Excerpts on Embassies

Herennius Dexippus, son of Ptolemy, an Hermaean orator and historian, for his excellence his children [did honor].

With valor and myths and with councils most powerful, Cecropia brought forth men of noble fame. One of them, Dexippus, who surveyed the long History of the Age, clearly recounted it. And what he himself saw, and what he gathered from books, He found many a path of history. O greatly illustrious man, who from your mind stretching A myriad-eyed vision, learned the deeds of old. Fame is renowned throughout Greece, which the young Eulogy gave to Dexippus for his history. Wherefore His children also, for their noble sire, Placed this fashioned stone in return.

Photius, cod. 82: "There were read the *Events after Alexander* by Dexippus, in four books. There was also read another short history of his, running up to the summary acts of the reign of Claudius. ^B There were also read his *Scythica*, in which are recorded the battles of the Romans and Scythians against one another, and their noteworthy deeds. His style is unadorned and delights in weight and dignity, and, one might say, he is another Thucydides with a certain clarity, especially in the *Scythica*." CONCERNING WHAT EUNAPIUS teaches about the Chronicles of Dexippus, see below p. 56 seqq. THE SAME, in *Life of Porphyry*, near the end: "He happened to conjecture the times (of Porphyry’s life) to Gallienus and Claudius, and Tacitus and Aurelian and Probus; in whose time also lived Dexippus, who wrote the chronological history, a man filled with all learning and logical power." EVAGRIUS, *Hist. eccl.* V, 24: "And Dexippus labored much on these matters, beginning from mythical times and ending at the reign of Claudius, who followed Gallienus; in which work he included what the Carpi and other barbarian nations did while warring throughout Greece and Thrace and Ionia." (He seems to refer here to the *Scythica*, not to a part of the *Chronicles*.) SUIDAS, s. v. Dexippus: "Dexippus, the Herennian, as he was called, an Athenian orator, who lived in the time of Valerian, Gallienus, and Claudius the Second, and Aurelian, the Roman emperors." TREBELLIUS POLLIO, in *Gallieno*, 14: "The Goths ravaged Cyzicus and Asia, and subsequently the whole of Achaia, and were defeated by the Athenians, under the leadership of Dexippus, the writer of these times."

EUNAPIUS, famous of the lives of the sophists, born at Sardis in the year 347, continued the history of Dexippus in such a way that he entitled his own work *Chronological History After Dexippus* (14). It contained 14 books, of which the first embraced events from the passing of Claudius Gothicus to the Emperor Julian, while in the others he copiously narrated the history of this man—whom he himself, being most vehemently animated for the ancient religion, worshipped as a sort of god provided to the human race—and of what followed thereafter (15). That he finished the ^C work at the time when St. John Chrysostom was sent into exile, in the year of Christ 404, Photius teaches (16). The eclogues, in which (p. 96, n. 70) there is discourse regarding the avarice of the Augusta Pulcheria, who did not eventually take possession of the empire until the year 414, seem to contradict this; yet one can by no means conclude from this that Eunapius set forth a history of the ten intervening years in a continuous narrative: rather, it appears he digressed there so as to console himself by recounting how Hierax, having been betrayed through the avarice of the Augusta into the hands of a rival who surpassed even him in wickedness, paid late, but nonetheless paid, the penalties for the murder of Fravitta. Added to this is the fact that he speaks next of Stilicho, who was killed long before the rule of Pulcheria. Since Photius had seen a double edition of the history, as the title of the Constantinian eclogues indicates, the latter were taken from the second, where many places, in which the writer had indulged his rabid and unbridled hatred against the Christians, had been so excised that, in the judgment of Photius, gaping lacunae appeared, and many subsequent passages suffered from obscurity. Photius shifts the blame for this defect onto Eunapius himself; whether he was led by conjecture or evidence is not clear. That the writer would have left his work so mutilated that it labored under this is certainly not probable. And it can certainly happen that it was not the writer himself, but a bookseller, through the work of an unlearned amanuensis, who had taken the notion to liberate the books of those passages that would create danger for the sellers: such are what they call "expurgated" copies, which not infrequently occur in regions where the decrees of the Council of Trent were accepted. ^D The life of Eunapius, written by Hadrian Junius, is read in the edition of the illustrious Boissonade. The man’s insane hatred toward the Christian cause—of which the unfair judgment regarding the great Theodosius published by the illustrious Mai offers a new specimen—and his delirious superstition in the dreams of religion which the followers of the sect to which he was addicted had fashioned for themselves, are most well known: known also is the troublesome and rugged style of diction, of which Photius judges too leniently; whom let us now hear discussing the history of Eunapius (cod. 77).

"There was read the *Chronological History After Dexippus* by Eunapius, of a new edition, in fourteen books. The history begins from the reign of Claudius, where the history of Dexippus ends, and finishes at the reign of Honorius and Arcadius, the sons of Theodosius, making that time the end of the history; during which time, while Arsakius was officiating, having been raised to the hierarchical throne when John, the golden mouth of the Church, had been driven out, the wife of the reigning Emperor Arcadius, while pregnant, miscarried and left this life. This Eunapius was a Sardian by race; for he held Sardis in Lydia as his fatherland."

^A Being impious in his religion (for he honored the customs of the Greeks), he disparaged and slandered in every way and quite openly those who adorned the empire with piety, and especially the great Constantine, while exalting the impious, and more than all others, Julian the Apostate; and almost his entire history was elaborated for the purpose of praising him. His prose is flowery, if one were to strip from his style the cock-like, and switch-like, and snake-like, and hawk-like, and crow-like, and ape-like, and river-like tearful affectations, and such like; for with these he soils and over-decorates his otherwise refined choice of words. He uses metaphors recklessly, which the law of history does not allow, although the force and wit of the language largely removes the cause for annoyance. In his composition and clarity, however, he is suitably and properly oriented toward history. Yet in some places he is more forensic than historical, and he overloads his discourse. He also adopts not a few innovations in sentence structure, yet not to the point of being disagreeable, nor so as to give the methods grounds for criticism.

He wrote two accounts containing the same history, a first and a second. In the first, he sows much blasphemy against our pure Christian faith and elevates Greek superstition, attacking many of the pious emperors. In the second, which he also entitles *The New Edition*, he suppresses much of the insult and profligacy which he had scattered against piety, and by binding together the remaining body of the work, he entitles it *The New Edition*, as we said, though it still reveals much of the madness that was there before. We encountered both editions in ancient books, each specifically compiled in a separate volume; from these same books, we read through them and recognized their difference. It happens, therefore, in the *New Edition*, that many of the passages are presented obscurely because of the deletions made to the sections of the text, even though he is a purveyor of clarity; but in what manner this happens I cannot say, unless by not properly fitting the discourse to the sections in the second edition, he ruins the sense of what is read. In these matters, the work also reaches its end.

^D Petrus, to whom the titles of *magister* and *patricius* are attached, was born in Thessalonica and is called an Illyrian by Procopius; not because he belonged to the Illyrian people (for who would have distinguished the ancient Illyrians from the other peoples who inhabited those regions?), but because the diocese of Macedonia was under the administration of the Praetorian Prefect for Illyricum. Having been occupied at Constantinople with the conducting of cases, and being celebrated for his singular eloquence and power of persuasion, he was sent by the Emperor Justinian in the year 534 as an envoy to Amalasuntha; but because in the meantime Theodahad had seized the kingdom, he stayed at Aulon, and only in the following year did he reach Ravenna with the Emperor’s mandates. Then, however, cunningly using the man’s sloth and fear, he persuaded Theodahad to submit himself to the Emperor’s good faith and to surrender all of Italy. When he had himself reported this to Constantinople, he was sent again to Ravenna with Athanasius, so that through their mediation what the Gothic king had promised might be brought to a conclusion. But the latter, meanwhile, after Mundo had been killed with his army in Dalmatia, spurned the agreements, violated the sanctity of the embassy, and gave them into custody, nor was the opportunity to return granted to them until almost three years later by Vitiges, toward the end of the year 538.

But this inconvenience was compensated for to Petrus with a distinguished honor, the conferral of the dignity of *magister officiorum*. Later, in about the year 550, having already been raised to the rank of *patricius*, he was sent as an envoy to the East to negotiate a truce with Chosroes, from which, however, he returned with the mission unaccomplished. Soon, in the year 552, he was chosen to deal with Pope Vigilius, who was being detained at Chalcedon, concerning the affair of the Three Chapters. Vigilius, where he narrates what happened at that time, calls Petrus an *ex-consul*, *patricius*, and *magister*, soon after a "magnificent man" and *referendarius*. He who was called an *ex-consul* at that time was one whom the Emperor had honored with the documents of the consulship; later, in the Byzantine Empire, as the prestige of the office gradually diminished, they called them *consul* and *hypatos*.

After ten years had elapsed, in the year 562, he undertook the business of peace with the Persians once again, and indeed with a happier outcome—an ignominious peace, it is true, but necessary for the exhausted resources of the empire, settled for fifty years. When, being with the Persian envoy concerning Suania, which Petrus was demanding back, he had been presented with a deceitful hope and referred to King Chosroes, he went to the latter in the following year; but it was in vain. Having returned to Byzantium from that embassy, he died not long after, about 28 years after his first Italian embassy, leaving behind his son Theodore, who already in the year 565 held a position at court such that it could be aptly called in the language of the Britons a "privy counsellor." This degree of dignity was joined with that office in which someone had been otherwise placed; and it is certain that our Petrus remained in his magisterium until his death.

^A he soon became Count of the Sacred Largesses and in the year 576 was sent to the Persians (27). There is no doubt that Peter was a Christian; for upon his Persian embassy he paused to celebrate the birthday of the Lord Christ and the Epiphany (28), and he dealt with Pope Vigilius on matters pertaining to dogma.

^B This Peter flourished among his contemporaries with an incredible measure of praise and glory, the testimonies of which I have set down below. Beyond his eloquence and a unique power of persuasion, they attribute to him a supreme dexterity in handling affairs, tireless diligence, the most accurate knowledge of the laws, and universal erudition; but also a charming wit and a gentle spirit. In this, John Lydus—a client of Peter and the only detractor of his whose words have reached us (29)—agrees, so that it is certain that he was benevolent and free from all arrogance. Even after his death, he is distinguished by Corippus with the surname "Bonus," as King Ancus was of old. Yet these virtues do not prevent Procopius from being able to reproach him, perhaps truly, for having been most rapacious and inflamed by an insatiable desire for wealth (31): for avarice among the peoples of the East, who have fallen into servitude, very often invades the souls of men who are otherwise not evil, whose goodness shines forth only in this, that they do not act cruelly for the sake of money, nor do they violate the law. Such, generally, are those who are called "good men" among the Turks. In this category there was an illustrious example in my memory, Mohammed the elder, satrap of Algiers. Nothing was milder than this man, and nothing more sacred than his sworn faith: yet not only did he practice piracy unless you bought peace from him; and having peace—without his own fault—I believe he was happy; he even delighted in counting his gold pieces every evening. That Peter was certainly very wealthy we gather from the fact that the island of Aconitis, in which the millstone quarries were worked, belonged entirely to him as a fund (32). The same misery of servitude compels even good men to execute the most inhuman commands of a prince as if they were the oracles of a god, as if nothing were left to their own will. Therefore, I would not dare to assert that the report by Procopius, that Theodahad was incited by Peter to the murder of Amalasuntha, is a calumny (33), were it not that the cause he brings forward for why Theodora plotted the destruction of the unfortunate queen is so little credible that I am confident this charge also may be added to the slanders of a mad impudence.

Suidas attributes a History to Peter the Patrician; whence ^D the extant eclogues in both titles concerning embassies: the first of which pertains to the reign of Tiberius, the last to deeds done by Julian, while he was still Caesar, under the auspices of Constantius in Gaul. But if he had progressed further, he who compiled the eclogues would not have neglected the final part of the work in Peter any more than in the others. Therefore, I do not doubt that he finished where Eunapius began to narrate events fully. But the question of what time he fixed for the beginning of his history cannot be resolved with equal certainty: yet I would not believe that he treated the times of the kings and the free Roman people; since, because of the total lack of such eclogues from this time, I do not see what could have impelled a Byzantine man to write things that were commonly to be found, provided anyone sought for them narrated at greater or lesser length. Yet that he did not begin from Tiberius—which would in itself lack all probability—but that he had already treated of Augustus and the time of the triumvirate, is proven by the fragments which I found in the Seguierian book on syntax (34). Of these, a second is read in Dio Cassius in almost identically the same words (35), which Valesius observed upon comparing it with the 4th and 5th fragments, p. 123, ed. B., and with book LII, p. 401 of Ursinus; whence a certain conjecture arises that Peter compiled nothing else than a breviary of Dio as far as that history extended. Now, indeed, since the continuator of Dio, whose eclogues the illustrious Mai found in the title concerning opinions, does not go much below Constantine the Great, as far as the scope permits us to measure, I have persuaded myself, through no rash surmise, that he is not different from Peter: to the confirmation of which it would contribute somewhat if it were ascertained that the names of the emperors, by which those matters are distinguished in the codex as lemmata in Mai, were placed thus: for by the same method that grammarian who wrote on syntax found Peter's work divided into parts: certainly not by book numbers, which, as always elsewhere, he would have placed.

