Easter week; see Durand. p. 545. c. 117, and they watched the circus games no less than the citizens themselves: see below p. 359, and sometimes they were admitted to sacred banquets and received refreshment in money and clothing, as is evident from various places in our codex; see what is to be said on p. 353.

1105 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II 1106 their companions and the Saracen captives, formerly taken from the prefecture of Tarsus, now summoned from the praetorium, as if recently liberated from captivity, forty in number. All of these received, in the name of a gift, coins in silver dishes. Each of the two friends received for his own person five hundred miliaresia; the rest of his companions received in total three thousand miliaresia; finally, those forty captives admitted to the sacred banquet received one thousand miliaresia. But also to the Saracen captives who had remained in the praetorium and in chains, a number of miliaresia was sent. When the banquet was finished, as the Emperor rose, the Saracen friends were ordered to sit again on the right side of the same triclinium according to the aforementioned manner. There, too, fragrant liquids and ointments were sent to them by the *koitonitai*, with which, after they had bathed and properly anointed themselves, they departed home, passing by the Chrysotriclinium and the Eastern Gate, and so on as we have said before.

Another reception of Delemikes (32). It is to be known that on the 30th of the month of August, on a Sunday, upon the arrival of Delemikes, the Emir of Emet, and the apocrisiarius of Abu Chabdani, a reception took place according to the aforementioned reception, similar in all respects. And golden chairs were set in the middle of the great triclinium of the Magnaura, in which the Emperors sat; the members of the *kouboukleion* did not enter to stand by. Only the *koitonitai* and all the *hebdomarioi* stood by with their own changes of clothing.

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE] (32) That is, of Delemikios. Thus the modern Greeks form the genitive of new examples. Where the Latins have a double 'i', but a dissolved iota, which they are accustomed to express in a single contracted form with a larger letter, there the Greeks place a double iota, but joined in the middle by a transverse bar H. *Delemikes* is therefore the same as Delemik or Delemikios. Thus below on p. 379 is *Symbatikes*, Symbatikios, and on p. 379, *ho tou Pankrate*, Theodore of the family of Pankratios. On p. 385 is: *paralia tou Thrakesē*, the maritime coast of Thrakesion, for *Thrakesion*, namely the province. See what is to be said on p. 371. Cedrenus on p. 702 has *Chrysovergē*, Chrysovergios, for *Chrysovergiou*; Leo Grammaticus on p. 458, *Armēn* for *Armenion*. Anna Comnena in the Alexiad on p. 230 has: "a certain place called *tou Lebounē*", which on p. 232 she calls *tou Lebouniou*. Nicetas on p. 125, Venetian edition, mentions "the very beautiful dwelling of Theodore Panteknē, being eparch of the city," that is, *Pantekniou*, which is a family name there. From this, let the marble be understood and corrected, which Aringhius (vol. I, book I, ch. 22) and Corsinius (Appendix to the Notes of the Greeks, p. 39) have: *Barē*, *Valerē* is *Varl*, *Valer*, the first word is not correctly rendered with a grave accent. In the same place read *Antōnie*, that is *Antōniai*, and *teknōn mētēri* (for *mētri*), from whom he received children. *Filia* is not a Greek word denoting friendship, but a Latin word, *filia*, written in Greek letters. Furthermore, read *bion* for *alumn*. But this in passing. I do not doubt that that genitive termination was well-Greek and used also by the ancient Greeks, and that the Latins received it from the Greeks. I do not doubt that the Greeks once formed it thus: *Eretres* for *Eretrios*, *Eretrē* for *Eretriou*, *Eretrēn* for *Eretrion*. Indeed, *tauron Eretrēn* exists in Diogenes Laertius, p. 153, where the meter does not admit *Eretrion*. That the termination *ē* in the nominative is nothing other than *ēs* contracted, I demonstrate elsewhere. In a similar way, they sometimes said *v* contracted for *ion*, necessity demanding it, or the case allowing it. Thus it is *brabē* for *brabeion* in that old epigram in Demosthenes' *On the Crown* near the end; which passage is to be corrected thus: "Fighting for the sake of virtue and of showing oneself, they did not save their souls, but set for themselves a common Hades as a *brabē* (prize)."

Another reception, namely of the Delemik [or Dilemita]. On the thirtieth day of the month of August, which was also a Sunday, an admission was held for the arrival of Delemikes, the Emir of Emet [or Amida], and his apocrisiarius or mandatary legate, Abu Chabdani [or Hamdanid]. This reception was similar in all respects to the preceding one. Golden chairs stood in the middle of the great triclinium of the Magnaura, in which the lords resided. The cubicularii did not stand there, but only the *koitonitai* with the *hebdomarioi* in their change-garments. 848 Also stood the candidati.

COMMENTARY. In which place *aretēs kai deigmatos* (not *deimatos*, as is commonly edited) *marnasthai* is the same as "to fight for the sake of virtue and its demonstration on the part of each one." But who that Delemikios was, whom our codex says was a legate from Abu Hamdan to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, is not certain. For *Delemikios* or *Delemikes* is not the man's true name, but a gentile one. He was called so because he was a Dilemita by nation. He seems not to have been a ruler of his own right, but an emir, that is, a leader or strategos or castellan (if you prefer to call him that), a fiduciary of the city and region of Amida, and to have held the Amidene province as a timar or fief from the Hamdanid. The Dilemite nation is equally famous in history with the later Greek and the Arabic, as is the city of Emet or Amida, today Diarbekir or more briefly Diarbek. The Arab Emirs, the Hamdanids, named after the founder of the family, Hamdan, ruled over a part of Cilicia, Mesopotamia, and Syria. Each one of these was called Abu Hamdan, that is, Hamdanid, of the family of Hamdan. For that is not a proper name, but a gentile one. If you consult the Arab grammarians, they instruct one to say not Abu Hamdan, but Ibn Hamdan. And so it is always and everywhere read in written books. Common usage, however, does not care for this rule, but uses *Abu*, which properly denotes "father," indifferently in gentile names for *Ibn* or "son." Della Valle and Teixeira mention in their Itineraries an Arab prince contemporary to them, Abu Risch. He was one of the family of Risch, whom books call Ibn Raiesch. Nothing was more frequent and common formerly than "Lord Avicenna." The common people said *Abu Sina* for *Ibn Sina*, as is written in all books. *Averroes*, *Abu Roschd*, *Ibn Roschd*. Thus, therefore, also *Apochabda* (that is, *Abu Hamdan*) for *Ibn Hamdan*. For the correct spelling is *Hamdan* and *Chambdan*. Those who present *Chabd* have exchanged the letters, which are very dissimilar in manuscripts, through ignorance of Arabic. Finally, the circumflex accent in some way supplies the deficiency of the *n* missing at the end, or at least indicates it; see what I said on p. 319. That Abuchamdan, who is commemorated here, could hardly have been anyone other than Naseroddaulah, the elder brother of that Saifoddaulah, whom Nicephorus Phocas routed several times near Berrhoea and in Cilicia.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

[1107] ...placed on the right and left side of the same triclinium, in scaramangia and candidaticia, holding the Roman scepters and the ptychia and the remaining precious vessels. First, the logothete introduced the Tarsian friends, who, after having spoken sufficiently with the Emperor about their affairs, departed, having said farewell, and sat down in the triclinium of the Trullus, which is commonly, though incorrectly, called the *oatos* or *ovatus*. For the *oatos* is the record office of the sacella. Therefore, the Tarsians having departed, the Emperor was clothed in an octagonal tunic and placed a great white infula upon his head, and thus sat upon the Solomonic throne, and that very reception, of which we have begun to speak, took place in every way as we have said the reception of the Tarsian friends had been conducted. And he [the apocrisiarius, the Hamdanid, for example] having gone out, was placed outside the church of the Lord in that place where the emperors are accustomed to put on their infulae when they intend to proceed on horseback to the temple of the Holy Apostles, on the second day of the week of renewal [or, which is the same, the second day of the Paschal feast], and on the new Sunday, or Sunday in albis. On that same day, a *cletorium* was held in the great triclinium of the nineteen accubita according to the rite and order of the *dodecahemeron* [or the banquet accustomed to be celebrated for the twelve days following the feast of the Nativity of Christ]. For there were present the prefect of the sacellium, the prefect of the vestiarium, and the comes of the private estate, each with his own notaries; likewise those belonging to the cubiculum, all in their change-garments according to the type of the *dodecahemeron*. In the right part, towards the west, stood a round *paratrapezium* [or side-table, credence], and it was round so that it would not seem that one of the Saracen friends was sitting before the other and thereby suffering an injury. At this credence sat the magister Cosmas, the parakoimomenos, the two Tarsian friends, and the apocrisiarius of the Hamdanid.

Another reception of Elga of Russia. On the ninth day of the month of September, a Wednesday, a reception similar to the preceding one took place on account of the arrival of Elga, archontissa or princess of Rosia or Russia. The archontissa herself entered with her kinswomen of princely blood and condition and her more honorable handmaidens. The archontissa herself led the choir; the others followed in order, one after the other. Elga stood in that place from which the logothete is accustomed to question the envoys to whom admission is granted. Behind her entered the apocrisiarii of the princes of Russia and the merchants [accustomed to reside in Constantinople]. They stood below at the veils. The rest was done according to the mode of the aforementioned receptions. Having gone out again from the sight of the lord, the archontissa passed through the garden, the triclinium of the candidati, and that triclinium in which the camelaucum stands and the magistri are created; furthermore, through the onopodes and the golden hand, or portico of the Augusteon, where she sat down. The Emperor having returned to the great palace according to the accustomed manner, a second reception took place in this way. In the triclinium of Justinian stood a pulpit...

[1108] ...covered with sharp-colored [or perhaps: of two-colored] blattia, and in it stood...

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...Egypt, and indeed in the city of Tennis or Tinnis (for so the Arabs pronounce the Tanis of the ancients), either woven there, or at least brought from there. For all merchandise...

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

1109 The great throne of the Emperor Theophilus, and at the side a golden imperial seat. The two silver organs of the two factions stood below, inside the two veils. For the wind instruments stood outside the veils. And the archontissa having been summoned from the Augusteon, she passed through the apse and the hippodrome of the inner passageways of the same Augusteon, and having arrived, she sat down in the *skyla*. The Empress sat on the aforementioned throne, and her daughter-in-law on the seat, and the entire *kouboukleion* entered, and through the praepositus and the ostiarii the veils were introduced: first veil, the *zostai*; second veil, the *magistrissai*; third veil, the *patrikiai*; fourth veil, the *officiales protospathariai*; fifth veil, the remaining *protospathariai*; sixth veil, the *spatharokandidatissai*; seventh veil, the *spathariai* and *stratorissai* and *kandidatissai*. Then in this way the archontissa entered through the praepositus and the two ostiarii, she herself leading, and following, as has been said before, her kinswomen, the archontissai, and the most prominent of her handmaidens. And an inquiry was made by the praepositus to her, as if from the Augusta, and having gone out, she sat down in the *skyla*. The Empress, rising from the throne, passed through the Lausiakos and the Tripeton, and entered into the Kainourgion, and through it into her own bedchamber, and then in this way the archontissa, with her kinswomen and handmaidens, entered through the Justinianou and the Lausiakos and the Tripeton into the Kainourgion, and rested. Then the Emperor having sat down with the Augusta and his Porphyrogennetos children, the archontissa was summoned from the Kainourgion triclinium, and by the command of the Emperor having sat down, she spoke whatever she wished to the Emperor. On the same day a *kletorion* took place in the same triclinium of the Justinianou. The Empress sat on the aforementioned throne and her daughter-in-law, but the archontissa stood at the side. And by the master of the table, according to the accustomed manner, [the banquet] was entered.

[COMMENTARY BY JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE]

... [The text here contains scholarly notes by Reiske regarding the etymology of terms such as "Tenesici," "archontissa," "Kainourgion," and historical context regarding the Empress Helena and Theophano, as well as Latin translations of the preceding Greek text.]

1111 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1112

The archontissa, having bowed her head slightly in the place where she stood, sat down at the designated spot with the *zostai* according to the custom. It should be known that the apostolite chanters and the Hagiosophites were present in the same *kleitorion*, singing the imperial songs. All the theatrical performances were also played. In the Chrysotriklinos another *kleitorion* took place, and all the apocrisiaries of the archons of Russia, the men and relatives of the archontissa, and the merchants ate; and they received: her nephew 1,000 miliaresia, her 8 personal attendants 20 miliaresia each, the 20 apocrisiaries 12 miliaresia each, the 43 merchants 12 miliaresia each, the priest Gregory 8 miliaresia, the two interpreters 12 miliaresia each, the men of Sphendosthlabos 5 miliaresia each, the 6 men of the apocrisiaries 3 miliaresia each, and the interpreter of the archontissa 15 miliaresia. After the emperor rose from the *kleitorion*, a *doulkion* took place in the dining hall, and the small golden table that stands in the Pentapyrgion was set up, and a *doulkion* was placed upon it in enameled and jeweled bowls, and the emperor and Romanos the Porphyrogenitus emperor and their Porphyrogenitus children and the daughter-in-law and the archontissa sat down, and there was given to the archontissa in a golden jeweled bowl 500 miliaresia, and to her 6 personal attendants 20 miliaresia each, and to her 18 handmaidens 8 miliaresia each. On the 18th of October, on a Sunday, a *kleitorion* took place in the Chrysotriklinos, and the emperor sat with the Rus. And again another *kleitorion* took place in the Pentakouboukleion of Saint Paul, and the empress sat with her Porphyrogenitus children and the daughter-in-law and the archontissa, and there was given to the archontissa 200 miliaresia, to her nephew 20 miliaresia, to the priest Gregory 8 miliaresia, to her 16 personal attendants 12 miliaresia each, to her 18 handmaidens 6 miliaresia each, to the 22 apocrisiaries 12 miliaresia each, to the 44 merchants 6 miliaresia each, and to the two interpreters 12 miliaresia each.

CHAPTER 17. What must be observed when the archons of the four tagmata proceed to the Hippodrome.

It should be known that when the tagmata are in the God-protected city, the archons of the four tagmata proceed daily to the Hippodrome; and the Domestic of the Schools, the Exkoubitos, and the Hikanatos enter where the magistroi and patrikioi also enter, and first they greet the Droungarios of the Vigla, and immediately they sit down in their ranks.

1113 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1114

...each in his own class and order. Then the *topoteretes* (lieutenant) of the Schools enters through the side entrance, wearing a *skaramangion* and a sword, and with him the first and second officers of the Schools, that is, the counts and domestics, also wearing *skaramangia* and swords. The *topoteretes* stands apart at a distance of about one fathom; the counts and domestics stand in a line from one end to the other, and bowing down to their knees, they greet the *droungarios* of the Vigla. He, returning the greeting to them, says: "A good day to you, lords." And after this, the *proximos* stands in the middle of the procession, and receives a nod from the domestic of the Schools, and by a motion of his hand, he signals them to withdraw. They, bowing again in the manner mentioned, depart. And immediately after them, the *topoteretes* of the Excubitors enters with the *skribones* and *drakonarioi*, they too wearing *skaramangia* and swords, and they also greet just as the officers of the Schools did; and the *protomandator* of the Excubitors, receiving a nod from the Excubitor, signals them by a motion of his hand, and they depart. And with them enters the *topoteretes* of the Arithmos with the counts and centurions... [the text here is fragmented] ...of the *maglabitai* and the *hetaireia* weekly officers proceed and ascend through the ivory gate, and the procession having been opened according to the customary form, they enter, and each sits in his own order, and then they descend and enter into the secret *phiale* (fountain/basin) of the Triconchos. Then the Emperor comes out, and with the curtain hanging in the middle of the *prokymma*, in which place it is customary for the emperors to sit upon the throne, the *deximon* being performed, they light candles, receiving them from the *eidikos*—namely, all the aforementioned of the Senate, from the *magistroi* down to the last man—and they dance around the *sigma*, moving in a circle and singing; the *magistroi*, proconsuls, patricians, officials, and the rest of the Senate, together with the imperial men, sing the specific *basilikia* (imperial songs) of the Brumalia; and those of the *kouboukleion* (bedchamber), together with the eunuchs of the table, also sing their own specific *basilikia* of the Brumalia. It should be known that when those of the Senate and the *kouboukleion* begin to sing the *basilikia* of the Brumalia and to dance, as has been said before, one of the imperial men descends by the steps into the *phiale* and dances; and both parties—the *magistroi* and the rest, and those of the *kouboukleion* with the eunuchs of the table—having circled three times, as has been said, in the walkway of the *phiale*, stand at the...

1115 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1116 [or tribunal] someone of the basilikoi into the phiale and dances there. All, however, as well the magistroi and the rest of the senators as the cubicularii and the mensales eunuchs, go around three times, as has been said, dancing around the circumference or area of the phiale; then they stand at its wider side, and speak pious vows for the health of the Emperor. Then immediately the Emperor’s protovestiarios descends from the sigma through the wooden styracium [or round, inside 38 cod. and ed. ... king; and immediately the protovestiarios of the emperor descends from the sigma through the wooden styracium with the apokombion, and when he is near them, all bow, and as they rise, the first magistros takes from the hand of the protovestiarios the apokombion of 20 litrai, and for the brumalion of the little emperor (43) 10 litrai, and for the...

VARIOUS READINGS JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. The Greeks, of course, as they almost always do, pronounce them [the words] in a new way. Hence, scribes, out of their own laziness, writing letters that should be doubled only once, and conversely writing simple letters twice, wrote *ephemein* for *euphemein*, since to them this sounded no differently than *epphemein*. Similarly *ephemēsan* for *euphēmisēsan*, and this for *euphēmēsan* exists in Malalas, vol. II, p. 214, p. 452, that the brumalia of the senior and junior Augustus and the Augusta were celebrated separately. But in what order that was done, whether they all gave their brumalia on one day, but successively, or each on his own day, and in what month or on what day or days of the month it was done, is obscure, and we shall strive in this discussion to investigate what the nature of that matter was. The principal parts of the brumalia were that citizens in the city, as well as those in the court, should be cheerful, feast, sing, and dance before the Augusti, and they in turn would give them coins, garments, and other delicacies. Notable is the passage of the Continuator of Theophanes in *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 284, where the brumale of Constantine Porphyrogenitus is narrated in these words: "One must tell of the reception of the brumale of the Porphyrogenitus. For it was a custom performed by the ancient emperors [here something like 'which had been neglected for some time' is missing] and the Porphyrogenitus brought this forth [again]." These things agree with those which our author reports on p. 350. The Anonymous continues: "For the day on which the letter of his name, Kappa, was allotted, he celebrated a most brilliant festival, showing it to be populous; for by those expensive and multi-dish tables, receiving the entire senate, he multiplied the brightness of the festival with more beneficent gifts, bestowing silk coverings, much and infinite silver, purple garments, and Indian woods of fragrance, which no one had heard of or seen having existed." [Combefisius translates thus:] "The day to which the initial letter of his name [Constantine] Kappa was added, he ordered to be celebrated as a most famous festival with a huge assembly." [I would have preferred to translate it almost thus: "For that day, on which he was bound to call the court to sacred feasts by the lot of the letter which is the initial of his name, Kappa, he exhibited as most festive with the splendor of preparation and the frequency of men."] For receiving the entire senate with most lavish and abundant feasts, he accumulated the joy and splendor of the festival in many parts with more beneficent gifts, with the abundant bestowal of silk garments and robes, refreshing them with a great quantity of money and countless purple garments and Indian trabeae and the fragrance of trees; which and how great no one had heard or seen before. In these words the diction is most memorable: *hēmera, en hē to tēs klēseōs autou stoicheion Kappa apokeklērōtai*, "the day on which he was bound to call the nobles to sacred feasts by the lot of the letter Kappa." For *klēsis* there is not a name, *onoma*, but an invitation to feasts. Therefore, it designates the day on which Constantine himself was bound to give his Brumale. This day’s letter is said to be *apokeklērōsthai*. It is doubtful whether the word *apokeklērōsthai* here signifies being ordered by lots drawn before the brumalia, or rather falling by chance, even without drawn lots. It will be clear from those things which will be said immediately that the latter holds here and that *apokeklērōtai* denotes nothing other than *syntynchanei, symbainei, apotetaktai*, and that lots had no place here. For the matter of the brumalia had this arrangement. For twenty-three days, as many as there are letters of the Greek alphabet, the Brumalia continued, each of which was called by the alphabetical letters, according to their order established by grammarians; the first *alpha*, the second *beta*, the third *gamma*, and so on up to *omega*. Therefore, when the *Cletorologium* below, p. 452, says that the Emperor Leo, under whom that was committed to letters, and Alexander, his brother, and Zoe, Leo’s wife, held the Brumalia, each on their own day, *eph’ hekastou klēsei*, with each of them also calling and inviting the senate to feast with him in his own name: it is clear that Alexander’s brumale fell on the first day, Zoe’s on the seventh, and Leo’s on the twelfth day of the brumalia. Likewise, when in our chapter Constantine the father and Romanus the son and the Augusta Helena are said to have held their own brumalia, Constantine held his on the eleventh day from the beginning of the brumalia, Helena on the fifth, Romanus on the eighteenth. On these days the major and minor emperor and the Augusta received the nobles with feasts and gifts. Whether it was permitted for the minor Augusta, Theophano, Romanus’s wife, and the daughters of the Augustus, who also bore the name of Augustae, to give brumalia in their own name, I shall leave in doubt, since there is no mention anywhere of brumalia edited by them. On the other days of the brumalia, the greatest of the nobles received the emperor and the august family at their own homes for a feast according to the order of the letters which were the initials of each one’s name. E.g., if the nobles were in the presence of Basil, Gregory, Theodore, John, Peter, Simeon, Philotheus, etc., they would call the august family to themselves on those days whose number the letter initial to each one’s name signified, as on the second some Basil, on the third Gregory, on the ninth Theodore, on the tenth John, on the seventeenth Peter, on the nineteenth Simeon, on the twenty-second Philotheus, and so on for the others. Hence it is that December in the *Anthology* at the end of the first book says of itself: *Daita pherō chariesan es ounoma phōtos hekastou*. "I bring pleasant feasts into the name of each man." Among the commoners the same custom was observed. The wealthier called their humbler friends to themselves on that day whose letter corresponded to the initial letter of their name, or, which is the same thing, on that day from which, counting backward to the first day of the brumalia, as many days would have elapsed as there were letters of the alphabet before the initial letter of their name. Also, during the same brumalia, they celebrated the birthdays of men famous from the furthest antiquity, such as Homer, Archilochus, and others, whose day of birth or death no one could know. Thus, whoever wished to celebrate Homer’s birthday would institute his feasts in his honor on the fourteenth or fifteenth day of the brumalia. For it is not certainly established that the sign (*), which denotes six...

(42) Thus it is in the manuscripts; see what is said on p. 11. (43) It appears from this passage and below from the *Cletorologium*

1117 OF THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1118 of the Augusta, eight pounds for the Brumalia. And after receiving the gift, all pray.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. [Regarding the phrase] "to a hollow and spiral-staircase-equipped column of the emperor, the protovestiarius with the apocombion: who have computed among the letters in this brumal computation, or not." Understand from this that passage in the Anthology, p. 173: "Today we offer libations for the day of Archilochus and of manly Homer." Lest I conceal anything, however, this passage seems to oppose our interpretation. For the poet says that the birthdays of Archilochus and Homer were celebrated on one day; which does not follow from our hypothesis. Let him who knows better find a more suitable reason for celebrating the birthdays of men whose birthdays of birth or death were unknown. Certainly, these alphabetical banquets, if I may call them so, are celebrated in the month of November and for a great part of December, which Agathias calls "banquets for the sake of names," in a notable passage on page 140. That codex of the Vulcanian edition of Agathias, which I use, is not complete (for it contains only the Greek) and shows in the margin an emendation, ascribed by some learned man, of *oinomaton* (of wines) instead of *onomaton* (of names). Whose conjecture that may be, Vulcan’s or another’s, I do not know; for Vulcan’s notes are not at hand. Casaubon indeed, in *Hist. Aug.* Vol. I, p. 275, calls the vintage festival "the feast of wines"; by what right and on what authority, I would not say, nor is it the place here to inquire. Even if it were granted that he called it so correctly, it does not fit here with Agathias, nor should one think of vintage feasts here; rather, the reading "banquets for the sake of names" is correct, and it signifies banquets instituted on account of the initial letters of names corresponding to the letters of the brumal days. The passage itself demonstrates that the discussion is not about vintage feasts, which were celebrated in the month of September, but about some other merriment that would fall at the very end of the year. For he says that the banquets celebrated for the sake of names took place at that time when that immense earthquake, which miserably afflicted Constantinople in the 31st year of Justinian, 557 of Christ, was occurring. That sad event happened on the 14th of December, according to Theophanes, p. 196. Therefore, the banquets for the sake of names were celebrated in the month of December. The very words of Agathias accurately designate the time: "For when the season of autumn was ending in that year" (and yet it does not end in September, but begins), "and the banquets for the sake of names were still being performed, as is the custom for the Romans, there was already a cold, such as is likely when the sun is driving toward the winter solstices [the winter solstice falls on December 21 or 22] and is being carried toward Capricorn [on the day of the winter solstice the sun enters Capricorn]—then indeed, around the middle of the night, the disaster fell, and everything was immediately shaken from its very foundations." From this passage, therefore, it is clear that the Brumalia (for Agathias speaks of those, and no other merriments) were still being celebrated on the 14th of December—"still," a word which is not without weight. They were, therefore, not held for one or two days, but continued for several days. Nor does the passage of Agathias conflict with our *Cletorologion*, which in the cited place places the Brumalia in the month of November. For since they continued for 23 or 24 days, they began toward the end of November and ended almost in the middle of December. That epoch can be established even more certainly from a notable passage in the *Life of St. Stephen the Younger*, where it is said that he died "in the month of November, on the 28th, on which day the letter E is celebrated with solemn pomp by the demon-loving brumalists" [that is, the pagans, the idolaters]. If, therefore, the letter E, or the number 5, falls on November 28, it is necessary that the beginning of the Brumalia fell on November 24, and if they were continued for 23 or 24 days, it is necessary that they ended on the 17th or 18th of December. It is concluded from this passage of the *Life of St. Stephen* that on each day of the Brumalia, individual letters of the Greek alphabet were assigned in order, continuously from the beginning of the alphabet to the end. But this is clearer from a passage in the *Alexandrian Chronicle*, p. 268, where, although what it tells about Romulus is not true, and the rest of it is obscure, it nevertheless wonderfully illustrates our matter: "For this reason Romulus devised the Brumalia [Romulus did not institute the Brumalia, but the Ruminalia]... having said that it was necessary for the king of the time [to invite] his entire senate and all the military forces within the palace, as was honorable in the time of winter, when military affairs have a respite. And he began to call and feed first those having a name starting with alpha, and then consequently up to omega, ordering his own senate to feed in the same manner. And they themselves fed the entire crowd, each as he wished. Therefore, the pandurists [musicians] of each number, going in the evening to the houses of those who were inviting whom they wished for a feast on the following day, would play so that it might be known there that they were being fed by him the next day. And the custom of the Brumalia held sway in the Roman state until the..." The author of the Chronicle handed down the institutions of his own century, not those of Romulus. Thus, the last parts are correctly understood: they signify that the pandurists or pipers of each cohort would go in the evening of the day preceding the one on which the banquet was to be instituted to the house of him who wished to call others for the next day, and having received the names of those to be called, they would go to the houses of each of the invitees, and by the music of their pipes signify to that person that he was to feast the next day at the house of the inviter. Compare *Locus des veränderten Russlandes*, p. 59, which I cited above at p. 222, where I spoke of Gothic games. That those are the remains of the ancient Saturnalia is easily clear, and those merriments should be attributed not so much to Romulus as to the very nature of things and men. Men unlearned in letters, not knowing how to pass the long winter nights with learned pleasures, and seeing that the vigor of the body was diminished by torpor and idleness, led the long evenings to be shortened by feasting, dancing, joking, and laughing. Hence were born merriments different in name, but the same in reality, and also close in time: Brumalia, Saturnalia, Kalends of January, Vota, Gothic games, etc. Whether the so-called "brumatici," namely days, in the *Capitularies of King Pepin* (at Du Cange, v. Brumatici) were held with these Brumalia, which were conducted in the months of November and December, is not clear. They were perhaps different, but not in reality, only in time. It is helpful, while we are engaged in this subject, to sprinkle some observation on that passage: "Concerning those brave men (so King Pepin commands) who observe the brumatici, and concerning those who light candles under a birch tree for their men, and make vows." Here it is said that some light candles under a birch tree for their men and make vows. What do these mean? "For their men" is without doubt the same as "on behalf of their men," for the health of their men, their kinsmen, relatives, and domestics. "Maida," however, is an ancient Germanic or Frankish word, signifying a birch tree. We still say "Meye" somewhat more briefly. Pagans were accustomed to place burning candles under trees or to hang them from the branches of trees. An old charter in Salmasius: "...at shrines, or at rocks, or at fountains, or at trees, or at railings, or at crossroads, let him make lights, or undertake to pay vows." That in the Brumalia the nobles were accustomed to be received with a banquet and with coins, garments, sweetmeats, and other comforts...

1. II Script. Hist. Aug. p. 802: No Christian...

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS: when he approaches near to them, all do obeisance. When they have again risen to an upright position, the protomagister receives from the hand of the protovestiarius an apocombium consisting of twenty litrae, and in the winter quarters of the lesser or junior emperor another containing ten litrae, and finally in the winter quarters of the Augusta another of eight litrae. After receiving these gratuitous gifts, all bless the lords and exit through the caldarium or vaporarium, and each departs to his own affairs. The rowers of the imperial dromons, who are accustomed to transport the sacred bodies of the lords to the suburbs of both continents, descend into the Bucoleon and stand there, where the imperial dromon stands, heaping praises and blessings upon the lord and singing the basilicia of the winter festival. To them is thrown down from above an apocombium of two hundred miliaresia. In the time of Constantine, however, the Christ-loving lord, three hundred more miliaresia were added: so that from that time they received five hundred miliaresia in total. That same Christ-loving lord added to the ancient customs this regulation, that the rowers of the agraria or small imperial boats should also descend there and sing in a similar manner and receive a gift thrown down to them.

COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE

That they were called "gifts" (as the Latins call them; the Greeks called them *antilepseis*), is evident from this passage of ours and this entire chapter, in which the rites of the winter festival are described. Others also make mention of this custom. The continuator of Theophanes, p. 91, derives the name of the chamber called Porphyra from the fact that the Augustae were accustomed to distribute there the *oxy*, a purple garment, among the wives of the court dignitaries; "which," he says, "is so called because the mistress used to distribute the *oxy* there to the noblewomen during the time of the winter festivals." The same author, in the passage cited above, says that Constantine Porphyrogenitus in his winter festival gave to the dignitaries silk cloaks, an immense amount of minted silver, garments, purple ones or rather those made of sea-wool, and fragrant substances (which our author calls *kapnismata*). The same author, p. 87, at the time of the *Dexima*, when it was permitted for the people to receive and venerate the emperor in the Circus, which also happened during the winter festivals, says that the Phiale or basin of the Circus was full of pistachios, almonds, pine nuts, and also *conditum*, that is, medicated wine, infused with odors or pigments (as they spoke in the Middle Ages) or aromatics, which would flow out from a bronze gourd, equipped with a siphon at the bottom and shaped like a pine cone, and that it mixed that phiale; that is, it poured forth (he refers to the *conditum*) and provided arguments for hilarity and from which one might indulge one's genius abundantly. The words are: "The phiale, at the time of the *dexima*, filled with pistachios and almonds, and indeed also with pine nuts, poured forth *conditum* from a pine cone to all, and provided luxury to those who, by desire, were among those standing there." This flowed from the ancient custom of the emperors, who on the days of their consulship, that is, the Kalends of January, entertained the dignitaries with a banquet, gave them comforts, and scattered *missilia* among the people. Lampridius relates of Heliogabalus, vol. 1, p. 811: "When he had entered upon his consulship, he did not throw coins, whether gold or silver, or confections or small animals, but fat oxen, and camels, and donkeys, and slaves for the people to scramble for, saying that this was imperial." But thereafter the *missilia* ceased. On this occasion, a passage from the Theodosian Code occurs, which Gutherus discusses on p. 499: "In the prefecture of the praetorium, the patrons of the fisc, on the day of the festival of the Kalends of January of the year in which they perform such an office, among the *spectabiles* counts of the sacred consistory, receive comforts by the hand of the emperor." Gutherus's explanation of "puncti" as "noted, marked" is specious. Perhaps, however, you might more correctly take it as "struck, beaten" (*nyttomenoi*), whom the emperor touched with his own hand. For they received gifts from the very hands of the emperor: see pp. 368 and 351. Before I depart from this subject, I think I must speak about the name-days of the ancients. That the ancients celebrated feast days on account of the names of their friends could be concluded from the passage of Gregory of Nazianzus to be cited shortly after. But whether, besides the reason explained above, they also celebrated name-days at other times during the winter festivals, is not clear. Nor when did this happen? Certainly, they did not then have calendars with a name attributed to each day. It is necessary, therefore, that the Gentiles celebrated the birthday of their name on the eighth day after their birth, but Christians on the day of their baptism. For then they received a new name. The passage of Gregory is in his oration on Baptism: "For it was fitting to establish celebrations of our salvation, and much more than wedding feasts, and birthdays, and name-days for friends of the flesh, and hair-cutting ceremonies, and house-warmings, and annual festivals." It could be concluded from this passage that name-days were renewed annually. But since some of the others listed at the same time, such as the hair-cutting ceremonies or house-warmings, which hardly seem to have been celebrated more than once, it would be better to take "name-days" as a feast celebrated then as usual, once throughout each person's life, when first and from the beginning a name was imposed upon them, just as a wedding feast signifies the occasion of a marriage, a birthday the occasion of an infant being born, the hair-cutting ceremony the occasion of the first hair and beard being cut, and a house-warming the occasion of immigration into a house in which one is to remain and dwell, celebrated once, and not more often. However, the addition of "and annual" stands against this interpretation, by which, if I am not mistaken, the birthdays of cities are designated as being renewed annually. Or so, as it seems, it was called, because the emperors, going into the fields, carried them into the Peratic suburbs.

(44) The *agraria* were a certain kind of small boat, so called because they were used when the emperors went into the fields or into the suburbs.

1191 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II 1122

...the silikia [siliquae] appropriate to the Brumalia, and likewise those who are seated sing in the same manner. And when the sweetmeat [dulcium] is brought in, a few of those at the table intone the "Many Years," and those seated at the table, the friends, and the remaining bystanders at the table answer, and before the Emperor names [it]: "To the intercession of the All-Holy Theotokos," they all receive from the hands of the Emperor the miliaresia, while those seated [do the same]. And after the completion of the distribution of the miliaresia, those standing by, and likewise those seated, offer acclamations to the Emperor, and immediately the Emperor names: "To the intercession of the All-Holy Theotokos," and when all have drunk according to custom, all those seated receive from the hand of the table-steward one phalion [vessel/portion], that is to say, receiving these from the bread-server. And they rise from the table.

Under Leo, the lover of Christ and worthy of eternal memory, it was the custom that the palace should not be opened in the evening; but the magistrates listed above would enter at the ninth hour of the day through the thermastra or caldarium into the mystical phial of the sigma; and thereafter everything was done as we have described. In the evening, at the eleventh hour of the day, the table is set in the dining hall; those who are accustomed by established rite to do so dine with the Emperor: the masters, the praepositi, the patricians, the officials, and sometimes also the strategi and others, but especially those who are related to the Emperor by ties of blood sit at the imperial table. All those standing by heap praises and blessings upon the lords and sing songs in praise of the lords, such as are sung at the Brumalia. Similarly, those who sit at the table also sing.

The sweetmeat, or the course of sweets, is to invoke the protection and intercession of the Mother of God, or at least to profess in set words that one is doing this or that in her name and by her authority and in her honor. Thus, some parasite, as Athenaeus relates on page 252, whenever he dined, would set a separate table near the Thracian king whom he was courting, at which he himself would feast, and though the king was absent, he would name the genius of the king, professing in set words that he wished it to be sacred to the genius of the king and to order it, or that he was drinking it to him. In the same author, page 426, at the beginning, Ulpianus Citucitus, taking a cup, said: "This I, having named them, will drink down entirely, to my kinsmen, as a pledge of friendship," meaning he would drain the whole cup, toasting his kinsmen after having cited their names one by one in a loud voice as a testimony of friendship. This is what another poet says in the same author, page 432: "To offer toasts skillfully and to challenge by name the one to whom you wish to toast." This is "calling and naming." Therefore, Appian joins "calling and naming" in his *Parthian History*, page 136, at the beginning, regarding Ateius, the tribune of the people, who was interceding against Crassus's expedition to Parthia: "calling and naming certain terrible and strange gods in his curses." I cannot but explain here what "the named feast" (*dais eponomasmene*) means in Sophocles' *Electra*, verse 268. It is a supper at the mention of which it is necessary to invoke the gods who avert evil and protect us, so that they may keep us safe from such things. "To name" (*onomazein*) for the later Greeks is to cite, to invoke, to call upon. Thus, the Council of Laodicea, canon 35: "It is not fitting for Christians to go away and name angels, and to hold assemblies," that is, it is not fitting for Christians to cite angels in a loud voice and to perform communions in their name. So also Herodian V, 5: "He ordered all the Roman magistrates and whoever was performing public sacrifices, before other gods whom they call heavenly, to name the new god Elagabalus while performing the sacred rites." Here, the invocation of Mary is understood, which took place at the end of the banquet when the final cup was passed around. For what was to the ancient Greeks the cup of the "Good Genius" (the Dutch today say *het groeyen en bloeyen*), that is for the later ones the cup of Mary, the last of the banquet; see Heineccius, *On the State of the Greek Church*, III, p. 465. They also have the morsel of the Blessed Virgin, which they call *Panagia*. Du Cange has much on this morsel, after the consumption of which the cup of Mary is drunk, and on the custom of drinking in honor and intercession of the saints, under the entry *Panagia* and *Presbeia* or "Drinking in the love of the Saints," from which I cannot but repeat at least one or two passages, so that it may appear with what rites and for what purpose they drank in honor or, as they then said, in the love of the saints, Saint John, Michael the Archangel, the Virgin Mary, and others. Ducas, page 133, relates: "The vulgar and common crowd, having gone out from the courtyard of the monastery, holding in their hands in the taverns cups full of unmixed wine, were anathematizing the Latins and the Greeks who favored the Latins, drinking to the intercession of the icon of the Mother of God and beseeching her to become the protectress and helper of the city." Christian of Scala, in the life of Saint Wenceslaus: Seeking the place of the banquet, having taken the cup, he carried the cups before everyone, prefacing them with a loud voice: "In the name of the blessed archangel Michael let us drink this cup, praying and beseeching that he may now deign to introduce our souls into the peace of eternal exultation." To which, when all the faithful had answered "Amen," having drained the drink, kissing everyone, he returned to the lodging. From this, one may understand what the custom of the ancient Germans and other northern peoples of the Middle Ages meant, of drinking in honor, love, and for the salvation of God, on which see Keisler's *Itinerary*, p. 1305. Namely, having taken the cup with the invocation of the divine name, and having supplicantly asked that He might be a supporter and protector and favor their affairs, they would drink. Whence it is clear that that custom of drinking for the salvation of the immortal God is not as absurd as it might appear at first glance. Mabillon relates in his *German Itinerary* that a certain innkeeper in Alsace, to whom he had turned, had offered him a cup in honor of Saint John as he was leaving, and that it was the custom of all the innkeepers of that region to offer the same to guests leaving them. This compendium may note more. Certainly, if I consider the custom of the scribe, where the plural is to be signified, to double the letters (which he did not do here: for he had not written *mi* with a double mark superimposed, the sign of the plural, but *mi*), it seems to be suggested that single miliaresia were given to each. But to me, indeed, such a tiny little gift seemed too small for the majesty of such an empire.

[1123] ...a few of the eunuchs serving at the table go out through the ivory [gate], and they depart. [The eunuchs] say: "Many years, etc." To which all those sitting at the table, the friends of the master and the guests, as well as the rest standing and serving at the table, all respond the same. And before the Emperor drinks the cup in honor of the most holy Mother of God, for which he invokes her protection, all those sitting at the table receive from the imperial hands a number of miliaresia. When the distribution of the miliaresia is finished, those standing at the table as well as those sitting bless the Emperor. Then he says: "In the name of and through the intercession of the most holy Mother of God," and then they all drink according to custom, and each one receives from the hands of the prefect of the table one torch. The prefect of the table, however, receives them first from the artoclinos. With these torches, each one his own, they rise from the table and go out through the ivory gate, and each one departs to his own home. When they have departed, another table is set again in the same dining hall, still more private than the previous one. At it sits the senior emperor and the junior [emperor] and the Augusta with the Porphyrogennetos children and their most intimate nobles and ministers of the inner admission: such as the cubicularius and the protovestiarios and others whom the emperor chooses. All these show themselves joyful and exult, and celebrate the emperor and the Augusta with praises. On the next day of the Brumalia, a private table is set in the conspicuous and illustrious Justinian triclinium for sixteen or nearly that many persons to be received. At that superior [table] sit the masters, proconsuls, patricians, officials, and protospatharios, as the book of ceremonial banquets declares. Then, according to the rite contained in that ceremonial code, the *saximon* or festive dance takes place. Namely, the masters, proconsuls, patricians, officials, and protospatharios enter into the *saximon* or the place and space in which one is to dance, and they dance, as the pattern or rite dictates.

[1124] [COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE] ...others of the same rank and dignity [invited] to the sacred table... I would prefer, however, to have it established thus: ...they rise from the table and going out through the ivory [gate], he goes out, etc. ...the nobles being excluded, except those who were daily around the Augustus and the Augusta, day and night. That banquet, therefore, was such as was once called *syngennikon* in the court of the kings of the Persians, concerning which Athenaeus p. 48 obtains, the meaning of the word *trapeza* [table]. It happened to me, that in this place and similar ones slightly lower down, I strayed vehemently from the truth and entangled myself in inexplicable doubts. *Trapeza* here in this place does not signify a material table, at which one sits for the sake of dining and upon which dishes are placed, but the banquet itself. Therefore, *istatai trapeza dia is' kai ta engys* is the same expression as "a banquet is celebrated of sixteen tables or nearly so," and p. 349, *istatai mia trapeza dia trion kai ta engys*, "a banquet is celebrated of three tables," that is, one in which as many guests participate as fill three tables. At individual tables, twelve persons sat, and another banquet, *hex*, of six tables. That the word *trapeza*, "banquet," *deipnon*, not "table," signifies [this] in this formula, is proven by the expression on p. 428, *he deutera thesis tes trapezas*, "the second position of the table," which is the second order of the banquet. In *ta engys* is understood *kata*; *kata ta engys*, *en to engys*, *hos engytato*. But what he adds, *apokopton*, seems to want to say that this banquet is not celebrated solemnly, but as if silently and separately from the procession and tumult. According to this norm, therefore, our Latin version is to be reformed, in about this manner: "On the day after the Brumalia, a private banquet of sixteen or nearly that many tables is celebrated in the conspicuous Justinian triclinium." Otherwise, the banquets that were instituted as solemn and processional were of nineteen tables. ...and in the Middle Ages the Italians also did the same. The Anonymous Paduan in Muratori, vol. II, *Ant. Ital.* p. 318, narrates that noble youths on appointed feast days asked the leading men of the country to permit them to receive their wives at banquets. Once granted, splendid banquets were held. And when they had dined or supped, they went to dance with the same damsels, or held jousts.

(47) I have presented the writing religiously, as elsewhere. (48) Because only the imperial family [was present] at those banquets. (49) Because I would not observe the truth, which [is] here in this place. (50) And even today after genial banquets they dance.

1123 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1126

They rise from the table and satisfy the Sigma, dancing their part, and then return to the table, and, with the emperor’s permission, sit down again, each in his own place and order. These magistrates whom we have mentioned all enter the Sigma together and perform the dance together; but when it comes time to sing the poems, that is, the *basilicia* of the Brumalia, they do not all sing together equally, but, having separated, they alternate by classes and antiphonies. For example, when the masters and those belonging to their class have finished their portion of the singing, then the chamberlains and those belonging to their class begin. When these in turn finish, the proconsuls, patricians, and those looking to that class begin to sing the *basilicia* of the Brumalia proper to them. After this first class of dignitaries, the second class of magistrates, the *tagmata* or military orders—such as the Schools, the Arithmoi, and the Numeri—enters the Sigma, all together and in one body; in another body, however, enter the magistrates of the Excubitors, the Hicanatoi, and the imperial *ploimon* or naval militia. All these receive the *apocombia* in the Sigma from the prefect of the table, and with praises and vows they follow the lord and the auspicious and solemn day of the Brumalia celebrated by him.

Under Leo, the Christ-loving lord, this custom prevailed: On the second day of the Brumalia, one private table was set up in the dining hall for about three messes. On that day, the ordinary guests of the great emperor dined there, especially his closest relatives and those joined by affinity: masters, praepositi, proconsular patricians, private protospatharii, and certain other acquaintances and friends of the emperor. In the illustrious triclinium of Justinian, another private table was set up for six or nearly six messes, at which sat the junior emperor and the rest: masters, proconsuls, patricians, officials, and protospatharii, just as the tactical *cletorologion* prescribes.

Be it known that under Michael, the Christ-loving lord, son of Theophilus, a great winter occurred, and violent winds blew and much snow fell, so that the secret phiale of the Triconchos became inaccessible, and the masters, proconsuls, patricians of the senate, and all those of the cubiculum could not descend to celebrate the usual rites of the Brumalia. Instead, as everyone had gathered in the Lausiac triclinium, the praepositus went out and summoned all those who had been invited, and stationed them before the gate of the Lausiac triclinium which leads into the portico of the Chrysotriclinium, that is, into the Horologion. Then the protovestiarius went out and handed to the first master the *apocombion* according to custom, and having offered the customary acclamations to the emperors (there were also poems appropriate to the day of the Brumalia), they departed without lighting candles.

The Domestic of the Schools, the Domestic of the Excubitors, and the Domestic of the Hicanatoi, together with the *tagmata*, descended into the *thermastra*. For the Droungarios of the Vigla was in the Hippodrome guarding his own post. The Sakellarios descended into the same *thermastra* and handed the *apocombion* to the Domestic of the Schools, and the Domestic and all those of the *tagmata* offered the customary acclamations to the emperors, singing also the poems appropriate to the day of the Brumalia. Then, in this way, the masters, proconsuls, patricians, all the senators, and those of the cubiculum departed, each to his own house, and those of the *tagmata* each to his own post.

Be it known that this order of the Brumalia was altered and brought to an end during the reign of the lord Romanos. For he, under the pretext of piety, and [claiming] that it was not right according to the ancient customs of the Ausonians to [celebrate] the Brumalia for the Romans...

1197 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1128

[Translation of the Greek text:] ...thinking it [the Brumalia] to be a custom, he ordered these things to be observed, not having in mind those great and renowned emperors—not that great and renowned Constantine, nor Theodosius, nor Marcian, nor Leo the Lion-Butcher, nor Justinian, nor the other Christ-loving ones, whom I might even call demigods—but rather what seemed good to him, which he considered to be law, canon, and piety. But under Constantine, the Christ-loving master, the order of the Brumalia found its revival. Therefore, in the Brumalia of the great emperor, the ancient *apocombion* [gift-purse] of 20 pounds was given; in that of the minor emperor, 10 pounds; and in that of the Augusta, 8 pounds. But this Constantine, the Christ-loving emperor, decreed that instead of all these Brumalia gifts, there should be given in the Brumalia of the great emperor an *apocombion* stamped with 50 pounds. And at the table, by his own hand, to the friends dining with him, [he gave] in this manner, namely, 4 *dipla* [double-folded garments] and 53 *milarisia* [silver coins]; to the *magistroi*, 160 *milarisia* and one *chasdion* of *belarion* [velvet/silk]; to the...

[Translation of the Latin text:] ...bundle. And so they heaped up praises and blessings upon Michael, such as is the custom to heap upon emperors, and they sang to him little poems appropriate to the day of the Brumalia, and finally they departed, but without candles on account of the storm. The Domestic of the Schools, the Domestic of the Excubitors, and the Domestic of the Hicanatoi, together with the magistrates of the four *tagmata* [that is, the orders of the military nobility], descended or gathered below into the *thermastra* or heating room. The Drungary of the Watch, however, kept his station in the circus. The Sacellarius therefore descended into the heating room; he handed the *apocombion* to the Domestic of the Schools [or the head of the military]; this having been done, all the aforementioned celebrated the lord with praises and blessings customary toward emperors, and they sang poems appropriate to the day of the Brumalia. And thus, one after another, the masters, proconsuls, patricians, and all the senators, as well as the chamberlains, departed each to his own house; the *cohortales*, however, departed to their stations. This constitution concerning the Brumalia was changed, or rather, entirely abolished.

[Translation of the Reiske Commentary:] VARIOUS READINGS. JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...[Regarding the term *Ausones*]... The later Latins also use *Ausonius* for Italy. The Cassinese Chronicle IV, 97: "Meanwhile, a huge fear and dullness of mind seizes the *Ausonians*, and one asked another what they should say or do." Not to mention the examples of older poets and prose writers which float in books. Nevertheless, Basil the Patrician, whose *Naumachica* Fabricius published in *Bibliotheca Graeca* vol. VIII, p. 136 sqq., called the Greeks *Ausones*, perhaps thinking that his Thracians, just as they had arrogated the name of the Romans to themselves, so too deserved the name of the *Ausones*. "Having been taught the wisdom of the *Ausonians*," he says at the beginning of the dedication, "you, since you are learned in the works of excellent Greek wisdom." And lest anyone doubt that Greeks, not Latins, are designated, he calls him to whom he inscribes his book, v. 5: "The supreme commander of the *Ausonian* army." The supreme commander of the Greek army. He dedicated his book to the Emperor Basil, if we believe the penultimate verse, which Muratori presented in his *Dissertatio* XXVI, *Antiq. Italic.* p. 540: "Thence, Basil, you will lay waste the soil of Crete, and destroy the race of the high-spirited Carthaginians." He calls the Saracen Africans "Carthaginians," because they afflicted the Greeks with incursions from Crete. But who that Basil is, the Macedonian or the Bulgar-Slayer, is not clear. It is certain that he, the Macedonian, waged wars against the Saracens in Longobardia, with forces joined with Louis the Stammerer; see the *Annals of Symeon the Logothete*, p. 458. It is not certain regarding Basil the Bulgar-Slayer that he had dealings with the Cretan Saracens. However, the chronology does not prevent—whoever you think is addressed by this dedication—the author from having been the *parakoimomenos* of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, as is claimed by Naudé. For if this Basil the Patrician inscribed his *Naumachica* to Basil the Macedonian as a young man, he could have been a chamberlain to Constantine, son of Leo, when he became older. But if he dedicated his book to Basil the Bulgar-Slayer, he could have served in the office of chamberlain to his brother Constantine. It seems, however, if the latter is established, that he would have been more likely to inscribe his work to Constantine the Younger than to his brother. Wherefore, I now do not hesitate to prefer the reading of Fabricius, *to Basilei*, which I once condemned, over that of Muratori, and that Constantine Porphyrogenitus, son of Leo, is called by the title of Basil. This seems to be confirmed by that address in the preface of Basil the Patrician to the most valiant leader, whom, although he extols him with the most abundant and highest praises, he nevertheless did not name. I, for my part, have no doubt that it was Nicephorus Phocas. But others may see to this matter. Nicetas also called the Greeks *Ausones* at the end of book IV of the deeds of Manuel Comnenus, and in the *Greek Anthology* of H. Stephanus, p. 360. An anonymous author, describing the imperial schools in Byzantium, says that there is poured forth "an abundant fountain of *Ausonian* laws." Clearly, the new Greeks, as they affected to be called Romans, so also they affected to be called *Ausones*.

(53) Thus the membranes. I would prefer either *diplotà*, "doubled," with the accent retracted. (54) The word *chasdion* denotes in the new Greek a velvet, for us *Sammet*, or even *Plüsch*, a coarser type of *examitum* [samite]; see Goar on Codinus, p. 60, n. 30; Du Cange, *Gloss. Gr.* s.v. It occurs quite often in the *Itinerary to Muscovy* of Arsenius, Bishop of Elasson, which was recently published in the catalogue of manuscripts of the Royal Library of Turin. It seems to be of Arabic or Persian origin. Indeed, *Chazz* or *Cazz* is silk not yet worked, especially the coarser kind, and that word is not unknown to the Latins of the Middle Ages; Du Cange s.v. *Alchazz*, where he cites a passage from an old Spanish document in which many unknown types of cloth are named, of which I recognize few, and these two almost alone: *Barragan* and *planetæ urtiones*. The former is an Arabic word, signifying a cloth of various colors, *alláso-mena*, which presents various rays of light to the eyes according to the varying position, changeable in a moment. *Planetæ urtiones*, however, are of a rose color, from *urd* or *ord* and *orod*, a rose. Hence you may understand what the episcopal chasubles *de crodonas* are in Du Cange s.v. *Oredona*. They are, namely, of a rose color. *Marayce* seems to be the Arabic *Maraysch*, "plumaged," that is, embroidered with gold and Phrygian work. *Orale* is the same as *to*, a tapestry. But I return to *chagdium*, which is also mentioned in the letter of Basil the Macedonian to Pope Hadrian II at the end of the Eighth Synod: "We have transmitted to your Holiness three *diaspra* garments, one *esophorium* of *dicitrinum* [citron-colored] lattice-work, one *chagdium* of *orobeum* [vetch-colored], and one *cassidin* of *dirodinam* [rose-colored]." Perhaps *orobeum* is having the color of vetch or chickpeas.

1129 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1130 to the proconsuls and patricians 140 miliares each, and one Saracen loros-garment (55), or else one whole-silk garment; to the protospatharioi 120 miliares each and...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE: Regarding the word *lorotos*, I doubt whether it is a proper name or an appellative, and whether it should be derived from *villosus* (shaggy) and *villa*, not from *velum* (veil). Certainly *lorotos* is shaggy silk or examitum, and in the letter of Basil the Macedonian just praised, the Latin translator rendered *vilarin prasinum* as "green fleece," from which the French *velu* and *velours*—as if one were to say "fleece" and "fleecy"—come. But when I was translating this passage into Latin, I was of the opinion that it signified a silk cloth named after the Indian city of Belar or Balor, as others pronounce it, either because the silk was brought from there, or because the cloth itself was made there. Let no one wonder that I seek the names of so many garments or cloths from the East. Since the most precious fabrics were at all times sought from there and brought to us, it was easy for their Oriental names to have migrated along with the fabrics themselves into our languages and regions. A little later we shall have the word *Moulyouua*, undoubtedly of Arabic origin. Above we had *Avlotas* from Tinis, a city of Egypt. *Lorota Saracenica* will occur subsequently, from which it is clear that this cloth was sought from the Saracens. That Constantine Porphyrogenitus engaged in trade with Arabia Felix and India is clear from the fact that below, p. 399, there occurs a formula for the inscription of letters: "To the excelling ruler of India," and "To the ruler of Arabia Felix." This is also clear from the continuation of Theophanes Constantinus, p. 284, whose passage, needing illustration, I shall append here. He narrates there that the Emir of Egypt (he was someone from the Ikhshidid dynasty) offered friendship to Constantine through envoys and letters. He also designates an Emir of Persia, someone of the Buyids, as having entered into a treaty with him. Hostilities having been removed, "and the Emperor sends ships to him, which, having arrived at that dry land, worshipped and kissed the tomb of the Apostle Thomas, and having lit the royal lamps that had been sent, and having traded in precious stones and pearls, they returned." The last word, or another similar one, is missing in the edition of Combefis, who tries in vain to emend the reading *pov Y*. That the dry land is India is self-evident.

Furthermore, I have already indicated several times that monetary and clothing gifts were given to the nobles of the Byzantine court by the emperors on major feast days and holidays, such as the Brumalia, the feast of the Nativity of Christ, and Easter; or rather, in the name of gifts, annual pensions, called *rogai*, were paid and distributed to them partly in coin and partly in precious fabrics. Formerly this was done on the Calends of January, for which reason Paul the Silentiary calls that month *doxina* in the second part, v. 182. Then that custom was transferred to the Brumalia. Western kings distributed their "liberations" among their officials every year at the feast of the Nativity of Christ, that is, new robes (today we say *livrée*, the word being retained from that), concerning which see Du Cange, s.v. *Liberatio*. The same author, s.v. *Mantum*, cites this verse along with others from a certain grammarian of a later age: "He who gave me a mantle without feathers in the winter." He means to say: he who gave me a mantle not "feathered" (trimmed) during the Brumalia, that is, either not embroidered with a needle or not adorned with the multicolored feathers of birds. For they wore such garments then, as I demonstrate with examples in another place. That custom flowed to us as well. For our fathers and mothers of families, who have menservants and maidservants, pay them the wages due to them around the day of the Nativity of Christ, giving them not only money but also some clothing and footwear: whence it happened that around that time, as many servants as wish to do so change their masters. Around the same time...

[The text continues with a discussion of piety and monastic customs, citing Agnellus of Naples, the distribution of soap, and the interpretation of *lorotos* as striped or leather-trimmed garments, concluding with a discussion of medieval trade names for fabrics.]

to the spatharocandidati, 80 miliaresia each and one molchamion; or also one abdion. The amounts given by the ruler at the departure to the maglabitai are 300 miliaresia; to the Great Hetaireia, 500 miliaresia; to the Middle Hetaireia, 200 miliaresia; to the Pharganoi, 200 miliaresia.

[He] forbade this hilarity to everyone, not reflecting upon those great and celebrated emperors; not that great and most celebrated Constantine, to cite an example, not Theodosius, not Marcian, not Leo, called by the surname Leomacellius or Macellarius, not Justinian, nor the remaining Christ-loving princes, whom I would almost call divine or demigods; but having only that which seemed right to himself as law and rule and justice and piety. But under Constantine the Christ-loving despot, the solemnity of the Brumalia regained its life, with only the difference that I shall mention. In ancient times, during the Brumalia, the apocombium of the Great Lord was twenty; in the Brumalia of the Minor Lord, the apocombium was ten; and finally, in the Brumalia of the Augusta, the apocombium was eight litrai. But this Constantine, the Christ-loving emperor whom I mentioned, decreed that instead of these particular largesses, in the name of all at once and together, there should be given in the Brumalia of the greater emperor an apocombium of fifty litrai in coined gold coins.

However, at the table or during the banquet, the emperor distributed with his own hands to the guests miliaresia—understand everywhere double—in this manner: to the magistri, one hundred and sixty miliaresia and to each one a chasdion [or garment of shaggy silk] of Belarian make. To each of the proconsuls and patricians he distributed one hundred and forty miliaresia and one esophorion or undergarment marked with a loros or loroi and stripes, Saracen; or also holovera or entirely purple. To the protospatharioi he gave one hundred and twenty miliaresia and one molchamion or abdion.

The things which the master of expenses gave were these: to the Maglabitai were given in total three hundred miliaresia; to the Great Hetaireia, five hundred; to the Middle Hetaireia, two hundred, and the same amount also to the Pharganoi.

CHAPTER XIX. To be performed when a triumph over defeated enemies is conducted in the Forum with a processional supplication. All men of the senatorial order proceed in the morning in their change-garments, with whom the emperor goes out in a scaramangion.

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE] Saracenica at Du Cange, v. Mantum and Aumosnières or Saracen purses at the same, v. Eleemosyna. Regarding the word Almonaria, which denotes a purse, pouch, bag, or money-bag, I still doubt whether it is, as is commonly thought, a corruption of eleemosynaria, or rather to be derived from the Arabic almunuh, food, provisions, supply, so that it is as if it were a provision-bag.

(56) It is a type of Saracen cloth. The name is certainly Saracen. Molcham is a fabric with a weft or lining, namely of a different and more precious [thread] than the warp or cloth is. The word Mulchumat (or rather Mulchamat) occurs in the Epistle of Basil the Macedonian to Pope Hadrian II, at Du Cange, v. Usis, which memorable passage, obscure to many, I am pleased to illustrate here. "We have sent to your Holiness," says Basil, "a green fleece, one vilarnipinnium for making a chasuble, one red usin having an air, one white usin, one mulchumat, two chestnut planetilia." In this passage, first, "vilarnipinnium" must be deleted. For the preceding "green fleece" partly explains it and partly corrects it. Indeed, "fleece" explains the word "villarin." For thus, not "vilarni," the scribe had given. Moreover, "vilarin" is *villarin*, a shaggy silk cloth, a hexamiton. "Prasinum" (green) is the correct reading of the corrupted "pinnium." Furthermore, "usin" is the same as "plumatum," painted with Phrygian work. It is an Arabic word, which is pronounced indiscriminately *l'schi* and *weschi*, and in general signifies ornament, all equipment, but in particular the painting of a garment with gold or silk threads, either sewn on or woven in, that is, made with needlework; v. Du Cange, v. Algueris and Alberis. Indeed, the Spaniards used to write this word in their own way, but in pronouncing it they do not differ from our *weschi*. Du Cange cites there from Yebex in the Chronicle of the Order of St. Benedict this passage: "Two mantles aurifrisos [i.e., gold-fringed] and other alguexi woven with gold and other alguexi woven with gold." The same author, v. Oslov, among other things from Achmed’s Oneirocriticon, cites this passage: "If he finds an *oslov* [i.e., a garment embroidered or gold-fringed], he will find much wealth collected because of the garment’s work collected by the needle." Finally, "air" in the passage of Basil is a segment, *oxiadion*, a collar, sewn onto the garment around the neck, *ein Kragen*.

CHAPTER 18. Things that must be done when a victory triumph is celebrated in the Forum with a litany. In the morning, all those of the senate proceed with change-garments, with whom the emperor goes out from the...

(57) The word *thriambos* here signifies a *proagoge* with *pompe* and *phantasia*, a production and display in a crowded gathering of men. Hence *thriambos* of victories is the production and display of the proofs of victory won over enemies, such as the enemies themselves and their garments, arms, beasts of burden, tents, and other spoils. Theophanes, p. 385: "Victory [signs] in the hippodrome," he produced and showed the insignia of victory in a Circensian game before the people gathered in the Circus. Our author, p. 193, has: "acts of the triumphed," that is, praises, when the signs of victory won were led in procession, and in those very Acts this formula: "Glory to God who has triumphed over those of Hagar." Georgius Monachus in *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 535: "with victory [signs]," he said, to carry something around with triumphal apparatus. For other processional parades, even if not instituted for victory nor showing its proofs, were called *thriamboi* and triumphs by later Latins, and they carefully distinguished triumphs or processional parades from triumphs of another kind by adding the word *epinikios*, as in Zonaras, vol. II, p. 197, there is *epinikios thriambos*. John Cinnamus used the word *thriambos* for *proeleusis* or procession, V, 6, p. 120: "The emperor, priding himself on the weight of his successes, made a preparation for a *thriambos* from the acropolis itself to the celebrated temple of the Wisdom of God, in order to process with him [Kiligj Arslan, prince of the Seljuks], but he did not bring it to completion." For the Patriarch stood in the way, denying that it was permitted for impious men to pass through the divine portals. Today, with roles reversed, for the same reason the Turks keep Christians from their mosques, just as they [the Christians] once kept them [the Turks] from theirs.

1133 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1134

[The Emperor] exits with his scaramangion and his golden-closed sagion, with his customary procession, escorted by the cubiculum, and enters the bedchamber of the Daphne. There he removes the scaramangion, changes into the dibetesion, and dons the chlamys. The magistri and patricians receive him in the onopodion, where they perform proskynesis. At a nod from the praepositus, the master of ceremonies says, "Command." From there they descend to the great consistorium, where they are received again by all those previously mentioned, along with the secretikoi—that is, the chartularii, notaries, and asekretai—and again they perform proskynesis to the masters. At a nod from the praepositus, the silentiarius says, "Command." In the middle of the consistorium stands the Emperor’s protostrator, bearing the imperial spear with the flammulum, which has above it the honorable, life-giving, and victory-bringing cross, and he proceeds in front of the Emperor. Then the Emperor passes through the transit areas—that is, the exkoubita, the scholae, and the Chalke—and from the outer cancellus of the Chalke, the Emperor turns to the right with the procession and departs to the Holy Well. There, according to custom, he lights candles.

COMMENTARY. JOAN. JAC. REISKE

[The text continues with historical commentary on Byzantine triumphs, including references to Theophanes, the Hippodrome, and various imperial processions.]

1135 OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1136 to the ecclesiastical order, and he incenses the emperor, and they greet one another. Then the emperor enters with the patriarch into the divine sanctuary, and he incenses around the holy table. The deacon then performs the litany. (58) The chanters above in the ambo chant appropriate Theotokia, suitable to the subject of the victory, such as "O Dread Protection," and "In Thee Rejoiceth," and "O Unconquerable Wall," and "To the Champion Leader (59) the tokens of victory," and others similar to these. Often, if new troparia happen to have been composed suitable to the subject, they chant these as well in the same manner. And, as has been said, with the protostrator accompanying, the imperial flammulum being carried immediately before the emperor, he ascends with his own procession to the forum, and he goes up to the steps, where the marble base of the cross is situated, and he stands there. Then, following him, the patriarch also ascends with his own procession, and the patriarch himself also goes up the aforementioned steps of the column (61), and he enters inside the holy Constantine.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE COMMENTARY. drawn by white horses. Upon it was established the image of the Mother of God, the unconquerable, allied, and invincible fellow-general of the emperor. The axle did not creak loudly, because it was not carrying the terrible spectacle of the pseudo-virgin of Athens [he refers to the ridiculous and incredible, yet Herodotus-narrated, mime of Pisistratus], but the one who is truly a virgin and who, beyond reason, through the Word, gave birth to the Word. They called Mary "fellow-general," because they took her image and omophorion with them into the camps; see the remarks on p. 269. The passage in Nicetas, p. 300. Not much unlike this Comnenian procession is that which Martin Ballaius describes in Du Cange, s.v. *Eucharistia*, saying that the supreme pontiff, upon entering the city, does not go on foot, as Comnenus did, but is carried in a litter, following the Eucharist carried in a golden vessel by a white horse. Cf. Herodian, v. 6, § 16. The new Greeks also attribute the virtues of Pallas to Mary alone. Pallas was believed by the ancient Greeks to grant victory in wars; Mary is believed by the new ones. They impute victories not to God, but to Mary. For this reason, in wars, the emperor Isaac Angelus (in Nicetas, bk. 1, ch. 7, p. 199) takes the image of the Blessed Virgin instead of a shield and spear and casts it before the enemies: "Leading the image of the Mother of God above the walls as an unconquerable fortification and an impregnable rampart." And above, p. 83, the Greeks address the Virgin thus: "Be a fellow-general to the masters who receive the crown from you, for they possess you in all things as an unconquerable shield," and p. 35: "She overshadows your heads in the day of battle and shows you to be crowned with victories," etc. John Comnenus, celebrating a triumph, did not ascend the triumphal chariot, but allowed the image of Mary to be carried in it, while he himself went on foot, carrying a cross, in a new manner unknown to the ancient emperors. However, Cinnamus is mistaken when he says on p. 7 that this had not been seen until that time, "since the Heraclians and Justinianians governed the Roman empire." For the example of this modesty, worthy of the Greeks, had been set by John Tzimisces, as Du Cange demonstrated in his notes on that passage of Cinnamus. Narrating the same event, Nicetas, p. 13, says: "The emperor, having declined to board the chariot, placed the image of the Mother of God upon it, in which he rejoiced, and, breathing his last, he attributed it and the victories to her as an unconquerable fellow-general, and, having given the reins to those among his men who were most powerful and allowing those close to his kin to attend to the chariot, he himself proceeded, carrying the sign of the cross, and making the journey on foot, and entering the temple named after the Wisdom of God, and offering thanksgiving for the successes to the Lord God before all the people, he thus approached the archive." Nor did John Comnenus alone receive such honors for the image of Mary, but also his son, as the same Nicetas testifies in book v of the history of Manuel, ch. 3, p. 83, where, describing most fully the triumph celebrated by that emperor over the Hungarians, he narrates among other things: "But when the time came for the emperor to pass by, a gilded silver four-horse chariot preceded..." into certain classes; the clergy with the patriarch, the court nobles with the emperor, the citizens with the urban magistrate, the factions with the demarchs, and so on. Whence arose the greater septiform Litany; see Du Cange, s.v. *Litania*. Chronicon Cassinense, p. 155, ed. Murat.: "On Sunday he proclaimed a fast. The prelate ordered the people to walk in groups. He himself with the clerics and monks in one part, the laymen, old men, youths, and boys, he ordered to be one chorus. The married women and the unmarried, widows and maidens in another part, and the crowd of the poor separately. They did not all walk as one, but separately, as if at a stone's throw distance."

(58) I have already spoken about the collecta in the first chapter. (59) Of almost all the pagan goddesses, and among these (60) The processional crowds once walked divided into (61) "To the aforementioned — steps" one should read. But the new Greeks care little for grammarians. If I had recorded examples similar to this in my notebooks, I could provide a huge heap of them. But I shall be content with the few that I have noted. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. V, 30, p. 159, Mainz edition: "with the powers escorting..."

1137 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1138

...in the middle, and stands. The Emperor stands outside; the captives stand in the praetorium, or also in the senate, held by the hands by the *epikinikarioi* [triumphal officials]. Their spears and standards are carried by the *taxeotai* (62). Then the *protonotarios* of the dromos goes, and takes them from that place, and leads them into the middle of the forum and stations them in a single line according to the layout of the place. And immediately the chanter begins with a melody to sing the triumphal ode: "Let us sing to the Lord (63). For He has been gloriously glorified. Horse and rider He has thrown into the sea." And when the remaining chanters and all the people respond, and the entire ode is completed, the *logothete* of the dromos immediately takes the magnates of the Saracens, along with the *domestikos* of the schools and the *strategoi* who happen to be present for the *taxeidion* [procession], whether it be the *droungarios* of the fleet and the naval *strategoi* and the great officers of the fleet, or the great ones, clearly those who performed the *taxeidion*, along with the *tourmarchai* and the great officers of their themes, and leads them before the Emperor, that is, upon the steps of the column, and the *logothete*, together with the *domestikos* of the schools, if he himself was the one who performed the *taxeidion*, takes the head, that is, the first Emir, and places him under the Emperor’s feet, and the Emperor treads upon him (64) on the head with...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAG. REISKII]

...[Latin text omitted as per instructions]...

(62) *Taxis* and *tagma* is, as I have demonstrated above, a cohort, which is at the disposal of the magistrates, especially the prefect of the city, serves to execute his commands, an apparitorial cohort; hence urban garrison soldiers. *Taxeotai* in the *Ed. Jur. Gr. et Rom.* and the Alexandrian Chronicle are officials and ministers who are at the disposal of magistrates and assessors, otherwise *cohortales*, *cohortalini*, *eparchikoi*, and *praefectiani*. In the Novels of Justinian: "To be appointed among the *taxeotai* of the most illustrious governor of the province," l. c., p. 279. This the illustrious Leich [noted] in his papers, in which he had collected many things about the correctors of provinces, so that he seems to have intended to write a commentary on this subject.

(63) It is from the hymn of Moses, which he sang after the Jews were led through the Red Sea. But that which follows on p. 353, "What God is great," is from the Psalms. That there was a solemn formula for the Greeks to rejoice after a victory was won, accustomed to be sung even in the field of Mars itself, is evident from Cedrenus p. 774.

(64) A straight and rigid neck is a symbol of power not broken, not humbled; of disobedience, of an audacity that cares for no one; but a bowed and trampled neck denotes the humility of the vanquished and the necessity of obeying one who is pressing and weighing down. The custom of treading on the necks of the vanquished is a custom brought from the East (see the Book of Joshua, ch. X, and Baruch IV, in Barth. on Philipp. Guilelmus Brito, p. 33). Already in the time of Alexander the Great, it was known in the Greek palaestra, as is evident from Diodorus Siculus XVI, ch. 100 at the end, where he throws down the vanquished Macedonian Dioxippus: "When he was thrown to the ground, stepping on his neck with his foot, and raising his club," etc. That custom of publicly treading on the necks of the vanquished also prevailed among the Carthaginians. For Polyaenus reports of Gisco, p. 485: "He ordered them, bound, to lie face down on the ground before the multitude. And stepping three times on each of their necks with a light foot, he said he had taken sufficient vengeance for the prior killing of his brother." It occurs more frequently, however, in the Middle Ages, when not only victorious emperors publicly triumphed over enemies conquered in war by treading on their necks, but also private individuals took vengeance in this way from a vanquished enemy, and penitents offered their necks to be trodden upon, and those adopting others trod upon the necks of those they were adopting, and finally, books condemned to the fire were trodden underfoot before they were cremated. We will demonstrate these individual points with examples. Thus, Justinian Rhinotmetus, when he had returned from exile, trod upon the necks of his anti-caesars Leontius and Apsimarus in the circus: "He caused Apsimarus and Leontius, bound in chains, to be paraded through the whole city, and in the hippodrome..."

1139 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1140

[...they] finish by looking at him. Then he leads them, indeed, by the logothete of the drome, to the emperor upon the steps of the column [of Constantine], and assisted by the domestic of the schools (if indeed he is leading the taxidium at that time), he bows his head, that is, the first and chief Ami-

JOAN. JAC. REISKE

[...of the] mentioned, and being led in the procession, they were brought dragged publicly and were thrown down, submitting to him, and he trod upon their necks until the release of the first palm branch, the people shouting that "You have stepped upon the asp and the basilisk, and you have trod upon the lion and the dragon." Not only the Greeks, but also the Muhammadan princes were accustomed to tread upon the necks of captured princes, if the Byzantine writers are to be believed. Indeed, Scylitzes (p. 842), Glycas, and others narrate that Asanus, as they call him (this is Alp Arslan in Arabic authors), placed his feet upon the neck of the Roman Emperor Diogenes, who was lying prostrate before him and defeated; see Goar’s notes on this passage of Scylitzes. I, however, do not recall finding traces of this custom among Muhammadan writers; and it seems to me that the Greeks attributed to the triumphant Turkish emperor what they knew or were accustomed to see their own emperors do in a similar case. Cf. Cedrenus (p. 507 and 637), which passage is worthy of my illustration. He says there that Leo Phocas, having routed Apolasair, a distinguished man and a relative of Chavdan, who had gone out against the Romans with an infinite multitude, and having captured him in Constantinople, sent him; and when he was brought to the empress, the Emperor Constantine, having made a triumph of him and trodden upon his neck, treated him with honors and gifts. The one mentioned here, Apolasair, is praised in the poems of al-Mutanabbi. Elmacinus (p. 229) narrates this very deed and says that the man perished in captivity in Constantinople. So frequent was that custom of treading upon the necks of defeated enemies that even private individuals acted thus toward other private individuals. Thus Theophanes (p. 372) narrates concerning the pseudo-patriarch Constantine: "When he came into the public squares, they came down and spat and threw dust upon him. And having brought him to the stadium, they threw him from the donkey and trod upon his neck," etc.; likewise p. 443: "They led some metropolitans and bishops of the orthodox, dragging them tyrannically, and having torn them in the midst of their robber-synod, they trod upon them, and having handed them over to the soldiers, they led them away bloodied to the prisons." A type of severe penance was also to offer one’s neck to be trodden upon. Nicetas Choniates (Book 11 of Manuel) concerning the patriarch who, having been elevated from a monk to the throne, then returned to the monastery: "Where, having bowed his own neck at the entrance of the narthex, he offered it to be trodden upon by every monk entering." From this, I indeed think it not improbable that the rites of the Church concerning penitents, and of the Roman see, which then existed and always has existed...

[...of] his [neck] he places the royal spear, the emperor clearly holding the same spear in his right hand. And immediately all the prisoners fall prone upon the earth; and their spears together with the flags

COMMENTARY

...is the treading of the neck. Goar’s Euchologion, describing them on p. 746, among other things says: after the prayers said by the priest, "the son falls at the feet of the father, and the father treads upon him on the neck, saying: 'Today you are my son. I have today begotten you.' And he raises him up, then they kiss one another." They also publicly trampled books condemned to the fire. Anastasius in *Adrian II* (p. 227): "The spatharius, striking the book with his shoe and his sword, nevertheless says: 'I believe that the Devil dwells in this booklet.' — Finally, before the doors of the steps, he shook out the book of the wicked dogma, trampled by the feet of all, which the pyre, as a kind of fuel for the fire, burned up." This topic leads me to touch upon certain modes of triumphing full of insolence, worthy of centuries removed from the cultivation of letters and all humanity, from which we, educated in the more humane arts, rightly shrink. The custom of sending footwear pertains here. Olaus M., it is read in the *Chronicle of the Kings of Mann* (apud Du Cange, v. Calceamenta), that the King of Norway sent his footwear to Murecardo, King of Ireland, commanding him to carry them upon his shoulders on the day of the Nativity of the Lord through the middle of his house in the sight of his messengers, so that they might understand from that that he was subject to the great king. This was a certain kind of performance of homage. He who would have trodden upon the necks of one present, sends shoes to the absent one through his legates, and orders them to be carried on the neck, to demonstrate that he has the power to tread upon his neck as if he were a slave or certainly a vassal.

[Touched lightly by the sword by the Saracen leader, they had a token of safety. Scr. post Theophan. p. 359.] This passage is: "Having taken hold of our backs, they dashed us prone to the ground with their feet. But he, having the sword which he happened to be holding in his hands, having turned it differently than it is natural to cut, struck our heads once each. Then he ordered us to rise and be of good courage." By that action, the Saracen signified that he had power over the captives in his presence, and could cut them with the sword if he wished. Perhaps, however, he drew this from an ancient custom of the Arabs, who, when they released into freedom those they had captured in battle, would cut off their forelocks with a sword, which they kept at home in their quivers as a monument of their former victory and dominion. Concerning which custom, perhaps, it will be spoken of elsewhere. This type of triumph is indeed barbaric, yet full of dignity and majesty. On the contrary, that custom of the Italians in the Middle Ages of insulting defeated peoples by means of donkeys and bulls betrayed petulance and rusticity. Dandolo and Marino Sanudo (apud Muratori, t. 11, Antiqu. Italic. p. 839) report that the Doge of Venice was accustomed annually on the day called Green or Holy Thursday to amputate the head of one bull and twelve pigs in a public spectacle in memory and representation of the victory won over Udalric, Patriarch of Aquileia, by which he himself was captured with his twelve canons and subsequently released on the condition that he would send every year to Venice individual bulls and twelve pigs, in which an example would be set of the punishment which the patriarch and his own had deserved. For the bull was to simulate the patriarch, the pigs the bishops. Furthermore, wooden representations of castles were broken in memory of the patriarch’s castles that were destroyed. Villani, in the same place (p. 852), concerning the Florentines, who were pressing the victors of Arezzo, narrates: "They made them run the palio for the feast of Saint John, and they erected buildings there, and they ate donkeys there with a miter on their heads as a reproach to their bishop."