Moreover, the same Suidas ascribes to Peter the work *On the State of the Republic*, which the illustrious Mai conjectures are those dialogues of an anonymous writer on the republic, of which Photius makes mention in code 37, but which he himself published from a Vatican palimpsest with the title *On Political Science*. For my part, I shall omit the diversity of the title, nor will I deny that it could have pleased Peter to publish books without his name; yet it seems hardly credible that a matter known to Suidas was not known to the learned and curious Photius; or, conversely, that Suidas passed over in silence that work which

1139 ADDENDA. p. 522. I shall add that Wesseling had just cause to think there was missing some reason why Hesychius should change the *Samos* of the phrase "Phyllis or Samos of old" and prefer *Phylas*. Yet Nicander would never have denied his patronage to the Vulgate in his *Alexipharmaca* 149, where the scholiast writes "Phyllis or Samos." Col. 149. *Methymna*. Likewise Scylax, whom Christophorus Cellarius (*Geogr. Ant.* III, 2, p. 15) fears to be without fault since *Methymna* is pleasing to Strabo and Thucydides. I would not condemn it: for *Methymna* is read in the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 349, and the Frederick Treasury, c. v, 29, displays a coin of the *Methymnaeans*. Galen seems to agree in *Methodus Medendi* XII, p. 166: "For of the three cities in Lesbos, the (wine) produced in Mitylene is less fragrant and sweet, but that in Eresus is more fragrant and sweet, and then that in Methymna." Since, however, in *De Antidotis* I, p. 427, he prefers *Methymna*, he leaves it uncertain which he approved. Therefore, let the *Methymnaeans* succeed (the text) apud Athenaeus, Book VIII, last chapter, and Maximus the Philosopher in *Concerning Beginnings* 459: "Or if you wish to place in the jars the vine of Methymna." Now if *methy* gave origin to *Methymnaeum*, as Athenaeus wished, or rather *Methymna*, in any case it will be able to be cleared. P. WESSELING. Ibid. *Aeteios*. Since no one has known an island by this name, Carolus a Sancto Paulo substituted *Astypalaea*, which we saw above under the jurisdiction of the proconsul of Achaea. To me, *Telos*, of which Strabo speaks in Book X, p. 488, seems not poorly able to be constructed from a part of the word, even if one thinks the ulcer lies deeper. The author promised in the catalog that he would review the cities, and only 19 are mentioned: furthermore, Carpathus is missing, which has fame quite celebrated in this province; therefore we hope for help from more reliable manuscripts. Ibid. *Proselene*. This is the island *Pordelene*, which others, avoiding the stench of the word, called *Doproselene*, others *Proselene*. The former is with Stephanus and many others, the latter in the Council of Chalcedon, to which on p. 530 and vol. IX, p. 173, Florentius of Tenedos, Adramyttium, Proselene and the Aigialoi subscribes, and testifies that he was bishop of those islands; which you may conclude were joined and subject to one magistrate from the Ephesian (acts), p. 671: for you will see John of Lesboselene, no doubt placed over Lesbos and Pordoselene. But what things are signified in the Chalcedonian records by the name of *the Aigialoi*? We know *Aigiale*, or *Aigialos*, as Suidas preferred, a city of the island of Amorgos, but cast too far into the Carpathian sea for us to think it subject to the bishop of Lesbos. Therefore would we stray far from the truth if we wrote *and Aioloi*? For it is certain that Lesbos was the prince and metropolis of those islands, from Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes 536. Ibid. *Euros*. Eueos. As the Leiden manuscripts; when Abraham Berkelius suspects that this should wrongly be called by the ancient name *Merone* with Stephanus and that *Merone* should be substituted, he certainly does not attend to the agreement of Pliny with Stephanus IV, 22. Ibid. *Amorgos*. Ptolemy says nothing else; others say *Amorgos*. But what is brought forward from the manuscripts as *Amorgos*, that is born from the latter, just as the Attic poets, plundering the republic, used to call them *amolgous* or *amorgous*. See Kuster on *Amorgous* in Suidas, and regarding the island, Bochart on Phoenician Colonies 1, 14. Ibid. *Astypalaea*. It is a most well-known island, to which Polyenus, *Strategemata* 1, 23, has a city of the same name in Samos, situated, as the Etymologist teaches, by a river *Schession*, which perhaps should be *Chosios*, (since) the scholiast of Nicander's *Alexipharmaca* 154 knows *Chesios* as a promontory of that island, whence the *Chesiade* nymphs of that poet, and Diana *Chesia* in Callimachus' hymn to Diana 228. That *consulary* (office). In the *Notitia of the Orient* c. 1, he has a governor of Caria, apud Sozomen, *H.E.* V, 21: for Julian writes "to the governor of Caria." Ibid. *Militos*. It is *Miletus*, a most noble city, of which Strabo 14, p. 635 (speaks). Ibid. *Heracleia of Ogmos*. The manuscripts join these; but it is *Heracleia of Latmos*, so called because it sat by the mountain Latmos. Indeed, *Latmos* was also the name of the city, where Strabo XIV, p. 655 and the scholiast of Apollonius 1, 57 (mention it). They have warned, which is also significant in Polyenus, *Strategemata* VII, 23 and the Council of Chalcedon p. 581, where Dionysius of *Logos of Caria* (is read) for *Latmos*, who on p. 667 is called *Heracleia of Atalmos* with a graver error. In the Second Council of Nicaea *Heracleia of Latmos* p. 356. Better in the Third Council of Constantinople p. 673 *Heracleia of Latmos of the province of Caria*. Ibid. *Amyntas of Myndos*, of which Strabo XIV p. 658 and Pausanias II, 30 (speak). Wrongly in the Second Council of Nicaea p. 356 *city of Myndos*. Halicarnassus and Cnidus are ennobled and need less style; even if this may be added, that the latter was afterwards called Stadia and is distinguished by that name in the Second Council of Nicaea p. 52. Ibid. *Ceramos*. Neither did Strabo XIV p. 656 pass over this maritime city, whence the name came to the gulf. Galen also mentions it *On the Powers of Foods* p. 517. Hesychius: "Ceramos is a jar and every earthenware vessel, and a prison, and a fortification, and a city of Caria; and in truth it is on a fortification." Thus perhaps the last words should be read. I might think the grammarian borrowed those from the critics' scholia on Homer: for they were accustomed to interpret *Iliad* E. 387, "in a bronze ceramos he was bound," in diverse ways and either to accept it as a prison or the Carian city Ceramos, placed in a fortified location. Eustathius on that verse of the poet p. 425: "Others say in a solid prison, saying that the Cyprians call a prison a *ceramos*. Others say that *Ceramos* is a city of Caria, seeming like bronze and said tropically because of the solidity of the wall." Ibid. *Mylasa*. So also Polybius, *Leg.* 93 and the Coislin ms. of Ptolemy; and the coin of the *Mylasenses*. Athenaeus VI, 18, Dio XLVII p. 425, and others, whom Ch. Cellarius called as witnesses, *G. A.* III, 3, p. 104. There is also in the Frederick Treasury c. XII, 17 a coin bearing the name *Mullasoon*, which if it pertained to this, as seemed to a learned man, would disturb many things. But beware of trusting it, or thinking true those things which were disputed concerning the new dynasts of Caria. The inscription of the coin will teach all other things if it is compared with those which Jo. Masson mentions in the *Life of Aristides* II, 7: for from there it will appear that *Mylasseon* should be read, and that in the corrupted letters of the Frederick Treasury the name *Oabnan* lies hidden; furthermore that *Kai Gennat. Dynastou* is sound, and that *Kai Ennaton Dynasten* cannot be rendered from it. Other things cannot yet be settled, since coins of this kind are almost lacerated and worn. Mylasa was filled more with a multitude of temples than of men; which was the reason why Stratonicus, when

it seems to have presided, as the learned man well says. We noted Pamphylia joined to it a little earlier. Malalas, vol. II, p. 69, affirms that it was once connected to Lycaonia, but was separated from it by Theodosius the Second and made a province, with the city of Myra advanced to the dignity of a metropolis; but if this is true, perhaps in the final years of the emperor Theodosius the First it was attached to Lycaonia: for at that time the heavy stigma was branded upon Lycia, and it was permitted that the provincials be wounded by a contumelious name. Nor, however, will it agree with the truth that Lycia recovered its former rights under Theodosius the Younger, since the emperors Arcadius and Honorius decreed that its previous fame and merit be renewed among the rest in law 1, ix, c. Th. *de indulgent. crimin*. Perhaps Theodosius the Second ordered the same thing by a repeated law, and provided Malalas with an occasion for writing them.

Col. 148. *Cities 18*. Pliny, *N. H.* V, 27, reports that in his time Lycia had 36 towns, and Strabo, XIV, p. 664, reports that the Lycian League, the τὸ Λυκιακὸν σύστημα, was composed of 23 city-states, in which a Lyciarch and other magistrates were created. In this place the number is greater than in the list which will follow shortly.

Ibid. *Phasydes*. Nay rather, *Phaselis*, situated on the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia according to Strabo XIV, p. 667. Regarding Cylabra, whom they worshipped as a hero, see Athenaeus VII, 13. Nothing that pleases emerges from the following. See Cicero, *Verr.* IV, 10.

Ibid. *Gaga*. To Holstenius in Stephanus, *Gaga* seems to be a neuter plural, to which, if there were a similar example, and if this list did not contain so many errors, I would agree. From the city and the nearby stream—which, however, Galen, *De antidot.* IX, p. 123, denies could be found, even if he were to sail the coast of Lycia in a small boat—they wish it to be called *Gagates* stone, regarding which matter see Saracenus in Dioscorides V, 146, and Rhodius in Scribonius Largus, *Composit.* 225, all of which, however, I think are not persuasive. But see what troubles this town, slightly corrupted in Eusebius, *de Martyr. Palæst.* c. IV, caused: *If anyone knows Pagas, not an obscure city of Lycia.* Valesius seems to have preferred *Araxa*, because the manuscripts offered *arapagas* or *aragas*, a name for an unrecorded city in Lycia: Henschenius, vol. I, April, p. 59, prefers *Patara*; Ruinart, *Acta Sincer. M.* p. 320, is in doubt as to which he should adopt. You, with me, write *Gagas*, and you will recognize these compound fruits.

Ibid. *Acalissos*. If you take this and other *Notitiae*, it will be difficult to find.

Ibid. *Edebesos*. It should undoubtedly be read *Edebesos*, which city L. Holstenius and Abr. Berkelius restored from the manuscripts in Stephanus. *Edebssos*, he says, *is a city of Lycia, as Capito (mentions in his) Isaurica, bk. I.* I would not want, however, the conjecture of Hermolaus Barbarus approved by Berkel, who changes *Habessus* to *Edebessus* in Pliny V, 27. He says, *the towns Apyre and Antiphellus, which were formerly Habessus, and in the recess, Phellus.* For it is very well established from this that Antiphellus and Edebessus were different towns of Lycia, as they are distinctly mentioned by Hierocles.

Col. 149. *Limyra*. This is to be preferred over the vulgar reading [*Lymyra*]. The city was situated on the river of the same name according to Strabo 14, p. 666. But they seem to have said τὰ Λίμυρα or τὴν Λιμύραν; indeed Basil the Great, Epist. 218, praises τὸν ἐν Λιμύρᾳ Διάπρον, and he is not unknown from Ovid, *Metamorph.* IX, v. 645: *Already he had left Cragus and Lymira and the waters of Xanthus.*

Ibid. *Arycanda*. The city is well enough known from Strabo, Stephanus, and others, perhaps placed at the Arycandus river (Pliny V, 27). Petrus Diaconus wrongly calls it *Oricandus* in the second Council of Nicaea, p. 52.

Ibid. *Podalia*. Stephanus (writes) *Podaleia, a city of Lydia*, which the learned men rightly corrected from Ptolemy and the *Notitiae*: for it was of Lycia. See the provincial synodal epistle, *Concil.* Labbé, vol. IX, p. 339.

Ibid. *Choma*. Pliny and Ptolemy (say) no differently. Eudoxius, *of the city of Choma, in the province of Lycia*, is mentioned in the Ephesine (acts) p. 536. The one that follows this is unheard of to me, and I fear it is not without error. I was thinking of *Corydalla*, whence the coin of the Corydallians, *Thes. Britan.* vol. II, p. 262, and in *Corydallois* (or rather *Corydallo-) Alexander, one of the monks, a bishop, can be read in Basil the Great, Epist. 218: but that town is far from the common reading, and perhaps it lies hidden in *Comistaros*, with which the index of the cities of Lycia ends.

Ibid. *Myra*. The manuscript, the Council of Chalcedon, and the provincial synodal epistle to Leo, besides Malalas, forbid doubting that it was the metropolis. Basil of Seleucia, *Vit. S. Theclæ* I, p. 272: *It is reported that Paul was at Myra; this is the best and most cheerful city of Lycia.* The ancient Acts of Thecla published by Gabrius, *Spicileg.* I, p. 114, call it *Myra of Lycia*, wrongly, and therefore to be corrected: for a little before it is *at Myra*.

Ibid. *Arnea*. *Arneai*, whence in many *Notitiae* (it is called) *of the Arneans*. Stephanus: *Arneai, a small city of Lycia.* The Cyaneae are in Pliny V, 27.

Ibid. *Aperlae*. Thus the hand-written books. Ptolemy (has) *Aperrai*, the *Notitiae* of Jac. Goar (write) the bishop of *Aperlae*, wrongly.

Ibid. *Phellus*. Strabo XIV, p. 666, and others describe this and the one opposite it, Antiphellus. Basil the Great, Epist. 218, commends the bishop of *Phellos in Lycia*; where, from the Vatican mss., *at Phellos* should have been admitted.

Ibid. *Candyea*. Pliny and Stephanus prove this; Ptolemy (has) *Condyba*, not well. Constantine’s *city of Candybon* in the second Nicene (Council) p. 52 and *Kandibon* p. 353 came from this: and thus this city should have been inserted in the Geography of S.

Ibid. *Eudocias*. The *Notitiae* did not overlook it, and it is the same that Photius noted, the Eudoxatores of the province of the Lycians in the Council of Constantinople under Menna.

Ibid. *Patara*. A shrine of Apollo made this (city) noble, formerly similar in wealth and the trustworthiness of its oracle to the Delphic (shrine). *Beyond is the Xanthus river and the town of Xanthus*, says Mela I, 15. Add Strabo XIV, p. 665.

Ibid. *Comba*. In Ptolemy *Comba*, and perhaps more truly: for the *of the Combeans* is not only in the *Notitiae* of Jac. Goar, but Constantine also subscribed it as *city of the Combeans* in the second Nicene (Council) p. 356: whence you might wonder that it too was neglected in the Geography of S.

*Nisa*. The truth is *Nisa*, or *Nysa*, as the Coislin manuscript says from Ptolemy. *The Nysians* is in the *Notitiae*. To this city presided Bishop George, who is called of the *city of Nisa* in the second Nicene Council, p. 52, and of *Nasas*, p. 355.

Ibid. *Pinara*. The city was situated beyond the Xanthus river, not, as they commonly place it, on this side of the river, if

^A he saw the city, cried out, "Are you not going to, O Mylasa, cry out and speak, for if you do not, you will burst?"

PREFACE.

...by experience of words and distinctness of persuasion, such as he was able to deceive.

IDEM, p. 428, 20: It is somewhat more humble of the words—I have translated it into the more Attic style.

CASSIODORUS, *Variarum* X, 19, in the name of King Theodahad: "The most eloquent man Peter, legate of your serenity, both supreme in doctrine and preeminent in the clarity of his conscience."

*Ibid.* X, 22, in the name of the same: "Through the most eloquent man Peter."

*Ibid.* X, 2, in the name of Queen Gundelina: "Upon the coming of the most wise man Peter."

HERMOLAUS, epitomizer of Stephanus, *De urbibus*, s. v. *Akina*: "Aconitis, an island belonging to the most illustrious patrician and most wise master of offices Peter, situated opposite Chalcedon. It is so called because of the abundance of stones in it shaped for whetstones."

CORIPPUS, *De laudibus Justini*, I, 24, 25:

The successor of the good, and the reborn glory of Peter, Here Theodore is present, master in the gravity of his fatherland.

Panium—whence Priscus, whom others less precisely call a Thracian—is called Panita, a town of Europe, one of the six provinces of the diocese of Thrace, which contained the Chersonese, and was bounded on the shore of the Propontis between Heraclea, formerly Perinthus, the metropolis of the province, and Selymbria. It is uncertain where it extended into the Mediterranean boundaries; it is ascertained that Aenum and the towns lying westward from it pertained to the province of Rhodope. Suidas teaches that Panium itself was situated on the shore of the Propontis near Heraclea (Perinthus), and thus between it and Rhaedestus; I have sought mention of it in vain among the ancient geographers or Ptolemy himself.

Priscus, according to Suidas, wrote eight books concerning the Byzantine history and the affairs of Attila: which words have moved the question whether it was a double or a single work; for my part, I do not doubt it was one. But even if there were two, the extracts on embassies would certainly pertain to both, the inscription of which the Gothic history should have retained: for no one will doubt that the codex of extracts was so inscribed. I suspect, however, that just as different titles were given to parts of the Procopian history, so here: that one was inscribed *The Affairs of Attila*, another *Gothic*, and that this was incorrectly transferred by an ignorant man to the whole work. From what time Priscus began his history cannot be determined; but no mention is brought forth from him of any event that took place before the year 433. The slaughter of Aspar and his sons, which took place in the 15th year of the Emperor Leo, in the year 471, as Evagrius shows, is narrated by Priscus; ^B whence we gather, since Malchus began the start of his history in the year 474, the 17th of Leo, that Priscus remained until his time. Whence it is clear how absurdly Suidas reports that he wrote under Theodosius the Younger.

By far the best of all the historians of the later age; in genius, faith, and wisdom, he is to be placed behind none even of the best times; he also used an elegant and sufficiently pure style, and deservedly obtained praise and glory both among his contemporaries and posterity; he also happened to be praised by Valesius and Gibbon, men of the highest standing. He is called a rhetor, yet the same a sophist; ^C whence we gather that he did not practice as a pleader in Constantinople, but taught the art of rhetoric there. Moreover, we find only this much concerning his life: that he was received into the friendship of Maximinus, a man of the first rank in that age, and that he set out with him to Attila, and afterwards, while Marcian was emperor, to Arabia and Egypt. Since this Maximinus was without doubt a pagan (for a Christian would never have brought himself to concede to the Blemmyes the celebration of sacred rites on the island of Philae, nor to fix a treaty tablet in that temple), the conjecture, already in itself highly probable, that Priscus was also addicted to the ancient rites, is confirmed all the more. Suidas further attributes Declamations and Epistles to this same Priscus.

Testimonies concerning Priscus:

SUIDAS, s. v.: "Priscus, a Panite, a sophist, who lived during the times of Theodosius the Younger; he wrote a *Byzantine History* and *[The] Affairs of Attila* in eight books, as well as rhetorical declamations and epistles."

EVAGRIUS, *Hist. eccl.*, I, 17: "In these times the great war of words was moved by Attila, king of the Scythians—whom Priscus the rhetor describes with curiosity and most learnedly, narrating with much elegance how he campaigned against both the eastern and western parts, and how many cities he captured and razed, and all that he achieved before he passed away."

IDEM, V, 16: "From an embassy of the western Romans, Anthemius is sent as Emperor of the Romans, to whom Marcian, who had previously reigned, betrothed his daughter. Also, Basiliscus, the brother of Leo's wife Verina, is sent as general against Gizericus with an army gathered from the ranks of the best. Which things have been written most accurately by Priscus the rhetor; how Leo, having circumvented them by guile—as if paying a reward for his advancement—slew Aspar, who had conferred the rule upon him, and his sons Ardaburius and Patricius, in..."

the truth was told by Arrian in his *Expedition of Alexander* 1, 25. Although Theodore, bishop of the *Pinnarenses*, acknowledged his title among the Lycians at the second Nicene Council, p. 52, it was surely a city worthy to have its place in the Geography.

^C Col. 149. *Sidyma*. The same, and most truly so, as is evident from Ptolemy and Pliny. I add that Zemarchus, of the city of Sidyma of Lycia, subscribed at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 505, and Nicodemus, of the city of Sidyma, at the second Nicene Council, p. 52. Theophanes, in his *Chronography* p. 89, says: "And having come into Lycia, having fallen ill and been left behind in the city of Sidyma"—where without doubt it should be *Sidyma*, just as the Barberini manuscript writes *Sidyma*. Holstenius was in doubt whether to prefer *Sidyma* or *Adyma*. See under Stephanus for *Didymon* or *Sidyma*.

Ibid. *Tlos*. This might be true from the manuscripts, provided you read it as *Tlos*, which city Strabo (XIV, p. 665) reports as being among the six greatest of Lycia. Andreas, of the city of the Tloënses, was present at Chalcedon, p. 97, and at the Council of Troglon, p. 399; and Constantine of the Tloënses, who should have been called of the Tloënses, was at the second Nicene Council, p. 52.

Ibid. *Telmessus*. It is better to double the sibilant, even though Hesychius calls them the "Telmiseis, a tribe around Lycia," and Clement of Alexandria (*Stromata* 1, p. 361, Oxford ed.) says: "as the Telmiseis are for divination by dreams," and Basil the Great (Epist. 218) mentions "Hilarius, bishop in Telmessus." For most of the ancients are accustomed to approve the latter, among whom is Clement himself (*Protrepticus* p. 40). The city was situated on a precipitous hill near the sea, according to Arrian (*Exped. Alex.* 1, 28), and gave its name to the gulf. Lucan (vIII, 248): "And the great gulfs which the Telmissian waves compensate in the middle of the sea." Thus I would prefer it; for indeed Fr. Oudendorpius found *Themissidos* in a handwritten book. See Cellarius, *G. A.* III, 3, p. 107, and Holstein on Stephanus.

Ibid. *Caunus*. A later age assigned this city of Caria to Lycia. Diodorus Siculus (xx, p. 766) did not overlook its citadels, the Heracleum and the Persicum. The territory around the city was sufficiently rich and fertile, but the air was most pestilential throughout the summer and autumn, according to Strabo (XIV, p. 651), whence, as Mela says, it was a city infamous for the health of its inhabitants: the citizens were everywhere plagued by fevers, and they betrayed their sickness by their pallid countenances—a matter upon which Dio Chrysostom (Orat. 32, p. 390) has excellent remarks besides Strabo. Hesychius, under *Caunus*, says it is a city of Rhodes, because it was subject to the Rhodians. Indeed, the Caunians revolted from them, according to Livy (XLV, 25), but they were reduced to order and eventually subjected to the same by the Romans, as Strabo indicates; they had not yet been freed from this yoke when Dio Chrysostom was speaking to the Rhodians: "For who among the Caunians," he says (p. 349), "has become a noble man? Or who among them has ever done anything good? They who are slaves not only to you, but also to the Romans, having, through an excess of folly and wickedness, fashioned a double slavery for themselves." Wherefore, since they were in such a miserable condition and possessed of such inconsiderate rashness, ^D we should not wonder that by the same orator (p. 526) these "ill-counseling Caunians" are called "Caunians" who consulted their own interests most poorly.

*Araxa*. Stephanus and Ptolemy possess the city. Theodore, bishop of the city of the Araxians of the province of Lycia, or *Araxon*, as it is wrongly written on p. 673 at the third Council of Constantinople, and even worse by Stephanus as of the city of 1138 *Araxon*, is said to have subscribed at the second Nicene Council, p. 356. Bubon is known from Pliny.

Ibid. *Oenoanda*. Oenoanda from Pliny and Stephanus; for Ptolemy’s *Oineanda* is incorrect. The third council of Constantinople (p. 673) wrongly writes George, prelate of *Oio-ando* of the province of Lycia, and on p. 533 *Oiniandorum*, and at the second Nicene Council, p. 326, George is written as of the *Oiniandorum*.

Ibid. *Balbura*. *Balbura*, as in Pliny and Ptolemy, the bishop of which town, Philip of the *Barborenses*, was at the Council of Chalcedon (p. 524), and on p. 666 it is called of the city of the *Balburaeans*, while it is best called of the *Balburenses* on p. 97.

Ibid. *Corydalla*. Nothing of it has become known to me, unless it be Corydalla.

Ibid. *Of the Islands*. Under the Emperor Vespasian it was made a province of the islands, Sextus Rufus says (*Breviarium* c. 10), and subjected to the authority of a president; whence the Emperor Diocletian writes to Diogenes, president of the islands, in book 5 of the Code, where the case is stated; and the Emperors Honorius and Theodosius make mention of the same in law 32 of the *Theodosian Code* concerning ship-masters, where Gothofredus gives more details. The president usually resided at Rhodes, to which place, since the journey was dangerous and often uncertain in winter, the Rhodians complaining in vain, the Emperors Valens, Gratian, and Theodosius issued a different decree (law 8 of the Code concerning the office of a provincial governor). They say the city of the Rhodians has complained of its grievance not so much decently as late. Whence we decree by inviolable observation that, since navigation in the winter season is often dangerous and always uncertain, judges should take turns in those five cities which are claimed to be better than the others, to pass the winter. For it should not be doubted that presidents are included under the name of judges, all the more so because in legal fragments judges also signify presidents, as Cornelius van Bynkershoek (Observat. 1, 2) has taught at length. But take care not to interpret the five cities in which they are commanded to pass the winter in turn as cities of the island of Rhodes, with Guido Panciroli in the *Notitia Imp. Orient.* c. 102: he did not see all those things; it was a tribe formerly proud, whence Pindar (*Olymp.* od. 7) speaks of the "three-city island," but which, according to Strabo (14, p. 655), subsequently coalesced into one, Rhodes, of the same name as the island. The five cities, if I am not mistaken, are just as many in this province, more important than the others: the very constitution of the emperors requires that you admit this. Nor does the usage of speech hinder it: for Virgil also calls Delos the city of Apollo; nor is anything more familiar to the Greeks than to call an island a "city" (*polis*). See Antoninus, *Itinerarium* p. 523.

*Rhodes*. It is called the metropolis of the province of the islands at the Council of Ephesus (p. 453); Jordanis, in his *De Regnorum Successione*, calls "Rhodes a most famous island and the metropolis of all the islands of the Adriatic," whereas he would have written more correctly "of the Aegean Sea or of Asia." It was deprived of its liberty by Vespasian, according to Suetonius (c. 8); whence it is beyond doubt that Dio Chrysostom's *Rhodian Oration* was appropriately recited before the liberty was taken away from the Rhodians, they having been reduced into the form of a province, while their liberty was yet safe (p. 344 D), and the condition of the island was sufficiently blessed, to which there were many tributary cities in Caria and Lycia (p. 341 C); it signifies that they also possessed the right "to be governed by themselves, and to administer the city, and to deliberate, and to judge" (p. 359 B); all of which things surely do not at all fit when they have been transferred into the provinces.

Ibid. *Aca*. Concerning this and those that follow, see Antoninus, *Itinerary*.

^A a manner which, of itself, is of little significance; yet this very event, as observed by me during conversation with Classen, seems to convict him more than any other, for he holds Pamprepius in such evident favor.

Suidas, s. v.: Malchus, a Byzantine sophist. He wrote a history from the reign of Constantine up to that of Anastasius, in which he recounts the events concerning Zeno and Basiliscus, the burning of the public library and the statues of the Augusteum, and other matters with great gravity, lamenting them in the manner of a tragedy.

Photius, cod. 78: The *Byzantia* of the sophist Malchus was read, in seven books. It begins from the time when illness was pressing upon the emperor Leo, which extended to the seventeenth year of his reign. He describes the proclamation of Zeno, the exile of the imperial dignity, the proclamation of Basiliscus, the deposition of the purple, the return of Zeno again to the empire, and the execution of the aforementioned Basiliscus by the sword, in which judgment his wife and children also shared in a lawless verdict. And that Armatus, who brought Zeno back, received such a reward as this, meeting his slaughter at the hands of Onoulph. He also covers the rebellion of Theodoric Strabo, the friendship of Theodoric the Amal, the war against the Theodoric of Strabo, the rebellion against Zeno again, the insurrection of Marcian, and before this, the conspiracy of his mother-in-law Verina, ^B her subsequent perpetual exile, the earlier conspiracy plotted by Verina against Illus, and the deceptive seizure of Epidamnus by Theodoric the Amal. Recounting these, he proceeds to what occurred at Rome, and at the end of the seventh book he makes his subject the death of Nepos, who, having cast Glycerius from power, took upon himself the Roman authority, and by tonsuring him into the form of a cleric, set him up as a high priest instead of an emperor; and by him, being conspired against, he was slain. These seven books of the history also hint that other, preceding books had been prepared by him—and the beginning of the seven in the first book indicates this ^C —but also succeeding ones, if life had permitted the author, as the end of the seventh book demonstrates.