1141 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

B ...of the standards are placed in reverse by the soldiers who hold them. And immediately the chanter comes forward and says the *prokeimenon*: "Who is so great a God as our God? Thou art the God that doest wonders." Then follows the great litany until the words: "To put under their feet every enemy and foe," the people crying out forty times: "Lord, have mercy." And again, after a bowing of heads has taken place and the patriarch has said, "For Thou art a merciful and man-loving God," and the rest, the captives arise, as does the one whom the emperor treads upon, and they lead them away backwards and stand them in the place where they were standing. The commoners of the two factions, and those of the *arithmos*, and the rowers of the imperial estate, and the chanters stand according to custom opposite the lords, clearly outside the colonnade on the right side of the lords, upon the small stone steps there, and by a nod from the praepositus they begin to acclaim as follows: "Many years to the emperors," thrice. "So-and-so and so-and-so, great emperors and autocrats, many years," thrice. "God-appointed emperors, many years," thrice. "God-governed emperors, many years," thrice. "World-establishing emperors, many years," thrice. "World-desired emperors," thrice. "Most valiant emperors, many years," thrice. "Victorious emperors, many years," thrice. "Enemy-defeating emperors, many years," thrice. "Wealth-bestowing emperors, many years," thrice. "Orthodox emperors, many years," thrice. "Son of God, grant them life," thrice. "Son of God, grant them co-reign," thrice. "Son of God, grant them to us," thrice. "Son of God, multiply their years," thrice. "Son of God, hearken unto us," thrice. "May the faith of the Christians increase," thrice. "May the empire of the Romans increase," thrice. "May the victory and good fortune of the Romans increase," thrice. "May the valor of the Lord's people increase," thrice. "We are the servants of the emperors," thrice. "So-and-so and so-and-so..."

JOAN. JAG. REISKII COMMENTARY.

(65) The inversion of arms and banners or standards, that is, of the signs, signified partly the profession and acknowledgment of a superior new master, to whom those things were inclined as if in obedience, and partly the degradation of the old master and the rescission of the oath once sworn to him. Thus, formerly, after the death of Augustus, at the inauguration of a new one, the standards and spears were inverted and laid upon the ground until, upon the proclamation of the new one, they were raised again. By that inversion, the soldiers professed that they had no emperor; by the raising, however, they testified that they owed their oath and due honors to the newly elected one. Likewise, in the present case, the inversion of the Saracen standards and spears signified that the Saracens were released from the dominion of him to whom they had once pledged their faith at those standards; by the raising, however, they signified that they were passing to the dominion of the Greek emperor, their victor, and that they wished to swear an oath to him and obey him. Among the Latins also, in the Middle Ages, in the degradation of nobles condemned for felony, not only were their goods and liberty taken from them and their children, but also, in signification of that fact, the arms of the traitors were publicly inverted or turned backward; see Du Cange, s.v. *Arma reversata*.

(66) That battology of repeating the same formula in vows to God originated from the Greek and Latin church and flowed to the Muhammadans. There will be another place to discuss this matter. Similar to our passage is that in the Roman Cassinese Ritual in Mabillon:

1142 ...captive, under the feet of the emperor. And then the emperor places his right foot upon his head: the protostrator places the imperial spear upon the neck of the prostrate man, which the emperor himself also holds, grasped in his own right hand. That done, all the other captives immediately fall prone to the ground; and their spears and pennants, inclined toward the earth, are inverted over their heads by the cohortal soldiers who hold them. Immediately then, one of the chanters proceeds outside his choir and pronounces the *propositum* [or a saying excerpted from the Davidic Psalms appropriate to the present act]: "Who is so great a God as our God? Thou art the God that doest wonders." After these words, the great litany is performed until the words are reached: "Until He shall have put under their feet every enemy and armed aggressor." Meanwhile, the people repeat, crying out at intervals forty times: "Kyrie eleison"; again, prayer is made with the face inclined toward the ground; the patriarch pronounces the words: "For Thou art a merciful and man-loving God," and the rest. Then the captives rise from the earth, as does that primary one whom the emperor treads upon, and they lead them away backwards, without turning their faces, to the place where they had previously been stationed. The commoners of both factions and the soldiers of the *arithmos* and the rowers of the sacred bodies and the chanters, standing opposite the lords, namely outside the area of the column on the right side of the lords, on the small stone steps placed there, begin, warned by a nod of the praepositus, to follow the emperor with praises and blessings thus: "Many be the years of the emperors"; they repeat that thrice. "Of so-and-so and so-and-so, emperors raised by God to that dignity, many be the years." They also repeat this thrice. "Of the emperors governed and to be governed by God, many be the years"; also thrice; likewise...

...running together with the people, they go out with a litany to St. Mary the Less, the streets having been cleaned along the way and lamps hung throughout the houses, and there, the icon having been deposited on the steps of St. Mary, the whole choir of men and women with one voice according to number say "Kyrie eleison" a hundred times, "Christe eleison" a hundred times, likewise "Kyrie eleison" a hundred times. Council of Vaison, year 529 (in Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, s.v. *Kyrieles*): And because, as much in the apostolic see as also throughout all the eastern provinces and those of Italy, a sweet and most salutary custom has been introduced, that "Kyrie eleison" be said more frequently with great affection and compunction, it has pleased us also that in all our churches this holy custom be introduced at matins, at masses, and at vespers, God willing. St. Augustine, Ep. 111, among other acclamations recorded by the notaries of the church in the Acts of the ordination of Eradius, reports these: "He is worthy, he is just," said twenty times; "well-deserving, well-worthy," said five times. But what need is there to cite foreign examples, when our codex everywhere suggests them in abundance, noting that this or that formula was recited so many times or so many times. This flowed from the old custom of the Roman court of acclaiming the emperors. For it is read very frequently in the writers of the *Historia Augusta* that this or that act (so they called what later ones called praises, the Greeks *euphemias*) was said so many times and so many times. See, for example, p. 601, vol. II.

1143 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1144 "May there be many years for the great emperors and autocrats." Three times. And after they finish the acclamation, they say: "May God make your holy reign long-lasting for many years." And then the emperor departs to the church of the most holy Theotokos in the Forum, and there, having taken off his robe, he puts on his traveling clothes and departs to the palace; the patriarch, having mounted his foal, goes to the patriarchate.

CHAPTER XX. Things to be observed when a triumph is celebrated over defeated enemies in the Hippodrome. When an equestrian spectacle is held, or a votive celebration, the triumphal ministers bring in those recently captured in war, and the garrison soldiers bring in the booty taken from them, as well as the spoils, likewise the arms [namely, shields and swords], as well as the spears and the standards. In this array, they all go up into the Hippodrome. Then the protonotary of the course comes up and arranges everyone in a single row from the mangana [or starting gates] up to the turning post of the Blues. First, near the turning post, he places the arms; after them, the spoils and booty; after these, the spears with the standards; then the captives; behind them stand the horses and camels, if any captives are present. But if the number of captives, spoils, booty, arms, spears, and standards is great, they are arranged in two rows. If, however, they are not numerous, they are arranged in a single row, as has been said, from the mangana up to the turning post of the Blues. And after the emperor has gone up to the prokyptikon [the projecting balcony], the Domestic of the Schools descends—if indeed he was the one who conducted the expedition—along with the generals and the commanders of the mountain passes; or the Drungary of the Fleet along with the naval generals and the great...

[Commentary by J. J. Reiske] (67) A foal or donkey was once the [mount] of the Greeks, of the patriarchs, and of the clergy in general, as they professed humility in processions and elsewhere. Theophanes, p. 104, concerning Aelurus: "He came from the palace in a procession to the church, riding on a donkey." So also St. Chrysostom, departing into exile, is seen on a donkey in the Basilian Menologion, vol. 1, p. 184; see Casaubon on the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. 1, p. 799, and Du Cange, Greek Glossary, under the word "foal." But not so the bishops of Rome, who were carried on a horse, a more honorable animal and one more becoming to men of rank. "You have sent me one miserable nag," says Gregory the Great, Epist. 30, book 12, "and five good donkeys. I cannot ride that nag because he is miserable; but I cannot ride those good ones because they are donkeys." [King Pepin went as a groom with the pontiff riding on a horse, p. 91 of Albericus. He does the same when a patriarch is elected. The Vizier leads this same [animal] even today.]

(68) I have outlined the distinction between these two words in the Latin: "skyla" are those things which are stripped from the fallen, torn away from the lying, abstracted from dead bodies, such as garments, necklaces, gold, gems, arms, etc.; "lapyra," however, are those things taken from enemies who are still alive, but either captured or put to flight, such as garments, arms, tents, and everything contained in them, beasts of burden, and the rest—all things that can be carried here and there, divided, torn apart, like cloth, cut up with iron, and prepared for food, like oxen and all victuals. Suidas distinguishes them thus: "Skyla are those things taken from enemies who have been killed, from the dead; lapyra are those from the living."

1145 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1146

must show himself in arms,) together with the strategoi and the kleisourarchai; or otherwise the drungarios of the fleet with the strategoi and the naval commanders. These men, whoever they may be, inspect the arrangement made by the protonotarios of the dromos, and whatever they notice that is lacking in it, they correct—that is, they make the proper and due arrangement of the captives, the spoils, the booty, the arms, the spears, and the banners. When everything has been duly arranged, the praepositos reports this matter to the emperor; and by the order of the praepositos, the shield is struck three times, and the emperor descends according to the custom prevailing in the circus spectacles, and is crowned, and the rest is done as the ceremonial of the circus games dictates.

The emperor ascends to the kathisma and, as is the custom, signs the people with the sign of the cross; the factions recite the usual praises to him, and once the emperor has sat upon the imperial throne, by a nod of the actuarius they move forward first the arms, then the spoils and booty, and following these the spears with their banners, and behind these the captives. They pass through the section of the factions, and they turn the turning-post of the Green, and they go up as far as the phina, that is, the P. And if there is a large crowd of captives, they go up as far as the turning-post of the Blue. The soldiers place the spoils, booty, and arms upon hides and hair-cloths so that they may not be soiled, whether by dust or by mud. The members of the two factions, the soldiers of the arithmos, the rowers of the imperial household, and the chanters stand opposite the organ of the Green, and by a nod of the actuarius they begin to chant the aforementioned great acclamation of the victory triumph celebrated in the forum with the litany. When they begin to chant, all the captives fall prone upon the ground, and their spears with the banners are inverted by the soldiers holding them, until the same acclamation is finished. And when this is finished, the captives rise, as do the spears with the banners, and if the emperor orders the captives to watch the hippodrome, they go up to the tiers of the hippodrome below the faction of the Greens, in which place the captives are accustomed to stand and watch the hippodrome. But if the emperor does not order them to be joined to the former captives of the praetorium, they stand either below.

[Translation of the Latin text in the right-hand column:] ...the emperor then [proceeds] to the kathisma or tribunal, in which he is accustomed to sit upon the throne during the games, and he signs the people, as is the custom, with the sign of the cross. This having been done, the factions recite the customary praises. As the emperor has sat down upon the royal throne, the actuarius gives the sign with a nod, and they begin to move forward from their place first the arms [or those who carry the captured shields and swords]; then the spoils and booty; then the spears, then the banners; after these, finally, the captives. They pass through the area of the factions [or the tiers of the circus, in which the factions are accustomed to stand;] that which they then occupy, and they turn around the turning-post of the Green faction, and they move forward as far as the phinas [that is, the boundaries or extremities] or to the P. But if there is a huge crowd of captives, they are extended as far as the turning-post of the Blues. The guards place the spoils and the remaining booty and arms upon skins and hair-cloths [or thick, dense felts], so that they may not be soiled by dust or mud. The commoners of both factions and the soldiers of the arithmos and the rowers of the sacred bodies and the chanters, standing in the region of the organ which belongs to the Green party, and having received the sign by the nod of the actuarius, begin to recite those long praises which we prescribed above, when we were explaining the ceremonies of performing the triumph with humble supplication to God in the forum. When they begin the praises, all the captives fall prone upon the ground, and their spears with the banners are inverted by the guards holding them, and this lasts as long as those praises continue.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (69) This is for *katastaseos* or *taxeos*... (70) *Ousia* is substance, an animated body of men... (71) Captives were held under the inspection of the prefect of the city, the prefect of the camps, and the numeroi. See *Cont. Theophan.* p. 109 and 485. *Cedren.* p. 582. In it were kept the Saracens (cf. p. 414) and they had a chapel there for practicing divine worship in their own manner. Regarding what was brought forward by Du Cange in *CPli Chr.* 1.11, p. 164, I will add this one thing: that even under Constantine Monomachos, the Synagogue, as the Greeks call it, of the Saracens was founded or at least restored and permitted to be frequented again, which I think was not inside the praetorium, but in some other place in the city. For Abulfeda, at the year of Christ 1049 or 1050, reports here: "In this year the King of the Romans [Constantine Monomachos] sent an embassy with great gifts to the Sultan Thogralbek [or Thangrolibek], asking for an alliance from him; and that having been obtained, he allowed [properly: caused to be frequented or permitted] the Mesgida at Constantinople, in which prayers and praises were performed to God and were said at length for the health and empire of Thogrulbek."

1147 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1148

[Greek text: ...of the Venetians, or elsewhere. The spoils, and the booty, and the arms, and the spears with the banners are carried by the attendants, and are brought in, and the rest of the customary sequence of the hippodrome is performed.]

When the captives are finished, they rise, and the spears and banners are again set upright. If the emperor permits the captives to watch the circus games then being presented in the customary station for captives, they ascend the steps of the circus, below the faction of the Greens. That is indeed the ordinary place from which the captives who are in the city are accustomed to watch. But if the emperor does not wish these recent captives to gather in the same place with the old ones hitherto accustomed to be kept in the praetorium, they are placed below the steps of the Venetian faction or elsewhere. The rest, however—the spoils, the booty, the arms, the spears, and the banners—are brought inside into the praetorium. And then, furthermore, those things are done which it is right and customary to do in circus games.

CHAPTER XXI. Things to be observed when a son is born to the emperor.

Orders for changes of clothing are given the day before, that is, it is signaled that one must appear the next day in splendid attire, to the whole senate. Therefore, all the senators gather the following day in the changing rooms. Then the referendary of the patriarch arrives and asks whether the emperor wishes and commands that the patriarch come. 256 Upon his permission, the referendary departs and summons the patriarch. He enters the palace with his secretum and with the metropolitans and archbishops, and performs a prayer over the infant in the chrysotriclinium in the presence of his secretum, according to the type or formula by which it is customary to bless those being baptized on the Thursday of the week of renewal. After the said prayer, the patriarch bids farewell to the lords and departs to the patriarchate, escorted and supported by two silentiaries. When the patriarch has departed, the secretum or body of senators enters, and after adoration has been performed, they congratulate the emperor and pray for the newborn porphyrogenitus infant, and vow that he himself may one day see the grandchildren of this infant, and see this infant himself one day, having passed through many cycles of years, and leave him as such an heir of paternal authority and empire, so that the Roman empire and state may be well directed and conducted. In ancient times, it was proceeded with in this way. If a son was born to the emperor, the patriarch did not come into the palace to perform the prayer; but in the first place, the emperor received and admitted to himself the secretum of the senators in the Justinian triclinium, as has been said; then the masses were given: and they all went out from there into the caballarium [i.e., the gymnasium of horses], and a procession was made in the Great Church of God according to the type of the great processions. It is to be known that on the third day of the birth it is owed that two...

[Greek text: ...of the Venetians, or elsewhere. The spoils, and the booty, and the arms, and the spears with the banners are carried by the attendants, and are brought in, and the rest of the customary sequence of the hippodrome is performed. ... CHAPTER XXI. Things to be observed when a male child is born to the emperor. Orders are given to the whole senate for changes of clothing, and on the following day all the senators come forward and change. Then the referendary of the patriarch comes, and asks if the emperor commands the patriarch to enter. The referendary, departing, summons the patriarch, and the patriarch enters the palace with his secretum and metropolitans and archbishops, and in the chrysotriclinium performs the prayer, with his secretum present, according to the type of the fifth day of the week of renewal (72). And after performing the prayer, the patriarch bids farewell to the lords, and departs to the patriarchate, supported by two silentiaries. After the patriarch has gone out, the secretum of the senators enters, and they give thanks (73) to the emperor, and pray for him on account of the born porphyrogenitus child, saying that they wish to see the children of the children of the porphyrogenitus, and to see him old and advanced in many years, then to become the heir (74) of the paternal power and empire, so that the empire and state of the Romans might be well directed and conducted. It is to be known that this also happened in more ancient times. When a male child was born to the emperor, the patriarch did not enter the palace to perform the prayer, but first the emperor received the secretum of the senators in the Justinian triclinium, as has been said before. And from there the masses were given, and they all went out to the caballarium, and a procession was made in the Great Church of God according to the type of the great processions. It is to be known that on the third day of the birth it is owed that two...]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...commanded. Zonaras mentions this embassy in XVII, 25, p. 257. The author designates the place, [which he] described more fully in book one, chapter 14. But what goal that blessing had is not sufficiently clear; perhaps it was instituted for the health of the Augusti, the empire, and the palace. ...to discharge their duty toward God. But because this was not without adoration, the inclination of the head and body, from this it came about that this word also denotes venerating a man with a humble gesture and a position of the body signifying reverence. Hence, let the reason for our interpretation be understood. It could also be rendered "they congratulate." For when we congratulate another on some good, we signify that we rejoice because God has granted him this or that benefit, and therefore we give thanks to God as the author and bestower. "Concerning the beginning of your rule, we pray that you may most justly succeed your father in the empire, and that your rule may receive increase and growth, with all things becoming subject to you." This is also for our sake, so that we may lead a calm and quiet life, and we ourselves may willingly serve all things commanded.

(72) The rite of the prayer and divine office, which here... (73) Properly, *apeucharistein* is the office of giving thanks... (74) The passage of Athenagoras at the end of the embassy is appropriate:

1149 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1150

...into the two phialae. But since these were long ago discontinued, such a reception must take place in the secret phiale of the triconch of the Sigma. And when the factions request, according to custom, that an equestrian contest be held in the hippodrome, by the command of the Emperor the veil is given and hung, and on the following day the equestrian contest is held. It should be known that on the same day of the hippodrome, mandates are given for all to assemble in the hippodrome, and by the command of the Emperor, the praepositus goes out and selects fifty from the regiments, fifty from each of the two parties of the demesmen, and fifty from the citizens. And as these stand on this side and that, the praepositus says to them: "Our holy Emperor commands that, according to the prevailing ancient custom and the old tradition, you assemble tomorrow (that is, on the fifth day (75) of the child's birth), and that you then proclaim the name for the newborn Porphyrogenitus." On the following morning, that is, on the fifth day, they assemble in the same hippodrome, and the factions recite the acta, and they offer acclamations to the masters and the Augustae and the newborn Porphyrogenitus by name. It should be known that on the eighth day the bedchamber of the Augusta is adorned with gold-woven veils of the Chrysotriklinos and polykandela. And after the prayer has been made by the priest in the propylaeum (76) of the church and the name proclaimed by the factions (77) has been bestowed upon him and the garment put on (78), the child is carried back and placed in the cradle, and both the Augusta and the child are covered with gold-woven coverlets. Then, through the table of the Augusta, the praepositi are invited, and through...

[JOAN. JAC. REISKE'S COMMENTARY]

...Then, that it pertained to the factions to impose a name on the newborn son of the Augustus, but that it was prescribed and suggested to them by the court. This is evident from a scholion which Alemannus published from the Vatican manuscript codex of Zonaras on Procopius Nolar. p. 21, and it seems to me that it should be read in approximately this way: "Constantina, the wife of Maurice, gave birth to a son, whom Maurice named Theodosius so that he might be fortunate (or 'good and noble,' or something similar) and live for many years. The Veneti therefore began to say: 'May the Lord grant you the years gifted to Justinian in peace, for he lived X years and more.' For the life of the Emperor Theodosius was X years." Similar is what Theophanes, p. 141, narrates, that when Justin was recently promoted to the empire, the factions changed the old name of his wife, Lupicia, to the more honorable Euphemia, when the Augusta was being crowned: "Having a wife named Lupicia, he crowned her, whom the factions called Euphemia at the time of her crowning." In paganism, it pertained to the most honorable and closest of the kinsmen, invited to the birthday feast (who are the prototypes of the godparents), to impose a name upon the infant; see Polyaenus p. 547. The same rite exists among the Jews (cf. the history of Zacharias) and among the Arabs. "In the temple of Jerusalem and in accordance with the blessing of Simeon, it is a very ancient custom among the Greeks to have children carried to the entrance of the church on the eighth day. The priest goes to meet the child to bless him, and standing at the door of the church, he marks him with the sign of the cross on the forehead, on the mouth, on the stomach. This is the seal of the grace of God and a preparation to receive holy baptism." These are the words of Ricaut in *The Present State of the Greek Church*, p. 167. From this, our "prayer made by the priest in the propylaeum of the church" is understood. By *himation*, however, he understands the white or candid tunic, also called the chrismale, which is put on those who are baptized and anointed, called by our people *Westerhemde*, when in the church on the eighth day from birth the priest imposes the name upon him after the said prayers, before he is catechized and baptized; see La Croix in *The State of the Greek Church*, p. 50. Nicetas, p. 89, ed. Venet., says that Manuel Comnenus, on the day his son Alexius was born and received his name, entertained the people with feasts. He designates either the fourth day from the birth, on which the people in the Circus imposed the name upon him, or the eighth, on which the priest did the same in the church immediately before baptism. The words of Nicetas are: "Striving to distinguish the birthday and naming day of the child, as is customary among the emperors of the Romans, he called the more honorable of the citizens with green branches to a feast, and named the child Alexius." ...that he did not allow his own face to be seen naked by the nobles, but either behind a veil or wearing a head-covering, he dealt with them, a custom transferred from the Persians and propagated in the Turkish court.

(75) First, it should be noted that *tote* is placed here. (76) Following the example of the presentation of Jesus Christ. (77) Then the child is said to "take the name." (78) It seems that from these words it can be gathered that the Augusta...

[1151] ...of the triclinium, with gold-woven fabrics and polycandela. The infant is brought back from the church after the priest has said a prayer over the infant in its propylaeum or atrium; and he has bestowed upon him the name issued by the factions and has clothed him in a shirt. Brought back to the mother, the infant is placed in a cradle, and then cloths or fabrics woven with gold are thrown over both the Augusta, who has just given birth, and the infant. Then the praepositi are summoned by the eunuch who is in charge of the Empress’s table. The praepositi then lead in the magistrates of the bedchamber and all the other ministers of the same. Next, the zostae, magistrissae, anthypatissae, patricians, and the officiales of the protospatharioi are introduced, along with the remaining senatorial women; then, in this way, the widows of the aforementioned dignities, and they offer prayers, giving thanks and acclaiming the Augusta, and they pay the appropriate respect, each one bringing a gift, which she has according to her own preference. After the women’s secretum, the senators, magistri, anthypatoi, patricians, and officiales are all introduced from the Lausiakos through the horologium and the chrysotriclinium, and they offer prayers, giving thanks to the Augusta, and they render the appropriate respect through prayers and acclamations to the Porphyrogennetos, just as it is said in the thanksgiving and prayer to the Emperor. It should be known that from the first day of the birth of the Porphyrogennetos child, it is required that what common custom calls the *lochozema* take place in the portico of the nineteen accubita and in the crossroads of the city’s main street, that is, from the Chalke to the Bous. And in the portico of the nineteen accubita, the commanders of the tagmata with the scholarioi are required to assemble, as well as the commanders of the fleet with the naval army. In addition to these, the citizens of the two factions and the civil body, along with those of the city’s guilds, assemble, and for seven days they drink the aforementioned *lochozema* there. Likewise, in the aforementioned crossroads of the main street, our brothers in Christ, the poor, are required to assemble and drink the aforementioned *lochozema* for seven days.

CHAPTER XXII. Things to be observed at the baptism of the son of the Emperor. First, by the command of the Emperor, the magistri, anthypatoi, patricians, strategoi, stratarchai, and tourmarchai are ordered to assemble at a certain time and place.

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE] (79) The Augusta did not have several unique *zostae*; but when there were two Augustae, a mother-in-law and a daughter-in-law, there were also two *zostae* there, one for each Augusta, as in the time of Constantine and Romanos the Porphyrogennetoi. (80) As if to say *zema* on account of the woman in childbed (*lecho*) or of the... (81) I am surprised that the time of the baptism’s performance was not added. In the early Church, they waited often until puberty, or even until the hour of death, and, if a sufficiently large number were present, they baptized catechumens of nearly the same age once, twice, or at most three times a year on the feast of the Epiphany, on Great Saturday, and on the Saturday of Pentecost. This custom the Muhammadans seem to have received from the Greeks, who also circumcise their males only in their adolescent years, and they wait for a more solemn feast or the circumcision of a prince’s son for that act. But as time went on, infants were also baptized, sooner or later, as it pleased or as circumstances required. Epiphania, the daughter of Heraclius, was baptized on the fortieth day after her birth in the church of Blachernae; see Theophanes, p. 250. Constantine Caballinus was likewise baptized in the Great Church long after his birth; see the same, p. 335. For Theophanes says there that his mother, Maria, was present at the baptism and, returning from the church, scattered gifts.

1153 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1154

and the commanders of the regiments, the officials, and the entire senate, and they enter into the great baptistery of the Great Church. The masters proceed with their change of garments, as is the custom of the great feasts. The scepters and the remaining vessels remain in the temple of the Great Church, just as in the great processions, as do the remaining dignitaries and senators. The masters, with the patriarch and those designated to be godparents (83), enter into the baptistery, and the prayer having been said and the customary ecclesiastical order being performed and the child being baptized, the godparents receive him, and from there the masters descend (83) with the patriarch and the newly baptized (84), and the customary entry into the sanctuary takes place. Then the emperor enters into the metatorium, and the rest is performed, just as in the great processions. The factions, upon the emperor’s return (85), ask for an equestrian spectacle to be held in the hippodrome. With the emperor consenting, an equestrian spectacle of dismissal and adoration is held on the following day.

CHAPTER XXIII. Things that must be observed at the tonsure (86) of the emperor’s son.

Mandates are given to the entire senate for a change of garments, and on the following day all the senators proceed, then the referendary of the patriarch comes.

[COMMENTARY BY JOHANN JACOB REISKE]

(82) Of the godparents or those carrying, as they used to say. (83) They return, namely from the narthex into the nave of the church, from where they had gone out into the narthex, where the baptistery was. For it is clear that they had first gone into the nave, then returned from there into the narthex, from the fact that the scepters and the soldiers of the Augustus are said to be on duty in the nave of the Great Church. (84) See the note on p. 54 and 445. (85) He mentions nothing here about the scattering of consular largesse from St. Sophia all the way to the Chalke. (86) The tonsure of the hair takes place on the eighth day after birth; see Goar, Euchologion; Heineccius, On the Greek Church, III, 464. This custom of cutting the hair of boys could seem to be derived from that of the ancient pagans, by which youths of both sexes used to give and deposit their hair to some deity, to whom they were dedicating themselves, as a sign of servitude. The Arabs certainly [used] hair as a sign...

1155 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1156

The referendary of the patriarch arrives and asks whether the emperor wishes the patriarch to come. The praepositus enters to the emperor and signifies this matter; and the Augustus wishing and ordering that the patriarch come, he goes out again to the referendary, reporting that the emperor wishes the patriarch to come. The referendary therefore departs and summons the patriarch. 359 He comes into the palace in his accustomed retinue, namely his secretum, metropolitans, and archbishops. The emperor meets him in the Chrysotriclinium, and together they go into that temple in which the emperor wishes the boy to be tonsured. Next to them, the cubicularii and the nobles of the patriarch and his cubiculenses enter into that temple; then the metropolitans and archbishops. Next, by the emperor’s command, the senators come, as well as those who are designated as the receivers of the imperial boy’s hair. B Then the praepositus brings many small cloths sewn one to another so as to make a long cloth, and he hands them to the patriarch, and he in turn hands them to those who are to receive the hair. And then the ecclesiastical rite of tonsure takes place. When this is done, the patriarch hands the first golden cloth, in which the shorn hair lies, to the praepositus; the other cloths, however, the receivers snatch and divide among themselves. Under Basil, the most famous emperor, the tonsure of his son Leo, the Christ-loving despot, was performed.

C JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

[They] have freedom. He whose hair is intact is free; and if anyone in war captures someone and releases him into freedom, he cuts off his forelocks and stores them in his quiver, as a sign of the former dominion over the one released. But in the Middle Ages, they were accustomed to adopt others through the cutting of hair. The one whose hair another cut, he adopted as a son. Du Cange, in his notes to Joinville, p. 272, where he discusses various modes of adoption, says: "The historians provide us with yet another kind of honorable adoption, which was done by cutting the hair of the one who was adopted as a son." Paulus Warnefridus in *History of the Lombards* on Charles Martel: "Around these times, Charles, prince of the Franks, sent his little son Pepin to Liutprand so that he might receive his hair according to custom. He, cutting his hair, became his father, and sent him back to his progenitor enriched with many royal gifts." Anastasius, *Life of Benedict II*, p. 57: "He, together with the clergy and the army, received the *mallones* [that is, the locks, curls, hair] of the lords Justinian and Heraclius, sons of the most clement prince, along with the order through which he signifies that he has sent the same hair." In the *Roman Order*, there exist prayers for cutting hair and for tonsuring a boy. Such a formula also exists in Muratori, vol. II, *Ant. Ital.*, p. 299. See P. Pithou, *Miscellanea*, book 1, ch. 1, vol. II; see Gruter, p. 739. Therefore, those who cut the hair of such a boy, or, as in this place, received the hair falling from the priest after it was shorn onto a cloth placed underneath, they spiritually adopted the boy and became his godfathers. It was a custom in the Middle Ages, very much in use, to send one’s own hair or that of another to someone with letters, and it signified almost nothing other than if we were to write today: "I kiss your hands, I am your most humble servant." For hair was a sign of servitude. Whoever had another’s hair could call the one whose hair it was his slave or at least his freedman. And he who sent hair to another professed himself to be his chattel. We have a notable example in the history of Saladin edited by the illustrious Schultens, p. 5 of the Excerpts from Abulfeda. The Arab prince narrates there that the Caliph of Egypt had begged for help from Nuroddin against the Franks. He sent letters to Nuroddin, in which he begged for help from him, together with the hair of his wives (or of his harem), which he had enclosed in the letters. Thus it is read in its entirety in the manuscript. The illustrious Editor thought it more prudent to omit the final and most notable parts. It appears the Caliph wished to flatter Nuroddin as much as one could devise, and to testify his most humble veneration to him. It is an extreme kind of supplication and humiliation if one prince sends to another not his own hair, but that of his harem, in a region where women are held in such veneration, where he who dares even to name them seems to violate their honor; where women show their face to no one unless to someone much more honorable, let alone share their hair.

D ... were receiving [the hair] for the emperor who was combing it. Ordericus Vitalis, book VI, narrates that it was the duty of the daughters of Robert Guiscard, in the morning while the Emperor of Constantinople (Alexius Comnenus) had risen from his bed and was washing his hands, to bring a small cloth and an ivory comb and to comb the emperor’s beard. Moreover, by the fact that all the godfathers held the cloth in which the falling hair was received, they signified that they were receiving the tonsured infant into their assembly, that is, admitting him to the communion of Christians, and acknowledging him as one of their fellow soldiers and confidants, just as bishops, present at the ordination of another elected bishop, all together grasped the book of the Gospels placed on the neck and head of the elect and thereby professed him their colleague; see Habert, *Pontificale*, p. 80.

... the cloths upon which some prince walked at a coronation, the people tear apart, or such as that which is narrated about Christina, Queen of Sweden, abdicating in the *Memoirs of Mr. Archenholtz*, vol. I, p. 411: "The spectators who were closest seized her royal mantle, and they and the other assistants tore it into a thousand pieces, each wishing to keep one in memory of their queen." This pertains to...

(87) They also received with a small cloth the hair that... (88) Such was that custom, as it is today, when...

1157 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1158

[Greek text:] ...are divided. In the time of the praiseworthy Emperor Leo, the Christ-loving Despot, the tonsure of his son took place as follows: The aforementioned order having been entirely completed, the entire ecclesiastical service of the tonsure took place in the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore, which is in the left part of the Chrysotriklinos facing east. The sponsors of the hair of the imperial child were the patrician Leo, the mighty strategos of the Anatolikon, the strategos of Cappadocia, and the tourmarchs and merarchs, and all the remaining thematic officials of the same themes, together with the droungarioi-counts. For from the chancel screens of the bema of the same oratory up to the portico of the Chrysotriklinos, in which the clock stands, the sewing and joining of the hand-cloths one to another extended, so that all the thematic officials of Anatolia and Cappadocia became sponsors of the hair of the imperial child.

CHAPTER XXIV. On the promotion of a cubicularia.

The daily procession being established, and the Emperor sitting in the Chrysotriklinos and ordering a cubicularia to be made, he signifies this to the praepositi, and they, according to custom, take with them two cubicularii and two spatharocubicularii and an ostiarius and a primicerius. One of these must be the primicerius of the cubiculum. And they enter the Chrysotriklinos. And the praepositi, entering through the western veil of the Chrysotriklinos, do obeisance to the Emperor. The second [official] opens the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore which is in the Chrysotriklinos, and all enter there, and they hang up the golden garment which was in the manner of a paragaudion at the chancel screens of the bema, that is, at the holy doors. Likewise, they place there the propoloma and the white maphorion and the white charzanion, and then the praepositi go out...

[Latin text:] ...in this manner: The rest of the apparatus having been premised, the ecclesiastical office of the tonsure took place, as the rite dictates, in the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore, which is in the region to the left looking toward the east of the Chrysotriklinos. The recipients of the hair of the imperial child were Leo [Phocas], the patrician and then strategos of the Anatolikon, a brave hero; and the strategos who was then of Cappadocia, and the tourmarchs and merarchs and all the remaining provincial governors of the same themes or provinces, namely Anatolia and Cappadocia, together with the counts of the droungarii. All these became recipients of the hair of the imperial child, standing from the chancel screens of the tribune of the aforementioned oratory up to the portico of the Chrysotriklinos, in which the clock stands, and holding that long cloth made of many sudaria sewn together among themselves.

CHAPTER XXIV. Rite of the promotion of a cubicularia.

The daily procession or gathering of the nobles having already been established, when the Emperor sits in the Chrysotriklinos and wishes to create a cubicularia, he signifies this to the praepositi. They, according to custom, take with them two cubicularii and two spatharocubicularii and an ostiarius and a primicerius (one of these, however, must be the primicerius of the cubiculum), and they enter the Chrysotriklinos. And the praepositi, entering through the western veil of the Chrysotriklinos, do obeisance to the Emperor. The secundicerius opens the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore, which is in the Chrysotriklinos; and all enter into it, and they suspend the golden garment, which is formed in the manner of a paragaudion, from the chancel screens of the tribune or at the holy door; likewise they deposit there the propoloma [or turreted crown of the head] and the white maphorion [or head-covering] and the white charzanion. That done, the praepositi go out, and depart through the right eastern veil of the Chrysotriklinos...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE. COMMENTARY.

...which the Ceremonial of Burchard reports, that at the coronation of the Pontiff, the horse from which the Pope had dismounted belonged to the first person to seize it, from which many battles often arose, not without danger to the Pontiffs; likewise the baldachin, under which the Pope was carried, was torn apart by the raging crowd. The soldiers also, he says, seizing it by force and tearing it, claimed it for themselves; see Jos. Catalanus on the Ceremonies of Augustinus Patricius, p. 131. Codinus, *De Officiis* 10, n. 1, says that on Palm Sunday the Emperor with a procession goes to the church through a *peripatos* adorned by hand with palm branches and other things, which having been done, he allows it to be torn apart by the Varangians and other satellites. On a certain annual day, the Janissaries tear apart the tray to be brought to the Sultan, as Busbecq testifies, p. 200: "They were bringing lunch to the Emperor with solemn prayers, as is the custom for those who carry it, when, behold, the Janissaries lay hands on the trays, tear everything apart, and they themselves eat with much festivity." That is given from the ancient institution for the merriment of that day. Provision is made for the Prince elsewhere.

...of which signification does not seem to me to fit here. There is listed here among women's garments one with a propoloma and maphorion; both of which are ornaments of the head used by women. A little later it is said that the maphorion or head-covering is to be placed on the newly created cubicularia, then the charzanion, and finally the propoloma. Therefore the charzanion is also an ornament of the female head. To say what I think the charzanion was, I think it was what our people call a *Schneppe*, a frontal band, the pointed flap of which descends over the forehead to the boundary of the eyes and nose. The reason for this conjecture is as follows. *Cherbon* (the *asphaleia*) is properly an amulet or phylactery for the Arabs, such as they wear on the forehead as well as on the rest of the body. In the likeness of this, the beaked band could be called [charzanion]. Perhaps also women wore relics of saints, pieces of the Gospels, and other things destined to avert the evil eye, sewn into the phylactery on such beaked frontal bands. Or the *charzanion* might have been something hanging over the forehead in the shape of a strap or ribbon, since *chartzanion* also denotes a strap, also from an Arabic origin: for the verb *charaza* denotes to sew leather in such a way that the stitches are separated by certain intervals, and the white threads are visible, just as those who [sew] straps...

1159 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1160

[...from the] chamber of the Augusta, and from there they go through the right-hand curtain facing east to the chamber of the Augusta, and from there they take the woman who is to become a cubicularia, and lead her through the Chrysotriclinium to the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore. Having placed her there, the grand praepositus addresses her thus: "See from where you receive this dignity. It is manifest that you obtain it from the holy gate. Reflecting, therefore, that you receive this dignity from the hand of the Lord, take diligent care that you have the fear of the Lord in your heart, and that you preserve sincere faith and benevolence toward the Augustus and the Augusta." Having said these things, he commands her to prostrate herself three times upon the ground, with her face turned toward the East, and to give thanks to God for the dignity granted to her. This done, the first praepositus takes the golden garment, made in the likeness of a paragaudion, from the holy gate; the other praepositi clothe the woman with it, then they gird her with a belt, then they place upon her the white maphorion and the white charzanion, and finally the propoloma. Thus clothed, the praepositi and the others immediately greet her, and lead her through the curtain of Saint Theodore into the middle of the triclinium, where, having been stationed opposite the central polycandelon, she performs the first prostration before the emperor; then, while proceeding until she reaches the feet of the emperor, she prostrates herself twice; so that in total she prostrates herself three times. Having then fallen to the feet of the emperor, she kisses them. This done, she is led out by the praepositi and the remaining cubicularii into the Lausiakos, where the cubicularii greet her. From there the praepositi lead her away to the chamber of the Augusta. There she performs a prostration with thanksgiving to the Augusta, and remains, while the praepositi return to the Lausiakos.

CHAPTER XXV. Things to be observed in the promotion of a cubicularius.

The daily procession having already begun, the emperor, sitting in the Chrysotriclinium, when he wishes to appoint a cubicularius, signifies this to the praepositi. They, having taken with them according to custom two cubicularii and two spatharocubicularii and the ostiarii and the primicerius (one of these, moreover, must be the primicerius of the cubiculum), enter the Chrysotriclinium. And the praepositi indeed...

[VARIE LECTIONES. JOAN. JAG. REISKII COMMENTARIUS.]

...the leather-workers sew the straps of horses. The Charzanion will therefore be a strap sewn by the art of leather-workers (we call them Riemer), such as cavalry soldiers use when they punish and beat some fellow soldier while naked. And according to the custom of the Constantinopolitan court, by which those who came to adore the emperor were required, at certain intervals marked by round marble stones, to prostrate themselves on the ground three times in total. The same custom also obtained among the Mohammedans, as is evident from William of Tyre, who, explaining in Book XIX, ch. 18, how the legates of King Amalric of Jerusalem were introduced to the Caliph of Egypt by the Sultan or his prime minister, has among other things this: "The Sultan, showing the customary reverence to his lord [τὸ σύνηθες νέμων σέβας] to the legates, prostrated himself on the ground once and a second time, as if beginning to pay a kind of adoration and worship owed to no one. Prostrating himself a third time, he laid aside the sword which he wore suspended from his neck. And behold, suddenly, with the curtains woven of a variety of pearls and gold, which hung in the middle and shaded the throne, being drawn back with amazing speed, the Caliph appeared, his face revealed, sitting on a golden throne in attire more than royal, with a few of his domestic and familiar eunuchs around him. Then the Sultan, approaching him with all reverence, humbly imprinting a kiss on the feet of the one sitting, reveals the cause of the arrival of the legates."

(90) Our codex has already admonished more often concerning the law...

1161 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1162

[of the] cubiculum. And they enter into the Chrysotriclinium, and the praepositi, entering, worship the emperor at the western veil of the Chrysotriclinium. The rest of the cubiculum do not worship. When the second [official] opens the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore, all enter therein and hang the golden paragaudion upon the cancelli of the bema, that is, upon the holy doors, and then the praepositus goes out and brings in from the Pantheon, or from the Horologium, the person who is to become a cubicularius, and outside the oratory, that is, at the veil of Saint Theodore, by order of the praepositi, the cubicularii clothe the one about to be honored in a kamision, and they uncover him, and then they bring him into the oratory and stand him before the holy doors. Then the first praepositus delivers to him the customary exhortation, admonishing and securing him not to lay hands upon another bearded man without the emperor, and not to be a drunkard or a boaster, and not to engage in meddlesomeness, and not to associate or form friendships with utterly corrupt men and revolutionaries; in addition to these, not to divulge the secret of the emperor, and to honor all those in offices of higher or equal rank to his own and the entire senate, but especially his own praepositi. Having secured the one about to be honored as a cubicularius with these things, the praepositus says to him: "See from where you receive the dignity. It is entirely manifest from the holy doors. And looking to this, that you receive this from the hand of the Lord, take heed to yourself, so that until the end of your life you may keep all these things, and having arranged ascents in your heart and being adorned with the better virtues, you may attain the greater dignities of the ranks."

[The Latin translation provided in the text follows here:]

...adore the emperor; the rest of the cubicularii do not adore. The Deuterus then opens the oratory of the holy great martyr Theodore, into which all enter, and they suspend the golden paragaudion from the cancelli of the bema or from the holy door. Then the praepositus goes out, and introduces from the Pantheon, or from the Horologium, the cubicularius to be created. The cubicularii, ordered by the praepositi, clothe him outside the oratory, or at the veil of Saint Theodore, in a kamision, and they remove his head covering, then they introduce him into the oratory, and place him before the holy door. There the praepositus makes the customary exhortation to him, diligently commanding and inculcating that he should not lay violent hands upon another bearded man without the emperor's knowledge, nor give himself to drunkenness, nor be vain and light, and ineptly curious about things not pertaining to him; nor should he contract brotherhood or sodality with lost, pernicious men who are students of new things; nor, furthermore, should he blurt out any secret of the emperor; that he should honor all who are honored, whether they are of a rank superior to his own or equal to him, in a word, the whole senate, but especially his own praepositi. To this exhortation made to the cubicularius to be honored, the praepositus adds this formula: "See from where you receive the dignity which you now receive. Indeed, as is manifest, from the holy door. Reflecting, therefore, that you receive it from the hand of God, take care diligently that, as long as you live, you keep my precepts, and having the ranks [of beautiful gifts, some higher than others] disposed in your heart and being adorned with the best virtues, you may obtain greater ranks of honors from the giver of riches, our divine emperor, and become illustrious in the sacred cubiculum." 362 These things having been said, the praepositus orders him to fall three times to the ground, with his face turned to the East...

1163 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1164

to worship God and give thanks to Him. Then he takes the golden *paragaudion* from the holy doors and puts it on. Then the *praepositi* and the others greet him, and they lead him out from behind the veil of Saint Theodore. Having exited, he prostrates himself on the ground and worships the Emperor; then he is led out by the *praepositi* and the chamberlains into the *Lausiakos*, where all the senators, and first of all the chamberlains, congratulate him. This done, he covers his head again, takes his seat, and when the masses are given or the procession is dismissed, he departs to his own house in the solemn company of his friends.

[Greek text: ...that you may succeed and become glorious in the sacred *kouboukleion*." Having said these things to him, the *praepositus* orders him to prostrate himself three times upon the earth toward the east and to give thanks to God. Then the *praepositus* takes the golden *paragaudion* from the holy doors and clothes him with it, and the *praepositi* and the others greet him, and they lead him out from the veil. And when he has gone out, he falls upon the earth and worships the Emperor, and then he is led out by the *praepositi* and those of the *kouboukleion* into the *Lausiakos*, and all those of the Senate greet him, and before all, those of the *kouboukleion*. And then he covers himself (95) and sits in his own proper place, and the masses being finished, he departs in state to his house.]

CHAPTER XXVI. Concerning certain things innovated at different times regarding the ancient custom formerly observed in the Great Church.

It was the custom formerly that the Emperor, after he had offered the gifts at the holy table, would remain inside the holy sanctuary until the communion of the holy mysteries. But under Theodosius, the orthodox Emperor, this was abrogated for the reason written in the Life of Saint Ambrose, Bishop of Milan.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

*camelaucium*. For above, p. 361, it is read that it had been taken off him, *aposkepazousin auton*, when he was to be introduced into the oratory, where he was to be initiated with the meaning and precepts of the new rank, and to be clothed with its symbol, the golden stole. The Greeks indeed had that honor in their churches and chapels, that they would enter them with heads uncovered and attend the sacred worship, concerning which rite I have spoken at p. 9, that *apostephetai ho basileus* when about to enter the church. But that the chamberlain is not said to have replaced the *camelaucium* on his head until he had been received into his college and acknowledged by his colleagues as a colleague, could be taken by some as an example of that custom among the Spaniards, by which it is not permitted to be present before the king with head covered, unless one has been received into the college of the so-called Grandees. But I discuss this matter elsewhere.

[...that they sat within the sight of the altar; but that this was changed by Ambrose and preeminence was granted to the priests, VII, c. 25. Thom. Smith, *de statu Ecclesiae Graecae* p. 49.] The *Menologium of Basil*, vol. II, p. 13, for the 7th of December, has this among other things concerning Ambrose: "Having divine zeal and a free soul, when he saw the great Theodosius embittered and having sent out the people and slaughtered the people in Thessalonica, because they had sinned against the Emperor, and then having come to the feast of Christ’s Nativity, in order to enter and pray and partake of the immaculate mysteries, he forbade him and did not allow him to enter the *bema*, saying that the Church of God does not receive murderers, and especially those of so many fellow-Christian countrymen. The Emperor marveled at the saint and honored him and withdrew, saying that truly, he is a high priest." Cf. Theophanes p. 62, and Cedrenus p. 318, 319. Theodoret narrates the matter thus, V, 17. After the reconciliation with Ambrose, Theodosius was admitted into the church and into the sanctuary itself; after the gifts had been offered and placed on the altar, *endon ton anaktoron para tas kinklidas memenenken*. It is notable here that the Emperor’s station was *para tas kinklidas* (beside the chancel screens). Ambrose asked what he needed, what he wanted: "The Emperor having said that he was waiting for the participation in the divine mysteries, he [Ambrose] made it known, using the leader of the deacons as a minister, that 'The inner parts, O Emperor, are accessible only to priests, but to all others they are inaccessible and untouchable. Go out, therefore, and share the standing with the others. For the purple makes emperors, not priests.'" And the most faithful Emperor, having gladly accepted this instruction, replied that he had not remained inside the chancel screens out of boldness, but having learned that this was the custom in Constantinople.

[Perhaps the king, who allowed himself to be forced into order by a priest. For there is no doubt that this tyranny was exercised by Ambrose, a man formerly of military rank; who, when he could not perhaps show his desire for dominion in worldly matters, as many do, transferred it to sacred things (1), a tyrant no less to be feared by Theodosius, had he seized the empire. But how could he deny the Emperor a place inside the sanctuary, he who always held the place and person of a deacon, or at least a subdeacon, in the church? There is no evidence that the Christian emperors of the West before Theodosius, who were indeed very few, sat outside the sanctuary in Roman churches. But the violent and inequitable spirit of Ambrose shines through everywhere, by which he strove to surpass and go before in sacred matters and to bring under the yoke him whom he did not equal in secular ones. Sozomen, VII, cap. 26, names Ambrose as the author of this custom in clear words. I will transcribe his words: "It was the custom for the emperors to worship in the *hierateion* (sanctuary), to consist within the partitions of the altar in the church, separated by way of distinction from the boundaries of the people. But having perceived this to be of flattery or disorder [but in truth wishing to withdraw himself and the clergy and their actions from the inspection of the powerful, and affecting the license to act at will behind the veil and preeminence over his masters, to whom divine and human law subjected him], he ordained the place of the Emperor in the church [he himself, therefore, was the first, Ambrose, to assign the Emperor a place outside the partitions of the sanctuary, not following an ancient custom, but instituting a new one] to be before the screens of the sanctuary, so that the ruler might have the presidency of the people, but the priests might sit before him." And this excellent tradition was praised by the Emperor Theodosius and those who came after confirmed it, and we see it preserved from that time.]

CHAPTER XXI. Concerning the things that happened at different times regarding the ancient custom performed in the Great Church.

It must be known that in the old days, after the Emperor had offered the gifts at the holy table, he remained (96) inside the holy sanctuary until the participation in the divine mysteries; but under Theodosius the orthodox Emperor, this was cut off for the reason that is written in the life of the holy and celebrated Ambrose, Bishop of Milan.

(95) He places it on himself again, or it is placed on him. (96) [Sozomen says that emperors were separated from the people.] (1) Trifles, born from the black bile agitating the author at that time.

1165 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. CHAPTER XXVII. How Heraclius was raised by his own father from the rank of Caesar to the status of emperor, and how David his brother became Caesar.

It must be known that on the fourth of the month of July, in the 11th indiction, the emperor and great king, wishing to proclaim Heraclius, his son, from the rank of Caesar to the status of emperor, acted as follows: The patriarch and all the members of the senate were summoned. The patriarch entered to the emperor, in the presence of Constantine the Despot, his own brother. The prayer was performed in the Church of Saint Stephen of the Daphne, and the camelaukion which the Caesar wore was taken from his head, and the imperial crown was placed upon him. And upon David the Despot, after another prayer had been performed, he conferred the rank of Caesar, placing the same camelaukion upon him. Then, in accordance with custom, the most glorious patricians were summoned, and they entered the Augusteum, and they received the great emperor, and likewise his sons, in the presence of the Caesar. When, therefore, all those from the rank of consul down to the illustres had gone out, they stood upon the steps of the area. And the gates of the armory were opened, and they entered.

1166 CHAPTER XXVII. How Heraclius [the younger] was raised by his father from the dignity of Caesar to the habit and majesty of emperor, and how his brother David was created Caesar.

On the fourth day of the month of July, in the eleventh indiction [A.D. 638], the emperor and great king Heraclius decreed to make Heraclius [the younger], his son, emperor from Caesar in this manner: The patriarch and the whole senate were summoned. The patriarch met with the emperor, in the presence of his [Heraclius the Younger’s] brother, Constantine the Despot. The prayer and blessing for the creation of the emperor took place in the church of Saint Stephen of the Daphne. Then the camelaukion, which the Caesar, Heraclius, was wearing, was taken from his head, and the imperial crown was placed upon him. The patriarch placed that same camelaukion upon David the Despot, after another prayer had been said specifically for that purpose; and by this he became Caesar.

After this, the most illustrious patricians were summoned according to custom, who, having entered the Augusteum, venerated the great emperor and his sons, the junior emperor and the Caesar. Subsequently, all those from the consuls down to the illustres went out and stood on the steps of the area; the gates were opened to the armed men, and all the standards, the schools, and the factions entered. At the same time, there went out...

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY BY JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS]

(97) Heraclius the elder had two sons with the same name: one who succeeded him and reigned for a short time, otherwise called Constantine the New, born of his first wife Eudocia; the other, commonly called Heracleonas, born of Martina, his second wife. Our passage deals with the latter. For the former had already been named emperor and crowned by his father in A.D. 613, before he had completed his first year of age; see Petavius’s note to Nicephorus’s Breviarium, p. 38.

(98) Thus in the manuscript, but the sense demands "to proclaim."

(99) At that time it was Sergius, who also...

(1) One might think that "his" refers to the nearest person, that is, to the emperor Heraclius the elder, about whom he had spoken in the preceding discourse. But due to the negligence of those times, the author speaks less distinctly and refers to the more remote person, namely Heraclius the younger. He calls Constantine the brother of Heraclius the younger. But how is "his own brother" to be understood—is he a brother born of the same mother, or one who shares only one parent with his brother? You would believe the former is more likely. And indeed, Heraclius the elder had two sons named Constantine, of whom he had begotten the elder—otherwise Heraclius, sometimes also called Constantine the New—from Eudocia, his first wife, and the younger from Martina, his second wife. It could therefore be believed that the discourse here is about the younger Constantine. Why, however, is there no mention of this younger Constantine in the following chapter of the Aetologia? For these children of Heraclius are listed in order of age, then surviving: Constantine Augustus, Heraclius Augustus, Augustina Augusta, Anastasia Augusta, David Caesar, Martinus the most noble. It is clear that Constantine, the son of Martina, who preceded Heraclius (his brother by the same mother) in age, is missing from this series. For it lacks reason that Heraclius, the son of Eudocia, who survived his father and succeeded him, should have been passed over. Therefore, nothing remains but that Constantine, named here and subsequently on p. 364, is Heraclius, the son of Heraclius and Eudocia, otherwise called Constantine the New, and that the word "his own" here signifies a brother born of the same father but a different mother.

(2) That is, it was taken away. Plutarch used "to take away" in the same sense in his Lives, vol. III, p. 1486, 12. Likewise Theophanes, p. 147: "The emperor Justin, having learned these things, was greatly pained in his soul, so that he took the diadem from his head." Hence, in Cedrenus, p. 516, "to be taken away" means to be removed from the middle, from sight.

(3) The expression is ambiguous; it can mean "all the consuls," or "all, namely the senators, from the rank of consul." The latter sense, however, is the only one that holds here. "Of" might seem to be deletable. But it is better to retain it. It is understood as "being"; "those who are from the rank of consul."

1167 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1168

also the patriarch with the emperor and his sons, and all the standards, and the schools, and the demes. And under the auspicious acclamations of all, he departed immediately to the Great Church, where likewise everything was done according to the rite.

CHAPTER XXVIII. Concerning the procession to the Great Church. On the Kalends of January, in the twelfth indiction (A.D. 639), the emperor [Heraclius] made a procession to the Great Church with his sons, Constantine the despot wearing the praetexta; who also leaned upon the arm of his elder brother. The patrician Nicetas, the patrician John, the patrician Cata Jesdin, the patrician Domitius, and the magister Eustathius wore togas. The remaining nobles wore holoseric tunics. Some of the ex-prefects wore loroi, as those who enter the consulship are accustomed to wear. When they had arrived at the Great Church, they lit candles, and everything was done according to the rite and in a worthy manner.

B And the patriarch also came out to them, and with all acclaiming, he departed immediately into the most holy Great Church with his sons, and everything was done according to custom in the same Great Church.

CHAPTER XXVIII. Concerning the procession in the Great Church. It must be known that on the first of the month of January, in the 12th indiction (1), the emperor made a procession in the most holy Great Church, and Constantine the despot went out with him, wearing a chlamydion, and Heraclius the despot and his son, wearing a praetexta (5), and being held by his own brother. And they wore togas, both the patrician Nicetas (6), and the patrician John, and the patrician Cata Jesdin (7), and the patrician Domitius, and the magister Eustathius, and the remaining officials wore holoseric chlamydia, and some of those from the prefects wore loroi according to the consulship (8), and upon their entering into the most holy Great Church they lit candles and everything was done according to custom, and it was done worthily (9).

VARIOUS READINGS. 27 3 em. R., ' cod. and ed. 28 R. wishes to read praetexton. 29 Thus em. R. togas. from cod. and ed.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKIUS. ... [The commentary discusses the reading "praetexton," the identity of the patrician Nicetas as a relative of Heraclius, and the etymology of the name "Cata Jesdin," suggesting it refers to a Persian origin or a relationship to a Persian magnate named Jesdin. It further discusses the use of the particle "kata" in Byzantine titles, comparing it to similar constructions in other historical texts, and argues against Muratori’s claim that family names did not exist before the tenth century, citing Byzantine historians as evidence.] ...

(4) That is, A.D. 639. (5) Thus M. Nevertheless, the Draudian transcript wishes to read praetexton. (6) That patrician Nicetas seems to be a blood relative of Heraclius, whose daughter Gregoria, Heraclius the younger, surnamed Constantine the New, took in marriage and made the mother of the Emperor Heraclius Constantine, according to Zonaras, vol. II, p. 87. See the Heraclian stemma within. (7) Or Jesdion, if indeed it is a man's name; it could be the name of a city in Persia. (8) That is, the consulships, which are processions of consuls at the Kalends of January, who distribute largesse in the name of the consulship to the people and send gifts to friends, by which it happened that any gifts, distributions, or doles were called "maria," concerning which perhaps at another time. It appears from this passage that the consulship still existed under Heraclius, and did not expire under Justinian, as is commonly handed down. (9) That is, worthy of the majesty and spectacle of that action. I had once conjectured "axia." But there is no need to change the vulgate.

1169 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. CHAPTER XXIX. How Heraclius received the senators on the day of the hippodrome, with the patriarch also present.

It must be known that on the fourth day of the same month, there being a hippodrome, the emperor received in the Augusteon those who were accustomed to be received, and when he was about to go up to the hippodrome, he gave orders again, and received all the officials; and upon their entering the Augusteon, they found the emperor and the Augusta standing, and standing before them were Augustina and Anastasia, their daughters and Augustas, with the patriarch also present; and on the right side stood the other children of the emperor, and on the left side stood the cubicularii. And they cried out, saying: "Prosperity to the State, prosperity to the State, prosperity to the State. Heraclius Augustus, may you conquer. Anastasia Martina Augusta, may you conquer. Constantine Augustus, may you conquer. Heraclius Augustus, may you conquer. Augustina Augusta, may you conquer. Anastasia Augusta, may you conquer. David Caesar, may you conquer. Martinus Nobilissimus, may you conquer." And then, in this manner, the emperor went up to the hippodrome.

CHAPTER XXX. Concerning the funeral of the patriarch.

It must be known that on the 13th of the month of December, in the 12th indiction, Sergius, the patriarch of Constantinople, passed away on a Sunday. And after the emperor had received the officials according to custom, he sent them to the funeral of the same patriarch. And indeed, the senators having gone to the most holy Great Church, they took off their white chlamydes and put on colored ones, and thus followed...

1170 [Latin translation of the above Greek text, omitted as per instructions]

[COMMENTARY BY JOHANN JACOB REISKE]

[Regarding the commentary section:] ...of Pancrates. Among Theophanes in the year of Rhinotmetus is the logothete of Mansour. Whether the father or the great-grandfather of this man, or one of his ancestors, had been the master of some Arab named Mansour. For that name is Arabic. Malalas, vol. II, pp. 41 and 65, names the tribe of the Choutzoi and Stummas. That the latter is Germanic is clear from the fact that even today some village not far from my homeland of Sorbiga is called Stummesdorf (Stumme's village), which was once the property of someone from the Stummas family. But these things, as I have said, pertain to another place. I find "Anastasia" in Du Cange. On the contrary, Cedrenus, p. 430, calls her only Anastasia, omitting the name Martina. You may also understand from this passage the order of age in which the children of the elder Emperor Heraclius succeeded one another. For Constantine, who is named in the first place, is Heraclius the Younger, the son of the elder by Eudocia, he whom his stepmother Martina deprived of life and empire by poison shortly after the passing of his father. Heraclius, however, named in the second place, is he whom others call Heraclonas, the son of Martina; then follow the rest of the children of the same Martina in this order of age: Augustina and Anastasia, her younger sister, both named Augustas by their father shortly before the end of his life (as Du Cange says, which, however, must be taken more broadly, namely A.D. 639, as is clear from our passage); afterwards: David Caesar and Martinus Nobilissimus. This reading "Martinus" seems to be better than that which Petavius in his notes to Nicephorus' Breviarium, p. 47, exhibits in the list of Heraclius' children, and which Du Cange in *Familiae Byzantinae*, p. 119, exhibits as "Marinus," on the authority of Nicephorus, who says on p. 80 that he also declared his sons David and Marinus as Caesars at the same time (in which matter he disagrees with our author, who makes David Caesar and Martinus Nobilissimus) and at the same time his daughters Augustina and Martina as Augustas. His words are: "After this he deemed his son worthy of the consulship. And he proclaimed his sons David and Marinus as Caesars, and his daughters Augustina and Martina as Augustas."

(10) Only the name Martina without that preceding D. (11) Petavius inquires into the chronology of this event on p. 128 seqq. of his notes to Nicephorus. (12) They are set in opposition to the white ones, because indeed the white [garment] is not considered a color in place of a color, as it is natural, simple, and not mixed with wool. For a foreign color is properly called a color. In the same way, among the Latins, colors are opposed to white. Augustin. Patric. *Caerem. Roman.* II, 13: "In the consecration they use white vestments today, although the ancients used them according to the color of the time, that is, such a color as, during that time when the consecration of the Pope was taking place, was required to be worn by the priest." What I mean, Durandus will teach in III, 18. Whatever color, therefore, a garment may be, provided it is not white, it is "colored." Cf. Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 555, where he deals with "chronois" and "colored" things at length, and among other things cites a passage from Ahmed the Oneirocritic, in which "soft bedclothes" are opposed to "colored ones."

1171 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1172

The clergy of the church were asked if the same order had occurred for other patriarchs, and they said that such an order had taken place at the funeral of the bishops Cyriacus and Thomas (14). For they too were perfected on a Sunday (15), and indeed, when the liturgy had taken place, those dignitaries who wished to remain stayed until the deposition of the corpse, while the others departed for their homes. They accompanied the funeral procession as far as the Holy Apostles (13).

CHAPTER XXXI. How the emperor ought to offer gifts in the Great Church.

Be it known that on the day of the Lights, that is, the feast of the Epiphany, when the emperor Michael [the Drunkard, son of Theophilus] was offering to the church a golden chalice adorned with precious stones and pearls, the chalice itself was carried by the order of the emperor Michael by a spatharios and goldsmith (17), and the chalice-cover by a silentiarius, walking between the two magistri. And when the emperor had come near to the holy doors, he took the chalice, and entering into the sanctuary, he placed it upon the holy table. The patriarch, having taken the chalice-cover from the silentiarius, handed it to the emperor. And the emperor placed it upon the holy table.

VARIOUS READINGS.

[The following section contains the commentary of Joannes Jacobus Reiske, which includes notes on the Greek text, historical context regarding the funerals of patriarchs, the color of mourning garments (blue/purple vs. white), and the titles of imperial officials.]

1173 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II, CHAPTER 32.

Concerning the request for the *deximon* by the two factions, when a feast is present. It must be known that under the Emperor Michael, the two factions, after the return from the procession of the Lights, went to their own *phialai*, requesting that the *deximon* be held.

CHAPTER 33. Concerning the promotion of dignities on the annual day of the empire, and of the coronation, and of the birthday, and of the *stephanos*.

1174 CHAPTER XXXII. How both factions asked for permission to adore the emperor in the circus on a feast day. Under the Emperor Michael, both factions would depart, as he returned home from the procession of the Lights, to their own respective *phialai* to request that the *deximon* be held.

CHAPTER XXXIII. Concerning promotions to palace dignities on the annual anniversaries of the empire, coronation, birth, and marriage. It is customary for the emperors at the *dexima* or admissions of the circus, which they grant on the said birthdays, after they have returned from the triconch to the chrysotriclinos, to put on cloaks bordered with gold and to sit, the great emperor indeed upon the throne that stands in the chrysotriclinos; but the lesser ones, if there are any, sit on stools on this side and that of the same throne. Then the members of the *kouboukleion* enter, as is customary for them. The emperor then puts forward many multitudes of dignities, from *mandatores*, *vestitores*, *hypatoi*, *candidati*, *spatharioi*, and *disypatoi*, likewise *spatharocandidatoi* and *protospatharioi*, promoting each rank and dignity. Then, having risen from the throne, they sit at their honorable table.

CHAPTER 34. Concerning the promotion of dignities on the annual day of birth and other such occasions. It must be known that the *deximon* of the birth of the Emperor Michael was performed in the secret *phiale* of the triconch according to the customary order of the *dexima*. For the factions having made the four requests which they are accustomed by custom to request, and the emperor having ordered the fulfillment of the four requests to take place, he entered into the triconch, and changed his clothes according to custom, and being escorted from there, he entered into his bedchamber; and having put on the cloak bordered with gold, he sat on the throne standing in the chrysotriclinos. And the members of the *kouboukleion* having entered according to custom, he made on the same day many promotions of dignities, from *ex-eparchs* promoting each dignity up to *protospatharioi*.

CHAPTER 35. Concerning the *saximon*. It must be known that in the *saximon* of the same birthday, the two factions of the city, the Venetians and the Prasinians, never danced. And the *praepositus* having reminded the emperor about this, the emperor commanded that they should dance. And they entered on the same day...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE] ...the day on which someone had entered the empire and on which he had been crowned, which, however, it is easy to fall into the opinion of. Many were still small infants when they were crowned by their fathers and proclaimed Augusti, but they were only called *autokratores* and heard as such after the death of their fathers. It is clear from the example of our Porphyrogenitus, page 448, it is said that the *stephimon* of the master was celebrated, that is, of Constantine, with stools on either side of the throne. Then the chamberlains enter, as is the custom. And the emperor makes very many promotions, starting from the *mandatores* to the *vestitores*, consuls, *candidati*, *spatharioi*, again consuls, *spatharocandidatoi*, *protospatharioi*, promoting indeed according to each class and dignity of merit from the lower to the higher. These things having been performed, the masters rise from the throne, and sit at their venerable table.

CHAPTER 34. Concerning the same subject. The *deximon* of the day on which the birthday of the Emperor Michael [Ebriosi] was celebrated, was held in the secret *phiale* of the triconch according to the ordinary rite of the *dexima*. For after the factions had made their four demands, which they are accustomed to make by ancient rite, and the emperor had promised that he would grant and fulfill them, he would enter into the triconch, and would take off his clothes according to custom, and would depart from there, accompanied by the nobles, into his bedchamber, and having been clothed there in a cloak bordered with gold, he would go into the chrysotriclinos, and would sit on the throne standing there; and the chamberlains, as is the custom, having entered and gathered there, he would make very many promotions to court dignities, starting from the *ex-eparchs* and ascending through the individual classes of offices up to the *protospatharioi*.

CHAPTER 35. Concerning the *saximon* or dance-game. In the celebration of the birthday of the same day, the two urban factions, the Venetians and the Prasinians, did not dance. And so when the *praepositus* warned the emperor about this matter, he commanded that they should dance. Therefore, on that same day, both factions entered [into the triconch], when already the fourth...

1175 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1176 and the fifth turns of the dances [by the nobles of the court] were performed; and after they had put an end to the *saximon*, having completed all the parts of the *saximon*, they received an *apokombion*.

CHAPTER XXXVI. That a newly honored ex-prefect is presented at the tenth of the equestrian game. On the day when the equestrian spectacle was held to celebrate the birthday of the Emperor Michael, the ex-prefect promoted first after the senate was introduced, as custom dictates, at the tenth of the same day.

CHAPTER XXXVII. Concerning certain ones who had defected, but had been brought back to duty, how they were received by the emperor. It is not unworthy to know how the Emperor Michael received the Slavs who, after having behaved contumaciously and insolently in the region of Subdelitia and having withdrawn into the mountains, had again fled to the obedience of the exalted emperor. Namely, the emperor, dressed in a purple cloak which had a golden border studded with pearls, and wearing on his head a crown distinguished by gems and pearls, such as they call *kaisarikion*, sat upon the throne in the Chrysotriclinus; and the reception [of his nobles] having taken place, an usher carrying a rod went out and introduced the Slavs together with the logothete. After the emperor had spoken with them, they went out, and immediately other Slavs from the prefecture of Thessalonica were introduced, whom, like the former, one usher introduced. After the emperor had spoken with them as he wished, he dismissed them, having gifted each one with an undergarment as a sign of vassalage or submission. And thus these also departed.

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

VARIOUS READINGS. 30 *taximō* cod. and ed. Cf. p. 513. 31 *autēs* R., *autou* cod. and ed. 32 *ēmphiesmenon* em. R., *ēmphiesmenēn* cod. and ed.

JOHN JACOB REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (20) The nobles, in order to signify their joy on a certain birthday of the emperor, would dance by groups or classes, first those of the first order, then the chief eunuchs, then the officials, after them the lesser eunuchs, and finally the factions. Therefore, our author calls one dance or class, a body of dancers, in whose place another would succeed, a *katastasis*. Another passage of our author on p. 175 illustrates this place clearly, where what he here calls a *katastasis*, he calls sometimes by this very name, sometimes a *taxis*, and specifically designates which nobles proceeded to dance in each *katastasis* or scene, so to speak (performances), and enumerates up to six *katastaseis* (Lochius translates as "orders"). Athenaeus uses the same word in a similar matter in Book 1, p. 155: "When the *taxis* of the dance came to Hegesianax, who wrote the histories, he stood up and spoke." (21) As far as I can see, these words signify: of the whole body of the senate, the ex-prefect is the first who is admitted on that day to adore the purple. (22) Concerning this defection and the subsequent subjugation of the Slavs, Constantine Porphyrogenitus narrates on p. 133, from which it is gathered that the region of Subdelitia, which is mentioned here, was, in my opinion, in the Peloponnese and indeed around the Spartan territory. Perhaps, however, this is a discussion of a different rebellion of the Slavs than the one in the cited place of Constantine. For a little later the defection of the Slavs of the Thessalonian territory is mentioned, and in Ortelius’s *Thesaurus Geographicus* I find that Subdulia, according to Balsamon, is an episcopal seat under the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Which is too vague a designation, unless Subdelia was in the vicinity of Constantinople. Mention is often made of Slavs in Thessaly and the Peloponnese, which seats they had primarily invaded, causing tumults. Thus Liutprand mentions the defection of the Thessalonian Slavs under Romanus Lecapenus in Book III, ch. 5. (23) Namely, the acceptance of a garment, as they called it in the Middle Ages, was a confession of clientage. Already in the ancient times of the free Roman Republic, we read that the senate sent to various petty kings in Egypt, Africa, and Asia Minor—who were joined to the Republic by a bond of clientage—curule chairs, purple robes, and ivory staves, as a sign of the display of majesty, but which they held by the gift of the Republic, not by their own power and right. Among the royal signs which Justinian attributed to the client king of the Lazi, Theophanes (p. 144), Procopius, and Agathias include, among others, a chlamys adorned with a golden *tablion*. Eastern princes, the kings of the Persians and the Sultans of the Turks, imitated this, and our travel books are full of their custom of sending robes to their viziers, deys, and other petty kings dependent upon them, which it is not permitted for the one to whom they are sent to reject, and by accepting them, he professes himself to be in submission. See Du Cange, s.v. *Robae novae*.

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II, CHAPTER 38.

Concerning the ordination of Theophylact, the most holy patriarch. On the second day of the month of February, the feast of the Meeting of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the year 6442, Theophylact, the most God-beloved syncellus, the son of the despot Romanos, was ordained archbishop of Constantinople. On that same day, the rite of the procession was performed as follows: The palace having been opened through the exit leading to the church of the Lord, and the cubiculum having entered according to custom, the despots went out in their scaramangia, wearing also their gold-bordered sagia, and they departed, escorted by the praepositi and the cubiculum, through the magnaura and the passageways into the catechumena of the Great Church. And according to custom, having offered thanks to God through the triple adoration with candles, and having changed into their dibetesia, they sat down. And when everything had been prepared according to the customary rite, the despots were reminded, and they immediately put on their chlamydes; and as they went out beyond the veil hanging there, the magistroi and patricians received them. And the customary order having been performed, the despots descended by way of the great spiral staircase. In the narthex of the most holy church, at the Beautiful Gate, the candidate received them together with the entire ecclesiastical order. And indeed, having entered according to the customary form, and the subsequent rites having been performed as in other processions, the God-beloved metropolitans began the sacred ordination. The Christ-loving emperors stepped back a little as far as the silver column of the ciborium, until the matters of the ordination were completed by the metropolitans. And then, in this manner, through the right side of the bema and the cyclion, they entered into the oratory, in which the silver crucifix is established. And through the triple adoration with candles, having offered thanks to God and bid farewell to the patriarch, they ascended by way of the spiral staircase that is toward the side of the holy well, into the parts of the catechumena on the right toward the east, awaiting the reading of the holy Gospel.

CHAPTER 39. Concerning the patriarch, that in ancient times he had his own praepositus.

It is to be known that in ancient times the patriarch also had his own praepositus, who stood at the head of the cubicularii, and who was from the clergy and the ecclesiastical register. And this is evident from the security of the emperor Heraclius, which he made for...

1179 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1180

[...he] provided to Sergius the patriarch, and in which this expression is read twice in the very same words: "We shall appoint Thomas, the praepositus of your venerable cubiculum, to the third degree of honor from our praepositus, as long as he holds the dignity of deacon. But when he shall have ascended to the order of the presbyterate, we shall immediately place him second from our praepositus."

CHAPTER XL. For what reason the emperor and the magistri, proconsuls, and patricians put on the *loroi* on the holy and great Sunday of Pascha.

[Greek text: "We shall appoint Thomas, the praepositus of your venerable cubiculum, to the third degree of honor from our praepositus, as long as he holds the dignity of deacon. But when he shall have ascended to the order of the presbyterate, we shall immediately place him second from our praepositus."]

CHAPTER XL. Concerning the manner in which the emperor and the magistri, proconsuls, and patricians put on the *loroi* on the holy and great Sunday of Pascha.

I shall deduce and explain the reason for this matter according to my own understanding, from the principles of piety proper to our Christian assembly. We believe, indeed, that the *loroi* which the magistri and patricians wear on the festive day of the resurrection of Christ our God represent his burial. And that they wear *loroi* conspicuous with gold, this [represents]...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. — ...may fall into a depraved act, than a written promise and pledge, by which one is ordered to be secure regarding the receiving of damage or adversity which he fears; *custodia* according to the later Latins and *firmitas*, very close to the Greek word; just as *cautio* denotes both in Latin. In the former sense, Artemidorus has it, p. 97: "Fearing the dream, he guarded his wife, and lived in all security," and Cyril of Jerusalem, Cateches. e. Mystag.: "With security [that is, with reverence, being reverent, taking care lest you lose anything from this. For tell me: if someone gave you gold dust, would you not hold it with all security, guarding yourself lest you lose any of it?]" In the latter sense, Arrian, Epictet. diss. 11, 13, p. 203: "He does not write a will, not knowing how one ought to write, or having received someone who knows, nor does he seal a guarantee otherwise, or write a security." In this passage of Arrian, *asphaleia* can denote either an insurance against receiving damage, or a privilege or immunity, because, indeed, privileges protect and make one secure against feared harms. Palladius, Histor. Lausiac. c. 31, calls *asphaleia* a fortification against future damages: "It is necessary to set forth the lives of the deceived in this little book for the security of those who encounter it." Hence you may understand why the Latin-Greek Glossaries render public records, which today we are accustomed to call instruments, as *asphalismata*, since they instruct readers in the knowledge of a thing done or agreed upon. For instruments have *grammatia*, *asphalismata*, *dikaiomata*. Letters by which someone is *asphalizetai*, is rendered secure and safe from harms, and receives the right of expecting, demanding, and acting. Hence, in particular, *asphaleia* was called a promise, written by one's own hand, which one, having been raised to some dignity, such as the imperial, or received into some college, such as the priestly, gave to subjects or colleagues demanding it, by which he ordered them to be secure against receiving damage from him, against the loss of ancient rights, against the disturbance of orthodox doctrine, etc. Thus, in Habert, Pontific. p. 495, there is "the *asphaleia* of the symbol, usually made by the most God-beloved metropolitans and archbishops at the time of ordination," a promise and profession of faith, which is accustomed to be provided by custom by the most religious metropolitans and archbishops at the time of ordination. In a similar way, emperors, before they were crowned, not only made an agreement with their palace nobles or, as they commonly say, drew up a capitulation, as is evident from our p. 245, but also had to exhibit to the patriarch a symbol of the Nicene faith written by their own hand, and an *asphaleia* or promise, a caution, confirmed by the sign of the cross and an oath, concerning the protection and preservation of the patriarch, the clergy, the churches, and all Christian doctrine and affairs in their ancient rights and status, and the warding off of all injury to them, both from themselves and from others. And such was the *asphaleia* which Heraclius is said here to have provided to Sergius. [A prince to be crowned among the Greeks swore to the patriarch concerning the preservation of religion by the holy wood of the cross and on the ambo, as Freher teaches in his notes to Script. Germ. p. 184, from P. Diaconus and Greek writers.] Concerning this *autographos asphaleia* given by recent emperors to patriarchs and churches, see Du Cange v. *Engraphon* and *Idiocheiron* and *Oikeiographon*, or Habert. Pontific. p. 632 sqq. and the things said above at p. 245. Du Cange’s Lat. Gl. v. *Immunitas*, *Provisio*, *Firmitas*, *Custodia*, and *Munimen* can also be consulted. For thus the Latins rendered the word *asphaleia*. Histor. Trevirens. in Spicilegium Dacherianum p. 245: "Established in the anxiety of examination, he supplicated with a contrite heart, promising to Almighty God penance for things admitted, and custody [caution, *asphaleia*, attention so as not to fall] for the future." I think the Graeco-barbarian word *amanati* should be explained in this place, which denotes exactly the same thing as *asphaleia*, security, firmness, privilege, immunity, caution against causing damage, etc. See Du Cange v. *Amanate*, where Mart. Crusius correctly translates the words "and those things which are found on behalf of *amanati*" as "with a firm promise interposed." It is an Arabic word, meaning guardianship, safe, and secure. ...published at Leipzig in the year 1745, Leichius inserted on p. xi sqq. the Greek with his own interpretation and a magnificent eulogy, [claiming] that it is clearly excellent, that it illustrates the diptychs remarkably, and touches upon many things hitherto unknown. But I, in this whole book, have not found a passage more foul in its trifling and incoherent speech, in which I had to labor in interpreting, so that by conjecturing I might attain the sense of speech that does not cohere and stumbles against grammar in almost every word, or if I could not do that, at least provide something human of some sort. This puerile or senile garrulity betrays an ignorance of Roman antiquities, which I cannot bear with a calm mind. It is a fabrication of a Latin monk, translated into the Greek language by a man who knew Latin as well as he knew Greek, and was the most ignorant of all things, ancient and new. ...they consume their acumen on this; see Heinecc. III,

(27) This whole chapter... in his booklet on the diptychs (28) The new little Greeks explain everything mystically and in

1181 BYZANTINE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 33 1182

splendor, illuminated by the sun of Christ himself through his resurrection. The magistroi and patricians themselves occupy the place of the apostles, and the excellent emperor corresponds as far as possible to God. Therefore, the things called *skepaia* [scepters] in the common parlance have the purpose of being imprinted with triumphal symbols, which will be reckoned according to the resurrection of Christ from the dead and in assimilation to the cross, through which Christ raised the trophy against Hades. That they are held in their hands as "scrolls of long-suffering," as the local vernacular names them, does not hold the truth in this way; rather, it is because the patricians are supposed to resemble the disciples of the Savior, and the emperor himself, according to their saving legislation, holds scrolls inscribed with this.