The author is a Philadelphian, excellent if anyone is in the composition of history; pure, unadorned, pellucid, using language that is most flourishing, significant, and raised to a certain dignity; and even his neologisms, such as have an emphatic, well-sounding, and grand quality, are not overlooked, as for instance this word and certain others like it; and altogether he is a canon of historical prose. His profession was that of a sophist, and he had reached the pinnacle of rhetoric, and his religion was not outside the Christian community.

MENANDER, son of Euphrates, of Constantinople, ^D

under what name it was formerly known, since I do not yet have certainty, I am unwilling to conclude definitively anything about its location. Let the same be said of Anastasiopolis, of which some mention—as you will see from Carolus a S. Paulo—is found in the Acts of the Councils.

Col. 149. *xwpa natpipióvia*. I believe this indicates a region that was contributed to the prince’s patrimony. But it is most conveniently joined to Anastasiopolis, since the author of the matter is considered to be the Emperor Anastasius, in the *Gloss. Nomic.*: “Patrimonialia [are] all those things that each emperor acquires for himself from the Emperor Anastasius. For he himself is the one who invented both this name and the beginning of the title of Count of the Patrimony.” Yet whether these are all in good faith may be questioned without guilt; for since patrimonial colonists were well known long before the Emperor Anastasius, as we are taught in l. 4 and 2 c. *de Fugitiv. et Colon.*, and they take their name from the patrimony, the matter itself seems altogether prior to Anastasius. And so that we do not doubt in these things, they make patrimonial possessions through the Asian and Pontic diocese and patrimonial lands through the provinces of Mesopotamia and Osrhoene, of which the emperors Arcadius, Valentinian, and Theodosius reminded [us] in 4, 6, and 8 c. *de Fund. Patrimon.*, and the Sacred Patrimony in l. 43 *de Vectigal.*—which last, even though Th. Reinesius (App. Inscript. XX) has judged so, you might rightly doubt requires a Count of the Sacred Patrimony, and [conclude] that it was already known before Anastasius and under the principate of Theodosius and Valentinian: for there is no mention of it, so far as I know, in the *Notitia* of the East; in which the provisors of the flocks and stables and the procurators of the estates oversee the patrimonial lands under the disposition of the Count of Private Affairs, c. 88. I confess that Fl. Peregrinus Saturnius, the illustrious moderator, is the count of the sacred patrimony on an old stone. I even grant that he seems to be the same person who is called count and procurator in l. xvi c. Th. *de Bon. Proscript.* under the princes Arcadius and Honorius. But he was, as the legislative argument indicates, the count of the Gildonian patrimony, whom the *Notitia* of the West, c. 42, mentions, and was a procurator. Now, as for the fact that the form of this comitiva is in Cassiodorus (ep. vi, 9), that cannot prove that there was a count of the patrimony before Anastasius, since Theoderic could have taken the example of this matter from Anastasius. But this is by the way. Mss. *xwpla лaτpiμóvia*, from which, if you form *zaïp:µoviádia*, you will have the patrimonial lands.

Ibid. *Kl6upa*. This is the great Cibyra, from which the Cibyratic conventus [is named], according to Pliny v, 29, situated on the borders of Phrygia and Caria, and not far from Antioch on the Maeander, as testified by Strabo xiii, p. 630. Therefore, the Cruquian scholiast of Horace is mistaken in Ep. i, 6, 33, writing: “Cibyra, a maritime village in Paphlagonia or Lydia.” There was indeed another town of the same name, but smaller, in Pamphylia, according to the same Strabo, xiv, p. 667, but if he meant that one, he could not excuse the error either. From this smaller Cibyra, Constantine I called the *Thema Cybyrrhaeotarum* (Them. 14); and since this is reported as the fatherland of Anastasius the Miracle-Worker in the *Synaxarium Divionense*, “he was of the region of the Cibyrrhaeotans,” you might rightly wonder at D. Papebrochius (tom. 1 Jun., p. 326) writing: “I could have explained no more easily what S. Athanasius’s fatherland is, for [the name] mentioned in the eulogy of the Cibyrrhoitans was unknown to us by any region.”

1145 Ibid. *Koxτnuaixai*. You have need of another conjecture, to divine the truth; I do not manage anything from this.

Ibid. *ἐπαρχία Ποντικῆς α'*. So the mss.; which appears to be lacerated. I believe it came from the hand of Hierocles as *ἐπαρχία Ποντικῆς διοικήσεως α' Βιθυνία*, "Province of the Pontic diocese I, Bithynia." From this he begins the provinces of the Pontic diocese, which were 11: Bithynia, Honorias, Paphlagonia, Galatia I and II, the two Cappadocias, the two Armenias, Helenopontus, and Pontus Polemoniacus, concerning which, from the *Notitia* of the East, c. 1, which also entrusts Bithynia to a proconsul, we know with certainty.

Ibid. *Xalxndŵr*. Although it is placed in the first rank among the cities of Bithynia and John, the bishop of the metropolis of Chalcedon of Bithynia, subscribes to the Third Council of Constantinople (p. 495), yet it was a metropolis in name only, saving the rights and privileges of Nicomedia, as Marcian, to whom it owes this honorary title, decrees in the Council of Chalcedon, p. 681: “We have decreed that the city of the Chalcedonians, in which the council of the holy faith was held, should have the rank of a metropolis, honoring it by name alone, while the rights of its own dignity are preserved for the metropolis of the Nicomedians.” And since he calls the city *Καλχηδόνα*, it is not far from the coins of the *Καλχηδονίων*: for at one time it was called *Καλχ῅δων*. Because this name and *Καρκηδών* (Carthage) differ little in sound, there has often been an opportunity for scribes to confuse the two cities, such as when they attribute to Apsyrtus (Hippiatr. c. xxxiii, p. 113): “And this has been found from the *Geoponica* of Mago the Chalcedonian,” and in Hierocles, p. 116: “Mago the Chalcedonian in the *Geoponica*.” For Mago was not a Chalcedonian, but a Carthaginian, whose books on *R. R.*, written in the Punic language, Cassius Dionysius of Utica translated into the Greek language, according to Varro, *R. R.* i, 1. And I strongly suspect that the name of this Mago lies hidden in these words of Stephanus: “*Ὁ πολίτης Καρχηδόνιος — Καρχηδόνιος ἦν σοφὸς μέγας καὶ Κλειτόμαχος ὁ Διογνήτου*.” Thus Menagius (on Diogenes Laertius iv, 67) and Berkel accounted for the fragmented text before this passage—rightly, if I see it correctly; and if they had also corrected it to *σοφὸς Μάγων* (for the alternative is not tolerable), they would have perfectly healed the passage, in my judgment. But, so that we do not stray too far from our purpose, it seems to me that the same error was made in these words of Strabo, xi, p. 609, where, concerning Metrodorus of Scepsis, [it says:] “*διὰ δὲ τὴν δόξαν ἐν Καρχηδόνι γάμου λαμπροῦ πένης ὢν ἔτυχε καὶ ἐχρημάτιζε Καρxηδόνιος*.” These things do not seem to refer to the true Carthage, since it did not exist in the age of Metrodorus, having long since been leveled by Scipio. You could say that Metrodorus extended his time and lived until the city was rebuilt by Caesar, according to Pliny (xxxv, 6), corrected by Scaliger: “For this is Mamurra, criticized in the poems of Catullus of Verona, whom Metrodorus of Scepsis said had more clearly than Catullus, whatever Comata Gaul had possessed.” But Strabo stands in the way, who reported that Metrodorus was killed by order of Mithridates before Tigranes was defeated, nor does Plutarch disagree (in *Lucullus* p. 580). Therefore, since Is. Vossius found in the Plinian mss. on Catullus (p. 71), and after him Harduinus, “whom both his property and his house possessed more clearly than Catullus,” I have also approved this, the subject itself as often indicating the subject matter.

Ibid. *Nixoµńdeta*. I shall only say of this most noble metropolis that the "Amuni" [sic] was added, which Themistius (Orat. xxiv, p. 305) calls the Nicomedian

625 PREFACE. 626

In his youth he had devoted himself to the study of the laws; but because his mind recoiled from the duties of a pleader, he fell into idleness and squandered his patrimony on the circus and the madness of the factions. At length, however, compelled by necessity to seek better things, when he saw that learned men were being adorned with splendid rewards by the Emperor Maurice, he decided to try his hand in this field. Therefore, he proposed to himself to continue the history of Agathias, which he completed from the arrival of the Cotrigur Huns in Thrace, whom Belisarius repressed, in the year 558, down to the passing of the Emperor Tiberius in the year 582. He dealt with the events of the year 575 (48) in the eighth book. He is said to have been a Protector by title, by which he is distinguished from the illustrious poet Atticus (49); although in that age, just as the scholarii, they exercised a merely nominal military service (50). In his style of writing, he is an absolute ape of Agathias; he is to be laughed at whenever he desires to show off with the sharpness of his maxims or the elegance of his words. Nevertheless, he is a good author in reporting historical events; he is quite curious about the customs of peoples, the location of distant lands, and the journeys of travelers, and worthy of credence. In imitation of the same Agathias, he also attempted to compose epigrams. All that I have said above concerning his origin and youth, he himself had recorded in the proem of his history, which Suidas preserved.

It will not be irrelevant to the proem of this volume, the far greater part of which consists of them, to explain the reason why it pleased the grammarians, to whom the care of the matter was entrusted by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, to inscribe the excerpts concerning embassies *Peri Presbeon*, and not *Peri Chrysodion*; nor will it be idle, since, by some chance, it has not been fully perceived by anyone, as far as I have become aware. Hoeschel published these excerpts from two codices: the Schottian, which I said above is now nowhere to be found, and the Bavarian, which he calls the *Boicus*, which exists in the royal library at Munich, and was used by the distinguished Schweighäuser for Appian and Polybius. The relationship between them was such that while the Schottian contained everything, the preface and those things which the editor professes in the index he placed after the dedication to have given only from the Schottian codex were absent from the Bavarian. Moreover, those are not in the place of additions—so that you might believe the Bavarian codex was mutilated by the laziness of scribes by so many chapters—but are separated from those which it has, and proceed in the same order from the beginning of the book to its end. They differ from each other in that those which exist in the Bavarian deal with embassies sent to the Romans, while those which are absent from it deal with those which the Romans sent to the Barbarians. For this reason, that codex is inscribed *Concerning the Embassies of Nations (or Gentiles) to the Romans* (51), while the preface which looks to those things which the Schottian codex alone provided, exhibits the title XXVII and its rubric *Concerning the Embassies of the Romans to Nations*. And in the index which is placed under it, concerning the writers from whose books Hoeschel published the eclogues on embassies, he omits Dexippus and Eunapius. Clearly, nothing from these had been brought into the volume of eclogues concerning the embassies of the Romans to the nations.

These things having been set forth, it will not be necessary to prove with more words that there was a double title of eclogues concerning embassies, of which one, XXVII in the order of numbers, exists complete with its preface, while the preface of the other is missing, and its number is unknown, though reason compels it to have been either XXVI or XXVIII. Finally, what remains of both existed joined together in the Schottian codex. Now, indeed, it is perceived for what reason it happened that even in the Polybian [excerpts] very many eclogues from the number of those which Ursinus published are absent from the Bavarian (52); for it deals there with embassies which the Romans had sent; and the same, if anyone should inquire about the eclogues of Dio and Appian, he must necessarily find. Therefore, the great Casaubon is freed from criticism, who, when he wrote that the first volume of these eclogues existed in the library of Thuanus, in which, however, only a part of those which were taken from Polybius was contained (53), was not in the least mistaken. And it may be that while others have handed down that Theodosius the Younger, but Ursinus that John of Constantinople, compiled this collection, the embassies to the Romans were attributed to the labor of the former, and title XXVI to the latter in the codices. I fear, however, that there is an error concerning that Theodosius, since *Theodosios ho mikros* signifies to the Byzantine Greeks the Emperor Theodosius the Younger. So that every occasion for erring in the future may be removed, I have distinguished each collection, divided by individual authors, with its own inscribed title. Therefore, we have not three, but four titles from the collections of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, after A. Mai, by bringing to light the greater part of the title concerning maxims, added a heap to his immortal merits regarding the public literary cause.