[Latin Translation/Commentary] ...interpreted as the image of the splendor of the resurrection; as if they were illuminated by solar rays from Christ, as if from the sun, through his resurrection. For the magistri and patricians represent the apostles; the excellent emperor, however, represents God, in so far as it is given to man to represent God. What they carry, called *skepaia* in common speech, that is, staves, it is probable that they wish to represent typically the triumph which Christ performed in his resurrection, and to refer by similarity to the cross, through which Christ set up a trophy over hell. Regarding the "scrolls of long-suffering," as common speech calls them, or parchment rolls of clemency, the matter is not in reality as it is commonly thought, and as you might conclude from that common appellation: but, just as the aforementioned patricians represent the disciples of Christ, so they ought to represent Christ, and the emperor Christ; just as in Rome the pope made Christ and the cardinals the apostles, concerning which matter it will be spoken of below in the Cletorologion p. 429. Whence also flowed their number, which by law ought to correspond to the number of the seventy-two apostles. Thus, in the ecclesiastical hierarchy instituted in the later, worse centuries, bishops pretended to represent the person of Christ, and their assessors, the presbyters, the apostles. Ignatius in his epistle to the Trallians: "The bishop exists as a type of the Father of all, but the presbyters as the council of God and the bond of the apostles of Christ." Symeon of Thessalonica in his book on the temple regarding the patriarch: "Sitting on the synthronos, imitating Christ, he has as co-sitters those who, as co-bishops and priests, imitate the apostles." That emperors believed and said they bore the person of God on earth was taken from the old symbolic doctrine, which flowed from the nature of things. Artemidorus p. 123, chap. 38: "All the gods have a common relationship with masters. For this ancient saying also holds correctly. That which rules has the power of God."

[VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.] ...and the entire book of his argument edited by Goar in the Euchologion p. 212. And hence also was born this futile and ridiculous chapter, in which, with the greatest strangeness of speech, obscurity, and confusion—which certainly does not reign in our Constantine’s speech—and mere ignorance of antiquities, there is a great deal of nonsense and very little sound sense. I certainly had to guess almost everywhere in interpreting this chapter what the author meant, who I am persuaded is not Constantine Porphyrogenitus, but some little Greek monk, from head to toe a trifler, a peddler of nonsense, and illiterate. They take the *loroi* from this mystical and symbolic doctrine as symbols of the burial and resurrection of Christ. For the *loros* was a type of garment so formed that the stripes seemed to cross each other, just as they once wrapped the dead in *keiriais* [swaddling bands]. It is clearly stated in another place of our work p. 443: "They wear the *loroi* in the type of the burial wrappings of Christ, wrapping themselves." He therefore calls *spargana* [swaddling bands] the bandages, which others call *keiriais*; Artemidorus calls them *rake eschismena* [torn rags], book 1, chap. 14: "Those who are dying are wrapped in torn rags." Compare what our author says here a little lower down about the legs being fastened with a linen cloth. With similar nonsense, Durandus says, book 3, chap. 2, n. 13, that the cope or pluvial is a sign of the glorious immortality of bodies. I will not transcribe his ravings. It will suffice to have indicated the folly. In the Donation of Constantine it is read: "The super-brilliant *loros*, signifying the holy resurrection, we placed with our own hands upon his holy head." Theophanes p. 273 has another specimen of this inept taste and judgment. That it was celebrated by the Christians of the first centuries with greater religion and joy than the day of Easter. Hence they called it *lamprophoros* (see Du Cange v. Kyriake p. 709, beginning), either because they proceeded in white for the most part (for often *lampros* garment is the same as *leuke* [white]), or because, as the centuries passed, each proceeded with the greatest possible cultivation and splendor.

(39) It is established from antiquity that no day... (30) As here the patricians [represent] the twelve apostles... (31) See note to p. 218. (33) It is so in the parchments. Draudius’s copy gave *legomena askepaia*, whence the same was rendered by the illustrious Leiche, who very often acquiesced too securely in that transcript, although it was completed with much care and erudition under the eyes of the illustrious Mai, when the membranes were at hand, which in doubtful places almost everywhere provided me with a clear light, or at least made me secure that no error was admitted by Draudius. *esti kata ten egersin* seems to signify the symbols of the victory won from the resurrection from the dead, or because of the resurrection. He reasons thus: The cross is a symbol of the victory of Christ reported over death and hell. The staves, which the patricians carry in their hands, present the image of the victorious cross. Now in other places we have noted the talent of the little Greeks who are ignorant of antiquities. (See the Leichian booklet on diptychs, p. XII). ...not the old librarian who inscribed the codex, in place of the interpretation the word *chartas* [scrolls], which the illustrious Leich exhibited in the text of his edition enclosed in brackets. ...is missing, but must be repeated from the common *eoikasi* [they resemble] from the preceding. In *tauten* [this] reference is made to the preceding *nomothesian* [legislation], the institution of the Christian law.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1184

[They] appear according to their salutary institution to be bound with linen bands, along with gilded sandals, this same thing [pertaining] to both mortality and splendor. And from Roman traditions, the patricians are clothed in loroi in the likeness of the ancient consuls, and rather of the emperors who came after them, who at certain appointed times assumed the priestly dignity, and who, being truly kings in reality, were "chronocrators" [rulers for a time], each of whom, having been allotted a one-year reign, was released during wars, and after the completion of which, having returned, was examined by the consuls as to how he managed the affairs of the wars.

VARIOUS READINGS.

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

To gird, to wrap. It signifies the same thing also in the proverb. They agree in origin; *sphina* is nothing other than *sphina*. For the Greeks pronounce the double consonant as a double consonant. Therefore *sphinein* and *sphigein* are also the same; and *sphix* is anything conical or long, slender, solid, ending in a point; with such cones they either split beams or stopped up flasks. Hence everything that, in the manner of a cone or cylinder, might cover or gird something was called *sphikoma* or *sphinkoma* and *sphenoma*, and to cover, to gird, to wrap around, to fold around, was called *sphikoun* and *sphenoun*. Scholia on that [passage] of the Iliad [v. 52]: "the limb cannot move." It is also apparent why the Latins of the Middle Ages called cones or wedges [the coin] and why the French today call metallic forms for striking coins with a hammer *cuneus*. See Du Cange, s.v. *Cuneus*. Likewise, why the Greeks called those conical pieces of wood, with which boys and men are occupied in overturning by throwing a wooden ball [the French *les quilles*], *sphikes*; clearly as we do, for whom *Keil* is a wedge for splitting wood, and *Kegel* (which is exactly the same as *Keil*) is such a cone destined for playful gymnastics. This game was not unknown to the Greeks. I, for my part, believe I have discovered traces of it in Artemidorus, p. 49, where *sphairides* is commonly edited badly in those words: "But bags and little balls and jumping-games, and all other such childish exercises, predict rivalry." Suidas, citing this passage, presents *sphikes* for the fourth word. Rightly, indeed. I once thought that either *sphairides*, balls, or *sphikes* ought to be read, that is, the logs that are overturned, laid low, the same ones I mentioned. It is safer, however, to follow the authority of Suidas; *sphikes* are exactly the same. Artemidorus therefore lists among childish games these three: *thulakous*, that is, the balloon, an empty ball made of ox bladder, swollen with wind; *sphikes*, the little play-logs; and *huperalmata*, which is a type of game I remember practicing as a boy myself. Namely, sticks or wooden trunks of moderate height are placed in the middle, or piles of balls to a desired height, over which one must jump in such a way that neither the sticks nor the piled balls are overturned. I have been pleased to sprinkle these things to illustrate the passage of Artemidorus. But I return now to my *sphikoun*, which is to gird, to cover, to encompass, as is evident from what has been said so far. Hence it is that that little hollow of a candelabrum, which receives, holds, and encompasses the candle, is called *sphix* by the Greeks; the Latins call it a hook, *angos*, and a wedge. In the Anthology, p. 478, there is *sphixai thuras* for *sphyngge*, close the doors with bound straps. For the ancients used to bind doors with straps, with which then "Braids, which were bound with gold and silver," have these [notes]: "They were tightened, they were bound. Whence also *sphikoma* is said." To understand this passage, it should be noted that *sphikoma* to the modern Greeks is that type of thin rope twisted from a rope-maker, which we are accustomed to call *Bindfaden*, the French *de la ficelle*. Euchologium Cryptoferratense (in Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. p. 1062): "Then he puts on wooden chips, and binds them with a new *sphikoma*, for the protection of the wax-mastic." Nor should it be thought that *sphikoma* in this sense is so new. Nicomachus Gerasenus already used it thus, in the passage cited by Salmasius on the *Ara Dosiada*, p. 189, ed. Cren., which it will not be useless to record here also, since it appears from it that *sphix* and *sphen* are the same: "Wedges, both carpentry and building and blacksmithing and those of other crafts, are fashioned from a sharper point starting to pass through and always becoming wider, unequally at all intervals." Those *sphenes*, wedges, which carpenters use for splitting wood and joining the beams of buildings, likewise blacksmiths and other craftsmen, are fashioned in such a way that they begin to diverge from a sharper extremity, with the width always increasing in all directions. This description agrees with both wedges, both that which is wide and represents an inclined plane, and the conical one. And indeed a wedge is nothing other than *konion*, a small cone. That Nicomachus had regard for the conical wedge, however, the following demonstrates: "For such is the mass of wasps, being tightened in the middle and showing the said similarity." [For this reason it is likely that *sphikoma* was named. For wherever it tightens, it mimics the incision of a wasp.] For such is the *sphix* [similar to a conical wedge, wider at the top, narrower at the end] is the mass or body of wasps, intercepted and tightened in the middle as if by a band, and thus referring to the said similarity [namely, of a wedge]. For this reason also it is probable that the little cord with which we are accustomed to tighten bundles was called *sphix*. For there, where it is tightened, it makes a groove, and presses the underlying parts inward, so that they appear as if incised or cut like a wasp. It is apparent from this why the ancients said *sphix*, according to Hesychius, for *sphigx*. For it is tortured, [as] I have said elsewhere. Which was done here also. If anyone, however, wishes to make one word *chrysoumenon* from *kai chrysoumenon*, I will not intercede. For it refers to what follows.

(37) One might wonder at the meaning of the word *sphigx*, which is so firmly tightened and entangled, that [the modern Greeks omit the augment of the perfect]. (38) [That is, *ontos* *alethos*, although by name they were only consuls, not kings, they were nevertheless kings in reality.] (39) [Refers to the unanimous consent of the whole senate and the promulgated sentence, something approved or done.] (40) [They are *hoi apo chronou*, that is, by the year, *chronoi* is a year to the modern Greeks, a matter common and not untouched by us in the preceding.] (41) [Reference is made to the custom of the ancestors, about which Velleius elsewhere already said. Which was done here also.]

[1185] ...and he was lawfully clothed in the consular robe according to the merit of his victory, upon which the trophy against the enemies was also carried, on which were inscribed the deeds he had performed, as he brought before the consuls both the spoils and the captives; and he was to carry volumes, in which accounts were to be made of the expenses of the wars. And the scipiones [scepters] are so named from that Scipio of the Romans who served as general most greatly against the enemies, from whom they derived the auspicious name. Or they are also called *skepaia* according to the popular term, because those who are experts, as I think, in noble things, look upon these and consider what kind of recorded honor those who have acted bravely have shared in, and they zealously strive for imitation. And from the *campagia*, which are called by the Latin tongue, [comes] the agility of the military man, and not to be fortified by the entanglements of felt around the legs, or because they are covered by shields, or by circular bucklers, and because they do not need a contrived fortification.

[Latin text:] ...were; for they [the consuls] were actually annual kings, and each one of them, after the deed which he had obtained by lot, was sent away for the command of one year into the camps to wage war. When these were finished, he returned, and being asked by the consuls how he had administered the military affair, he received upon his shoulders the consular habit, adjusted to the dignity of the victory, and in his hands he received the handed-over trophy, the sign of victory over the subdued enemies, on which were represented by painting the things done by him in that expedition, through which he would introduce into the city and exhibit to the consuls the spoils and captives. He also held in his hands the codicils of the war expenses. But they say that the *scipiones*, which the patricians carry, obtained their name—full of good omen—from that most famous Roman military leader and author of the greatest deeds, Scipio, through whom they attained such fame. Or they are also called *scepæa* by the common people from this, as I indeed think, because those who know how to look upon and estimate beautiful things, devote themselves entirely to them and diligently recall with themselves what great honors, celebrated in the annals, brave and upright men once received; and by this they are stimulated to the imitation of them. Finally, they wear *campagia*, as the Latin speech calls them, to signify the agility of the military man, who neglects to fortify his legs with any protection other than the garment of felt, because he considers himself sufficiently covered and safe by means of oblong or round shields; and therefore he thinks he has need of no other artificially made and ingeniously devised fortification.

To the church of the most holy Theotokos of the Pharos of the Great Palace. The newly constructed great cross of Constantine the Christ-loving and Porphyrogenitus emperor.

Sacred vessels of various temples. Vessels of the temple of the most holy Mother of God of the Pharos in the Great Palace. The great cross, which the Christ-loving and Porphyrogenitus emperor Constantine recently caused to be made.

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY] [The remainder of the page consists of critical notes, textual variants, and commentary by John Jacob Reiske regarding the Greek and Latin terms used above.]

1187 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS. Vessels of the oratory of St. Theodore in the Chrysotriclinos. The rod of Moses. Rods, such as the ushers hold, entirely of gold, adorned with gems and pearls, four in number. Silver-gilt rods of the silentiaries, four. Silver-gilt rods of the couriers with crescents, four, and as many without them, together with small bolts. Gold collars of the protospatharioi. A spatharocandidaton entirely of gold, and another of silver-gilt. Swords of the spatharioi, with their reeds or shafts entirely gilded. 376 Gilded stratoricia. A golden shield, enameled with pearls. Another golden shield, similarly painted, jeweled, and pearled. Two silver-gilt poles.

1188 In the oratory of St. Theodore in the Chrysotriclinos (45). Vessels of the temple of St. Stephen of Daphne. The great cross of the Holy and Great Constantine. Three scepters. Seven ptychia [small victories]. Golden candidatica. Vessels of the temple of the Lord. Twelve scepters. Five campiductoria. Five labara. Twelve standards. Twelve dragons. Eight bands. Eighteen sceuphorica; of which twelve were renovated in the fourth indiction, the remaining six lie broken, having not obtained or being incapable of repair.

CHAPTER XLI. Types of change-garments. [There lie also in the temple of the Lord] fifteen loroi woven with gold. Twelve contomanikia woven with gold, belonging to those loroi. Twelve pectorals for the same loroi; six tunics painted with silver threads. A garment painted with gold threads. Twenty-nine sharp-colored contomanikia.

VARIOUS READINGS. (49) Campidoctoria, perhaps mentioned nowhere else, were signs such as the campiductors carried, concerning which I have stated my opinion on p. 415, namely, long poles, on the point of which trophies were seen fixed.

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (45) I believed this to signify a compendium of writing, which in manuscripts was the name. That it was correctly expressed by us as a compendium, the passage of our author on p. 4 does not allow one to doubt. (46) The words *des* and *katakleidia* seem to have been the same as *mochloi* (bolts). In the likeness of these, transverse rods were fixed, like nails or arms, upon which the hand rests; these seem to have been called *katakleidia*. Therefore, the image of such rods would have been in the shape of a cross. The word *chrysokanos* recurs below on p. 411, where I believed it to signify "equipped with a golden hilt," as if the reed were a hilt. But here, *diachrysa holokana spathia* are called swords, whose reeds are gilded. Here, "reed" cannot signify the hilt of a sword, but it seemed to me to signify its shaft or the very iron itself, which constitutes the essence of the sword. They knew, however, at that time the art of engraving or incising flowers and other figures on the shafts or irons of swords and gilding them, as we do today. Concerning which art I spoke above on p. 59. (48) Such as, namely, had to be carried before the imperial Caesar by the spatharioi or protospatharioi. (51) I translated "not having obtained repair." That expression could also signify "not having in themselves a place for repair," not admitting it, no longer bearing it. *Peripoiesis* is the repair through which it is brought about that something *perie* (remains over), survives, and stays in the nature of things. (52) They are the same as *alethinera* or *alethina*, that is, garments true and made from true things. It is now ambiguous, since sea-wool—a certain kind of feather-like growth, concerning which kind of wool I have spoken elsewhere—whether the juice of the purple is designated by the word "true." In the same way, it is doubtful whether the word *alourges* refers to the material or fabric, sea-wool, or to the color, the juice of the purple. Both were products of the sea. Furthermore, they commonly say that *alithinon* and *oxy* are the same, both being purple. And yet, in this place, *ta alethina* and *ta oxea* are opposed. They also say that *to oxy* is violet. But here they are called *oxea chroaka* or *alethinaera chronia*. Therefore, *to oxy* is not a color, but a modification of a color other than white, of whatever kind. And the same must be established concerning *alithinon*. I have therefore rendered *alethinaera* in this place as "of true right," and *oxea* as "of sharp right." The first dye, with which the cloths were dyed, was *alethinon*, pure and true right; for nothing...

1189 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1190

True contomanikia of the first year. Fifteen tunics of true law with silver plates. Twenty-nine contomanikia of sharp law, colored. Eighteen contomanikia of true law, colored. Twenty-five tunics of founded law, colored, with golden plates, for magistroi, proconsuls, and patricians. Thirty tunics of founded law with purple plates for secretarial officials. Six tunics of the platonia type for secretarial chartularies. Thirty-three tunics of founded law with purple plates, commonly called Tyrian, of the cubiculum; and the same number of atrebatic tunics.

CHAPTER XLII. Concerning the tombs of the emperors which are in the church of the Holy Apostles. And first, that which pertains to the heroon of the holy and Great Constantine. First, in the place facing the east, lies the sarcophagus of the holy Constantine, made of porphyry, that is to say, Roman.

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

[...The text here contains Reiske’s philological commentary on the terms "true law" and "sharp law" (acutum jus), explaining the dyeing processes involving alkaline additives and the resulting color saturation. He discusses the loss of the original manuscript leaf, the existence of other imperial catalogs (Du Cange, Banduri), and the historical context of the Church of the Holy Apostles, noting its conversion into a mosque by Muhammad. He also provides etymological notes on the term "heroon" (heroön) and the gender of the word "sarcophagus" (larnax) in Greek.]

1191 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1192

...is the same, Roman marble, containing himself along with Helena, his blessed mother. Another porphyry Roman sarcophagus, in which Constantius was placed.

JOHN JAMES REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...the part finishing, the son lamenting), a famous and remarkable monument, almost all authors say that Constantine the Great himself (see Codinus, *Offic.* p. 113, no. 10) and most of the succeeding emperors were deposited. I do not see, therefore, how I can reconcile with them the Continuator of Theophanes, who clearly contradicts them (Script. p. Th. p. 120), where he says thus: "Bardas handed over Ignatius to the guard, and to a harsh and cruel guard. And it was in the temple of the Holy Apostles, not in that great and venerable one, but where the tombs are said to be, and where the tombs truly are." And it is quarried in Egypt; whence it is also called Egyptian. [Constantine in *Life of Basil* c. 55: "Of Egyptian stone, which we are accustomed to call Roman."] Our author considers porphyry and Roman marble to be the same. However, that they are considered different today will be evident from the passage of Keysler to be cited shortly. Concerning the various types of marbles, which are mentioned in this chapter, Du Cange dealt with them in his commentary on Paul the Silentiary’s *Ecphrasis of St. Sophia*, chapter 10, where he describes these types of marbles: Egyptian, Thebaic [concerning Thebaic marble see Aristid. 349. From the Addenda], Roman, and porphyry, all of which are the same to him; then he refers to Phrygian, varied in color, and rose-colored mixed with white and blue; Laconian, greenish; Carian, distinguished by oblique streaks of blood-red and livid white; Lydian, mixed with greenish and pale color; Proconnesian; Libyan, of blue and saffron color at the same time; Celtic, black; Bosporic, white; Thessalian and Molossian, following especially the lead of Paul the Silentiary, whom it will not be useless or unpleasant to reread while he describes these marbles (p. 515, from verse 200 to 229). Paul describes Egyptian marble there thus:

...for the burying of the deceased Christian emperors. But she was buried in the temple of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, which her son Constantine built, so that the deceased Christian emperors might be buried there. Nicephorus Callistus, Book VIII, c. 31, concerning Helena: "After the space of two years, having been placed with the sarcophagus in Constantinople, she was the first to be deemed worthy of burial in the imperial monuments of the Holy Apostles." After the space of two years, when the chest was transferred to Constantinople into the sepulchers of the emperors which are in the temple of the Apostles, she was the first to be deposited. Compare Codinus, *Antiquities of Constantinople*, p. [folio], about which I spoke above. In his notebooks, I found these deposited somewhere. [Constantine built a mausoleum for his mother Helena, where she was buried in a porphyry sarcophagus. Alteserra on Anastasius, p. 29.] Alteserra is not at hand now; whence I doubt where he says the mausoleum was built by Constantine for his mother, whether in Rome or Constantinople, but I think he says Rome. Indeed, even today in Rome, in the Lateran, the chest of Helena is preserved and shown, concerning which I shall transcribe what Keysler has in his *Itinerary*, p. 501: "The most precious is the porphyry sarcophagus of Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great, from a single piece, which is adorned with large bas-reliefs of horsemen and other figures. This piece is even larger than the aforementioned tomb of Bucchus in the church of St. Constantia [see p. 490 init], but damaged in many places. The place where it was dug up under a round tower, called Tor Pignatara, is approximately 3 miles from Rome on the Via Labicana. Pope Anastasius IV had it brought here so that it might serve as his own tomb. But nothing came of this plan, and it still stands empty." Shortly after, he has a passage from which you may learn that Egyptian and porphyry marble are not the same, which the passage of Constantine Porphyrogenitus cited a little earlier claims. Speaking of the "stercorary" chairs, he says: "Both are of porphyry, or rather of *pietra egizzia rossa*, which is not as beautiful and hard as porphyry." The same author, p. 503, makes Egyptian stone and red granite the same, but on p. 518 he says the body of Helena herself lies in Rome at the church of St. Maria in Aracoeli: "The high altar," his words are, "is surrounded by eight columns of *alabastro orientale*, and in the same place lies the corpse of St. Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great, in a sarcophagus of porphyry." *Life of Constantine the Great and his mother Helena* (apud Du Cange v. Εληματικός): "And having descended into the elder Rome, she died and lies outside the city in a round, vaulted temple in a porphyry sarcophagus." "A great abundance of purple stone, rising over the Nile, whose long-extended branches offer a beautiful sight, filling the cargo ships, shines, studded with thin stars." Since, therefore, this marble is born in Egypt, some will wonder how it happened that it was called Roman. Perhaps the Romans gave occasion for that appellation. The ancient Roman Augusti had obelisks and other large marble masses transported from Egypt to Rome, and they used that stone frequently in their buildings. Hence it happened that Egyptian or Thebaic marble was called Roman, as being loved, sought after, and used most frequently by the Romans, and then transported from Rome to Constantinople by Constantine the Great and others. Anna Comnena suggests this etymology not obscurely in the *Alexiad*, p. 190, describing the Hall, called Porphyra: "...the floor was paved, and the walls were covered not with ordinary stones, nor with others that are more easily obtained than the more precious stones; but with those which the emperors of old had dragged from Rome. And this stone is, so to speak, purple throughout and has, as it were, certain sandy spots running through it. From these stones, I think, the ancients named the building Porphyra."

...in the temple of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, which her son Constantine built... Constantius, whom Bandurius notes as an author, because he says Constantine was buried in the temple of the Apostles, whom Victor’s *Epitome*, Zosimus, Theophanes, and others testify was killed in the battle at Aquileia fought with his brother Constans, and his body thrown into the river Alsa. But he must be corrected from our author. Concerning the funeral of Constantius, Gregory of Nazianzus, *Second Oration against Julian*, p. 93: "And he, having removed the diadem from his head and having bowed his head to the emperor as was fitting, thus accompanied those who were carrying him to the tomb and to that famous shrine of the Apostles. And they received and guarded the holy lineage..."

(58) Roman marble is said to be of red color. 33. This note had been added by the learned man in that singular... (59) [Theophanes also testifies to this, p. 21: "She died..."] (60) It is read wrongly in the Anonymous *Origins* as Constantius...

1193 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1194

the son of the Great Constantine. Another porphyry sarcophagus, Roman, in which lies Theodosius the Great (61). Another green sarcophagus, Hieracite (62), in which lies Leo the Great. Another porphyry sarcophagus, Roman, in which lies Marcian with his wife Pulcheria. Another green sarcophagus, Thessalian (63), in which lies the Emperor Zeno. Another Aquitanian sarcophagus (64), in which lies Anastasius the Dicorus with his wife Ariadne. Another sarcophagus of green Thessalian stone, in which lies the Emperor Michael, the son of Theophilus (65). It should be noted that such a sarcophagus belongs to the Emperor Justinian the Great (66). It lay in the monastery of the Augusta (67), beneath the Holy Apostles.

[COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE]

(61) [Concerning this tomb, there is an account in the Anonymous writer.]

(62) Regarding Hieracite or "kite-colored" marble, see Salmasius on Solinus, p. 502, where he says it is marble sprinkled with black or dark and white spots, like the feathers of a kite. Aetius, in the same place, calls it "leek-green" stone, which agrees with our author’s "green."

(63) Thessalian marble is green; see the Continuation of Theophanes, pp. 88 and 90, where, among various types of marble, he also mentions "green Thessalian river-stone," meaning slabs of green Thessalian undulated marble. "Thessalian stone" is that which possesses a green color.

(64) Thus the manuscripts. The Draudian copy and the Leich edition gave "Aquitanian" at this place. The learned man notes these things: [I have rendered it "Aquitanian," since Pliny writes that marbles are quarried in that region. Moreover, writers vary on this word. Cedrenus, p. 363: "in an Aquitanian sarcophagus," from yellow marble, which in the Colbert codex is "Anaketian," where Banduri conjectures that "Ananchitin," the stone mentioned by Pliny, should be read.] Regarding Aquitanian marble, see Alteserra on Anastasius, p. 42, in the life of Hilarius. Perhaps it is the same as Celtic marble, which Paulus Silentiarius, in his *Ekphrasis* (v. 220), lists among the marbles used to adorn Hagia Sophia: "And as much as the Celtic [stone] held, deep-crystalline, casting much milkiness upon the black shining surface..."

(65) [Who, while drunk with wine, was killed in the palace of St. Mamas. But Cedrenus, p. 593, affirms that his body was committed to the earth during the reign of Leo in the church of the Holy Apostles: "He ordered the corpse of the murdered Emperor Michael to be brought to the City, and from there to be escorted with chants and hymns to the church of the Holy Apostles and placed in a marble sarcophagus, which was done."] For he had previously been buried in the monastery of Philippicus at Chrysopolis. Cf. *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 117.

(66) Thus the manuscripts. But it is undoubtedly corrupt and, following the custom of scribes who perpetually interchange the names of Justin and Justinian, it is wrong. For he designates Justin, as is evident from a comparison of this passage and p. 373 with other authors. Indeed, it is said below that the remains of Justin and his wife Sophia were removed from their sarcophagi and deposited in a small, humble chest. Therefore, if you listen to our author, it is not Justin the Elder, otherwise called the Thracian, but the Younger who is designated. For the wife of the Elder was first called Lupicia and then, having changed her name, Euphemia, whereas the wife of the Younger was Sophia. But what our author seems to attribute to Justin, the husband of Sophia, on p. 373, other authors attribute to Justin, the husband of Euphemia; see Du Cange, *Constantinopolis Christiana*, Book VII, p. 153, no. XII, and p. 160, no. 77, and the following note. And without doubt, rightly so. First, the fact that "the Great" is used here indicates that Justin the Elder, not the Younger, is designated, which is not for nothing. Secondly, in the *heroon* of Justinian appears the urn of Justin the Younger, and indeed of white marble, not that of the Elder, which Cedrenus, like our author, claims was of green marble. Whence it is concluded that in our present passage the name of Justin should be substituted for the name of Justinian, and on p. 373, Euphemia for Sophia.

(67) Augusta, from which the monastery—or rather this convent (for it was destined for women)—takes its name.

1195 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1196

[He] deposed, and placed the remains of the said Michael into it. Another green Thessalian [sarcophagus], in which also the stoles of the Apostles were found. The Lord Emperor Leo took him, and deposited him there for the storage of the body of the same Michael. Another green Thessalian sarcophagus, in which lies Basil [the Macedonian and his wife, Eudocia, and his son, Alexander]. Another Sagarinian or Pneumonusian [sarcophagus], in which lies the venerable Emperor Leo the Wise, son of Basil, and his son, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, brought in long after his father’s time. Another white [sarcophagus], whose name is *basilicium*, holding Constantine, son of Basil [the Macedonian]. Another green Thessalian [sarcophagus], in which lie St. Theophano, first wife of the blessed Leo [the Wise], and his daughter, Eudocia. Another of Bithynian marble, in which [lies] Zoe, second wife of the same Leo. Another green Thessalian [sarcophagus], in which [lies] Eudocia, surnamed Baini, third wife of the same Lord.

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

[She] had, was Euphemia, wife of Justin the Elder. Origin. Cptan.: Justin the Thracian built the women’s monastery called Augusta for his wife Euphemia; his own body having been placed there previously. These final words are very obscure. They suggest that the bones of Justin were removed from that monastery. Yet our author says they remained in the same monastery, although they were transferred from an ancient sarcophagus to another. Perhaps that anonymous writer had heard or read about the sarcophagus of Justin being transferred from that monastery to the church of the Holy Apostles, which he subsequently attributed to the remains of Justin himself. Cedrenus p. 366: Justin died and his body was placed in the monastery of Augusta in a green sarcophagus with his wife Euphemia. However, I cannot sufficiently wonder that the remains of the emperor were transferred from his own sarcophagus into another’s. Certainly, for the bones of Michael the Drunkard to have a place to rest, there was not sufficient cause for the buried spirits to be disturbed and despoiled of their honor. The church of the Apostle Thomas, the same, as it seems, as the St. Thomas of Anthemius; v. Du Cange CP. Chr. 1. IV, p. 117. Therefore, already in the fifth century, Christians dying were seeking the vicinity of bones reputed to be holy, with the hope that, from the companionship of bones deserving of the profound veneration of the religious populace, something of their glory and veneration, if not of their sanctity, might flow over to them as well. But what those stoles of the Holy Apostles mentioned here are, I do not know.

P. 234. imitating. Sagarius or Sagarinus is so called from the city of Bithynia, Sagara or Sangarus, of which I speak, at p. 417. [Constant. Vit. Basil. p. 201: the so-called Sagarian stone, which is similar to the stone called by some *ostrites*.] that these things proceeded from Constantine himself, but were added by another hand after his death. Since, however, no mention appears of the emperors who reigned after him, my mind inclines more to believe that Constantine signified his will and desire to rest at his father’s side by these words. Furthermore, it is certain that he himself was buried in the same tomb as his father. Cedrenus p. 641: he was buried with his own father. Symeon Mag. in Constantine p. 496: and he is buried in the temple of the Holy Apostles with Leo the Emperor, his father.] When V. D. was writing this, he was not turning his mind and eyes to the words placed a little below, where the sarcophagus of Basil, brother of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, is mentioned; both of whom were brothers, grandsons of Romanus Porphyrogenitus, of whom there is talk here, and who is held to be the author of our Ceremonial. V. D. also overlooked another place, which is found below on p. 375. For there, the Constantine who is being discussed, the son of Leo, is called *ho makarios basileus*, the emperor of blessed memory. But that formula is not used for the living, but only for the dead. It is concluded from these things that our Ceremonial is indeed that of the Constantine who was the son of Leo and the father of Romanus, whether he himself compiled it, or, which seems more likely, he entrusted it to one of his amanuenses or librarians to be patched together: but that his grandson, namesake of his grandfather, or rather one of his familiars, who was also a client of the Phocas family (as is evident from chapter xcvi of the first book), added some things. For you will find nothing in this whole book of men, or events, or court institutions later than this younger Constantine. I, indeed, although a diligent and vigilant hunter of such things, have not observed a trace.

(68) Therefore it was within the precinct of the monastery of Augusta. (69) See Cedren. p. 608, Script. post Theoph. (70) Perhaps it is so called from the color, the color of a lung. (71) [Someone could conclude from this passage that this sarcophagus was so named because it was the repository of a *regulus*, that is, a designated emperor, who nevertheless did not reach the empire, being prevented by death? This conjecture is of little weight to me; and perhaps it would have been better to provide none than such a one. Perhaps this will be better: that the sarcophagus was called this because it held one of the family of Basil.] (72) Who could give the reason for this name? Is it that this sarcophagus was so named because it was the repository of a *regulus*, that is, an emperor-designate, who nevertheless did not reach the empire, being prevented by death? (73) This is that Constantine, in name and appearance the son of Basil, but, as rumor has it, in reality the son of Michael the Drunkard, who died before the end of Basil, c. A. 879, and who I demonstrated in the preface to the first volume, p. 8, to be the author of the *Tactics* edited by Meursius. (74) Not in the church of the Holy Apostles itself, but in the neighboring small chapel dedicated to Theophano and built by her husband, Leo, says Symeon Magister p. 463: Leo the Emperor, having purchased buildings near the Holy Apostles, builds a very beautiful church in the name of Theophano, his first wife, and deposits her there as well. But the Codices say this monument was built by Constantine, son of Leo. See Du Cange CPli Christ. IV, p. 162. I have reproduced the image of this Theophano on the first folio of this our Ceremonial from the Basilian Menology t. II, p. 31. [Nicephorus Gregoras’s oration on St. Theophano, first wife of the Emperor Leo VI, called the Philosopher or Wise, in cod. III at Lambec 1. 1.]

1197 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. • 1198

Another Bithynian sarcophagus, in which lies Zoe, the second wife of the same Leo. Another green Thessalian sarcophagus, in which lies Eudocia, the third wife of the same lord Leo, surnamed Baïnē. Another sarcophagus... Another Proconnesian sarcophagus, in which lies Anna... and Anna, the daughters of the blessed Leo and [his second wife] Zoe. Another small sarcophagus of Sagarine or Pneumonusian stone, in which lies Basil, the brother of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and Bardas, the son of Basil, his grandfather. Another small sarcophagus of Sagarine stone, in which lies...

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOANNES JACOBUS REISKE.

Du Cange must be corrected and supplemented, who in *Familiae Byzantinae* p. 141 conjectures that Eudocia was born of Zoe, the fourth wife, from Constantine’s book *De Administrando Imperio* c. 26; on the contrary, he could not indicate the name of the daughter of Theophano, whom some writers contend died at a tender age, being destitute of ancient monuments.

* In the manuscripts there is an *a* with a mark superimposed, which can be read equally as *aut* or *autis* and referred to Leo. There is no doubt, however, that *autis* is to be preferred and that Theophano was the mother of Eudocia, because the latter was brought into the former’s tomb, and both catalogs also exhibit this.

* Cf. Leo Grammaticus p. 479, to be corrected from Symeon Magister p. 463, and Cedrenus p. 598. Baina, however, as a surname; but it is missing in AB. Of Leo, I find nothing among other writers of Byzantine history. Wherefore it is not permitted to indicate its origin. It is perhaps from *baïn*, a palm, to designate the remarkable beauty of the Augusta, which Zonaras and others proclaim.]

* In these words end the notes of the illustrious Leichius published in that specimen of one leaf, of which I spoke above. Baton is a gentile name. *Eudokia hē tou Batyn*, Eudocia of the Baini family. The Roman family is Vaenia, whence in the masculine *ho tou Batyn* and in the feminine *hē tou Baton* is said. Concerning that termination of gentile names in *-n*, see what was said above at p. 32. Or if in *Batyn* the termination is feminine, this gentile name is of a famous family, by origin Avaric or Hunnic, likewise Lombardic and Bulgaric of the Bajani and Pagani. The memory of many Bajani occurs in the history of later times. Menander Protector p. 89 sqq. ed. Hoeschel mentions some Lombard Bajanus, and p. 104 some Bajenus, Chagan of the Avars, whom on p. 140 he calls indiscriminately both Bajanus and Baïnus. Reinesius, *Syntagm. Inscript.* p. 400, has two Bajanii. Whence it appears, if in the masculine *Batanos* and *Baïnos*, Paganus and Painus are said alike, even in the feminine *Batyn* is the same as *Baïanē*. Ammianus Marcellinus p. 31, ed. Lindenbr., mentions some tribune Bainobandes, just as *Thaynus* is with Du Cange, v. *Missae presbyter*, for *Thayanus*, that is, daily. See Theophanes p. 364, and Goar there. Nicephorus Patriarcha in his *Breviarium* frequently names the principal family of the Bajani among the Bulgarians, as on p. 102 and 218. This name passes with the Lombards to the Italians and Franks, and it was very frequent in the Middle Ages, nor do I doubt that there are still those in France who are called by the baptismal name, as they call it, Pagani. In an old charter in Muratori, *Ant. Ital.* t. II, p. 791: Wido Abbas with Paganus, his advocate. In Anna Comnena p. 390, some Conte Pagano is mentioned in the army of Bohemond the Norman. In the *Chronicon Cassinense* l. 1, c. 47, occurs a Lombard *fara* (that is, *genos*, lineage, family), which is called Baiana. It is a German or Lombard word, from which still survives today the compound *Vorfahren*, ancestors, to which example the word *Nachfahren*, descendants, could be conveniently formed.

* That it is white, as on p. 184 a, is clear from Cf. Theoph. p. 90, and below p. 372.

* [Proconnesus, today Marmora, lies very close to Cyzicus, because of the quarries of marble which is dug out there; which, as also the Cyzicene mentioned by Pliny, is still held in high esteem. Smith, *Notitia CPlis* p. 118.]

* to have carried out. Since, therefore, both catalogs make mention of only one Anna (*Anna hē thygatēr*), but Du Cange in *Familiae Byz.* p. 142 demonstrates from Constantine that Constantine himself had a sister called Eudocia: by this compromise I wished to reconcile the different authorities, so that I might substitute Eudocia for the other Anna in the Latin. In the text, however, I have changed nothing.

* I am not able to resolve this. And both catalogs do not fail. Basil, the brother of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, is said to have been buried in the church of the Holy Apostles. He cannot be any other Basil than the son of Romanus the younger, commonly called Bulgaroctonus. But two very difficult obstacles prevent us from believing that he is designated here. First, because Cedrenus p. 719 says in express words: *tapheis parekale se ton heautou adelphon, an kai diadochon katelipe tēs archēs en tō kata to Hebdomon naō tou Euangelistou kai Theologou; ho kai gegonen*. Pachymeres l. 11, c. 21, and others also narrate that long after, under Michael Palaeologus, the body of that Basil was found still intact in the church, with a sarcophagus inscribed with six iambic verses, which revealed the name of the man to those who were ignorant of it. Du Cange revealed those verses in his notes to Zonaras p. 109 and AB in t. I *Imp. Orient.* l. VII, p. 179, who also narrated the history of those discovered relics in the notes to that place (t. II, p. 810). That whole affair could indeed be held as a fabrication worthy of light, superstitious, and credulous Greeks, and I myself am persuaded that there is nothing but monastic imposture underneath. But this is more serious and difficult. This Basil’s *pappos* (grandfather) is said to be Basil. But if you take the word *pappos* in the common sense for the father of a father, the grandfather of Basil Bulgaroctonus was not Basil, but Constantine. But if you imagine that it should be taken in a broader sense. But that more is missing is clear from both catalogs, of which the Du Cangian one has these things, from which AB hardly departs. Namely, after the mention of the sarcophagus of Anna, who was the daughter of Leo and Zoe, it immediately adds these things DC.: *Etera*

(73) [So also the Anonymous in *Origin. Hino.* (76) *[ Baïninos also is in Constant. Conti- (77) DC. also has this name, without (78) *[ Concerning this surname of Eudocia, the third wife (79) Agnellus frequently praises Proconnesian marble (80) It is not probable that both daughters had the same name (81) This is a knot worthy of a solver, which I myself am not able to untie. And both catalogs do not fail. (82) After this word there was a blank space of one]

1199 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 372 in the heroön of the great Justinian. The first sarcophagus toward the east, near the apse, is where the body of Justinian lies, made of a foreign stone of rare and wonderful color, which is almost midway between the color of Bithynian and Chalcedonian marble, similar to Ostrite marble. Another, of Hierapolitan marble, in which lies Theodora, wife of the Great Justinian. Another toward the west on the right, of rose-colored marble distinguished by spots, Docimian, in which lies Eudocia, wife of Justinian the Younger [otherwise Rhinotmetus]. Another of white Proconnesian marble, in which lies...

1200 The Heroön of the Great Justinian. Toward the apse itself, facing east, is the first sarcophagus, in which lies the body of Justinian (83), of a foreign and strange stone having a color midway between Bithynian and Chalcedonian, similar to Ostrite stone (84). Another sarcophagus of Hierapolitan stone (85), in which lies Theodora, the wife of the Great Justinian. Another sarcophagus lying toward the west on the right side, of rose-variegated Docimian color (86), in which lies Eudocia, the wife of Justinian the Great (87).

VARIOUS READINGS. Inside the same church is another sarcophagus, in which lies Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the brother of the Bulgar-Slayer. [AB adds: These are] the sons of Romanus, the one called "the Good Child," whose mother is Theophano, who lies in the right part of the church of the Great Constantine.

That a monument of Romanus is listed among these, I was surprised, after I read on page 15 of the German version of Spon’s Itinerary that Spon had seen two tombs in the monastery of St. Luke between Delphi and Thebes, founded by that Romanus—one, according to the monks' tradition, of the Emperor Romanus, son of Constantine VII, grandson of Leo, and the other of his wife. In the same place, Spon cites a Greek inscription of two iambic verses, seen by him in Constantinople, which he thinks refers to that monastery; by what right, he himself must see. However, since it is nowhere said by writers that Romanus left Constantinople, but rather that he met his end there, it is probable that his funeral was held in the tombs of his ancestors, and that the story the Greeks foisted upon Spon is a mere monastic fable. Nor did they keep their hands off it. [Fragment of Nicetas Choniates in Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. VI, p. 405.]

COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JACOB REISKE. ...that the word *pappos* must be accepted and signifies in this place a great-grandfather; indeed, Constantine’s great-grandfather was Basil the Macedonian, and we do not wish to deny that the word is used in that sense anywhere, although examples are not at hand. Yet, even assuming and admitting that hypothesis, the difficulty still remains that the son of Basil the Macedonian is here called Bardas; who has ever heard of this? For my part, to say what I feel, I think this place in the original copy, from which this catalog and DC as well as AB were derived, was stained and obscured and confused by erasures, from which flowed both the errors and lacunae of our codex and the confusion in DC and AB. The name Bardas did not exist in the family of Basil; conversely, the name Basil was not in use in the family of the Phocae. Therefore, it is necessary that something regarding the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas, who had a son Bardas, a father Bardas, and a nephew Bardas from his brother, has fallen out. Both catalogs confirm this, as they mention the sarcophagus of Nicephorus. Perhaps, therefore, the lacuna after *Porphyrogenitus* should be filled as follows: "Another sarcophagus, in which lies Nicephorus Phocas and Bardas, the son of the same emperor," or "and Bardas, the son of Leo, his brother." Bardas Phocas, indeed, the Domestic of the Schools and the author of great deeds under Basil the Bulgar-Slayer, was the nephew of the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas through his brother Leo. However, it is not probable that either Bardas, the son of the Emperor Nicephorus, was placed in the imperial tombs, as he died before his father attained the empire; or that the same honor was accorded to Bardas Phocas, the son of Leo, who rose up against the Emperor Basil, was carried away by good fortune, and aspired to the empire, for which reason he was defeated and killed in a battle joined by Basil, or, as others claim, was removed by poison. Another conjecture entered my mind. It seemed, indeed, that the author had written: "and Bardas the Caesar, who was killed by Basil his [great-uncle]," and Bardas Caesar [uncle of Michael the Drunkard] killed by Basil his [great-uncle] [namely, of Constantine Porphyrogenitus]. This conjecture pleased me so much (especially since the daughter of this Bardas Caesar is mentioned below in these tombs on p. 374) that I would have expressed it at least in the Latin, had I not been restrained by another passage of ours on p. 374, where it is said that the jawbone of Bardas Caesar is preserved in a certain sarcophagus. Therefore, his whole body was not brought back to Constantinople, but buried in that place where Bardas was run through. For it lacked reason to bury the body of the same man in one place in the same temple, but his jawbone in another. I preferred, therefore, to leave a lacuna in the Latin than to provide uncertain conjectures.

"Another sarcophagus, in which lies Nicephorus Phocas. Another sarcophagus, in which lies Michael the Amorian. Another sarcophagus, in which lies Romanus, the son of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, or the one called 'the Good Child'." This type of marble seems to be from Ostrus or Ostrous, a place in Phrygia Salutaris; see Hierocles, *Synecdemus* p. 676, and the celebrated Wesseling there, or Pacatiana if you prefer. For both Phrygias had a Hierapolis; see Wesseling, *loc. cit.* p. 665 and 676. Julian mentions white Phrygian marble in *Opp.* p. 341. But there are many kinds of Phrygian marble. Docimian is subsequently called "rose-variegated." In Synnada, I say, the white marble is distinguished by a purple area in a circle; see Salmasius, vol. II *Hist. Aug.* p. 129 and Du Cange on the *Ekphrasis* of Paulus Silentiarius p. 530. The city of Docimium, of Phrygia Salutaris, is mentioned. See Wesseling, *loc. cit.* p. 677, and Casaubon and Salmasius on *Scr. H. A.* vol. I, p. 369. "Rose-variegated" is the same as "pepper-spotted," which the Continuator of Theophanes mentions on p. 87, that is, having black spots, like grains of pepper, on a red background or rose color sprinkled with dots of a different color. Eudocia, nor was there any other wife. Nor can one think here of Justin the Elder or the Younger. For their wife was Lupicia, later called Euphemia, and for this one, Sophia. (There are, however, those who call the wife of the later Justin, Eudocia.) Perhaps, therefore, the first wife of Justinian Rhinotmetus was so called, whose name Du Cange did not find. See his *Familiae Byzantinae* p. 121. Also below p. 438. "Justinian the Great" is used for "the Younger" or "the New," as I noted there. My conjecture is confirmed by the following mention in the text of the sarcophagus of Justinian the Younger. Here they have...

(83) *The corpse of Justinian was found by the Latins, (84) See Constant. Vit. Basil. p. 201. It is said (85) From Hierapolis, a city of Phrygia, or Salutaris, (86) There is also a species of Phrygian marble, of (87) Besides Theodora, Justinian the Great had no other wife.

1201 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II 1202

Another white Proconnesian sarcophagus, in which lies Justinian the Younger (88). Another sarcophagus, likewise Proconnesian, in which lies Sophia, the wife of Justin. Another sarcophagus of white Docimian (89) onyx stone, in which lies Heraclius (90) the Great. Another green Thessalian sarcophagus, in which lies Fabia, the wife of Heraclius. Another Proconnesian sarcophagus of Constantine Pogonatus. Another sarcophagus of green Thessalian stone, in which is placed Fausta (91), the wife of Constantine Pogonatus. Another Sagarian sarcophagus, in which lies Constantine, grandson of Heraclius, son of Constantine (92) Pogonatus. Another sarcophagus of Sagarian stone, the "hundred-stoned" (93), in which lies Anastasius, also called Artemius. Another sarcophagus of Hierapolitan stone, in which lies the wife of Anastasius, also called Artemius. Another sarcophagus of Proconnesian stone, in which lies Leo the Isaurian. Another sarcophagus of green Thessalian stone, in which once lay Constantine, the son of the Isaurian, surnamed Caballinus (94); but he was cast out by Michael and Theodora, and his wretched (95) body was burned. Likewise, his sarcophagus was cast out and broken to pieces, and it was put to use for the fittings (96) of the Pharos. For indeed, the large slabs (97) that are in the same Pharos are derived from that same sarcophagus. Another sarcophagus...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(88) Otherwise Rhinotmetus. Both catalogs have "Justin" instead of "Justinian." (89) Another species of Docimian marble, which imitates the color of the onyx gem. (90) See Cedrenus, p. 430, where he says he lies in the Church of the Holy Apostles. That Anastasia is more famous by the other name, Martina (see above, p. 364); but Fabia, mentioned here, is the first wife of Heraclius, Fabia Eudocia; see Du Cange, *Fem. Byzant.*, p. 118. For Fabia, both catalogs have "Flavia." (91) In Du Cange, *loc. cit.*, p. 120, he says that the wife of Constantine Pogonatus was called Anastasia. Perhaps that was her name, and Fausta her forename. Both catalogs lacked the final words "the wife of Constantine Pogonatus." Banduri, however, suspected (vol. II, p. 812) that this was the wife of Pogonatus. Perhaps that lacuna arose because the scribe who copied these catalogs, or rather the catalog, found confusion in the original exemplar at this place, the traces of which remain in our manuscripts. For after the name of Fausta, these words are read inserted: "in which lies," which I have deleted. (92) The son of Constantine Pogonatus, I know of none. Those sons were Justinian Rhinotmetus and Heraclius. I have therefore placed "father" in the Latin in place of this word. Certainly, Constantine was called father of Pogonatus at his coronation, although he is commonly called Constans; see Du Cange, *loc. cit.*, p. 120. Nor does it stand in the way that that Constans, killed in Sicily, perished in a bath. For his son brought his remains back to Constantinople and deposited them in the Church of the Holy Apostles beside his father Heraclius Constantine, as Cedrenus testifies, p. 436. Catalogs AB and DC present this passage in a far different way. The former indeed has only the article, which DC presents in the latter place: but DC has these two: "Another Sagarian sarcophagus, in which lies Constans, son of Constantine, son of Heraclius. Another 'hundred-stoned' sarcophagus, in which lies Constans, the son of Constantine, son of Heraclius." (93) I think it was so called from the multitude of various colors that were in the marble; not that there were precisely that many, but perhaps fewer, yet always many, whether it was a natural product or the work of mosaic or tessellated art; see Salmasius, *ad Solin.*, p. 295. Cedrenus, p. 468, has the burial of the Apostles, and the same author mentions the misfortune of the urn and the bones in the same place, as do Leo Grammaticus, p. 467, and Symeon Magister, p. 449. I will speak of the meaning of this word at p. 373. (94) Otherwise Copronymus. (95) I have translated as "impure." Lest anyone wonder, let them see how... (96) In interpreting, I have followed the reading of both catalogs, which present "Pharos" instead of "Forum." For instead of the first "Pharos," they have "Palace." The same, instead of "fittings," have "chests." These are stone columns, tall to the height of a human chest, but "systems" are the structures and series of several columns (which comes to almost the same thing). However, it pleased me more in the Latin to follow the reading that others also suggest, *systremmatia*. They are, indeed, *systremmata* and *systremmatia*, all barriers, enclosures, whether of stone, or iron, or bronze—whatever *systrephei*, restrains the crowd and does not allow it to wander freely. (97) *Abbacia* are broad slabs which are either placed on top of such systems of columns, or are placed against walls, like benches, so that one can sit on them. How could so many and such great works be cut from one marble sarcophagus?

[1203] ...capable of holding multiple bodies] of Proconnesian marble, in which lie Cosmo and Irene, sisters of Caballinus. Another of Proconnesian marble, in which is placed Leo the Khazar, son of Constantine Caballinus. Another of Proconnesian marble, in which is placed Irene, wife of Leo the Khazar. Another of green Thessalian marble, in which is placed Michael the Stammerer. Another of Sagarinian marble, in which is placed Thecla, wife of Michael the Stammerer. Another of green marble, in which is placed the Emperor Theophilus. Another small one of green marble, in which is placed Constantine, son of Theophilus. Another small one of Sagarinian marble, in which is placed Maria, daughter of Theophilus.

The wife of Constantine Caballinus. Another green Thessalian sarcophagus, in which is placed the wife of Caballinus. A *stataria* [standing-tomb] of Proconnesian stones, in which are placed Cosmo and Irene, sisters of Caballinus. Another sarcophagus of Proconnesian marble, in which is placed Leo the Khazar, son of Constantine Caballinus. Another sarcophagus of Proconnesian marble, in which is placed Irene, wife of Leo the Khazar. Another green Thessalian sarcophagus, in which is placed Michael the Stammerer. Another sarcophagus of Sagarinian marble, in which is placed Thecla, wife of Michael the Stammerer. Another sarcophagus of green marble, in which is placed Theophilus the Emperor. Another small green sarcophagus, in which is placed Constantine, the son of Theophilus. Another small sarcophagus of Sagarinian marble, in which is placed Maria, daughter of Theophilus.

Concerning the sarcophagi which are in the southern portico of the same temple. There are deposited the sarcophagi of Arcadius and his son, Theodosius, and of Eudoxia, who was the wife of Arcadius and mother of Theodosius. Arcadius lies toward the south, Theodosius toward the north, and Eudoxia toward the east. All three are of porphyritic or Roman marble.

Concerning the sarcophagi in the northern portico of the same temple. There is placed in a round, cylindrical sarcophagus of porphyritic or Roman color the wicked and execrable corpse of Julian the Apostate.

[1204] The portico which is toward the south of the same temple. In this are placed the sarcophagi of Arcadius, of Theodosius, his son, and of Eudoxia, his mother. And the tomb of Arcadius is toward the south, that of Theodosius toward the north, and that of Eudoxia is further to the east; both are porphyry, that is, Roman.

The portico which is toward the north of the same temple. In this portico which is toward the north lies a cylindrical sarcophagus, in which is placed the wretched and most filthy body of Julian the Apostate.

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE.

(98) It is the Khazar woman, from whom her son Leo the Khazar is named. Eudocia or Maria, of whom the latter was the second, the former the third wife of Caballinus; see Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.*, p. 125.

(99) Before this word some name is missing, perhaps [the wife of] Constantine Caballinus.

(1) I do not find this word anywhere. As much as I have been able to conclude from the places in this chapter where it occurs, it ought to denote a repository capable of holding multiple bodies; whether that chest was divided into two, three, or four compartments by inserted shelves or similar marble partitions (see Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, v. *Bisomum*), or whether it was a framework consisting of several boards parallel to each other in height, so that one chest stood in its own particular shelf above another, such as are the repositories for books in which a series of smaller books stand above larger ones, with the height of the shelves increasing with the size of the books, as Keysler in his *Itinerary* testifies that the bodies of the deceased lie in the Roman and Neapolitan catacombs. That I should believe the latter to have been the case is suggested by the passage which Du Cange cites in *Gloss. Gr.*, v. *Στατάριος* from the Graeco-barbarous glosses, where *κληματερήν*, that is, *σταταρίαν*, is read. *Κληματερή* there cannot denote anything other than a support or framework (the lath-work or scaffolding) upon which vines climb up, which they embrace with their tendrils; the poles of which are arranged and affixed one above another at certain intervals. They say such structures are called *ridicae* by the Latins, likewise *escharus*; from which they derive the French *échalas*, which denotes the same thing; see Du Cange, v. *Eschara*. Certainly such structures could easily have been called *escharae*, because, as in the iron *escharae* or grates with which a fireplace is equipped in Belgium and elsewhere, the poles run perpendicularly and parallel to each other at certain and equal intervals. [Concerning *bisoma* or compartments, in which two bodies placed near each other were contained, see Mabillon, *Iter Italic.*, p. 141.]

(2) There is no mention of these in Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.*, p. 125.

(3) See Cedrenus, p. 513; *Contin. Theoph.*, p. 52.

(4) Of this Constantine, born to Theophilus, there is no mention by the writers. Yet Du Cange (l.c., p. 133) brings him out, and it is still doubtful whether he is the one designated on a certain coin, the brother of Michael the Drunkard. For it can be gathered from the fact that Michael is shown there with an older countenance and Constantine with a younger one, that the former was the father and the latter the son.

(5) Concerning her sarcophagus, see Cedrenus, p. 523, and Leo Grammaticus, p. 451; Cedrenus, p. 334.

(6) That is, the younger, born to Arcadius and Eudoxia; see the sense and the authors AB and DC.

(7) I have thus restored *ἄρκτον* which was in the manuscripts, as the sense demands.

(8) The word *δύστηνος* has here the meaning which *Arabum* [Arabic] has, which properly denotes a miserable person, but frequently a wicked, impure, nefarious, dire, and accursed man. In this sense we had a little earlier, p. 372, *τὸ δύστηνον σῶμα* of Copronymus; and *δύστηνον σῶμα* must also be taken in this way in Cedrenus, p. 308, and in Euripides, *Hercules Furens*, v. 1346, *λόγοι, δύστηνοι* [wretched/wicked words] (for the passage does not need correction), and in Theocritus XV, 31, likewise in Sophocles, *Oedipus Tyrannus*, p. 810, where the poet joins *ἄθλια* and *δεινὰ* and *δύστηνα*, and in Simonides in Stobaeus, *Florilegium*, p. 313, ed. Grot: "The cat-natured woman, a wretched, miserable breed." A wicked, calamitous breed of women possessed of a cat's nature.

1205 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1206

[...of the] mind (9), the color purple, that is to say, Roman. Another porphyry sarcophagus, that is to say, Roman, in which lies the body of Jovian, who reigned after Julian. It should be known that in the women’s monastery of Justin (10), in the church of the holy apostle Thomas, there once lay in a sarcophagus of green Thessalian stone the body of the Emperor Justin and of Sophia (48), his wife. Their remains were taken out and deposited in the same monastery in a low and small burial vault (11) of Proconnesian or Picrinaean stone, upon which is inscribed: "Glossocomus" [or chest] "of Alexander the Domestic." It should be known that in the monastery of Saint Mamas, near the gate called Xylocercus or the wooden circus, in the narthex of the church of that monastery, there stands on the left a sarcophagus of hecatontalithos or multicolored or hundred-tessellated stone, in which lies the wife of Maurice with her children. In the cataphyge, however, 874 or refuge...

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKE.

...which indeed causes many calamities; and in Basil, Epist. X, to Gregor.: "By as much as the churches flow down toward the weaker state, by so much do the ambitions of men flourish, and the name of the episcopacy has now fallen upon wretched men (perditos, corruptos homines, or even those creating unhappiness for others)." In a similar way, for a wicked person they say *atyches*, *athlios*, *talas*, *talaiporos*, *oiktros*, *eleeinos*. Polybius, p. 572 and 636, used *atychēma* for a crime. A notable passage concerning *dys-tyches* for a wicked person is in Dio Chrysostom (2), *atychiais palaiein* he said for struggling with nefarious crimes, and also to stain one's reputation or be contaminated by disgraces, as Valesius rightly translates. The same author in the same place, p. 54, (1398, 5): *ei kat' alētheian hypērche ti toiouton atychēma peri ton Dēmocharēn*, "if Demochares had truly labored under this guilt," according to the same interpreter. P. 95, (1424, 1), he calls treason *atychia*. Dinarchus, oration against Demosthenes, p. 42, Gruter edition, calls him *atychē kai dōrodokon*, where Canterus does not translate it aptly as "unhappy." He ought to have said "wicked." Epictetus, in Arrian, book 3, and elsewhere very often, calls a monster of a man *atychēma* because of his crimes and the depravity of his soul. *Hētychēkōs* for *asebēs* (impious) is in Diogenes Laertius, p. 481, Meibom edition. Concerning the word *atychēstos* for "most wicked," see Habert, Pontific. p. 563. Thus *athlios* is used in the Anthology p. 30, (n. 164, antepen.), and *talaiporos* p. 65, likewise p. 101, (no. 505), *tlēmōn*. For there, *ho tlēmōn Athamas* is the same as *ho asebēs* in the following poem, v. 6. Thus Euripides, *Herc. fur.* v. 1386, calls Cerberus *athlion kyna*, "miserable dog"—that is, of an unhappy, not enviable, but rather horrendous lot—a detestable, execrable dog; not absurdly or ridiculously, as Pierson persuaded himself and wished to persuade us in *Verosimilia* p. 229, but aptly and according to the custom of his own age and the nature of his language. The same poet in *Electra* v. 1161 calls Clytemnestra *talainan*, "wicked," which passage should be read thus: *Hoti gametan talainan esch' ankalōn*, "because he held a wicked wife in his arms"; likewise Polymestor in *Hecuba* calls the Trojan women who had gouged out his eyes *talainas koras* v. 1063, and in the very next verse *kataratous* (cursed). *Oiktros* for "wicked" is in the poem of Ammianus, Anthology p. 167, H. St. edition. The adverb *eleeinōs* for "wickedly," "impurely," "flagitiously" is in the *Donarium* of John the Monk (in Du Cange, Gl. Gr. p. 890), in these words: "There is also another sin, which is greater than effeminacy, but less than sodomy, which is accustomed to be fulfilled miserably by two men without a female in the thighs, or even by the females themselves without a man." Finally, what is more common in our speech than the formula *ein armer Sünder*, that is, "miserable sinner," for a criminal who must undergo capital punishment? All these things flowed from the fact that depravity of soul makes men truly unhappy and worthy of pity, as they pay the penalties for their crimes in this life with the torments of body and soul which they suffer and with public hatred, and in the other life will experience a most miserable lot. Amm. Marcell. p. 478. In the passage of Cedrenus, the asterisk should be removed; for nothing is missing, only *tis* is to be understood, which the Greeks are accustomed to omit, or *ho egō grapsas*.

(9) See Cedrenus in the cited place and Lindenbrog on the women's monastery *ta tēs Augustēs*. See p. 371. (10) It is the same as the monastery mentioned above. (11) Note two things here: first, that the scribe in his custom put *ō* for *o*, *chamosōriou*. For the word comes from the ancient *chamē* (whence the ancient spelling of the dative *CHAMAI* for *chama* is still in use; for it is written *chamai*) and *soros*, a burial chest, a vault. Then *en* is constructed with the genitive, as in that very frequent one in Procopius, *en geitonōn*. See on p. 312. (12) It seems to differ from *larnaki*. Which I gather from the wife of Maurice. (13) After this word, the name of the empress is missing, AB calls her Constantia. (14) See Du Cange on Zonaras p. 63, end; Script. after Theoph. p. 217. Perhaps it differed in both size and form. (15) [Note regarding the poem] after Theoph. p. 250, and Cedren. p. 403 end, in whom I think the epigram, not unrefined for that age, should be read thus: "But I, the thrice-wretched, daughter of both emperors, Tiberius and wife of Maurice, the queen of many children, and she who showed how good a thing is the rule of many, lie with my children and my husband, by the wickedness of the people and the madness of the army. I am much worse off than Hecuba, than Jocasta, and even than Niobe. I am a living corpse. Even if I [lost] my father, why did they kill the newborns in vain, knowing nothing of the wickedness of men? Rome is no longer shaded by our leaves. For the root was broken by Thracian winds." This poem tastes of antiquity; otherwise it would have been a pity to...

1207 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

Of the same monastery, to the left towards the east, stands a sarcophagus of stone in which lies the Emperor Maurice. Be it known that in the monastery of the Holy Trinity, called that of Staurakios, in the right part of the same church, in the oratory of Saint John the Forerunner, stands a sarcophagus of white stone, in which lies the Emperor Staurakios and Theophano, his wife. Be it known that in the monastery called that of the Lady Euphrosyne (16) stands a sarcophagus of Bithynian stone, in which lies Constantine, the son of Irene, who was blinded (17), and Maria his wife, and his two daughters, Euphrosyne, the wife of Michael the Stammerer, and Irene (18) her sister, and Anna, the daughter of the Emperor Theophilus. Be it known that in the monastery called that of Gastria, in the right part of the same church towards the east, in the *statarea* there, lies the blessed Theodora (19), the wife of Theophilus, and her three daughters, Thecla, Anastasia, and Pulcheria. In the left part of the same church, opposite that *statarea*, stands a sarcophagus of stone (20), in which lies Petronas (21), who was Domestic of the Schools, the brother of the blessed Empress Theodora. In the narthex of the same church, in the left part of the same narthex towards the east, stands a small sarcophagus of Proconnesian stone, that is, Pikrimaian, in which lies Theoktiste, the mother of the blessed Empress Theodora. Be it known that near it stands a small sarcophagus of Sagarian stone, that is, Pneumonusian, in which lies Irene (22), the daughter of Bardas the Caesar. Be it known that a small sarcophagus, a span in size, stands near them, in which lies the jawbone of the Caesar Bardas. Be it known that in the monastery of Saint Euphemia, called that of Eumorphos, in the left part of the same church towards the east, in the *statarea* there, lies Pankalo (23), the mother of Basil, the Christ-loving Emperor. In the right part of the same church towards the east, [the text breaks off].

1209 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1210

of the same church, opposite this *statarea* [sarcophagus/tomb], there is another *statarea* of green Thessalian stone, in which lies Marianos, who was Domestic of the Schools, and Symbatios, his brother, both brothers of Basil, the Christ-loving Lord. Be it known that in the right-hand oratory of the same church of the Forerunner, in the part of the same oratory to the left facing east, stands a sarcophagus with reliefs, in which lies Anastasia, daughter of Basil, the Christ-loving Lord. Be it known that in the right-hand part of the same oratory facing east, opposite the sarcophagus, stands a small sarcophagus with reliefs, in which lie Anna and Helena, daughters of Basil, the Christ-loving Lord, and Zoe, the mother of Constantine, crowned by God, Porphyrogenitus, the blessed Emperor, grandson of Basil. Be it known that in the monastery of the Archistrategos, called [the monastery] of the Promoti, in the right-hand part of the same church, in the *statarea* that is there, lies Maria, daughter of Basil, the aforementioned Lord.

CHAPTER XLIII. Acclamation by the army, when victories and triumphs are celebrated. Be it known that this same acclamation is also chanted by the army when some largesse or *maïma* is granted to them by the Emperor.

"Many years to the Emperors!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to [Name] and [Name], great kings and emperors!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to [Name] and [Name], the most pious Augustae!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Porphyrogeniti!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Emperors appointed by God!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Emperors governed by God!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Emperors established by the world!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Emperors desired by the world!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the most valiant Emperors!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the victorious Emperors!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Emperors who destroy their enemies!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the wealth-bestowing Emperors!" The people [repeat] three times. "Many years to the Orthodox Emperors!" The people [repeat] three times. "Son of God, grant them life!" The people [repeat] three times. "Son of God, reign with them!" The people [repeat] three times. "Son of God, grant them to us!" The people [repeat] three times. "Son of God, multiply their years!" The people [repeat] three times. "Son of God, hear us!"

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

(24) Marianos indeed, but not this Symbatios, Du Cange mentions in the aforementioned place, but without a name. Our author names two others in the same passage: Anna and Helena. Finally, at the end of the chapter, he names Maria. We therefore have the names of all four of those sisters.

(25) This, therefore, is one of the four daughters of Basil, whom I have demonstrated in the preface, by those arguments in which I proved that no part of this Ceremonial was written by the hand of the author, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, son of Leo, but is later. For *makarios* [blessed/late] was certainly used in that age only for those who had departed from life, just as today no one calls a living person *makarites*. And therefore, since the said Constantine is called *makarios*, it is evident that at the time when these things were written, he was no longer among the living. I know indeed that Olympic victors were once called *makarioi*; see Artemidorus. I know that in that age it had become customary to praise the dead by the same name. I also know that Alexander the Bishop, in Eusebius, *Ecclesiastical History*, Book VI, ch. 11, calls Clement of Alexandria, while still alive, "the blessed [makarios] presbyter," and that in general, blessed, happy men who were still alive were once called *makarioi*, while those who had finished their life were called *makaritai*, as clearly appears from Athenaeus, p. 113. But that usage of the word is very rare and had long since ceased by the tenth century A.D. I could now add many tombs of emperors at the end of this Mortuary and indicate their locations, which our author passed over. But I omit them, because such diligence would be of very little use.

(26) I had overlooked this passage, and therefore had omitted it in Vol. V, n. 76: but from that very passage it is also evident that...

(27) The expression *euphemia euphemoumene* can and should be borne in an iron-willed writer, although it could be refashioned with a slight change to *ekphonoumene*. In the general index of the chapters of this book (see p. 295), the title of this chapter is conceived thus: "Acclamation of the army when victories and triumphs are celebrated." Instead of *nikes*, there was *vixnti* in the manuscripts with an H superimposed, which cannot be anything other than *niketerion*.

(28) The aforementioned index inserts *loipou* before the final word. It is the same whether it is present or absent. He notes...

May the victory and happiness of the Roman armies increase. The people three times: "May the faith of the Christians increase." The people three times: "May the fortitude of the people of the Lord increase." We are the servants of the emperors. May the years of this one and that one, the great kings and emperors, be many. May God make your holy empire long-lived for many years.

The acclamation sung by the Sardinians to the emperors: "Christ conquers, Christ reigns." The people three times: "May Christ guard the emperor." The people three times: "May the years of the emperors be many." The people three times: "May the years of this one and that one, the great kings and emperors, be many." The people three times: "May the years of the God-appointed emperors be many." The people three times: "May the years of the God-preserved emperors be many." The people three times: "May the years of the peace-making emperors be many." The people three times: "May the years of the wealth-bestowing emperors be many." The people three times: "Son of God, reign with them." The people three times: "Son of God, grant them to us." The people three times: "Son of God, grant them life." The people three times: "Son of God, multiply their years." The people three times: "May the faith of the Christians increase." The people three times: "May the empire of the Romans increase." The people three times: "May the victory of the armies of the Romans increase." The people three times: "May the years of this one, the most holy and ecumenical patriarch, be many." The people three times: "May the years of the holy senate be many." The people three times: "May the years of the Christ-loving army be many."

"Christ conquers, Christ reigns." The crowd repeated this acclamation three times, as they did all the following ones. "May Christ guard the emperor. May the years of the emperors be many. May the years of this one and that one, the great kings and emperors, be many. May the years of the emperors promoted by God be many. May the years of the emperors preserved by God be many. May the years of the emperors who make peace and impose quiet upon the world be many. May the years of the emperors who enrich their own be many. Son of God, reign with them. Son of God, grant them life. Son of God, multiply their years. May the faith of the Christians increase. May the empire of the Romans increase. May the victory of the Roman armies increase. May the years of this most holy and ecumenical patriarch be many. May the years of the holy senate be many. May the years of the Christ-loving army be many. May God strengthen our faith. May God confirm our emperors. We are the servants of the emperors. May God make your holy empire long-lived."

"May God strengthen our faith." The people three times: "May God strengthen our emperors." The people three times: "We are the servants of the emperors." The people three times: "May God make your holy empire long-lived for many years."

CHAPTER XLIV. Concerning the expedition against Crete, which may God destroy, and the expenses for it from the number of soldiers and their pay. This occurred under Leo, the Christ-loving Lord, with the patrician Himerios, logothete of the dromos, as leader. The imperial fleet consisted of twelve thousand men and 700 Russians. The strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots had undertaken to provide 5,600 and 1,000 doubles; they make 6,600 in total.

CHAPTER XLIV. The mobilization and departure that took place, and the quantity of the fleet and the people sent against Crete, which is cursed by God, with the patrician Himerios and logothete of the dromos under Leo, the Christ-loving master. The imperial fleet: 12,000. Russians: 700. The strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots undertook to have an army of 5,600, and 1,000 doubles; in total 6,600. The strategos undertook...

1213 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1214

The Strategus of Samos is to have 4,000 troops, and 1,000 double-pay men, totaling 5,000. The Strategus of the Aegean Sea is to have 3,000 troops, and 1,000 double-pay men. Totaling in all 28,300. Regarding the cavalrymen who are obligated to travel in the fleet. Scholarioi of the Thracesians and Macedonians 1,037. From the theme of the Thracesians 1,000. From the theme of Sebastia, Armenians 1,000. From Platanion, Armenians 500; from Prina 500. Totaling 6,037 cavalrymen; and in total, through both the fleet and the cavalrymen, 34,037.

Regarding the imperial fleet. 60 dromons, each having 230 rowers and 70 marines; totaling 18,000. 40 pamphylioi, of which 20 pamphylioi have 160 men each, and the other 20 have 130 men each, and 700 Rus; totaling 5,000. Totaling in all 23,002.

Regarding the theme of the Cibyrrhaeots. 15 dromons, each having 230 rowers and 70 marines; totaling 4,500. 16 pamphylioi, of which 6 have 160 men each, and the other 10 have 130 men each; totaling 2,260. Totaling in all 6,760.

Regarding the theme of Samos. 10 dromons, each having 230 rowers and 70 marines; totaling 3,000. 12 pamphylioi, of which 4 have 160 rowers each, and the other 8 have 130 men each; totaling 1,680. Totaling in all for the theme of Samos 4,680.

Regarding the theme of the Aegean Sea. 7 dromons, each having 230 rowers and 70 marines; totaling 2,100. 7 pamphylioi, of which 3 have 160 men each, and the other 4 have 130 men each; totaling 1,000. Totaling in all for the theme of the Aegean Sea 3,100.

Regarding the theme of Greece. 10 dromons, each having 230 rowers and 70 marines; totaling 3,000.

Regarding the Mardaites. Mardaites, troops with their commanders, 887, and...

JOHANN JAKOB REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (34) There are twin Mardaites, eastern and western. (35) Our author frequently joins *en* and *syn* with genitives; we have such a case shortly after with *synarchontes* in the nominative, as if it were one word. Procopius Hoschelius p. 127, *xyn phylakon*. And in an ancient inscription in Pococke p. 50: "Persephone brought her into her own hall to be a servant to her father Ablabius and her most sorrowful mother."

1945 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1216 amounted to four thousand eighty-seven heads; with the addition of others, 1,000 in total, they make 5,087. The entire naval force, composed of the imperial fleet and the provincial fleet, consisted of 112 dromons and 75 pamphyls; 34,000 rowers, 7,340 soldiers, 700 Russians, and 5,087 Mardaites. The pay of the imperial fleet. The army with its commanders consists of 12,502 heads. The pay is 15 centenaria, 90 litrae, and 10 numismata. Added to this is a mantissa of 1,000 men, each of whom receives 5 numismata; this makes 69 litrae and 32 numismata; then 700 Russians, whose pay in total is 1 centenarium. The pay of the fleet and the Russians together makes 17 centenaria, 59 litrae, and 42 numismata. Regarding the theme of the Cibyrrhaeots. The entire army of this theme, together with the commanders and the double-pay men, consists of 6,760 heads. The pay is 2 centenaria, 21 litrae, and 42 numismata. Regarding the theme of Samos. Its army, together with the commanders, consists of 4,680 heads and 1,000 double-pay men. The pay is 2 centenaria, 1 litra, and 11 numismata. Regarding the theme of the Aegean Sea. The army with the commanders is 3,100, and 1,000 double-pay men. The pay is 1 centenarium, 54 litrae, and 3 numismata. Regarding the Western Mardaites. The army with the commanders is 4,087. The pay is 4 centenaria, 66 litrae, and 32 numismata; the mantissa of 1,000 men, each of whom receives 8 numismata, makes 1 centenarium, 11 litrae, and 8 numismata. In total, therefore, the pay of the Western Mardaites makes 5 centenaria, 77 litrae, and 42 numismata. The total sum of the pay for the imperial fleet, for the Russians, for the provincial fleet, and for the Western Mardaites is 29 centenaria, 13 litrae, and 66 numismata. Regarding the pay of the cavalry. For the scholarians of the Thracesians and Macedonians, to [the text continues in Greek].

VARIOUS READINGS. [Note on the text]

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. ...they were the ancient Pisidians and Pamphylians, and they lived around Attalia in the theme of the Cibyrrhaeots. From there, a part of them was transferred and deposited in Thessaly and Macedonia and scattered through the islands of the Aegean Sea. These were called Western. Heraclius in his time sent them to Mount Lebanon and Palestine to harass and repress the Saracens there. This they did excellently, infesting the whole tract from the Black Mountain—that is, from Antioch and the borders of Cilicia—all the way to the Holy City with excursions and depredations. They seem to have received their name from the vicinity of the Saracens. Assemani certainly, in *Bibliotheca Orientalis*, vol. I, p. 502, derives it from *Marada*, meaning rebellious, fierce, indomitable. That etymology is not improbable. It could also be derived from *redda* or *rad*. Namely, from the former, in the participle of the VIII conjugation, *Muriadd* and *al-Murtadduh* are apostates, relapsed, heretics. Perhaps these Mardaites are the same as the Paulicians, heretics who were transferred from Armenia and Asia to Thrace by Copronymus and deposited around Philippopolis. But if you trace it back to *rad*, *al-Murtadah* will signify men who go out and wander to seek what they desire and what they need. For these Mardaites were more useful for sudden incursions into enemy fields, for carrying off booty, and for setting ambushes than for stationary battle, similar to our hussars. In every history, at any rate, they are described as wild, cruel men. Cedrenus, p. 451, praises their dexterity in overwhelming posts from ambush: "The Romans, hiding like Mardaites, suddenly threw themselves upon them." *Ertad* denotes going out to forage or to get water, or to seek where there is water, where there is fodder, and where in general the necessities of life are, and in that way, at least in some manner, they agreed with the precursors of the army, the *prodromoi*, as our author calls them in the *Tacticus*. They are called *Mourtatoi* by Codinus, *Offic.* II, n. 65, and V, n. 87; see Du Cange under *Myrtaïtes*, where that most learned man, who deserves very well of these letters, has some things which you might easily forgive him for, as he is not skilled in Oriental letters; such as that about *myrsaïtes*, which is not a title of dignity, but a proper name of a man. It should also be noted, from our author p. 382, that it appears the Western Mardaites, as they were deposited in maritime provinces, were primarily sailors, rowers, and pirates.

1217 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1218

41 pounds, 24 nomismata. For three thousand men from the theme of the Thracesians (each of whom receives two nomismata as pay), the roga is 1 centenarium, 80 pounds, 24 nomismata. For one thousand men from the theme of Sebastia, the roga is 1 centenarium, 13 pounds, 24 nomismata. For five hundred men from the Armenians of Platania, with six nomismata imputed to each, the roga is 1 centenarium, 41 pounds, 48 nomismata. For four hundred men from the Armenians of Prines, with five nomismata imputed to each, the roga is 1 centenarium, 27 pounds, 56 nomismata. The total roga, therefore, for the two thousand thirty-seven cavalrymen is 2 centenaria, 54 pounds, 38 nomismata. In addition, there are three thousand nine hundred men as a supplement, whose roga is 1 centenarium, 52 pounds. The total roga for all the cavalry is 4 centenaria, 7 pounds, 22 nomismata.

Regarding the *prochreon* (36). Regarding the sailors of the three themes of the Cibyrrhaeots, Samos, and the Aegean Sea, for three thousand men at two [nomismata] each, 83 pounds, 24 nomismata. Regarding the Mardaites of the West: three tourmarchs at 36 each, 42 droungarioi at 12 each, 42 counts at 6 each, five thousand soldiers at 4 each; both totals amount to 2 centenaria, 49 pounds, 55 nomismata. Regarding the Armenian themes of Sebastia: five tourmarchs at 12 each, ten droungarioi at 6 each, eight counts at 5 each, nine hundred sixty-five soldiers at 4 each; both totals amount to 55 pounds, 7 nomismata. Regarding the Armenians of Prines: 500 men at 2 each, amounting to 13 pounds, 64 nomismata. And the total for the entire *prochreon* is 104 centenaria, 52 pounds, 60 nomismata. It is to be noted that the strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots and the katepano of the Mardaites of Attalia received orders that the strategos should prepare two chelandia from the estates of the tourmarchs, and the katepano of the Mardaites should prepare galleys (37), and in the month of March they should send them to Syria, so that they may bring back a report and a true mandate concerning all things being studied and done there. It is to be noted that the protospatharios Leo received...

[SCHOLIA] Thus by way of supplement. 879 On the *prochreon*. For three thousand sailors from those three themes, namely the Cibyrrhaeots, Samos, and the Aegean Sea, with two nomismata imputed to each, the roga is 83 pounds, 24 nomismata. Regarding the Western Mardaites. For three tourmarchs requested from there, each valued at 36 nomismata; 42 droungarioi, each valued at twelve nomismata; 42 counts, with six nomismata imputed to each; five thousand rank-and-file soldiers, with four nomismata imputed to each; the roga amounts to 2 centenaria, 99 pounds, 56 nomismata. Regarding the Armenian themes; and first regarding the theme of Sebastia. For five tourmarchs requested from there, each of whom has a stipend of twelve solidi; and ten droungarioi, each of whom has a stipend of six solidi; and eight counts, each valued at five solidi; and nine hundred sixty-two rank-and-file soldiers, with four nomismata imputed to each; the roga in total is 55 pounds, 7 nomismata. Regarding the Armenia of Prines. Five hundred men come from there, each valued at two solidi. They make 13 pounds, 64 [nomismata].

64. Total sum of the *prochreon*: 4 centenaria, 52 pounds, [number missing].

[VARIOUS READINGS] [COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE] (36) What *prochreon* is, I do not explain, nor do I find anyone to teach it. Was it what we call *Handgeld*, *Angeld*, *Vorschuss*, *avance d'argent*—a sum of money that was paid to a soldier about to go to war for one or two months before the due date, so that he could procure for himself arms, food, and other things necessary for the expedition? (37) It is the Arabic word *Khaliat*, about which I spoke in *Moallaca*, p. 48. A passage from the Continuator of Theophanes, p. 122 (Scriptores post Theophanem), where three types of ships are named—*koumbaria*, *galeai*, and *satourai*—should be explained here. Unless you prefer to derive *koumbaria* from *gomos* (*koumbos*, *kombos*, and *gomos*—I have said elsewhere that this is the same thing, and the word would then mean the same as cargo ships), it could be derived from the Arabic *Cubar*, that is, large ships, of the first order, of the greatest size. *Galeai* are, as is evident, our galleys and galleons. Finally, it is not certain regarding *satourai* whether it is written correctly so, or more correctly *sachtourai*, as is read in the author of the *Life of Basil the Macedonian*, p. 185 A. If you prefer the latter, they would differ in no way in the meaning of the name from the *koubariai* or cargo ships, if you wish it so. For *saktourai* would be for *saktoria*, from *sattein*, to load. To me, however, the other reading *satourai* or certainly *skatourai* seems better, and it is likewise an Arabic word. It signifies, namely, *chaihr*, half of any thing. Therefore, *chihor* would be half-ships, which have a half-ratio to the *koubariai* or large ships. Nor are these the only Arabic nautical words granted citizenship in Greek. There are others, such as, for example, *Tarit* (*tharid*), a fast ship, as if you were to say a "huntress," as the Dutch call their *lugden*. But whence did so many Arabic words penetrate into the Greek language, since the Greeks cultivated navigation many centuries before the Saracens, and also in the Middle Ages, if not more, certainly no less than the Saracen Andalusians, Africans, Cretans, Egyptians, and Syrians exercised ships and battles and maritime journeys, and therefore had these types of ships long before the Saracens, and their names along with them? Who could say? The change of languages is a wondrous thing. Like all things, dialects also do not remain in a certain and stable place, but change daily, like men. The proximity of peoples and custom and the desire for innovation innate in man have much power over language as well. See at p. 380.

1219 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1220 to prepare two chelandia from the households of the tourmarchs. The Catepano or captain of the Mardaites of Attalia, for his part, undertook the preparation of the galleys. They also promised to send these to Syria in the month of March, so that they might bring back a report and true instructions or intelligence regarding everything that is being agitated there, whether by counsel or by the work itself. Leo, protospatharios and prefect of Cyprus, of the family of Symbaticius, undertook to send faithful and diligent scouts into the Gulf of Tarsus and into the province called the Stomia [the Mouths]; likewise to Tripoli and Laodicea, so that they might bring back instructions or intelligence from all those parts concerning what the Saracens are plotting. The strategos of Thessalonica undertook the care of manufacturing two hundred thousand arrows, three thousand spears or hunting javelins, and as many shields as he could procure. The judge of Hellas or Greece undertook the procurement of one thousand menaulia [pikes], which he also provided; and furthermore, he promised to procure others and send them to wherever he might be directed. The prefect of Chripos [or Euboea] in the theme or province of Hellas promised to see to it that two hundred thousand arrows and three thousand hunting javelins were manufactured. The strategi of Nicopolis and the Peloponnese undertook the same. Protospatharios Theodore, son of Pancrates, undertook to go to the Anatolics and to register the Platiniatae, and through them and others from the theme, to organize five hundred men, chosen and skilled in archery, and if there are among them any suitable cavalrymen, whether from the archons or from the scholarioi. If the four scholarioi have their full pay, they are to arm themselves with their own cavalry equipment; but if they are deficient in pay, they are to receive [it] from the metata...

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY]

(38) Thus he rendered the Arabic word Thogur or Tsogur, which signifies all places that are open, gaping, providing some access, and specifically the borders of Syria and Cilicia, formerly called the Gates. Perhaps this is that region of the limitanei, of which Ortelius makes mention in his Thesaurus Geographicus, s.v. Barbalessus, from the Acts of Saints Sergius and Bacchus. To be sure, the Arabs divide the tract of Cilicia, Syria, and Armenia into two provinces: one, Elawasem, fortified places, the barriers; and Ellsoghour, places exposed and vulnerable to the enemy; tsaghr is any gap, especially of the mouth, likewise any window. Authors do not agree in fixing the limits of these provinces and often confuse both. For example, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and Ulugh Beg in their Geographical Tables (vol. III, Geogr. minor. Hudsoni, pp. 93 and 125) make Antioch the metropolis of Tsogur or the Stomia. Conversely, Abulfeda makes the same city the metropolis of the province of Alawasem, whose words in the prolegomena to Table VI are these [Ed. Lips. 1786, p. 30]: "To the famous places of Syria also belongs al-Awasem; that name, as Ibn Hauqal notes, is not proper to one place, but common to a province, whose capital is Antioch." Ibn Khordadbeh enumerates many Awasem and refers to them as curae [that is, curatorial districts, prefectures of Mambij, Tizin, Risapa, Saizar, Apamea, Marrah al-Nu'man, etc.]. A little later [p. 30] he has this to say about Tsogur: "Tsagr is the name of every place that is in the face of the enemy [into which the aggressor of your dominion first incurs]." To the Tsogur of Syria formerly belonged Adana and Tarsus and the neighboring territory, which the Armenians [Christians] hold today. There are Tsogur or stomia elsewhere as well. As in Transoxiana there are Tsogur, now subject to idolaters; likewise in Andalusia. The same author calls by that name whatever is on this side of the mountain [the Taurus] and runs into the dominion of the Romans [or Greeks] up to a day's journey. Ibn Khordadbeh refers Malatia to the Tsogur of Mesopotamia, etc. Who was the first author of this appellation, the Greeks or the Arabs, who can say? [Are these perhaps the Mardaites who still live today in the region of Croatia? From the Addenda.]

(39) It is the Latin word venabula; they wrote it corruptly as menaulia, by the customary confusion of the letters beta and pi.

(40) He is the same as the dikastes Hellenon [judge of the Greeks] in Cedrenus, p. 753. I do not agree with Goar there. It seems the duty of these judges was not only to settle disputes but also to collect tributes. I gather from Cedrenus, p. 757, that he calls the judge of the Greeks "the one holding the praetorian authority of Hellas and of the land of Pelops, who will arrange matters there and resolve the disputes of the aforementioned men [namely, the inhabitants of Hellas and the Peloponnese]," as Nicetas calls him on p. 31. Such judges were called thematic judges, which Leunclavius (Nov. Const. Porph., p. 233, ed. Meurs.) translates as "delegated judges," and Gutherius (p. 442) as "pedanei" [inferior judges]. The same Leunclavius (ibid., p. 226) translates "kritas mathematikous" as "cognitors." But perhaps read "thematikous" instead of "mathematikous." The "kritas dromou" was, in the opinion of Goar on Codinus (p. 27, n. 27), a judge and cognitor of disputes arising between the factions of the circus. For "dromos" also denotes the circus. Perhaps, however, it is more correctly believed that he was the one who would hear cases concerning the public post and transport. The "kritas fossatou," the camp judge, who settles the disputes of soldiers; see Goar ibid., pp. 31 and 67. He has the same for the "kriten tou belou" on pp. 38 and 44. Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentions the judge of the imperial dromedary ships in De Administrando Imperio, p. 140. *[Spatharocandidatos and judge. Script. post Theoph., p. 294.] It is doubtful what kind of judge this was, since it is not specified.

(41) That is, of Euripus or Euboea.

(42) Thus the scribe everywhere for "kataplere," or "kata pleon." Often "kata" in composition denotes perfection and fullness, and, so to speak, totality; see the note to p. 270.

(43) I conjecture that the meaning of this phrase is: "who have not received or do not receive the pay."

60. The strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots undertook the...

1221 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1222

[Greek text:] ...irrational, or even from the exhibition of single persons (44) in the theme of the Anatolikon. Regarding those things that must be prepared for the Thrakesians, namely the 20,000 [measures] of barley and the 40,000 of wheat and paxamation (45) and flour, and regarding the 30,000 of wine, and regarding the 10,000 of slaughtered animals, and regarding the preparation of 10,000 [measures] of flax for the sake of the fire-pots and the caulking of the dromons, so that he may have [them] (46) at Phygela (47), and 7,000 nails for the sake of the nailing of the dromons. The protonotary of the Thrakesians accepted [responsibility] for these. Limnogalaktos also accepted [responsibility] to assist him with the wine. Regarding the preparation of 5,000 [measures of] nails, five fingers long, for the sake of the decking of the dromons, for the gangways and for the mangers (48), 30,000, and let them be brought down to Phygela. The strategos of Samos accepted [responsibility] for this, to receive the expenditure from the protonotary. Regarding the preparation of 3,000 [measures of] nails, hook-shaped, common-mouthed, for the sake of the tortoises and gangways and remaining equipment, and 3,000 [measures] of span-long [nails]. The strategos of Samos accepted [responsibility] for this. Regarding the preparation of 4,000 [measures of] six-finger nails, and 4,000 [measures of] five-finger [nails], and four-finger [nails] for the sake of the hawk-beams (70) and the cross-planks and other needs. The strategos of Samos accepted [responsibility] for this. Regarding the receiving of some imperial [official] who is in the Anatolikon to prepare 20,000 [measures] of barley and 60,000 of paxamation and wheat and flour through the Kibyrrhaiotai and the Anatolikon, and that they be transported from the Anatolikon to Attaleia instead of the one going to the Beautiful Mountain (51). Regarding the purchase by the protonotary of the Kibyrrhaiotai of 60,000 [measures of] small nails for the sake of the nailing of the leather-coverings. Regarding the sandals that were bent for the sake of the dromons for the current [expedition], that one from the Hetaireia be sent with an order to the katepano, and he shall give him the protocancellarius and every assistance (50), and he shall hold the Korphitianoi (52) of Herakleia, and shall take sailors for each sandal...

[Latin text:] ...Dorus, son of Panoratius, [that is, of the race which has the name from Pan- cratius, born of it,] took upon himself to go into the theme of the East and to enroll 380 Platiniatai (Armenians, and from them and others of the same theme to make up the number of five hundred chosen military men, excellent archers, some of whom perhaps, whether they be from the tribunes, or from the scholarians or the rank and file, are not inept for equestrian warfare. The scholarians, since they receive a full salary, will provide themselves with equestrian armor from their own means. If not, let them receive horses from the melata, or even from the register of those living in the theme of Natolia, each of whom must provide himself as a single soldier. The Thracensians must have ready twenty thousand [sacks] of barley, and forty thousand of spelt and paxamation or twice-baked bread and flour, and thirty thousand [jars] of wine, and ten thousand slaughtered goats; likewise ten thousand [sacks] of flax for igniting Greek fires and for repairing the ships [that] Phygela [a city of Ionia] provides, and six thousand nails for the nailing of the dromons. The protonotary of the Thracensians took upon himself the care of these, and the curator of curators, whose name is Limnogalaktos, promised him that he would not be lacking in providing the wine. For the fixing of the planks of the dromons, also for the use of gangways and mangers, let thirty thousand nails five fingers long be prepared and carried to the city of Phygela. The strategos of Samos promised to see to this, and to that end to take the necessary expenses from the protonotary. Let three thousand nails of the hook-shaped, common type be prepared for tortoises and gangways and remaining naval instruments; likewise three thousand span-long nails. That same strategos of Samos took upon himself to provide these, as also the following: four thousand nails six fingers long, another as many of others five fingers long, likewise four thousand others four fingers long for the so-called falcon-beams and planks and other necessities. Let him receive...

1223 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1224

[He should send these things quickly through the protonotary.] He should send them quickly through the protonotary. And let each sandal [small boat] have its mast, its yard, and four oars, and a spare oar. Furthermore, also seven eight-oared fishing boats. Concerning the caltrops, let the chamberlain Theodoretus be asked what became of them; likewise concerning the sacks from last year, and the mattocks, and the pickaxes, and the small rings, and the finger rings, and the bracelets, and the rams, so that he may send his notary with the inventory of everything to us. Concerning the order for the coastal official to arm 1,200 soldiers from the contribution of the same [citizens]. Be it known that the Cibyrrhæot and the catepan of the Mardaites of Attalia and Leo of the Symbaticus [family] have received [the order] to have security and precision, and not to allow any unknown person to depart for Syria, and through them to have the mandates from Romania carried to Syria.

[Concerning those who traveled in Longobardia in the time of the Lord Romanus the Emperor, in the 8th indiction.] The imperial ships that went down with the protospatharios Epiphanius in the 11th indiction: 11 chelandia. The ships that had gone down before with the patrician Cosmas in the 7th indiction: 11 chelandia and 7 carabia carrying 415 Russians. Concerning the cavalry: Thracesians and Macedonians, 202 commanders, 98 scholarii [veterans], and 608 new scholarii. Concerning the foreign troops [charakiotai]: of the Great Hetairia, 31 men; of the Middle Hetairia, 46 men; Phargani, 45 men; Chazars, 47 men; from the basilikoi, 71 men; from the arithmos of those in the city, 35 men; from the new captives, 79 men; Musulini, 14 men; Panormites, 18 men; Turks, 80 men.

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(53) It seems to be a spare oar, to be substituted if one is lost. (54) I remember having read an accurate description of caltrops or murices used in wars in the history of Procopius, in the Gothic [War] if I am not mistaken, but I did not note the place; see p. 389. (55) So it is in the Manuscript. Perhaps the modern Greeks express it thus for "of last year." (56) Perhaps "of the citizens." That is certainly what is expressed in the Latin; but both words are accustomed to be interchanged by scribes, as the learned Io. Piersonus showed in Verosimil. 1. 1, 3. p. 87. (57) There seems to be an error in the note, as will be evident from what is to be said on the next title. Romanus is understood not as the Younger, but as Lecapenus. (58) M. has basilo-plo, the copy had basilikoplo. (59) These are smaller vessels, which are inserted into larger ones. The Arabic word from which this originated designates such a vessel; see Du Cange v. Carabus. This species is not to be confused with another species of ship, called the Godrab or raven, from which the Latins named their golabia; see Caffari, Annales Genuenses I. VI. Scr. Rer. Ital. Murat. p. 261. and Du Cange v. Golafri. (60) They seem to be the same as the Charakenoi, common soldiers who are destined for military expeditions, and who are stationed in the rampart, the charax. (61) They seem to be Arabs or Turks from the Musulensis province or captured and carried off in war from Mesopotamia. (62) These are those who are called Hungarians today. For modern Hungary was once called Turkey.

1225 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1226

Armenians who came of their own accord, 36 men; in total, 353 cavalrymen.

Things sent to the King of Italy under the Emperor Romanos, in case he should go out and fight the rebel princes, namely Landulf and Atenulf, his brother, and Waimar and Waifer, his brother, and all the Lombards who had revolted from the Theme of Lombardy, and should hand over the castles to the Strategos of Lombardy. One centenarium of gold, 10 inner garments, a cup.

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(63) I have no doubt that I have correctly expressed the abbreviation of the writing which was in the manuscripts, *Boudy*. We call such men volunteers; the Arabs call them *Mutawwa'ah*.

(64) The word "Italy" is used here in a stricter sense, as was the custom in that century; for in the Middle Ages they called what we today call Lombardy by that name, which was once called Cisalpine Gaul. Muratori dealt with that meaning of the word in his preface to the *Acta Translationis S. Geminiani*, vol. VI of *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum*. The ancients, on the contrary, called Italy that which was otherwise known as Magna Graecia, which is today called the Kingdom of Naples. Artemidorus, p. 26, where he says that the *Pialia*, games celebrated by the Emperor M. Antoninus Pius in honor of the Emperor Hadrian, were held in Italy, designates Puteoli. Polybius, p. 30, at the end of the Gronovius edition, names Italy for Iapygia; and others do so quite often. That King of Italy to whom Romanos sent an embassy was Hugh, who had sent envoys to Romanos and had asked for help from him against the Saracens who were devastating Italy. Romanos sent him reinforcements, but on the condition that he would bring to order the Lombard petty princes of Campania—Landulf and Atenulf, the princes of Capua and Benevento, as well as Gaimar and Gaifer (in our modern way of writing, Waimar and Waifer, or, which is the same, Waibel), the lords of Salerno—and compel them to acknowledge the majesty of the Constantinopolitan Emperor. I do not involve myself in the history and chronology of those princes, which is quite intricate; but I bid the reader to compare Camillo Pellegrino’s *History of the Lombard Princes*, which Muratori inserted in volume II of the *Scriptores Rerum Italicarum*. Regarding the embassy of Hugh to Romanos, which the father of Liutprand carried out, it will be helpful to compare the aforementioned Liutprand’s *History*, Book III, chapter 5. The purpose of his embassy was perhaps to signify to Romanos the kingdom of Italy which he had occupied, which he undertook in the year 926, that is, in the 15th indiction, or the 1st, and to enter into a military alliance with him. For the kingdom, as a new one, was not yet settled at that time, and it was almost never sufficiently peaceful. This first embassy falls in the year of Christ 927. Romanos responded to this embassy of Hugh to him with this very embassy mentioned here, it seems, or another slightly older one. For it is not permitted to define that exactly. However many times the envoys may have traveled back and forth, this is certain: that the Emperor Romanos strove to draw Hugh to his side and urged him to join his Italian forces with the Greeks to bring the rebel princes of Lombard blood to order. For in the year 933, the Beneventan, aided by Theobald, a relative of Hugh and the Marquis of Spoleto and Camerino, inflicted a severe defeat on the Greeks and sent all the captured Greeks home castrated in mockery. It seems Hugh agreed to Romanos on that condition and provided social cooperation, so that Bertha, his illegitimate daughter, might eventually be joined in marriage to Romanos the Younger, the grandson of the elder [Romanos] through his daughter, who was then still a mere infant; and thus it happened that Campania returned to Greek jurisdiction. This is understood from Liutprand, in whose book about his embassy to Nicephorus Phocas, the following words are read: "The land (thus Liutprand rebuked Nicephorus, as he himself testifies, p. 480) which you claim belongs to your empire, the inhabitants and the language declare to be of the Italian kingdom [and thus to belong in no way to Greek jurisdiction]." There is a controversy regarding the Neapolitan kingdom. Landulf, prince of the Beneventans and Capuans, subjugated it to himself for seven years by power [that is, usurped it through tyranny, possessed it *de facto*, as they say, not *de jure*], so that it did not emerge from the yoke of his or his successors' servitude until the present [that is, it had not emerged. Therefore, Campania had returned to the Greeks at that time], if the Emperor Romanos had not bought the friendship of our King Hugh with an immense sum of money [that is, had not bought it]. And this was the reason that he joined the illegitimate daughter of the same Hugh in marriage to his namesake [Romanos the Younger, that is]. But before that happened, Hugh sent another embassy to Constantinople, around the year 939, by which he asked for help from the Greek Emperor against the Saracens occupying Fraxinetum; and Romanos sent him troops, by whose aid those Saracens were driven from Fraxinetum in the year 941. Liutprand mentions this embassy in *History* V. 4. That those princes held their principalities from the Greek emperors is clear from an old charter of Waimar in Muratori, vol. I, *Antiquitates Italicae*, p. 181, where it lies thus: "I, Waimar, prince and imperial patrician, declare that it has been granted to me by the most holy and pious emperors Leo and Alexander by word (see note to p. 408) and by a most firm precept sealed with a golden bull, the entire portion of the Beneventan province, so that it might be permitted for me to do therefrom everything that I wish, just as all my predecessors, the princes, have done, etc." Muratori discusses their power more broadly there, who nevertheless does not deny that they were vassals of the Greek emperors, because they bore the titles of Anthypatos and Patrician. Regarding this case, there exists a notable inscription from Taranto, published by Muratori in *Thesaurus*, vol. I, p. 468, which I would like to be compared with the arguments made thus far: "Romanos, King of the Romans, most powerful, after having subdued the rebels and the others of the Calabrian disturbances, under the Emperor Constantine, by the help of the Saracens, ordered the new fortress in the city of Taranto to be built from the foundations."

(65) It is the same in M., so that no one might think it a typographical error.

(66) By which laws the Beneventans and Salernitans...

(67) When they name the Theme of Lombardy, the Greeks understand that part of the Italian kingdom or Lombardy which still belonged to them at that time, otherwise called "Lesser Lombardy." "It was the custom for the Greeks to designate a part of the Duchy of Benevento, and especially Apulia, by the peculiar term of 'Lesser Lombardy'." These are the words of the illustrious Muratori, vol. I, *Antiquitates Italicae*, p. 72, whom I would like to be compared, and Angelo de...

1297 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1228 one centenarius of counted money; 17 Heliopolitan glasses; 30 small bags of incense; 10 esophoria; a cup of onyx marble; 500 unctions; the 7 counts of the same king, each with 2 esophoria; the 6 bishops of...

JOAN. JAC. REIKSII COMMENTARY. On the Chronicle of Cassino I, 49, where among other things he has this: In the Historia Miscellanea I, 23, John the sacellarius and logothete is read to have been sent into Lombardy, together with Adelgis, formerly king of greater Lombardy. Clearly, so that we may understand that there was a double Lombardy: one, which was the kingdom of the Lombards, and therefore "greater," and another, which obeyed the Duke of Benevento. I will also transcribe the words of Carusius to the Excerpts from Anna Comnena’s Alexiad, vol. II, Biblioth. Siculæ, p. 1156. These are: "The name of Lombardy once extended so widely that the whole of Italy was understood by this term. Charter of Charlemagne for the division of the empire: 'Italy, however, which is also called Lombardy,' etc. Afterwards, to the Greeks, it was especially that part which in Calabria and Apulia obeyed their empire. Thus in the Themat. of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, book II, ch. 11. Finally, Emilia and Liguria are called by this name by Albertus Mussatus, book VI, De Gestis Henrici VII, ch. 14." Let it be seen, therefore, whether both Lombardies received their name from the Lombards. But the matter is otherwise. Only Cisalpine Gaul, which even today to us Germans is called *Lombardey*, was called after the Lombards, formerly the kingdom of Lombardy and "lesser Lombardy." But the name of the other "lesser Lombardy," comprising Calabria and Apulia, must be sought from the Arabs. They have the word *Barr*, which denotes the mainland, specifically maritime or coastal land. Thus they call *barral Adwah* the continent of Africa, from where the crossing is made into Spain. Rodericus Toletanus, Hist. Arab. ch. 15, rendered it as "transductive promontories." *Al Barr at Thawil*, the long *barra* or long coast or continent, they call the whole tract of Italy from the Sicilian strait up to the passes of Genoa and the borders of France. Lombardy, however, properly so called, in which Milan is, they called *al Lambardia* and *al Lombardia*. The word *Barra* was assumed by them not only by the Spaniards, but also by the Franks and Italians. Aimoin, Continuat. book V, ch. 22: "The Saracens coming out from *Barra* [that is, Africa] and following the host of Louis from behind." Cf. Abulf. Ann. vol. V, p. 147 seqq. Concerning the difference between Lombardy and Langobardy, and also concerning greater and lesser Lombardy—the former being the Paduan Gaul, the latter the Duchy of Benevento—a certain anonymous monk of Cassino argues in the notes to the history of Morena, Lauda, p. 1130, Vol. VI of the Script. Rer. Ital. Murat. Let the passage of Nilus Doxopatrius concerning the five patriarchates be weighed: "Since the Duchy of all Longobardia, being of ancient Hellas, was under the King of Constantinople." Was Magna Graecia, therefore, the fatherland of the Hellenes, and properly called Hellas of old, before Rome was founded, from whence the Hellenes who crossed into Greece imposed their name upon this region? From the Addenda: I could not extricate [the meaning] from the imposed [text]. In the Latin, so that I might give something not entirely alien, I gave "Heliopolitan." That *Ket* and *Ha* are often interchanged by scribes, I demonstrate on p. 439, and in our manuscripts both letters were written in such twin ways that one egg could not be more like another. That glass was made in the tract of Tripoli of Palestine and Baalbek or Heliopolis and near Byblos from the remarkably white and translucent sand of the Byblian river, both the ancients, like Pliny, and more recent travelers mention almost to a man. There is also little doubt that *n* lies hidden in the compendium *n*. In the manuscript it was written thus: *ondeo*, with *pi* superimposed. Whence, even if you wished to make *klerik*, it is not clear to me concerning "Cleopatric" glasses. ...that they were included in boxes, e.g., of tin, because they were counted. Among other gifts which Alexius Comnenus was sending to Henry V is also opobalsam. The passage of Anna is worthy to be set down in its entirety. Page 94, she says, with the letter inserted there in full: "To your nobility, however, there have now been sent for the sake of greetings an *enkolpion* of gold with pearls, a gilded case containing inside fragments of various saints, each of which is known by the paper placed upon each of them," we sent to your nobility [the Greek emperor always addresses the German with that term in that letter] for the sake of friendship and good will, an *insinuale* [a box wearable on the bosom] covered with pearls, a golden box having in it relics of various saints, the name of which is signified by the parchment that wraps each fragment, a *kaucion sardonykion*, a vessel of sardonyx, and a *krystallinon*, a cup of crystal, an *astropelekyn* bound with gold, and opobalsam. What *astropelekyn* is in these, Du Cange admits at this place that he does not know. What if it signifies a ceraunian stone, a type of glowing, fiery gem, concerning which Tertullian [writes] in Salmasius, Exerc. Plin. (where there is more on ceraunians): "The substance of ceraunian gems is not fiery because they sparkle with a reddish glow." Perhaps the capsule for storing the opobalsam was of such a gem. This custom of sending fragrant species as a gift with the species themselves undoubtedly came from the East, where histories relate that musk, amber, and agalloch were sent among other gifts between princes. Abulfeda at the year 255 (869 A.D.) narrates concerning Jacob, son of Laitschi, the Saffarid, that, having occupied Persia, among the gifts with which he would both announce his victory and defer his obedience and clientage to the Caliph, he sent him ten white falcons and one hundred globes (or purses) of musk. Teixeira [Relaciones de el Origen etc. de los Reyes de Persia etc. Antwerp, 1710, 8, p. 248] translates this passage from his Khondemir, who reports it a little differently: "twenty white falcons and ten of various colors and 200 hands of very pure musk, which are 450 pounds; and this with the falcons he sent as a present to the Caliph of Baghdad." Renaudot, p. 538, Histor. Patriarch. Alexandr., among the gifts sent by Saladin to Nuroddin, mentions two large fragments of amber, one of twenty, the other of thirty pounds. The gynaecea of oriental princes indeed desire such things, and you would be amazed and distrustful reading how great were the expenses they made annually on perfumes. [Among the chief gifts with which Romanus incited Hugh to undertake war against the rebellious Lombards, the petty kings of lower Italy, are recounted palls, precious garments, and *blatta*. Likewise, Alexius Comnenus enumerates in the letter to Henry V, Emperor of the Germans, in the Alexiad, p. 93, among those things by which he moved him to attack Robert Guiscard the Norman in war, money indeed, sent by pact, 144,000 gold coins, and 216,000 to be sent, but of garments *hekaton blattia*. From the Addenda.] ...it is difficult to say. The Marquises and Counts seem to be the same. But there were then famous and most powerful [men]: the Marquis of Italy or Insubria, whose metropolis was Milan (and thus King Hugh himself was then Marquis of Insubria), the Marquis of the Italian or Ligurian shore, the Marquis of Tuscany, the Marquis of Romania, the Marquis of Forum Julii or Trent and Spoleto, and finally the Marquis of Ivrea. The Marquis of Tuscany around the year 935 was Hubert, after the ejection of Boso, the brother of King Hugh. The Marquis of Trent...

(68) Compendium of the writing *kleo* with T superimposed. (69) These *aleipta* must therefore have been in small purses or... (70) Who were these seven counts of King Hugh?

1229 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1230

[Greek text segment] ...of the same king (74) six yellow scaramangia. For his seven counts, two esophoria each. For his six bishops, the same number of yellow scaramangia. For his count and marquis (72) whose jurisdiction borders the theme of Longobardia, five scaramangia: one yellow, one rose, one blue, and one white; in total, nine scaramangia. Likewise, four superior esophoria and three minor ones; in total, seven. Three gold-embroidered silver works. If the king himself does not come, but sends people, and they fight and destroy the rebels and hand over the fortresses to the strategos of Longobardia, he shall likewise send through them all the aforementioned items to the king. There were given to the protospatharios Epiphanios for the expenses (73) of the same journey to Longobardia, six scaramangia of various colors and exemplia, thirty octalia esophoria, twenty lorota, and twenty genuine ones. From these, the protospatharios Epiphanios expended seventeen, twelve, two scaramangia, fifteen octalia esophoria, thirteen lorota, and fourteen genuine ones. After his return, he brought back the remaining four scaramangia, thirteen octalia esophoria, eight lorota, and six genuine ones. Be it known that the thematic naval forces, upon their arrival at Crete, were paid (7) as follows: the tourmarchai, 30 each; the counts of the court, 20 each; the chartularii of the themes, 20 each; the domestics of the themes, 20 each; the drungarii, 20 each; the counts, 6 each; the soldiers, 3 each; the shipmasters of the galleys, 4 each; the people of the galleys, that is, the Mardaites, 3 each. Be it known that those of the theme of Charpezikion (75) were paid as follows: the great tourmarchai, the meriarch, the count of the court, and the domestic of the theme, 5 each; the lesser tourmarchai, 4 nomismata each; the drungarii, 3 each; the soldiers, 2 each. Be it known that the Sylabesianoi who were stationed in the Opsikion were paid as follows: their three leaders, 5 each, and the rest, 3 nomismata each.

[Latin text segment] ...500. For his seven counts, two esophoria each. For his six bishops, as many yellow scaramangia. For his count and marquis, whose jurisdiction borders the province of Longobardia, 5 scaramangia: 1 yellow, 1 rose, 1 blue, and 1 white; in total, 9 scaramangia. Item, 4 superior esophoria and 3 minor ones; in total, 7 esophoria; silver-gilt works. If he himself should not arrive to assist him, but should send troops who would subdue and exterminate the rebels and restore the fortresses to the governor of Longobardia, he should nonetheless send the aforementioned gifts to the king through his men, just as if he himself had been present. There were added to the protospatharios Epiphanios for the purpose of having funds to cover expenses on that Longobardian expedition, scaramangia of various colors and exemplia, 30 octalia or eight-fold esophoria, 20 lorota or those marked with straps or latticed, 20 red. Of these, the protospatharios Epiphanios expended 2 scaramangia, 17 octalia esophoria, 12 lorota, 14 red. He returned the remainder upon his return to the city: 4 scaramangia, 13 octalia esophoria, 8 lorota, 6 red. The provincial naval forces received in the Cretan expedition payments in this manner: tourmarchai, 30 nomismata; counts of the court or praetorium, 20; chartularii of the themes, likewise 20; domestics of the themes, likewise; drungarii, the same amount; counts, 6; common soldiers, 3; shipmasters of the galleys or triremes, 4; the people of the galleys or nautical crowd, the Mardaites for instance, 3. Those who were from the theme of Charpezikion received payments in this manner. The great tourmarchai, the meriarch, the count of the court, and the domestic of the theme received...

COMMENTARY. (71) Who these six bishops of King Hugh might be, those skilled in the histories of the Middle Ages will say better than I. Perhaps they were Pisan, Genoese, Fician, Milanese, Veronese, Aquileian, or Ravennate. Near to Longobardia at that time was Theobald, Marquis of Spoleto and Camerino, and upon his death in the year 934, Ansgarius, son of Adelbert, Marquis of Ivrea. The Spoletans, although they were usually called dukes, were in reality marquises and counts, and, as Muratori says (vol. I, Antiq. Ital., p. 270), they are seen distinguished by the title of duke, now marquis, and sometimes even count. (72) The marquis, a relative of King Hugh, was Manasses, formerly Bishop of Arles, but then called into Italy by his relative, King Hugh, and gifted with the bishopric and march of Trent, as well as the bishoprics of Mantua and Verona. The Marquis of Ivrea was Berengarius, son of Adelbert. We shall mention the Spoletan shortly. But Alberic ruled Rome under the title of consul, the son of Marozia and stepson of King Hugh. As for the others, if they are of any importance, let curious searchers of the Italian histories of the Middle Ages inquire. (73) Therefore, not coins, but garments were added to him, which he might sell (for Constantinopolitan cloths were expensive and rare in Western Europe) and live from that. This matter would be little worthy of the legates of our kings. Among the Abyssinians and certain oriental kings of lesser, impoverished nations, it is said that if their legates are Armenians or Jewish merchants, they conduct trade with castrated slaves. Cf. Bernier’s Itinerary and the historical account of Choadja Morado, formerly a legate of the King of Ethiopia to the Batavians, after the works of Louis du Four de Longuerue published in Leipzig in the year 1750. Nevertheless, it was the custom at that time to send merchants as legates, due to the frugality and poverty of those men. Thus, Otto I, Emperor, sent Luitfred, a dealer or merchant, a "pragmateutes" of Mainz, as a legate to Constantinople to Constantine Porphyrogenitus; see Luitprand, Hist. VI, 2. (74) But how often was this repeated? For what duration was the payment charged to them? Every month, or every three months? I would believe that for every year, or certainly for the entire expedition (for a whole campaign), as much was paid to those various leaders of the militia as is listed here. Certainly minimal for our age. It is evident from page 386 that the payment was indeed given every month, but in any given month only a fourth part of that sum which is written here, since the entire expedition was not expected to last more than four months. (75) The theme of Charpezik or Charpezikion is found nowhere. I once thought of Darbesek on the borders of Cilicia and Syria, situated in the gorges and gates, a place of famous name in Arabic history. Whether I have conjectured correctly, let others see. But it causes a scruple that "Charpezikion" recurs on page 385 and several times thereafter, and that spelling is constantly maintained.

1231 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1232

...having set out, the strategos, the tourmarches of the Theodosiakoi (76), the tourmarchai of the Victors, the tourmarchai of the coast, the meriarch, the chartoularios of the theme, the count of the corte, the domestic of the theme, 64 drungarocounts, these same drungarocounts having, some two soldiers each, others three soldiers each, so that the total is 150 soldiers. From the procession of the strategos: the protomandator, the protocancellarius, the protobandophoros, 6 protodomestics, 6 protopentarchs, 100 processional infantry. From the Armenians guarding the coast of the theme: for when the strategos led them out, he had up to 600 armed men to cross into Crete; but because of the scarcity of cargo ships, they were not permitted to cross, except for 50. From the bandon of the tourma of the Theodosiakoi: 1 count, 4 proagetes, 1 protomandator of the tourmarches, 1 domestic of the tourmarches; in total 7. From the bandon of the meriarch, likewise 7. Because the drungarios of the fleet did not order soldiers to cross into Crete, except for commanders and proagetes. Because the tourmarches of the Victors, due to his being ill, was left behind by the drungarios of the fleet for the protection of the coast of the theme. And the same tourmarches kept his proagetes with him.

Those from the theme of the Thrakesioi in Crete... [Latin text omitted per instructions] ...

CHAPTER XLVI. The expedition against the island of Crete (77) and the arming of both the fleet and the cavalry under Constantine and Romanos, the Porphyrogeniti, faithful emperors in Christ, in the 7th indiction. The imperial fleet: 150 ousiaka, of which 7 are pamphylia (78) and 2 recently constructed. 100 ousiaka chelandia. Of these, the Rus in Dyrrhachium and Dalmatia: 7 ousiaka; in Calabria: 3 ousiaka; with the ostiarios Stephanos and the [nipsistiarios] for the mission to Spain: 3 ousiaka. For the protection of the God-protected city: 1 pamphylos and 24 ousiaka. Those intending to sail to Crete: 7 pamphylia, 33 ousiaka chelandia; in total 40 chelandia. 20 dromones of 2 ousiaka each, 40 ousiaka. The Rus men, including boys who are making the voyage (79): 45 men; total Rus: 629. The Toulmatzoi: 368 men; the captives: 700 men. Left behind for the protection of...

JOAN. JAG. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

...[Latin text omitted per instructions]...

(76) These are remnants of the old military discipline. (77) This expedition of Constantine against... (78) These seem to be ships skillfully built in Pamphylia. (79) Boys who perform the pitching and striking of tents, carry water, and perform other services.

ON CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

1234 ...of the city, the strategoi of the Aegean Sea with dromones, of which each individual had two, 7 Pamphylian chelandia with 120 men each, and 4 ousiakoi chelandia with 108 men each. One ousia was also left behind to cut the timber for the eighth indiction. The strategos of Samos with 6 Pamphylian chelandia with 150 men each and 7 ousiakoi chelandia with 108 men each. There were sent with the protospatharios John and asekretes to Africa 3 chelandia and 4 dromones with 220 men each. The strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots with 7 Pamphylian chelandia with 150 men each and 7 ousiakoi chelandia with 110 men each; 2 Pamphylian and 4 ousiakoi [chelandia] were left behind for the protection of the theme. Also, 2 ousiai were left behind to cut the timber for the eighth indiction. Also, 1 ousia and 4 dromones with 220 men each were left behind for the protection of the lord Stephen, the brother-in-law of the emperor, in Rhodes. 15 galeai of Attalia; of these, 6 galeai were left behind for the protection of the theme. 2 galeai of Antioch. These also were left behind for the protection of the same theme. Galeai of Karpathos. 1 galeia was left behind for the protection of the island of Karpathos. From the theme of the Peloponnese, the tourmarches of the maritime district with 4 chelandia. From the Mardaites of the Western themes, Nicopolis, Peloponnese, Cephalenia, 3,000 men.

...their own ousiai, they made 40 ousiai. Of the Russians there were 584 men, to whom if 42 boys or servants serving in the camps are added, the total number of Russians will be 629. Tulmatzi 368, captives 700. Left at home for the protection of the [royal] city were the strategoi of the Aegean Sea with 6 Pamphylian chelandia, each of which held 120 men, and 4 ousiakoi chelandia, each carrying 108 men. One ousia was also left behind to cut timber [for erecting public buildings] for the coming eighth indiction [or the year immediately following]. Furthermore, there were sent to [Crete] the strategos of Samos with 6 Pamphylian chelandia, each of which carried 150 men, and 6 ousiakoi chelandia, and in each of them 108 men. There were also sent with John the protospatharios and asekretes to Africa 3 chelandia and 4 dromones, each having 220 men. The strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots was sent with 6 Pamphylian chelandia, each carrying 150 men, and 6 ousiakoi chelandia with 110 men each. Left behind for the defense of the province were 2 Pamphylian and 4 ousiakoi chelandia; likewise 2 ousiai to cut timber for the eighth indiction. Also, for the protection of the lord Stephen, brother of the empress, on the island of Rhodes, there was left behind one ousia and four dromones, each with 220 of the marines. Of the fifteen galeai of Attalia, six galeai were left behind for the protection of that province. At home also remained two galeai of Antioch for the sake of defense. The naval force of the island of Karpathos also remained at home for the same purpose. That entire force consisted then of one galeia. Participating in the expedition from the theme of the Peloponnese was the tourmarches of the seacoast with four chelandia. Of the Mardaites from the western provinces, such as Nicopolis, the Peloponnese, and Cephalenia, there were present 3,000 men.

Regarding the cavalry. From the theme of Thrace, the toparch, and from the 4 tagmata, the commanders, 139 men; scholarioi of the 4 tagmata, 354 men; in total, commanders and scholarioi of the 4 tagmata, 493 men. From the theme of Macedonia, the toparch and from the 4 tagmata, the commanders, 83 men. Scholarioi...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY ...to be cut for the indiction or the coming year. Sailors in their spare time, or when they were not on a naval expedition, were employed for public works, such as transporting timber for building public structures (see Leo Gramm. p. 472 and 481; Cedren. p. 585 and 599), just as here in this place for cutting wood in the forests for the use of either the palace or perhaps the entire city of Constantinople. ...one, but either the province strictly so called, or the capital of this province of the same name, the royal seat of the Fatimids before they migrated to Egypt, otherwise called Mahadia after the founder of both that race and the city, Mahadi (see D’Herbelot, Bibl. Orient. v. Mehedia p. 573). At that time, A.D. 949, Africa was ruled by Almansur, the grandson of that Almahadi whom we just named, the first of the Fatimid race to be a dynast in Africa and Mauritania. It did not go well for these Fatimids, the masters of Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia, with the Umayyads, who then held supreme power in Spain... [and] all the Arab kings and their many different petty rulers were harassed. Those rivalries broke out into open war later in the time of Al-Mu'izz, the son of that Almansur. It seems, therefore, that the purpose of that embassy to Africa was so that Almansur, the master of the Mediterranean Sea lying between Sicily and Greece, might harass the Cretan Saracens as much as he could, as they were dependent on the Spanish Saracens and were their former colonists; see what is said at p. 330. ...emperor, finally in the year 945, having been stripped of the empire by Constantine and moved first to Proconnesus, then to Rhodes, he endured exile and private life for 19 years. See Cedren. p. 634 and Luitprand, History, Book VI, ch. 10, 11. (according to Hagi Chalifat) to the year 1070, when it yielded to the Turks after the unfortunate battle of Romanos Diogenes with Alp Arslan. And yet I find in Abulfeda that in the year of Christ 965, it was subject to the Tarsian Saracens. However, the same author says that in the year 969, the Romans recovered it.

(80) That is, *xylian*, timber-work, wood material. (81) Africa here is not a part of the world’s lands... (82) Stephen, son of Romanos Lekapenos, formerly... (83) The Greeks held Antioch from the year of Christ 903.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

[1235] ...Macedonia, the lieutenant and the four tagmata, men, 83; and the scholarii of the four tagmata, men, 869. From the Peratic tagmata, the excubitor with his lieutenant and his entire tagma, of commanders and scholarii, in total 700 men. The hicanati with their lieutenant and their entire tagma, of commanders and scholarii, in total 456 men. From the Armenians who were recently assigned to be enrolled in the tagmata of the East, 1,000 men. From the Sthlabesianoi who are settled in the Opsikion, 220 men. The strategos of the Thrakesion with his three tourmarchs and his remaining thematic commanders and all the primipili and his entire retinue and the soldiers whom the drungaries and counts had for their service, 150 men. As for the other 800 soldiers who were demanded, [they paid] 4 nomismata each. From these, the theme of Charpezikion was provided with 24 pounds, 56 nomismata. Inquire more precisely from the commanders (84) regarding the number of the force that crossed to the island of Crete from the theme of the Thrakesion. From the Armenians of the same theme, the Thrakesion, who guard the coast of the Thrakesion, 600 men. But because of the scarcity of transport ships, they were not permitted to cross, except for only 50 men. The strategos of Charpezikion with his entire theme, that is, with the more prominent tourmarchs and the count of the corte, the domestic of the theme, 25 men, and the minor tourmarchs, 47 men, and the drungaries, 205 men, and the soldiers, 428 men, in total 705 men.

Regarding the roga of all the aforementioned naval forces, both infantry and cavalry. For the four themes of the imperial fleet, for the commanders and soldiers, along with the imperial mandatores and physicians and the captive commanders and soldiers, the Tulmatzioi and the Rhos and those of the churches and the manganarioi, the roga in gold was 1,691 pounds, 53 nomismata. And in miliaresia, 73 pounds, 62 nomismata, 4 miliaresia; the total in gold, miliaresia, being 17 centenaria, 65 pounds, 42 nomismata, 4 miliaresia. The roga sent to Dyrrachium on account of the 7 chelandia that were there and the captive Tulmatzioi, for 793 men, was 386 pounds of gold and 116 pounds of miliaresia and 17 nomismata. For the theme of the Aegean Sea, for its thematic commanders and the strategos, the roga in gold was 69 pounds, 24 nomismata. Inquire more precisely from the commanders of the tetradion regarding the roga of the three naval themes. For the theme of Samos, for the thematic commanders of the army, the roga in gold was 134 pounds, 20 nomismata. For the theme of the Kibyrrhaiotai, for the thematic commanders and the army, along with the Mardaites of the same theme...

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II

Roga: 134 pounds of gold and 20 numismata. To the rectors and soldiers of the Cibyrrhæot theme, and to the Mardaites of the same theme, there were sent for roga 177 pounds of gold and 4 numismata. In the bronze [payment] before the due time given to the Mardaites of the western themes, for 3,000 men, at 4 numismata per head, there were paid out 166 pounds and 48 numismata. Of this sum, the patrician Crinitus received 36 pounds from the patrician Michael Ouranos. From the *ceton* [bedchamber], for the completion of the aforementioned sum of 166 pounds and 46 numismata, there were given 130 pounds and 48 numismata, and in total the sum is 166 pounds and 48 numismata. And the same Mardaites ought to receive each month 3,000 [numismata] at 1 numisma each, amounting for the 4 months to another 166 pounds and 48 numismata. For the 4 tagmata of Thrace, both for the account of the *philotimia* (gratuity) of the army and instead of clothing, 180 pounds of gold and 29 numismata, and 9 *skaramangia*. For the 4 tagmata of Macedonia, both for the roga and the *philotimia* of the army instead of clothing, 130 pounds of gold and 68 numismata, and 20 *skaramangia*. For the two Peratic tagmata, namely the *Excubiti* and the *Hicanati*, both for the roga and the *philotimia* of the army instead of clothing, 4 centenaria of gold, 80 pounds, and 112 *skaramangia*. For the theme of Charpezikion: 22 senior turmarchs, the *merarch* of the theme, the count of the *korte*, and the *domestikos* of the theme, 5 [numismata] each; 47 junior turmarchs, 4 each; 205 drungaries, 3 each; 428 soldiers, 2 each. Roga: 24 pounds of gold and 59 numismata. For the Sthlabesiani stationed in the Opsikion, 126 men: 3 captains at 5 [numismata] each, and the remaining 124 at 3 each; roga: 5 pounds and 27 numismata. It should be noted that because the theme of the Thrakesians was not paid its roga, but was crossing over into Crete, for this reason it was not included here.

The equipment of one dromon: 70 *klivania* (cuirasses), 12 light *lorikia* (corselets) for the *protokaraboi* (chief ship-officers) and the *siphonarioi* (siphon-operators) and the *proreus* (prow-officers), and others...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(85) This family of the Ouranoi or Ouranii is famous, also in Turkish history, commonly called Eurenos by the Turks; see Leunclavius, *Pandect. Hist. Turc.*, ch. 27.

(86) Before this word, one must insert, at least tacitly, "and," which is missing from the codex, and so also a few times shortly after. It can be considered a plebeian brevity. Furthermore, I think it should be noted that in these calculations, where these two commas are placed together before a number, or two dots are placed above it, that is the sign for numismata, or gold solidi; but where this sign is seen, the following number is for miliaresia.

(87) These seem to be the commanders of the *karabia* (ships). *Siphonarioi* are those who eject the so-called Greek fire from siphons; see Theophanes, pp. 332 and 423. Constant. Porphyrog. *De Administrando Imperio*, p. 64. [Callinicus, the inventor of Greek fire. Zonaras II. 90; concerning Greek fire and the rites with which it was deployed, see Fulcher of Chartres in *Gesta Peregrinorum Francorum*, p. 407; cf. Du Cange to Joinville, p. 71. Vossius in *Observ. var.*, ch. 9; the imperial fleet equipped with siphons is the *pyrophoros stolos* (fire-bearing fleet), p. 40. Liutprand.] I must not pass over the excellent passage of Anna Comnena in the *Alexiad*, p. 335, where she says that her father Alexius had ships constructed, and on the prow of each of them, the protomes (busts) of land animals with open jaws: "In each prow of the ships, having constructed heads of lions and other land animals made of bronze and iron with open mouths, and having covered them with gold, so that they appeared terrifying even from sight alone, he arranged for the *strepta* (tortilia) to be sent through their mouths against the enemies, so that the lions and other such animals seemed to be vomiting fire." What are these *strepta* (tortilia) here? I think they are versatile siphons, twistable in whichever direction one wishes. From the example of these siphons, it seems the inventors of our muskets and cannons, which are in truth fire-vomiting siphons, took their cue. While I am treating this passage, another from Diodorus Siculus comes to mind, which I could not understand before this passage of Anna. It is *Bibliotheca Historica*, Book XIII, p. 622. He narrates that Callicratidas, the Spartan fleet commander, rammed his ship into the Attic ship in which the younger Pericles was being carried, with such violence that the ships could not be disengaged.

[Regarding the armatura of one dromon:] For equipping one dromon with arms and necessary things, these were required and provided: 70 *klivania*...

1939 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1240 [10 thin cuirasses for the protocarabi (or captains of the naval and siphon-bearing ships, or throwers of Greek fire) and for the soldiers standing at the prow. 10 other common cuirasses; 80 helmets; 387 helmets with face-guards made from a single mass; 8 pairs of laminated hand-guards protecting the wrists; 100 swords; 70 shields [made of double leathers] sewn together; 30 Lydian shields; 80 poles with drills; 20 spears with hooks; 100 hunting spears; as many javelins; 50 Roman bows with double strings; 30 boats with hand-ballistae and ropes strongly twisted by the art of ropemaking; 10,000 arrows; 200 muschetta; 10,000 caltrops; 4 hooks with chains; 50 cuirass covers; 50 camelaucia. A dromon ought to hold 300 men, of whom 70 should be soldiers, solely devoted to military service, taken from the equestrian legions and foreigners; the remaining 230 should be rowers, who, if they wish or are fit, will also be able to contribute their efforts in battles. Six pamphyli will have leather shields, for which may God put it into the heart of the holy emperor to see that they are prepared. Each one of those pamphyli shall have...]

JOAN. JAC. REISKE [The last blow (Gallicratides) of the ram against the trireme of Pericles was more violent; it tore open a large part of the trireme, and the mouth having been fitted onto the point, they were unable to push it back, etc. The Latin interpretation does not render this clearly, conceived in this way: "the front of the opposing ship had fixed itself so firmly to the point, that etc." The mouth of the Attic ship, to which the point was fixed, the bronze cup of the Spartan ship, was the gaping maw of some larger beast, into which the point of the Spartan ship, thrust with great force, remained stuck.]

[8 pairs of hand-guards, 100 swords, 70 sewn shields, 30 Lydian shields, 80 poles with drills, 20 hook-spears, 40 hunting spears, 3 javelins, 50 Roman bows with double strings. 20 boats with hand-ballistae and silk ropes, 10,000 arrows, 200 muschetta, 10,000 caltrops, 4 hooks with chains. 50 cuirass covers, 50 camelaucia. The dromon ought to have 300 men, of whom 230 are rowers, that is, also combatants, and the other 70 are combatant men from the cavalry themes and from the foreign troops. For the six pamphyli, as many shields as God shall guide the holy emperor to provide. 60 clibania each, 60 helmets each, 10 cuirasses each. For the ousiac chelandia, 10 clibania each, 10 helmets each, 2 light cuirasses, and 3 common ones. For the equipment of siege warfare: a wooden tower, tortoises, large ballistae with wheels and silk ropes, tetrareai, labdarea, manganica, and their equipment. For the tortoises, rams; and for the various manganica, iron pincers, bracelets, and rings.]

[Laminated pieces, by which the faces are protected, perforated around the mouth, nose, and eyes, otherwise solid and made from a single piece of iron or steel, not composite. For there are certain composite helmets, whose cheek-pieces and mandibles and the whole part that covers the nose and eyes can be rolled back onto the forehead or depressed below the chin. Anna Comnena, p. 13, calls it "a small breastplate hanging around the helmet," which the Latins of the Middle Ages call a "nasal," and also a "visor"; see Du Cange on that passage. He does not mean these mobile and rotatable helmets here, but immobile ones. I think the "sewn" shields are those sewn from ox-hides. But whence "Lydian," whether from Lydia or from Lydda in Palestine, and of what form or composition they were, is not clear to me. The hand-guards perhaps covered not only the wrists but the hands themselves; and the Latins seem to have called this type of glove "manipuli." The assessors (that is, riders) of the war-horses had iron cuirasses, and they also had greaves and iron gauntlets, says the Chronicle of Colmar in Du Cange, Gl. Lat. v. Arma. For convenient distance from enemy ships, "hook-spears," that is, hooked lances, tipped with hooks to tear apart the sails and ropes of the sails, are used. "Hunting spears" is corrupted from the Latin "venabula." "Javelins" is likewise corrupted from the Latin "directaria," that is, missiles, javelins, which are directed, that is, aimed or aligned, toward a target. Or it can be derived from "to throw," and "x" considered to be put for "p." New Greeks say "plyvery" for the end. The ancients also very often interchanged "k" and "p," as "kosa" or "posa," "kata" and "pote."]

COMMENTARY [Silk; see p. 273. And indeed it is not an unheard-of thing for a rope to be interwoven with silk and hemp, so that it becomes stronger. But since in these places of ours we everywhere have "silk-ropes" joined together, I would prefer to translate it in the other way. For if the author had wished to indicate ropes twisted partly of silk and partly of hemp, he would have said, in my opinion, "silk-ropes" as one word. The reason for my interpretation is this: "Metaxa" is also used for a thread, a ray, or a ribbon, which our people call "Strahl": a "Strahl" of hair, etc. They signify by the word "Strahl" some small braid, a long one proceeding in a straight line; see Du Cange v. Metaxa. Thus, however, are called "chords," ropes, so that they might be distinguished from those twisted by ropemakers from many smaller ropes in the manner of a fluted column, from chords or nerves, which, made from the intestines of animals, become entirely smooth, round, and uniform. "Metaxa" can also denote a rope twisted from silk or from papyrus. In Herodotus, papyrus ropes are often mentioned. And "metaxa" is any material suitable for being drawn out, braided, or twisted in a long line, in the manner of flax, wool, cotton, or silk. Chronicle of Cassino III, 57: "eight albs of metaxa [that is, thread] of cotton." v. Muschetta. For Rigaltius thinks it should be written "muschetta," not "muscae," and interprets them as small arrows which sting like small flies, "muschetta" or "musquetta." I think the same about this passage of ours, and about p. 390. The German word is "angriphus," "angreiffer"; it denotes hooks. Hence the Frankish "agraffe." Compare Muratori, vol. 11, Ant. Ital. p. 483, where he deals with "graphia" or iron hooks, with which they pulled up approaching enemies let down over the walls: such hooks also seem to be designated here. One could, however, if one wished, also derive "agriphous" from the Greek "curved." Greek joints; see Du Cange Gl. gr. v. Armodarea. Both beaks or mandibles formed two perfect semicircles, and when joined, they formed one complete circle, a "kricelion," but one which could be retracted and opened to grasp something. I do not think "bracelets" or "rings" (perhaps "rings")]

(88) They seem to me to be the faces of helmets, or (89) Poles with drills serve for piercing (90) Here and subsequently I translated this expression by (91) See Du Cange Gloss. Gr. v. Muta and Lat. (92) It seems (93) They are beams, rafters, in the shape of the letter (94) They seem to me to have been pincers, of which

1241 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1242 iron slings, iron plates for doors, as it were, 60 clibani, 60 helmets, and ten breastplates. The use of the wearing of various pulleys, *seistai* (95), *tzokoi*, mattocks, heavy weights, leather bags, quilts, small boats, cauldrons, *xanolis* (96), [blank], various ropes, nails, *armelausia* (97). By the arming of the mechanical engines, the arming of four *tetrareai*, four *labdadeis*, four *eilaktiai* (98), that is to say, two rings each, one crab, twelve iron slings, 100 plates for doors for the pulleys, 100 *seistai*, 100 mattocks, 100 axes, 100 hatchets, ten rams for the tortoises, twenty large weights, thirty small weights. The *chelandia* each had ten clibani, ten helmets, two thin breastplates, and eight common ones. The apparatus suitable for besieging camps was present here: a wooden tower, tortoises, large crossbows with pulleys and ropes twisted through grooves, stone-throwers, trestles, machines with their own equipment. The tortoises had their own rams; the remaining machines of various kinds had rings with pincers placed on both sides, circles, and hoops. Iron and leather slings; plates, such as are accustomed to be put on doors for encrusting various pulleys; hammers; stakes; mattocks for digging up earth; barrels or casks; hides; quilts; small boats; cauldrons or basins for heating water [such as are bathing tubs, in which men or linens are washed]; tubs for removing filth or mud, various ropes, nails, *armelausia* or cloaks accustomed to be worn over a breastplate. To the machines, namely four stone-throwers and...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...forms, but differed only in size, the former being larger, the latter smaller, both having iron circles for grasping something or for tying ropes. After *conpai* either *xxi* must be inserted, or at least a comma must be interposed. I could interpret them as chains, and I did so on page 390. For above, at page 336, I demonstrated that *supi* and *seistón* mean anything hanging, loose, or oscillating. I preferred, however, to translate them as hammers, from *seiein*, to strike. That it is for carrying out the dead, no one is ignorant. Properly, however, *capulus* is any chest of whatever use, made in the likeness of a *kápnē*, a manger, from which beasts of burden take fodder. *Kápē* is that which is *kaptetai*, fodder, and a wooden or stone vessel, from which *kaptetai* [is derived] the manger. Hence *kapelos* and *capulus* are a chest similar to a manger, and finally *kapoúkion* in modern Greek is a *capulus*, a bronze or wooden chest, a basin in which one washes, a wash-tub. This is clearly evident from the passage of Pseudo-Dioscorides, which Du Cange cites under the word *Kamoshio*: "And throw these into a *kapoúlion* and having sacrificed, offer [to offer is the same as to pour out, to pour over], pour vinegar, sit those suffering from intestinal pain in the *kapoúlion*," that is, place them in a basin, and having poured a little vinegar over them, command those suffering from the belly to sit in the basin. That book, from which this passage is taken, was undoubtedly translated into Greek from Arabic; if we had the Arabic, there is no doubt that we would find the word *Apzan* there instead of *kapoúlion*.

...immediately ending and lacking sleeves, in place of which it had wide openings or windows for extending the arms. It did not differ from the Roman cloak except in that it had no sleeves at all, whereas the Roman one had very short ones and did not reach from the shoulder joint to the elbow. The garment seems to have come from Germany to Italy and subsequently to Greece. The name is certainly German. *Armelausia* is the same as *Armelos*, which lacks *armalia* or sleeves, or rather arm-pieces. Either Isidore (Book XIX, ch. 22) was false and trifling, or the same garment did not go by that name at all times. He describes it thus: *armelausa*, commonly so called because it is divided and open in front and back, closed only at the arms, as if *armiclausa* with the letter C removed. Ugutio repeats the same, adding that *armelausa* and *Sclavina* are the same garment. But if he states this correctly, and *Sclavina* is the same as the garment which in Saxony we call by the derived word *Schalaune*, the *armelausia* of Isidore and the *armelausia Sclavina* differ as much as heaven and earth. For that of Isidore is the Greek *inwule*, the Latin *scapulare*, of which Paul Rham has an elegant image [in] the third table, repeated by Du Cange in his dissertation on coins, table vi, and another by Horatius Blancus in his notes to Paul Warnefrid in the image of the coronation of the Lombard king, and likewise another by Bandurius, *Ant. Imp. Or.*, vol. II, p. 632, table 3, where two eunuch doorkeepers stand by Empress Helena as she finds the cross, wearing *epomides* or *armilausae*, closed at the arms, as Isidore says, that is, solid *epomides* in the region of the arms. This *armilausia* is in truth a scapular, that is, a garment lacking arm-pieces. But it is usually called a scapular rather than an *armilausia*. However, that garment which commonly went by that name in the past was such as we described: a cloak having wide windows instead of sleeves, through which the arms could be extended. This was a military *armilausia*. For that the *armilausia* was a garment of soldiers is evident from those passages of authors which Du Cange cited in his Latin Glossary under this word. That other, former type of *armilausia* was more for display, certainly useless to a soldier handling weapons. Indeed, it could not be worn over armor, that is, a breastplate, which Maurice nevertheless affirms of the *armilausa*. Therefore, this second, military *armilausia* was different from the former, display one, and exactly the same as the *Sclavina*. We call a *Schalauna* a floor-length cloak, not wide, open at the chest or fastened with buttons, having wide holes in place of sleeves for extending the arms. The *Sclavina* of the ancients did not differ from this *schalonna* except in length alone. For it ended between the pubes and the knees. Its image can be seen in the notes of Angelus de Nuce to the *Chronicon Cassinense*, vol. IV, *Script. Rer. Italic.*, p. 217. The garment which the two holy men depicted there in bronze are seen wearing is a *Sclavina*, and it exactly resembles the vest or camisole or tunic of our peasants, with the arm-pieces removed, in place of which windows are open. It is not slit in the chest, but is bordered with a tabard, adorned with pearls continuous along both edges. Around the thighs those two *sclavinae* have slits, which are not far from the humeral windows.

...I believe it to be, is evident from the Latin. I thought, namely, that it was either written poorly by the scribe, or so corruptly pronounced by the modern Greeks in the Middle Ages instead of *ēlakatiōn*. For *ēlakátē* is a distaff, a trunk, any tall shaft. The meaning of this very obscure passage, as far as I can see, is this: to each of the four stone-throwers are said to belong two iron circles, or collars, etc., and the same number to each of the four *Labdareai*, and finally the same number to each of the four *ēlakatiōn*.

(95) I doubted how I should translate this word. (96) It comes from the Latin *capulus*, which [I have shown] to be a chest. (97) *Armilausium* is a type of cloak [reaching] below the pubes. (98) I do not find this word noted elsewhere. What...

1243 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1244

[or rams suspended from two beams joined at an acute angle like the Greek letter A] and spindles [or tall, erect masts from which baskets with armed men were lowered by means of a crane onto the walls to be stormed]. These instruments belonged to this: two small rings, single hooks, twenty-two iron slings, 200 portal brackets for pulleys, 100 hammers, 100 hooked mattocks for breaking up the ground, 100 double-axes, 300 axes, ten rams for tortoises, 20 large barrels or casks, 30 smaller ones.

The Secretum of the Eidikon, or the rationale of the private treasury, provides the following for the outfitting of 20 dromons: For the plating of the ships with lead, five charts or sheets for each dromon; that is, in total, one hundred sheets, which weigh three thousand pounds. For the same plating, twenty hides; three hundred large portal brackets; fifteen hundred caltrops or iron spikes; two hundred double-axes; five hundred axes; two hundred supernumerary quilts; 100 supernumerary smaller sails; 200 pounds of raw copper; 200 pounds of tin; 200 pounds of lead in masses; 100 pounds of wax; 200 small boats; 200 copper cauldrons; 2,000 basins; one thousand buckets; five thick ropes twisted from spartum for the strips, and as many others for the small crossbows; one hundred hides for the chelandia; one hundred casks; ten coverings made of haircloth for each dromon, and thus two hundred in total; 24 leather slings. The Eidikon must provide the expenses for the sails and leathers.

The Secretum of the Imperial Wardrobe must procure these for the armament of the twenty dromons: Three siphons for each dromon, and thus 60 in total, and some supernumeraries; 40 knotted javelins tipped with bosses; 20 sails; 60 leathers; 20 small double-axes; castellated structures or...

[COMMENTARY BY JOHANNES JACOB REISKE]

...is used. Moreover, *kalboma* is any material covering, hiding, sheltering, such as providing a hut, or a thing which is covered. Perhaps the *kalywomata* in these places are those vaulted little rooms or chambers, like huts, on the decks of ships, in which the shipmaster and the captain of the ship and every most honorable passenger stay, or they are the decks themselves, which are accustomed to be made somewhat arched, like a hut.

...I have placed in the Latin [translation] from conjecture; it seemed, indeed, that this abbreviation of the writing meant *stinousi* or *stinnousai*. Thus the modern Greeks pronounce for *stosi* (they hang), or *istousai* (hanging).

...of the Greeks, with triangular iron tools with three spikes, which were scattered on the ground against sudden incursions of hostile cavalry. Cf. p. 381. However, I do not see what use they had in naval equipment.

...ascend to the number. ...is a diminutive. Thus the Graeco-Barbarian Glosses in Du Cange, v. *Sideropoullon*, render the word *akides* as *sidēria* and *sidēropoulla*. Perhaps, however, it is the same as *armena*, sails. On the membranes, *armeno* was written with an *o* placed above. I do not doubt that I have correctly filled in the defect.

...works and instruments were not spent and elaborated, but still lay raw in large masses, they called them "unmade"; v. Du Cange v. *Medalia*, p. 549.

[Greek text: Of the Secretum of the Eidikon for the outfitting of the 20 dromons. Lead for the sake of the coverings (99), 5 charts each, total 100 charts, 3,000 pounds; hides for the sake of the same coverings, 20; large portal plates, 300; caltrops (2), 1,500; double-axes, 200; axes, 500; quilts in excess (3), 200; small sails (4) in excess, 100; raw copper (5), 200 pounds; tin, 200 pounds; raw lead, 200 pounds; wax, 100 pounds; small boats, 200; cauldrons, 200; buckets, 2,000; shovels, 1,000; thick ropes of spartum, 5; and for the small crossbows, 5 of spartum. Hides for the sake of the chelandia, 100; casks, 100; haircloth coverings (6) per dromon 10, total 200; leather slings, 24. It is to be known that the expenditure of the sails and the leathers must come out of the Eidikon.]

[Greek text: Of those who must be cared for by the Imperial Secretum of the Wardrobe for the outfitting of the 20 dromons. Siphons, 3 each, total 60, and in excess, knotted (7) javelins with bosses (8), 40; sails, 20; leathers, 60; small double-axes (9), 20; castellated structures (10) according to type; manikelia (11), 50 each, total...]

...small, different from pavilions; v. Du Cange v. *Atigia* and *dilegia*.

...brarium for *gonateia*, which I have rendered as "knotted." Namely, nodes in a reed distinguished at certain intervals are called *gonata* by the Greeks. They are, therefore, if I am not mistaken, *akontia gonateia*, javelins knotted with nodes, with a shaft not entirely uniform and smooth.

...called, v. Du Cange Gloss. Lat. h.v.; Polybius calls them *konchous*, and an old glossator calls them *kymbala*; *peltai*, small shields having *kymbala* fixed to them, both from the shape. Chrysostom says "eyes," also from the round and prominent shape; "shields," he says, "having golden eyes." The Latins and Greeks of the later age called them *bucculae*, not from *bucca* (Latin word), but from the German word *buckel*, which denotes a hump or boss.

...while it makes) or rather it is redundant, since *pelekion* is a diminutive by itself. Thus *para* is redundant, e.g., in *parabouni*, a hill, or it diminishes and signifies a small hill. *Paranagnostikon* is the same as *anagnostikon*, a memorandum. *Parakato* is the same as simple *kato*, below, unless you prefer to render it "somewhat below." The same must be established for *paraxifis*, *paramachaira*, and such.

...of the ancients, *dryphakta*, wooden lattices built up and extended on the walls of ships, and from which the soldiers hung their arms: v. Du Cange Gr. Gl. h.v.

(11) Otherwise they are the same as the *cheirophillia* above, protections for the hands and wrists. But in these places they are the leathers or rags placed around the oars, similar to a sleeve.

(99) This is for *kalybomatōn*, as written a little later.

(1) What this figure means, I do not say for certain.

(2) I do not think it differs from the *tribolois* of the ancients.

(3) Which are beyond what was prescribed or predetermined.

(4) I have rendered them as "smaller sails" because the ending *-poulon* is a diminutive.

(5) In the Middle Ages, such metals as were still in certain...

(6) Huts, tents, such as those of soldiers, are small, different from pavilions.

(7) Thus (or rather *gonatia*) I think the scribe wrote.

(8) Concerning *bucculae*, a part of a shield, otherwise *omphalois*, bosses.

(9) The particle *para* here either diminishes (as it does while interpreting) or is redundant.

(10) *Kastellōma*, castellamentum, is the same as...

1245 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1246

[Greek text segment] ...with their knee-pads, 120 oars each, totaling 2400; 20 chalcisia and the remaining machines, 20 rings, 40 cushions, 20 fibulae for the faces along with their shoulder-fibulae, 120 iron ballistae, 120 iron-throwers, 20 lowering-devices with their straps, 24 circumvoluting-devices each, totaling 480; 12 philyrae each, totaling 240, 200 shakers, 400 chocks, 400 pick-axes, 200 extra fibulae, 3000 hooked nails, 3000 gular nails, 6000 four-finger nails, and 12,000 nails for fastening, 3000 pounds of raw iron, 80 boxes. For the arming of 4 petrariae, 4 lamdariae, 4 mechanical devices. 30 small rings, 15 crabs, 30 bracelets, and for the large arrow-throwers, 15 [items] for the tortoises, 15 rings, 20 large barrels, and 30 smaller ones, and for the large arrow-throwers, iron [parts] according to the pattern. 10,000 pounds of pitch, 300 round Megarian liquid-pitch jars, 50 Megarian cedar-oil jars, 8000 pounds of flax, 2000 pounds of hemp, 20 sandals, 12 iron slings, 50 extra iron-throwers, 500 iron-projectiles, 100 philyrae, 100 circumvoluting-devices, 100 rope-cords, 200 thin ropes, 100 four-wheeled [devices] for the siphons, 400 pounds of flax for sponges, 400 ladder-fastenings, the fifty Pamphyli had 24 siphons, the forty Ousiaka had 80 siphons, 6000 watertight nails.

§ Things expended from the Special Secret [Treasury] for the expedition to Crete. Taken from the balance for the purchase of various items for the expedition to Crete, along with the arming of the 9 Russian ships and the 2 ships of the captives, along with the items ordered by command to be given as extras of various kinds to the ships...

[Latin text segment] ...form, 50 leather oar-handles or loops each, and thus in total 1000, with the knee-pads pertaining to them, 120 oars each, in total 2400; 20 chalcisia and the remaining machines, 20 rings, 40 cushions, 20 fibulae to be fitted to the faces with the fibulae pertaining to them to be fitted to the shoulders, 120 iron ballistae, 120 spicula, 20 cilonia with their straps, 24 circumvoluting-devices each, in total 480, 12 philyrae [or ropes twisted from the inner bark of linden trees] each, in total 240; 200 hammers, 400 ropes, 400 mattocks, 290 supernumerary fibulae, 3000 hooked nails, 3000 gular or gyro-nails [i.e., provided with a hole for ropes to be passed through], 6000 nails four fingers long, and 12,000 common nails suitable for fastening, 3000 pounds of iron in mass, 80 boxes. For the arming of 4 petrariae, 4 lamdariae, and as many machines. 30 small rings, 15 crabs, 30 torques for tensioning large arcuballistae. 15 rams for tortoises, 15 rings, 20 large barrels, 30 smaller ones, and for the large arcuballistae, iron tools according to the prescribed form, 10,000 pounds of pitch; 300 round Megarian ceramic jars of liquid pitch; 50 Megarian ceramic jars of cedar oil; 8000 pounds of flax, 2000 pounds of hemp, 20 sandals, 12 iron slings, 50 supernumerary iron ballistae, 50 spicula, 100 philyrae, 100 circumvoluting-devices, 100 spartei ropes, 200 thinner ropes, 100 tetracula for siphons, 400 pounds of flax for making sponges, 400 ladders woven with ropes. The fifty Pamphyli had 24 siphons, the forty Ousiaka had 80 siphons, 6000 nails of the kind used in joining the planks of ships. 389 The Special Secret [Treasury] disbursed for the Cretan expedition thus: 24 pounds of gold were taken from the balance [that is, from the tribunal which weighs the coins and expenses equally as they return to the imperial fisc], so that various things useful for the Cretan expedition might be bought...

VARIOUS READINGS. 56 "fifty" in the codex and edition instead of "the fifty".

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. ...care, by which the sailors protected their knees against the friction and hardness of the benches, against which they must push to communicate greater force to the rowing oar. ...into the opinion that they are nails with a gyro or hole at the top like a needle. ...are barrels, ceramic jars, urns, gastrae, so called from Megara, where pottery was made, celebrated among the ancients, see Hemsterhus on Aristophanes' Plutus p. 274. They also called them Mazer; all of which are different in writing, but not in sound; for the ancients pronounced i and e in the same way before vowels e and i and also others; see Du Cange s.v. Mazer, where he weaves a long dissertation on the murrhine vessels of the ancients. He also lists there among the names of these vessels Mader, which is of a far different origin than Mazer, and should not be confused with it. For it is an Arabic word which sounds like "clod" or "clay". They also err who derive Majorica vessels from the Spanish island of Majorica, led by the similarity of the name. We say "Bindfaden", the French "de la ficelle". Cf. p. 388. ...supported by frames, upon which the fire-siphons rest. We say "Lafetten", and the French "raffat". I have already demonstrated elsewhere that "w" and "ou" often alternate. "steganeron" here signifies nails for joining the planks of ships. Certainly I could not extract it more correctly and aptly. I thought, however, whether they were nails with broad round heads or studs at the top. ...which is on the bronze tablet, inserted in the fourth line from the end is "al" with a double X superscript, it led me to the penultimate line of this page.

(12) This word seems to signify leather segments. (13) From p. 390, where "gyrarikon" is read, I came to it. (14) Vessels also called Megarica and Majorica. (15) They seem to be thinner ropes, such as we... (16) It seems to be for "tetrakola", four-footed... (17) Because "stegē" is a deck, I believed "karphin"... (18) So that I might interpret the abbreviation of the writing...

[1247] ...for the arming of nine Russian caraboi and two uniremes for captives, and other things which, according to the sacred command, had to be procured and distributed as supernumerary for the royal fleet, which God preserve. Those monies were expended as follows.

Given to Joakim, protospatharios and archon of the armament, for 500 tribolia, 260 nomismata and 3,000 miliaresia. Given to the same Joakim for 500 tzicouria, 50 nomismata. Given to the same Joakim for 200 axes, 20 nomismata. Given to the same Joakim for 4,000 iron swords, to be paid to the sword-smiths of the armament, 10 pounds. Given to the same Joakim for the purchase of charcoal, 30 nomismata. Given to the same Joakim for 200 pairs of iron manicae, 100 nomismata. In total, the amount given to Joakim, archon of the armament, was 460 nomismata and 3,000 miliaresia, which makes 6 pounds, 34 nomismata, and 3,000 miliaresia.

Given for the purchase of Rhasian cloths for the making of sails—nine of 30 cubits each for the nine Russian caraboi, and other sails of 28 cubits each for the two uniremes for captives—together with the Rhasian cloths given for the supernumerary [needs] of the same Russians, 1,154 nomismata. These were purchased from the abbots for the rents of the monastery of Lord Romanos and from the cloth-fullers of the forum from various persons, 320 nomismata and 4,000 miliaresia, each cloth being bought for six miliaresia. These also pertain to purchases made in the presence of the sakellarios and the vestiarios.

Given for the wages of the sail-stitchers who fashioned the aforementioned sails, together with the purchase of thread for that purpose, 33 nomismata. Given for the purchase of wooden yardarms for the same 11 caraboi... Given for the purchase of ropes for the replacement of those which are now, or will be hereafter, unknown, rotten, and fragile in the ropes and annular rope-braids surrounding the yardarms of the same 11 sails, 3 nomismata. Given for the purchase of 14 hides, 62 nomismata, as the other 19 hides were given from those stored in the special treasury. Given for the greasing of the same hides, 7 nomismata. Given for the purchase of pulleys for the same 11 caraboi, 6 nomismata. Given for the purchase of 385 oars, 55 nomismata. Given for the shipbuilding of the same 11 caraboi, both the split [planks] and their frames and the rest, 11 nomismata. Given for the caulking of the same 11 caraboi, 33 nomismata. Given for the purchase of other cloths...

[1248] ...for the arming of nine Russian caraboi and two uniremes for captives, and other things which, according to the sacred command, had to be procured and distributed as supernumerary for the royal fleet, which God preserve. Those monies were expended as follows. Joakim, protospatharios and archon of the armament [that is, master and provider of the naval war apparatus], received for the purchase of 500 tribolia, 260 nomismata and 3,000 miliaresia; for 500 axes, he received 50 nomismata; for 200 bipennes, 20 nomismata; for 4,000 iron swords, 10 pounds to be delivered to the sword-smiths of the armament; for the purchase of charcoal, 30 nomismata; for 200 pairs of iron manicae, 100 nomismata. In total, therefore, that Joakim, master of the armament, received in gold 460 nomismata and 3,000 miliaresia, which make 6 pounds, 34 nomismata, and 3,000 miliaresia.

For the purchase of thick cloths, from which were to be made nine sails, each of thirty cubits, for the use of the nine caraboi carrying Russians, and other sails of twenty-eight cubits for the use of the moneria or uniremes carrying captives, 1,154 nomismata were expended; simultaneously calculated therein are those cloths of thicker thread, which were given to the Russians in abundance and beyond the number. From the monks of the cells of the monastery of Lord Romanos and from the fullers of the forum, cloths were bought through various men for the sum of 320 nomismata and 4,000 miliaresia, each cloth being bought for six miliaresia. To this also pertain the purchases made from the region of the sakellarios and the vestiarios. For the wages of the sail-stitchers who fashioned the aforementioned sails, and at the same time for the price of the threads used for that matter, 33 nomismata were expended.

For the purchase of wooden yardarms for those 11 caraboi, [there] were expended...; for the purchase of ropes for the supplement of those which are now, or will be hereafter, and are unknown, rotten, and fragile in the ropes and annular rope-braids surrounding the yardarms of the same 11 sails, 3 nomismata were expended; for the purchase of 12 hides, [there] were expended...

1249 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

100 of the [skins] given in excess to the same fleet, 100 numismata, 28 milliaresia, 12 milliaresia. Given for the purchase of 122 ox hides, 88 numismata. Given for the purchase of 200 centones [patchwork quilts/mats] given likewise in excess to the royal fleet, 27 numismata. Given for the purchase of 1,000 cilicia [hair-cloths], at 6 [numismata each], 166 numismata, 6 milliaresia. Given for the purchase of small ropes, papers, and other expenses, 16 numismata, 6 milliaresia. For the making of 100 cilician awnings, 183 numismata. Given for the purchase of 200 pounds of tin, 34 numismata. Given for the purchase of 200 pounds of copper, 18 numismata. Given for the purchase of 100 large round basins, 12 numismata. Given for the purchase of 100 smaller basins, 23 numismata. Given for the purchase of 200 caldrons, 33 numismata. Given for the purchase of 2 copper vessels, 40 numismata. Given for the purchase of 1 shovel, 14 numismata. Given for the purchase of 50 other smaller casks, 5 numismata. Given for the purchase of another 200 pounds of tin, which were given to Michael the caster for the soldering of various works of the siphons of the royal fleet, 37 numismata. Given for the purchase of 100 pounds of wax, 5 numismata. Given for the purchase of 200 pounds of raw lead, 4 numismata. Given for the purchase of various copperware to the one given for the service of the drungarios of the fleet for 2 large cooking pots, and 2 other medium cooking pots, and 4 tinned earthenware cooking pots, and 2 large kettles, and 2 large frying pans, 1 tinned copper jar, 2 tinned bowls, 2 washbasins, 24 numismata. In total, the entire expenditure is 21 pounds of gold, 57 numismata, 6 milliaresia.