(48) Menand, p. 397, 20 in his edition by Brisson. (49) See Heineccius s.v. Protectores. (50) Procop. Anecd. 24, p. 71. (51) Schweigh. pref. to vol. II of Polybius, p. xvi. (52) Schweigh. provides a list of them, p. xxvii. (53) Ibid. p. xx.

p. 585, as having been earned, though I do not know if unjustly; for unless I am mistaken, Dio will defend him in *Orat.* XLII, p. 511. "For you know well," he says to the Prusians, "that though it is not the greatest of cities, nor inhabited for the longest time, it is better known than many." For if Prusa was not inhabited for a very long time in the age of Dio, its beginning will certainly be more truly referred to Prusias, the friend of Hannibal, than to any earlier person. Dio, to be sure, if he had thought it to have been built in the age of Cyrus, would not have gone on to say that it had been cultivated and frequented by citizens for a "very long time." Strabo, book xii, p. 563, departs into other views and affirms that it was stirred up by Prusias, who had a war with Croesus, or, as Stephanus reads, with Cyrus; which is only an indication that opinions about the origin of the city have been varied. Indeed, if you follow the opinion of Palmerius and read in Strabo and Stephanus *those who warred against Kieros*, it will agree perfectly with Strabo and Pliny; for Prusias the Lame, whom Memnon, c. xxix, reports to have occupied Kieros and called it Prusias, received Hannibal into his hospitality. If you do not wish this, as I for one certainly will reject it—for it is not credible that a geographer would wish to signify Prusa and distinguish it from others by a war waged with an obscure town, and one which was in another's domain, and of which he makes no mention anywhere else. Add to this that Prusa, who fought Croesus in the war, is very clearly distinguished by Strabo from that Prusias who embraced Hannibal in friendship; from whom he will not be different, if the conjecture of a learned man is worth anything. But there were no kings of Bithynia in the time of Croesus: for Herodotus and Xenophon are silent. Although I acknowledge their silence, I fear, however, that it is not correctly concluded from that that there were no kings in Bithynia at that time: for what Memnon, c. xxi, reports about Dydalsus and Botira seems to me to be able to ascend to the age of Xenophon; and since it is not certain that they were the first kings of the nation, what prevents admitting others earlier than them? And to confirm these, I would invoke Appian, *Mithridat.*, p. 297, were it not that he, changed into another form by that same Palmerius, *Exercit.*, p. 156, would demand a broader field. Therefore, it would be better to profess that the diverging opinions of Pliny and Strabo concerning the origin of Prusa were even contradictory to themselves. ^A

*Col.* 149. *Caesarea*. In the *Life of Nicetas the Abbot*, c. 1, "Caesarea of Bithynia." It was a city not very large in the vicinity of Prusa. Dio Chrysostom, *Orat.* XLVII, p. 526, after he had spoken about the Nicomedians and the Nicaeans, who are not far removed from Prusa, says of the Caesareans: "These are noble men and very much Greeks, but they dwell in a much smaller city." ^B

*Ibid. Apollonias*. Write *Apollonia*. The city of this name near the Rhyndacus is meant, which is called "the city of the Apolloniatae near the Rhyndacus" on inscription LVIII, which Fr. Hesselius published in the *Appendix to the Guidian Inscriptions*. Add Plutarch in *Lucullus*, p. 498, and Tournefort, *Epist.* xxii, p. 192. There is at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 502, "Anastasius, bishop of the City of the Theotocians, or of Apollonias of the province of the Bithynians," who testifies that this was also in common use. Add the second Council of Nicaea, p. 353. ^C

*Ibid. Dascylion*. Dascylus in Mela 1, 18, with the others nearly consenting with ours. Most wish it called from Dascylus; Is. Vossius from the nature of the place, whom see. The memory of Dascylus has been preserved, as Holstenius advised, in an epigram of Alexander Aetolus, which is read much more correctly than in Plutarch, which Salmasius published in *Solinus*, p. 580. Thus indeed Alcman: "And I learned of the Heliconian Muses, who placed me above Dascylus and Gyges of the tyrants." ^D However, the mention of Dascylus will be inconvenient here if the observation of the most learned Bentley on Horace, *Od.* ii, 47, is valid: for he says one ought not to have been a tyrant, Dascylus, father of Gyges, but a private citizen, and therefore, if you do not prefer to charge the author rather than the scribes with the error, he wrote, or at least certainly should have written, *Candaules*. But what if Alexander did not follow the account of Herodotus concerning Gyges, but that of Plutarch in the *Hellenica*? Which certainly bears a greater shadow of truth. What if he also considered another Dascylus than the father of Gyges? Stephanus mentions a Dascylus of Periander, from whom Dascylium was called, and the scholiast on Apollonius ii, 725 and 754, mentions a son of Tantalus of the same name. ^A

*Ibid. Neocaesarea*. Its bishop is called "of the Neocaesareans of Bithynia" at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 668. Afterwards it was called Ariste, as the Acts of the second Council of Nicaea, p. 353, intimate. ^B

*Ibid. Adriani*. Coins show that the "Adriani near Olympus" sat by Mount Olympus; which Jo. Masson, in his *Life of Aristides*, iii, 3, etc., examined with great diligence as the fatherland of Aristides, having sent the passages of ancient writers into council. The bishop of the town is often called in the second Council of Nicaea *episcopus Adrianorum*, as on p. 51 and 572, more correctly David *Adrianorum* at the Council of Chalcedon, tom. ix, p. 176. ^C

*Ibid. Regeontios*. This and what follows, *Regeodris* (for I think that the true name), we have profusely illustrated in *Itin. Hieros.*, p. 573. It remains that we seek what *regeon* means. Both mansions are called a "mutation" in *l. 119 Th. de Decurion.*, and the other is called a station in the *Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum*: from which you may gather that the beginning of both names denotes a station or village. Which will appear more clearly if you notice that it is truncated from *regeon*, by which word they are accustomed to signify villages and places which are smaller and inferior to a city in the *Notitia*, like that of Jac. Goar, p. 365. Anastasius, the Nicaean bishop, will undoubtedly make the same thing plain, having said this in the Council of Chalcedon, tom. ix, p. 98, concerning Tattaio and Doris: "Just as Tattaio and Doris are *regeones* under Nicaea, so was Basiliupolis before this under Nicaea." He calls both a *regeon* or village; and since shortly after it is said of Basiliupolis, "and that which was formerly a *regeon* again after this became a city," he most openly signifies that by that word he understands a place much smaller in size and dignity than a city. Moreover, the said regions seem to be of Nicaea because the power of dispensing law and coercing there belonged to its magistrates: "We call regions," says Siculus Flaccus in *de Agr. condition.*, p. 1, "within the borders of which there is free power of dispensing law and coercing for the magistrates of individual colonies or municipalities." ^D

*Ibid. Province of Honorias*. This province was made and severed from Bithynia by Theodosius the Second and endowed with the surname of his uncle. Jo. Malala, tom. ii, p. 69: "He also made another province, having separated it from Bithynia, which he called Honoriade, in the name of the same, his uncle Honorius, giving the right of a metropolis and a ruler to Heraclea, a city of Pontus." Who nevertheless is mistaken when he affirms that Heraclea was created a metropolis; for Claudiopolis was distinguished by that dignity, as the Emperor Leo mentioned in an Epistle in *Concil.* tom. ix, p. 267 and Justinian in *Novella* 21.

^A Since the name of Honorias was abolished, this province is most closely connected with Paphlagonia, as they have taught.

*Col.* 149. *Claudiopolis.* It is generally attributed to Bithynia by Ptolemy, Galen, and others; the reason why this is an invention is easily seen. See *Ant. Itin.* p. 200. Mantinium was not far distant from this city; and because the compilers of the great *Work of the Saints* (the *Acta Sanctorum*) asserted that they could never find it, we shall confirm it from the *History of the Martyr Tition* in Lambecius, *Biblioth. Cæsar.* vii, p. 212: "The holy martyr Tition was from Mantinium, which was a dependency of Claudiopolis, the metropolis." Add Socrates, *H. E.* ii, 38.

*Ibid. Prusias.* In the manuscripts it is correctly rendered as Prusias, near the Hypius river, whose citizens are called in the Donian inscription, *Class.* v, 177, ΠΡΟΥΣΕΙΣ ΑΠΟ ΥΠΙΟ. Memnon, c. 49, indicates that it was once called Cierus after the river flowing past it: I agree with Palmerius and Holstenius that he alluded to this Prusias, not the one that is also called Cius. In c. 29 he calls it both the city of the Heracleotes and Tium, and says that, having brought both under his power, King Prusias "circumscribed Heraclea from sea to sea," encircling Heraclea entirely at the sea; this cannot be true of the Prusias on the Cianus bay, but it fits this one excellently. This city was situated to the west of Heraclea, and Tius to the east; and thus, having mastered both, Prusias saw the Heracleans completely hemmed in. Although these things seem to have a good basis, I will not deny that Memnon confused the two Prusiases: for as for what he reports about the Argonauts in c. xliii, as if they landed at Cierus and lost Hylas in its vicinity, others constantly affirm that this happened near Cium. See Apollonius i, 1178, Orpheus 635, and Valerius Flaccus, iii, 484.

*Ibid. Heraclea.* It was a colony of the Megarians on the river Sounautes, as witnesses and critics in Apollonius ii, 748, testify; having garnered for itself great power and wealth, it was oppressed by a most grievous calamity by Triarius, in the time of the Mithridatic war, in Memnon, c. 53.

*Ibid. Tios.* The city was placed on the Billæus river, as the scholia of Apollonius, corrected by Holstenius in Stephanus, 791, show. Add Ezechiel Spanheim, *Epist. ad Morellium*.

*Ibid. Crateia.* Concerning this, see *Ant. Itin.* p. 200. It seems corrupted in these lines of Galen *de alimentorum facultatibus* i, p. 312, when Nicaea, Prusa, Crassus, Claudiopolis, Juliopolis, and finally Dorylaeum, which is indeed the furthest city of Asian Phrygia, are located in the coldest tract of Bithynia: for "Crassus," even if you add the word "city" from the following, is nothing: for where is Crassopolis read or written? You will not succeed any better if you read "Crasus" with Abr. Ortelius and understand it as a city of Phrygia, since it is outside those borders of Bithynia. But if, as I think, it were written "Crateia," the matter would be clear: it is in Bithynia and near Claudiopolis, and not far from Juliopolis, and for that reason it is correctly joined to them.

*Ibid. Hadrianopolis.* The Emperor mentions it in *Novella* 29 and the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 52. Whence it ought to have had a place in the Geography of the *Synecdemus*.

*Ibid. οὐ κορρέκτορα.* He understands "Corrector," to whom the *Notitia of the Roman Empire*, c. 1, also entrusts Paphlagonia. He was in a middle position between a consular and a praeses, if you look at his dignity and amplitude, as you will know from *l. viii C. Th. de Cohort.* In Italy, of the correctors, about whom Ursatus *de Notit. Roman.* p. 641, edited by Grævius, makes the most ancient mention: outside of Italy they occur more rarely, and only in two provinces, Paphlagonia and Augustamnica, both of which—besides Hierocles and the *Notitia of the Roman Empire*—are assigned this magistrate. Synesius, in Epistle 109, calls Marcianus the philosopher, who held the government of these Paphlagonians, by the general term "corrector." Add Pancirolus, *Notit. imp. Orient.* c. 156.

*Ibid. Gangra.* The manuscripts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 532, rightly show Bosphorius subscribing as "of Gangra, the metropolis of the province of Pamphylia," mistakenly for "Paphlagonia," as in Sozomen, *H. E.* iii, 14: "Gangra, the metropolis of the Paphlagonians." That the ancients said *ta Gangra*, *tas Gangras*, and *tên Gangran*, according to Stephanus, is a very well-known matter. Add Ch. Cellarius, *G. A.* iii, 8, p. 318.

*Ibid. Pompeiopolis.* It was founded by Pompey, according to Strabo xii, p. 562. Therefore, Constantine ^B in *Them.* i, 7, plays on the word, when he says "for they are a spectacle and a reproach and a rejection of the human race," simultaneously indicating that the city was in a very lowly condition in his time.

*Ibid. Sora.* Thus in the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 52. In the Council of Chalcedon, p. 664, it is "Soura," in Constantine *Them.* i, 7, "Sôra," in Justinian *Novella* 29. Where I have already shown the "cumuli" or "tumuli" were poorly translated in my *Probabil.* c. xiii, which L. Holstenius, having since been instructed, agrees with me in his *Ortelii Sora*. There remains in the same words of the *Novella* something else that might cause hesitation; hence, it must be given space here. "We say of Germanicopolis and those towards Gangra and the citizens of Pompeiopolis and Dadybra and Sora of Amastris and even of Ionopolis." Thus Holoander published it, and hence the "tumuli of Amastris" were born. Hombergius, in his notes from the manuscripts, brings forward, I think: "we say of Germanicopolis towards Gangra, Pompeiopolis, Dadybra and Sora and Amastris and even of Ionopolis," which is, in my judgment, much more correct. It is difficult, however, for the emperor to have called these six cities of Paphlagonia when he seems to enumerate plainly seven: Germanicopolis, Gangra, Pompeiopolis, Dadybra, Sora, Amastris, and Ionopolis; nor can the suspicion of corrupted numbers arise, if indeed precisely 12 cities are subjected to the dominion of the governor of Paphlagonia in what follows, six in Honorias and as many in Paphlagonia. To me, so that the meaning of the *Novella* may stand, Germanicopolis seems to have been contributed to Gangra on account of its proximity and therefore is counted as one. The metropolis of the province, Gangra, could not be passed over, as it surpassed the others in dignity; the emperor openly makes Germanicopolis neighbor to it, calling it "Germanicopolis towards Gangra." And hence it also seems to be derived why Hierocles and other *Notitia* ignored it, and why there is no mention of it in the Acts of the Councils.

*Ibid. Amastris.* Amastris in Lucian and everywhere else, and in the Council of Chalcedon, p. 96. In the Second Council of Nicaea, "Amastra," for the Emperor Constantine, and likewise in Nicetas Paphlagon’s oration on Saint Hyacinthus, July 17, in the great *Work of the Saints*, who calls it the eye of Paphlagonia or perhaps of the world, into whose port the inhabitants of the Euxine Pontus come together as if to a common market: "Amastra, the eye, one might almost say, of Paphlagonia, or rather of the world."

^A *Trocnada* or *Petrocnada* Holstenius, in his *Geography of S.*, advises we prefer as the reading in the copied manuscript, which is undoubtedly more correct: for Cyriacus, p. 663, subscribes as *Trocnadon* of Chalcedon, and Theodore, p. 672, as *Trocnadon* of the third province of the Galatians for Constantinople, and Leo, p. 355, as *Trocnadon* at the Second Nicene. But since Cyriacus, whom I have mentioned, is called *Trocnadon* in Chalcedon, pp. 125 and 309, perhaps *Trocna-da* would be better, so that the name derives from the Trocmi, a Galatian people.