There were given by the *eidikos* [official of the special treasury] silk ropes. There were given other small silk ropes for the crossbows. There were given likewise by the *eidikos* for the coverings of the *chelandia* [warships] of the royal fleet, 5 sheets of lead for each, 100 sheets of lead, 3,000 pounds. There were given to the drungarios of the fleet from the *katepano* of the armament 3,000 swords, 3,000 shields, 3,000 spears, 240,000 arrows, and other arrows for the crossbows, 4,000.

[LATIN TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE] ...of their number, which lie deposited in the *eidikon*. For the greasing of the same skins, 7 numismata, 0 milliaresia; for buying the rigging of those 11 *carabia*, 9 numismata, 6 milliaresia; for buying 485 oars, 5 numismata. For the compacting or fabrication of those 11 *carabia* and the railings and the planks of the partitions surrounding the sum and other naval structures, 11 numismata, 390 [milliaresia]. For the pitching of those 11 *carabia*, 33 numismata. For buying 100 thick cloths, others distributed in excess to the fleet, 28 numismata, 12 milliaresia; for buying 122 ox hides, 88 numismata, 0 milliaresia; for buying 200 *centones* likewise given over the number to the royal fleet, 28 numismata; for buying 1,000 cilicia, each for 6 numismata, 166 numismata, 6 milliaresia. For buying small ropes and papers or membranes and other necessities, 15 numismata, 6 milliaresia; for making 100 cilician tents, 183 numismata; for buying 200 pounds of tin, 34 numismata; for 200 pounds of copper material, 18 numismata; for 100 large round basins, 24 numismata; for 100 other smaller ones, 12 numismata; for buying 200 bronze caldrons, 33 numismata; for 2,000 basins or tubs, 40 numismata; for 1,000 shovels, 14 numismata; for 50 other smaller casks or barrels, 5 numismata; for yet other 200 pounds of tin, which were given to Michael the caster for soldering various machines of the siphons for ejecting Greek fire of the royal fleet, 30 numismata, 0 milliaresia; for buying 100 pounds of wax, 5 numismata; for buying 200 pounds of lead in mass or raw, 4 numismata; for buying copper masses for the use of the kitchen of the drungarios of the fleet to make therefrom 2 large cooking pots and 2 others of medium form, and 4 tinned earthenware cooking pots and 2 large kettles and 2 large frying pans, and 1 tinned copper jar, and 2 tinned flagons, and 2 washbasins, 24 numismata. In total, 21 pounds of gold, 57 numismata, 6 milliaresia.

Furthermore, the *eidikon* gave ropes firmly twisted in strands, made of spartum; other smaller ropes twisted in strands for crossbows. For plating the planks of the *chelandia* of the royal fleet, 5 lead sheets for each *chelandium*. In total, therefore, for 20 chelandia, 100 lead sheets, weighing 3,000 pounds. The *katepano* of the armament gave to the drungarios of the fleet 3,000 swords, as many shields, as many spears, 240,000 arrows, and 4,000 other arrows, of the kind used in crossbows and which they call "flies" or "muskets."

VARIOUS READINGS. 58. *bursarion* omitted in R., *busar.* in codex and edition. 59. *meseon* and *kuthrokak.* in codex and edition. 60. *tou kata armatos* in edition.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKE. (22) *Chuten* I think is the same as what we call *Rothgiesser*, a metal caster, a copper smith. (23) That membrane. I do not understand what it means, and I would prefer both words to be entirely deleted. (24) *Stamnion* is what we call a *Stander*, the Latins a *matula*, a round vessel with a narrow mouth, widening toward the bottom. Gloss. Gr. Lat.: *Mutulata*, *arytaina*. *Matellata*, *stamniou*. (25) That there was once some prefect of arms in the Constantinopolitan court, under whose disposition the arms and the armory would be, there is no doubt. But whether that person was called the *Katepano* of the Armament, I doubt, since I find no mention of him anywhere.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

Items provided from the secretum of the vestiarium to the drungarios of the fleet in excess for the Cretan expedition:

Chains 150, fibulae for the chelandia 130, iron slings 12, ropes 240, sappas (mattocks for digging earth) 400, large iron fibulae for the wooden castle 12, iron crabs 15, iron torques 30, rings 15, boxes 8, jars 10, jars carried by hand 24, nails twisted in a circle at the top 4000, hooked nails 2000, quadrant nails 5000, common ones useful for joining 8000, others with wide heads 6000. Bronze javelins 15, tinned bronze items 30, bronze spindles 30, bronze cups 30, bronze anagontiles 15, iron-throwing ropes 60, circumvolantia 140, spartean ropes 140, thin ropes 220, rope-woven ladders 400, baskets 100, hemp 2000 pounds, and in place of 7000 pounds of flax, 80 numismata, and for purchasing pitch 10,000 pounds, and for liquid pitch 400,000 pounds, and for cedar resin 100,000 pounds, 23 numismata. Raw iron 3000 pounds, large iron rams 10.

Items provided from the bedchamber to the drungarios of the fleet for the expenses of the expedition against Crete:

Inner garments of the larger size, plain, 6; pairs of similar tibialia 6; undergarments with breeches 6, and as many violet-colored injectoria or cloaks. He gave the same to the same person for the same purpose.

Items provided from the special treasury (eidikon) to the same drungarios of the fleet for the same expedition:

Inner garments sewn in the Saracen style, of the ten-gold-piece value, 10; inner garments of the eight-piece value 10; inner garments of the seven-piece value 20. Tibialia for the number and ratio of all those three types, namely 40 pairs in total; lorated Egyptian garments sewn 100; garments with hoods 100; cotton garments 100; undergarments with breeches of superior quality 140; undergarments of the second class 200; superior injectoria 40; other inferior ones 200; others of the third and lowest order 100. Pairs of lorated Egyptian tibialia 100; pairs of other hooded ones 100; pairs of other cotton ones 100; belts 40; pairs of superior footwear 40; pairs of the second kind 200; pairs of the third and worst kind 400.

Stadiodromicum (or index of miles). From the God-guarded city [Constantinople] to Heraclea are 60 miles, from there to Proconnesus 40.

1253 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1254 to Tenedos 8, thence to Mitylene 100, thence to Chios 100, thence to Samos 100, thence to Fournoi 30, thence to Naxia or Naxium 70, thence to Ios 30, thence to Thera and Therasia 20, thence to Ta Christiana 20, thence to Dia 80, thence to Crete 12. Total 792 miles. From Proikonnesos to Abydos 100 miles, from Abydos to Tapeukia 12 miles, from Tapeukia to Tenedos 60 miles, from Tenedos to Mitylene 100 miles, from Mitylene to Chios 100 miles, from Chios to Samos 100 miles, from Samos to the Fournoi 30 miles, from the Fournoi to Naxia 70 miles, from Naxia to Ios 30 miles, from Ios to Thera and Therasia 20 miles, from Thera and Therasia to Ta Christiana 20 miles, from Ta Christiana to Dia 80 miles, from Dia to Crete 12 miles. Total miles, 792.

CHAPTER XLV. The titles by which the Emperor ought to honor the great men and the leaders of the nations. Exousiokrator, Exousiarch, Exousiastes.

CHAPTER XLVI. Titles by which the Emperor ought to honor princes and others of illustrious dignity among foreigners. Ruling by his own will and authority, power.

VARIOUS READINGS. 60. After "miles," added by a later hand in the codex; omitted in the edition.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE. (29) I find this place nowhere, and whether it is a city or an island, I do not know. For it is clear from its location that it is different from that place which Nicetas mentions in the life of Alexios, son of Manuel, chapter 9, where it was: "The Peukia is a place situated in the parts above Chalcedon." If it lies above Chalcedon, it is free from the sea toward the eastern continent. (30) Nor do the geographical authors or charts show this. (31) They confused Ta Christiana and Dia, two islands into one. (32) I have seen geographical charts which treat Christiana and Dia as the same. (33) [Formulas of subscriptions in letters preserved by the Roman pontiffs exist at the end of the Liber Diurnus, p. 150, where the form is used which emperors used toward the popes of old Rome and they toward them. How the patriarch writes to the pope and the remaining patriarchs, see the appendix of Codinus, pp. 410-419. The inscription of the letter of Pope John to Nicephorus Phocas in Liutprand, Legatio, p. 153, was this: John, Roman Pope, to Nicephorus, Constantine, and Basil, great Emperors and Augusti. The book which contains the formulas which the Turkish Emperor uses toward his prefects exists in Latin among the codices of the Orientalists in Vienna, see Lambecius VIII, no. 39.] (34) Such was the custom of those times to speak, for "tous megistanas." Thus Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, p. 47: "Likewise also to the rulers around him (for 'the rulers around him') with similar earrings." Our author himself speaks thus in various places, as p. 328, "introducing to the (for 'the') chamberlains," and p. 354, "to complete for them (for 'them') the acclamation," p. 409, "having been brought down to the (for 'the') lower ones," reduced to those who stand below. In a similar way, the Latins interchanged the dative and accusative in that age. An old charter in Muratori, vol. II, Ant. Ital., p. 122: "It is the duty of royal highness to honor with manifold gifts and huge honors those who faithfully serve him, and to bestow with the liberality of royal sublimity." (35) Exousia is majesty for the Greeks; see pp. 397 and 409, and Cedrenus 563. Alexius Comnenus in a letter to Emperor Henry V in the Alexiad, p. 93, calls him "your great-powered authority." Cedrenus p. 729, "Exousiarch of Armenia" and p. 741, "Exousiastes of Abasgia."

It seems to follow what Reiske warned regarding Constantine (above col. 1223). In the same place, the supplies of this expedition, both naval and terrestrial, with engines of war, are narrated more fully, with an added index of pay, ships, etc. He makes the end of the narrative a "stadiodromikon," i.e., a list of miles between Constantinople and Crete, comparing the difference between miles and stadia in Leo's Tactic Book 17, 89: "For one hundred fathoms make one stadium, and seven and a half stadia make one mile." Concerning these, see also Du Cange s.v. Milion.

That the Byzantine emperors were not ignorant of geographical charts will seem probable to everyone by itself, and I remember learning this from a certain passage of Anna Comnena, where she narrates that Alexius I, her father, gave a copy of such a chart to the commanders setting out into Illyricum against the Normans. But that Greece of that age had in use charts or indices of another kind, i.e., stadiasmoi, only the following stadiodromikon persuaded me; although the same is clearly understood at last from Edrisi, the most famous Arab geographer of the 12th century, recently edited more fully. Thus Greek and Arab illustrate and confirm each other in turn.

"The order of the Cretan expedition did not proceed straight at the beginning. The fleet, having left Constantinople, followed the right shore of the Propontis (Sea of Marmara) to come to Perinthus (Heraclea, Erekli), where long before, i.e., during the reign of Leo the Wise (an. 886-912), a part of the Byzantine fleet is to be thought to have had its station, cf. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Cerimoniis II, 44. Now it did not seek Callipolis (Gallipoli, situated at the beginning of the Hellespont in Europe) from there by a straight course, but Proconnesus, an island of the Propontis, situated opposite on the Asiatic shore, so that (I think) it might join other military reinforcements to itself. Then it came to Abydos, on the Asiatic shore; but afterwards to a place between Abydos and the island of Tenedos, by the name of Ta Peukia (write thus, not Tapeukia), i.e. (by the form of the diminutive) small pines; with which the custom of the ancients can be compared, who named one or another city from trees. Documents of this matter are provided by the itineraries of the Romans (p. 237, ed. Wesseling) Arbore Felice; in the same place p. 550: Tres Arbores. To which I add Procopius, De Aedificiis IV, 4 (Opp. ed. Bonn. vol. III, p. 285, 34): Tredecim tilias, i.e., thirteen linden trees; cf. the Teutonic forms Hohenlinden, Neustadt an der grossen Linde, etc. What? That most ancient Greece also loved to call certain cities and islands from almost the same tree (pine), as Lampsacus (Lapsaki), situated there in the north, formerly Pityusa (Strabo p. 589, Casaub.). Nor is anything else known about the island of Salamis and Chios (Strabo p. 394). And the Parian field of the Troad was called Pityusa (Strabo p. 588). Now the stadiodromikon shows that our place Ta Peukia was situated almost opposite the island of Tenedos. Its modern name escapes me; nor did Reiske show that another place Ta Peukia (Nicetas in the life of Alexios, son of Manuel Comnenus, chapter 2) pertains here. For the latter Ta Peukia is near Chalcedon (Scutari, opposite Constantinople); therefore it looks much more toward the north. There follows the island of Mitylene (Mytilene), the Lesbos of the ancients, cf. Thessalonica p. 516 sq. After this comes Chios (Skio) with Samos (Susamadassi). Then it is added: 'From Samos to the Fournoi, etc.' Reiske also confesses he is ignorant of this in the cited place. They signify (which the plural also moves) certain small islands, by the name of Furni, to the south of Samos (Geographical chart of the Frenchman Lapie, edited in the year 1824, fol. 12). No one will think of the northern promontory of Samos, also called Furni. There is no reason for me to illustrate the islands of Dia, Thera, and Therasia. Reiske rightly warned that the islands of Christiana and Dia are wrongly held by some to be the same. Christiana (Ta Christiana) are certain very small islands below Thera; finally, Dia (Stadia) is situated in sight of the city of Candia." Editor.

1255 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1256

archon, prince of princes, leader, emperor, legate, praetor, founder, potentate, grand duke. King, prince, duke, senator, ethnarch or prince of a nation; toparch or lord of a place; satrap, phylarch or prince of a tribe; patriarch or prince of a family; strategos; stratarch, stratiarch, stratelates, all of which signify a military leader; taxiarch or leader of a legion, most magnificent, magnificent, desired, most glorious, glorious, most illustrious, illustrious, conspicuous, most conspicuous, noble, most excellent, excellent, most renowned, renowned, most splendid, splendid, most honorable, honorable, most venerable, venerable, most clear, clear, most dominant, lord, most honorable, honorable, leading, guiding, most blessed, blessed, counselor, helper, assistant, tutor and defender, lover.

CHAPTER XLVII SALUTATIONS OF THE LEGATES COMING FROM VARIOUS NATIONS TO THE EMPEROR. Salutations to the emperor from legates coming from Old Rome.

Visit you the leaders of the holy apostles, Peter, the key-bearer of the heavens, and Paul, the teacher of the nations. Our spiritual Father N. N., the most holy and ecumenical patriarch, together with the most holy bishops, presbyters, deacons, and the entire priestly order of the holy...

VARIOUS READINGS [The Greek text provides a list of titles corresponding to the Latin above, including: archon, exarch, leader, hegemonarch, hegemon, guide, dynast, leader, leader, first. Overseer, superior, disposer, most supreme, supreme, lord, glorious. King, prince, duke, senator, ethnarch, toparch, satrap, phylarch, patriarch, strategos, stratarch, stratiarch, stratelates, taxiarch, taxiarch, most magnificent, magnificent, desired, most glorious, glorious, most conspicuous, conspicuous, notable, most notable, most noble, noble, most distinguished, distinguished, most bright, bright, most precious, precious, most venerable, venerable, most radiant, radiant, most lordly, lordly, most honorable, honorable, leading, leader, most prosperous, prosperous, counselor, helper, assistant, ally, defender.]

CHAPTER XLVII SALUTATIONS OF THE LEGATES COMING FROM VARIOUS NATIONS TO THE EMPEROR. Salutations to the emperor from the legates coming from Elder Rome.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. The Latins at that time were spreading their powers; see Du Cange under "Potestates." Furthermore, I ask for pardon in the interpretation of this chapter if I do not render all the Greek words with an equal number of Latin ones. The subject matter itself does not allow it. If it had been my choice, I would have provided this jumble of titles without interpretation.

(36) Or he refers to the Armenians, concerning whose archons Constantine has much in the book *De administrando imperio*, or he refers to the Buyids in the Baghdad court called emirs of emirs, which is the same thing. (37) The sign of the cross here is equivalent to our "etc." or is equivalent to our "item." The Greeks gave the titles of king and prince to the Latins for major and minor lords, as will be more fully established from what follows. (38) Who presides over a *patra*, which is the same as *phatra*, *phatria*, *phratria*, a family of men of the same origin and cohabitation living by the same ancestral customs. This form is indeed unusual, yet not improper. One should not think here of the patriarch as a prelate of sacred rites. (39) Perhaps it is corrupted from the Latin *amator*. But it seems it should rather be read *amyntor*, defender, protector. See p. 84, note on the Donation of Constantine the Great, whose author is John the Deacon, who lived in the 8th century. And therefore the Byzantine Greeks, the "New Romans," as in Priscus the rhetorician, *Excerpt. Legat.* p. 60, ed. H. (40) [Namely, New Rome is Constantinople; therefore we read it in this formula of salutation of the Roman legates to the emperor.] (41) Radevicus I, 8, the legates of Pope Adrian to Frederick Barbarossa, in their address, when they presented the letters in which the Pope sought to exalt himself above every power on earth and to equate his Cardinals with the emperors themselves, and which were sowing the seeds of discord and evil, reports it thus: (42) The Roman pontiffs claimed this title for themselves; therefore it is not seen in the formula of salutation of the Greek emperor to the Pope; see Habert, *Pontif.* p. 505. It could not rightly be denied to the Constantinopolitan patriarchs, and the Roman pontiffs unjustly drew that title to themselves alone, if you look at the force and origin of the word. For *oikoumenikos* is without doubt the bishop of the *oikoumene* or of the *oikoumena*. But we have demonstrated in the preceding that the *oikoumena* was the Roman Empire, insofar as it obeyed the Greek emperors, excluding all under foreign rule. Since, therefore, the Roman pontiffs tore themselves and the entire West away from the Greek Empire, how could they call themselves ecumenical bishops, who were established outside the *oikoumene* or the soil of the Greek Empire, to whom nothing was permitted within the *oikoumene*? Or it will have to be proven that the *oikoumena* was also called Italy and the entire West in the Middle Ages. We do not deny that they once had this title, at the time when the Constantinopolitans still ruled Italy. But from the time they shook off the yoke of their legitimate masters for illegitimate reasons, by that very fact also...

1257 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1258

[Greek text:] ...of the priests, presbyters, and deacons, and of the entire priestly order of the holy Church of the Romans, they send to you, O Emperor, faithful prayers through our humility. The most glorious so-and-so, the prince of elder Rome, together with the archons and all the people subject to him, send to your Majesty their most faithful service.

The Logothete’s question to them: How is the most holy Bishop of Rome, the spiritual Father of our holy Emperor? How are all the bishops, and presbyters, and deacons, and the rest of the clergy of the holy Church of the Romans? How is the most glorious so-and-so, the prince of elder Rome?

The greeting of the envoys coming from Bulgaria to the Emperor: How is the God-crowned Emperor, the spiritual grandfather (43) of the ruler of Bulgaria by the grace of God? How is the Augusta (44) and Lady? How are the sons and emperors of the great and high Emperor and his other children? How is the most holy and ecumenical Patriarch? How are the two Magistroi? How is the entire Senate? How are the four Logothetes (45)?

The Logothete’s question to them: How is the spiritual grandson of the Emperor?

[Latin text:] ...of the Roman Church, they enjoined our humility that we should announce to you, O Emperor, their faithful vows in their name. The most glorious N. N., prince of elder Rome, and together with him the rest of his nobles, and all the people subject to him, announce and signify to your imperial majesty their most faithful services.

The Logothete’s question to them: How is the most holy Bishop of Rome, the spiritual Father of our holy Emperor? How are all the bishops, and presbyters, and deacons, and the rest of the clergy of the holy Church of the Romans? How is the most glorious N. N., prince of elder Rome?

The greeting of the envoys coming from Bulgaria to the Emperor: How is the God-crowned Emperor, the spiritual grandfather (43) of the ruler of Bulgaria by the grace of God? How is the Augusta (44) and Lady? How are the sons and emperors of the great and high Emperor and his other children? How is the most holy and ecumenical Patriarch? How are the two Magistroi? How is the entire Senate? How are the four Logothetes (45)?

The Logothete’s question to them: How is the spiritual grandson of our holy Emperor?

COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...they stripped themselves of that title, so much coveted and desired, of "ecumenical," and it was the right of the Constantinopolitan patriarch to claim it for himself, as one dwelling "in the inhabited world" (en tois oikoumenois) and pronouncing sacred law. That the force of the Greek word is to be estimated according to the custom of Greek speech in that age, no one could easily deny. "Ecumenical" does not denote "universal," but rather him who presides over the Roman world, that is, the Byzantine jurisdiction. The *Oikoumene* is not that part of the world which Christians inhabit, but only that which was subject to the Byzantine scepter. I demonstrated this in the preceding pages, and it appears clearly from the preface of Anastasius the Librarian to the Seventh Synod: "The Greeks frequently call their patriarch 'ecumenical'—that is, universal—in that synod, inappropriately." But when I was at Constantinople and frequently argued with the Greeks about this word, he asserted that they did not call the patriarch "ecumenical"—which many have interpreted as "universal"—because he holds the primacy of the entire world, but because he presides over a certain part of the world which is inhabited by Christians. The things which Cariophilus babbles against this in Habert (loc. cit.)—a little Greekling, ignorant of antiquity, a parasite and mercenary of the Roman see—are worthless. The words of Anastasius are especially to be noted, that he presides over "a certain part of the world which is inhabited by Christians." By the term "Christians," only the Christians of Greek law and rite are understood. For it was the custom at that time for those to be called Christians par excellence who worshipped God orthodoxly, according to the opinion of each party; this does not mean that other men of Christian rite were excluded from that title. Hence you will find in the formulas of inscriptions exhibited in this chapter that the prince of the Bulgarians is called "most Christian," but none of the western princes. That Bulgarian, namely, followed the Greek rite. In the same way, the Latins also excluded the Greeks from the title of "Christians"; see the passage of William of Tyre, which I noted regarding Abulfeda.

(43) As in the forum and in civil matters the son of an adopted person was the grandson of the adopter, as is clear from Cassiodorus, Epist. VIII, 1: "I am not a distant, but a near relative, because you then granted me the favor of a grandson, when you bestowed upon my parent the joys of adoption": so also in the sacred forum, his son, who had been adopted by someone as a spiritual son through reception from baptism, was the grandson of the adopter. Therefore, when this formula was in use at the Constantinopolitan court, he must have reigned who had first admitted the Bulgarian prince to the Christian faith, with that very Bulgarian now removed from the living and his son and successor surviving. This cannot fall into any other time than the final years of Basil the Macedonian, when Bogoris, the first Christian prince of the Bulgarians, and his sons were reigning; see Du Cange, *Famil. Byzant.*, pp. 310, 311. But what is said a little later, that the name of grandfather and grandson was changed to the name of father and son, that corresponds to the times of Romanus Lecapenus and Peter of Bulgaria, the son of Simeon, who took the granddaughter of Romanus, from Stephen, in marriage. Furthermore, regarding the origin and progress of Christianity among the Bulgarians, see Fabricius, *Lux Evangelii*, p. 480; he says that their princes embraced the faith; but that the whole nation was initiated into the sacred rites of Christ under Michael, the son of Theophilus, and his mother Theodora, p. 540. Finally, he reports that Basil the Macedonian confirmed the Bulgarians in the faith, p. 589, and the *Continuatio Constantini* in *Scriptores post Theophanem*, p. 210.

(44) Why is the title of grandmother not likewise attributed to the Augusta or spiritual mother? Because she had not been used for the reception of the Bulgarian from baptism and into the Christian faith. For women among the Greeks do not lift [children] from baptism.

(45) There are various logothetes specifically and simply so called, otherwise the Logothete of the Drome, likewise the *megas logothetes*, then the *genikos*, the rationalis generalis or of the public treasury, the *eidikos*, of private affairs, the *stratiotikos*, of the military treasury, of the *secreta*, of various tribunals, of the *agela*, of the herds, etc. I think that those four whom I named in the first place are meant here.

The inquiry of the Logothete to them. How is the most faithful and intimate [friend] of our holy Emperor, the most noble so-and-so? How is all his people, the faithful and grateful servants of our holy Emperor? How are you? How were you received by the Patrician and Strategos of the theme, so-and-so? How did the imperial official sent for your safe conduct bring you through? Did anything adverse or distressing happen to you along the way? Go in peace, rejoicing and exulting, today dining with our holy Emperor.

CHAPTER 48. The acts of the inscriptions made to foreigners. To the Pope of Rome. A single-solidus golden bull: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit."

CHAPTER 48. The greeting to the Emperor from envoys coming from a great Emir of Egypt, or Persia, or Khorasan, that is to say, one not subject to the Empire of the Romans, but whether under the subjection of the Amir al-Mu'minin or not: "Peace be upon you, and mercy, joy and glory from God to the high and great Emperor of the Romans; long life and health to you, and a long-lived life from the Lord, O peace-making and good Emperor. May justice and a multitude of peace arise in your days, O most peaceful and philanthropic Emperor."

The inquiry of the Logothete to them. How is the most noble Emir of Egypt? How is his senate and all his people? How are you? How were you brought through along the way? Did anything adverse or distressing happen to you along the way? Did anything adverse happen to you? Go in peace, rejoicing and exulting, today dining with our holy Emperor.

The inquiry of the Logothete to them. How is the most faithful and intimate [friend] of our holy Emperor, the most noble so-and-so? How is all his people, the faithful and grateful servants of our holy Emperor? How are you? How were you received by the Patrician and Strategos of the theme, so-and-so? How did the imperial official sent for your safe conduct bring you through? Did anything adverse or distressing happen to you along the way? Go in peace, rejoicing and exulting, today dining with our holy Emperor.

The greeting to the Emperor from envoys coming from a great Emir of Egypt, or Persia, or Khorasan, that is to say, one not subject to the Empire of the Romans, but whether under the subjection of the Amir al-Mu'minin or not: "Peace be upon you, and mercy, joy and glory from God to the high and great Emperor of the Romans; long life and health to you, and a long-lived life from the Lord, O peace-making and good Emperor. May justice and a multitude of peace arise in your days, O most peaceful and philanthropic Emperor."

The inquiry of the Logothete to them. How is the most noble Emir of Egypt? How is his senate and all his people? How are you? How were you brought through along the way? Did anything adverse or distressing happen to you along the way? Did anything adverse happen to you? Go in peace, rejoicing and exulting, today dining with our holy Emperor.

and you are the safe help of those who run to you, we Veneti ask," (Prasini: "Prasini,") "may this be granted to us and to Icasios, that we may excel in victories in the contest, and that we may be gladdened."

CHAPTER LXXI. Solemn rites in the celebration of the torchlight procession.

I. In the evening, the two factions enter the secret phiale of the triconch with torches, and the torchlight procession, as they call it, is instituted, and while they dance, the apelatikon in the fourth tone is chanted: "Let your hand be strengthened, let your right hand be exalted, N. Emperor! For behold, your city looks upon you as a lover of the city, and it is renewed by your glorious deeds against the enemies, and grace reigns in the midst of the empire, since your administration, O city of the great Emperor, is seen, when arms are armed by your strength, and the enemies are surrounded by the hatred of Him who crowned you with the natal honor of your city." Then they withdraw to the benches, and with each one established in his place, the chanters recite the solemn words: "Help of the Lords!" the people: "You are God!"

Chanters: "Save them yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord." Chanters: "Help of the Augustae!" the people: "You are God." Chanters: "Save them yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord!" Chanters: "You, who help the Porphyrogeniti;" the people: "You are God." Chanters: "Save them yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord!" Chanters: "You, who help the city;" the people: "You are God!" Chanters: "Save it yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord!" Chanters: "You, who help the Prefect;" the people: "You are God!" Chanters: "Save him yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord!" Chanters: "You, who help Ouranios;" the people: "You are God!" Chanters: "Save him yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord!" (Prasini: "You, who help Olympios.") Chanters: "You, who help Prasinos;" (Prasini: "You, who help Anatellon;") the people: "You are God." Chanters: "Save him yourself!" the people: "Yes, Lord!"

II. Then another chanter enters and recites the words to be joined with the preceding: "You, who help the Lords, the Augustae, the Porphyrogeniti, the city, the Prefect, Ouranios," (Prasini: "Olympios,") "Icasios," (Prasini: "Anatellon,") the people: "You are God." Chanters: "Save them yourself;" the people: "Yes, Lord." Chanters: "N. N. of the great princes and emperors!" the people: "Lord, help them." Then another chanter enters, saying: "Always, always," Chanters: "May you be superior and victorious!" the people: "Perpetually, O most glorious one!" Chanters: "Holy, thrice holy, victory to the Veneti!" (Prasini: "To the Prasini.") Chanters: "Lady Mother of God;"

The Logothete’s interrogation of them: How is the most faithful and familiar [friend] of our holy Emperor, so-and-so, the most noble man? How is all his people, the faithful and benevolent servants of our holy Emperor? How are you? How were you received by the patrician and strategos of such-and-such province? How did the imperial official sent to meet you escort and conduct you? Did anything adverse or troublesome happen to you on the road? Go in good cheer and exultation, as you are to dine today with our holy Emperor.

Greetings to the Emperor from the envoys of a certain magnate amir, whether of Egypt, or Persia, or Khorasan, who is not subject to the Roman Empire, but depends either on the Amermumn [Caliph] or not, but is of his own jurisdiction: Peace to you and mercy, joy and glory from God befall you, the high and great Emperor of the Romans; may comfortable life, long-lasting and prosperous health come to you from the Lord, O peaceful and good Emperor. May justice and a multitude and fullness of peace arise in your days, O most peace-loving and philanthropic Emperor.

The Logothete’s interrogation of them: How is the most noble amir of Egypt? How is his senate and all his people? How are you? How were you conducted hither? Did anything adverse or troublesome happen to you on the road? Go in good cheer and exultation, as you are to dine today with our holy Emperor.

CHAPTER XLVIII. Acts or formulas of inscriptions in letters to foreigners. To the Pope of Rome, a golden bull of one solidus: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, one and..."

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE] ...belonging to the house, retinue, and family. [The Caliphs] used to rule throughout the entire Muhammadan domain, and these [governors] held whatever provinces they possessed in his name as feudatories and as vassals. But the envoys had seized for themselves the provinces to which they had been sent, as the Caliphs were either unable to govern a body too vast and to be everywhere at once, or rather were languishing in Babylonian leisure and luxury, and had thus fallen into servitude. Let us hear from Abulfeda [vol. II, p. 398] what the state of the Saracen empire was in the year of Christ 936, and which petty rulers held which provinces: That former splendor of the Caliphs and their once venerable majesty had dwindled to nothing. For the envoys who had seized the provinces had left them nothing beyond Baghdad and the suburban prefectures; but even in the royal city itself, the Caliph had no authority, but Raiekides alone reigned, who furthermore held Waseth and Al-Basra as his private property. Al-Baridicus lay in wait for Khuzistan; Emadoddaulah, son of Buieh, held Persia; Abu Ali Mohammed, son of Eliasi, [held] Samanida: Kerman; another Buiid, Rornoddaulah, was contending with arms against Waschmegir, son of Zaiar, brother of Mardawig, for the possession of Aria, Isfahan, and Parthia. The Hamdanids had partitioned among themselves Mesopotamia, that is, Al-Mausel and the remaining seats of the Arab Sunnite tribes of the race of Becr, Modhar, and Rabiah. Al-Ahschid Mohammed, son of Thagag, ruled Egypt and Syria; Al-Caiem, son of Almahaditi Alita, [ruled] Libya and Mauritania; Andalusia obeyed Abdorahman, who is commonly called by Elogius "an-Naser," son of Mohammed, of the house of Ummiah. Khorasan and the lands beyond the Oxus [obeyed] Nasr, son of Ahmad, the Samanid; Thabarestan and Giorgian [obeyed] the Dailomites; and Abu Thahero the Carmathian [held] Bahrain and Al-Jamamah.

In the following [sections] are mentioned *disolidia, trissolidia, tetrasolidia*—bulls of two, three, or four solidi. It is my opinion, however, that a bull of one solidus was not one for which a single solidus was paid into the customs of the chancery, but one which had an appended bull, that is, a round golden capsule with wax impressed with the image of the Emperor, the gold of which bull equaled the price and weight of one gold solidus. And so on, there were bisolid, trisolid, and tetrasolid bulls, whose appended seals were worth two, three, or four solidi. A little later, it is said that bisolid bulls were sent to the Roman Pope. He was therefore held in lower esteem than the Saracen Caliph, to whom a bull of four solidi was sent; and lower also than the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Antioch, who are said to have been honored with trisolid bulls. It is certainly a small matter and...

1265 OF THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1266

of the Holy Spirit, the one and only true God of ours. So-and-so and so-and-so, faithful in that same God, Emperors of the Romans, to so-and-so, the most holy Pope of Rome and our spiritual Father.” A similar formula is used in letters to the Pope of Alexandria, except that he is not addressed as spiritual father. The same formula is also used for the Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem, but likewise without the title of father. The golden bulls directed to them are "trisoldia" [that is, golden bulls to which are attached three gold solidi]. The golden bull which is sent to the protosymbulos, that is, the Amermumnes, is "tetrasoldia" [that is, it is worth four gold solidi] and has [on the external reverse membrane] this inscription: "To the most magnificent and most noble and most illustrious so-and-so, protosymbulos and administrator [diataktori] of the Hagarenes, from so-and-so and so-and-so, the faithful Emperors, Augusti, and great Kings of the Romans. So-and-so and so-and-so, faithful in Christ the same God, Emperors of the Romans, to the same..."

VARIOUS READINGS. SCHOL. One must know that it ought to be called amiralmumnes.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. A bull of one solidus reveals poverty. How thin such a leaf must have been! Yet even so, a golden bull of one solidus was nobler than the custom of those who, out of an affectation of humility—which greatly favored their avarice and their treasuries—used only leaden bulls, sent only lead to others, and kept the gold for themselves. Charlemagne acted more worthily of an emperor, to whom, as Du Cange relates (v. Bulla), a diploma of donation was granted to a certain monastery in Compiègne with an attached golden bull weighing eight or ten gold ducats; see the remarks on p. 398.

(59) The Greeks confused the Amiralomara, or prince of princes or archon of archons—which was the first dignity after the Caliph in the Bagdad court and who acted in all things in the name of the Caliph—with the Caliph, so that they might bestow upon him the title that belonged to the other; and they accepted the word "amir" in a sense other than it commonly has, though it can have it by reason of the Arabic language. Namely, the verb "amara," which otherwise means to command and to order, must also sometimes denote to give counsel. This is clearly evident from the eighth conjugation of that verb, which is "itamara," and denotes to consult, to seek or take counsel from another. Therefore, "amir" or "emir" is, by that reasoning, someone to whom counsel is given. Therefore, "Amiralomarai" can rightly be translated as "first of the counselors," or "protosymbulos," although it usually denotes the commander of commanders to the Arabs. The Arab writers, however, carefully distinguish, as was proper, the different dignities of the Caliph and the archon of archons or protosymbulos, contrary to what the Greeks did: which custom the subjoined scholium rightly criticizes. Examples where the Caliphs are called Protosymbuloi by Greek writers exist in Theophanes, pp. 309, 329, 362. A notable passage is in Selden, *De Titulis Honorum*, p. 30, from a letter of Louis II to Basil the Macedonian, where he quarrels with him about the title "Basileus" and contends that it also pertains to himself. "But," he says, "it is not without wonder that you assert that the prince of the Arabs is called Protosymbulos, since nothing of the sort is found in our volumes, and your codices call him now Archigos, now king, or by any other word. But we prefer the Holy Scriptures to all letters, which clearly profess not Protosymbuloi, but kings of Arabia and Saba; and we find that the Chagan is not called the Prelate [archon] of the Avars, nor of the Khazars, or of the Northmen [thus they called at that time those whom we today call Russians and Tatars], nor the prince of the Bulgars, but the king or lord of the Bulgars." Did the sacred codices of those times, therefore, mention more fully than ours the Caliphs of the Saracens and the Chagans of the Khazars and Bulgars? It seems that the princes of that time, because they knew no other books...

(60) This word corresponds to the Arabic "Khalifah."

1267 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1268

most honorable, most noble, most spectable, such-and-such protosymboulos and provider of the Agarenes, by such-and-such, faithful emperors Augusti, great emperors of the Romans." Inside, on the opposite side, the beginning of the letter is written with such an address: "Such-and-such and such-and-such, believers in Christ God and faithful to Him, emperors Augusti, great kings of the Romans, send greetings to the great, most honorable, most noble, most spectable protosymboulos and provider of the Agarenes."

To the prince of princes of Great Armenia, a golden bull of three solidi: "Constantine and Romanus, faithful in Christ God emperors, Augusti, great kings of the Romans, to such-and-such, most illustrious, primate of Great Armenia and our spiritual son."

To the prince of Aspuracan or Basparacan, who is now honored with the title of archon of archons, a golden bull of three solidi: "Constantine and Romanus, faithful in Christ God emperors, Augusti, kings of the Romans, to such-and-such, most illustrious prince of princes."

To the prefect of the castle and district of Cocobit, and that of Taron and Moex and Auzanes and Synes and Baizur and Chazienes, of all the districts pertaining to Armenia, the same to the three prefects of the Serbotii [or Servitii], who are commonly called Maura Paedia or black boys, to...

JOAN. JAC. REISKE: ...call his own, I do not understand, since the Armenians were neither received from baptism by the Greek emperors and initiated into Christian rites like the Bulgarians—for in the fourth century they were already professing these rites—nor did they act in concert with the Greek church, but were at all times condemned by it and harassed with insults and hatreds as heretics. If the word "spiritual" were absent, I would not be surprised. For it was the custom of the emperors of Constantinople to call foreign princes who were their inferiors and whom they favored, even if they were barbarians and pagans, "children." Thus Heraclius calls the prince of the Turks in Lazica "child" in the Breviary of Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, p. 47. Manuel Comnenus says of the Sultan of Iconium, although he was younger in age but greater in empire and wealth, "the child of our empire, the Sultan," in Cinnamus, p. 25. The same man addresses Stephen, King of Hungary, his vassal as he wished, on p. 126: "We have come, O my child, not to wage war on the Huns." I think, therefore, that by the appellation of "son," the inferior rank and subjection of the one so addressed with respect to the addresser is indicated, but by the addition of the word "spiritual," it is signified that he is a Christian. Thus, below, the formula to the emperors of Germany and the kings of France, as equals, is "beloved," but because they are Christians, although not of the Greek rite, "spiritual" is added, as if to say "to our brother in Christ."

Mention of the Basparacanians is made two or three times in Constantine, *De Administrando Imperio*, as on p. 123, and they are always named there with the Iberians or with the Abasgi. I do not doubt that these peoples are the same as the Aspurgi and Aspurgani or Aspurgiani, who, according to Strabo and Stephanus of Byzantium, once dwelt around the Maeotic marsh, but later moved into that tract contiguous to the Caspian Sea, which today, with a slight alteration of the ancient gentile name, is called Astracan. Guillaume de l'Isle differs much from this, who, in a geographical map pertaining to Constantine's book *De Administrando Imperio* and edited by Banduri, places the region of Baspracan in central Armenia near Lake Van. Baschburacan or Aspuracan should not be confused with Sopuracan, situated in Chorasmia, about which Abulfeda and Marco Polo... I do not recognize any of the districts of Armenia designated here, nor do I find them in the Arab geographers or in Constantine Porphyrogenitus, except for Taron and Moex, which I conjecture to be the Musch or Mos of the Arab geographers, and Abulfeda provides a few things: Musch is a small city, in a plain, with a long valley to the length of a two-day journey, commonly called the vast plain of Musch. There are meadows and pastures there. It is distant from Miafarekin about two stations and from Chelata about three. From the Book of Longitudes, he places it at longitude 64° 30', latitude 39° 30'. Cl. Schultens had written these words on the margin of the Leiden codex: "The river Mosis of Armenia according to Pliny." But if this is not it, perhaps it is Moesch, *Geogr. Nub.* p. 292, 9, unless perhaps Musch and Moesch are the same. ...with the first letter placed above, whence I derived Auzan, in Arabic Augian, about which town Abulfeda, who places it at longitude 71° 35' and latitude 37° 35', reports thus: "A small town with a fountain of water, few trees, fields, and villages, in fertile soil and abundant in goods." Did the scribe wish to indicate Auga, or Abchas, as they pronounce it today, the Abasgia of the ancients? I do not think so. It is not about Abasgia, which follows a little later, and Abchas is also outside Armenia. Is that last figure referring to a shorthand of writing, hardly signifying Arzanike or Auzanike? Or did he want Arzan and Arzanike? Is Arzanine and Auzan the same? It could easily happen that the Greeks, handling Arabic books, read Auzan for Arzan. I have observed a huge number of such errors, born of ignorance and then confirmed by use. However, the cities Augan and Arzen are different. (Evangel. p. 343.) Climate of Aigris. Is our reading mutilated and corrupted from that?

(61) Why the emperor [calls] the Armenian a spiritual son. (62) Apsuracan, therefore, and Basparacan are the same, l. 1, c. 30. (63) Concerning the names of the towns and districts of Armenia. (64) It seems to be Musch, about which Abulfeda [says] these things. (65) In the parchment codex it was written Auzan. (66) In the ancient notice of Armenia (see Fabricius, *Luc. Evang.*).

1269 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1270

golden bisoldia: "Mandate from the Christ-loving masters to such-and-such, the most glorious curopalates." The curopalates has under him four other authorities: to the archon of Beriasach, Iberia; to the archon of Karnatas, Iberia; to the archon of Cuel, Iberia; to the archon of Atzara, Iberia: "Mandate from the Christ-loving masters to such-and-such." To the ruler of Alania. A golden dipolia bull: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, the one and only true God of ours. Constantine and Romanos, faithful in the same God, emperors of the Romans, to such-and-such, the ruler of Alania and our spiritual son." To the ruler of Abasgia. A golden bisoldia bull: "Mandate from the Christ-loving masters to such-and-such, the illustrious ruler of Abasgia." To the archon of Albania; to the archon of the Krevatades, that is, the one called Krevatas; to the archon of Kedonia; to the archons of Tzanaria; to the archon of Sarvan, who lie between Alania and Tzanaria; to the archons of Azia, in which are the Caspian Gates; to the archon of Chrysa; to the archon of Breza; to the archon of Mokan. (It should be known that from Mokan is the Maeotian Lake.) Inscription to all those mentioned above: "Mandate from the Christ-loving masters to such-and-such, the archon of this place." To the catholicos of Armenia, to the catholicos of Iberia, to the catholicos of Albania.

1271 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1272 to him, the archon of this or that province.” Inscription of letters to the three catholicos, one of Armenia, another of Iberia, and finally of Albania. “Mandate from the Christ-loving lords to him, the most pious cathegeta or leader of that province.” To the Pope of Rome is sent a golden bull with two seals with this inscription: “In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, the one and only true God of ours, Constantine and Romanus, faithful in the same God, kings of the Romans, to such-and-such, the most holy Pope of Rome and our spiritual Father.” To the king of Saxony (70): to the [catholicos] of Albania. Inscription to the three catholicos: “Mandate from the Christ-loving lords to such-and-such, the most pious cathegeta of this [province].” To the Pope of Rome. Golden bull with two seals: “In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, the one and only true God of ours; Constantine and Romanus, faithful in the same God, kings of the Romans, to such-and-such, the most holy Pope of Rome and our spiritual Father.” To the king of Saxony (70): to

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY Cinnamus, in a grave and querulous tone, rants on page 127 against the arrogance of the German emperors, because they seized the title of emperor and make other kings, with no right to do so. But there was no need for such anger. For, to omit the point that this claim—that the right to use that title belongs solely to the Greeks and never belonged to anyone else, and that those who assert it are deluding themselves with a false imagination—is not the case; I will only say this: the Greeks not only granted the title of Basileus to the princes of the Bulgarians in the tenth century, but already in the sixth century, the envoys of Justinian the Great addressed Arethas, son of Jabalah, phylarch of the Arabs, by the name of Basileus, as Procopius testifies (p. 28, ed. Hoeschel, line 34). Yet the same Procopius indicates that in the fifth century, a distinction was made by the Greeks between *basileus* and *rex* (Gothic Wars I, p. 166, ed. Hoeschel), narrating concerning Theodoric: “He held the power of the Goths and Italians, and he did not deem it worthy to usurp either the form or the name of the Basileus of the Romans, but lived on being called *rex*; for thus the barbarians are accustomed to call their kings.” This would be the place to discuss the embassies of the Constantinopolitan emperors to the Westerners, at least those that precede the age of Constantine. But there is no time now. Meanwhile, I shall at least sprinkle these few things. Leichius observed that envoys came to Charlemagne from the Constantinopolitan emperor, of whom Eccardus of Salzburg makes mention (p. 34), and the Annales Bertiniani for the year 839 narrate a Constantinopolitan embassy to Louis the Pious (p. 525, ed. Murat.). The Sorbians, my fellow citizens, celebrate the embassy of Irene to Charlemagne, thinking it was received by Charlemagne at Sorbia in the year 801. Sigebert of Gembloux, for the year 805, says that the Constantinopolitans reconciled Charlemagne to themselves with a very firm treaty through frequent embassies. Because the words are memorable, I shall transcribe them. But first, for the sake of connection, I will bring in what he has for the year 801; for they illustrate the present matter. The Romans, he says, who had long since turned their hearts away from the Constantinopolitan emperor, now, having seized the opportunity—because a woman was ruling over them after the blinding of the emperor Constantine, her son—acclaim Charlemagne king with the consensus of all with imperial praises [that is, they perform acts such as it is lawful to acclaim an emperor, a *Basileus*, and they name him emperor], and they crown him by the hand of the Pope. They call him Caesar and Augustus; and they praise [acclaim] Pepin, his son, ordained king of Italy. Then he proceeds to the year 805: Emperor Charlemagne, with the Constantinopolitan emperors indignant against him because of envy of the imperial name deposited [that is, imposed] upon him by the Romans, bore them with great patience and magnanimity, and because they suspected his power, they reconciled him to themselves with a very firm treaty through frequent embassies. Regino of Prüm, for the year 812, narrates these things: Nicephorus the General having died, Michael [Rangabe], his son-in-law, having been made emperor, received the envoys of the lord emperor [Charlemagne], who had been sent to the emperor Nicephorus, in Constantinople and dismissed them; and with them he sent his own envoys, namely Michael the bishop and Arsaces [or Arsenius] and Theognostus the protospatharius, and through them confirmed the peace begun by Nicephorus. For at Aachen, where they came to the emperor, it was written down...

(70) The Greeks, ignorant and unconcerned about German affairs...

1273 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1274

to the King of Bavaria [this country is that of those called the Nemitzii (71)]. To the King of France; to the King of Germany; an inscription to all the aforementioned: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of the one and only true God of ours. Constantine and Romanus, faithful in the same God, Emperors of the Romans, to [so-and-so], the beloved spiritual brother (72), the illustrious King." To the Prince of Rome. A double-sealed golden bull: "Constantine and Romanus and the rest, to [so-and-so], the most glorious Prince of Rome." To the Emir of Africa: "Constantine and Romanus, faithful in Christ the God, Emperors, Augusti, great Kings of the Romans, to the most glorious and most noble ruler of the Muslims (73);" a double-sealed golden bull. To the Emir of Egypt. A quadruple-sealed golden bull. Of the letter sent in the time of Constantine and Romanus, the Emperors of the Romans, to the most holy Pope of Rome and our spiritual Father. To the King of Saxony, to the King of Bavaria or Boiaria or Bavaria (this is that region which is commonly called by us the Nemitzii, that is, Germans or Alamanni); to the King of France, to the King of Germania or Germany, it is written to all with the same title, namely this: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of the one and only true God of ours, Constantine and Romanus, faithful in the same God, Emperors of the Romans, to [so-and-so], the dearest spiritual brother, the illustrious King." To the Prince of Rome it is written with this title: "Constantine and Romanus (the rest as above) to the most glorious Prince of Rome." To the Emir of Africa it is written with this title: "Constantine and Romanus, faithful in Christ the God, Emperors, Augusti, great Kings of the Romans, to the most glorious and most noble ruler of the Muslims."

VARIOUS READINGS. 66 For Germanikeias read Germanias.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. [They received the pact (treaty documents) from him in the church and, according to their custom, that is, in the Greek language, they spoke his praises, calling him Emperor and Basileus. Regino has the same regarding the embassy of Nicephorus the General to Charles in the years 803, 810, and 811. Regarding the embassy of Michael the Stammerer to Louis the Pious, see Sigebert of Gembloux for the year 824. [Regarding the embassy of Theophilus to the King of the Franks for the sake of seeking aid, see the Continuation of Theophanes, p. 84.] Regarding the embassy of Basil the Macedonian to Louis, King of Germany, see Sigebert of Gembloux for the year 872. In this way, the embassies of the Greeks to the Westerners could be excerpted from Latin and Byzantine writers, and likewise to the Eastern princes from Arabic ones, if one had the leisure and inclination to begin such a laborious investigation. [The expression "King of Saxony" meant the same as "King of Germany," for the Russians, Estonians, and Finns call the Germans Sassen or Saxons. Stiernhielm, Anti-Cluver, p. 65, cited by Staden in Memoria Stadeniana, p. 354. From the Addenda.] ...and the Turks also; see Clodius, Turkish Lexicon, v. Germani. For Germanikeias read Germanias. Why, however, Einhard, p. 46, and elsewhere calls the King of the Franks "King of the Germans," I do not fathom; likewise, why Anna Comnena, Alexiad, p. 62, calls the Nemitzii a nation "serving the Roman Empire from of old," because it has for a long time obeyed the Roman (that is, Byzantine) Empire. It certainly does not seem she wished to say that many Germans served in the palatine militia of Byzantium. [Foreign kings were called brothers by the Eastern Emperors; see Eginhart, interpreters, p. 128; regarding the mutual appellation of brothers, which the emperors used, see Du Cange on the Alexiad, p. 274, and on Joinville, p. 279.] Regarding the mutual address of "brother" received among kings, see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 179, and Alemannus on Procopius, p. 23. It also appears from the inscriptions of the letters of Calojoannes to Conrad III and of Isaac Angelus to Frederick Barbarossa, which Selden cites, Tit. Honor. p. 33. The former sounds thus: "John, in Christ the God faithful King, Porphyrogenitus, sublime, strong, Augustus, Comnenus and Emperor of the Romans, to the most noble brother and friend of my empire." The latter, however, is as follows: "Isaac, by God constituted most holy, most excellent, most powerful, sublime Emperor, moderator of the Romans, angel of the whole world, heir to the crown of the great Constantine, to the beloved brother of his empire, the greatest Prince of Germany, his own and fraternal and most abundant affection." Malalas, vol. II, p. 219, says that Justinian and Chosroes, among other things, agreed that they should henceforth call each other brothers according to ancient custom. Alexius Comnenus in his letters calls the Emperor Henry V "most noble and truly most Christian." Alex. p. 93, likewise, p. 7, "our empire, your fraternal inclination and disposition." Isaac Angelus, in Odo of Deuil, p. 15, through his envoys to Louis VII, King of France, depicted a prolix adulation, naming our king holy, friend, and brother. Otho of Freising, book 1, On the Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa, c. 59: "Conrad, Emperor of the Romans, having entered the ships at Ptolemais, approaching Manuel, his brother and friend, prince of the royal city [Constantinople], found him in the borders of Achaia or Thessaly." It is also helpful to append that boastful inscription of the letters of Chosroes to Justinian, related by Menander Protector, p. 114, Exc. Legat. Hoesch.: "The divine, good, peacemaker, ancient Chosroes, King of Kings, fortunate, pious, benefactor, to whom the gods after fortune and a great kingdom have given, giant of giants, who is characterized by the gods, to Justinian Caesar, our brother." It is hardly possible that these were not poorly translated from the Persian, not being well understood. Capitolinus in Clodius Albinus exhibits the letters of Severus, of which this is the beginning: "Emperor Severus Augustus to Clodius Albinus Caesar, most beloved and most desired brother, greetings." While the Roman Empire still stood, the emperor called his colleague or his Caesar "brother." Capitolinus, Life of Albinus, vol. I, Scr. H. Aug. p. 695, has a letter of Severus, of which this is the beginning: "Emperor Severus Augustus to Clodius Albinus Caesar, most beloved and most desired brother, greetings." ...But that title was not in use at that time, and only long after, in the eleventh century, was it usurped by the Almoravids in Mauritania and Spain. The princes of Africa or Libya of the Fatimid line did indeed already conduct themselves as Caliphs, but they used "Amir al-Mu'minin," and their enemy and rival, Abd al-Rahman, hitherto Emir or Prince of Spain, from the year of Christ 936, began, inflamed by emulation, to usurp that title as well. Arabic writers, however, consistently maintain that both the Fatimids and the Umayyads of Andalusia used the title "Amir al-Mu'minin," but not the title "Amir al-Muslimin."

(71) The Wends call the Germans thus; see Leunclavius apud Du Cange on the Alexiad, p. 257. (72) [Foreign kings were called brothers by the Eastern emperors; see Eginhart, interpreters, p. 128.] (73) This renders the Arabic title, Amir al-Mu'minin.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

[74] ...of the lemitarii. To him is sent a golden bull of two solidi. To the Emir of Egypt is sent a golden bull of four solidi. But that which Constantine and Romanus sent to him in their time weighed eighteen hexagia; and the title was this: "Constantine and Romanus, in Christ pious emperors, great, exalted, august kings of the Romans, to our beloved friend and most noble Emir of Egypt." To the Archon of Sardania or Sardinia and others is sent a golden bull of two solidi with "Constantine and Romanus, in Christ pious emperors, great, exalted, august kings of the Romans, to our beloved friend the most noble Emir of Egypt." To the Archon of Sardania [75]. A golden bull of two solidi. "Command from the Christ-loving masters to the Archon of Sardania." To the Duke of Venice [76]; to the Prince of Gaeta; to the Prince of Salerno; to the Duke of Naples [77]; to the Archon of Amalfi [78]; to...

VARIOUS READINGS. SCHOL. It should be known that the Duke of Naples is called *mastromilis* [79].

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. [Philological discussion on the terms *hexagium*, *solidus*, and *numisma*, and the weight of the bullae sent to the Emir of Egypt and the Duke of Venice.]

[Regarding the status of Venice:] Since the *keleusis* (command) came to their dukes from the Byzantine court, whatever the relationship between the Constantinopolitan emperors and the Venetian dukes may have been regarding dominion, see Muratori, vol. I, *Ant. Ital.*, where he has many findings and inquires when the Venetians began to be of their own right; which seems to have happened at the end of the eleventh century. The aforementioned Muratori indeed concludes, vol. II, p. 648, from a certain Venetian coin, which he thinks was minted during the tenth century, that the Venetians had already seized independence and autocracy at that time, because neither the name nor the face of the Greek or Latin emperor is seen on it. But the conclusion does not follow from that; furthermore, the matter of the coin's age is uncertain. Certainly, from the fact that in this codex, which was edited either in the tenth century under Constantine the Elder, or in the eleventh under Constantine the Younger, a *keleusis* is said to come to the Venetian duke, it is concluded without controversy that the Venetians were still joined to the Eastern Empire by a bond of clientage. Indeed, even Manuel Comnenus in the middle of the twelfth century, and as it was declining, treats the Venetians through his legate as subjects, and in Cinnamus, p. 133, he counts them among "the others who are under his palm," and ch. 1, among "the subjects." Alexius Comnenus, in Anna’s *Alexiad*, p. 161, increases the Venetian duke with the dignity of *protosebastos* and *roga*. He was therefore among the nobles of the Byzantine court and the stipendiaries. [The Constantinopolitan emperors gave the Venetian dukes the ornaments and title of Hypatos, whence also the clothing. Giannon. vol. II, p. 367. The Constantinopolitan emperors considered the princes of the Venetians as kings, *Giorn. dei Letter.* XVI, p. 481.] Furthermore, I note that *keleusis* is called a mandate to magistrates, a sacred [letter] to the people, as is evident from Theophanes, p. 333.

[Regarding Naples and Amalfi:] [Regarding the Duke and Consul of Naples cited by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, see Muratori, *Annali d'Italia*, vol. V, p. 356.] *Ant. Ital.*, P. I, p. 201, and the Amalphitan Chronicle edited by the same in the same place makes frequent mention of them. Regarding the dukes of Gaeta, compare the same, p. 218. Sigonius, *Regn. Ital.*, p. 3, says they called them [magistri militum]. And yet they also called them dukes. Are dukes and *magistri militum* therefore the same? It seems so. Here, indeed, our text’s "Duke of Naples" and "mastromilis" are taken for the same. But in Sigonius, l.c. p. 12, compared with 11, the duke and *magister militum* are distinguished; and p. 22, he enumerates in one Perugia three principal magistrates: the prefect (*exarch*), the *magister militum*...

(74) As *tetras*, *tetrados* and *tetradion*, quaternio. (75) Thus they wrote and pronounced at that time; see... (76) Therefore at that time they were still subject to the Greek [Empire]. (77) It was chosen at Naples (the words are Muratori’s, vol. I, *Ant. Ital.* p. 194) by the people, the duke, enjoying supreme authority, except that sometimes, or rather almost always, both the city and the dukes revered the Greek emperor as their supreme lord. (78) Muratori dealt with the Amalphitan dukes... (79) The Greeks [called] the prefects of the cities *magistri militum*.

1277 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1278 the archon of Gaeta. To the archon by the grace of God (80) A under this title: "Letter to the Christ-loving lords of Bulgaria: 'In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of our one and only true God. Constantine and Romanos, faithful in that same God, emperors of the Romans, to our beloved and spiritual son and archon by the grace of God of the most Christian nation of the Bulgarians (81).'" That which is currently written: "Constantine and Romanos, in Christ our God pious autocrats, emperors (82) of the Romans, to our beloved and spiritual son, the lord so-and-so, king of Bulgaria." To the chagan of Khazaria. A gold bull of three solidi. "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of our one and only true God. Constantine and Romanos, faithful in that same God, emperors of the Romans, to the so-and-so, most noble and most illustrious chagan of Khazaria." To the archon of Russia. A gold bull of two solidi. "Letters of Constantine and Romanos, the Christ-loving emperors of the Romans, to the archon of Russia." To the archons of the Turks (83). A gold bull of two solidi: "Letters of Constantine and Romanos, the Christ-loving emperors of the Romans, to the archons of the Turks." To the archons of the Patzinaks. A gold bull of two solidi: "Letters of Constantine and Romanos, the Christ-loving emperors of the Romans, to the archons of the Patzinaks." To the archon of Croatia (84); to the archon B JOAN. JAC. REISKII and the duke. The illustrious Muratorius also doubted, in the place cited, whether the dukes and masters of soldiers were different or the same. His words are: "Masters of soldiers were once also called princes, to whom the governance of the same city was entrusted. I do not know if this title could indicate an authority either lesser or shorter than that of a duke." Cf. Banduri on Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Vol. II, Antiquities of the Orient, p. 62. Perhaps for Meles in Cedrenus, p. 706, and Glycas, p. 310, c., one should write Mastromeles. the title of Archon, but in the course of time, they finally granted it to the Basileus as well. Therefore, before these, and indeed the most recent, times, the princes of the Bulgarians did not possess the title of Basileus in the collegiate empire. What, then, shall we do with the passage in Cedrenus, where he says on p. 623 that Symeon the Bulgarian was "acclaimed as king," praised as a king? It seems he wishes to say that Symeon was acclaimed not, indeed, with the same formulas as the Greek emperor, nor with the title of Basileus attributed to him, yet in the same manner and with the same display as was customary for acclamations in Byzantium. p. 277, the Russians are called "the most Christian race." In that age, when these things were being written, the word "most Christian" was not yet a title tied to one specific nation or man, as today we call the King of France "the Most Christian King" by the ancient rite of titling, regarding which title see Selden, *On Titles of Honor*, p. 74, where he demonstrated that it was not attributed only to the kings of Western France in the past, but also to the emperors of both worlds who were Christians, and likewise to the kings of England. But neither were only emperors or kings called this; even private men were called "most Christian," and entire nations "most Christian," and it meant nothing more than a Christian, or a very Christian to the archon of Sardinia, to the duke of Venice, to the prince of Capua, to the prince of Salernum or Salerno, to the duke of Naples, to the archon of Amalfi, to the archon of Gaeta." To the archon of Bulgaria by the grace of God, it is written thus: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of our one and only true God. Constantine and Romanos, faithful in that same God, emperors of the Romans, to our dearest and spiritual son and, by God and divine authority, archon of the most Christian nation of the Bulgarians." Thus formerly. But now it is written thus: "Constantine and Romanos, in Christ our God pious emperors, kings of the Romans, to our dearest and spiritual son, the kyr or lord, so-and-so, basileus of Bulgaria." To the chagan of Khazaria, a gold bull of three solidi is sent with this title: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of our one and only true God. Constantine and Romanos, faithful in that same God, emperors of the Romans, 399 to the most noble, most illustrious chagan of Khazaria." To the archon of Rosia or Russia, a gold bull of two solidi is sent with this title: "Letters of Constantine and Romanos, the Christ-loving kings of the Romans, to the archon of Rosia." To the archons of the Turks, a gold bull of two solidi is sent with this title: "Letters of Constantine and Romanos, the Christ-loving emperors of the Romans, to the archons of the Turks." To the archons of the Patzinaks, the same COMMENTARY. word, that is, truly pious and orthodox and a fervent worshiper of God according to the Christian rite. For this reason, monks and clerics are called Christians in a specific sense and are opposed to the laity, with the name of Christians excluded; see Du Cange, under the word "Christiani." Sylvanus the rhetor calls someone "an ascetic and one who has striven to live as a Christian in an exact manner"; see the remarks on p. 392. Pope Simplicius, in Epistle 14 to the Emperor Zeno, writes thus: "The blessed apostle Peter holds this pledge of your piety and the mind of a most Christian and faithful prince to have sworn in these words." Agapetus, the Roman pontiff, in the Neapolitan Chronicle of John the Deacon, is imagined to address Justinian thus on p. 299: "I indeed desired to come to the most Christian Emperor Justinian, but now I have found a Diocletian." Luitprand, p. 461, calls Hadamir, King of Galicia, "most Christian." Alexius Comnenus, in letters to the Emperor Henry V, addresses him thus: "and most noble, in truth most Christian brother." You have an example of a private man honored with the title of "most Christian" in Theophanes, in the sixth year of Rhinolmetus: "A certain Sergius, a most Christian man, the son of Mansour, the general logothete, exhorted him." the emperors of Constantinople granted [the title] reluctantly; so that they might nevertheless have something private and an indication of eminence over them, they added the title of "autocrat" to their "basileus." [the Turks] were of Tartar, that is, Turkish origin, they were once accustomed to be called Turks. For with the eastern Turks, who first overturned the Saracen and then the Greek empire as well, our Constantine and his ancestors and descendants had no dealings. The Terbunians and Diocletians in the same order and

(80) Constantine and Romanos are called here Bul- (81) As here the Bulgarians, so in Nicetas Choniates (82) The title of Basileus was indeed finally granted to the Bulgarians by (83) He understands the Hungarians, who, because they were of Hunnic and Tartar origin, were once accustomed to be called Turks. (84) Croatians, Serbians, Zachlumians, Canalitans,

1279 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1280 the inscription is directed, with the name of the Patzinaks expressed, and a similar bull as well. To the archon of Croatia, of the Serbs, of the Zachlumians, of Canali, of the Terbunians [or Trabunians], of Dioclea, of Moravia, it is written thus: "Mandate from the Christ-loving despots to him, the archon of that province." To these, the golden bull is of two solidi. To the King of the Franks it is written thus: "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, of our one and only true God, Constantine and Romanos, faithful in the same God, exalted, Augusti, emperors, great kings of the Romans, to our beloved, dearest, and spiritual brother, that most noble, illustrious King of the Franks." To the supreme lord of India it is written thus: "Constantine and Romanos, faithful in Christ God, great emperors, kings of the Romans, to that supreme lord of India, our beloved friend." To the lord of Arabia Felix is sent a golden bull with this title: "Constantine and Romanos, faithful in Christ God, great emperors, kings of the Romans, to that lord of Arabia."

CHAPTER XLIX. The expenses or taxes of the honoraria which those recently promoted to dignities and offices were required to pay, as those taxes were under Leo the Christ-loving despot. The imperial mandator gave two litrae. The imperial candidatus three. The imperial strator four. The imperial spatharius five. The imperial spatharocandidatus seven. The imperial protospatharius twelve, and often also eighteen. All these pay this much, whether they hold their dignities together with other offices, or not. And if any of these wishes to be enrolled among the imperial rogati or those receiving stipends, he pays, beyond the honorarium of his dignity, four additional litrae. And if he wishes to be enrolled among the ministers of the chrysotriclinos, he provides another four litrae. He who wishes to be received into the Great Hetaeria, if his roga is up to forty numismata, pays seventeen litrae; but if he seeks a larger roga, the price—that is, the six numismata—must be increased in proportion to the roga, at one litra for every seven numismata. He who wishes to be received into the Middle Hetaeria, if he receives a roga of twenty numismata, must give five litrae; but if he seeks more than twenty numismata, he must increase the price in proportion to the roga.

[The Greek text follows the same structure as the Latin above, providing the titles and the tax schedule for the offices mentioned.]

VARIOUS READINGS. JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. Constantine recounts these here in chapter 29 of *De Administrando Imperio*, p. 87 sqq. Instead of Terbounians, our author mentions Trabunians. These tribes occupied the entire northern shore of the Adriatic Sea from Istria down to Dyrrhachium. For Dioclea, which the manuscripts gave here, it is written elsewhere with another error as Doclea. The correct form is Dioclea, as I have suggested in the Latin interpretation. (85) Namely, that there was commerce between Constantine and the Indians, as I demonstrated above, and likewise with the lord of Arabia Felix. (86) It is said here that he pays 16 litrae as a tax or custom, he whose roga is up to 40 gold solidi. But is the roga here annual or monthly? If annual, the person received into this hetaeria would have had to purchase this dignity at too high a price, pouring out fifteen years of income all at once and paying it in advance to the imperial treasury, which he would scarcely recover in the course of fifteen years through small portions. This trade hardly seems fair or to have been in use. What if we therefore establish that the roga was monthly? But the impoverished Byzantine court barely paid it. How could the empire, greatly reduced in the middle and later ages, bear the burden of so many expenses? Was the litra of silver designated here, therefore, a smaller litra of gold in that proportion which silver is commonly held to have to gold?

1281 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1282

He who wishes to be received into the Farganoi or the Chazars must give seven litrai, provided that he has a roga of twelve nomismata. He who wishes to be received into the trapezium, or the vestiarion, or the archontogennemata, if he receives a roga of ten nomismata, must give six litrai. He who wishes to be received among the clergy of the church must give seven litrai. He who is about to be received into the asekretia, if he receives a roga of thirty nomismata, must give twelve litrai. If he seeks a larger roga, the fee must be increased in proportion to the roga. He who wishes to become a notary of the asekretia, if he receives a roga of twenty nomismata, must give eight litrai. He who wishes to become a cubicularius, if he is already in the trapezium or the vestiarion and wishes to become a cubicularius, if he leaves his annonae as they are, gives thirty nomismata by way of a gift (kaniskion). But if he seeks to have his roga and his annonae increased, the payment must be increased in proportion to the roga and his annonae. He who becomes a cubicularius from the kaligia, if he asks to receive a roga of twenty, must give eight litrai. He who wishes to become a cubicularius through the city must give six litrai. He who is about to become a spatharocubicularius from the cubiculariate must give four litrai. If he also seeks an increase in roga, the fee must be increased in proportion to his roga. He who wishes to become a spatharocubicularius from the kaligia must give ten litrai. If he also seeks an increase in roga, the fee must be increased in proportion to the roga. He who wishes to become an ostiarios from the spatharocubiculariate must give ten litrai. If he also seeks an increase in roga, the fee must be increased in proportion to the roga. He who wishes to become a primikerios from the ostiariate must give ten litrai. If he also seeks an increase in roga, the fee must be increased in proportion to the roga.

The gifts that are owed to be given to the chartularata and notarata of the sekreta. The notaries of the eidikon, fifty-five litrai; the chartularies of the genikon, seventy-five litrai; the external chartularies of the genikon, that is, of the arklai, [number missing] litrai; the chartularies of the stratiotikon, forty litrai; the notaries of the stratiotikon, twenty litrai; the notaries of the sakelle, thirty litrai; the notaries of the vestiarion, [number missing] litrai.

Concerning the Saracen captives who are baptized in a theme. It is necessary to know that they ought to receive from the protonotary of the theme...

1283 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1284

[three] coins, and for their team [that is, a yoke of good draft animals or a rustic farm] six coins; and for their seed and grain, fifty-four modii of wheat. If any such captured and baptized Saracens have been settled in certain houses and joined in marriage to the daughters of certain heads of families, whether that family into which such a Saracen son-in-law has entered be military or urban, that house must be excused for three years and held immune both from the provision and transport of grain supplies, and from the hearth-tax or tribute paid from hearths and chimneys. But after that three-year period has elapsed, that house or family must again, as before, and equally with others, provide both burdens. Furthermore, if territory has been assigned to such prisoners of war, or to certain others, for habitation, they remain for the first three years free from all vexation of public service, and they do not provide grain or daily rations to the soldier. After that three-year period has elapsed, however, they provide both.

A cavalry soldier must have immovable assets, that is, lands or estates, to the value of five, or at a minimum four, pounds. An imperial naval soldier must have immovable assets, namely lands and estates, of the value of three pounds.

The type or formula of procedure handed down by our ancestors has come down to these our times as follows. At the time when there is a military expedition, recruits, contributors, and taxpayers are not given to those serving in the military as men of their own property: but each must serve in the military separately and individually for himself. If, however, any are poor and not equal to the military expenses to be incurred, contributors are given to them; so that, indeed, they may have through them their sufficient necessary subsistence, and be able to perform their military service in their own person. But if they have been reduced to such straits that they are not able to perform the service incumbent upon them even with the contributors assigned to them, they are then "adorati" [removed/discharged], or cast out to the edges and dregs of the army, and are sent away as "abiegi" [cattle-rustlers/outcasts].

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[The text continues with Reiske’s philological notes on the Greek terms, including:]

...whence it also comes to us. But the ancients distinguished Arabs from Saracens, as is evident from the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, pp. 329, 444, and 494; the former were indeed Arabs wandering in the borders of Syria and Palestine, but these were Saracens, who lived in Mesopotamia and the eastern parts of Syria situated by the Euphrates, so called from the Arabic *Schark*, the east. ed. Meurs.

...are suspended, cancelled, removed, excused, and held as of least account. But from whence the word *ad-orare* is to be derived, I still doubt. Perhaps it should be repeated from the Latin *adorare*, that is, not to worship, but to cast to the edge, like dregs and refuse, "they are placed at the edges and extremities of the army."

...a genus, like the Hussars of today, destined only for driving off livestock, whence they get their name. Labbe’s Nomical Glosses: "An *apelates* is properly called one who steals livestock from pasture or herds, or horses from flocks. For he who finds an ox or horse wandering [and does not return it to the owner he knows] is not an *apelates*, but a thief." See Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinitatis*, s.v. *Abigare* and *Latrunculi*. Manetho the Apotelesmatic, in his meter, apud Du Cange s.v. *Beredarii*, joins *beredarios*, grooms, cavalrymen (trainers, exercisers of horses), *apelatas* [and] *anelatas*, but read *synelatas*, who are similar to our *Ausreiler*, officials who ride around on public roads, seeing who travels on them, whether they are beggars or other evildoers, whether prohibited goods or goods not freed from taxes are being transported, etc. The Greeks also call new thieves, robbers, *apelatas*, and by dropping a letter, as is their custom, *pelatas*. Du Cange has an example s.v. *Pelates* ad Codin. p. 34, whom Codinus p. 68 calls "those found in the castles," soldiers who are garrisoned in camps or cities. They seem to be entirely the same. The *Tzakones* are those today who were once the *Lacones*, inhabitants of the extreme Peloponnese, and *Traconia* is that tract in which is the mountain once called Cronion, and thus between Laconia and Elis; see Du Cange s.v. *Tzakones*. Those Lacones or Peloponnesians were accustomed to be deposited for garrison duty in castles, "to be separated into the castles," as our author says. Notable is the passage of Michalo the Lithuanian on the customs of the Tatars in Du Cange s.v. *Sacones*, from which it is understood that the *Sacones* and *Sungzlones* were called, in the Lithuanian language as it seems, *agasones* [grooms], who accompanied soldiers into war, called by our author either *syntrophoi* [companions] or *tirones* [recruits].

1285 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1286

[...light troops, destined only for excursions into hostile territory and for gathering spoils,] from whom also the Tzecones [or Peloponnesians] are taken and selected for castles to act as garrisons in the meantime, while the true soldiers are away for wars. Their lands or farms or estates meanwhile remain vacant, nor are they handed over to anyone else, but remain sequestered and signed with affixed sacred seals, so that the usufruct of them may return to the public treasury; to the end that if it happens to such a dismissed person to have the opportunity to restore his fortune and afflicted affairs, he may recover his former lands and his former military service.

CHAPTER L. These are the standard salaries (*rogai*) of the *strategoi* and *kleisourarchai*, as they were paid under Leo, the Christ-loving Emperor. The *strategos* of the Anatolikoi: 40 pounds. The *strategos* of the Armeniakoi: 40 pounds. The *strategos* of the Thrakesioi: 40 pounds. The *strategos* of the Opsikion: 30 pounds. The *strategos* of the Boukellarioi: 30 pounds. The *strategos* of Cappadocia: 20 pounds. The *strategos* of Charsianon: 20 pounds. The *strategos* of Paphlagonia: 20 pounds. The *strategos* of Thrace: 20 pounds. The *strategos* of Macedonia: 30 pounds. The *strategos* of Chaldia: 10 pounds, as he receives another 10 pounds from the *koumerkion* (95). The *strategos* of Koloneia: 20 pounds. The *strategos* of Mesopotamia: 0, because he holds the entire *koumerkion*. The *strategos* of Sebasteia, as he was then a *kleisourarches*: 5 pounds. The *strategos* of Lykandos, as he was then a *kleisourarches*: 5 pounds. The *strategos* of Seleukeia, as he was then a *kleisourarches*: 5 pounds. The *strategos* of Leontokome (96), as he was then a *kleisourarches*: 5 pounds. The *strategos* of the Kibyrrhaiotai: 10 pounds. The *strategos* of Samos: 10 pounds. The *strategos* of the Aegean Sea: 10 pounds. It should be known that the *strategoi* of the West did not receive salaries, because they took their own customary payments annually from their own themes. The *strategos* of the Peloponnese. The *strategos* of Nikopolis. The *strategos* of Hellas. The *strategos* of Sicily. The *strategos* of Langobardia. The *strategos* of Strymon. The *strategos* of Kephallenia. The *strategos* of Thessalonica. The *strategos* of Dyrrhachium. The *strategos* of Dalmatia. The *strategos* of Cherson.

Regarding those who are not required to serve in the military when a *tironaton* (97) is held: Those enrolled in the *kouboukleion*. Those in the imperial service (*basilikoi anthropoi*). Those in the Great *Hetaireia*. Those in the Middle *Hetaireia*. Those in the Pharganoi. Those in the private table (*oikeiake trapeza*). Those in the *archontogennemata*. Those in the private *vestiarium*. Those in the *skepton* of the Augusta. Those in the imperial *stratores* or *hippokratai* (98). Those in the imperial...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE] (95) It is the same as if we were to say: this or that person receives his salary from the Excise, or from that tribunal where taxes are received. *Koumerkion* is commerce itself, trade, negotiation, and the toll for imported or exported goods; see Du Cange on Alex. p. 315. *Koumerkion* of the fair, the tax of the markets, is found in Theophanes p. 396. Gulber. p. 795 shows that commerce differs somewhat from a tax. (96) To the form of the termination *poleos*, which it obtains in the name of many cities, they also formed *komeos* in this composition. Leontokome is Leontopolis in the theme of Lykandos or in Isauria. (97) I think *tironaton* here is not the condition of a recruit, but the solemn assembly of the raw and newly conscripted militia at a designated place, so that they may perform their training there before the *strategos* of the theme and show their dexterity in handling arms. (98) It could also be *hippokratoras*. In the manuscript it was *hippokr.* with a mark above it.

1287 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1288

[Latin text] The priests of Saint Sophia who are resident and have adhered to it from ancient times, but not those who receive a salary of three miliaresia or less. The rowers of the dromons. The rowers of the agrarian vessels. Of all these offices, which we have said are examples of military service, if anyone holds any one of them, and who, without it and not yet having obtained it, was obligated to military service, his house ought to be held excused as long as he lives. But when that man is dead, the right and obligation of performing military service must be restored to that house according to the old formula of the military register.

404 Index of those who must perform military service from those enrolled in offices. The mandatories of all the secretariats, namely those who are under the disposition of the sakellarios; the rationalis of the sacred fisc; the rationalis of the military fisc; the rationalis of the public post; the prefects of the sakellion; the vestiarii; the comes of the private estate; the prefect of the numerus; the curator of the city walls; likewise the domestic companions of both stables [both the urban and the Asiatic at Malagina]. Rowers of the agrarian vessels are not compelled from another theme or district, except only from the theme of the Stenos or the Propontis. Nor are they enrolled among the dietarii of the great palace and other palaces, unless they are men of the city or of the Stenos, and originating from the Stenos or either shore of the same strait. Only men of the city are chosen as mandatories of the offices.

CHAPTER LI. Things to be observed when the emperor decides to go out in a carriage to the granaries of the strategion and inspect them. On the eve of the day, orders are given, or notification is made through the mandatories to the nobles, that there will be a procession to the granaries tomorrow. Therefore, they proceed and gather the next day at the palace, in white tunics and tzangia, or shoes; and when the voice is proclaimed: "Transfer," [that is, move yourself, or migrate elsewhere], the candidates station themselves before the hippodrome behind the door of the necessities [i.e., the latrines] of the bath. Only the imperial horses enter into the hippodrome itself; those of the nobles remain outside. The imperial carriage also comes and stands before the hippodrome. And when the silentiarius sees that everything...

[Greek text] ...the priests of Saint Sophia who are resident and from ancient times, but not those who receive a salary of three miliaresia or less. The rowers of the dromons. The rowers of the agrarian vessels. It is to be known that of all these aforementioned, if anyone had an old military service, as long as the assigned person lives, any of the aforementioned offices, such a house ought to remain excused. But when the person has died, the military service ought to be restored to his house according to the old type of the military logothesion.

Regarding those who are obligated to perform military service from those enrolled in offices. The mandatories of all the secretariats, that is, those of the sakellarios; those of the genikon; those of the military [fisc]; those of the logothete of the dromos; those of the sakellion; those of the vestiarion; those of the eidikon; those of the numerus; those of the teicheotes; the couriers; the companions of the two stables. It is to be known that one must not perform military service from another theme for the rowers of the agrarian vessels, except from the Stenos. It is to be known that one must not perform military service for the dietarii of the great palace and the remaining palaces, except from the city and the Stenos. It is to be known that one must not perform military service for the mandatories of the offices, except from the city.

CHAPTER LI. Things that must be observed when the emperor wishes to go out in a vehicle and see the granaries of the strategion. From the evening, orders are given for a procession to the granaries. Therefore, they proceed the next day, and they enter in white chlanidia and tzangia into the palace, and when the word "TRANSFER" is given, the candidates stand before the hippodrome behind the door of the necessities of the bath, but only the imperial horses enter inside the hippodrome, while those of the archons stand outside. The imperial carriage also comes and stands before the hippodrome. And when the silentiarius sees that everything...

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II

[1289] ...are ready, and he receives the "Paratus." Seeing that everything is prepared in this manner, the patricians enter according to custom. Then the Emperor comes out and stands in the middle of the great triclinium, and everything is done as in a consistory. He goes out, accompanied by his retinue, through the bath-area, and when he arrives where the candidati hold their weapons, there the tribunes of the praesens pay him homage, and with them the primicerius of the domestics. Thence he enters the Hippodrome, and there he is paid homage by the domestics and protectors as soon as he enters the door. Accompanied by his retinue, he exits the Hippodrome, with the horses being led before him, and he ascends the carriage. Each of the archons, according to rank, kisses his knees, and after all of them, the Eparch of the Praetorium, as he is required to sit with him. The Emperor grants permission, if he wishes, for the archons to mount their horses, and they mount. The Eparch kisses the feet of the Emperor and ascends the carriage from the left side and stands; and when he [the Emperor] grants him permission to sit, he again kisses his knees and sits. The muleteer also stands, and when ordered, he too kisses the feet below, and sits. In front, the curopalates and the decurion carry the golden rods. On either side, the counts of the schools, whom he may order, walk alongside holding the apples of the carriage. And when they reach the granaries, first the eparchs descend, and then the master. As he enters the granaries, the Count of the Granaries meets him wearing a white chlamys, and with him the numerarius, and he delivers to him the account of the stored grain, and he walks around and sees everything. It is necessary for an architect to follow the Emperor, so that if he wishes to be informed whether in truth so much grain is stored, the architect may measure the places which the Emperor may designate, and tell him the truth. And upon leaving, he gives to the Count of the Granaries a "tetragonion" of ten pounds, and a silk sticharion, and the same to the numerarius. And leaving there, he ascends the carriage, and again the eparchs sit with him, doing the same...

[1290] ...lentiarius, as published by the praepositus] received: "Paratus" [that is, the Emperor is now ready], the patricians enter [the great triclinium]: then the Emperor goes out [from his bedchamber or hall] to the middle of the great triclinium, where he stands, and everything is done as in a consistory; and then he goes out in the retinue of the nobles through the bath-area or bath, and when he has arrived there, where the candidati stand in arms, there the tribunes of the praesens [namely, of the army or the retinue] pay him homage, and with them the primicerius of the domestics. Thence he enters the circus, and there he is paid homage by the domestics and protectors, as soon as he has placed his foot in its door. Thence he exits in the retinue of the nobles from the circus, the imperial horses meanwhile being led by hand before him, and he ascends the carriage. In it, as he sits, the nobles approaching according to the order of their dignities each kiss his knees, and last the eparch or prefect of the praetorium does the same, as one who must sit with the master in the carriage. That duty completed, the Emperor gives, if he wishes, permission to the nobles to mount their horses. The prefect of the praetorium, however, having kissed the master's knees, ascends the carriage, but from the left side, and remains standing in it until the Emperor has given him permission to sit. But before he sits, he kisses the Emperor's knees a second time. Likewise, the muleteer [that is, the groom, the driver] stands before the Emperor; who, when ordered to sit, before he does so, kisses the lowest feet of the Emperor. Before the carriage, the curopalates and the decurion carry golden rods; and on either side of the vehicle walk the counts of the schools, whom the Emperor has chosen, holding the apples [or metallic globes at the entrance] of the carriage. In that manner, when they have arrived at the granaries, first the prefect who sits with the master descends, then the Emperor, to whom, as he enters the granaries, the Count of the Granaries comes to meet him, wearing a white tunic, and with him the numerarius. Having obtained from that count the information regarding the grain which was deposited and kept in the granaries, the Emperor walks around and inspects everything, having with him some architect, who, if the master wishes to explore for certain whether in truth there is as much grain present as is claimed, measures the places...

VARIOUS READINGS. 70. SCHOL. Of the praesens. * SCHOL. The councilor.

JOANNES JACOBUS REISKE'S COMMENTARY. (4) "Mulio" is also used for a groom. Lampridius in Alexander Severus, vol. I, p. 990, where he attributes to mules and horses only muleteers, not muleteers and grooms, as caretakers. Also in the Glosses is "moularas," horse-feeder, cattle-breeder, easterner, muleteer, pack-animal keeper, groom. (5) Were the decurions called consuls and urban senators at that time, as the Scholiast wishes, who interprets it as "councilor"? I can hardly think so. It seems more probable to me that the decurions or deans of the silentiaries are understood here, who are the same as the primicerii of the silentiaries; see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 264. It was the duty of the silentiaries to carry the golden rods. (6) Or of a similar office, as the horrearius [granary-keeper] in Agnellus. See Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. II, p. 100. (7) The numerarius seems to have been the one to count the grain that was brought into the granaries, and the expenses for the soldiers' rations as well; see the things said above on p. 140. (8) I was thinking that by this word an "apocombia" or a silk purse was designated, sewn and shaped into a quadrangular form, to which ten pounds of gold were sewn. But if those ten pounds consisted of coins or solidi, that little purse became too large, as it would contain 740 coins. Since it is not clear to me that the pounds were minted in solid masses of gold, although it is very probable, I will leave it in doubt. I would think, therefore, that this "tetragonion" was a golden mass minted in the form of currency weighing ten pounds. But, to tell the truth, I do not have an example of a mass minted into a coin of square shape among the Greeks or Romans.

1291 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

...abundance of provisions, storehouses, which he was ordered by the master to measure, and report a certain account of the matter to him. Going out again from the granaries, the emperor gives the count of the granaries a tetragonium [that is, an apocombium, a silk bundle of quadrangular shape] containing ten litrae of gold, and a holoseric sticharion. The numerarius also receives the same gift. Afterwards, the emperor again ascends the chariot; and the prefects, who are accustomed to be present at such a time with individual emperors, do the same things which were set forth above. They return to the palace, as it seems fit to the master, either through the Decimum [a part of the circus] or through the bath. And the counts and the tribunes indeed stand outside the great triclinium, having heard the proclamation: "Loco" [by which they are ordered to stand in the same place and not to proceed further]. But the other dignitaries enter into the triclinium; and the prefect of the city or the other prefects [namely, of the praetoriums] say farewell there to the emperor, and depart; but the patricians enter with him into the great triclinium, and everything is done thereafter according to the customary manner, and finally the dismissals of the silence are given.

CLETOROLOGIUM OR BOOK ON THE RITES OF THE SACRED BANQUETS OF THE BYZANTINE COURT

CHAPTER LII. An exquisite and clear exposition concerning the constitution and ceremonies of the sacred cletoria or banquets, and the summoning of individual dignities, and the degree of honor, collected from ancient Cletorologia or books explaining the order of convivial nomenclature, in the time of Leo our Christ-loving and most wise emperor, in the month of September, indiction 3, in the year from the creation of the world 6408, by Philotheus, imperial protospatharios and atriclinius.

Since you have urged me, O best of friends, to delve into the writings of the ancients, and from there to extract with careful attention the proposed meaning of the order of dignities, and to transmit it in clear speech; come now, overcome by the love I have for you, I shall strive with all my might and with much affection to satisfy the desires of your charity.

[SCHOLIA AND VARIOUS READINGS]

[Notes on the terminology of "cletor" (inviter), "cletorion" (banquet), and "atriclinius" (panistructor/steward). The text discusses the etymology of these terms, their usage in ancient authors like Athenaeus, and their function in the imperial court, specifically regarding the seating and summoning of guests.]

[Note on the phrase "toto corde" (with all one's heart) and its usage in Byzantine Greek.]

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II

Let us fulfill this. For since the dignities left behind by the ancients are many and great, the clarity regarding them is likewise great, vast, and difficult to grasp. For many of the titles of these dignities have been obscured by time, and indeed all the differences in dignities invented after them introduce a certain confusion into their precise understanding. And since you have requested from our ignorance a writing for the precise understanding of these matters, we set forth clearly to your friendship as much as we were able to grasp in our mind, however dimly, from the things previously established and those now practiced. For we wish you to know, friends, that every science of the arts consists in some useful end for life. But the science of the *artiklinai* [chamberlains/ushers] shows its utility in nothing else than in distinguishing the differences of dignities with order, composition, and precise arrangement. For every splendor of life or glorious worth of dignities is shown to those who see it in nothing else than in the calling of precedence at the brilliant table and the much-desired banquet of our most wise emperors. If, however, through our inattention, any precarious confusion should arise in the imperial invitations, it not only casts down the virtues of the imperial dignities, but also renders us ourselves ridiculous and useless for the service. Therefore, beloved, it behooves us, having obtained such a service, to outline in our own minds the proper titles of the dignities with the attention of study and science, and then thus to proclaim and set forth their divisions, subdivisions, and precise compositions. But since we have voluntarily passed over not all the expositions of the ancients, but as many as time has caused to be obscured, come, let us set down in order, as if in a table, those known and practiced under our emperors, Leo and Alexander. We do this not as if overturning the writings of the ancients, but striving to fashion the expositions concerning these matters as if in the order of a canon, so that not only those who have been occupied with these things may have an easy grasp of them, but also those who are very ignorant, by following this small canon, may find the treatise concerning the orders easy to grasp and clear. For we did not judge it right that those not precisely trained in these matters should be stationed in such an imperial function, because we have not been allotted to stand before an unwise and ignorant emperor, but one who is very wise indeed, both in word and deed, and endowed by grace from above with a disposition of friendship and gratitude, promising intimacy and goodwill to those who are beloved.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

friends, and all those who are to come after us, not to examine the treatise written by us in a perfunctory or haphazard manner, but to imprint accurately upon your minds the pattern contained within it through the attention of study. First, to know the precise proper names of the dignities; second, to make the divisions and subdivisions of these, their increases and decreases, their invitations and revocations, accurately, as has been set forth. For I have set forth for you all the dignities given by means of awards in the order of a ladder by name, and then I have indicated those that are obtained by word, and after these I have arranged those subordinate to them, having preferred in the discourse the principal and first of these, and having set forth the subordinate ones, each in its own way.

For this reason, therefore, I exhort you, friends, and as many as shall come after us to the court and to this royal ministry, that you may not wish to treat this little work with a weak arm, at leisure, and as if doing something else, and with an unequal contention of spirit, but to imprint studiously and fully upon your minds the image of the things which it presents; and first indeed to make the proper appellations of each dignity known and familiar to you; then truly their divisions, how they increase or decrease, how they are invited and introduced to the sacred table, and how they are again revoked and led out, according to that example which we have prescribed here. We have established this order, that the dignities which are conferred with awards and certain external insignia of honors, we should expose in the first place, naming each one individually, following them like the steps of a ladder; then those which are obtained by the mere edict of the emperor and by word; then those inferior to them; having, as was fitting, preferred in the discourse the first and honored ones. For this reason, therefore, I exhort you, friends, and all who are to come after us, not to examine the treatise written by us in a perfunctory or haphazard manner, but to imprint accurately upon your minds the pattern contained within it through the attention of study.

And furthermore, I have clearly shown the ranks of these in a way that is easy to distinguish, and the ambassadors of each of these have clearly recorded the proper things in this treatise, and I have made known the treatise concerning these, as in the order of an introduction, to those who encounter it through the underlying table, so that those who carefully observe this table may remember our mediocrity and by no means hesitate.

VARIOUS READINGS. 76. KATOXLEY cod. and ed.

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. (14) He used it rarely for a little book, properly a small discourse. Sometimes it is accustomed to denote an oracle. (15) Revocations, avocations, orders to depart, for *apoklēseis*. Often *hypo-* is put for *apo-*, as *hypostrephein*, i.e., oneself, to turn oneself away from some thing, to depart, to recede. (16) *Dia brabeiōn* are opposed here. These are those conferred by insignia or with insignia, those conferred by authority or elogium. They were conferred with insignia when the emperor or the one conferring was handing over to the one being honored a cloak or a sword or codicils or a necklace or a ring or some other sign of a new honor. Authority, however, or *logos*, an elogium, is when by a bare voice, by a sacred edict, he ordered someone to perform this or that duty. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *De Administrando Imperio*, p. 126, mentions the garment of a master or magistrate, by which the one to be gifted into the dignity of master would be invested: "He gave him the garment of the magistrate to make Koukenios the *magistros*." Hadrian I, in a letter written to Charles the Great, signifies that Archisus, the Duke of Benevento, had sought help from the Greek emperor and the honor of the patriciate together with the Neapolitan duchy in its entirety. For which matter he had promised that he would enjoy the use of the Greeks’ tonsure as well as their garments, under the dominion (that is, jurisdiction and authority, as a vassal) of the same emperor. Hearing this, however, the emperor, he adds, sent his legates to him, namely two spatharios, into the dominion of Sicily, to appoint him patrician, carrying with them garments woven with gold and at the same time a sword or a comb and tweezers, just as the aforementioned Archisus had promised to be clothed and shorn. It is evident from this that to wear a garment given or sent by another was indeed a species of honor, but in reality a profession of humility, subjection, and clientage. A vassal pledging faith to a lord had to wear the garment sent by the lord, and just as he himself by wearing it professed that he was the client of him from whom he had received the garment, so the one giving or sending it by that very act professed that he was receiving him, to whom he was sending the garment, into the family of ministers and vassals, that is, of counts, to recognize him as his minister and count and prefect of such and such a province. Hence the word "invest" was born. The custom of sending a garment as a sign of both honor and homage to those who are either first appointed to a certain office, or are confirmed and ordered to continue, still obtains among the Turks and Persians, as is evident from della Valle, Busbecq, and other travelers. See the remarks on p. 367. Concerning the various modes of investing, such as by a cap, a cup, a scepter, a gospel, a spit, a knife, a twig, a sod, a banner, a sword, a spear, a stone, a missal book, a martyrology, a linen cloth, coins, an alms-purse or pouch, a lock of hair, a strap, and whatever finally might be at hand, Du Cange in his *Glossarium Latinum* under the word *Investire* has treated all these at length. Furthermore, authorities are for the most part indeed rescripts of princes, mandates consigned to letters, see Du Cange *Gloss. Lat.* under this word; I think, however, that sometimes they are also pronouncements, elogiums, oral precepts. Concerning the word *elogium* see Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 19. *Dia logou*, by word, is rendered in an old charter of Guaimar, Prince of Salerno, in Muratori, vol. I, *Antiquitates Italicae*, p. 181, where a mandate by word is opposed to a *chrysobull*. "I declare," says Waimar, prince and imperial patrician, "because it has been granted to me by the most holy and pious emperors Leo and Alexander by word and by a most firm precept sealed with a golden bull"; that is, as much *dia logou*, by verbal edict, which the imperial apocrisiarius reported to me, as by a written mandate. The Testament of St. Caesarius, Bishop of Arles: "If I have conferred anything upon anyone by letter or by *pittacium* or by word, out of regard for piety, I wish it to be valid." He distinguishes here between things granted by letter, or, which is the same thing, by *pittacium* (for the latter is only an explanation of the former) and things granted by word. Ingulf, p. 901: "Many estates were conferred at first..."

ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1398

...also executing those things subordinate to them, distinctly declaring their ranks, and clearly teaching the private honors and prerogatives of each. The proposed list will provide those who contemplate these matters with a clear and easily understood introduction to this knowledge. As many of you as inspect it, remember that our thin veil and modest study follows everywhere.

Beginning of the subject of the discourse.

The gifts of imperial dignities, bestowed by the grace of God, as receiving their vote from God, are awarded to the worthy on the sacred and wonderful imperial dais of the splendid Chrysotriklinos on auspicious days by the God-appointed emperors, clearly with the entire order of the imperial bedchamber standing by and the awards themselves placed near the imperial authority. For those who are about to receive their reception are already being prepared by the appointed protospatharios of the basilikoi outside the veil, dressed in red cloaks.

In the introduction of these men, three sword-bearing men of equal rank to those about to receive the reception enter beforehand with the imperial ostiarios, and having performed the customary reverence, they wait standing by the veil for the arrival of the one being introduced. And again, when the veil has been drawn back, the protospatharios of the basilikoi enters with the imperial ostiarios, leading the one about to receive the reception, and urging him to perform the proskynesis in three places, he stations him face-to-face with the emperor in order to receive the award of the dignity from his own hands. And having moved him, the recipient, back a little, the same protospatharios clothes him with the award given by the emperor, and having pushed him forward again, he makes him kiss the sacred feet of the emperor. When he has been brought down to those below, the men of equal rank in the dignity receive him as a friend of equal status, and fulfilling the reverence, they signify their thanksgiving to the emperor through proskynesis, and depart with him. The entire order of the bedchamber standing by, having duly praised the emperor, also departs with them.

All the differences of the dignities given through awards are introduced according to the order and number that will be mentioned hereafter, and those who are obliged to provide the customs. For some of them are provided through awards, while others are obtained through an imperial decree, and they accompany the dignities distributed through awards; and some of them have permanence, while others, being easily taken away again, pass from person to person.

The eighteen dignities which are given with awards.

[The Latin text provided in the source is a translation of the Greek text above, and the following is the translation of the remaining Latin notes and fragments:]

Beginning of the subject of the discourse.

Palatine offices and duties, which are properly owed to the divine clemency, are conferred by the emperors, established by divine authority—with God as it were casting the vote through them—in the sacred and admirable imperial tribunal, which is seen in the splendid Chrysotriklinos, on solemn days as rewards of virtue to worthy men, with the entire order of the sacred bedchamber standing by, and the insignia of the honors to be bestowed themselves exposed to view near the sacred majesty. Those who are to receive these are kept ready outside the veil by the protospatharios of the basilikoi or caesariani delegated for this purpose, dressed in red cloaks.

But before they are introduced through the veil, three men carrying swords enter together with the imperial ostiarios, equal in dignity to those who are about to receive the munificence and reward of virtues. These, as they have venerated the prince with customary worship, wait, standing by the veil, for the arrival of the one to be introduced, and immediately as the veil has been drawn back, the protospatharios of the basilikoi enters together with the royal ostiarios, introducing the one to be honored. He urges him to adore the Augustus in three different places, and places him before the face of the lord, so that he may receive the insignia of the dignity from his own hands. The same protospatharios moves him, having obtained it, back a little in his tracks without turning his face, and clothes him with the insignia received from the lord, and again, having led him forward, compels him to kiss the sacred feet of the Augustus. When he has returned, brought back to those who stand below at the veil, they, equal in dignity, receive him as a friend and colleague, completing the veneration of the Augustus, signify their thanksgiving to the same with a clear voice and adoration, and depart together with the new colleague.

Likewise, the entire order of the bedchamber standing by departs together with them after praises and good words have been duly spoken to the prince. All the dignities which are bestowed with *brabeia* (awards) or prizes or insignia are introduced in the order and number which we shall soon state, in which they also ought to provide the customs. Some of the dignities are obtained through awards, others by the sole edict of the lord, and they accompany the former, and can be held at the same time as them. Some, once bestowed, adhere constantly; others, with little effort, are taken away again and migrate from one to another.

Of the eighteen dignities which are bestowed with insignia.

Which are given with insignia, and once given, again...

VARIOUS READINGS. [Regarding the Greek text:] For *petasthentos* (drawn back), one thinks it should be read *syrentos* (drawn/pulled). [Regarding the Latin text:] *Syrentos* or *ephelkomenou*, contracted, drawn back. For no one can enter when the veil is *petasthentos*, i.e., expanded/spread out.

1999 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1300

The number of dignities in total is eighteen, which, once given, are in no way revoked. These are divided into two parts, into senatorial and into processional.

Regarding those dignities which are conferred solely by the edict of the prince.

Those which are acquired by word [of mouth] and receive the authority to rule gloriously are also all sixty in number, which, as we have said, are transferred from person to person by imperial word. These are also divided into six parts, such as into generals, into domestics, into judges, into secretics, into democrats, and into peculiar offices.

Chapter I. — Concerning the palatine dignities of the first order.

Of the dignities strictly and properly so called, and which are obtained with *brabeia* (insignia), the proper appellations, for which customs [fees] are also owed, are these. The first of all the others, and which takes the introduction of the dignities as the foremost, is that of the *stratēlatēs* over worthy themes, or that which is called *apo eparchōn*, whose *brabeion* is a written parchment, handed over by the imperial hand. It gives a custom to the *protosekrētis* of 24 [aurei], and to the *praipositoi* of 36. The second is that of the *silentiarioi*, whose *brabeion* is a golden staff, handed over by the imperial hand. It gives a custom to the *deuteros* of 6, and to the *praipositoi* of 72. The third is the dignity of the *vestitores*, whose *brabeion* is the *phiblatōrion* (fibula), handed over by the imperial hand. It gives a custom to the *praipositoi* of 24, and to the *deuteros* of 6. The fourth is the dignity of the imperial *mandatores*, whose *brabeion* is a staff dyed red, handed over by the imperial hand.

[The text is given.] It gives the customary fee to the protospatharios of the basilikoi, 6; to the praipositos, 6. The fifth is the dignity of the candidati, the badge of which is a golden maniakion with three combs [knobs], hanging down to the sternum, bestowed by the imperial hand. It gives the customary fee to the papias and to the deuteros, 2; to the papias of the Daphne, 2; to the praipositos, 6. The sixth is the dignity of the stratores, the badge of which is a golden whip decorated with precious stones, bestowed by the emperor’s hand. It gives the customary fee to the papias and to the deuteros, 2; to the praipositos, 4. The seventh is the dignity of the hypatoi, the badge of which is an inscribed parchment, bestowed by the imperial hand. It gives the customary fee to the protoasekretes, 6; to the praipositos, 12; to the papias and to the deuteros, 6. The eighth is the dignity of the spatharioi, the badge of which is a spatha with a golden hilt, bestowed by the imperial hand. It gives the customary fee to the katepano, 6; to the domestikos of the basilikoi, 4; to the spatharioi, 12; to the papias and to the deuteros, 2. The ninth is the dignity of the spatharocandidati, the badge of which is a golden maniakion hanging loosely, decorated with that kind of gem which is called perileukios, bestowed by the imperial hand. It gives the customary fee to the papias and to the deuteros, 4; to the [official] of the katastasis, 12; to the domestikos of the basilikoi, 3; to the spatharocandidati, 12. The tenth is the dignity of the dishypatoi, the badge of which is an inscribed parchment, bestowed by the imperial hand. It gives the customary fee to the praipositos, 12; to the protoasekretes, 6; to the papias and to the deuteros, 6. The eleventh is the dignity of the protospatharioi, the badge of which is a golden collar [kloios] around the neck, decorated with precious stones, fastened by the emperor’s hand. It gives the customary fee to...

VARIOUS READINGS. 80. domestikos em. R., katedomestikos cod. and ed. 81. klyos cod. and ed.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JACOB REISKE. ...or distinguished by bulbs. For the word kombos denotes this, everything that swells, is humped, or protrudes; see Goar on Codinus, p. 49, n. 23, and p. 70, n. 20, but especially Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. s.v. (I do not think anything here needs to be changed). Just as the sigma is often omitted before kappa among the later Greeks (see remarks on p. 265), so I also think it is omitted before tau at the beginning of a word. Nor are examples lacking. Thus they say tobion for stoibe, scabiosa; trelos and trellos for streblos, curved. Nor do I doubt that more such things can be found. kopen: because the hilts of swords are long and cylindrical, they could with the best right be called cunnae; see the remarks on p. 369. (v. shortly after) or that golden torque, which, straight and rigid, would tightly encircle and surround the neck. But the torque that is "hanging loosely" [kechalasmenos] hung down somewhat over the chest below the collarbones. the later Greeks pronounce. But the ancients formed perileukios in the nominative and perileukiou in the genitive. Moreover, it is a or rather the perileukios (that is, stone), a gem tending toward whiteness, some kind of hyacinth or ruby, but the cheapest and of the most diluted color. Epiphanius on precious stones teaches in Salmasius on Pall. Tertull. p. 163, concerning the kinds of hyacinths: "The first is called thalassites, purple; the second is rhodinos; the third is natibos; the fourth, more watery than these, is called chauniaios; the fifth is perileukios"; see Du Cange Gl. Gr. s.v. is the writing, inscribed. For I think it is opposed to pure parchment, and one should not think here of painted codicilli. For codicilli were ptyktoi, diptychs, tetraptychs, polyptychs, but the parchment, or chartes, was syneiletos, rollable. I hardly think such parchments were accustomed to be painted, since the Greek writers of the Middle Ages mention nothing about that matter. kloios, according to their custom of interchanging v and or. Whoever it was who had superscribed "klaios" on the parchments, and "peritrachelion desmos" in the margin, had also wanted "kloios"; see Suidas s.v. and the learned man on Euripides' Cyclops, where it is also used comically of a man, which is commonly thought to be only for dogs. Whence Lucian also imitated it in the Apology: "To offer oneself to be dragged and carried, just as if bound by some golden collar around the neck." Nicetas also seized upon it, an affecter of unusual speech, bk. vi of Manuel Comnenus, ch. 2, p. 94: "Splendid in hair, radiant in face, and binding their necks with golden collars and transparent neck-bands of bright stones and precious pearls." A kloios differs from a maniakion, in that the former, a torque, is loose, pendulous, more or less veiled, sometimes quite thin, braided or concatenated; but a kloios is a wide plate, sterba, tightly encircling the neck, as is a dog collar.

(25) With three combs, that is, knots, little balls, or bulbs. (26) It is put for sternon (for I do not think anything here needs to be changed). (27) I believe it is that which has a golden hilt. (28) This is noted with respect to the kloios. (29) It is the genitive from the nominative perileukis. Thus. (30) Parchment, in which it is written, which is filled entirely. (31) Klyos cod. Thus the recent Greeks write for...

1303 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

[capable of holding multiple bodies] of Proconnesian marble, in which lie Cosmo and Irene, sisters of Caballinus. Another of Proconnesian marble, in which is placed Leo the Khazar, son of Constantine Caballinus. Another of Proconnesian marble, in which is placed Irene, wife of Leo the Khazar. Another of green Thessalian marble, in which is placed Michael the Stammerer. Another of Sagarinian marble, in which is placed Thecla, wife of Michael the Stammerer. Another of green marble, in which is placed Theophilus the Emperor. Another small one of green marble, in which is placed Constantine, son of Theophilus. Another small one of Sagarinian marble, in which is placed Maria, daughter of Theophilus.

[Greek text: ...from Proconnesian stone, in which lie Cosmo and Irene (98), sisters of Caballinus. Another sarcophagus of green Thessalian [marble], in which lies the wife (99) of Constantine Caballinus. A *stataria* (1) of Proconnesian stones, in which lie Cosmo and Irene (2), sisters of Caballinus. Another Proconnesian sarcophagus, in which lies Leo the Khazar, son of Constantine Caballinus. Another sarcophagus of Proconnesian stone, in which lies Irene, the wife of Leo the Khazar. Another green Thessalian sarcophagus, in which lies Michael the Stammerer. Another sarcophagus of Sagarinian stone, in which lies Thecla, the wife of Michael (3) the Stammerer. Another sarcophagus of green stone, in which lies Theophilus the Emperor. Another small green sarcophagus, in which lies Constantine (4), the son of Theophilus. Another small sarcophagus of Sagarinian stone, in which lies Maria (5), daughter of Theophilus.]

Of the sarcophagi which are in the southern portico of the same temple. There are deposited the sarcophagi of Arcadius and his son, Theodosius, and Eudoxia, who was the wife of Arcadius and mother of Theodosius. Arcadius lies toward the south, Theodosius toward the north, Eudoxia toward the east. All three are of porphyritic or Roman marble.

Of the sarcophagi in the northern portico of the same temple. There is placed in a round, cylindrical sarcophagus of porphyritic or Roman color the wicked and execrable corpse of Julian the Apostate [alias 4 *arkton* (north) restored by R., *noton* (south) in codex B].

[Greek text: The portico toward the south of the same temple. In this lie the sarcophagi of Arcadius, Theodosius (6), his son, and Eudoxia, his mother. And the tomb of Arcadius is toward the south, that of Theodosius toward the north (7), and that of Eudoxia is further to the east; both are porphyry, that is, Roman. The portico toward the north of the same temple. In this portico which is toward the north lies a cylindrical sarcophagus, in which lies the wretched (8) and most profane body of Julian the Apostate.]

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE.

(98) She is the Khazara, of whom her son Leo the Khazar is said to be. Eudocia or Maria, of whom the latter was the second, the former the third wife of Caballinus; see Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.* p. 125.

(99) Before this word some name is missing, perhaps [the wife] of Constantine Caballinus.

(1) I do not find this word anywhere. As far as I have been able to conclude from the places in this chapter where it occurs, it ought to denote a repository capable of holding multiple bodies; whether that chest was divided into two, three, or four compartments by inserted shelves or similar marble partitions (see Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* v. *Bisomum*), or whether it was a structure consisting of several planks or boards parallel to each other in height, so that one chest stood in its own particular shelf above another, such as are repositories for books, in which a series of smaller books stand above larger ones, the height of the shelves increasing with the size of the books, as Keysler in his *Itinerary* testifies that the bodies of the deceased lie in the Roman and Neapolitan catacombs. That I should believe it to have been the latter is suggested by the passage which Du Cange cites in *Gloss. Gr.* v. *Statarios* from the Graeco-barbarous glosses, where *klemateren*, that is, *statarian*, is read. *Klemater* there cannot denote anything other than a support, a framework (*das Lattenwerk* or *Gerüste*), upon which vines rise on high, which they embrace with their tendrils; the poles of which are arranged and fixed one above another at certain intervals, higher and higher. They say such structures are called *ridicae* by the Latins, likewise *escharus*; whence they derive the French *échalas*, which denotes the same; see Du Cange v. *Eschara*. Indeed, such structures could easily have been called *escharae*, because, as in the *escharae* or iron grates with which a place is furnished in Belgium and elsewhere, the poles run perpendicularly and parallel to each other at certain and equal intervals. [Regarding *bisomia* or compartments, in which two bodies placed near each other were contained, see Mabillon, *Iter Italic.* p. 141.]

(2) There is no mention of these in Du Cange, *Fam. Byz.* p. 125.

(3) See Cedrenus, p. 513. *Contin. Theoph.* p. 52.

(4) Of this Constantine, born to Theophilus, there is no mention by the writers.

(5) Concerning this chest, see Cedrenus, p. 523, and Leo Grammaticus, p. 451. Cedrenus, p. 334.

(6) Namely the younger, born to Arcadius and Eudoxia; see Du Cange, *Byz.* p. 125. He nevertheless brings him forth, Du Cange, *l.l.* p. 133, and on a certain coin, on which, however, whether this very person is designated, or the brother of Michael the Drunkard, is still doubtful. For it can be gathered from the fact that Michael is shown there with an older countenance and Constantine with a younger one, that the former was the father and the latter the son.

(7) I have thus restored *arkton* (north), which was in the manuscripts, the sense and the authors AB and DC demanding it.

(8) The word *dystenos* here has the meaning which *Arabum* [sic] has, which properly indeed denotes a miserable, but frequently a wicked, impure, nefarious, dire, and accursed man. In this sense we had a little before, p. 372, *to dystenon soma* of Copronymus; and thus *dystenon soma* ought also to be taken in Cedrenus, p. 308, and in Euripides, *Hercules Furens*, v. 1346, *logoi, dystenoi* (wicked words—for the passage does not need correction), and in Theocritus XV, 31, likewise in Sophocles, *Oedipus Tyrannus*, p. 810, where the poet joins *athlia* and *deina* and *dystena*, and in Simonides in Stobaeus, *Florilegium* p. 313, ed. Grot: "The cat-natured woman, a wretched, miserable race." A wicked, calamitous race of women endowed with the nature of a cat.

1305 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1306

[Latin text:] ...instructed] handed over by the royal hand; he gives his camisium [shirt] to the master of ceremonies as a customary gift; he receives the praepositi and magistri at a banquet and presents them with garments; he gives the customary gift to the same praepositi and magistri and others to whom it is the custom to give—which we have said is given by the patricians—in double the amount that we said the patricians give. The fifteenth dignity is that of the zostē or accincta [girded] patrician, whose badge of office is ivory tablets, just as they are for the patricians, handed over by the royal hand. She gives as a customary gift to the palace clergy 24 solidi, to the deuteros the same amount, to the koitonitai three pounds [of gold], to the cubiculum and the praepositi three pounds of gold; to the praepositus of the empress’s table, as well as to the protovestiaria, the primicerissa, the koitonitissai, and the cubiculariai, she gives 2 pounds.

[Greek text:] ...handed over by the royal hand. He gives the customary gift to the [official] of the establishment, his camisium, and he dines with the praepositi and magistri, providing them also with gifts of garments. And he provides the customary gift to the praepositi and magistri and the rest, double the customary gift of the patrician. The fifteenth is the dignity of the zostē patricia, whose badge of office is ivory tablets, similar to those of the patricians, handed over by the king’s hand. She gives as a customary gift to the imperial clergy 24 [solidi], to the deuteros 24, to the koitonitai 3 pounds, to the cubiculum together with the praepositi alone 3 pounds of gold, and her sticharion to the praepositus. To the [official] of the table of the Augusta, after the protovestiaria and the primicerissa and the koitonitissai and the cubiculariai, 2 pounds. The sixteenth is the dignity of the curopalates, whose badge of office is a red tunic embroidered with gold, and a chlamys and a belt, handed over by the king’s hand in the temple of the Lord with great splendor. He gives the customary gift, double that which the magister gives, to the deuteros one pound, providing to all receptions and promotions. The seventeenth is the dignity of the nobilissimus, whose badge of office is a tunic of purple...

[Latin text:] ...handed over by the royal hand in a solemn procession in the temple of the Lord. He gives the customary gift, double that which the magister gives, to the deuteros one pound, [and] to all, gifts and promotions. The seventeenth dignity is that of the nobilissimus, whose badge of office is a tunic of purple...

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

...always, or at least sometimes, was a belt. And among the Arabs it is used in exactly the same way for an office or military service, *orpalety*. But Abulfeda at the year 230 [C. 843] narrates that al-Watschecum gave to Aschnasus a *tagjam* or *cidarin* and a double belt, which, although it must be taken materially—for he did indeed give a double belt, both of which crossed each other on the shoulders and chest—symbolically it signified that the care of both political and military affairs had been entrusted to Aschnasus. From these belts were born the cords or *prandeae*, blue, orange, red, or of other colors, with which knights of various orders are adorned, *le cordon bleu*, etc., which is to be noted. (see p. 135), in the Ottoman and Persian courts still obtaining today, so that the Sultan or the King of the Persians, to the prefects of provinces, either when they are being sent into their prefecture as a sign of investiture, or when they are being confirmed in their prefecture as a sign of benevolence and confirmation, sends a *trabea* (this happens annually to those who continue in their office), which they call *Challa*, whence our *Gala* has flowed. This *trabea* is sent by a royal messenger, who takes care to have his arrival announced to the prefect. The prefect receives him with solemn pomp outside the walls in the field of his capital, proceeding to meet the messenger with his whole retinue, dressed in a new and splendid garment. He takes this off and hands it over and gives it to the messenger, and in turn puts on the *trabea* received from him, the *Solthanica*; see Pietro della Valle IV, 26, *Ep. Itinerar.* Hence the word *Gala* itself flowed. For it signifies *ekdysis*, a garment which is taken off, not one which is put on. Which may perhaps seem strange. But it is easily conceived if the origin of the expression is looked at. When the Arabs wish to signify that someone has been affected with signal honor by some powerful prince, they say: such and such a prince took off his garment over this or that person, that is, he gave him the garment which he himself had worn on his body. Nor was that custom unknown to the Greek emperors. Nicetas certainly, p. 100 of the Venetian edition, narrates that Manuel gave his own Gallic garment, taken off his body, to the legate of the Sultan of Iconium for the sake of establishing peace: *having taken off his epithorakion garment, he gives it to him*. And such a garment worn by a prince, given to someone to whom he wished to show his benevolence, was at first called only *challa*, a garment taken off. Then, with the use and meaning expanded, every honorary garment from a prince, even if never worn by anyone, but sent and cast upon some vassal of his or a legate to him from some foreign court for the sake of honor and benevolence, was called *ekdysis*, almost as *allagia* and *mutatoria* are garments in general. For both these words denote not so much *endymata* [garments put on] as *ekdymata* [garments taken off]. That custom, therefore, about which we have explained thus far, by which the garment of him who puts on the *trabea* sent by the lord yields to him who carries the one sent by the lord, also formerly obtained in the Byzantine court, as is clear from this passage and shortly after, and with many other institutions migrated from Greece into Turkey.

...as Draudius also had written in his copy, or the scribe wrote in his own way *epididotai* for *epididontai* by a Pindaric figure, by which the singular is put for the plural; see what was said at p. 224, where *kai ap' autōn aneteilen phōs mega* is read for *aneteilan*. Nor do I doubt that this figure was once in common use in the most ancient Greek and was also worn out by other writers of a more recent age, although the more approved and, as it were, golden writers guarded themselves against it. Malalas certainly did not abstain from it, who [writes] p. 161: *en tē polei synallagai Rōmaiōn kai Ounnōn*, in that city there were, were intervening, the commercial exchanges of the Romans and Huns; where Chilmead is in vain attempting to change it. He was certainly silent at p. 210, where it is read: *hina gar autō apokrisin hypo tou autōn basileōs*. Likewise *ēn* for *ēsan* is held by Sophocles, *Trachiniae* 529, where see the Schol. But there will be those to whom this contracted form seems to be for the complete *ēsan*, as *michthen* for *michthesan* and similar things in Homer.

...to promote; see Du Cange v. *Anabatrum*. But how could the curopalates give promotions? Certainly not among the officials of the court, but in his own ministry, in his private household, pertaining to his own disposition. Cf. p. 412.

843] narrates that al-Watschecum gave to Aschnasus (40) It is a custom which we have already touched upon elsewhere in these notes (41) The membranes [read] *epididotai*. Read either *epididontai*, (42) Promotions, from *anabibazō*, to a higher place.

1307 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1308

gold-threaded, and the chlamys and the splendid belt are handed over with pomp in the temple of the Lord by the emperor. He gives the same customary gift as the curopalates. The eighteenth dignity is that of Caesar, almost equal to the imperial majesty. The prize is a crown, but without the figure of a cross, placed upon the head of the one being honored by royal hands in the temple of the Lord. He gives the same customary gift as the nobilissimus. Customs of piety.

But he who has become the supreme emperor in his own right gives one hundred pounds of gold to the great holy church of God, and the same amount to the entire senate, to those inscribed in the bedchamber, and to the others; and various thousands of miliaresia to each military order and body of officials. To the praepositi, however, he gives in particular offices and the power to commend their own family members and ministers to the dignities they might seek, and the praepositi themselves are promoted to the offices they request. The minor or junior emperor gives only half of these.

418 Of these dignities which we have enumerated, there are five that are attributed to the senate, namely: those of the ex-prefects, the silentiarii, the vestitores, the consuls, and the iterum consules; the others remain deposited in the royal codices [so that the basilici may be able to attain them]. Those, however, which are obtained by the sole edict of the emperor by the worthy, with authority over their inferiors, are sixty in number. These, as we have said, are given by word, and thus they are also easily taken away again and pass from one to another. The first and greatest of these was established by our Christ-loving emperor Leo, that of the basileopator; the second is...

C JOAN. JAC. HEISKIUS COMMENTARY

...for the rector, the master of the sacred offices, the Curopalates, the patricians counted more among the basilici than among the syncretici, even though these constituted the greatest and most important part of the sacred senate? And conversely, why were the vestitores, to whom there was absolutely no access to the senate, listed among the senators? The silentiarii belonged to the senate almost as ministers and as apparitors. The ex-prefects, the Hypati, and the Anthypati merely filled its crowd. And yet these are called syncretici, while those, like the gods of the greater nations, the princes of the senate, are removed from it? There are many things in the constitution of the nobles and the dignities of the Constantinopolitan court which I do not explain, and this very Cletorologium, although it illustrates this subject excellently, often deserts us and casts us more into darkness. Does it mean to say that those five dignities which it names receive stipends from the senate and belong to the codices of the senate, while the rest are referred to the royal codices and receive salaries from their own court? But I do not see the reason for this either.

...the name and dignity of Basileopator came to be. For although the first Constantinopolitan emperors had their own *pateres basileos*, and Cedrenus (p. 595) calls Arsenius *patrobasileus* of Theodosius the Younger, he nevertheless confuses the times and imputes a name known in his own age to those ancient ones to whom it was unknown. Those *pateres tou basileos* of the Theodosian age were different from the *patrobasileis* or *basileopatores* instituted by Leo the Wise. Formerly, all patricians were called fathers of the emperor. But the Basileopator was only one and of eminent dignity, and this name was almost never given except to those whose daughters were Augustae, the wives of the reigning emperor; from which it happened that such basileopatores had great power in the administration of the empire, and especially if the sons-in-law were still quite young or unwarlike, they would seize all authority for themselves. In the eleventh century, the Atabeks were becoming famous in the oriental courts, so that certain principal families derived their name from them; see D'Herbelot, *Biblioth. Orient.*, s.v. Atabekian. It is clear that, like many other institutions, this dignity also was derived from the Byzantine court to the oriental ones. The first founders of these families of Atabeks, or the first and *kyrios* so-called Atabeks, were all fathers-in-law of young Muhammadan princes and at the same time their tutors, but under the name and guise of tutelage they would strip their sons-in-law and wards of all authority, often also of their lives, and invade their goods. A nearly similar case was that of Romanus Lecapenus, who, not content with the honor of Basileopator, not only arrogated to himself the honors of Augustus, but also bestowed them upon his sons, and would have gladly removed our Constantine from his place and rank if fortune had favored him. Nicephorus Phocas, however, and John Tzimisces, although they were tutors of Basil and Constantine, the sons of Romanus, since they were not their fathers-in-law, were not called basileopatores. There is, however, something that disturbs our discussion not a little, namely, that the dignity of Basileopator is referred to among those which can be taken away from the possessor and conferred upon another. But how can the father-in-law of an Augustus not be what he is, and how can such a great honor be transferred to another, since it was not permitted for the emperor to change wives frequently at will? It certainly happened, however rarely, that upon the death of the Augusta, he who had been the basileopator ceased to be so.

(43) Understand *choro*, unless you prefer to read *tois*. (44) I confess I do not understand this passage. Why... (45) It is truly and correctly handed down that Leo was the first...

1309 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1310

the dignity proclaimed by the Emperor; second, the dignity of the rector (46); third, the dignity of the syncellus (47); fourth, the dignity of the strategos of the Anatolics (48); fifth, the dignity of the domestic of the schools (49); sixth, the dignity of the strategos of the Armeniacs; seventh, the dignity of the strategos of the Thracesians; eighth, the dignity of the count of the opsikion; ninth, the dignity of the strategos of the Bucellarians;

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE

had been, and another would succeed in his place, namely, the one whose daughter the Augustus would take in a second marriage. See Du Cange, s.v. *basileopatōr*, and "Father of the Emperor," and what we discussed above on p. 7 regarding the patricians. Since our Philotheus has woven this catalog of court dignities, it seemed appropriate to collect in this place what we had to note regarding each of them.

[Regarding the rector:] I have nothing to add to the diligence of Du Cange, what I might say about the rector, except this one thing: that this was not an ecclesiastical dignity, as V.D. thought, nor was it bestowed only upon men of the sacred order. For it is clear both from our codex and from those very authors whom Du Cange cited, that the rector handled matters that were not sacred, but civil, and was sometimes prefect in leading armies, which, among the Greeks at least, was always considered alien to a man of the sacred order and highly indecorous. Indeed, among the Latins, there were those called rectors of churches, who are the same as today’s curators (*les curés*), and rectors of the patrimony of St. Peter from the clerical order, whom the supreme pontiff was accustomed to send into the provinces to collect the denarii of Peter and transmit them to Rome. But it is clear that the rectors of the Byzantine court were far removed from such minute cares and offices, from the fact that after the *basileopatōr* they immediately held rank before the syncellus, the strategoi, the masters, and all the patricians. On p. 421, after both masters and before the syncellus of Rome and Naples, they are placed; on p. 14, they are listed before the praepositi of the sacred bedchamber and in the retinue of the sacred bedchamber, so that it is evident they were eunuchs.

Nevertheless, not a little weight is added to the opinion of Du Cange, who considers this dignity ecclesiastical, by the fact that all those rectors whom he cites in the aforementioned place, before they were promoted to that dignity, were either monks or clerics; likewise, the fact that they held rank before the syncellus, the coadjutor of the patriarch. I would believe they were directors or confessors of the Augustus's conscience, if the custom of confessing of the Greek church were not different from the Latin church. Certainly, it is nowhere read that the emperor ever confessed his sins, or used any counselor in sacred matters other than the patriarch. Furthermore, in clear words, Scylitzes, p. 781, says that a certain Nicephorus, a eunuch, after he had repudiated the priestly state for the love of worldly splendor, was honored by Constantine Monomachus with the dignity of rector and sent to the East to conduct the command of the militia. The same argument also overturns the conjecture that the rector was the head of the palatine clergy, and as it were their patriarch; for, as far as I know, it is nowhere read that the rector had any communion with sacred matters. See also *Cellulanus*.

Du Cange, a man of most learned and stupendous diligence and reading, leaves me almost nothing to add to what they have. What the syncelli were is debated. To me, indeed, they seem to have been coadjutors and vicars of the bishops, who, when they were absent from their sees or ill, would perform their duties. They sometimes succeeded to the place of the bishops, though not always. Memorable is the passage of Zonaras, which I cannot pass over without observation, p. 204: "For as the syncellus of the deceased patriarch is substituted in his place, so also the Sherif succeeds the deceased Caliph." What Zonaras reports here about the Sherif is an entirely nonsensical fabrication. I easily believe, indeed, that some Sherif was sent to Constantinople by Toghrulbek, or Thangrol Bek, or Tangrolipia, as the Greeks pronounce it, to Constantine Monomachus for the sake of reconciling peace. For at that time the grace and authority of the Sherifs was great in the Bagdad court, and especially three Sherifs are mentioned by Abulfeda, the Nakibs or Generals of the rest of their kin—that is, of the Alid Sherifs—throughout the entire East: two brothers, Sherif Radhi, a man of excellent talent and an egregious poet, who died in the year of Christ 1015, and Sherif ol Mortadhi, who died in A.C. 1044, and finally the son of the one named in the first place, Abu Hamed Adnan, who died in A.C. 1057, and whom I conjecture was sent to Constantinople. But the relationship of the Sherifs with the Caliph was very different from the relationship of the syncelli with the patriarchs. All the Caliphs were Sherifs by birth, and all their kin were likewise Sherifs. That word denotes *hyperchonta* or *archonta*, a noble, as you might say *Infante* in Spanish or *Prince* in French. And these were indeed Abbasid Sherifs, originating from Abbas, the paternal uncle of Muhammad, whose head was repeatedly the reigning Caliph. Furthermore, all those of the family of Ali, who was the son-in-law of Muhammad, were also Sherifs. They had their Nakib or Captain or General, one in Bagdad, who commanded them throughout the East, another in Cairo, who was their rector and protector in Egypt. But these Nakibs had nothing in common with the Caliph by reason of their office, except that they belonged to his court; and according to the times and the men, they participated more or less in the administration of affairs. Just as the syncelli were the principal part of the patriarchal council, so indeed the Sherifs were also among the counselors of the Caliphs, but not the principal and intimate ones, unless perhaps one or another of them enjoyed the fortune of pleasing the Caliph. But the Caliphs were not placed at their side as presumptive successors, nor as coadjutors and vicars, as the syncelli were to the patriarchs. The power of the Caliphs also pertained not only to sacred but also to civil matters. Successors were not designated while they were alive; nor was the kingdom hereditary, but elective. Also, upon the death of a Caliph, a new one was substituted for him at the will of the nobles; nevertheless, the Nakib of the Abbasid Sherifs of the Alids, of whom Zonaras undoubtedly speaks, could indeed, as one of the nobles, also cast his own vote in the election of the Caliph and was always used in such deliberation; but he himself could not aspire to the dignity of Caliph. For his family was excluded from that rank in perpetuity.

[Regarding the strategoi:] In those ages, they were the same as those who were once proprætors and proconsuls in the provinces, namely, prefects of the provinces and judges of the law in civil as well as military matters, masters of the soldiers and at the same time governors of the cities. The one mentioned here was the prince of all the strategoi, and not of one theme, like the others, but the supreme leader of all the Orientals, as one who enjoyed the authority of creating other leaders, which the others lacked. Theophanes calls him *stratēgon tēs Eōas pasēs* (strategos of the entire East) on p. 110. [In Anastasius Bibliothecarius, the "strategos of the East" occurs.] See note 78, col. 128 above.

[Regarding the domestics:] ...were more familiar to the princes and therefore were deputed to conduct his affairs. Hence it happened that a domestic was called a legate or commissioner. Therefore, a domestic of the schools is the same as a legate of the schools, who, sent by the emperor, presides over the schools, *archōn*, *proēgoumenos*, to whom the care of the schools is entrusted. Now, the schools are the same as cohorts, and indeed, the schools that are designated here were seven...

(46) I have nothing after Du Cange's *Glossarium Graecum* on this word. (47) He has much on the syncelli in both Glossaries on this word. (48) Understand "of the." The strategoi in later times were the same as... (49) They once called those "domestics" who were more familiar to the princes and were therefore deputed to conduct his affairs.

1311 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1312

10 Strategos of Cappadocia; 11 Strategos of Charsianon; 7th, the dignity of the Strategos of the Thracesians; 8th, that of the Count of the Opsikion; 9th, that of the Strategos of the Boukellarioi; 12 Strategos of Colonia; 13 Strategos of Paphlagonia; 14 Strategos of Thrace; 15 Strategos of Macedonia; 16 Strategos of Chaldia; 17 Domestic of the Excubitors; 18 Prefect of the City; 19 Strategos of the Peloponnese; 20 Strategos of Nicopolis; 21 Strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots; 22 Strategos of Greece; 23 Strategos of Sicily; 24 Strategos of the Strymon; 25 Strategos of Cephalenia; 26 Strategos of Thessalonica; 27 Strategos of Dyrrhachium; 28 Strategos of Samos; 29 Strategos of the Aegean Sea; 30 Strategos of Dalmatia; 31 Strategos of Cherson [or the Tauric Chersonese]; 32 Sacellarios; 33 Logothete of the General [or public treasury]; 34 Quaestor; 35 Logothete of the Military [or military affairs]; 36 Drungarios of the Watch; 37 Logothete of the Dromos [or public post]; 38 Drungarios of the Ploima [or fleet]; 39 Protospatharios of the Imperials; 40 Logothete of the Herds; 41 Domestic of the Hicanatoi; 42 Domestic of the Numeri; 43 Domestic of the Optimatoi; 44 Count of the Walls; 45 Chartularios of the Sacellion; 46 Chartularios of the Vestiary; 47 Chartularios of the Canicleion; 48 Protostrator; 49 Protoasecretis; 50 Representative of the Themes; 51 Count of the Stable; 52 Of the Idikon [or prefect of the private purse]; 53 Grand Curator; 54 Curator of the Mangana of the palace so-called; 55 Master of Petitions or of suppliant libels; 56 Nutritor of the Orphans; 57 Demarch of the Venetians; 58 Demarch of the Greens; 59 Ceremoniar; 60 Domestic of the Basilikoi. These are the dignities honored at this time under the Emperor Leo [8. given in honor]. These dignities return to seven classes: the first of the strategoi; the second of the domestics; the third of the judges; the fourth of the secretikoi; the fifth of the demarchs or masters of the factions; the sixth of the stratarchs or military tribunes; the seventh of the idikoi or special ones.

[Greek text list: 7th, the dignity of the Strategos of the Thracesians; 8th, that of the Count of the Opsikion; 9th, that of the Strategos of the Boukellarioi; 10th, that of the Strategos of Cappadocia; 11th, that of the Strategos of Charsianon; 12th, that of the Strategos of Colonia; 13th, that of the Strategos of Paphlagonia; 14th, that of the Strategos of Thrace; 15th, that of the Strategos of Macedonia; 16th, that of the Strategos of Chaldia (50); 17th, the dignity of the Domestic of the Excubitors (51); 18th, the dignity of the Prefect of the City; 19th, that of the Strategos of the Peloponnese; 20th, that of the Strategos of Nicopolis; 21st, that of the Strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots; 22nd, that of the Strategos of Greece; 23rd, that of the Strategos of Sicily; 24th, that of the Strategos of the Strymon; 25th, that of the Strategos of Cephalenia; 26th, that of the Strategos of Thessalonica; 27th, that of the Strategos of Dyrrhachium; 28th, that of the Strategos of Samos; 29th, that of the Strategos of the Aegean Sea; 30th, that of the Strategos of Dalmatia; 31st, that of the Strategos of Cherson; 32nd, that of the Sacellarios; 33rd, that of the Logothete of the General; 34th, the dignity of the Quaestor; 35th, that of the Logothete of the Military; 36th, that of the Drungarios of the Watch; 37th, the dignity of the Logothete of the Dromos; 38th, that of the Drungarios of the Ploima; 39th, that of the Protospatharios of the Imperials; 40th, that of the Logothete of the Herds; 41st, that of the Domestic of the Hicanatoi; 42nd, that of the Domestic of the Numeri; 43rd, that of the Domestic of the Optimatoi; 44th, that of the Count of the Walls; 45th, that of the Chartularios of the Sacellion; 46th, that of the Chartularios of the Vestiary; 47th, that of the Chartularios of the Canicleion; 48th, that of the Protostrator; 49th, the dignity of the Protoasecretis; 50th, that of the Representative of the Themes (52); 51st, that of the Count of the Stable; 52nd, that of the Idikos; 53rd, that of the Grand Curator; 54th, that of the Curator of the Mangana (53); 55th, that of the Petitions; 56th, that of the Orphanotrophos; 57th, that of the Demarch of the Venetians; 58th, that of the Demarch of the Greens.]

JOAN. JAG. REISKE COMMENTARY. Scholarii, Excubitores, Hicanati, and Numeri. How they differed, what duties and stations each had, to which of these the spatharii, candidati, spatharocandidati and the like belonged, whether such existed in each of these four tagmata, or only in the scholarii, and other such things is not clear, and it would be superfluous to inquire into such things.

[Regarding] the soldiers of the palace, not so much pompous ones, as those truly serving and accompanying and protecting the emperor at home and abroad. You may gather, however, from p. 313 compared with p. 414, that the scholae and the themes or provincial legions are the same; so that therefore the Domestic of the Scholae can signify the same as the Master of the Legions or of the soldiers. I think the former is more correct, however. Because these domestics, being men of high rank and great authority, and greater than the strategoi of the individual provinces themselves, and in rank next to the Strategos of the East, had sometimes commanded forces in the East with supreme authority, and had inflicted the greatest disasters upon the Saracens, whereby the name of domestic also became famous among the Arab historians: from this it happened that they believed, falsely persuaded, that a domestic was so called because he presided over the East as a legate of the Emperor of Constantinople: "The name of Domestic among them (the Romans) belongs to everyone who presides over the Greek dominion situated to the east of the Propontis." The Chaldi and Cordi or Curti, Gordyaei, are the same. Soranzo and Leunclavius claim that Kurdistan is today called Kelgan by the Arabs. Perhaps they report correctly and perhaps the Arabs are accustomed to do so today. In the books of the Arabs, however, they are always called al-Curd or Cord and al-Acrad. Meanwhile, the Chaldi below Trapezus and the Curdi situated between Mesopotamia and Parthia seem to be the same people, and the mountains of both to be one ridge.

(50) The Chaldi are those who were called Chalybes by the ancients. (51) There were four tagmata of the palace militia: (52) I think he was one who represented entire legions, in their place and name would speak before the emperor, conduct their cases, and bring their petitions to the emperor; a legate, patron, syndic, orator of the soldiers. (53) Does he correctly divide the mangana into two different things, into the palace or curatoria founded by Basil the Macedonian, as it is said, and into the buildings in which public machines were kept? I would not say so [The Mangana or the new house is the work of the Emperor Basil. His Life, ch. 60]. Which he is said to have built with the intention that he might have from it revenues and expenses for the banquets which, according to custom, he had to provide for his courtiers annually at certain and fixed periods, not wishing to consume the public treasury, formed from the tributes of his subjects, for his own private uses and those of his people "of those called by him every year"; see Goar on Codinus, p. 116, n. 15, and on Cedrenus, p. 618. Banduri, p. 606. But what if the mangana were such a house in the Byzantine port, as is, for example, the "Stadhuis" at Amsterdam?

1313 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1314

[The last is the solitary class (for single men, not more, holding the individual dignities which that class comprises).] To the class of the strategoi or magistrates of the field army belong twenty-six ranks or titles: the strategos of the Anatolikon, of the Armeniakon, of the Thracesion, of the Opsikion, of the Bucellariorum, of Cappadocia, of Charsianon, of Colonia, of Paphlagonia, of Thrace, of Macedonia, of Chaldia. And these strategeiai are indeed numbered among the Eastern themes. To the Western ones belong the strategos of the Peloponnese, of Nicopolis, of the Cibyrrhæotai, of Greece, of Sicily, of the Strymon, of Cephalonia, of Thessalonica, of Dyrrachium, of Samos, of the Aegean Sea, of Dalmatia, of Cherson, and the representatives of the Schools. The classes of the domestikoi or magistrates of the palatine ceremonial army make up seven: the domestikos of the Schools, the domestikos of the Excubitors, the droungarios of the Watch, the domestikos of the Hikanatoi, the domestikos of the Numeri, the domestikos of the Optimatoi, the domestikos of the Walls; all of whom are called officials. To the number of the judges or nobles deputed for the administration of justice belong three: the eparch of the city, the quaestor, and the master of petitions. The class of the secretikoi, or those who have charge of the archives of every kind, makes up eleven: the sakellarios, the logothete of the General (Treasury) and of the Military, and of the Dromos, the chartulary of the sakellion, the chartulary of the vestiarion, the protoasecretis, the prefect of the special (treasury), the great curator, the prefect of the manganon, and the orphanotrophos. The class of the democratai or factional magistrates exhibits only two: the demarch of the Veneti and the demarch of the Prasinoi. To the stratarchai or inferior and collateral military magistrates belong five: the hetaireiarches, the droungarios of the fleet, the logothete of the herds, the protospatharios of the imperial (bodyguard), the count of the stable. Finally, there are seven who look to the special solitary dignities, or those held by one man, not more: the basileopator, the rector, the syncellus, the chartulary of the canicleion, the protostrator, the (official) of the katastasis, the domestikos of the imperial (household).

The dignities which we have mentioned are also accustomed to be called offices, and they are diverse according to their reason and the order of the procession of each one, and these are also called offices.

JOAN. JAG. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. [Ilaetschaus, where ropes, anchor, iron, lead, pitch, beams, war engines, etc., whatever is necessary for equipping a ship and fleet, lie and are kept as in a storehouse; and at the same time there was a toll-house, where customs and duties on entering and exiting goods were received. Curators were indeed formerly called receivers of customs, and such a tribunal, in which duties were received, was called a curatoria; see Muratori, vol. 11, Ant. Ital., p. 28. Military officials are to be called in the Frankish tongue. Officials are those who are in office with a prince or some other major magistrate, that is, in service, domestics, apparitors, who await his command to go somewhere, to execute something. These were always armed, so that they could compel those who might dare to oppose the commands of the prince. Greek-Latin Glossary: taxiotes, official apparitor; and Du Cange on this word, and what we just said about domestics; the same, p. 415.]

(54) It appears from this whence the custom of the magistrates originated.

1315 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1316

They are subdivided into three classes: namely, tagmatic (or ordinal, cohortal, garrison), thematic (or legionary or provincial), and syncletic, or men of the senatorial order. Under the disposition of the strategos of the Orientals, there are eleven different dignities, following in rank as follows: tourmarch; meriarchs; count of the cortis; chartulary of the theme; domestic of the theme; drungary of the bands or standards; counts of the bands; centarch of the spatharioi; count of the hetaireia; protocancellarius; protomandator. Under the domestic of the schools, however, there are ten different dignities subject to him in rank or under his disposition; the first rank is held by the topoteretes or lieutenant; 2, counts of the schools; 3, chartulary; 4, domestics; 5, proheximus or proximus [of the domestics]; 6, protectores; 7, eutychiophoroi, or those who carry the signs of fortune or victory; 8, sceptrophoroi, or those carrying scepters or standards; 9, axiomatici or the honored; 10, mandatores. To the strategos of the Armeniacs and to all the remaining strategoi in succession, all the same offices are subject and subordinate that we have just said are under the disposition of the strategos of the Orientals, in exactly the same order as those, with the only exception that for the naval strategoi, centarchs and protocaraboi are added. Under the domestic of the excubitors, nine types of dignities are subordinated, such as topoteretai, chartularies, scribones, protomandatores, draconarii, skeuophoroi, singoroi, sinatores, and mandatores. Under the eparch of the city, fourteen types of dignities are subordinated, such as symponos, logothete of the praetorium, judges of the regions.

VARIOUS READINGS. JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY.

[Meriarchs.] What the turma was among the cavalry, the moira or mora, the maniple, was almost the same among the infantry. [Count of the cortis.] Every strategos had his own cortis or praetorium, or in stationary camps and cities, a house, or in the field, a tent. Wherever the strategos acted, there was his cortis. To prepare, lead, and instruct this with the necessary equipment, if he were in a city, to be erected or struck; to transport the tent, if in the camps, pertained to the count of the cortis of the strategos. [Chartulary of the theme.] He compiled the accounts of the revenues and expenses of his legion and took care that the necessary annonary supplies were at hand. [Domestic of the theme.] He seems to have been the legate of the strategos of the theme, who would execute his commissions and act in his place when absent. [Drungary of the bands and counts of the bands.] The difference is not clear. Perhaps the former were what we today call lieutenants, while the latter were what we call corporals. [Centurion of the spatharioi.] The strategos of the spatharioi shows that every strategos led with him a century of spatharioi, that is, of ceremonial soldiers and protectors of the Roman nation, who accompanied him as he proceeded, either on foot if he was on foot, or on horseback if he was on horseback, carrying naked swords supported on their shoulders. By this difference in the nation’s equipment—namely, the swords—they distinguished themselves from the other class of protectors, namely, from the Hetaireia or Hetaireis, who were foreigners and carried axes or other weapons, each according to their own national custom. [Protocancellarius.] He was the master of the cancellarii or ushers or admissionales. For they stood at the cancelli and curtains, which they opened and closed for those being admitted to the strategos and those being sent out. [Protomandator.] He was the master of the mandata, who were deputed to carry mandates, that is, the signals of the strategos to the emperor, and the orders to the legion. [Proximus.] A deputy from the rank of domestics, their vicar and presumptive successor. [Eutychiophoroi.] For eutychiophoroi, as below [there is] deisographoi for deroppo; see the remarks on p. 332. Therefore, there were signs of victory and scepters proper to the scholarii, but dragons—another type of standard well enough known—to the excubitors, since a little later in this place, in the office of the domestic of the excubitors, draconarii are mentioned. [Axiomatici.] New. For all, whatever office or dignity they were endowed with, were axiomatici or honorary. Are these, therefore, the same as those designated here as the [Greek text], as they are called on p. 420, those who preside over the axiomata? But the axiomata in that place are the fees, the customs, which were paid by those recently promoted or honored according to a tax, as is gathered from the words immediately following: "who also collect the axiomata from those receiving the dignities." No reason, however, appears why these should pertain to the office of the domestic of the schools more than to another. [Sceptrophoroi.] A general name for all standards. Here, however, and elsewhere, they are set down as different, [Greek text] and [Greek text] and the remaining types of standards. Therefore, they must have been a peculiar type of them. What if, therefore, those designated here as [Greek text] carried trophies on their spears, that is, the whole apparatus, [Greek text], of a soldier? I, for one, have no doubt that trophies were also carried among the military standards, since nothing is more becoming to a soldier, nothing is of more auspicious omen to him, than a trophy, and I am firmly persuaded that the military standard is the trophy-bearer, which is seen held in the right hand by Victory on the coin of Constantine in Du Cange, Famil. Byz. p. 17. See the remarks to be made on p. 370.

1317 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1318 [...], *episkeptetai* (61), *protokankellarioi* (62), *kenturion*, *epoptai* (63), *exarchoi* (64), *geitoniarchai*... Let them have under them centarchs or centurions and *pro-tocaraboi* or *naucleroi*, the governors of ships.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ...shows, although the same meanings for both words might suggest otherwise. But in what matter they were distinct, and what the province of each was and by what limits it was circumscribed, you could not easily say. As far as I can conjecture, the *episkopoi* and *episkeptetai* were *curiosi* (inspectors), and the same as the *Almutasaf* of the Saracens in Andalusia. Their duty was to provide that bread and other rationed goods were sold as sound and at just weight and measure; to inspect public and private buildings to see if they were leaning or collapsing; to ensure sufficient precautions against fires; to restrain thieves; to enter houses and extract stolen goods from there; to see that those who were to be sent into exile were deported; and if any disturbances occurred in the streets and squares, and the populace was agitated and running about, to signal this and repress it. Unless, perhaps, we are extending the limits of one magistracy too far and attributing to it a part of the jurisdiction that belonged to the *magistri vicorum* (masters of the districts). The *epoptai*, however, seem to have concerned themselves only with accounts and were perhaps the same as the *exetastai* (examiners) or the *exisotai* (equalizers). Pancirolus, in *De Magistratibus Municipalibus* (ch. 13), dealt with the bishops of cities and their duties, thinking that the care of justice in the sale of victuals pertained to them. See Aristophanes, *Birds*, v. 1024. Without a doubt, these were formerly called *frumentarii* (grain officers). When that name was abolished, they were subsequently called *curiosi* and *opinatores* (estimators), because they curiously went about all the markets and bakeries, inspected them, and *opinabantur*—that is, they appraised and judged the salable provisions, whether they were sound, and the military provisions, which they were required to exact, whether they were satisfactory (see Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 265). And since, by acting in this way, they could not help but observe and hear if any new matters were being agitated and tumultuous rumors were being spread, as they were moving about in the dense crowd of the common people, it came about that the observation, repression, and reporting to superiors of secret meetings, seditions, and gatherings also fell under the care of the *curiosi*. That it was also their duty to lead away those to be deported into exile and to remove them from the city is clear from Du Cange, s.v. *Kouriosos*. Therefore, I conjecture that these *frumentarii* and *curiosi*, by reason of both observations—that of grain as well as that of seditions—were similar to the *episkeptetai*, the so-called visitors, from the fact that below on p. 416, the *episkeptetai* are said to be under the *rationalis* (accountant) of the flocks, whose office surely could have been nothing other than to explore whether the livestock destined for the slaughterhouse were healthy, whether the rationed goods were sound, and whether they were present in sufficient supply. And on p. 417, other *episkeptetai*, together with other officials of the imperial estates, are said to be under the *rationalis* of the private property. Without a doubt, it was after the example of these visitors that the Andalusian Arabs called those urban magistrates of theirs *Mutasephi* or *Almutasephi*, whose duty it was to investigate thefts and assert them, to weigh bread, and to measure wine; see Du Cange, s.v. *Almundacaphi* (in which spelling the *c* should be pronounced as *s*) and *Almutazaphi*. If, however, anyone thinks that the *episkeptetai* were the same as our so-called visitors, who are stationed at the city gates and inspect baskets laden with salable goods and chests of merchandise that are carried in freight wagons, and record everything in ledgers, I have no way to refute him. In general, it is impossible that, with the names of magistrates signifying almost the same thing and containing nothing that distinctively expresses the duty and jurisdiction of each, the differences and reasons can be clearly and truly defined. To those living in that age when this book was written, all those things were known from daily usage, and they had no need for a solicitous exposition of the scope of each magistrate’s jurisdiction; but for us, with usage and the teacher missing, this obscure business cannot but be obscure. ...or the prefect of the city’s doorkeepers, who would admit and dismiss, with the doors opened, those who had to stand before the prefect. The centurion seems to have been the commander of the military *tagma* (regiment) which the prefect had around him for the sake of guarding his person, a matter about which I have no doubt. The *exarchoi* were perhaps those who, in the name and on behalf of the city prefect, announced his commands to those to whom they pertained and executed them. I have rendered them as vicars; we certainly have the *vicarioi* of the prefect below on p. 446, where the *gitoniarchai* or masters of the districts are also numbered, as well as two *protokankellarioi* and four *epoptai*. The *nomikoi* were legal experts who assisted the prefect when he was administering justice and suggested points of law. The *bullotai* or *bullatores* seem to have been the same as the imperial public notaries, who would draw up contracts and testaments and seal them with the imperial bull, who would affix seals to the mandates of the city prefect that were to be publicly posted, and who would affix seals to houses and goods confiscated by the treasury. The *prostates* are, in my view, advocates, patrons of causes, defending those who cannot plead their own cases. The *parathalassios* was the *curiosus* of the shore mentioned in the Novel of Theodosius and Valentinian regarding fiscal tributes, who inspected merchandise brought in by ships and to be exported, collected the tax, seized confiscated ships and merchandise, and saw to it that merchandise was brought into the public granary. Pancirolus (loc. cit.) makes them the same, and indeed it is read in the *Nomikoi* Glosses: *Epoptes* is called *an inspector*; see Du Cange, s.v. *Inspector*. However, because *inspectores* and *peraequatores* (equalizers) are distinguished in Title 58, Law 11 of the Justinian Code regarding censuses, censors, equalizers, and inspectors, and by our author the *epoptai* and the *exisotai* are distinguished, they must be different, although they seem to have been related. Perhaps, therefore, they were distinguished in such a way that the *epoptai*—visitors, inspectors, estimators—inspected, opined, arbitrated, or appraised estates, houses, and the resources of citizens; but the *exisotai* made the partition of tributes among individual heads fairly and justly, and if lands were perishing or if the owners had perished or had become unable to pay, they redistributed the tributes among the neighbors, recorded them in ledgers, and exacted them. *Epoptia* is certainly the inspection and estimation of resources in Theophanes, p. 411, and Cedrenus, pp. 480, 590. *Exisosis*, or equalization, was formerly called the tribute which... in some matter and as if leading a chorus, the emperor; or he is a vicar, a commissioner, ruling in the name of another. In the former sense, Theophanes calls Abulabbas *exarchos* of the Arabs on p. 357, and on p. 99, someone is called *strategos* and *exarchos* of the fleet; although there, too, it could with equal right be rendered as one who commanded the fleet in the place of the emperor; likewise on p. 149, *exarchos* of the tyranny, the author and leader of the rebellion; on p. 337, he names Pepin *prooikos* and *exarchos* of all affairs and of the Frankish nation, where it is doubtful whether it signifies a prince, or a vicar of the king, or a regent. The same author combines on p. 125 *strategos* or *exarchos* of the East in one man, who was the *strategos* of the East and exercising authority there in the name of the emperor. Such *exarchoi* were those famous ones of Ravenna, with whom the *exarchoi* commemorated here had nothing in common but the name. For those were vicars of the emperors; these seem to have performed the duties of city prefects in certain matters; see what was said a little earlier.

(61) That these were different from the *epoptai*, this passage shows. (62) They seem to have been the *primicerii* of the chancellors. (63) These, with the *exisotai*, the equalizers... (64) *Exarchos* is either a prince, one who makes a beginning...

1319 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1320 To the Domestic of the Excubitors are subject nine different dignities: topoteretæ, chartularii, scribones, protomandatores, draconarii, sceuophori [or bearers of the staves with trophies], signiferi, senators, and mandatores. To the Eparch or Prefect of the City are subject fourteen different offices: symponis or adjutor or assessor; logothetes or commentariensis of the praetorium; judges of the regions of the city; episceptats [or bishops, that is, inspectors and arbiters of the grain sold in the market]; protocancellarii; centurio; JOAN. JAC. REISKE: that which is paid for the head and for one’s fortunes is evident from the fact that the Arabs, having undoubtedly taken the example from the Greeks, call such a tribute *tahdyl*, an equalization. Boivin, in his notes to Nicephorus Gregoras, p. 57, Venetian edition, states that those who redeemed the royal rights and other revenues of princes to be collected at a certain fixed price were called by the Latin writers of the middle and late ages *peræquatores*, *recuperatores*, and even *descriptores*, and by the Greeks *exisōtai*, *epoptai*, and *anagrapheis*. Therefore, the learned man considered all these to be the same. But I fear he confuses the *epoptai* with the *telōnai*. To me, indeed, they seem to be the same as those whom Dio Cassius calls *tous tas timēseis egkecheirismenous* in Salmasius, vol. I, *Scriptor. Hist. Aug.*, p. 105, but there the great man confuses the *genikoi* and the *epoptai*. Not very different are those who in the age of Justinian were called *tractatores*, *praetores*, and *vindices*; the latter because they vindicated, that is, forcibly exacted and compelled the payment of, the census and tributes; the former because they handled the accounts of the public census; and the *chartularii*, who recorded the assessments imposed on each person. Concerning whom there is a notable passage in Cyril of Scythopolis in Alemannus’s notes to Procopius, p. 100, also cited passim by Du Cange in his *Glossary* under both *Episcopatia* and *Tractatores and Vindices*. Finally, *epoptēs* is also found for an executioner. This comes from the Latin *speculator* or *spiculator*, which the Greeks render as *epoptēs*, *apokephalizōn*, *dēmios*. But now I do not think the reading of the manuscripts *boulōtai* should be disturbed. They seem to designate those who were required to imprint imperial bulls or seals with sacred forms and have that work; just as imperial public notaries are accustomed to do, as well as those who seal stamped paper (*Stempelpapier*, *papier de timbre*). In the Middle Ages, they were called *applumbarii* and *bullarii*. The glossators of Gratian call the *applumbarii* of the Pope those who attach lead to the bulls of the supreme pontiffs. Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, s.v. *Bullarii*, in the *Gestis Innocenti III PP.*, cited by the same author under that word, is where writers and *bullarii* are joined; which expresses and illustrates the Greek word perfectly. Du Cange has in his *Gloss. Gr.* the word *boulōtēs* from Sgyropulus, and says it designates a keeper of the seal. Therefore, keepers of the seal were not as distinguished at that time in the Byzantine court as they are today in European kingdoms. Perhaps his duty was also to seal the shrouds (*sindones*) in which suppliant petitions were required to be brought to the emperor (in which matter the Orientals also imitated the Greeks, or the Greeks them, as I say at greater length in my notes to Abulfeda), I say, he sealed those shrouds. I gather this, if I may, from the passage of Nicetas in *Manuel*, book VII, 11. 2, which Du Cange cites in the aforementioned place: "He presides as a collector of gain, and the bundles are marked with a seal (in the Graeco-barbarous codex it is *bouleuei* there), which were about to be brought in." I think he was the same as the one in Spain during the Middle Ages who is called by them from the Arabic language *al-Muserifus*, namely, he who signed or countersigned the royal charters, the *Taschrif*, the monogram or the bull. Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.*, s.v. *Alcaydus* and *Almocabul*, cites this passage: "And let no *Alvacil* [judge or lictor] nor *Almuserifus* [that is, the *bullarius* who marks your houses with the royal sign, by which they are sequestered] nor *Almocabel* violently enter your tents." The *Almocabel* here, who is called a collator and *antigrapheus*, was perhaps a public notary who would make inventories of things found in houses, or who recognizes inventories and compares them with the items present, e.g., in an inheritance, in a public auction, or in a sequestration, and, as they commonly say, confronts them; see what is to be said at p. 416 regarding the word *skēptōr*. Or *boulōtēs* could be a money-striker, a sealer of coin, who strikes the form, *den Stempel*, onto the coin. *Gloss. Basilicor.*: "Moneta, *boullōtērion* or the archetypal seal with which the type of the coins is engraved." I prefer, however, the former conjecture. This passage would be about royal bulls and the seals of the empire. But little is certain to me about them. The emperors seem to have had different seals. Certainly, Manuel mentions one with which he marked his gifts, Cinnamus p. 73.

(65) I once thought *bouleutai*, decurions. (66) Whether they are presidents or patrons, I do not know. *President* is perhaps too magnificent a title to fit here. It is better, therefore, to translate as *patrons*; see Libanius in his oration *On Patronage*, which Jacob Gothofredus edited at Geneva in 1631, and what the learned man has there in the argument, and the excerpts appended from the Theodosian Code concerning the patrons of villages, and Petavius on Julian, p. 365. (67) To the Count of the Waters belonged aqueducts, nymphaea, baths, and public and private fountains. (68) It is so in the manuscripts. If one wishes to interpret it as prefect of the *cistae*, that is, of the cisterns or reservoirs in which water is stored for public use, it can be tolerated. I would prefer, however, to render it as if I had found *oikistikos* (see p. 426) written. It should be noted further that the two letters *kt* were added by a later hand, the old reading having been erased. I also thought of *mistikos*. Any faithful and honest servant was called so; specifically, the prefect of a ship, or of a flock; see Du Cange s.v. *mystikos* and *Creditarius*. But these seem more remote. The Turks call an inspector of buildings *Mimar Aga*; La Croix, *De l'Etat de l'Eglise grecque*, p. 20. Bernhard, in Du Cange s.v. *Operarius*, mentions a certain Gerward, a palace librarian, and at the same time prefect in charge of palatine works and structures by the king, and Sozomen, *Hist. Eccl.*, book II, c. 11, "ruler of all the emperor's craftsmen." (69) *Koumerkion* and *kommērkion* (see Du Cange s.v.) is a tax for commerce, that is, a duty owed on goods entering and exiting. Therefore, the *kommerkiarioi* are tax collectors. (70) Whatever property belonged to the emperor was called *curatoria*. Specifically, there were two *curatoria*, the great one in Asia, and the one called *Manganorum* in the city; which seem to have been estates inseparably joined with the imperial dignity, so that whoever obtained the latter also obtained the former.

1321 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1322

of the lamia (71), administrators (73), the commentariensis, the protocancellarius, and the cancellarii. Subordinate to the quaestor are six types of offices, such as the antigrapheis, scribes, the sceptor (73), the libellensis, the protocancellarius, and the cancellarii. Subordinate to the logothete of the military are seven types of offices, such as the chartularii of the secretum, the chartularii of the themes, the chartularii of the tagmata, the legatarii (74), the optiones (75), the protocancellarius, and the mandatores. Subordinate to the drungarios of the arithmos are ten types of offices, such as the topoteretae, the chartularius, the akolouthos (76), the comites, the centarchs, the bandophoroi, the labourisioi, the semeiophoroi, the duceniatores (77), and the mandatores. Subordinate to the drungarios of the fleet are six types of offices, such as the topoteretae, the chartularius, the protomandator, the comites, the centarchs, the comites of the hetaireia, and the mandatores. Subordinate to the logothete of the dromos are seven types of offices, such as the protonotarios of the dromos, the chartularii of the dromos, the episkepteitai (78), the interpreters, the curator of the apokrisiariaton (79), the diatrechontes, and the mandatores. Subordinate to the protospatharios of the basilikoi are four types of offices, such as the domestikos of the basilikoi, the spatharioi of the spa-

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY

(epoptai or inspectors); exarchs or vicars; gitoniarchae or masters of the quarters; nomici or legal experts; bullatores or sealers; prostatae or patrons; cancellarii and the curiosus of the shore.