Col. 119. *Eudoxias*. That it was not far removed from the city of Germia appears from the *Life of Theodore of Syceon*, chap. viii. Its bishop, Aquilas, is at Chalcedon, p. 663, so that it is wrong that no account of it was taken in the Geography of S. Ibid. *Myrian-gelorum*. The manuscripts give this; nor has anything about the city come to my attention, although the *Notitia* of Jac. Goar does not entirely condemn it. Ibid. *Germia*. *Germocolonia* in the *Notitia* of J. Goar, p. 344, which is not wrong, as you will see at *Itin. Ant.*, p. 201. In a later age, this colony was famous under the name of Myriangelon. Theophanes, p. 203: "The Emperor Justinian, for the sake of a vow, [was] in Myriangelon, that is, in Germia, a city of Galatia." For J. Goar is mistaken when he thinks the *Pythia* thermal baths, about which Procopius *De Aedif. Justin.* v, 3, speaks, should be understood [as Germia]: those were in Bithynia; Germia is 16 miles from Pessinus. Ibid. *Under a Consularis*. Vespasian added legions to Cappadocia because of the constant incursions of the barbarians, and imposed a consular governor in place of a Roman knight, according to Suetonius, chap. viii. Under Constantine, it obeyed a *praeses*, who is mentioned in l. 41, c. *de libral. caus.*; nor does it seem to have had any other magistrate in the time of Basil the Great or Chrysostom. The former calls him *archonta tes eparchias* (ruler of the province) in epistles 78 and 94, and *hegemon* (governor) in epistle 86; the latter calls him *hegemon* in epistle 4, p. 596 of the new edition. It was again entrusted to a *consularis* by Theodosius the Younger, for which fact the authority for me is Firmus, Bishop of Caesarea, in the epistles which A. Muratori published in *Anecdota Graeca*. For thus in epistle xvii to Soterichus: "And make the ruler for us greater, not by name alone, but also in power": for if the governor of the province, whom we have seen as a *praeses*, has been gifted with a more excellent title, he shall certainly be considered to have been raised to the dignity of *consularis*. And epistle xvi to Thalassius hints at this more clearly: "And the ruler, whom you have made more illustrious for us by your zeal, grace with affairs, as is fitting for him to be known." Firmus requests that the *consularis* of the first Cappadocia receive a broader field where his virtue and prudence can range, and that the cities which had been taken away by the Emperor Valens and subjected to the *praeses* of the second Cappadocia should return to him. That is the meaning of the words at which a most learned man seemed to stumble: "And grant that the province also may be prospered by the addition of cities, so that your fatherland may be illustrious to you through all things." Rightly, therefore, did Hierocles give a *consularis* to this Cappadocia; nor will the *Notit. imp. Orient.* c. 1, where it is committed to a *praeses*, stand against it, provided you remember that it is earlier than Theodosius the Younger and Bishop Firmus. Ibid. *Caesarea*. It was once the metropolis of all Cappadocia, but the cities of Tyana seem to have envied it this dignity when the province was cut into two by the Emperor Valens. That the dispute was quieted under Theodosius the Younger and the old dignity of Caesarea restored, Firmus indicates in epistle 17. ^B Everyone knows it was situated at Mount Argaeus, but not likewise because of a most ample lake that flowed into the Halys; it would therefore be worth the effort to linger a little on this matter, and search out which places the Halys flows past. There is a distinct mention of the lake in Strabo xi, p. 538, and an uncertain author of an epistle, which is among the Basilian letters of the newest edition, had narrated that it poured into it: "So," he says, "upon the thaw occurring, waters were moved in indescribable ways, mingling in the perennial river, the Halys, which is also a narrow [river]": that is, upon the snow suddenly melting, incredible surges arose, mixed with the Halys, which rushes in a continuous and narrow channel. These [waters], although Cotelerius, *Monum. Græc.* vol. ii, p. 97, and the recent editor did not wish to see it, do not remove the Halys much from Caesarea. Nor is there, I think, any other *geitōn potamos* (neighboring river) which Firmus mentions in epistle 35; unless you prefer it to be the Melas, which Strabo xii, p. 538, reported to spring from 40 stadia from the city. Whatever follows, the people of Caesarea will not allow the Halys to be snatched from their territory, even if it is often highly inconvenient. It flowed down hither from Sebastia, having risen in the dominion of the Armenians: "This river," says the writer of the epistle, "which lies in our neighborhood, welling up from the land of the Armenians, and being introduced into the most holy lake of the Sebastians, etc." And this agrees well enough with Strabo xii, p. 546; for he derives the Halys from Greater Cappadocia around Cambysene, which was contributed to Armenia. Nor will Herodotus i, 72, be far from the truth, if he understood "the Armenian mountain" to be a mountain of Armenia. The author of the epistle agrees most excellently with Gregory of Nyssa, who says in *Orat. 1 on the 40 Martyrs of Sebastia*, p. 501: "I speak of this neighboring river, which, due to its size, being numbered among the famous rivers of the world, starting from our own [land], in time passes by the city." He does not indeed name the Halys; but neither do these things he predicates of the river fit the Iris nor the Lycus: for neither flowed so broadly and amply that it could be compared with the most noble rivers of the world. No one will deny that it fits the Halys. Not to mention that it is clear from no one's authority that Sebastia was situated by the Lycus; Sebastopolis sat by its springs, if Ptolemy does not err, from which Sebastia was distant more than 40 miles toward the interior of Armenia. Therefore, if we have reasoned correctly, I do not see how Pliny can be excused (vi, 2), sending the river Halys through Cataonia into Cappadocia: for it would have to flow down from regions situated far beyond the Taurus, if indeed Cataonia was extended from Commagene. Much less will the recent geographers defend themselves, letting this river out from inner Asia, looking toward the south, contrary to the warnings of Arrian in *Peripl. Pont. Euxin.* p. 16, ed. Oxon., and not attaching the cities which I mentioned to it. Moreover, what I had almost neglected, in the words of Gregory of Nyssa, it should be written *en chrō* (skimming/past) and not *en chronō* (in time), as our friend beautifully [noted]. Ibid. *Nyssa*. Isaac Casaubon, in the epistle of Gregory of Nyssa to Eustathia, p. 116, conjectured that this was a metropolis, but with the title only, without the reality, which Spanheim, *Dissert. 9 de Usu et Præst. Num.* p. 599, denied, not without justice, although the noble man is wrong,

Britan.* p. 252. Strabo most accurately described the site of the city, p. 651 152 [16wpa]. The correct spelling is *16wpa*, and in the 3rd oration of Gregory of Nyssa on the 40 Martyrs, p. 212, where he calls it *modlyvny*, it is most evident; the same appears from the Life of Eutyches c. 11, and Novella 28. It was a town situated on the Euxine Sea according to Sozomen, *H. E.* VI, 30, even though it is spelled incorrectly there and in Palladius as *'16ń pwy This*: for it is from here that Evagrius is said to have come, concerning whom those duumviri, Jerome in his epistle to Ctesiphon, signify. Commonly, indeed, it is called Hyperboria there, which Valesius in his notes on Sozomen and Rosweidus in Palladius rightly changed, since even the Corbeiensis manuscript shows Hiberita for Hiborita. Photius, in the third Council of Constantinople, p. 670, says *mólew; '16wpwv¸ñs Eldonovaly napyla;* instead of *'Elevonotυιwy*. Ibid. *Zna*. It was not far from Amasia. The Life of Eutyches, c. 6: *Πολίχνη τίς ἐστι, Ζῆλα προσαγορευο- μένη, γειτνιάζει δὲ τῇ μητροπόλει 'Αμασείᾳ.* Plutarch, *Caesar*, p. 731 calls it *πόν Ζήλα*, and since the old editions of Hirtius on the Alexandrian War, c. 72, and the Norwich manuscript show *Zela*, that should have been defended by Davis, and *Zina* should not have been foisted upon Plutarch and Dio. Stephanus [calls it] *Ποντική Ζηλα*. Ibid. *Σάλτος Ζαλίχης*. Thus the manuscripts, and correctly, provided it is corrected to *Σάλτος Ζαλίχης*. I would think the city was surrounded by woods (saltus), and for that reason *Saltum* is prefixed. In the second Council of Nicaea, Andronicus the presbyter subscribes on behalf of John the bishop of *Zahiɣwv* p. 355, who, since he is called presbyter of *Asovtonólews* p. 163 – *Za-díxov*, is a certain index to us that it is none other than this Leontopolis, which the emperor mentions in Novella 28. That name is often corrupted in the Life of Eutyches, c. 11, where [it reads] the bishop subject to Amazeno *τῆς τῶν Λαζιχηνῶν πόλεως οἱ Λαζίχων προεδρία εἰ τοῦ Λαζίχου ἐπισκοπή*. Perhaps the oration which is attributed to Basil the Great, vol. II, p. 587, should also be referred here, *ἐν Λαζιζ*; however that may be, the city should not have been neglected in the Geography of S. Ibid. *'Aropaκα*. Its bishop Paralius *'Αν- δράτων τῆς 'Ελλησπόντου* (instead of *'E*..., which did not escape L. Holstein in his notes to the Geography of S.) is mentioned in the Council of Ephesus, p. 438. Add concerning the city the Acts of Hesychius the Thaumaturge from the Greek Synaxarion of March 6 of the *Acta Sanctorum*, where there is more. Ibid. *'Ajuσός*. Constantine 1. 1, *Them.* 2 [*calls it*] *'Aµlvooς*, as does Suidas, but not entirely correctly. Amisus was 900 stades distant from Synope, as Stephanus reported from Strabo XII, p. 547. Ibid. *Σινόπη*. *Σινώπη*, as in the Leiden manuscript. Strabo XII, p. 545 describes this noble city, situated on a peninsula, and Tournefort, *epist.* XV, p. 91. Concerning its founders, see the scholiast of Apollonius II, 948. Ibid. *Πόντου Πολεμωνιακού*. That the name came from Polemon, king of this Pontus, is indicated by Justinian in Novella 28, c. 1. It began to be numbered among the provinces under Nero, who reduced the kingdom of Pontus, with the consent of Polemon, into the form of a province, according to Suetonius, c. 18. It is likewise entrusted to the governor in the *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1. Ibid. *Neokaισαρεία*. *KOINON. NEOKAI. MHTPO.* Holstenius saw this on a Medicean coin, for which the British *Thesauri*, vol. II, p. 236 has a twin. Gregory of Nyssa (in the Life of the Thaumaturge of the same name, p. 537) reports that [Neocaesarea] was considered by the common consensus of the nation the *κορυφήν πάσης τῆς περιοικίδος*, and that it was endowed with a new name by the Caesar of the Romans, who was captivated by the pleasantness of the place. Pliny, VI, 3, affirms that the Lycus river flows past the city; whether this is altogether true you might doubt, especially if you understand it as flowing past Neocaesarea. For it is gathered manifesty from the same Life of the Thaumaturge, p. 557, that it flows through the territory of the city. The reasons for doubting are that Gregory of Nyssa, in describing the city and its situation, mentions nothing about the Lycus. Furthermore, Gregory’s brother Basil, in his 210th epistle, testifies that he spent a great deal of time among the Neocaesareans in his grandmother’s house and later in a monastery; yet that monastery was near the Iris river, according to the same epistle 223 and Gregory in the *Life of Macrina*, p. 182. Add to these that Neocaesarea and Comana of Amasia, which sat upon the Iris, are said to be neighbors in the Acts of Eutyches, c. 7. Perhaps, therefore, it will be more correctly placed between the Iris and the Lycus. Ibid. *Κουανα*. They were situated on the Iris river according to Strabo XII, p. 547, and not far from Neocaesarea; whence Gregory of Nyssa calls it *πόλιν ἀστυγείτονα* in the *Life of the Thaumaturge*, p. 561, and in his oration *De Baptismo*, p. 220, he calls it *τὴν Κομαναίων ταύτην ἀστυγείτονα πόλιν*. But that Christopher Cellarius, *G. A. 1, 8* p. 327, gathers from Strabo that Comana is a short distance from the sources of the Iris, this will not be supported by the same Gregory in the *Life of Macrina*, p. 182, where the river is said to have originated from deepest Armenia and to have run down through this Pontus. Ibid. *Πολεμόνιον*. The correct form is *Πολεμόνιον*, which obtained the status of a town situated between the Thermodon and Cotyora according to Arrian in the *Periplus*, p. 17. Concerning Cerasus, a maritime town, see Xenophon, *Expedition of Cyrus* V, p. 273 and Tournefort, *epist.* XVI, p. 98. Ibid. *Τραπελοῦς*. Around the time of the second Council of Nicaea, Phasis and Trapezus seem to have obeyed one bishop; whence Christopher subscribes as *τοῦ Φάσιδος ἤτοι Τραπεζοῦντος* p. 345. See the *Antonine Itinerary*, p. 216. Ibid. *Τὰ εὐχάϊτα*. Thus the manuscripts, with which not only the *Notitia Imperii Orientis* c. 1, which makes this a governor's seat, but also Basil the Great in his 112th epistle agrees. For it is not obscurely gathered from the mention of Sebastia in that letter that the *hyemóνα* (governor) Andronicus, to whom those letters are sent, had ruled over First Armenia. Furthermore, the same Basil calls this First Armenia "Lesser Armenia" in his 195th and 263rd epistles. Ibid. *Σαβαστεία*. It is the metropolis of the province in Theodoret, *H. E.* II, 25, and Novella 31. It was situated in a pleasant place, and besides the Halys, which grazed the walls of the city, another river, which soon buried itself in a nearby lake, cut through its middle, according to Gregory of Nyssa in the *1st Oration on the 40 Martyrs*, p. 501, and *Oration 2*, p. 510. See the *Antonine Itinerary*, p. 177. Ibid. *Νικόπολις*. It was not located far from Colonia, with which it had shared sacred Christian matters; whence Basil, in epistle 227, addressed to the Colonians, calls it *τὴν μητέρα ὑμῶν τὴν ἐν Νικοπόλει ἐκκλησίαν*; and you will find similar things in the three following epistles. The Lycus river flowed at a distance of 6 miles from the city, if faith is to be placed in the *Acts of the 40 Martyrs*, tom. 1 July, p. 46. More in the *Antonine Itinerary*, p. 182. Ibid. *Κολωνία*. *Κολωνία* or *Κολωνεία*. Liberatus, *Breviarium*, c. 6, transcribes it as [part of] Second Cappadocia, with the Council of Chalcedon agreeing, p. 557; but Basil, in epistle CCXXVII, [says it is] *ἐν τῇ ἐσχατιά τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας*, and in epistle...

CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES

HOW THE GENTILES HAVE RECEIVED THE EMBASSIES OF THE EMPERORS OF THE ROMANS, IN WHAT FORM THEY RECEIVED THEM, AND WITH WHAT RECEPTION.

PROOEMIUM ^A

1 Whoever of the kings or private individuals of old did not have their minds led astray by pleasures or softened, but maintained the innate power of their intellect unstained and reserved it entire for virtue—they, I say, they underwent labors and devoted study and effort to the art of discourse; and they, coming into existence as lovers of doctrine and of those who spent their remaining life in letters, wrote more accurately, some one thing and others another, partly desiring to leave to posterity an illustrious monument of their own varied and complex erudition, and partly that, having attained the fame of their name among their own contemporaries, they might enjoy immortal glory. But after, in the long lapse of years, infinite events occurred and were comprehended in writing, the texture of history was also extended and dilated to an extent so immense that it could scarcely be grasped. But it was necessary for the nature of men in later ages to change more readily for the worse. And so, since they considered what is honorable as nothing, and having set aside the investigation of the truth, it was more likely that they would be negligent than that they would comprehend in writing the things that were done excellently. Whence it came about, in part by a scarcity of useful books, and in part because men shuddered at and turned away from the prolix and vast mass of writers, that the investigation of history, because it was vague and uncertain, lay in darkness. Wherefore Constantine Porphyrogenitus, prince of all who held the empire before him, most Christian and most orthodox, as he applied himself more accurately to the knowledge of honorable things, being a man of prompt and sharp intellect, judged it to be best, and useful for the public benefit, and profitable and convenient even for human life, first of all indeed to collect by diligent perquisition books of every kind filled with all manner of science from all parts of the entire world. Then, since the vast and confused ^B mass of words

congeries, quæ auditum fatigabat, multis gravis et molesta videretur, existimavit oportere historiæ commentarios in breviores partes contrahere, et sine ulla invidia in commune percipiendam eam, quæ ex his libris oritur, utilitatem proponere. Ad hæc, ut ex hac collectione attentius et facilius præstantissimi loci inveniri iisque elegantia orationis subtilius excoli posset, ingeniose et solerter eos in varia argumenta digerenda esse censebat, in quinquaginta nempe et tria, quibus tota historiæ moles continetur. Neque ulla materia est quæ effugiat harum classium et hypotheseon dispositionem. Neque omnino ista per communes notiones et locos facta distinctio quidquam de perpetuo operis tenore et continuatione detrahit: sed integram eam conservat et suo quodque argumento attribuit hæc non tam dividendi, quam in propriam sedem redigendi ratio. ^A Inter istorum locorum communium et hypotheseon capitula caput inscriptum: *De legatis Romanorum ad ethnicos* erat ordine vicesimum septimum; primum vero: *De imperatorum proclamatione*. Declarat autem hoc proœmium, quos patres et auctores hi sermones habeant et laudent, et unde isti partus editi in lucem prodierint, ne sint ulla capita istarum hypothesium, nullo citato auctore, non genuina, sed fictitia et supposititia. Sunt vero desumpta ex his chronicis, quæ subjiciuntur. 1. ex Petro Patricio et magistro; 2. ex Chronico Georgii monachi; 3. ex Joanne Antiocheno; 4. ex Dionysio Halicarnassensi *De antiquitatibus Romanis*; 5 et 6. ex Polybio Megalopolitano et Appiano; 7. ex Zosimo Ascalonita; 8. ex Josepho *De antiquitate Judaica*; 9. ex Diodoro Siculo; 10. ex Dione Cocceiano; 11. ex Procopio Cæsariensi; 12. ex Prisco Rhetore; 13. ex Malcho Sophista; 14. ex Menandro Protectore; 15. ex Theophylacto exconsule et contrascriba Simocatta. ^B

Quomodo oportet legatos admittere aut legatos mittere

^C Legati aut a nobis, aut ad nos mittuntur. Quando igitur ad nos mittuntur, oportet eos honorifice et liberaliter excipere. Omnes enim ipsos honorant. Cum eorum ministris tute cauteque agere, ne quid ab ullo interrogantes discant. Et si gentium longo a nobis intervallo distantium legati sint, ^D ita ut inter nos et ipsos sint aliæ gentes, his nostrorum quæ et qualia videbitur, ostendere licet. Idem quoque de his, qui nobis vicini sunt, modo viribus et potentia sint inferiores. Sin autem longo nobis præstant sive multitudine hominum, sive virtute: non oportet illis ostentare neque opes, neque nostrarum mulierum pulchritudinem: sed hominum abundantiam et armorum pulchre constitutum apparatum et murorum propugnacula. Si a nobis legati mittuntur, oportet viros esse probos, pietate ia-

Indeed, although he in some way supports the opinion of the most learned Sandas, Damalis stands against it, which, joined with Sanda, forms Dalisandos, and by contraction Dalisandos: not to mention that Basil, when he mentions Tarsus, always adds titles of honor, as in Vita Theclae 1, p. 275, "Tarsus the beautiful," 2, 10, "the great," and 13, "glorious and fortunate in beauty and size." Moreover, the founder of the city according to Basil was Sandas, son of Hercules, whereas according to Ammianus, Sandan came from Ethiopia, and thus he appears as a man of wealth and nobility, and of a different origin. Yet this I should not wish to press, since the ancients often disagree among themselves regarding the lineage of heroes; certainly, I would not praise the attempt of Valesius, who, because some manuscripts write "from Echio," corrected it to "from Chios," nor that of Gronovius, correcting it to "Metachio" or "Metachoio." For Sandes, whether he was Hercules or the son of Hercules, was a foreigner, and he invaded Cilicia from the furthest reaches of India—a region known to be often confused with Ethiopia. We are taught this by Nonnus 34, 196, when he relates that Morrheus, son-in-law of the king of the Indians and commander of their forces, had conquered Cilicia and was called Sandas there: "Whence in the land of the Cilicians, Sandes is still called Heracles by the Morrheans," where there had been no need for anything to be changed by the most learned Cunaeus, just as there was no need for Hardouin in Pliny 6, 20: for the river Indus, called Sandus by the inhabitants, seems deservedly to have lent its name to this Indian Hercules. Nor was Sandes held in honor only among the Indians, but also among the Persians, whom Agathias—to whom my friend Hemsterhuis directed me—testifies (2, p. 62) to call Hercules "Sandes." Therefore, if Dalisandos is derived from Damalis and Sanda, I can hardly be persuaded that the city was called Adalisanda, even though Stephanus cites Capito (book 1 of the Isaurica) as having ever used that name. I know what Victorinus the Grammarian (p. 2470) and others have written about the interchange of A and A; but the case here is different and widely disparate: for it is not credible that they said Damalis and Lamalis. I think instead that in the Isaurica of Capito the scribes made a mistake in the formation of the letters A and A, and for that reason Dalisandos was born.

Col. 152. Germanopolis. Constantine, book 1, theme 13, locates it among the inland cities of Isauria. [Germanopolis of Isauria] c. Chalcedon, p. 659. Ibid. Irenopolis. This must be distinguished from the city of the same name in Cilicia Secunda, as is done carefully in the second Constantinopolitan [council], pp. 670 and 671: for both Paulus, [bishop] of Irenopolis of the second province of the Cilicians, and Georgius, [bishop] of Irenopolis of the province of the Isaurians, subscribe, and Basil, in Miracles of St. Thecla 2, 48, calls it "the Irenopolis near us," to distinguish it from the Cilician city. Ibid. Philadelphia. It is in Ptolemy and the Council of Chalcedon, p. 659; I do not recall reading the following one. Stephanus has "Monodas," an Isaurian city, from Capito, which I would not define as ours. Ibid. Adrasos. I think Carolus a S. Paulo corrected it rightly as "Adrasos." Stephanus [writes] "of the city of Adrasos of the province of the Isaurians." That city, wrongly neglected in the Geographia S., is sought by the Council of Constantinople, test. p. 671. Ibid. Zede. "Zidio" in other Notitiae, "Bide" in the Synod of Chalcedon, p. 674. Ibid. Neapolis. Of this I shall say nothing, except that Suidas has preserved the memory of it for us under "Indos."

^B Ibid. Dalisandos. Thus Constantine, book 1, theme 13, where he affirms it to have been in the inland regions of Isauria. Ibid. Under a consularis. It is inscribed thus, in Chrysostom, epist. 139, "To Theodorus, consularis of Syria." See also Jac. Gothofredus in lib. 11, c. Th. de Cohortal. Ibid. Antioch. All acknowledge it as the metropolis of Coele Syria. See Spanheim, Dissert. 1 on the use and excellence of coins, p. 586. Hence it is [called] by Eunapius in Libanius "the first of the cities of the region called Hollow Syria," which dignity Theodosius the First, on account of the stirred-up sedition, just as Emperor Severus once did, took away and transferred to Laodicea, according to Theodoret H. E. 5, 20, to which John Chrysostom, in Homily 17 to the Antiochenes, p. 175 of the new edition, will bring excellent light. Ibid. Seleucia. The author of 1 Maccabees, ch. 11, 8, calls it "Seleucia by the sea," the position of which Polybius (5, 59) described most accurately. Libanius calls it "of Seleucus," which because the interpreter did not notice, he slipped shamefully in the Antiochicos, p. 363, turning "the tyrant from Seleucia" (for so Libanius wrote) into "the tyrant from Seleucus." Eugenius is understood, who, when Diocletian held the empire, had usurped tyranny at Seleucia; regarding whom Henr. Valesius speaks expertly, as is his habit, in Eusebius H. E. 8, 6. And many coins of the Seleucians survive, among which this one from Gaza-Wilde is to be noted: AYTOKP. .... NEP. TPAIA-NOC. APICT. CEB. TEPM. AAK. and on the other side ΣΕΛΕΥΚΕΩΝ. ΠΙΕΡΙΑΣ. B. with a temple supported by four columns, in the middle of which is a mountain, beneath which is ZEYC KAZIOC. You will find one similar to this in Thes. Frider. c. IX, 11 with A and in the Num. Impp. Græc. of Vaillant, p. 30 with the mark of a six; which letters denote neither the years of Trajan (for the titles Dacicus and Optimus stand in the way) nor a new era, the beginning of which would have to be traced from Trajan's piety, which he proved to Zeus Casius in those parts, which is the opinion of the illustrious Liebe: the coins of the Beroeans, inscribed with the same titles of Trajan, forbid this, among the Wildians, of whom one [shows] BEPOIAION. B, another F, the third, which the distinguished man published in Select. Numis. tab. XVII, prefers H, and [the coins] of the Chalcidians in Vaillant with the signs A and A. For I do not think the learned man will judge that this era spread to all the cities of Syria, and that the Syrians everywhere counted the years of Zeus after the cult of Casius among the Seleucians. Perhaps it is truer to believe them to be mint marks unknown to us now. It has been spoken of elsewhere regarding Laodicea. Ibid. Gabala. "A city of the first Syria," [per] Jo. Malalas, tom. II, p. 88. By Theodoret, "a small and most charming city," Histor. Religios. c. 28. See Ant. Itin. p. 148. Ibid. Paltos. It was 20 miles from Laodicea. See Ant. Itin. p. 147. Justinian [transferred] this, Laodicea, and Gabala, having in some way taken them from Antioch, to a new province, to which he had given the name of Theodoriadis, and he also added Balaneas from Syria Secunda, according to Jo. Malalas, tom. II, p. 183. Ibid. Beroea. We have discussed this and Chalcis in the same Itin. p. 193. Incidentally, here let us offer aid to Socrates 7, 16. "In Inmestar," he says, "in a place so called, which lies between Chalcis and Antioch in Syria, the Jews customarily performed certain games for themselves." For it is shamefully corrupted as "vici" [of a village].

^Agnoscendos, et qui nullo publicorum judiciorum crimine damnati fuerint; prudentes indole, qui carissimam rem publicam habeant, ut pro ea capitis fortunarumque suarum periculum adire non recusent, sicut Regulus; qui prompto animo legationem obeant, non inviti, sicut Aegyptius medicus. Horum primus, cum apud Carthaginienses captivus esset et ad Romanos legatus pro pace missus, juravit se reversurum, si Romani pacem nollent. Ubi ad Romanos venit, pacem dehortatur tanquam eorum commodis contrariam, et juramento servato suadet, ut se ad Carthaginienses remittant. Alter vero, cum Persarum regem in Aegypti regem concitaret, res Aegyptiorum pessumdedit.

Oportet autem legatos, ubi ad eos, ad quos mittuntur, venerint, sese humanos et benignos exhibere, magnanimos et liberales, quantum eorum facultates ferre possunt, aeque sua et hostium laudare, neque eorum, apud quos legati sunt, res parvi pendere. Oportet etiam legatos res cum summa moderatione administrare et temporibus servire, neque vi imperata perficere, nisi forte quibusvis modis ad finem pervenire jussi sint. Ut videlicet, si est aliquis missus ad dona ferenda vicinis, tanquam amicis, et eos deprehendit ^B hostilia facientes: munera cum litteris retinuit, sermones benevolos pro donis protulit. Dicet aliquis, neque id immerito, oportuisse legatum magis dona tradere, quibus inimicorum hostilem animum placaret et leniret: vel pretiosiora quidem retinere, alia vero dare, sed non omnia in sua potestate penes se retinere debuisse, cum hoc temperamento, ut velit quidem hostium malevolentiam compescere et resecare, sed non eos auctiores et validiores opibus reddere. Probatur vero legatus ^C antequam mittatur, si illi proponantur capita legationis et interrogetur, quomodo singula sit gesturus, an ita, an aliter, prout res illi acciderint.