All offices pertain to the jurisdiction of the sacellarius, because in every secretum or scrinium he completes the inspection and moderation of the affairs conducted there through the description of his notary.

Subordinate to the logothete of the genikon or the rationalis of the sacred treasuries, regarding rank, are eleven diverse offices: chartularii of the arcae; epoptai or inspectors of the provinces; comites of the waters [or aqueducts]; oikistikos or master of architects; commerciarii or rationales of the revenues; the prefect of the curatoria; the comes lamiae or laminae, i.e., of the metals; dioiketai, i.e., dispensers or providers; commentariensis; protocancellarius; cancellarii.

Adhering to the quaestor are six diverse offices: antigrapheis or dictators of rescripts; scribae; sceptor or lustrator or revisor; libellensis or recitator; lector; protocancellarius; cancellarii.

The logothete of the stratiotikon or the rationalis of the military treasury presides over seven diverse offices: chartularii of the secretum, chartularii of the themes, chartularii of the [remainder of text missing]

...of things, both those which are handled in mines and those in minting workshops; see Du Cange, s.v. Comes Metallorum and Petavius on Themistius, p. 416.

...still surviving, chosen from Italian and French, for bractea; and Horace has it in Epist. I. 15, 36. Hence they said lamea and lamba. For I have demonstrated on p. 252 that LAMEA and LAMBA are the same. In the Glossaries it is scapula, λáµ6z. Just as the bone of the shoulder blade was called, from its flatness and breadth, plata and wmo-plate, as if plata, that is, a board pertaining to the shoulders, so also, with the same idea remaining, lamea or lamena or bractea—namely, the bony one—could be called so. From lama, therefore, comes lamea and lamia, which we have here. From the former, furthermore, lamena and lamella; from the latter, lamina and lamilla. Such forms are frequent and equally used: cocceus and coccinus, coloreus and colorinus, junceus and juncinus, fageus and hyacinthinus. Thus, therefore, lameus, lamemus, and lamius, laminus, were used. For lamia and lamina are properly an adjective, under which "board" is understood. That sappa, a digging hoe, is called lamea, is because the hoe is protected by an iron lamina. Cf. Du Cange, s.v. Bαμбaxr, póc or Λάμνα.

...exactors of tributes and taxes. It occurs in that sense in Theophanes, p. 345, where Anastasius translates it as "ordainer," but others more correctly as "publican" or "exactor"; see Du Cange, Gl. 1, s.v. Diacetes, where he cites these words from the letter of Hadrian to Charlemagne: "two spatharii of the Emperor, the envoys of the Greeks, with the Diucitin, which in Latin is called the dispositor of Sicily." The "megas dioiketes" is in Codinus, pp. 32 and 33. Here, however, I believe it signifies procurators, dispensers, and administrators.

...collationator, who compared and examined originals with copies, or the erasures of the antigrapheis or dictators with the mandates, charts, and apographs of the scribes, to see whether they had faithfully rendered everything prescribed by the antigrapheus in their calligraphic charts without detriment or the addition of anything foreign; we would call them a "vidimator," from the subscribing of the formula "Vidimus," through which apographs obtain the authority of originals.

...Justinian, as if this word were read there. I could not find the place, but I found "Sheratopac," who perhaps are the same, and are described thus: "delegatores, those who take care of their sustenance." The discourse is about soldiers passing through a province. "We order," says the Emperor Justinian, "whenever the transit of our judges and armies occurs, that delegatores be present with them, who may have the care of their food."

...of the secretum, if indeed they were what we conjecture, procurators of the annonae, who would provide rations to the soldiers. For that was also the work of the optiones, to distribute rations to the soldiers and assign lodgings.

...the acoluthus was the master of the Varangians, who were a part of the Hetaireia, and a vicar, as it were, of the drungarios of the watch.

...to the prefects of the centuries, to whom two hundred men were attributed; see Du Cange, Gloss. Lat. Guther. pp. 426 and 605. In the same way, they were called ducenarii to whom two hundred sesterces were assigned as salary, and centenarii to whom one hundred, and sexagenarii to whom sixty; see Salmasius on Scr. H. Aug., vol. I, p. 533.

...subject to the drungarios of the course, who, by a swift course, signaled to the drungarios—and thus further to the Emperor—the news occurring in the provinces, the change of affairs threatening either from enemies or from citizens, or other things necessary to be known, similar to the urban curiosi who were under the prefect of the city.

...and this compendium of writing ought to be brought forth, I am in doubt whether it is apokrisiariou or apokrisiaratou or apokrisiarikiou. I have no doubt that something about the apocrisiarius is contained therein. For the affairs of embassies pertained to the logothete of the dromos. I do not remember reading elsewhere about a curator of the apokrisiariaton.

(71) Comes lamnae or laminae, that is, of the metals. (72) Dispensatores, bailiffs. It can also be rendered as tax collectors. (73) Lustrator or revisor, perhaps in Arabic Almo- (74) Cite Du Cange, Gl. Gr. s.v. Novel. 130, 468. The Latins once said Lama, which they testify. (75) The optiones seem little different from the legatarii. (76) Therefore the Hetaireia pertained to the Arithmos. For (77) I think they are the same as the ducenarii or the two-hundred-man prefects. (78) They are without doubt the provincial curiosi. (79) So it is in the parchments. How, however, it should be read...

1323 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1324

[The text begins with a Latin translation of the preceding Greek section, followed by the Greek text itself.]

...to the chartularies of the coverings, the legates, the optiones, the proto-spatharius, that is, of the hippodrome, the candidati likewise, and the imperial mandators. To the logothete of the herds are subordinated types of dignities, such as the protonotary of Asia, the protonotary of Phrygia, the administrators of the metata, the counts, and the inspectors. To the domestic of the Hicanati are subordinated nine types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary, the counts, the protomandator, the centarchs, the bandiferi, the duciniatores or ducenarii, the signiferi, and the mandators. To the domestic of the Numeri are subordinated six types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary tribunes, the protomandator, the vicars, the mandators, and the portarii (80). To the domestic of the Optimati are subordinated five types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary, the counts, the centarchs, and the protocancellarius. To the domestic of the Walls are subordinated six types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary tribunes, the protomandator, the vicars, the mandators, and the portarii. To the chartulary of the Sakellion are subordinated ten types of dignities, such as the imperial notaries of the secretum, the protonotaries of the themes, the xenodochoi, the zygostates, the measurers, the gerokomoi, the chartularies of the houses (81), the protocancellarius, the cancellarii, and the domestic of the thymele. To the chartulary of the Vestiarium are subordinated ten types of dignities, such as the imperial notaries of the secretum, the centarch, the legate, the archon of the mint, the exartistes (82), the chartulary, the curators, the chosbatae (83), and the protomandators.

[Greek text corresponding to the above:] ...to the chartularies of the coverings, the legates, the optiones, the proto-spatharius, that is, of the hippodrome, the candidati likewise, and the imperial mandators. To the logothete of the herds are subordinated types of dignities, such as the protonotary of Asia, the protonotary of Phrygia, the administrators of the metata, the counts, and the inspectors. To the domestic of the Hicanati are subordinated nine types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary, the counts, the protomandator, the centarchs, the bandiferi, the duciniatores, the signiferi, and the mandators. To the domestic of the Numeri are subordinated six types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary tribunes, the protomandator, the vicars, the mandators, and the portarii (80). To the domestic of the Optimati are subordinated five types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary, the counts, the centarchs, and the protocancellarius. To the domestic of the Walls are subordinated six types of dignities, such as the topoteretai, the chartulary tribunes, the protomandator, the vicars, the mandators, and the portarii. To the chartulary of the Sakellion are subordinated ten types of dignities, such as the imperial notaries of the secretum, the protonotaries of the themes, the xenodochoi, the zygostates, the measurers, the gerokomoi, the chartularies of the houses (81), the protocancellarius, the cancellarii, and the domestic of the thymele. To the chartulary of the Vestiarium are subordinated ten types of dignities, such as the imperial notaries of the secretum, the centarch, the legate, the archon of the mint, the exartistes (82), the chartulary, the curators, the chosbatae (83), and the protomandators.

417 JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY p. 4. Shortly after, portarii are also attributed to the domestic of the camps; perhaps these were those to whom the guarding of the camp gates was entrusted. And of rustication, into which they were accustomed to make processions, both urban and suburban are to be understood. However, because those palaces or estates are not usually called *oikoi* absolutely, but *basilikoi oikoi* (see p. 426), and there was a preceding discussion about the xenodochos and gerokomos or inspector of hospitals and old-age homes (so to speak), I would prefer to take *ton oikon* as standing for *ton euagon oikon* and believe that venerable houses (this is what they call monasteries) are designated here. Cf. p. 417, 426, and 436. I acknowledge, however, of my own accord that these arguments are extremely weak. ...is, I do not figure out. One cannot think of a tailor of clothes. For he is too lowly to enter into a royal office; and the Greeks call him *rhaptes* or *exartistes*, not *exartistes*. There is no doubt in my mind that this office had business with the mint, but what he did specifically, another shall say. Meanwhile, I would not want to deny that it could have been in use by the Greeks of those times to call a tailor of clothes *exartistes*, just as the Latins call him *sartor*. For a *sartor* is one who makes something whole, not just a garment, but anything else. And the Latins of the Middle Ages also called him *parator*, whom we call *sartor*; see Du Cange, v. Parator. ...is usually written out. Thus it is in the Glosses: *Chosbaitēs ho vestiaritēs*. Therefore, all Chosbatae were Vestiari; but not conversely were all Vestiari Chosbatae. In my opinion, these were in charge of the shoes and stockings of the Augustus, and were so called from *hosai*, because they were the boys or servants of the *hosai*, that is, of the stockings and greaves. To demonstrate this, I must first discuss the word *bay* and *bag*, then *hosa*. The word *Marepai*, *Marepahis*, *Marepazis*, and *Marepagis* led me by the hand to this etymology which I have proposed. For all these are different ways of pronouncing and writing the same word, which signifies a boy of the horses, a groom. It is composed of the word *mare*, a mare, and *pay*, a boy. This word *pay* or *bay* flowed into many languages. The English retained *boy* from it. We have *bube*, *bufe*, whence the French *bouffon* and *bouffonnerie*, *Buberey*. Next, I will demonstrate that *y* and *g* and *f* and *w* often exchange roles among themselves. We Germans also retained the word *bag*, and the Franks and Italians of the Middle Ages used it with us as *pagus*, *vagus*, for a handsome and vigorous adolescent, whence *pazis* and *page* were born; see Muratori, *Ant. Ital.*, vol. II, p. 1325. The Germans once ended diminutives in *el*, which termination, just as the remaining Germanic peoples have almost obliterated it, so the Silesians and, if I remember correctly, the Austrians still use it so much that they are excessive in it and end almost all words in *el*. Yet such still remain in our language too, but few, such as *Schenkel*, *Henkel*, *Enkel*, and certain proper names *Frenkel* and *Frenzel*, *Franculus*, *Schwabel*, *Suevelus*, etc. Whither do these point? To this, indeed. From *bag*, a boy or adolescent, the ancients said *bagel*, a little adolescent. Hence *bagelarius* and, even more corruptly, *baccalaureus* for a novice, both military and literary, who is not yet a soldier or a master of arts. Cf. Du Cange, v. Baccalaureus. *Baccalaria* indeed, which is a species of rustic estate, if it is permitted to touch upon this in passing, is a corrupt pronunciation of the word *bucellaria*, an estate given to someone for a *bucella* (morsel), whence he might have sustenance. The word *bajularis* in Uguccio, who says it signifies a strong youth, is the same as *bacalarius* or *baccalaureus*. But the word *bayulus* for a curator, whence *baillif* was born, if anyone wishes to derive it from this *bay* and its diminutive *bayel*...

(80) Perhaps they are the jailers of the prisons. See at C. (81) It could be about imperial palaces of recreation and rustication, into which they were accustomed to make processions, both urban and suburban are to be understood. (82) Who is this integrator or tailor or restorer? (83) It is the same whether you write it thus, or *Chosbaitai*.

1325 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1326

[The Greek text fragment: "of the kanikleion (84) has nothing subordinate to it because it serves only for itself. To the protostrator are subordinate..."]

COMMENTARY BY JOHANN JACOB REISKE

The five offices of the nobility are subordinate: topoteretai, chartularius, comites, centarchi, protocancellarius.

[Regarding the term *kanikleion*]: It will not find me disagreeing, though I would prefer to derive it from the Arabic *Waghil* (note that this means "entrusted," "handed over," one to whose faith and care something has been committed). But this is in passing. Now it must be demonstrated with examples that the letters i, y, and g have alternated. Indeed, the ancients said *bai* and *bay* and *bag*. A huge heap of such examples could be constructed, but so as not to fail those who desire them, I will suffice with a few. And indeed, I do not know whether our ancient Germans and their offspring, the English, have not always written *i* and *y* where we are accustomed to write *g*. We say *Tag* for day, the English *day*, the ancient Germans *tai*, as is evident from Ammianus Marcellinus and Zosimus, who commemorate the *Taifali* as *Baipour*, that is, southern *fali*. For just as there were *Westfali* or western *Fali*, still famous today, so also there were *Ostfali* or eastern *Fali*, and *Taifali*, as if you were to say *Tagfali*, the southern ones. We today say *Wache*, the Belgians, more retentive of the ancient language, *Wacht* for vigil. The ancients wrote this *guayla*, that is *Wayta* or *Vagla*, whence the Frankish *guet*; see Du Cange, v. *Scaraguayta*, *Schaarwache*, a troop of guards. A conductor for us is *Pachter*, formerly *Peyter*. Rain for us is *Regen*, for the English *rain*. The coin *Pfennig*, for the English *penny*. In general, almost all words ending in *ig* or *ich* for us, the English terminate in *y*. How did the ancients pronounce them? In the German manner, as *g*, or in the English, as *i* or *y*? From the cited example of the *Taifali* and *Xooбatra*: you might think they pronounced them in the English manner, *Tai* and *Bai*, not *Tag* nor *Bag*. Nevertheless, I should think that in very many places in ancient writing, *y* signifies *g*; for *phlegma* they wrote *fleyma*, which the ancients themselves indeed pronounced as *flegma*, but the more recent ones, ignorant of ancient orthography and judging it by the custom of their own age, pronounced that *y* as *i*, *fluym*. Thus the Belgians call it *phlegma*. The ancients, for *Lugdunum*, wrote in their own way *Luydunum*, which differs only in the manner of writing, not of pronouncing. This misled the moderns, so that they first made *Luyden* (Luden) and then *Leiden* from it. For *estugium* they wrote *estuyium*, whence was born *etuy*, a case, so called from *steken*, to hide; *Besteck*, a case, where something is hidden. The ancient English themselves wrote *bog* for *boy*; see Du Cange v. *Gilbog*, an instance of a payment, a settlement, for which a certain tax, *gille*, *Geld*, *Entgeldung*, must be provided. But it is better to extricate ourselves from these etymological trifles and return to our subject. I said that it seems to me that *Xooбatra* are these *hosarii* or little servants. Now it must be demonstrated what *hosæ* were. They are femoralia (breeches) and tibialia (leggings) tighter in one mass, such as the Hungarians still wear, and that type of servant in the retinue of our magnates which we call *Heiducken*, and such as the Greeks wore in the Middle Ages, as is evident from the very many figures of the Basilian Menologion, among whom certain military men kept those *hosæ*, called by another name *iubin*, in *tois pedilois* or *tais tzangais*, that is, in half-boots; civilians, however, in *campagia* or that type of leggings which consisted of long woolen straps, which were wound crosswise over the legs and tightened the *tibia* or *hosæ* from the ankle up to the knee, about which we have spoken in their place. This type of clothing covering the thighs, legs, and groins together in one mass the Greeks call *hosa* (see Du Cange h.v.), whence *calzoni* and *caleçons* are used by Italians and French for breeches, and *Caussen* by the Belgians for leg-coverings. The illustrious Muratori, in vol. II of *Ant. Ital.*, in his dissertation on Italian clothing, denies that it is clear whether *hose* were celebrated by the ancients merely as leggings, or if they are a garment similar to Hungarian breeches, which clothe the shins, thighs, and hips together. He inclines, however, to believe the latter. Nor is he mistaken. This clothing was unknown to the ancient Romans, who used either a toga or a tunic, both of which clothed a man from the neck down to the knees or the middle or lowest part of the legs, or a *sagum*, which ended short of the knee joint, sometimes at the middle of the thigh, or even a *perizoma*, which did not reach the knee from the hips; just as they say the Highland Scots are still clothed, dressed in such short *perizomata* that at the very least the *ta gonu* (as Theophrastus calls them in his *Characters*) of the body appear. From those *perizomata* of the Roman soldiers, of which coins provide images, the lower garments of women, which the Franks call *juppes*, have flowed. For these are nothing other than such *perizomata* reaching to the ankles, produced and widened. Memorable, but rather obscure, is the passage of Paul the Deacon IV. 23, which Du Cange cites in part v. *Osa*. He says the Lombards once wore loose and linen garments, such as the Anglo-Saxons were accustomed to wear, adorned with wider bands of various colors. Afterwards, he says, they began to use *hosæ*, over which, when riding, they put *tybruggi* of fur. But they drew this from the custom of the Romans. In this place, *hosæ* are leg and thigh garments in one mass; *tybruggi*, however, are the *perizomata* about which I was speaking a little earlier. *Ty* (or as we write today, *die*) is the article of every gender of the nominative and accusative plural, *oi, ai, ta, nei tous, tas, ta*, and *Bragg* was once a German word, still used in Lower Saxony and Belgium for a femoral girdle; as you may understand from the name *Perizonius*, which some of the ancestors of the most famous Leiden professor, Jacobus Perizonius, assumed in the manner of their age, having cast off the old family name *Vorbrugge*. That the Romans of the 6th century wore such *hosæ* is clear from Ciampini, plate 32 of the second volume of *Monumenta vetera*, where the image of Saint Sebastian is shown from the mosaic of the church of San Pietro in Vincoli of the city, built in the year of Christ 682, in which image, among other vulgar things to be noted, are *hosæ* or *caligæ* made in one mass or from one solid cloth, ending at the ankle, yet so distinguished that an auriphrygium (gold fringe) placed in the region of the knee seems to want to separate the femoralia from the tibialia. Procopius says (p. 32 *Anecdot.*) that the Greeks of his age wore them, having received them from the Huns: "The *epomides* and *anaxyrides* and most of the footwear were distinguished by the name and the manner of the Huns." He says the Greeks assumed from the Huns not only the *epomides* and *anaxyrides* and greaves, but also the very names of those things. He designates *armelausia* and *hosæ* and *tzangæ*. And without doubt *hosæ* are a Hunnic and Gothic garment: for which reason Maurice (p. 302) also calls them *skoutaria* [sic]. Look at the Goths or Scythians on the Theodosian arch in Banduri. They wear *hosæ* that are quite loose, *krossotai* or toothed, that is, cut out, and the Romans immediately assumed them from them. The consul in the diptych of Du Cange (tab. I, dissertation on coins of the later age) is seen wearing *hosæ* almost reaching the ankles. But that the Romans wore *hosæ* long before the 5th century, even in the 3rd century after Christ, I conclude from the passage of Herodian IV, 13, 11, where, describing the same Antoninus Caracalla, he narrates the deed performed by a certain Martial. On the journey, Antoninus was to be relieved, and [he called for] the *kanikleion* or the one of the *kanikleion*, the prefect of the *canicleo*. He was, however, the one who kept and, at the time of use, provided to the emperor the *canicleum* or the tube or vessel containing the sacred encaustic or crimson liquid, with which the emperor signed charters.

(84) I do not doubt that the *chartularius* of the *kanikleion* is the same.

1327 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1328 Six camp-commanders; topoteretes, chartularii, tribunes, protomandator, vicarii, mandatores, and three types of dignities, such as stratores, armophylakes, and stablocomites. And to the protoasekretes [COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE]... to have succeeded for the purpose of relieving his bowels, and that Martial, therefore, as if called by a nod from him, ran up and stabbed him from behind while Caracalla was in the act of pulling down the clothes from his thighs: *[Greek text]*: "pulling down the clothes of his thighs, turned away." How could Caracalla pull clothes down from his thighs, to draw them downward, if he did not wear hose? Greeks and Romans, when about to relieve their bowels, did not pull down, but pulled up, rolled back, and threw upward their clothes, like our women. Hence they even called hose *anasyrtai*, that is, *anasyrtoi* clothes, adapting the term to their own custom, not to the custom of the peoples of whom they were speaking. For hose are properly *katasyrtides*, "draw-downers," not *anasyrtides*, "throw-uppers." But if they had called hose *katasyrtides*, the Greek populace would not have understood, since they could not draw down breeches, but always threw them up. These hose, therefore, at whatever time they were introduced into the use of the Romans and Greeks, were of two kinds: loose ones, such as sailors and the Swiss still wear, by whom they are also called *Schifferhosen* and *Schweizerhosen* (they also have a third name, *Plauderhosen*, from the noise which the wind makes when intercepted in their folds and pleats during movement); and others that are tight, adhering closely to the flesh, such as the more refined peoples of Europe wear today. In the Middle Ages, our Germans called this type *Streichhosen*, that is, "tight hose." Faust, in the *Limpurg Chronicle* for the year 1362, narrates this: "In this year began the long *Ledersen* or *Lersen*, instead of wide hose. The armed [soldiers] wore *Streichhosen* on their legs, and over them wide *Ledersen*. These had large agraffes [Greek: *agrypous*], that is, clasps, one next to the other from the big toe up to the top, and laced up the back to the spine." Nicetas, in *Life of Manuel Comnenus*, book IV, ch. 5, describes this type of hose elegantly: "Tight-fitting [he speaks of Andronicus] regarding the exotic garments, and of these, such as descend around the buttocks and thighs, are split, and are, as it were, woven onto the body." He often mentions these *lotia*, or split/fissured garments, in his history, but as a foreign habit in Greece, as on page 180: "He held his body with a two-colored garment descending around the waist, but divided below."

8 In Caylus, in his *Recueil des antiquités*, Table LXX, one can see among the mimes someone wearing hose produced almost to the ankles: "a kind of breeches that descend to the ankle of the foot, and finally the legs are covered with a sort of stocking where one perceives neither attachment nor tie." After reading this description, one would not fail to decide that this figure is modern, if one did not know that mimes appeared with all the types of clothing that could make them look comic. Thus, there is no doubt about the antiquity of this figure, which its appearance and composition prove invincibly. If that figure is so ancient, the Romans also knew hose. Therefore, those who took care of these hose, or *tubia* (called by another Latin-Greek name), so that they would fit the Emperor properly, who tied them to his legs or *campagia*, or inserted them into *tzangia*, and thus who simultaneously took care of his *campagia* and *tzangia* or greaves, were the *Chosbaitae*, or "servants of the hose." It is no wonder that these men, who either prepared Gothic or Germanic clothing for the Emperor, or dressed him in it, or did both, retained a Gothic or Germanic name. It is established that the ancient Gothic is the mother of our Saxon. The Goths, quite early, immediately in the second century after Christ, in the time of Trajan, were penetrating into the Republic and especially the Roman military, and were communicating some of their own rites and words to the Romans. Finally, the Goths besieged the Byzantine Empire both to the north and to the west. Their seat was the Tauric Chersonese and the tract around the Ister and the Borysthenes through Moldavia as far as Transylvania, where their descendants still remain today, speaking, as rumor has it, Saxon. Even in the 16th century, Goths inhabited the Tauric Chersonese, as is evident from the *Itinerary* of Ambrogio Contarini (p. 20, Aldine Italian edition) and the first letter of Busbecq (p. 244). It is not surprising, therefore, if we find certain Gothic or Germanic words in this Ceremonial of ours. But this also must not be passed over: that "hose" signifies not only breeches to the writers of the Middle Ages, but also greaves, as is evident from many places cited by Du Cange under the word *Osa*. The *Chosbaitae* were, therefore, the same as the ministers of the Emperor's footwear mentioned long ago.

...used to sign public papers. Therefore, the *canicleus*, or prefect or chartulary of the *canicleus*, was the same, at least in name, as the one who was once in the Macedonian court, the *epi tou grammateiou*, whom Polybius mentions (p. 485, Gronovius edition). [Regarding the *canicleus*, see Du Cange on the *Alexiad*, pp. 257, 378. Emperors signed their letters in red. Georg. Acropolita, p. 453. Regarding the cinnabar which the Emperors of Constantinople used in subscriptions, see *Giorn. dei Letterati*, VI, p. 480, and Michael Lazari, *Confutation of Maffei's dissertation on the fable of the Constantinian order*, p. 24.] Also Alemannus on Procopius, *Anecdota*, pp. 19, 20. Guar. on Codinus, p. 35, Du Cange under *Caniclinus* and *Kanikleios* and *Logothetes tou dromou*, whom he wrongly makes the same as the *canicleus*. That passage of Procopius, on which Alemannus discourses regarding the *canicleus*, is excellent, but not well understood by him; I wish to explain it on this occasion. He narrates that the Emperor Justin the Elder was illiterate. But since it was the custom that the Emperor should sign petitions and mandates to signify his assent, he devised this artifice: "Having engraved on a short piece of worked wood the form of four letters, which one can read in the Latin tongue, and having dipped a stylus in the dye with which emperors are accustomed to write, they handed it to this Emperor," etc. They had the form of four letters of a Latin word, which would signify that the Emperor had read those things, cut into a polished wooden tablet, and with a reed pen dipped in the color with which it is the custom for emperors to write placed upon that tablet, they hand it to this prince, etc. However, that Latin word of four letters, which Procopius designates, is LEGI, not JUST., that is, Justinus, as Alemannus thought. From this, the passage of the anonymous author concerning Theodoric, King of the Goths, which I once read in its entirety in Muratori, *Antiqu. Ital.*, vol. II, but which does not occur to me now in what place, can be understood and at the same time corrected; Du Cange has it in part under *Interrasilis*, and indeed these are his words: "He ordered a golden plate to be made *interrasilis* [that is, perforated in many places] having the four letters of the king [but rather, LEGI], whence also, if he had wished to sign, the plate being placed over the paper, only his subscription would be seen through it." But enough about this passage of Procopius, which we shall dismiss, since we have added one more from Nicetas, from which it is evident that sometimes by that man of royal blood, who had much influence with the Emperor and had obtained the power for that matter from the lord, the word *Epephroton* was written in green liquid on imperial mandates, "observed or verified," we have seen these. The passage is book VII of *Manuel*, ch. 3: "He brought forth a decree from the Emperor that one should not consider as otherwise acceptable those things which the imperial hand signifies by writing..."

1329 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1330

three types of dignities have fallen, such as asēkrētai, imperial notaries, the decanus. To the Count of the Stable are subordinated 88 types of dignities... To the official in charge of the Special Treasury (epi tou eidikou logou) are subordinated 4 types of dignities, such as imperial notaries of the secret, masters of the workshops (85), hebdomadarii, and the meizoteroi (86) of the workshops.

VARIOUS READINGS. 8* Several lines are missing here in the codex. 86 epi H., hypo cod. and ed.

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE

B. The imperial notaries of the secret, the protonotaries of the themes, the xenodochi or prefects of hospitals, the libripens—that is, the moneyer—the measurers [of grain], the gerocomi or curators of the elderly, the chartularii of the houses [that is, pious foundations and monasteries], the protocancellarius, the cancellarii, unless they were first seen by Alexios, and he, having applied his right hand to the frog-colored [ink], gave the sacred encaustic contained in the vessel the designation of "canicleus." We must now see whence the name "canicleus" came. Salmasius, in *Exercitationes Plinianae* (p. 91), correctly showed that it comes from *canus*, *canistrum*, or *lancea*. I cannot refrain from transcribing his words in part: "Festus says: The Greeks say *cana*, we say *canistra*. From this word, the Latins derived the diminutive *caniculum*, and the more recent writers used it for an inkstand in which the sacred encaustic was stored. They think it was ineptly so named [he notes Alemannus] because it bore the form and image of a little dog (*caniculi*)." Regarding this, I have the following to add. To the Greeks and Latins, a *canna* was any cylindrical shaft, whether solid or hollow. Hence, it is still *canna* to the Arabs, meaning both a spear and a water conduit. Hence, *kanoun* and, by contraction, *kanoun* was any hollow cylindrical vessel in which one could carry whatever one wished, such as fruits, sacrificial cakes, salted meal, and other things pertaining to sacrifices, as well as burning coals—whence the Arabs retained it for a shovel laden with burning coals. Hence, we also call metallic tubes from which ignited iron globes are exploded "cannons," that is, hollow tubes or cylinders. For Du Cange is mistaken (s.v. *Guna*) in thinking our artillery pieces (*canones*) are named from *guna*. *Guna* properly is nothing other than an opening, a window, any hiatus—our *Wuhne*. To explode a weapon through a *guna* is nothing other than to explode it through an opening. Hence it is that the English still use the word "gun" for a firearm. *Kanon* in Athenaeus (p. 111) is a cylindrical iron vessel with an iron lid, in which a type of *maza* called *nastos* was cooked. *Nastos* was the name for a *maza* because it was built up high. We call it *Scherbelkuchen*. *Kania*, so the Basilican Glosses have it: the *konouloi* of reeds, and pipes, and from this all pipe-like vessels. Hence it also appears why *kanon* was called a register, roll, volume, or codicil in which the names of men belonging to some assembly—such as monks, nuns, clerics, soldiers, citizens, etc.—as well as accounts of revenues or expenses were described; see Du Cange, s.v. *Kanon*. Properly, the volumes themselves did not bear this name, but the wooden cylindrical cases in which they were stored. Then this appellation was extended to the volumes themselves hidden in those cases.

...and they performed works for the imperial court, hired for a certain wage. Thus, in Theophanes (p. 395), at the end, is mentioned the *basilikon ergodosion* of the *chrysoklabarioi*, the royal workshop of the gold-nailers, in which they sat and made gold-nailed garments for the court, hired for a certain price for that purpose. Thus, above, we had *raphion* or rather *rapheion*, the place where the imperial tailors sat and practiced their craft. Therefore, the *archontes* of the *ergodosia* were those who took care of what works were necessary to be done, by which craftsmen—cobblers, tailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, silversmiths, locksmiths, and so on—they were to be hired for what wage. Or perhaps the *ergodosia* were public workshops in which goods were exposed for sale, and the factories (*erga*) whose revenues belonged to private accounts; and the recoverers of those revenues and the hirers of the workshops were the *archontes* and *meizoteroi* of the *ergodosia* mentioned here; *erga* and factories in the Middle Ages were used for gold and silver vessels elaborately worked; see Du Cange, *Gloss. Lat.* s.v. For *ergodosion* they also said *ergostasion*, because the *erga* (works, factories) already prepared and finished, or still to be prepared, as well as the *ergatai* (workers), stood there. This is apparent from that passage of Codinus in *Origin. CPtanis* n. 21, where for *ergodosion* the Vatican codex has *ergostasion*. Workers who belonged to such factories were called *ergostasiarii* or *ergostatarii*. Hence, Law 5 of the *Codex Justinianus* "de episcopali audientia" must be amended, where for *diacetis ergostatariorum*, that is, of the factory-workers, commonly and incorrectly *diacetae ergosiatanorum* are circulated. In general, an *ergodosion* is any workshop where a craftsman hires out his labor to those contracting for something to be made, or where he gives work to be done to his apprentices.

...of the *ergodosia*, it is apparent; but in what matter they were different is not clear. Perhaps they counted the wages for the hired craftsmen, or exacted the rent for the workshops hired out. *Meizoteros* expresses the Latin of the Middle Ages *major*, concerning which see Du Cange, *Gl. Lat.* s.v. for curator, prefect, whence with us remains the word *Mayer*. *Meizoteros* for *meizon* is already found in Malalas, Book 11, p. 236, 1, concerning whose author's age—a contemporary of Justinian—Hody should not have doubted because of the crudity of the diction. Of that century, both the reasonings were inept and the diction monstrous. From the time when Christian teachers began to disturb the public state with useless questions, and, having omitted the study of the humanities, slipped into ridiculous speculations—which they themselves did not even understand—all rectitude in thinking, all clarity, care, and polish in diction perished. We owe barbarism not so much to the barbarians as to the Christians. See what tumor, what foreignness is in the *Theodosian Code*, how often Procopius—without controversy the best of all his contemporaries—is not old-womanish, how forced and Latinizing his diction is. Affected artifice, through which speech became more obscure than Cimmerian darkness, was a source of praise, and one was considered the more learned the more he surpassed Cassiodorus and his like. But this in passing. These solecisms, such as *meizoteros* and the like, were indeed never not in use among the common people, but writers who were even slightly mindful of elegance abstained from them. From the time Christian teachers began to publish such homilies as they had poured forth from the pulpit, all honor for letters perished. As for Malalas, to return to him (and let it be permitted to add this in passing), his age is established by the name itself. *Malalas* is a Syriac name. The Syriac language prevailed in Syria until the beginnings of Muhammadanism. As it arose, with the Saracens seizing Syria, they drove out the Syriasm, and in its place Arabism abounded in everything, with Syriasm confined to the corners of Christian churches. Therefore, Malalas must have lived and written at a time when the Syriac language was in use. For "rhetor," the Arabs say not *Malal* but *chathib*. In imitation of our *meizoteroi*, our author also said *elattoteroi* for *elattones*, p. 382.

(85) *Ergodosia* were workshops in which they sat. (86) That these were lesser than the *archontes* of the...

1331 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1332

...steward, domestic of the stage or master of the scene or theatrical games. Under the chartulary of the wardrobe are ten offices: royal secret notary, centarch, legate, prefect or procurator of the mint, tailor, chartulary, curators of the *chosbaitai*, and proto-mandators. The chartulary of the *canicleion* has no subordinate officials under him, because he performs his duty alone. To the protostrator, however, three different dignities are subject: strators, guards of the royal arms, and counts of the stable. To the protoasecretis are subject three offices: asecretis, imperial notaries, and the dean. To the count of the stable are subject the offices of the Logothete of the *idikon* or private accounts; four offices are subject to him: imperial secret notaries, prefects of the workshops, hebdomadaries or weekly officers, and masters of the workshops. To the great curator are subject the offices of...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAG. REISKE]

...stici. For both terms signify in new Greek both estates and fields, as well as livestock and herds, just as *ktēne* did for the ancient Greeks. For both come from *ktēsis*; see Cedrenus, pp. 586, 587. Indeed, the ancient Greeks themselves called livestock *ktēmata*, as is evident from Sophocles, *Antigone*, v. 793, where interpreters have incorrectly taken the word to mean fortunes or possessions. He who is the curator of the *ktēmata* here is called *dioikētēs* by Olympiodorus in Photius, p. 106, where he mentions someone as "administrator of the estates of Constantine and Placidia in Sicily." He is called *Clematinus* on p. 245 of the writers after Theophanes. Taught by the Greeks, as it seems, the Arabs used *Mulck* specifically for field and estate, although the word signifies any possession at all; see Du Cange, s.v. *Moulkia*, where he produces this passage from Malaxus: "He dedicated various precious vessels [to the Church], and gold and silver and many *ktēmata* [villas], that is to say, *moulkia*, for the sustenance of the monks." Therefore, the Arabic word *Moulkion* was more common and better known at the time and place where Malaxus was writing than the Greek *ktēma* itself.

...of the palace, having collected [them] from livestock, fields, workshops, and the bakeries attached and pertaining thereto, and brought them into the private treasury. This palace was not founded by Eleutherius, but by Irene, the wife of Leo the Chazar, though it was so called because it was founded near the harbor of Eleutherius; see Du Cange, *CPlis Chr.* II, p. 130.

"...nine types of dignities, such as protonotary, imperial notaries, curators of the palaces, curators of the estates (87), majors of the Eleutherius (88), the xenodochos of Sangarus (89), the xenodochos of the Gates, the xenodochos of Nicomedia, and the *episkeptētai*." To the curator of the *mangana* are subject as many types of dignities as to the great curator, except for the xenodochos. To the orphanotropheus are subject four types of dignities, such as chartularies of the house, chartularies of the *hosion* (90), *archarios* (91), and curators. To the two demarchs are subject seven types of dignities each, such as *deuterountes* (92), the chartulary and the poet, *archontes*, *geitoniarchai*, *melistai*, notaries of the factions, charioteers, *proteia*, and citizens. To the *epi tēs katastaseōs* (93) are subject five types of dignities...

COMMENTARY: ...*sitarcion*, a granary where grain lies in baskets; see Du Cange, s.v. *Sitarcium* and *Panes melliti*, where in the passage of Arnold of Lübeck, *Sitarciis* should be restored for *Sistarciis*. *Deuterountes*, the secundicerius or vicar next in rank to the primicerius, "of the first rank." The secundicerii, therefore, were designated as vicars of the demarchs. But I have discussed the factional magistrates elsewhere. Moreover, it will be easily observed by a slightly more attentive reader that the number given—seven, for example—does not correspond to the dignities subsequently listed, which are ten according to our calculation, or eight according to the calculation of the manuscripts, in which it was written thus: "the chartulary, the poet, the *archontes*," without any distinction, as if all those were one item, one dignity.

(87) I have translated "curators of the estates and livestock." (88) The major of the palace of Eleutherius seems to be the revenue of that... (89) Sangarus is a city of Bithynia by the sea, not far from Helenopolis, concerning which see Ortelius, *Thesaurus Geographicus* s.v., and Wesseling on Hierocles' *Synecdemus*, p. 663; for without doubt our Sangarus and the Sagara of Hierocles are the same. Often the simple and double *gamma* are written interchangeably, as *singilio* for *singilio*; see the remarks on p. 371. (90) I interpret *to hosion* as capital [funds] for pious uses, of legates and deposits, so that they may be sacred and inviolable and cannot be transferred to other uses. Otherwise, *to hosion* is the same as *to dēmosion*, but *ho tou dēmosiou* or *ho tou genikou* does not come into the census here. I shall only provide here the etymology of the word *archeion*, archive, invited by the occasion of the word *arcarius*. *Arcarium* or *archarium* is the same as *archeion*, a place where papers and public records are deposited. This comes not from *archē*, but from *arcu* or *archa*. This word is not Latin, but Greek. *Arrhikos* and *arrhyn* is a small basket or hamper. By syncope they made *archa* from it. Hence *archeion* for *arrhicheion* is the place where the *archa*—that is, the basket—is. (91) Concerning the *arcarii*, see Du Cange, *Glossarium Latinum* under this word. (92) Almost every office had its own... (93) He who watches over the preservation of the consistency of things—that is, he who ensures that all persons, actions, and things proceed according to the established order modestly, tranquilly, and decorously, for which reason he is also very often called *ho epi tēs taxeos* in the pontifical of Habert, so that the nobles may each withdraw into their own classes and occupy the rank appropriate to them, so that *to kathestēkos* may be observed. By the word "ceremoniary." For *to kathestēkos* is that which has been received and preserved by ancient custom. Thus in Xiphilinus, p. 1943: "Most people accused him because, whereas it was the established custom (*kathestēkos*) for the bodyguards to be chosen from Italy..." In the same author, p. 1085, is *hē katastasis tou biou*, the order, sequence, or institution of life; see the famous Reimar. In our author, p. 354, is *hē katastasis tōn desmiōn*, the arrangement of captives into order; *katastasis tōn pragmatōn* is in Theophanes, p. 63 C, the constitution or restoration to order of things previously disturbed. In the same author are *akatastasia*, disturbed things, p. 73 C. The same, p. 243, has *mathe tēn katastasin*, learn to act modestly, in order, and sedately. Among the officials of the patriarch was *ho tēs hieras katastaseōs*, concerning whom see Goar, p. 13, on Codinus, and Gretser, p. 167. Peter the Master wrote books *peri tēs politikēs katastaseōs*, about which I spoke in the preface; see Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*. It was the duty of the ceremoniary to arrange the nobles according to the rights of precedence and sequence, to begin the troparion, to summon the nobles according to their orders to holy communion, in great processions, in the Great Church, to lead by the hand those about to receive the kiss of peace from the emperor, to introduce the veils or classes of nobles and legates, etc. From p. 14 of our author, you may almost conclude that the ceremoniary was the head of the silentiaries.

1333 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1334

nine: protonotary; imperial notaries; curators of the palaces; curators of the estates and of the rustic livestock, the greater one named of the Palace of Eleutherios; the xenodochos of the Sangarios; the xenodochos of the Pylae; the xenodochos of Nicomedia, and the curiosi. To the curator of the manganon [the so-called urban palace] the same offices are subordinate as to the great curator, except for the xenodochos. To the orphanotrophos are subordinate four offices: the chartularii of the house; the chartularii of the sanctuary [or of the funds deposited for pious uses and the education of orphans]; the arcarius and the curators. To each of the two demarchs, in their respective factions, these offices are subordinate: secundicerii; chartularius; poet; archons; gitoniarchs or masters of the islands; cantors; notaries of the factions; charioteer, the leading men of the faction, and the plebeian tribesmen of the faction. Finally, the ceremoniarius has under him five offices: hypatoi or consuls, vestitores, silentiarii, men of prefectural rank, and syncletics or senators.

Concerning the order of the eunuchs, the naming of their dignities, and the quantity of their customary payments.

The dignities of the eunuchs are given in two ways. For some receive these dignities legally by virtue of their work; others obtain them by the word of the Emperor, and these latter easily pass from person to person at the Emperor’s command. There are in total eight dignities provided to them by means of *brabeia* (insignia). And the first among them is known as the dignity of the *nipsistiarioi*, the *brabeion* of which is a linen *camision* (tunic) bordered with purple in the shape of a *phialion* (hood), and the word of the Emperor added thereto. It provides a customary payment to the praepositi of 12 [solidi], to the deuteros 3, and to his own primicerius 2. The second is the dignity of the cubicularius, the *brabeion* of which is the wearing of the purple-bordered *camision* and the garment called the *paragaudion*, or it is also recognized by the presence of the praepositi. It provides a customary payment to the praepositi of 12, to the deuteros 4, and to the primicerius 2. The third is the dignity of the spatharocubicularius, the *brabeion* of which is a sword with a golden hilt, handed over by the imperial hand, just as it is for the spatharioi. It provides a customary payment to the praepositi of 18, to the papias and the deuteros 2, and to the primicerius 4. The fourth is the dignity of the ostiarioi, the *brabeion* of which is a golden rod having a headpiece of precious stones, handed over by the imperial hand. It provides a customary payment to the papias and the deuteros 6, to the praepositi 24, and to the primicerius of the cubiculum 4. The fifth is the dignity of the primicerii, the *brabeion* of which is a white tunic with scapulars and gold-woven horses, worn with solemn pomp.

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(94) This is the same as we had above and will recur immediately, *by means of brabeia*. (95) Those who hold or set the wash-basin for the Emperor are the *nipsistiarioi*. For the wash-basin is *nipsistion*; from *nipto* is formed *nipsis*, hence the new Greeks form *nipsizein*, hence *nipsistes* and *nipsistion*, and finally from that, *nipsistiarios*. (96) Thus it pleased the scribe to write for *hypoblattomenon*, which is the same as *apoblattomenon*, purple or silk border; here (because *in the shape of a phialion* follows) it is equipped with a purple hood hanging down over the shoulders. (97) *Phialion* to the Greeks, among other things, denotes a hood attached to a garment, and which, when pulled up, covers the head, and when thrown back behind the neck, is bared; likewise an almutium or bonnet or biretta. The reason for the name is that such head coverings resembled *phialai* or bowls or cymbals, in which milk, hot water, and other things are drawn. Italians still call the occiput *coppa* today, because it resembles a cup or dome. Our German *Kopf*, that is, head, also seems to have flowed from *cupa* or *cymbium*. They called tunics with hoods *tunicae palliolatae* and the hoods themselves *palliolas*; see Salmasius, vol. II, *Script. Hist. Aug.*, p. 771. In the Middle Ages they also called garments with an attached hood or cowl *casulae*. Isidore: a *casula* is a hooded garment; see what was said at p. 271, and Muratori, *Antiqu. Italic.*, vol. II, p. 425 sqq. (98) See what was said about *phengia* at p. 340. (99) Translate as *scapulars*. For undoubtedly the scribe here put *o* for *w* according to his custom. (1) I translated as *horses*. Certainly *polos* also denotes a horse to the new Greeks, though they usually use that word for a donkey. But it seemed unworthy for the honorary vestments of Byzantine nobles, who were always around the Emperor, to have donkeys woven into them. Therefore I preferred horses.

1335 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1336

He gives the customary fee to the praepositi of 36 nomismata, to the deuteros 12, and if he happens to bestow the imperial garment, to the primicerius 6. The sixth dignity is that of the eunuch protospatharioi, whose prize is a golden torque covered with gems and pearls, which the emperor himself places upon their necks with his own hands and fastens. They also receive a white tunic inlaid with gold in the manner of a dibetesion, and a crimson diplois with gold-woven tablia. He gives the customary fee to the praepositi and eunuch patricians 419 and eunuch protospatharioi 72, to the papas and the deuteros 6. The seventh dignity is that of the most illustrious praepositi, whose prize is the tablets of the patriciate, though without the codicilli, handed over by the royal hand during the procession into the Chrysotriclinium. He gives the customary fee, if he is simultaneously declared a protospatharios, of one litra, and to the deuteros for the tablets 24 nomismata. A praepositus may also be any kind of official whatsoever. If, however, he is simultaneously proclaimed a patrician, he pays the same amount as the patricians. The eighth is the dignity of the patricians, namely the eunuchs, whose prize is ivory tablets with codicilli, just as they are for other bearded patricians. Their dress does not differ from the dress of the protospatharioi except for the lora alone, if they also hold the dignity of the protospatharioi at the same time. Eunuch patricians give the same customary fee as the bearded ones. It is established, moreover, that the praepositus, as he provides the notification of promotion from the person and place of the emperor, receives from every official promoted to an office 24 gold nomismata as a customary fee. Therefore, let no one transgress this order and constitution of the dignities set forth thus far, nor seek and obtain them in any other way, except for the clergy alone, who receive dignities by edict alone. The dignity of the protospatharios is confirmed and signified by the epirrhiptarion or cowl, which the royal hand fastens [or pins to the throat] for them. It is necessary that these collected customary fees of the dignities be divided in equal parts by the papas and the deuteros, except for the customary fees of the Chrysotriclinium, which the papas reserves solely for himself. The customary fees, however, which are paid for the ivory tablets by the magistri, the primicerii, and the cubicularii, fall solely to the deuteros, as the above indicates. On the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross in the month of August, the papas goes out [with the cross and traverses the palace and the city], and whatever he collects, he keeps for himself, though a certain portion is granted to the deuteros. If, however, either through illness or other causes, the papas does not go out, the deuteros goes out, and whatever he collects, the papas and the deuteros divide equally.

1337 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1338

papias, the second departs, and whatever of the stipend he has collected from there, he and the papias divide equally. The papias, moreover, has under his inspection the dietarioi for the six [weeks of the great fast]; and the oil for the vaults of the Chrysotriklinos and the lighters of the candles. The oil for the multi-branched candelabrum, which is suspended in the middle of the Chrysotriklinos, and for the remaining polycandela, is provided by the candle-lighters themselves. 420 He also oversees the bath attendants, the furnace heaters, and the candle-lighters of the Lausiakos and the Justinian, likewise the horologoi and the zarabai. Whoever among them should die in office, the praepositus has the power to substitute others in their place, and he receives from them a certain number of coins as a customary fee; from the primikerioi 19 coins, and from the individual dietarioi and the rest, six coins each. The primikerioi also receive one coin, and the people five. The second also oversees the seats and the dietarioi and their primikerios, and the crowns and the vestments of the emperors, and the veils of the Chrysotriklinos, and those in charge of the changes of clothing, and the vestitores along with their primikerioi, and the equipment of the dignities, and those in charge of the dignities, who also collect the dignities from those receiving the ranks. And whoever among them should die, the one who is to succeed must provide the customary fees to the second, just as the papias also receives. In the processions, all the vestitores and primikerioi must assemble, and they carry the kornilia along with the crowns. The dietarioi of both must assemble and carry in the processions the imperial tablets along with the changes of clothing. The imperial tailors, the gold-embroiderers, and the goldsmiths must follow in the processions, they too carrying the imperial swords in their sheaths. And they receive from the barbarian the maioumas for the prokenso. And the papias receives wood by the week.

VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY BY JOHANNES JACOB REISKE

(5) Perhaps the six weeks of the quadragesima are understood. (6) A psiathos and psiadion is a mat, made of reeds or rushes. (7) That this word is barbaric is clear; to which nation it pertains, I do not know. The Arabic language provides nothing useful here. There is indeed in it "Zarrab," a striker or beater, and it could therefore be understood as the beater of the semantron or the wood that indicates the hours of prayer and the gathering into the church. But it seems this office pertained to the horologoi, from whom these Zarabai are named differently; and "Zarrab" does not specifically denote the beater of such wood, but rather, in the end, of anything, such as a moneyer, a drummer, etc. (8) What this abbreviation means here, I do not know. It is accustomed elsewhere to signify a centenarium or a mass of one hundred pounds of gold; that this does not fit here is obvious. I have substituted miliaresia in the Latin by conjecture. (9) The equipment of the dignities is, for example, the golden rod of the ostiarii and silentiarii, the codicilli and ivory tablets of the patricians, the torques of the candidati, etc. (10) Hence, as appears from that which immediately follows, "who also collect the dignities from those receiving the ranks," "dignities" here denotes the same thing that "customary fees" denotes, namely the taxes to be paid for a new office. (11) One should not think here of boards or the borders of garments, but they are the tablets or areas of the vestiarium, vast, wide, square in shape, whereas the kornilia are cylindrical boxes. (12) For they do not carry swords, but in their sheaths. (13) Who this barbarian is, I confess I do not know. They stood by the princes and archons, as in the memorable example of Ardeschir in Procopius, Vandalic War, I. 11, at the end, p. 162, ed. Hoeschel.

1339 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1340

to be guarded, kept, and performed unshaken, and to remain firm, just as our pious and God-inspired majesty has set forth, as it was also justly set forth from ancient times by those who reigned piously before us. [For example, the palace] stewards, and they shall carry in processions tables laden with imperial changes of clothing; likewise, that the imperial tailors, the gold-wire workers, and the goldsmiths follow the processions. It is also the duty of the *deuterai* to carry the imperial swords in their scabbards, and to receive the *majouma* in the name of the processions from the barbarian [or captain of the *hetairia*]. The *papias* must also receive the wood once a week, and the *deuterus* also once a week. All these things must be guarded, observed, and performed, and not disturbed, but remain firm and unmoved, just as our pious and God-filled majesty has established, and likewise as those who reigned piously before us in ancient times ordained, as was fitting.

Concerning the dignities which eunuchs obtain solely by the emperor's decree.

Those which are obtained by royal word: dignities for these. The dignities obtained by word for these are nine in number, strictly speaking: the *parakoimomenos* of the master; the *protovestiarios* of the master; the one in charge of the master’s table; the one in charge of the empress’s table; the *papias* of the Great Palace; the *deuterus* of the Great Palace; the cupbearer of the Augusta; the *papias* of the *Magnaura*; and the *papias* of the Daphne. Nevertheless, eunuchs can in general obtain all the dignities that bearded men can, except for the dignities of the *eparch* (or prefect of the city), the *quaestor*, and the *domestikoi*.

Volume II.

Having striven, therefore, to set forth all these dignities, which are bestowed by deed and by word, in clear and accurate language, we have not deemed it just, O friends, to end the discourse with these, but rather it seems necessary that (as was most incumbent upon us to investigate and declare, and as you have asked of me), we should provide a full and complete exposition regarding the seating and precedence of these dignities. Therefore, intending to repeat, as if in a recapitulation, the names of the dignities already mentioned, we shall now take care to declare the order, title, and proper seat of each clearly and briefly, as if in a certain canon or list. For the *artoklinas*, whose duty it is to call in those who are to sit at the sacred table, must know all these things well, and must perform the arrangement of the sacred imperial banquets in a twofold manner for the sake of decorum: by word, he must announce the title of each dignity, and with his right hand, through his gesture, he must point out the place appropriate to each; and he must urge the first-called friend toward the left side, so that the analogy of the imperial dignity...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

...is maintained in our frequent usage, *hikanatos excubitus*, etc., for the prefect of the *hikanatoi*, of the *excubitores*; this "barbarian" will be the prefect of the barbarians or of the *hetairia*. Yet he is never called so elsewhere in our codex. ...both by the prize and by the mere royal utterance, and those honored, both those established in the act itself and those who are vacant, *emprattous* and *aprattous*. ...the patriarch sits on a seat to the left of the emperor. Therefore, the left place was more honorable. Indeed, it is still so today among the Turks. I have noted, says Busbecq, p. 48, that among them the left place is held to be more worthy, unless something else prevents it, because the sword honors that side, and he who is on the right side in a certain way has the sword under the hand of him who closes the left side, while he indeed carries it free and unencumbered. The distinguished Leichius had also observed this in his *Adversaria*, noting from the Trevoltine memoirs, Ann. 1707, p. 822, that Abbot Batelli, in a booklet published at Rome in 1707 concerning the marble sarcophagus of Probus Anicius and Proba Falconia, had disputed much about the custom of placing the image of St. Paul on the right and St. Peter on the left, and had gone on to demonstrate that the left was more honorable. Yet it can be proven by a suitable argument that the left was not more honorable among the Greeks as well, since there are rather many things which clearly testify that the right was held by them to be more honorable. Indeed, wherever the emperor proceeded with the patriarch, he always occupied the right. Among the conditions by which Justinian the Great confirmed Theodahad on the throne of the Goths in Italy, there was, according to Procopius, p. 173, at the beginning, this also: that a statue should never be set up for Theodahad alone, but always with Justinian, and in such a way that the emperor held the right, and he himself the left. Many such examples could be gathered. But I refrain in a manifest matter. ...he deems the other worthy and gives. Moreover, I do not see how a dish laden with food can be handed more conveniently to one sitting on the left than to one sitting on the right.

(14) This expression can also mean those who are honored. (15) Similar to this is the passage on p. 55, where it is said: The... (16) I take this for *axioseos*, the office by which one...

1341 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1342

to pronounce the appellation of each, and at the same time, with a decorous and customary gesture of the right hand, to assign to each his proper place; and to send the friend of the lord, who is called first, to the left hand of the lord, so that his majesty may the more easily and conveniently offer dishes to that first-called person. But the one called in the second place is to be sent to the right; and he is to proclaim in this manner: Patriarch of Constantinople; Caesar; Nobilissimus; Curopalates; Basileopator; Zoste Patricia. These six dignities alone, indeed, feast together with the emperor at the apocopta, or private table, separated from the others. All the rest, however, are of the second order, such as the magister [first], the magister [second], and so on. If any of these honored persons is, moreover, endowed with an office, he is preferred to his peer, even if he happens to be the last. Then, the rector, the syncellus of Rome, the syncellus of Constantinople. And if the syncelli of the Eastern patriarchs should happen to be present, they are preferred according to their own patriarchates, and then the archbishop of Bulgaria, [and] the eunuch patricians. The one among them who is in office is preferred to the other. The anthypatos patrician and strategos of the Anatolics; the anthypatos patrician and domestic of the schools; the anthypatos patrician and strategos of the Armeniacs; the anthypatos patrician and strategos of the Thracesians; the anthypatos patrician and count of the Opsikion; the anthypatos patrician and strategos of the Bucellarians; the anthypatos patrician and strategos of Cappadocia; the anthypatos patrician...

VARIOUS READINGS. JOAN. JAC. REISKE

Alexander, brother of Leo, under whose reign this Cletorologium was compiled. Since, however, the "Augusti" are otherwise the Augustus and Augusta, and among the members of the separate table the Zoste Patricia is named, who was the woman of chief dignity in the court of the Augusta and the first after the Augusta, and performed absolutely no duty for the office of the Augustus, and since it is said, moreover, that where there was no Augusta, banquets of nineteen couches could not be held, it is highly probable that the Augustus and the Augusta presided, to which is added that only six dignities are listed here which would be admitted to the separate table; and yet everywhere throughout this Cletorologium it is read that twelve persons sat at that table besides the Augustus. Perhaps, therefore, the wives of those supreme princes and the husband of the Zoste Patricia were present. I would not dare to affirm this, however, reflecting on the extreme pride or modesty of the Augustae, who very rarely showed themselves to be viewed by the nobles. And besides, the Basileopatores were not always present, nor the Nobilissimi. And what is most important, the Augustae, in the same manner and at the same times as the Augusti, received the wives of those nobles whom the Augustus had as guests beside him, see p. 172 and p. 227. Even in the banquet of the Prince of Moldavia, where he receives his clergy and nobles, and which in many respects agrees with the solemn banquets of the ancient emperors, so that their image may deservedly be said to correspond, the princess is not present. La Croix describes that banquet in *L'Etat présent de l'Eglise Grecque*, bk. 1, ch. 15, which whole passage, because it excellently illustrates this Cletorologium of ours, it will not be tedious to have compared. You may indeed gather from the passage of Nicetas, p. 232, that women of royal blood also feasted with the emperor. But he is speaking there of private meals, not of public, fixed banquets.

COMMENTARY.

(17) It can be understood as the colleague of the empire, such as was Alexander, brother of Leo... (18) These words sufficiently indicate that none of the remaining dignities were admitted to the separate table. And yet the contrary is asserted so many times thereafter. (19) I once believed that the second "magister" was viciously repeated. Certainly, on p. 423, the magister is named only once. But the scribe can be defended. For elsewhere in our Codex two magistri are mentioned, of whom one seems to have been in the party of the greater Augustus, the other in the party of the lesser, or rather one in the party of the Augustus, the other in the party of the Augusta. I would not want to detract from the credibility of Liutprand in his *History*, who lists twenty-four different offices of the first order of the Byzantine court with the title of magister. Perhaps in that age, when he was in Constantinople for the first time, around A.D. 947, the name of magister was placed before all primary dignities. In our codex, however, this tenor always prevails: "the patrician and anthypatos, this one or that one." In later time the title of prohedros came into use: prohedros and protovestiarius, prohedros and canicleus, and so on. (20) But the magister officiorum was not a mere dignity, but the office itself was one of the chief ones. Therefore, "of these" is not to be taken of the magistri, about whom the discourse immediately preceded, but of "the other orders," which are named thereafter: as a patrician established in an office, even if recently created, takes precedence over a patrician not holding an office, even if he is an old one. (21) Although in the 10th century legates of the Roman pontiff went to Constantinople more rarely, than when in the 6th or 7th century it still obeyed the Constantinopolitan emperor, sometimes legates were sent there to settle business, usually syncelli or vicars of the Pontiffs. For cardinals were not yet very frequent then, although they were already known, as is evident from our p. 428. The name of the syncelli of the Roman see is indeed read more rarely, but that they also had their own syncelli is evident from this passage and from others which Du Cange collected under the word *Syncellus*. Our author also teaches that the clergy of the Roman see was preferred at Constantinople, that is, each in order to his peer.

1343 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1344 whoever is honored with an office is preferred to another [who is not honored with any dignity other than the patriciate]. Then they follow in this order: Proconsul patrician and strategos of the Anatolikon or Orientals; proconsul patrician and domestic of the Schools; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Armeniakon; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Thracesion; proconsul patrician and count of the office; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Bucellarians; proconsul patrician and strategos of Cappadocia; proconsul patrician and strategos of Charsianon; proconsul patrician and strategos of Colonia; proconsul patrician and strategos of Paphlagonia; proconsul patrician and strategos of Thrace; proconsul 422 patrician and strategos of Macedonia; proconsul patrician and strategos of Chaldia; proconsul patrician and strategos and domestic of the Excubitors; proconsul patrician and eparch or prefect of the City; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Peloponnese; proconsul patrician and strategos of Nicopolis; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Cibyrrhaeots; proconsul patrician and strategos of Greece; proconsul patrician and strategos of Sicily; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Strymon; proconsul patrician and strategos of Cephalenia; proconsul patrician and strategos of Thessalonica; proconsul patrician and strategos of Dyrrachium; proconsul patrician and strategos of Samos; proconsul patrician and strategos of the Aegean Sea; proconsul patrician and strategos of Dalmatia; proconsul patrician and strategos of Cherson; proconsul patrician and sacellarius; proconsul patrician and genikos logothete or general rationalis; proconsul patrician and quaestor; proconsul patrician and logothete of the military; proconsul patrician and drungary of the watch; proconsul patrician and drungary of the maritime; proconsul patrician and logothete of the dromos; proconsul patrician and logothete of the herds; proconsul patrician and domestic of the Hicanatoi; proconsul patrician and domestic of the Numeri; proconsul patrician and domestic of the Optimatoi; proconsul patrician and count of the camps; proconsul patrician and chartulary of the sacellion; proconsul patrician and chartulary of the vestiary; proconsul patrician and chartulary of the canicleion; proconsul patrician and protostrator; proconsul patrician and protasecretis; proconsul patrician and count of the stable; proconsul patrician and prefect of the idikon or private affairs; proconsul patrician and great curator; proconsul patrician and curator of the palace of the Mangana; proconsul patrician and master of petitions; proconsul patrician and prefect of the orphanotropheia; proconsul patrician and demarch of the Veneti; proconsul patrician and demarch of the Prasinoi. 428 But if those who hold these offices are not all proconsuls at the same time, but some have attained a dignity in the bare patriciate, whether as strategoi, or domestics, or another official, such persons are preferred...

[Greek text follows, repeating the list of titles and concluding:]

...But if those who are appointed to the offices are not all proconsuls, but have taken on the strategates, or the domesticates, or the offices while holding only the dignity of the patriciate, the plain proconsuls are preferred in the seating arrangements to the patricians who are appointed to the offices, clearly with each of them being preferred in rank according to the issuance of his codicil, except for the strategos of the Anatolikon and the domestic of the Schools; for these alone, even if they are not proconsuls, in the seating of the proconsuls...

1345 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1346

[Greek text:] ...surpassing all others. But if any of them, whether from the proconsuls or from the simple patricians, are promoted to strategos-ships or to any other office acquired by imperial mandate, each of them enjoys a seat according to the proper dignity of the office. It is not, however, according to the order of the rank of the delivery of the codicil, even if it should happen that the last in rank is preferred to the first in any office acquired by mandate. But if there should be "pagan" patricians without offices, they fall below the patricians who hold offices. And if any one of the aforementioned offices is succeeded to, he shall be treated in the summons according to the first rank of the order of his codicil. And all are summoned in this way:

[Latin text:] ...namely, that they hold their rank according to the time of the codicils delivered to them; except only for the strategos of the Anatolics and the domestic of the Schools. For these alone, even if they were not proconsuls, are nevertheless preferred in seating to all proconsuls. But if any of them, whether proconsuls or simple patricians, is promoted to the dignity of strategos or any other of those offices which are obtained solely by the lord's edict: then each one of them sits in a place not that which he would hold as a proconsul or patrician, but that which the glory and authority of his office demands; yet not according to the order of the rank of the delivered codicils. For it may happen in any office of those which are bestowed by mandate, that he who ought to be last according to the time of promotion, precedes him who is the most ancient of the promoted. But if there are any "pagans," that is, those devoid of offices, who are patricians, they yield in rank to patricians who hold offices. If anyone has obtained a successor in any of the said offices, he will be proceeded with in the summons according to the rank which previously belonged to him from the order of his codicil. And all are summoned in this way.

Volume III. — Chapter III. — Concerning the seating of dignities in general.

[Greek text:] The general seating. The magister; the rector; the syncellus; the patrician and praepositus; the eunuch patricians; the proconsul patricians and strategoi according to their strategata or their offices; the simple proconsul patricians according to their codicils; the patrician strategoi according to their strategata or their offices; the praepositus who is not a patrician (but if he is honored with an office, he is preferred to the other); the protospatharios and strategos of the Anatolics; the protospatharios and domestic of the Schools; the protospatharios and strategoi of the Anatolic themes according to their strategata; the protospatharios and domestic of the excubitors; the protospatharios and eparch of the City; the protospatharios and strategoi of the themes of the West according to their strategata; the metropolitans; the archbishops according to their thrones; the protospatharios and sakellarios; the bishops who are held as primikerioi eunuchs of the cubiculum (but if they are also protospatharioi, they are preferred to the simple primikerioi; and if they have also taken on offices, they are preferred to the rest in that order); the protospatharios and logothete of the genikon; the ostiarioi of the cubiculum (if they also hold offices, they are preferred to those of equal rank); the quaestor, even if he is not a protospatharios; the protospatharios and logothete of the military; the protospatharios and droungarios of the vigla; the oikonomos of the Great Church, as he is honored at present; the protospatharios and logothete of the dromos; the protospatharios and droungarios of the fleet; the protospatharios and logothete of the herds; the protospatharios and epi ton basilikon; the protospatharios and domestic of the hikanatoi; the protospatharios and domestic of the noumeroi; the protospatharios and domestic of the optimatoi; the protospatharios...

[Latin text:] The magister sits first, then the rector, then the syncellus; the patrician and praepositus the same; the eunuch patricians; the proconsul patricians and strategoi according to their strategata, that is, their praetorships or provinces or their offices; the simple proconsul patricians according to the era of their codicils; the patrician strategoi [and officials who are not simultaneously proconsuls] according to their strategata or their offices; the praepositus who is not a patrician; but if he simultaneously performs an office, he precedes the other [holding the same office]; the protospatharios and strategos of the Anatolics; the protospatharios and domestic of the Schools; the protospatharioi and strategoi of the particular themes or provinces of the East according to the order of their strategata; the protospatharios and domestic of the excubitors; the protospatharios and prefect of the City; the protospatharioi and strategoi of the themes of the West according to the order of their strategata; the metropolitans; the archbishops according to their thrones or seats; the protospatharios and sakellarios; the bishops constituted under the inspection of superior pontiffs; the primikerioi eunuchs of the cubiculum; who are simultaneously protospatharioi are preferred to simple primikerioi, and the same obtains for those who perform other offices besides; the protospatharios and logothete of the genikon; the ostiarioi of the cubiculum, who if they simultaneously perform offices, are preferred to their colleagues; the quaestor, even if he is not a protospatharios; the protospatharios and logothete of the military fisc; the protospatharios and droungarios of the vigla; the oikonomos of the Great Church, as he holds rank at this time; the protospatharios and logothete of the dromos; the protospatharios and droungarios of the dromos; the protospatharios and droungarios of the fleet; the protospatharios and logothete of the herds; the protospatharios and prefect of the imperial men or basilikoi; the protospatharios and domestic of the hikanatoi; the protospatharios and domestic of the noumeroi; the protospatharios and domestic of the optimatoi; the protospatharios...

VARIOUS READINGS. R. thinks that "peri" or "dia" before "tes" has been lost.

1347 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1348

[...]; protospatharios and domestic of the Optimatoi; protospatharios and count of the Walls; the protospatharios and count of the Camps; protospatharios and chartulary of the Sakellion; protospatharios and chartulary of the Vestiarion; protospatharios and chartulary of the Kanikleion; protospatharios and protostrator; protospatharios and protoasekretes; the protospatharioi representing the themes, each according to the order of his theme; protospatharios and count of the Stable; protospatharios and prefect of the Special Logothete or private accounts; protospatharios and great curator; protospatharios and curator of the Manganon; protospatharios and master of petitions; protospatharios and orphanotrophos; the protospatharioi and kleisourarchai [or prefects of the frontiers, or of lesser prefectures than the strategata]; protospatharios and demarch of the Venetoi; protospatharios and demarch of the Prasinoi; protospatharios and ceremoniarius; protospatharios and ex-strategos of the Anatolikoi; protospatharios and ex-domestic of the Schools; the protospatharioi and ex-strategoi of the individual Eastern themes; protospatharios and ex-domestic of the Excubitors; the protospatharioi and ex-prefects; the protospatharioi and ex-strategoi of the Western themes; the protospatharioi and ex-quaestors; the protospatharioi of the Chrysotriklinos; who, however, were formerly preferred to the ex-strategoi and ex-prefects; the protospatharioi judges; the protospatharioi of the company of the Maglabitai and the articlinae; the protospatharioi and archons of the stables; the protospatharioi and ex-officials, according to the offices they once held; the protospatharioi and basilikoi according to their promotions; the protospatharioi and asekretai; the urban protospatharioi; the exotic or suburban or provincial protospatharioi. But if not all those who hold dignities obtained by mandate are protospatharioi, as far as the strategos of the Eastern and Western provinces is concerned, these, since they enjoy a dignity, even if they have not received the brabeion [insignia] along with it, do not yield the seat and precedence appropriate to their provinces; but they obtain the seat which is assigned to their provinces. The prefect of the city and the quaestor enjoy equal rights. All the others, honored with the insignia of dignities as well as offices, are always preferred to those who have obtained the same insignia of dignities with them, but without the duties of the offices. In the order of offices, each occupies his own proper place. After the class of the protospatharioi, the second is introduced, namely that of the spatharocandidatoi [or spatharioi and candidatoi], as those who are simultaneously spatharioi and officials according to their offices; the spatharocubicularii of the royal bedchamber; the spatharocubicularii of the cubiculum; the royal presbyters; the presbyters and hegumens and presbyters of the church.

VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY BY JOHANN JACOB REISKE. Regarding the one that is in the second place, I think it should either be deleted, with no successor given, or if it must be exchanged with another, "abbots, monks" should be substituted for it. And furthermore, for "of the Great Church," read [accordingly]. However, on page 425, it also reads "of the church," without "Great," where nothing other than the Great Church or St. Sophia is understood. I also refer here to the expression "of the houses" on page 417, where it is doubtful whether "royal" or "pious" should be understood. It is established that the monks belonged to the Great Church. But where there are monks, there also the presbyters and hegumens have their place.

(22) This word is read twice here, as I think, superfluously.

1349 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1350

...the spatharocandidati and those from the strategoi; the spatharocandidati of the Chrysotriklinos; the domestic spatharocandidati and judges; the spatharocandidati, maglabitai, and articlinae; the spatharocandidati from the offices; the domestic spatharocandidati of the Lausiakos; the spatharocandidati and asekretis; the spatharocandidati and kleisourarchai; the spatharocandidati and tourmarchai of the foederati (23); the spatharocandidati and tourmarchai of Lycaonia and Pamphylia; the spatharocandidati and topoteretai of the Scholai; the spatharocandidati and tourmarchai of the themes of the East, according to their themes; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the Exkoubitores; the spatharocandidati and tourmarchai of the themes of the West; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the Arithmos; the spatharocandidati and tourmarchai of the naval forces; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the fleet; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the Hikanatoi; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the Noumeroi; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the Optimatoi; the spatharocandidatos and topoteretes of the walls; the spatharocandidati of the city and those of the sekreta; the disypatoi according to their ranks. If these are not spatharocandidati, let them fall under the dignities of the awards, but let them be honored accordingly in the offices of their rank.

Then, in this way, the order of the spatharioi is introduced, such as: the cubicularii of the imperial bedchamber; the cubicularii of the cubiculum; the cubicularii of the patriarch; the oikonomos of the Great Church; the imperial deacons; the deacons of the church; the spatharioi of the Chrysotriklinos; the spatharioi and judges; the spatharioi, maglabitai, and articlinae; the spatharioi and tourmarchai according to their themes; the spatharioi and topoteretai according to their tagmata; the spatharioi and asekretis and the protonotarios of the dromos; the spatharioi of the spatharikion; the spatharioi and comites of the corte of the Anatolikoi; the spatharioi and comites of the Scholai; the spatharioi and comites of the corte of the eastern themes according to their themes; the spatharios and symponos of the eparch; the spatharios and logothete of the praitoria; the spatharioi and comites of the corte of the themes of the West according to their themes; the spatharioi and chartularioi of the general logothete; the spatharioi and antigrapheis of the quaestor; the spatharioi and chartularioi of the military logothete; the spatharios and chartularios of the theme of the Anatolikoi; the spatharios and chartularios of the tagma of the Scholai; the spatharios and actuarios; the spatharioi and chartularioi of the eastern themes; the spatharios and chartularios of the Exkoubitores; the spatharioi and chartularioi of the western themes.

[Latin translation provided in the source text omitted as per instructions.]

VARIOUS READINGS. (23) The word for foederati is sometimes written thus, but *phoideraton* is more correct. Goar, in his notes to Cedrenus, p. 487, distinguishes these from those incorrectly. I have nothing to add regarding the foederati beyond what Du Cange has in his Greek Glossary.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

1351 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1352

[Latin text:] ...chartulary of the excubitors; spatharii and chartularies of the Western legions; spatharii and imperial notaries of the sacellion; spatharii and imperial notaries of the vestiarion; spatharii and imperial notaries of the idikon or private property; spatharii and notaries of the arcae of the public treasury; spatharii and protonotaries of the great curatorate; spatharii and deuterenoutes or secundiceri of the demarchs; the spatharius who manages the imperial estates; the spatharius and domestic of the triclinar ministry; the spatharius and zygostates or libripens; the spatharius goldsmith; the spatharius and archon of the armamentarium or armory; spatharii and xenodochi; spatharii and gerocomi; spatharii and protonotaries of the themes according to their order; the spatharius and oikistikos [or master of architects]; urban spatharii and exotic or suburban or provincial spatharii. Of all these officials, whoever holds some office, yet in such a way that he is not simultaneously a spatharius, he indeed succeeds those of his own order who have received dignities with insignia, yet he obtains a rank of office inferior to those honored of a lower order. After these is introduced the fourth class, of the hypatoi or consuls, stratores, candidati, mandatores, vestitores, apraloi or honoraries, as much of the tagmatic or urban orders as of the thematic or provincial orders, in this manner: imperial consuls and chartularies and notaries of the aforementioned secretariats or bureaus according to the ranks of their offices and bureaus; pagan consuls or those void of function and authority; senators; palace clergy; clergy of the Great Church; stratores, if there be any at that time, of the chrysotriclinium; stratores of the maglabion, and likewise those who are; 487 stratores of the private Lausiac and asecretis; stratores of the sacred stratorikion; stratores; scribones [or deputies] of the excubitors; chartularies of the themes; domestics of the tagma of the Schools; domestics of the themes of the East and West according to their classes and dignities; honorary asecretis; honorary notaries of the asecretiae; royal candidati of the circus, mandatores, vestitores, silentiarii, honorary drungarii of the themes according to their themes and their drungi or maniples; counts of the themes in the same way, honorary counts of the numeri; honorary chartulary of the arithmos; honorary counts of the naval force; chartulary of the naval force; honorary counts of the hicanatoi; honorary chartulary of the hicanatoi; honorary chartulary of the stable; honorary epictes [or compulsor] of the stable; tribunes of the numeri; chartulary of the numeri; counts of the optimatoi; chartulary of the optimatoi; chartulary of the camps; secundiceri of the demarchs; tribunes of the camps; proximus of the Schools: centarchs or centurions of the arithmos; centarchs of the hicanatoi;

[Greek text:] ...the spatharii and imperial notaries of the vestiarion; the spatharii and imperial notaries of the idikon; the spatharii and notaries of the arcae of the genikon; the spatharii and protonotaries of the great curatorate; the spatharii and second-in-command of the demarchs; the spatharius and [official] in charge of the curatorship of the imperial houses (24); the spatharius and domestic of the ministry; the spatharius and zygostates; the spatharius and goldsmith; the spatharius and archon of the armamentarium; the spatharii and xenodochi; the spatharii and gerocomi; the spatharii and protonotaries of the themes according to their themes; the spatharius and oikistikos (25); the spatharii who are of the city (26) and the exotic ones. But if these are not spatharii, let them fall under the dignities [granted] by awards, but let them be honored in their own offices according to rank. After these, let the fourth class be introduced, that of the hypatoi, stratores, candidati, mandatores, vestitores, apraloi, tagmatic and thematic [officials], as follows: imperial hypatoi and chartularies and notaries of the said secretariats according to the grades of their own offices; pagan hypatoi of the senate, clergy of the palace and of the Great Church, stratores, if they happen to be, of the chrysotriclinium, stratores likewise of the maglabion, domestic stratores of the Lausiac and asecretis, stratores of the imperial stratorikion; stratores, scribones (27) of the excubitors and chartularies of the themes; domestics of the tagma of the Schools; domestics of the themes of the East and West according to their tagmata and their dignities; apraloi asecretis, apraloi notaries of the asecretiae, imperial candidati of the hippodrome and mandatores, vestitores, silentiarii, apraloi drungarii of the themes according to their themes and their drungi; counts of the themes likewise; apraloi counts of the arithmoi; the chartulary of the arithmos likewise; counts of the naval force likewise; the chartulary of the naval force; counts of the hicanatoi likewise; the chartulary of the hicanatoi likewise; the chartulary of the stable likewise; the epictes of the stable likewise; tribunes of the numeri; the chartulary of the numeri; the counts of the optimatoi; the chartulary of the walls; the second-in-command of the demarchs; the tribunes of the walls; the proximus of the Schools; the centarchs of the arithmos; the centarchs of the hicanatoi; the protectores of the Schools; the vicars of the numeri; the vicars of the walls; the dragonarii of the excubitors; the apoeparchontes; the stratelatai; the akolouthos of the arithmos; the proto...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKE:] Maritime Asia had palaces and estates successively founded by the emperors, into which they either retreated themselves for a rustic life, or which they permitted those who had served well to enjoy and use for the days of their lives, as is evident from Script. post Theophan. p. 6. [Notes:] (24) As much in the city as in the suburbs and on the shores. (25) Thus it is written in clear letters in this place from the membrane; see the remarks on p. 416. Oikistikos is for oikistes. Thus they spoke in the Middle Ages, nautikos or pleustikos for sailor, stratiotikos for soldier, oikistikos for architect. (26) "Of the cities" [in the] ms. I read "of the city," as I did in the Latin [text] above. For the royal city is opposed to "those outside," the suburbs, municipalities, and provinces. (27) Perhaps these are to be joined by an inserted "and."

1353 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II

the protomandator of the Excubitors; the protomandator of the Hicanatoi; the protocaraboi; the protonotaries of the themes and of the agelai who are honorary; the bandophoroi of the Arithmos; the bandophoroi of the Hicanatoi; the eutychiophoroi of the Scholai; the skeuophoroi of the Excubitors; the labouresioi of the Arithmos; the skeptrophoroi of the Scholai; the signophoroi of the Excubitors; the semeiophoroi of the Arithmos; the semeiophoroi of the Hicanatoi; the axiomatikoi of the Scholai; the sinatores of the Excubitors; the doukiniatores of the Arithmos; the doukiniatores of the Hicanatoi; the mandatores of the Scholai; the protocancellarioi of the themes; the optiones of the tagmata; the protocancellarios of the general logothete; the protocancellarios of the quaestor; the protomandator of the noumera; the protomandator of the teichea; the protocancellarios of the sakellion; the kentarchos of the vestiarion; the protomandatores and legatarioi of the Excubitors; the mandatores and legatarioi of the Arithmos; the excubitores; the doorkeepers of the palace and of the secreta; the runners of the dromos; the factionarioi; the geitoniarchai; the notaries of the factions; the chartularioi of the factions; the poets and singers of the demes; the charioteers of the factions; the mandatores of the noumera; the mandatores of the teichea; the legatarios of the vestiarion; the chosbaitai of the great vestiarion; the kentarchoi of the thematic strategoi; the mikropanitai; the honorary guards of the castles; the kentarchoi of the banda; the demotai; the droungarioi of the infantry; the cancellarioi of the secreta; the topoteretai of the choroi; the soldiers of the tagmata; the soldiers of the themes.

If any of all these mentioned persons hold dignities that are granted with a prize, let each of them be preferred in rank according to the dignity of his equal. But if they are pagans [i.e., holding only the title of an office without the function], let them be honored only in the offices, being summoned according to the order already set forth.

But the ambassadors coming from foreign nations, who are deemed worthy of the honorable banquet of our emperors, are summoned in this manner.

The bishops from Rome were preferred over our own bishops.

Those coming from Rome, if they are bishops, are preferred over the bishops of our own church. If they are presbyters, they are likewise preferred. Similarly, every order of the priesthood receives preference according to the seating order mentioned above. The same shall also hold true for the three patriarchs who are in the East. The envoys who came from Rome were honored for the sake of the union.

1354 [Latin translation of the list provided in the Greek text]

[Commentary by Reiske]

1355 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1356 [Bishop Nicholas and Cardinal John took precedence over the entire class of magistroi. (Those syncelli who were present from Antioch and Jerusalem were preferred before all magistroi.)] Likewise, the syncelli of Antioch and Jerusalem held a place in the second order of the banquet above all magistroi. The Agarene friends of the patricians and strategoi follow the class in terms of seating order, yet in such a way that those among them who have come from the East are preferred over the Westerners. These so-called friends are seated in the left position [or the first table on the left side of the triclinium], fourth or fifth from the beginning, because they fall under the second course. Those friends who have come from the Huns or Bulgarians are invited in the calling of common and customary banquets as fourth or fifth in the second position, that is, these also after the patricians.

[VARIOUS READINGS AND COMMENTARY OF JOANNES JACOBUS REISKE] The words "and the syncelli from Antioch and Jerusalem were preferred before every magistros" are considered by Reiske to be a marginal note, which he enclosed in brackets.

COMMENTARY: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in the narrative prefixed to our work (§ IV), relates that Leo the Wise, our father, was excluded from the communion of the sacraments by Nicholas, the Patriarch of Constantinople, on account of his fourth marriage; but that Sergius, the Roman pontiff (he is the third of that name), having sent legates to Constantinople, approved that marriage and declared it legitimate, while Nicholas was censured for favoring Photius. This happened in the year 906, and this is concluded from the Annals of Baronius. I do not doubt that our passage refers to this embassy. There remains a slight doubt regarding the year. In the year 906, Sergius was not yet sitting on the throne. It seems, therefore, that that embassy was not dispatched by Sergius, but by his predecessor, Benedict III. Who those persons, Bishop Nicholas and Cardinal John, mentioned here might be, those to whom ecclesiastical history is more familiar would perhaps know better than I.

"The second position of the table" (32): The first order was made up of those who sat apart from the imperial table, according to the magistros and all those whom he had mentioned on page 421 as being "of the table." Therefore, "position" here is the same as "order," or "table" is used for the entire banquet, as I have already observed above on page 348. A little later, the word "position" recurs, but with a different meaning, as I shall say there. It can also be taken as "course," which is found on page 429.

"Agarene friends" (33): The Agarenes or Saracens are the Westerners.

"Left position" (34): This place is "position," the same as "side" or "flank."

"Second course" (35): Three courses were accustomed to be brought into the imperial banquet. The first, which you could call the appetizer, for stimulating the appetite; the second was called the *aptominson*, a course of roast meat; the third was the *soulkin*, a course of pastries and honeyed or sugared things. There is no discussion here of these courses, but the word "course" must be taken in another sense in this place. All the guests partook of each of the aforementioned courses. But because, as is evident from Liutprand and Greek writers, dishes laden with food were not placed on individual tables, but only on the imperial table, from which the Emperor sent his portion to each, it was necessary that the dishes placed on the imperial table be very large; for this reason, they are also read to have been brought in on carts and lifted by pulleys and ropes and thus deposited on the sacred table. However, no matter how large those dishes were, they could not hold as much of one course or food as would suffice for 228 men. Therefore, one dish having been emptied, another full of the same course had to be brought in, and a third and a fourth, and so on, until all had received their portion of the same course. The same procedure was followed with the second course, or roast meat, and the third. There were several "servings" of each course. The first serving was destined for those sitting at the special or separate imperial table; the second for the patricians and those of similar rank; the third and the rest for the lower magistrates. It is clear that such a manner of banqueting was unrefined, full of tedium and tumult, and altogether illiberal. The Emperor himself distributed the portions and sent them to each. Do you think such work is more worthy of an emperor than a servant, in which much time is consumed and no little sweat is shed? And how could one man suffice for 228 people, three times in one banquet, that is, for 681 portions to be distributed? Suppose he did not distribute them himself, but the stewards did; suppose he only sent the portions to each of the guests: is there not enough tedium even in that to break one's head and not allow one to eat comfortably or breathe? You would hardly believe it was done this way, were it not attested by trustworthy authors. [But it is credible that the Emperor did not send courses to all guests indiscriminately, but only to a few select ones whom he wished to distinguish from others, as the Prince of Moldavia does (see La Croix, cited above). In ancient times, too, Roman emperors sent courses to guests with their own hands. Lampridius in *Alexander Severus* (Scr. Hist. Aug. t. I, p. 951): "He always served the ministers from his own hand..."]

1357 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1358

...they shall be called in the left-hand position, clearly falling under the rank of the patricians, generals, and all the officials stationed in the *bēlon*, and they themselves enjoying the second course of the imperial table. In the nineteen *akoubita*, they are invited as the eighth and ninth, clearly falling under the order of the aforementioned *bēlon*. The envoys from the Franks, if they hold commissions, shall be called according to these; but if they are pagans, they fall under the order of the officials. Those friends coming from the remaining nations all fall under the rank of the *spatharocandidatoi*.

Volume IV. Since we have been eager to write a specific treatise on the science of the *artiklinai* [table-marshals], and to set forth the dignities of our own government...

[COMMENTARY BY JOAN. JAC. REISKIUS]

...and gave bread and portions of either vegetables or meat or legumes, acting as a father of the family with complete elderly maturity. Without a doubt, John Komnenos also, according to the ancient institution and custom already familiar to him for many years on that day of Easter, which he was celebrating for the last time as a sick man, the day before he expired, distributed the dishes set before those present. Regarding the custom of Isaac Angelos of distributing dishes to those present, Niketas Choniates (p. 231, E) speaks with insane dithyrambs. From the Addenda: ...or ninth from the beginning, or are closer to the end than to the beginning of the table. For when fewer guests were dining at less solemn banquets, or, as our author says, "at common" banquets, and fewer tables were served, these foreign envoys necessarily sat higher up. But at the most solemn and numerous banquets of nineteen couches, with the increased number of guests, they could not help but be pushed to a lower place. That this Byzantine order was maintained with respect to foreign envoys, so that the Saracens were most honored and held in the first place, then the Bulgarians (and that is not surprising, since both nations were the closest neighbors of the Byzantines, the former from the east and south, the latter from the west and north), then finally the Franks, who were more remote, and subsequently the others, such as the Russians, Alans, Armenians, etc. Therefore, there was no reason for Liutprand, Bishop of Cremona, envoy of Otto I to the Emperor Nikephoros Phokas, to complain and be so indignant because he had been placed after the Bulgarian envoys. Our *typikon* declares that the envoys of the Bulgarians must be placed immediately after the patricians at the sacred table, and the envoys of the Franks each according to his *cheirotonia* or installation, *nach seiner Bestallung und Amte*. Liutprand was already a bishop. But above (p. 423), Greek bishops are said to follow the *protospatharios* and *sakellarios* and to precede the other *protospatharios*; and in the image of the church of Ravenna showing Justinian offering a golden cup to the church, in Alemannus on Procopius (p. 72), the clergy stand as inferiors to the left of the emperor, the *spatharioi* to the right, as more honorable. Therefore, Liutprand could not desire a higher place than among the *protospatharioi*, and thus he had to be placed after the Bulgarians, who were between the *protospatharioi* and the patricians. Let us hear his own account of that place. It will illustrate this whole affair. "They ordered me," he says (p. 481), "to be taken back to the hated house and to be guarded with great caution until the day celebrated by all religious people at the Holy Apostles. On which celebration, I, sufficiently sick, and also the messengers of the Bulgarians, who had arrived the day before, were ordered to meet at the Holy Apostles [to proceed into the court, to come into the retinue], and when, after the chatter of dirges [he designates the chants and acclamations] and the celebration of the masses, we were invited to the table, on the nearer edge of the table, which was long without width, he places before me the Bulgarian messenger, consumed in the Hungarian manner, girded with a bronze chain [a torque, as our author says above, that is, a necklace, which Liutprand calls a bronze chain out of contempt, perhaps bronze, but gilded] and, as my mind suggests to me, a catechumen [a candidate for Christianity not yet baptized and ignorant of Christian doctrine, and therefore not to be compared with a learned bishop], to the clear insult of you, my masters, the Augusti [he addresses Otto I, either alone or together with Augusta his wife]. But my masters, not considering my own, but your injury, I left the table. And when I wanted to leave in indignation, Leo Kuropalates, the emperor's brother, and Simeon, the *Proto a secretis*, followed behind me, barking these things: 'When Peter, Basileus of the Bulgarians, was taking the daughter of Christopher as his wife, *symphōna*, that is, agreements [pacts], were confirmed by a written oath, that among the apostles, that is, the messengers, of all nations, the apostles of the Bulgarians should be placed before, honored, and cherished by us. That apostle of the Bulgarians, although, as you say and it is true, he is tonsured, unwashed, and girded with a bronze chain, is nevertheless a patrician, before whom we decree and judge it a sacrilege to place a bishop, especially one of the Franks. And since we know that you take this indignantly, we do not allow you to return now to the lodging, as you think, but we compel you to taste food in a certain inn with the imperial servants [the *basilikois*].' To which, because of the incomparable pain of my heart, I answered nothing, but did what they had ordered, judging the table unworthy, at which I do not say to me, Bishop Liutprand [the word 'catechumen' seems to have fallen out here, but is necessarily required], but the Bulgarian messenger is placed before your messenger. But the holy emperor [the *autokrator* or the *basileus*, he mocks the Greeks] soothed my pain with a great gift [all these things are said ironically], sending me from his most delicate foods a fat kid, from which he himself had eaten, lavishly stuffed with garlic, onion, and leeks, drenched in fish sauce, which I wished were present at your table then, so that you, who do not believe the delicacies of the holy emperor to be so great [I read this for 'fortunate'], might at least believe it having seen these. Therefore, after eight days had passed, when the Bulgarians were already absent, thinking that he was magnifying his table, he compelled me, sufficiently sick, to dine in the same place."

(36) That is: at the table to which they sit, they are the eighth. (37) It is clear from this place, according to the ceremonial.

We have explained the stability and constitution of the sacred imperial banquets; come now, and I shall clearly narrate to you the forms of the dignities invited on each feast day, and the multiform vestments in which it is necessary to introduce them into the banqueting halls. I shall begin from that place where the first fruits of divine grace began to manifest themselves to the world, when our God-promoted and most holy emperors, celebrating this worldly—that is, existing in the world, yet more than worldly—joy in imitation of Christ’s advent to men, spread out the universal banquet to the faithful in common, that they might share in the bodily feast.

The Feast of the Nativity of Christ, in which the displays of the nineteen couches are set forth.

It is necessary for you, friends, on this bright and glorious day of the Nativity of Christ, when the manifold and extraordinary displays of the nineteen couches are set forth, first to call to the banquet at the imperial table of the mixture of the Great Church, for the feasting of our Christ-loving emperors, twelve dignitaries from the imperial senate—such as magistroi, praipositi, proconsul patricians, strategoi, and officials, whom it pleases the emperors to take; and to introduce them, however, without their own proper chlamydes, but clothed only in their tunics (camisia). If, however, any strategoi have been invited, let them be introduced in their own scaramangia along with the drungarios of the watch. At the most venerable table of the nineteen couches, you must invite two magistroi, proconsul patricians, six strategoi, two Bulgarian friends, and two officials from the order of the logothete of the military or other lower offices, so that they may recline at the same table with the emperor.

[VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.]

(38) It was not permitted to stand before the emperor in a chlamys, as a garment of outer wear and honor, but if one had to come into his presence, the chlamys had to be removed; just as we today remove our sword and cane when approaching an illustrious man. I have recorded elsewhere in these notes, from Du Cange (v. Bancus), the story of Robert Guiscard, who, when admitted to Alexius Comnenus, spread his own cloak beneath him, which in a way pertains to this as well. And even if they were to recline wearing their chlamydes, the chlamydes had to be removed at the first course brought in, or even before it was brought in. There is a notable passage of our author on page 162, where it is said that after they had taken their places at the tables, the prefect of the table, by order of the emperor, exclaimed: "Remove your chlamydia." Then all rose and took off both those and the sagas, if they were wearing them. The royal engistiarioi received these and handed them over to their assistants in the Scyla to be guarded; cf. pp. 42 and 47, for the sake of both reverence toward the emperor and convenience, so that the guests might feast more freely and sit more broadly. Thus it is said on page 47 that the patriarch, when going to sit with the emperor, removes his omophorion and, rising from the table, resumes it. The emperor himself, having laid aside his chlamys, feasted in a dibetesion, a type of tunic, as is evident from what follows.

(39) The Greeks of the Middle Ages sat, as we do, at tables.

D The ancient Romans also either reclined at dinner, or, if they wore the toga, at least with the toga let down; see Salmasius on the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, vol. I, p. 95. In other banquets, indeed, they did so; but at those solemn imperial banquets of the nineteen couches, they reclined according to the ancient Roman custom. Liutprand states this in clear words in his History, book VI, chapter 3, which passage, although already praised by others, I cannot but include. For it illustrates our subject immensely. "There is a house," he says, "near the hippodrome toward the north, of wonderful height and beauty, which is called the Decaennea Acubita (Nineteen Couches). This name it obtained not without reason, but from the apparent causes, since nineteen tables are set in it on the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ according to the flesh, at which the emperor and the guests feast not by sitting, as on other days, but by reclining, on which days they are served not with silver, but with golden—that is, bronze, gilded—vessels." It should not be concluded from this passage of Liutprand that the banquet on the nineteen couches was held only on the feast of the Nativity of Christ. For he names this feast especially, because the other solemn banquets held there on greater feast days, as—

1361 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1362

[Greek text:] ...in the likeness of the apostolic twelve, and they must proceed in order, according to the rank of each, wearing their own chlamydes in the front-facing style, and wearing their own campagia, and to bring them in after the arrival of those imperial ministers and vocalists who are to stand by, it being understood that the sign for the imperial table is received from the illustrious praepositus standing above, and he ascends with them as far as the three-stepped dais of the imperial banquet, and stations them in a circle around the honorable table, so that the emperor may specifically call closer those friends whom he wishes. And in the accubita on either side, you must call on this bright and celebrated day...

[Latin text:] ...twelve, an imitation of the apostles, who reclined at the table with Christ. They proceed one after another, according to the order of each one’s dignity in the ancient manner, each wearing his own chlamys, and each having his own campagia on his feet. It is necessary, however, to introduce them after those who ought to stand by and serve the table—the imperial triclinar ministers and the vocalists or musicians—have arrived; the sign for the sacred table being received by a gesture from the illustrious praepositus who stands above, and he ascends together with them as far as the tribathmos or dais of three steps of the sacred table, and stations them in a circle around the venerable table, so that the emperor may be able to call closer, one by one, those whom he wishes. But at the accubita or dining halls of both sides (with respect to the sacred table)...

[Commentary by J. J. Reiske:] ...of Easter and Pentecost, they did not continue as long as this birthday [celebration]. For this was celebrated for 12 days, the Paschal [celebration] for 9 or 10 at most, and the Pentecostal for nearly 6. From this custom of reclining, the guests at the feasts of the 19 accubita are said to "recline," as in our passage and throughout this Cletorologium, and in Leo Grammaticus, p. 458, where the Emperor Michael and the Empress Eudocia are said to have received the nuptial crowns or matrimonial blessing in St. Sophia, "the bridal chamber having been made in the Magnaura," the nuptial chamber in which the couple was to lie for the first time, placed in the Magnaura, "the senate reclining in the 19 accubita."

...mind, which the pontiff uses at Easter, and concerning the Greek prose chanted at this time, see Ordo Romanus, p. 187.] See the remarks at p. 368, and Petit de La Croix, *Etat présent de l'Eglise grecque*, p. 36, where he says that the Greek patriarch is accustomed on Great Thursday to imitate the washing of the feet of Christ and to wash the feet of twelve poor men, who are distinguished by the names of the 12 apostles, and the name of Judas is drawn by lot, because no one willingly undertakes it. These seemed to me to cohere with the immediately preceding [text]; for I could not conceive what that ancient manner of dressing might be, until I finally understood that *prokinseuein* and *emprosthiō* must be joined together; to proceed in the ancient manner is to pass before the tables, and [to stand] behind the tables. Cf. "the officials in a circular formation," which a little later on p. 65 he calls "in order."

...to the sacred table, as a place of security and rest, in *tzangia* or leather boots, in military attire, to come, but one had to appear in *campagia*, the garment of peace. "It is necessary at the luncheon for all to wear *campagia* and white *chlamydia* and thus to assemble [before the emperor]," says our author on p. 252. The ancient Romans also, when about to recline, changed their shoes for sandals and, having put aside their togas, put on dinner clothes. Memorable is the passage of the Monk of St. Gall cited by Du Cange, v. *Osa*, from which it appears that even in the court of Charlemagne the custom prevailed that the nobles should remove their boots if they wished to appear before him: since all wished to remove their hose out of respect for the lord.

...pious and shameful, instrumental music, and they would cast out from the Church as well as from their feasts, vocal musicians sang throughout the feasts from beginning to end, interposing a pause only for each dish brought in, at which time organs were played; see p. 338. For this purpose, chanters (the same as the vocalists) were chosen especially from the church of St. Sophia, called *Hagiotaphitai*, and from the church of the Apostles, called *Apostolitai*. Cf. Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. I, p. 943, and Du Cange, v. *Vocalis*. These vocalists sang *basilika*, canticles in praise of the prince, concerning which see the remarks at p. 333.

...within "the sign of rising given by the royal hand" is the sign given by the royal hand.

...the table by three steps. Thus were the tables of the highest princes arranged at that time. Thus, at the table of the Roman pontiff, one formerly ascended by three steps, as is evident from the Ceremonial of Patriarch Augustine, book 1, § 2, p. 149, edition of Catalani; which passage, because it illuminates our subject not a little and facilitates the idea of the arrangement of tables in the triclinium of 19 accubita, I do not regret to transcribe. His words are these: "The banquet hall will therefore be prepared with tapestries and silk and golden cloths. At the head of the hall will be a dais, to which one ascends by a triple step, long for the width of the hall. In the middle will rise a square chamber a palm in height, upon which the pontiff's table is prepared. [This is that *amoxon*.] By the wall will be the papal seat, to which one will ascend by a small, and then a large, footstool, and the seat will be adorned with a golden cloth hanging over the head. The table will be high in just proportion upon the dais. On the left, another table will be prepared for the pope's *credentia* with golden and silver vessels, wine and water, and other customary things. On the right side of the hall below the dais, tables will be prepared for the bishops and cardinal priests, and a little lower for other prelates. On the left, opposite the table of the cardinals, a table will be prepared for the cardinal deacons, and lower down other tables for noble deacons and officials." Likewise, Dithmarus, book IV, narrates concerning Emperor Otto III that he sat in a more eminent place. His words are: "The emperor, wishing to revive the ancient custom now for the most part destroyed in his own times, did many things which different people received differently. He sat alone at the table, as if a semicircle had been made, in a place more eminent than the others."

...the table was separate, circular, or at least semi-round, like the Greek Sigma or the Latin C. Indeed, at the *Sigmata*, as such tables were called, the men of antiquity and the Middle Ages sat. Cf. the passage of Dithmarus just cited. However, that argument is not binding. For men can quite correctly be said to be stationed around a table, even if it is oblong.

(40) [Regarding the couch, the reclining of the 12 Apostles is expressed...] (41) This passage tormented me for a long time, because, namely, the words... (42) It was not permitted, not even for the commanders of the soldiers themselves... (43) Since the new Greeks were averse, as if it were a matter... (44) It is the same as *schema*, *semeion*, a sign. Thus... (45) See above note 10, col. 191. (46) One ascended, therefore, to the separate sacred... (47) It could be concluded from this passage in some way...

1363 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1364

On that splendid and celebrated day, you must summon the entire senate, such as the secretarii, the chartularii of the great secretariats, the imperial notaries of the same secretariats, beginning from the spatharocandidati and descending through the dignities to the consuls, the ex-consuls, the counts of the schools, the silentiarii, the protectores, the eutychiophori, the sceptrophori, and the axiomatici or honored men of various ranks, up to the number of 168; of the Agarenes of the praetorium, 24; of the friendly Bulgarians, 12; and of the poor brethren, likewise 12. They must proceed in order in this manner: the senators according to each one’s dignity and various offices, divided to the right and to the left; the Agarenes are placed opposite and in the sight of the emperors at the sixth and seventh tables; the Bulgarians at the ninth [and last] of the same side [or flank, namely the right]. The poor are received likewise at the ninth table, but of the left side, where the drungarius is accustomed to stand. You must introduce everyone after the arrival of the friends first called to the sacred table in this manner: all the axiomatici or those established in dignities with their changes of clothing, namely chlamydes and campagia, according to the order of the dignity which each holds, and likewise of the office; the Agarenes in white garments without belts, and in shoes; with the articlinus preceding them, who calls them in, and ascending with them on both sides [of the triclinium] through the rear part of the couches, and subsequently counting out from their former position twelve persons reclining on each couch, and not permitting anyone to recline before the imperial musicians standing by have begun their melodies.

431 VARIOUS READINGS 97

[The Greek text follows, repeating the instructions for the procession and seating of the senators, Agarenes, Bulgarians, and the poor, and the duties of the articlinus.]

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE

(48) This passage is very obscure. For if the emperor sat in the middle, he looked straight ahead at the entrance of the triclinium, where there was no table, and no one was sitting; but he could not look to the right more conveniently than to the left. Did he therefore sit in the highest corner of the left side? This passage seems to suggest it, as does p. 431, where the "upper personal exit" is mentioned, an exit which is in the highest part of the triclinium opposite the emperor.

(49) The tables were indeed free and somewhat removed from the walls, so that they could be approached from both the front and the back, and the guests were introduced from the back, but led out from the front.

(50) These Saracens entered without belts, perhaps because, as captives of war, they were ungirded, that is, stripped of military service and all honor. But in general, no one, whether girded or ungirded, was formerly allowed to come to the sacred table with a belt; although this custom was changed under Gallienus, it was subsequently revoked, as is evident from Trebellius Pollio, whose words are these (Script. II. A. t. II, pp. 245-47): "When most of the soldiers who had come to the banquet took off their belts at the hour of the banquet, they were later asked to recline at the banquet girded. And from this the custom was drawn that they should subsequently recline with the emperor girded." The banqueters were accustomed to be ungirded. Hence the immodesty of Nero is noted by Suetonius, ch. 51: "Because he often went out in public wearing a synthesis, with a napkin tied around his neck, without a belt and unshod."

(51) The guests had to rise when either the praises were to be spoken to the emperor, or a toast was to be drunk to his health, or when dishes were sent to the guests from the royal table. Thus also it was in use among the Huns, that when one offered a cup of wine to another, the inferior would rise and not sit down until he had tasted or drunk the offered cup. "When all were settled in order," says Priscus in the description of the banquet at which he had been received by Attila with the other companions of the embassy (Excerpt. Legat. Hoeschel. p. 51), "when everything was ordered and prepared for feasting, the cupbearer came forward and offered a cup of wine to Attila. He, having received it, greeted the first in rank. He who was honored by the greeting rose, and it was not permitted to sit down before he had tasted or drunk and returned the cup to the cupbearer. Having sat down, those present honored him in this way by receiving the cups and, after the greeting, tasting them." Then, having brought in...

1365 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1366

...of the masters, and to take off their own chlamydes; but also as often as the music sounds, and as often as some theatrical performance is carried out for amusement (52), and when some food is sent from the imperial table to the guests by the joyful *kastresios*. And in their departure, it is necessary to pay attention to the Romanizing *boukalia* (53).

JOAN. JAC. REISKE

...and the first course having been consumed, the dishes placed on the first tables having been eaten, we all stood up, and no one came to his seat until, according to the previous order, each had drunk the cup full of wine offered to him, praying for the safety of Attila. And this having been done in this manner, we sat down, and a second dish was placed on each table containing other edibles. And when all had partaken of this as well, and having risen in the same manner and drunk again, they sat down, etc. It appears from this passage that only two courses were brought into the banquet of Attila, yet they drank three times and rose from the tables three times: before the first course was brought in, between the first and second, and finally at the end of the second. The Greeks also drank three times, as we shall see in another place.

B ...the Constantinopolitan court, or rather that they had touched upon this subject, of which we know very little. It is probable that it was unrefined and savored of the rusticity and trifles of its age. That the ancient Roman emperors presented theatrical spectacles during their banquets is established by Spartianus in *Hadrian*, p. 215: "At banquets, he always exhibited tragedies, comedies, Atellan farces, sambuca players, readers, and poets for his own amusement." That most of the subsequent emperors did not exclude theatrical pleasures from their banquets is gathered from Lampridius in *Alexander Severus*, of whom he reports as something peculiar that he never had theatrical pleasures at a banquet, but his greatest delight was for puppies to play with piglets, or for partridges to fight among themselves. The word *thymelikos* is used broadly among the later Greeks. It signifies not only comedies and tragedies (which, if we require and expect them to be at least tolerable from the Middle Ages, we seem to do it an injustice), but also, and more so, everything that could delight by hearing and seeing, such as Atellan farces or medleys of scurrilous sayings and insults, vocal music joined with instrumental, the wonders of acrobats, tightrope walkers, and other charlatans, such as it is established were introduced into banquets in the Middle Ages, both from the *Cena Trimalchionis*, which is a fruit of a later age, and from the Gothic game, about which our author speaks on p. 222. And I think that the phrase "some theatrical performance" (*thymelikon ti pragma*) should be understood here as referring to such trifles rather than to later dramas, just as *akroama* is any exhilarating spectacle, as Casaubon noted on Athenaeus.

...and although they avoid the name "Hellenes" as infamous (for whoever called one of them a "Hellene" would believe no less an injury had been done to him than if he had been called an idolater, impious, or sacrilegious), yet they call their language "Hellenic," but "Romaion" Latin, and they say *romaizein* when speaking Latin. Thus Photius, in the Excerpts of the Life of Gregory the Great, p. 760, at the end, says that his dialogues were converted into the Roman, that is, the Latin, language for the common use of the Greek Church: "Zacharias, having spread the knowledge and benefit confined to the Roman language alone into the Greek tongue, made the gain common to the whole world." The Latin language once flourished in the Byzantine court in the time of Constantine the Great, then gradually fell into disuse, with certain emperors, such as Julian, favoring the Greek language more than the Latin, although there were others who did not understand Greek, such as Valerian and Valens, as is evident from Themistius. Latin was becoming entirely obsolete, so that it was necessary for laws, which were proposed in Latin according to ancient custom to preserve the majesty of the Roman Empire, to be proposed also in Greek, and for speeches that were to be delivered to the soldiers and the senate by a new emperor to be recited in both languages. Finally, Latin, having been completely driven out, left no trace of itself except for a few individual words and formulas of greeting, good wishes, and the like, which were accustomed to be recited on feast days, for the sake of jokes and merriment and to preserve ancient ritual in the presence of the emperor when he was dining, drinking, or proceeding in public, such as are found here and there in this codex, as *Vivite, Felicissime*, etc.; see p. 7, and ch. 74, ibid. If the reading in Luitprand, *Legatio*, p. 483, is correct, it was the custom in the Byzantine court for the homilies of Chrysostom to be read in Latin during banquets, or at least Nicephorus Phocas took care for it to be done for the sake of Luitprand. But since neither is probable, I would rather side with those who read "with a loud voice" (*voce elata*) there instead of "in the Latin voice" (*voce Latina*).

In sacred matters, too, the Latin language held a place among the Greeks for a sufficiently long time. Memorable is the passage of Nicholas, the Roman pontiff, in a letter to Emperor Michael (see Du Cange, v. *Obsequiare*): "Behold, daily, or rather on the principal feast days, mixing this [Latin] language, which you call barbarous and Scythian, among the Greek language, as if it were something precious, you act as if it were less becoming to your dignity, so that you do not even use it in your offices and services"; likewise Leo IX, Epist. 1, c. 23, to the Patriarch of Constantinople: "To what end are Latin praises recited before your emperor, and Latin readings in the Greek Church?" They wished to indicate by this that they, united with the Latin Church, formed one body, one assembly. The Latins also did the same in the past, in turn attributing a part of their sacred rites to the Greek language. See the old writing on the Gallican Liturgy in Martene, vol. I of *Ecclesiastical Rites*, p. 464, where, among other things, these are read: "The *Aius* [that is, *hagios*] is sung before the prophecies in the Greek language for this reason, because the preaching of the New Testament proceeded into the world through the Greek language, etc." Anastasius on Benedict III: "Greek and Latin readings, which the subdeacons are accustomed to read together on Holy Saturday of Easter and also on Holy Pentecost." The same author, on Leo III, relates this about him: "He, according to the custom of the caution of the orthodox faith, made two silver shields, both inscribed with the Creed [namely, of the faith], one indeed in Greek letters, and the other in Latin, sitting on the right and left above the entrance of the body." Therefore, it was the custom in Latin churches to display the Creed of the faith written in both languages in letters on wooden shields or marble tablets. Mention is often made in the *Roman Order* of Greek readings, as on p. 25: "Then the reader, ascending the ambo, first reads in Greek: then immediately another in Latin"; on which passage Mabillon notes: "Amalarius aptly says at the beginning of book II: Six readings were read by the ancient Romans in Greek and Latin, which custom is preserved to this day at Constantinople for two reasons; for because Greeks were present to whom the Latin language was unknown, and the other for the unanimity of both peoples." In Magna Graecia, the custom of joining Greek to Latin in the sacred office persisted for a long time, as is evident from the notes of Angelo de Nuce to the *Chronicle of Cassino*, book I, ch. 32.

(52) I have already mentioned elsewhere concerning the theatrical performance of the Middle Ages and (53) Although the later Greeks call themselves Romans

1367 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1368 something from the sacred table be sent out by the pleasant chamberlain to the guests. At the exit of these [musicians and actors], we [the table-servers] must attend to the vocal musicians, speaking Roman or Latin, and, as they shout, attend simultaneously to the gesture of the most illustrious chamberlain; and upon this being given, all the guests must rise together, order, and lead out in their tunics [the text continues in Greek: of the illustrious chamberlain, and again raise up all the invited guests wearing cloaks through the placing behind of the couches, and lead them from the lower to the upper personal exit of the same period. And then thus, after their complete departure, they also withdraw from the imperial...].

VARIOUS READINGS. 48 R. JOAN. JAC. REISKE wishes to read *hypoekdysis* or *apolysis* or *apelysis*.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE. B C where, among other things, he cites these words of St. Anastasius, Bishop of Naples: "In which [Naples] the laity, together with the clergy, assiduously chant to God in Greek and Latin in common prayer." From the same it appears that some priests chanted in Greek, others in Latin by antiphons, whence the Greek and Latin priestly part was so called. Some trace of that custom remained in our churches. For the people themselves, not just the choir of singers, sing certain old Latin hymns in such a way that they sing Latin words and their German interpretation alternately: e.g., *Puer natus in Bethlehem*, likewise *In dulci jubilo*, in which hymn the Latin verses are so interpolated with German ones that the latter do not interpret the former, but continue the sentiment begun by the former. The passage of the Cassinese Chronicle, to which Ang. de Nuce brought the above observation, is this: "After these things, beginning the litanies, all entered the church of St. Peter together and, prayer having been given again, they sang Terce and then the Mass: *Venite benedicti Patris mei*, with mixed chant, namely Greek and Latin, until the completion of the Gospel." To this place, the angelus added an excursion, in which he investigates whether the sacred Liturgy was celebrated in the vernacular and vulgar tongue among the Greeks and Latins in the first centuries, or in a more secret one unknown to the vulgar. Joseph Antonius Saxius, in his notes to Landulf the Younger's *History of Milan*, ch. 22, thinks that the Greek language also flourished in sacred rites in Milan even in the XII century, and that he found a trace and argument for this in the Greek name of the feast (the feast of *Hagios*, for instance) then recently instituted. Cf. Josephus Catalanus to Augustinus Patricius's *Ceremonial of the Roman Church*, p. 117 sq., where, among other things, he says that formerly it was the custom in the churches of the Neapolitan kingdom for the Epistle and Gospel to be read in Greek and Latin, and even today in Brindisi, once a year on Palm Sunday, the Epistle and Gospel are recited in the Greek language according to the ancient and immemorial custom of that same Latin church. Also at their coronation, the Roman pontiffs took care that praises be said for them in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, by which they might persuade those who did not understand that the Roman bishop was ecumenical and supreme over all, to whom even the Greek Church submits itself. Acts of the Council of Pisa of the year 1409: "The Lord Pope Alexander was crowned. From that day there were many solemnities, such as the burning of tow, saying: *Sic transit gloria mundi*; and the Epistle and Gospel in Mass in Greek, Hebrew, and Latin." Crassus in the *Diary of the election and coronation of Leo X*: "He who is to lead the Epistle fares better; carrying the book of the Gospels, and with him he who is to say the Greek Epistle; and after them he who is to read the Greek Gospel, the cardinal deacons follow in their order, among whom is he who is to say the Gospel." [Regarding the Greek prose chanted before the Roman pontiff reclining with 12 cardinals as with the 12 Apostles, see *Ord. Roman.* p. 187. At Rouen the last verse of the litany is Greek. Moleon, p. 345.] In the previous year itself, namely in the month of May A. 1752, the public news reported that in Paris, if I am not mistaken, by that society which redeems Christian captives from Turkish pirates, a Greek Mass had been celebrated, perhaps by ancient institution. That the Greek language was still in use in Rome in the XI century, or rather, according to the Gothic and burdensome customs of those times, which showed affectation and ridiculous mimicry and pride in all things, was boasted of, appears from plate XVII of the first volume of Ciampini's *Ancient Monuments*, p. 35, which presents an image of the bronze valves of the church of St. Paul outside the walls of the city, divided into many parallel areas, and adorned with images of saints and biblical histories, designed with a crude chisel, and finally with many Greek inscriptions, but also sprinkled with Latin ones, and indeed even one or two Arabic ones. In which print, the Greek idiography of that age can be observed to agree perfectly with the idiography of our parchments. A mixture of Greek and Latin speech appears in area 51 of this plate, where *darios Music* [is seen], and area 35, where *d hagios David*, that is, David, holding a scroll is seen with the inscribed sentence *Audi, filia, et vide et inclina aurem*. There is also St. Jeremiah there with a Greek title and a scroll inscribed with Latin letters. I could discuss coins here, inscribed on one side in Greek or even Arabic, and on the other in Latin. But I return to my argument. Therefore, it was permitted for Latin bishops coming to Constantinople to celebrate Mass publicly in their own language in Greek churches. Marcellinus Comes narrates that John, the Roman pontiff, came to Constantinople in the year 525 and was received with wonderful honor by the Emperor Justinian, and sat on the right side of the church throne, and celebrated the day of the resurrection of our Lord with a full Roman voice in prayers. So also John the Deacon in the *Neapolitan Chronicle*, p. 306, reports that the legates of the Roman pontiff celebrated the holy office in the Constantinopolitan church in Latin and said praises in Latin to the Emperor Constantine Pogonatus. Such grace followed the legates of catholic peace that, to the joy of the people, John, Bishop of Porto, who was one of them, celebrated public Masses in the church of St. Sophia on the Sunday of the Octave of Easter in Latin before the prince and the patriarch, and all unanimously acclaimed the same in Latin voices to the praises of the Creator and the emperors. Although Anselm of Havelberg, *dialogue* 11, 12, says the same, or rather repeats it from that Chronicle, it is nevertheless incredible that a congregation of Greek men not skilled in Latin understood and recited the praises of the Latins. But just as the Latin legates acclaimed Latin praises to the Constantinopolitan emperors, so in turn the Greek legates acclaimed Greek praises to the emperors of the West and the Roman pontiffs. The passage of Regino of Prüm is known, where he says that the Greek legates of Nicephorus Generalis or Irene (I do not remember well) sang Greek praises to Charlemagne in the cathedral church of Aachen. Acts of the Council of Lyon of the year 1274: "which symbol being finished, the same patriarch, archbishops, and logothete with others sang solemn praises in the Greek language to the lord pope." which I expressed in the version, demands *hypoekdysis*, or *apolysis*, or *apelysis*. What should be preferred or what else should be substituted, let others see. Certainly that *dynai* is the same as *bainein* or *ienai* is clear from (54) What this word might be, I do not understand. The sense,

1369 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1370

...through the rear position or part of the couches, and to lead them from the lower to the higher exit of the same period or part of the triclinium, which is conspicuous or exposed to the royal view, and with the other departures, thus at last the sacred table also dismisses the guests, with the most illustrious *castrensis* of the venerable imperial table preceding them. On the second day of the multifarious—that is, iterated and as it were distributed over so many days—and splendid universal banquet, it is necessary that we have the guests invited and prepared for the communion of the everywhere-spectacular sacred table, to be summoned in their time: the *magistri* again, as on the previous day, the proconsuls, patricians, officials, and the *oikeiakoi protosthatharioi*, twelve in number in total; one of whom on that day, according to the formula and prescription of the ceremonial, must be the Domestic of the Schools. It is necessary to introduce all of them, summoned individually, in tunics fashioned in a peculiar manner. The *oikeiakoi protosthatharioi*, however, with their own peculiar insignia and red cloaks, must be stationed before the sacred table, as has been declared above. To the couches that surround the sacred table on both sides, it is necessary to summon, and to the two nearest ones indeed, the imperial men, from the rank of *spatharocandidati* and thus downwards; to the remaining sixteen, however, the magistrates of the *tagma* of the Schools, such as the *topoteretes* (if he happens to be a *spatharocandidatus*), the counts of the Schools, the *proximum*, the *protectores*, the *eutychiophoroi*, the *sceptrophoroi*, the *axiomatikoi*, and the *mandatores*, 240 in total, and twelve poor men. It is necessary to introduce the aforementioned summoned persons in their own *skaramangia*. The *topoteretes* and the *chartularius* of the same *tagma* also enter in red cloaks, with the *artiklines* preceding them according to the formula written above. On the third day of the celebration of the same nineteen couches, it is necessary for us to have the guests invited and prepared for the sacred table: the magnates, 432, such as we said were summoned on the second day; likewise twelve in number, omitting on that occasion the Domestic of the Schools and assuming in his place the Domestic of the *Excubitores*, and these are to be introduced summoned according to the prescribed formula. As for the remaining couches on both sides, there are placed at the two nearest to the royal one the imperial men worthy of dignities; at the others, the magistrates of the *tagma* of the *Excubitores*, such as the *topoteretai*, *scribones*, *chartularius*, *draconarii*, *scenophori*, *signiferi*, *senatores*, *protomandatores*, and *mandatores*, to the number of 204, and twelve poor men. They are introduced according to the formula of the second day already set forth. On the fourth day of this splendid, so to speak, reception and welcome, it is necessary for you to invite and prepare for the communion of the venerable royal table...

[VARIOUS READINGS] [COMMENTARY OF JOHANN JAKOB REISKE]

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

people according to the aforementioned pattern, and all the officers of the regiment of the Arithmos, such as the toparch, the chartulary, the counts

1373 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1374

[Greek text:] ...to the number of 216; and to introduce them in rows, just as is the custom for the others, dressed in their own stoles according to habit; and to seat them at each table, one group of twelve. After their invitation and meal, you must attend to the course of the roast meat (59), and at this time introduce, for the conducting (60) of the fathers who are seated and chanting, the two great domestics of the Church, and place them on either side of the illustrious triclinium in order to perform, as has been said, the conducting of the psalmody of the seated fathers. It is given, therefore, according to the rule by the special office, to the twelve hegumens seated at the imperial table, as a bestowal of honor, four gold coins each; to all the other monks, one single gold coin each; and to the two domestics, two gold coins each, according to the rule. It must be known that on this same day the poor (61) also eat in the Chrysotriclinos, receiving the customary blessing. But if the Nativity of Christ should fall on the fourth or fifth day of the week, and the invitation of the *accubita* begins to be carried out from this day, you must, on the Sunday of the period of that same week, before the invitation of the patriarch and the abbots, carry out the so-called *kletorion* of the "long-haired ones" (62), and...

[Latin translation:] ...of the various monasteries, whose names we hold described in our register, namely those who received tokens from us beforehand, to the number of 216. They are introduced in order, as is the custom in the others, dressed in their own and customary stoles. Twelve men are placed at each of the *accubita* (couches). When these have been satisfied at their couches, it is necessary to attend to the *optominsi* (that is, the course of roast meat) and at that time to introduce both great domestics of the Great Church to demonstrate to the fathers who are reclining and chanting the *cheironomia*, or manual gesticulation, for the sake of moderating the chants. And it is necessary to place them, one to the right and the other to the left of the illustrious triclinium, so that by their *cheironomia*, as we have said, they may moderate the chant of the reclining fathers. As regards the piety of the lord, there are given to the twelve hegumens reclining at the sacred table, by established custom and formula from the private principal treasury, four gold coins each as a gift; to the remaining monks, one coin each. On the same day, the poor also eat in the Chrysotriclinos, receiving the customary blessing. But if the feast of the Nativity of Christ falls on the fourth or fifth day of the week, and the banquet called the *accubita* begins to be celebrated from that day, it is necessary for you on that Sunday...

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE:] ...so that they might be recognized and admitted as guests of the sacred table. Cf. pp. 435, 450, and 210. I find something similar in the Syriac Chronicle of John the Stylite in Assemani, vol. II, p. 271, Bibl. Or.: Demosthenes, prefect of Edessa, gathered the poor, and those whom he had marked with a leaden sign hung around the neck, to them he distributed a pound of bread daily; and in the Acts of Innocent III, p. 150: his almoner went around and investigated diligently the poor and weak, especially the noble, and gave them seals, so that through those who brought them, they might receive [provisions] for their living each week. Regarding the *syntomia kalamina* or wooden tokens, which whoever showed received "everlasting loaves," note the daily bread of the life of the time, see Salmasius on the *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. III, p. 502.

(59) The course of roast meat was the second or middle one. For three courses made up the sacred feasts. The first, called by I know not what proper name, was like an appetizer and an invitation of the stomach to appetite, the *horaion* of the ancient Greeks, see Athenaeus p. 116; the second course was of roast meat; the third was the *dulcin*, of sweets and honeyed cakes. That three courses were also in use among the Latins in the Middle Ages is gathered from a certain Milanese monument in Muratori, *Antiquitates Italicae*, vol. II, p. 313, where a pact is contracted between the Abbot of St. Ambrose and his canons that, as often as he invited them to a banquet, which he was bound to do at certain and fixed times, he should take care to have three positions brought in, and in each of them three dishes. Joannes Mussus in the *Chronicon Placentinum*, ibid. p. 320: for the first *inbanditio* [dipping] they give two capons—afterwards they give roast meats [this is the second course]—afterwards they give *turlas* [that is, *kollyria*, cakes, baked in the manner of a ring; it designates the sweet] and *Zoniatus* with sugar confection on top; afterwards they give fruits [desserts, fruits of the season]; afterwards, having first washed their hands, before the tables are removed, they give drink and a confection of sugar, and afterwards drink. Almost the same order is observed among us today in the dishes, and was once observed among the ancient Greeks and Romans, for whom cakes provided the last course. Nor do the Russians differ, about whom the author of *Verändertes Russland* relates on p. 18: "When one has sat down, for the first time cold foods, ham, sausages, and also all kinds of meat prepared with tree-flour, garlic, and onions are brought; this remains on the table for over an hour; next come the soups, roasts, and warm foods; and for the third time, the confection."

(60) The Greek singers look to the gesticulations of the *chorostates* or director of music, who, with hands moved in different ways, commands the voice to be raised, lowered, or bent; see Du Cange, s.v. *Cheironomein*.

(61) The poor were accustomed on fixed days, sometimes 12 in number, and at other times more, to be admitted to sacred feasts and to be gifted with a gold coin upon leaving. But that the Constantinopolitan emperors washed the feet of the poor, I have nowhere read. The Roman pontiffs also once frequently received the poor at feasts. Photius, in the *Excerpts of the Life of Gregory the Great*, p. 760, ed. Hoeschel, relates these things about that pontiff: "Having obtained the archiepiscopal throne, he orders twelve of the poor, as is the custom for patriarchs to do, to be feasted together, and permits his own *sakellarios* to call them together. And when the order was carried out and the diners filled the table, the pontiff was seen to be the thirteenth dining with them," etc. [St. Gregory the pontiff was accustomed to invite twelve pilgrims to his table, and also to distribute to them individually gold and silver coins at the Calends, and at the time of Easter, Christmas, and Pentecost. His life in Canisius VI, p. 266.]

(62) *to polytrichon*, referring to the preceding *kletorion*. But *ochlon* (crowd) can also be understood, or it can be read as *ton polytrichon*. For all those barbarians who are said here to have been called to the sacred feasts on that day wore long hair, whence they were called *polytrichoi* (long-haired), whereas the Greeks and Latins were briefly shorn, with hair barely descending below the ears, certainly not reaching the shoulders. I have many testimonies of this matter at hand.

1375 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1376

[Greek text omitted]

To prepare for the banquet, you must invite to the imperial table eight magistroi, proconsuls, patricians, and strategoi, two Bulgar friends, and the two demarchs of the Veneti and Prasini; and you must bring them in and lead them out in their ceremonial robes, just as has been explained above. In the accubita on either side, you must invite all the imperial foreigners (63), such as the Fargani, Chazars, Agareni, Franks, and all those who enjoy the imperial provision of the rogae; and you must bring them all in and lead them out in their own national attire, such as the garment called by them the kabadion (64). And then, on the Wednesday of the week following this, you must invite the patriarch with his hegumens and monks, as has been foretold. On the seventh day of these same accubita, you must prepare for a banquet at the imperial table for the proconsuls, patricians, strategoi, and officials, along with the Eparch of the City and the Drungary of the Fleet, twelve friends in total; and you must bring them in and lead them out in their proper changes of clothing, as has been explained. In the remaining accubita, you must invite to the banquet the adjutant and the logothete of the praetorium, the topoteretes of the fleet, the chartulary of the fleet, the count of the fleet, the centarchs likewise, the judges of the regions, the overseers of the city, the neighborhood heads, the legatary of the praepositus, the centurion, the protocancellarii, the cancellarii, and the mandatores of the fleet.

VARIOUS READINGS. COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE.

[Regarding the term "polytrichum" or "multicrinum," i.e., long-haired or comate], if I wished to explain this and start a discussion about the hair and coiffure of the ancients, I would be carried off into a vast field. Therefore, it is better to omit it here and reserve it for a better occasion, if one should offer itself.

[Regarding "gentiles"] it was valid in those times. Hence the "School of the Gentiles" (see Valesius on Ammianus Marcellinus), which was later called the Hetaireia, or the palace militia composed of foreign nations. Thus, on an ancient stone at Aquileia, Sertorius Ursatus reads in *Monumenta Patavina* p. 45, regarding the burial of veteran gentiles, that is, barbarians: see Sc. Maffei, *Museum Veronense* p. 323, and Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*, s.v. Γεντήλιος.

[Regarding "kabadion"] the kabadion was the same as the epilorikion or epithorakion, that is, a garment worn over the chest—not over the lorica or thorax properly so-called, but over the chest where the thorax is worn, and which for that reason is often also called a thorax. A doublet or breast-piece, or rather a vest with short skirts, and with double flaps on the chest. They translate it as *libenna*, *sagum*, *supparum*, *toga*; see Goar on Codinus p. 49, n. 30; and on Cedrenus p. 417, where he explains it as an outer tunic adhering strictly to the body, shorter, and fastened with buttons before the chest. But especially compare Du Cange, *Glossarium Graecum*, and Salmasius on *Scriptores Historiae Augustae*, vol. II, p. 543, with whom I do not agree. This word occurs very often in Arabic authors, yet it is not Arabic, nor do those men give a distinct idea of it. That it is a Persian garment is evident from them. I will transcribe, because they are few, what I noted on Abulfeda, ann. 594 or Chr. 1198: "It appears from this place—thus I wrote there—that the *Qaba* (from which our *Cappa* originated) was the attire of the Persians and nations belonging to that name, but not of the Turks. Golius in his Lexicon says that the *Qaba* is a masculine garment, peculiarly Persian, which is doubled obliquely under the armpits. Olearius in his *Itinerary* p. 419 (Schleswig ed.) says that *Keba* is clearly fine felt. It expresses the material of the cloth, not the form or use." Paulus Jovius also praises those felts in his booklet on the embassy of the Muscovites (p. 488 of the collection of itineraries edited by Sim. Grynaeus, Basel 1555) in these words: "The inland Tartars provide nothing but herds of swift horses, and the nobles provide white quilts not from any weaving of threads, but from felted wools, from which felt garments and cloaks suitable for enduring all the injuries of rain are made, and they are very beautiful." The famous Schultens in the *Life of Saladin* p. 212, cap. 130, translates it as "the fold of a garment," which is well enough in sense. Below, under the year 684, the term *Qaba tachtani* or "lower" occurs, which is accustomed to be worn under other garments and is opposed to the *athlaso fauqani* or "upper" or "outer" garment, from which it is certain that the *Qaba* has the nature of our vest or tunic." These are the things there. The passage of Abulfeda, to which I wrote these things, is this: "The Khwarizm Shah Takash was invading Bukhara, then subject to the Cathayans, and was subduing it; yet he behaved as a humane victor, although he could have avenged the injury done to him with severe punishments. For the Cathayans, while holding the siege, had shot from a catapult a dog, one-eyed, dressed in a *cuba* [or Persian tunic] toward the besiegers with a contemptuous taunt that this was their Sultan. They were taunting Takash, namely, with the loss of his other eye. But he was so far from exacting punishment for the insolent tongue and petulant act that he rather obligated the new citizens to himself with benefits and monetary largesse."

(63) Barbarians and gentiles, and thus ethnics, are the same. (64) As much as I gather from various descriptions,

1377 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II.

[204] in number; and you are to bring them in and lead them out in their proper *skaramangia*, except for the *topotērētai* with the red *sagia*, as has been declared above. On the eighth day of the same *akkoubita*, the *bōton pezodromion* is performed, and you must prepare for the banquet of the Emperors the leading men of the order of the secret *kouboukleion*, such as the *praipositoi*, the eunuch *protospatharioi*, the *primikērioi*, the *ostiarioi*, to the number of eight, the *chartoularios* of the imperial *sakellē*, the one in charge of the *eidikos logos*, the *aktouarios*, and the one in charge of the *katastasis*; and you are to bring them in with their proper changes of clothing, not as with all the others on the aforementioned days, making the procession from the lower to the upper [areas] with the *kastresion*, but rather, upon the exit of the imperial retirement, you are to arrange them according to their own rank in a circle around the venerable imperial table, and at the same time as the proclamation of the *boukalia* standing by, you are to seat them at the most splendid table, and lead them out again with the same sequence, as has been said. At the remaining *akkoubita*, before the imperial retirement, the poor who have received the tokens are seated, and while they are still reclining and eating, at the time of the course of the *doulkia*, the tokens are taken back by the *artiklinos*, and there is given according to custom by the *eidikos logos* to each poor person as an imperial blessing a small pouch containing inside one gold *nomisma*. On the ninth day of the same *akkoubita*, a dinner invitation is celebrated, which is also called the *trygētikon*, and you must prepare for the banquet of the dinner for the Emperor twelve friends, such as *magistroi*, *anthypatoi*, *patrikioi*, eight *stratēgoi*, two friends of the Bulgarians, and the two *dēmarchoi* of each [faction]. These are invited by the Emperor through the *artiklinos* in the morning, and the *missa* being given, all those invited to the banquet with the Emperor enter together toward evening, and all are brought in and led out with their proper changes of clothing and *kampagia* according to the sequence and custom of those written above. And at the *akkoubita* of each of the parties, you must invite according to the rule of the first day all the senators [who appear] in *kampagia*, such as the *askētai*, from the rank of *spatharokandidatoi* and below, the *chartoularios* of the *genikos logothetēs*, the *chartoularios* of the *stratiōtikos logothetēs*, the *antigrapheis* of the *quaestor*, the *symponos*, the *logothetēs* and the judges, the *notarioi* of the *sakellion*, the *notarioi* of the *vestiarion*, the *notarioi* of the *eidikon*, the *hypatoi*, the *silentiarioi*, the *vestiaritai*.

1379 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1380

as secretaries, distinguished by the rank of spatharocandidati, and so on down to the inferiors, the chartulary of the general logothete, the chartulary of the military rationalis, the masters of the bureaus of the quaestor, the assistant to the logothete, the judges, the notaries of the sacellion, the notaries of the vestiary, the notaries of the private estate, the consuls, the silentiaries, the vestitors, and the lesser magistrates of the military palatine orders, such as the sceptre-bearers, the standard-bearers, the eutychiophoroi, the draconarii, the senators, and the ducenarii, and all the runners of both factions. Of these, as many as are of the senatorial order are introduced in their change-garments and campagia; the runners, however, in their podea or ankle-length garments; and of these, those who have obtained victory must recline first on the more honorable side [or the right side] of the couches; the defeated, however, on the other side, where the poor also recline. After the lighting of the lamps, as is customary to be instituted on the eve of festivals, and after the torches have been handed to the guests, it is necessary to lead them all out according to the prescribed formula. On the tenth day of these same couches, it is necessary for us to have invited and prepared for the communion of the sacred table the proconsuls, patricians, and officials, together with the domestic of the numbers and the count of the walls, twelve friends in total. They are introduced and led out in their change-garments according to the aforementioned model. For the remaining days of the month, it is necessary to recline both topoteretae and both chartularies, both of the numbers and of the walls, the tribunes, the vicars, the legataries, the mandatories, the xenodochs, the gerocoms, the chartulary of the venerable houses, the archiatroi, and the dietaries of the great palace, as well as those of the palace of Daphne, 204 in total, and 12 poor people. The xenodochs and gerocoms and then the remaining inferiors, such as the chartulary, the physicians, and the dietaries, must proceed [both entering and exiting] behind the sacred table, but the magistrates of both orders [both of the numbers and of the walls] on the side opposite the face of the lord. The xenodochs are introduced with their scaramangia and red cloaks; all the physicians, however, in their dibeneta or garments dyed in Venetian blue. Of the magistrates of the tagmata, both topoteretae are introduced in red cloaks as well, but all the others in scaramangia. On the eleventh day, the banquet is no longer celebrated in the nineteen couches, but the vespers are celebrated in the illustrious triclinium of Justinian, which is prepared in the morning by the emperor for that purpose through his articlinos, and after the divine mystagogy of the evening.

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. RESKI]

(67) Podea is an ankle-length garment covering the feet; and then in general every garment; see those discussing this word in Codinus, Goar p. 16, and Gretser p. 178, and Du Cange, Gloss. Gr. s.v.

(68) Whether this word is correct, or whether it should be rewritten as photapsia or photagogia, let others decide; likewise, what the word proeortion means. For no one doubts that photagogian signifies the lighting of lamps or a procession with candles. But it does not occur to me that it was customary for torches to be lit on the eve of any festival, or for a procession to be held on those days. And furthermore, I do not see which festival would have followed this photagogia here. For the feast of Lights followed only on the third day. See Du Cange, s.v. Loca venerabilia.

(69) Thus they were accustomed to call monasteries in particular; which I do not know if it has been observed elsewhere. Today they wear crimson in processions.

(70) This is notable, that the archiatroi were dressed in Venetian blue; I do not know if this has been observed elsewhere. Today they wear crimson in processions.

(71) Mystagogia is the celebration of the Mass. Hence it is clear that the Greeks also celebrated the sacrament in the evening, after the ninth hour, which corresponds to our third hour in the afternoon; see p. 442. Unless you prefer, as in that place, to take the word synaxis or leitourgia for a gathering for divine worship and its celebration, without the office of the Mass, so here in this place to take the word mystagogia in the same sense. Which, however, I do not think holds true.

1381 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II. 1384

The articlinus must urge everyone to remove their change of clothes and put on their own scaramangia, in order to dine with the Emperor in accordance with the custom.

The holy day of the Lights [Epiphany], introducing a strange and remarkable display of splendor, makes the reception of the imperial banquet wonderful and entirely admirable. For, mystically representing the union of the heavenly and earthly orders through the gift of holy baptism, it gathers together for the banquet with the Emperor those who are in the order of angels, the priests of the Great Catholic Church of God, dressed in white. And those who have been allotted the service on this day must accurately understand the proper arrangement of their distinguished and holy reception.

For at the mixing of the wine [the *mixtum*] which is performed in the Great Church of God, you must invite to the honorable imperial table masters, proconsuls, patricians, generals, and officials, to the number of fourteen; and you must bring them in and lead them out in their own change of clothes, though without their chlamydes. At the imperial honorable table, the Patriarch dines with the Emperor before all others. Likewise, we must invite the dignitaries of the Church, such as the metropolitans together with the syncellus, to the number of twelve, and arrange them in their entry appropriately according to each one’s throne, clearly dressed in all their liturgical vestments except for the omophoria, which they omit. The imperial castrensis brings them all in together, and likewise leads them out again, just as the form of the introduction contains and requires.

For the remaining couches, you must invite twelve presbyters of the Great Palace, twenty-four presbyters of the Great Church, thirty-six deacons of the Palace, the Great Church, and the New Church (twelve of each), thirty-six subdeacons of the same churches, twenty-four readers of the same, twenty-four cantors of the same, and thirty-six papades or clerks of the Patriarch’s secretum; in total 216. You must bring them in and lead them out as follows: all those in holy orders with their own white phelonia, but the secretici, cantors, and readers in their camisia only, clearly according to the order and exposition mentioned above. You must also pay attention in this same invitation to the time of the serving of the so-called *doulkia*. And with their entry, you must bring in the two illustrious domestici of the Great Church together with all the cantors and orphans of the *sphragion*, dressed in white.

1383 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1384

In the same reclining, that is, at the table and banquet, one must observe the time when the so-called sweet course, or honeyed dishes and desserts, is brought in, and at that time introduce both illustrious domestics of the Great Church, together with the singers and the orphans of the *suffragium* [that is, those who are fed by public allowance or aid and expense], candidates and dressed in their own phelonia; before their entry, however, divide them into two parts to the right and left, so that one domestic, who stands to the right of the pleasant and agreeable couches, may have all the singers with him; and the other domestic, who stands opposite him to the left side of the couches, may have all the orphans with him, standing in a row in a single line. Both parties are introduced from either side when the patriarch pronounces the blessing, so that all together may form a choir and alternate vocal chants. When the three antiphons are finished, they are led out together again to the same place from which they had come. But our most wise lord Leo, in order to add greater glory and consummate grace to this annual and venerable banquet during the feast days, ordained that on this last day of the couches, after the completion of the aforementioned modulation of alternating and responding choirs, which has been handed down to us from our ancestors, we should introduce at the time of the sweets the four illustrious domestics of the Great Church, dressed only in their own camisiae and phelonia, and arrange them in the middle of the resplendent triclinium at some distance from one another, in this way: first, the domestic who is performing the office that week in the middle of the four splendid couches on each side, that is, two on each side of the tables nearest to the masters; the second domestic next to him likewise in the middle of the other four splendid couches near them, that is, from the fifth to the eighth; the third domestic again likewise in the middle of the four couches near them on each side, namely from the ninth to the twelfth; and finally, the fourth domestic in the middle of the six remaining couches on both sides. And with the nod and blessing of our most holy patriarch, they are to begin the honorable and God-pleasing praise woven by the lips of our most wise and God-appointed emperor Leo, and at its utterance and the skillful movement of the hand, all those reclining are to sing and chant together the aforementioned sacred song which has dripped from the honeyed lips to all the faithful subjects. After the completion of this twelve-day banquet of feasts, another post-feast is celebrated.

VARIOUS READINGS. * "all" omitted in R., "all" in codex and edition. * "with the orphans" omitted in R., "and orphans" in codex and edition. * Reiske conjectures "hands" instead of "lips."

COMMENTARY OF JOHANNES JACOBUS REISKE. *Suffragium* in the Nomocanon glosses is rendered as *apostrophe*, refuge, and aid. This gloss is excellently illustrated by, and in turn receives credibility and authority from, the passage of Spartianus in *Pescennius Niger*, p. 672: "Nor did he ever seek the shelter of a roof against the sun or the rains," where Ulicus Obrechtus not implausibly conjectures *suffugium*, though he is not to be heard. Du Cange in his Latin Glossary, under the word *Suffragium*, has collected examples in which this word denotes any provision, aid, alimentation, and sustenance: to which I refer the reader. *Of those from both sides.* The particle *ex* or *epi* would not be harmful if it were present. But it can also be absent without damage. The number cannot be absent. Hence *ainesis* is the praise of God through hymns; see Du Cange. *Of the lips.* Since it follows "woven," and this discourse might not be about the singing of Emperor Leo, but about a canticle composed by him, undoubtedly it should be read "hands," unless we prefer to say that the author spoke quite tragically. It is indeed true that emperors not rarely began canticles themselves for their own assembly, both in church and at home, as is evident from the example of Leo the Armenian, about whom Cedrenus says on p. 491: "He was accustomed to lead the praises in the psalmodies, and more so when the canons of the feast were sung at the birth of Christ." But here it is not said that Leo began the hymns, but the singers are said to begin the hymn woven by his hands and inscribed by his pen. Moreover, Leo the Wise is famous among Greek hymnographers, as is evident from the *Acta Sanctorum*, vol. I of January.

(74) Thus correctly in the parchment. The copy provided... (75) The Greeks call the praises of God "psalms." (76) Since "woven" follows, and this discourse...

1385 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT BOOK II. 1386

Leo commanded [them] to be arranged, as soon as our most holy patriarch should give the nod and pronounce the blessing, to begin the holy and God-pleasing hymn, which our same most wise and God-elected Emperor Leo himself composed and wrote out with his own hands; and thus, all reclining, they were to sing it, following the beginning made by the domestics, who also directed the harmony with an artful and learned agitation of their hands, following the example of the precentors, that sacred hymn which we were just praising, which distilled from his honey-sweet lips upon all the faithful citizens and subjects. After the conclusion of this banquet, which continues for twelve days and is celebrated for the holy feasts [of the Nativity and the Baptism of Christ], another is celebrated, following the feast [of the Lights].

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

The day of the *deximon* (77), bringing a reception with the *deximon*. For the end of the *deximon*, being performed according to a set form, introduces a certain specific state once again. For the God-appointed wise masters, after the dismissal of the formal *deximon*, take their seats again for the reception of many, and the *kletorion* is held at a separate table in the most brilliant triclinium of Justinian the Great (78), and we must prepare for the banquet of the emperors all the friends who hold the *campagion*, the lords of the senate, from the *magistri*, proconsuls, patrician officials, imperial *protospatharioi*, *asekretai*, chartularies of the great secretariats, consuls, *antigrapheis*, *silentiarioi*, *vestitores*, from the ex-prefects, sceptre-bearers, standard-bearers, senators, and the remaining lords of the four *tagmata*. And it is necessary to arrange them all according to the capacity of the table, and to bring them all in and lead them all out, dressed in their proper changes of clothing and with their own *chlamydes* in the frontal style; and one must pay attention to the sound of the instrument, and when it ceases the echo of the tone, to raise everyone up for the acclamation of the masters, and again to lay out their own *chlamydes* until the arrival of the *minson* of the *doulkia*, and again for all to take them up, so that they might go out with them in the same order. The equestrian contest following the *deximon* is held on the day after the *deximon*, and after its dismissal a *kletorion* is held in the triclinium of the *kathismata* (79). And we must prepare friends for the banquet of the masters according to the capacity of the table from the entire senate, such as *magistri*, patricians, *praepositi*, officials, *primikerioi*, *ostiarioi*, imperial *protospatharioi* along with the *aktarios* and the *deisographos* (80) and those standing by the solar [chamber], together with...

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

...the day of the *deximon* or *exceptorium*, on which the lord is accustomed to admit greeting friends, joined with the *saximon* or leaping procession. For the end of the *deximon*, performed according to a formula, brings in a new and peculiar appearance and constitution of things. For our wise and God-elected masters, after that solemn *deximon* is finished according to the formula, again preside to grant rewards to those who deserve well, and a banquet is celebrated thereafter upon a special table in the most splendid triclinium of Justinian the Great; and it is necessary for us to invite to dine with the masters the friends, as many magistrates as wear the *campagia*, the senatorial [ranks], such as *magistri*, proconsuls, patrician officials, imperial *protospatharioi*, *asekretai*, chartularies of the great secretariats, consuls, *magistri scriniorum*, *silentiarioi*, *vestitores*, ex-prefects, sceptre-bearers, standard-bearers, senators, and the remaining magistrates of the four *tagmata*. It is necessary for these to proceed in order, in such number as the table holds.

VARIOUS READINGS. *phlegma* in the codex and edition. *klix* instead of *heliakou* in the codex.

COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAG. REISKE. XII days of continued hilarity, during which, indeed, the emperor admitted the nobles to himself and to his table. He lived contemporary with Procopius and Agathias in the middle of the 6th century and reigned for a long time and with great glory, known to all. But the triclinium of Justinian was not built by him, but by Justinian the Younger or *Rhinotmetos*, as he is accustomed to be called, who reigned at the end of the 7th century with a foul reputation, as is evident from Du Cange’s *Constantinopolis Christiana*. Either it is an error or to be attributed to the memory of the author or the pen of the scribe, and *neou* should be restored, or *to megalo*, as on p. 440. Compare the remarks on p. 332. However, it is usually expressed in the singular, not the plural, *kathisma*. For that entire tribunal or building rising above the circus, from which the emperor watched the circus games, was called by this name, as has been said often. It seems that below, in the lowest floor of this building, was the dining hall, which our author here calls the *triclinium of the kathismata*. Below, however, on p. 450, it is called the *triclinium of the kathisma*.

(77) Thus he calls somewhat unusually the whole [period] of the *deximon* or *exceptorium*, on which the lord is accustomed to admit greeting friends, joined with the *saximon* or leaping procession. (78) Justinian the Great is usually called the one who [reigned] with Belisarius, l. 1, p. 118. It is therefore an error either of the author’s memory or to be attributed to the pen of the scribe, and *neou* should be restored, or *to megalo*, as on p. 440. (79) So also it is read below on p. 447 and 452. It is not usually in the plural, but in the singular, *kathisma*. For that entire tribunal or building rising above the circus, from which the emperor watched the circus games, was called by this name, as has been said often. (80) Thus the membranes. *Actarius* can be said well enough from *acta*, and no worse than *actuarius* from *actus*: *deisographos*, however, is poorly written for *deisographos*. And the distinguished Leiche had written in the margin of the Draudian copy that it should be read *deisographos*. But he who seeks accuracy and purity of speech from the new Greeks is looking for figs from a thorn bush. Thus they say *eutychophoros* for *eutychiophoros* or *eutycheiophoros*, as I have restored everywhere in my Latin [translations], and below on p. 462, there is *geitonarches* for *geitoniarches*. Such is the formation of *opisthodomos* for *opisthodomos*, that is, *domos opistios*; *komodographos* for *komodiographos*. *Posochares* in the Anthology is a fictional name for *Posiochares*. In our author on p. 43, there is *ostiarioprimikerios* for *ostiarioprimikerios*, *eirochares talaros*, a basket delighting in wool, for *eriocharei*. Not rarely also the scribes exchange *H* and *K*; of which thing we have an example in the nearby *heliakou*, where see also the note on p. 332. Concerning the master of petitions, see Goar on Codinus p. 30, n. 44, and Du Cange under *Deeseis* and *Epilendesiou*. But why, however, was it called *deisographos* and not rather *deisodochos*? I do not fathom the reason. The master of letters once heard the embassies of cities, handling consultations and prayers, as is in the *Notitia Imperii*, likewise the master of petitions and sacred cognitions. This occasion comes to declare...

1387 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1388 and to bring them in and lead them out from the ancient side in their mutatoria and chlamydes. Attention must be paid to the sound of the organ, and all, when it has ceased, are to be ordered to rise to say good words to the masters, and at the same time to remove their chlamydes, which are finally put on again when the course of sweets enters; this is done so that they may all exit again in the same order in which they entered. 439 The equestrian contest, which is accustomed to follow the reception, is completed on the next day, and when it is finished, a banquet is held in the triclinium of the cathismata, to which it is necessary to invite as guests of the masters, according to the capacity of the table, magistrates selected from the entire senate, such as magistri, patricians, praepositi, officials, primicerii, ostiarii, imperial protospatharii, together with the actuarius and the deesiographos or scribe of petitions, and the heliaci parastatae or observers of the sun; likewise the sceptrophori, draconarii, vexilliferi, and signiferi. All these are introduced with their mutatoria, without tunics; only the heliaci parastatae in their scaramangia. In the month of February. On the second day of February, when the feast of the Hypapante [or the meeting of our Lord Jesus Christ or the purification of the Blessed Virgin] is celebrated in the Blachernae, and the splendid procession is finished, a sacred banquet is held in that illustrious triclinium which was once called Oceanus, at a special table; to which it is necessary to invite friends, as many of the senate as hold campagia, such as magistri, proconsuls, praepositi, patricians, officials, imperial protospatharii, the protoasecretis, the chartularius of the excubitors, consuls, vestitores, silentiarii, and the allaximata [or magistrates who are permitted to appear in mutatoria] from the four tagmata or military orders of the comitatenses; in total, as many as the table can hold. They are introduced and led out with their mutatoria without chlamydes, each according to the dignity of his rank. Sunday of Carnival. On the Sunday of Carnival, it is not necessary to invite friends to the sacred table. For the banquet that is held then is provided for the poor in the apse, and the emperor alone [has] his own relatives and kinsmen.

JOAN. JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY. ... the word *roga* or *roga*, which Du Cange interprets as a petition, a suppliant document offered to the prince, *anafora*, and derives it from *roga*. But it is an Arabic word meaning a schedule, a note. A little later *heliakou* [is written] in full letters, to which later place the illustrious Leiche in the margin wrote *heliakou*? and hit the mark and sagaciously conjectured. For often H and K are interchanged by scribes, as I said and demonstrated with another example. *permitted in mutatoria*. Thus today we call *chapeaux* those men whose proper attire is hats, *chapeau rouge* for a cardinal. So also Anna Comnena, *Alex.* p. 401, said *meta dyo chlamydon*, which, according to the opinion and interpretation of Du Cange to Joinville p. 160, means the same as *avec deux colles d'armes*, that is to say, with two knights; because no one at that time had the right, except soldiers, that is, knights, to wear breastplates. Thus shields for shielded men. Domnizo in the life of Matilda: "He left from Lucca with five hundred shields also." Testimonials for witnesses (see Du Cange Gl. Lat. v. *Adhramire*, which is a German word, *anramen*; see Frisch. Lex Germ. v. *Ramen*), *barbutae* for bearded or helmeted men. For the Arabic *barbat* (whence *barbiton*, a musical instrument, and *barbata*, a ship, *gaulos*, and *barbuta*, a helmet) denotes everything pot-bellied, approaching roundness. An old charter in Du Cange Gl. L. s.v. "is held to have at his own expense three hundred *barbulae*, that is, soldiers armed with *barbutae*," as Du Cange says in the same place, who also compares s.v. *Pusus*. Thus they called the female sex, as in its opposition *lancea* the male sex. Inheritance to pass to the spindle from the side of the lance, when it came to daughters; an agnate from the side of the sword or man, and an agnate from the side of the spindle or woman, is in the Saxon Mirror. *To box with a breastplate* against *thorakiten*, to wrestle armored, Artemidorus has p. 121, cap. 33, line 13. In the Middle Ages, just as the Greeks called senators *allaximata*, mutatoria or paratoria, so the Latins also called the same *paratici* and men of the *paraticum*. In a charter in Du Cange, men of the *paraticum* are compared to men of military rank; see s.v. *Paragium* and *Paratici*, where *credenderii*, the *pistinoi*, consuls of the streets, the *geitoniarchai*, *paratici*, the *allaximata*, and judges are mentioned as colleagues. Whether the palace or the pronaos of St. Sophia (for the atria of temples, as apsidal, are also called *apsidas* by the new Greeks, as Th. Smith testifies in his *Epistle on the Greek Church*), or finally the Milion or some other public building, who can say?

(81) In the manuscripts and the copy it was *Klix* and (82) Mutatoria, that is, men who are permitted to appear (83) Which apse or vault he understands,

1389 ON THE CEREMONIES OF THE BYZANTINE COURT, BOOK II.

On the third day of Tyrophagy, the Archbishop of Constantinople invites the Emperor, together with the Senate surrounding him, to the venerable Great Patriarchate. Once the holy liturgy is completed, a banquet is set in the Great Secreton of the Patriarch. We must prepare for the invitation to such a table: magistroi, praipositoi, anthypatoi, patrikioi, officials, protospatharioi, spatharokandidatoi, spatharioi, stratores, kandidatoi, and the commanders of the tagmata, according to the capacity of the table. They are to be brought in and led out wearing only their own skaramangia.

From the clearing of the first course, we must bring in the protonotary of the Patriarch with his own lectern and book, and station him at the left position of the imperial table to read aloud the discourse appropriate to the fast. After the completion of the entire discourse and the entry of the cheese-based broths, the chanters are to be brought in, both groups together with their domestikos, twelve in number; likewise, the readers, both groups together with their domestikos, in the same number, and station them on either side to sing a holy hymn according to custom. To all the others, only one each.

On the fifth day of the same week, the most holy and ecumenical Patriarch is invited to a banquet by the faithful Emperors in the Great Palace, and the metropolitans whom the same Patriarch wishes accompany him. We must prepare for the invitation to their honorable banquet: from the metropolitans themselves, whomever it happens to be, and six presbyters of the Great Palace, and the hegumens of the great imperial monasteries, as many as there happen to be, and the secretarial priests of the Patriarch.

[COMMENTARY OF JOAN. JAC. REISKE]

(84) This is the name given to the week that follows the Sunday of Carnival, during which, and no longer, it is permitted to eat cheese and eggs; see Du Cange under this word.

(85) An analogion is a portable pulpit upon which a book is placed, from which something is read; see Du Cange, Glossary, under both words. Furthermore, that it was customary at imperial dinners for certain things to be read from the Holy Scriptures and other books of piety is apparent from Leo Grammaticus, p. 505, Scriptores post Theophanem, p. 259, where almost the same words are found, and from Symeon Magister, Annales, p. 488: "And there was one of the boys reading at his table." Liutprand in his *Legatio*, p. 483, relates that he was entertained at dinner by Nicephorus Phocas, during which, which he had not done before, he ordered a homily of the blessed John Chrysostom on the Acts of the Apostles to be read in the Latin tongue. Muratori observes that other codices have, instead of the words "in the Latin tongue" (*voce Latina*), *vos celatus*, from which he himself makes *voce eluta*. That conjecture is not improbable; certainly, a better one does not occur to me now, although it once seemed that some Greek accusative *tous latous* might lie hidden in *voce celatus*; but I seek it in vain. In the Roman court, the same custom of reading aloud during dinner prevailed. In the *Ordo Romanus*, where the banquet is described by which the Pope entertained the cardinals on Easter Day, among other things these are read: "At the middle of the banquet, by order of the archdeacon, a certain deacon rises and reads a lesson." The chanters, however, by order of the lord pontiff, sing a sequence that is appropriate for Easter, with organs playing, and when that is finished, they go and kiss the feet of the pontiff, who gives them a cup full of drink, and they receive one bezant from the cellarer. Ceremonial of Augustinus Patricius III, § 11, concerning the reading of Scripture at table: "When the first course begins, a pulpit should be placed in a convenient spot, and a subdeacon or the Pope's chaplain should read something from Holy Scripture until the end of the banquet. Meanwhile, let everything be administered most diligently in silence and without noise"; see the note of Joseph Catalani, p. 158. That the Koran is also read among the Turks during meals is testified by the Turkish Annals of Leunclavius for the year 1394. In the banquets of the ancient Roman emperors, too, readers were employed. Spartianus, concerning Hadrian, says that at dinner (p. 215) he always exhibited tragedies, comedies, Atellanae, sambucas, readers, and poets, according to the occasion.

(86) Before these words, something is missing, the sense of which would have been: "and to them, the chanters and readers, are given two gold solidi in the name of the Emperor."

1391 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 1392 are brought in and led out with their stoles and phelonia in the same manner as I mentioned above regarding their reception in the great triclinium of Justinian.

Concerning the Feast of Orthodoxy. On the following Sunday, which is the memorial of the holy orthodoxy of those who venerate the sacred images, after the meeting and reception of the splendid procession returning from Blachernae into the city, and after the holy office of the Mass has been celebrated, a banquet is instituted at the expense of the great oikonomos [or the great administration of patriarchal revenues] in the most splendid and great secretum of the patriarch. We must invite to this for the emperor and the patriarch: friends, magistroi, praepositi, proconsuls, patricians, metropolitans, archbishops, officials, and other magistrates of the illustrious senate, according to the capacity of the table. Men of the senatorial order are brought in wearing only their skaramangia, while priests are brought in wearing their schemata or monastic garments.

441 Month of March. On the twenty-fifth day of this month is celebrated the notable and illustrious feast of the Annunciation of our most holy Lady, the Mother of God and ever-virgin Mary. After the customary solemn procession has been instituted in the church of the Chalkoprateia, the lords enter the palace with the entire illustrious senate in splendid attire, and upon entering, they all lay aside their stoles according to the prescribed custom. When our pious lords put on their golden skaramangia, all the others likewise put on their own skaramangia. Then a banquet is celebrated by the emperor in the most illustrious triclinium of Justinian at a special table, to which we must invite for him: magistroi, praepositi, proconsuls, patricians, strategoi, officials, royal protospatharioi, and the remaining magistrates of the comitatensian orders, according to the capacity of the table. We bring those summoned in and lead them out wearing only their skaramangia.

On the splendid Sunday of Palms, which immediately precedes the resurrection of Christ, a procession is celebrated in the holy palace, which God protect. For when our pious emperors are presiding in the chrysotriklinos in their changing-garments, together with the ecumenical patriarch, and the entire cubiculum is standing before them in order according to each one’s dignity, the four domestics of the tagmata are brought in with the two demarchs, the chartulary of the imperial sacellion, and at the same time all the gerokomoi and xenodochoi of the venerable houses. After they have brought in the sacred crosses, as many as are needed, they are brought in...

JOHN JAC. REISKE’S COMMENTARY Commonly it is called simply the feast of Orthodoxy; see Du Cange on this word, who says that Orthodoxy is called the first Sunday of the fasts or Lent, on which the feast of the restoration of the cult of sacred images under Michael and Theodora is celebrated among the Greeks, and the Synodikon edited for this matter is read. This matter is known from Byzantine history. For *exallattein* is the same as simply to change, after they had exchanged old clothes for new ones; it is the same as what is said in the *mutatoria*. Cf. p. 441.

(87) It seems that after the first word *peri* something has been omitted. (88) I have rendered it in the Latin as *in mutatoriis*; *exallattein*...