Sibabarech as not being any other than that which is mentioned by the Syrians, and of which there is no obscure mention in the *Bibliotheca Orientalis*, vol. II, p. 361; the interpreter of the Acts of Febronia, however, read Sibacarech and therefore rendered it Σιβάρ[α]βιν: for in Syriac, *barach* or *berach* signifies a town, and it stands very close to the location of the city of Sibabarech, whence the path to error is easy. The city was situated within Mesopotamia, as those Acts show; which matter appeared doubtful and uncertain to Assemani in his *Dissertation on the Monophysites*, vol. II of the *Bibliotheca Orientalis*. Thus much by the way; now let us return to our path. ^A

Col. 153. Φοινίκης [of Phoenice]. This is the Maritime Phoenice, as it is called in Evagrius 3.35 and John Malalas vol. II, p. 73. That it was subject to a consular person is testified by the *Code of Theodosius* 1. 52, "concerning decurions," and by the *Notitia Imperii Orientis* ch. 1. It was made a province, but one much larger and including the Second Phoenice, by Hadrian, according to Spartianus ch. 14. ^B

Ibid. Τύρος [Tyre]. It was the metropolis of the province, a title by which it was distinguished on coins even before Hadrian; yet, with Phoenice separated from Syria, it was placed as the head of the province, as Suidas signifies in the entry *Paulus Tyrius*. See Noris, *Dissertatio de Epochis* 5, p. 396, and Spanheim, *Dissertatio* IX *de Usu et Praestantia Numismatum*, p. 588. ^C

Ibid. Βηρυτός [Berytus]. Theodosius the Younger had adorned the city of Berytus with the name and dignity of a metropolis, *Code of Theodosius*, book 1, title "concerning the metropolis of Berytus"; for which reason Eustathius, the prelate of that city, claimed that the cities of Phoenice—Byblus, Botrys, Tripoli, Orthosias, Arcas, and Antaradus—should be subjected to him, as if to a new metropolis. On the other hand, Photius, the prelate of the Tyrians, came and complained to the Fathers at Chalcedon about the injury inflicted upon him by Eustathius, and that the fourth canon of the first Council of Nicaea had been insolently trampled upon. The Fathers, according to Photius, gave judgment for the case and ordered Tyre to be the metropolis, and that Berytus should take nothing for itself beyond the other cities of the province, p. 622. Add Balsamon on canon 29 of the Council of Chalcedon, in Beveridge, vol. I, p. 148. More in *Itinerarium Antonini*.

Ibid. Βόστρυς [Bostrus]. Read Βότρυς [Botrys] and Βύβλος [Byblus], even if it is spelled Βίβλος in the Acts of Chalcedon p. 618, and Βόστρυς in the *Chronography* of Theophanes p. 193.

Ibid. Ἀρκάς [Arcas]. Correctly mss., as we have said elsewhere. Aurelius Victor asserts that it had a double name, Arcas and Caesarea, in the time of Alexander Severus; and since the city was near Lebanon, as the *Gesta Tancredi* ch. 105 indicate, the conjecture of N. Haym seems not to be dismissed, by which he attributes a coin of "Caesarea of Libanus" to it, *Thesaurus Britannicus*, vol. II, p. 252.

Ibid. Ὀρθοσιάς [Orthosias]. Orthosias is near the river Eleutherus according to Strabo 16, p. 753. See Noris, *Epochs* diss. II, p. 103.

Ibid. Ἄραδος [Aradus]. The Acts of the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon forbid us to doubt that Aradus and Antaradus were subject to one bishop; yet Hardouin’s animadversion on this account is not just. In the *Notitia*, he says in *Numismata Antiqua Illustrata*, that Hierocles calls Aradus and Antaradus two different towns, distinguished by episcopal dignity, in the province of Maritime Phoenice; I believe this is inaccurate, since we have reason to suspect that there was one bishop for both towns, from the 13th letter of the Orientals in the appendix to Theodoret, p. 1174, all the towns which are included in the *Synecdemus* had their own bishops. More in *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 148.

Ibid. Κωνσταντία [Constantia]. I find it nowhere, and I fear that something has been neglected here by the scribes. If one were to read *Antaradus or Constantia*, the matter would be safe; for Constantius bestowed the restored city in his own name. Theophanes, *Chronography* p. 31: "He built a city in Phoenice, which he has named Constantia, formerly called Antaradus." And hence Atticus, bishop of Aradia, subscribes to the letter of the provincials to the Emperor Leo, vol IX of the *Councils*, p. 312, as we have already said above.

Ibid. Πωγωνᾶς [Pogon]. *Codex Leidensis* [has] *Pogonas*, a town by which name I am ignorant of on this coast. If it is correct, the place might have been called so for a similar reason as the port of Troezen, the *Pogon*, concerning which Suidas speaks. Perhaps, however, the Saltus Gonaticus, which the *Notitiae* recognize elsewhere in this province, and the possession of which lies under the cover of Emperor Zeno. See Jac. Rhenferd, *Dissertatio de Angulo Arabico* p. 821, yet do not believe that the Saltus Gonaticus is that deep angle arising from the meeting of Libanus and Antilibanus, of which Strabo speaks, as he says: for you will find nothing of this in Strabo. Bonfrerius has, without [authority, attributed] these things about the Antilibanus to Jerome, and Rhenferdius [derived] them from him, [quoting] these from Strabo book XVI: "There are two mountains that form it, which is called the Concave Angle, as if equal to each other, Libanus and Antilibanus, starting a little beyond the sea." If you look at book XV, p. 754, you will find Coele-Syria, but you will never find that angle.

Ibid. Πανεάς [Paneas]. Vitiously *Spanias* in the *Life of St. Sabas*, which Cotelerius inserted, written by Cyril, in *Monumenta Graeca* vol. III, p. 252. Much worse in the *Acts of Procopius*, or rather, the fable, when it is confused with the metropolis of Palestine Caesarea or the Tower of Straton, ch. 3: "We call this Caesarea, which we are accustomed to call [that] of Philip. This was formerly called the Tower of Straton; but they refer to it as [the] Paneas of Phoenice, having taken the designation from the gate to it, Mount Paneas." The author of the *Life of Epiphanius* erred in the same way, when in ch. 44 he narrates that he had sailed from Cyprus to Caesarea Philippi: "Having departed from Cyprus, we sailed to Caesarea Philippi." For he could not have arrived at Paneas or Caesarea Philippi.

Ibid. Φοινίκης Λιβανησίας [Lebanese Phoenice]. This province was joined to the former, until it was distracted from it by Theodosius the Great and received its own governor. H. Noris saw this from the Acts of the Councils, *Dissertatio* IV *de Epochis* p. 356, although he erroneously attributed the origin of this province to Arcadius: for John Malalas vol. II, p. 39, shows clearly that Theodosius was the author. "The same king," he says, "separated also the Lebanese Phoenice from the Maritime, and made a province [of it], giving the rights of a metropolis and an ordinary ruler to the city of Emesa." Although what he adds about Emesa strays from the truth: for it was not the metropolis of the province, but Damascus was. Nor will you aid the man if you say that it was made a civil metropolis, since the rights and privileges of civil dignity carried ecclesiastical [rights] with them. Thus, when Valens contributed metropolitan right to Tyana, the prelate of the city immediately arrogated to himself the ecclesiastical rights; which same thing Eustathius of Berytus,

DEXIPPUS THE ATHENIAN FROM THE SCYTHICA SELECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

FROM THE BOOKS OF DEXIPPUS THE ATHENIAN ON THE SCYTHIAN WARS SELECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

ARGUMENT.—The ambassadors of the Juthungi Scythians, seeking a treaty and tribute from the Emperor Aurelian, return having accomplished nothing. A peace and treaty are concluded with the Vandals.

^AThat Aurelian, having defeated the Juthungi Scythians with force, and having slain many of them at the crossing of the Ister during their retreat, the remainder came to negotiate and sent an embassy. They thought that their request for peace should not be made with excessive fear and being struck by their defeat—as if the receipt of the moneys previously provided by the Romans should be granted to them, while they were not being placed in a position of complete unconcern for the enemies. And the Roman Emperor Aurelian, when he learned that the embassy of the Juthungi had arrived, having said that he would deliberate on the following day concerning what they had heard, ordered the soldiers as if for battle, for the sake of terrifying the enemies. And when the arrangement was well planned for him, he climbed upon a high platform, wearing the purple, and he put the whole order of the array in a crescent shape around himself. ^B Those in authority who had been entrusted with certain commands also stood by, all on horseback. Behind the Emperor were the standards of the select army. These were golden eagles, and imperial images, and registers of the camps indicated in golden letters; all of which were displayed raised on silver-plated spears. When they were thus arranged, he ordered the Juthungi to approach. It happened that they were astonished upon seeing this, and for a long time they kept silent. When the opportunity to speak was given to them by the Emperor, they spoke through an interpreter as follows: "Neither are we, having been struck by the misfortune which happened to us at this time beyond what is expected, nor being lacking in power or of wars

was transferred by J. Malalas in his work addressed to John of Damascus, orat. 3, p. 568, where he speaks of John the Baptist: "And Herod the toparch beheaded him in the royal palace of the province of Trachonitis, in the city of Sebaste." Somewhat better, though not without error, in the Chilmead edition, vol. I, p. 305, it reads: "Herod the king, son of Philip, the toparch or rather king of Trachonitis"; for Herod did not preside over Trachonitis, as a learned man has rightly observed; and to what purpose are "the king, the toparch, or rather the king" heaped together? Perhaps, following Damascus, all of it should be left as: "Herod the toparch or rather king of Trachonitis, etc."; by which phrasing, indeed, John is not absolved of error, yet he is relieved of a graver one.

1177 Anthedon. It was twenty stadia from Gaza, according to Sozomen, *H. E.* V, 9, and situated near the sea. Of Diocletianopolis, if you exclude the *Notitiae* and the Acts of the Councils, there is rare mention. See H. Reland, *Palæst.* III, p. 736.

Ibid. Sycamazon. It is *Eucomazon* in the *Notitia* of Jac. Goar, *Estomason* in the *Notitia* which is joined to William of Tyre, *Ascozamon* in Gervase of Tilbury, vol. II, *Script. Brunsvic.* p. 760. Our reading is correct, even if its location is unknown.

Ibid. Onous. It is believed to be Uno, of which mention is made in 1 Chron. 8:12. Stephanus has the following entry, although he says nothing about the location it occupied.

Ibid. Gaza. We have discussed at the *Itinerary of Antoninus*, p. 151, that there were once two Gazas, the older of which had been overthrown and deserted in the age of the apostles. Jerome, in *de Loc. Sacr.*, is of the same mind as I am: "It is asked," he says, "how it is said in a certain prophet that Gaza will be a heap forever?" This is solved as follows: the site of the ancient city hardly offers traces of its foundations; but the one which is now seen was built in a different place, instead of the one that fell. To this eyewitness, who in this part agrees with others, why should we deny faith? The city was sacred in the age of the emperor Gordian, self-governing, and quite splendid, as we are taught by this excellent epigram among the Doniana, Class. III, 45: "With good fortune, for the Emperor Caesar M. Antoninus Gordian, pious, fortunate, Augustus, ruler of the world, the city of the Gazaeans, sacred and inviolable and autonomous, faithful, pious, brilliant and great, by the inspiration of the ancestral god, [honors] its own benefactor, through Tib. Cl. Papeirus, curator of the temple." I marvel at the learned man who made the Latin inscription, that he found in it a god *Enclyseus*: he in fact took the middle [part] from the ancestral *Enclysco* [which was] nobody, and received its birth from the corrupt word ΕΝΚΕΛΥΣΕΩΣ. It was on the marble ΕΝΚΕΛΕΥΣΕΩΣ, as it certainly ought to have been; which denotes "by order," as is often the case in these monuments, *κατὰ κέλευσιν Θεοῦ*; in a similar matter, see the *Thesaurus*, p. 21, 1. But the ancestral god of the Gazaeans is Marnas, by whose order the stone was dedicated. See Noris, *Dissert. Epoch. V*, p. 494.

Ibid. Ariza. If I am not mistaken, it is Gardira or Gazara, which city or village the *Notitiae* in *Palæstina Prima* acknowledge not far from Azotus; on which see Reland, *Palæst.* II, p. 679. What follows, Bitule, whether it is Bethel or Betulia, is in doubt. In other *Notitiae* it is called *Bitelios*.

Ibid. Palaestina II. Proclus ^B Diadochus in his *Paraphrasis* of Ptolemy’s *Tetrabiblos*, p. 95, asserts that the inhabitants of this and the previous province, and of all Coele-Syria, are bold, godless, and treacherous: "For the most part they are bold, godless, and treacherous." The same anonymous scholiast, published at Basel, in the same *Tetrabiblos*, p. 62, but with words strangely confused, admits: "For he," he says, "who is joined to Ares by Aphrodite makes such men (and indeed the Jews are godless), he says, *because* the Jews are from this position; hence, by the designation, let there be a sign for you of the abundance of the land; for the star of Zeus was called productive in things that have passed." For various scholia are conflated into one, which you can easily distinguish if you observe that *καὶ ἀθέους* are the words of Ptolemy, and that they are explained by the shorter scholium *ἀμέλει Ἰουδαίους*; soon another person interprets the same thing with a few more words. But what is added, *ὅθεν κατὰ τὴν προσηγορίαν*, etc., does not refer to Judea, but to *Arabia felix*, whose title they quite clearly respect. See Proclus, p. 95, and you will not deny that I am wrong. This belief was born among the pagans because the Jews differed from all others in the worship of the supreme Deity. Hence also Lucan, II, 593: "And Judea dedicated to the rites of an uncertain God." And Aristides, vol. III, p. 514: "Similar in their ways to the impious in Palestine; and for them, too, this is a symbol of impiety, that they do not acknowledge their superiors." In which place, however, if you wish to note the Christians as well, with Jebb, I shall not object. Moreover, the *Notitia* of the Eastern Empire, ch. I, also imposes a president on this province.

Ibid. Scythopolis. It was the metropolis of the province; whence came Cyril (in *Vita S. Sabae* c. 80): "A certain woman," he says, "originating from our metropolis," and c. 75: "And when he had come to Scythopolis, the metropolitan Theodosius went out with all the people to meet him." Aristides, vol. III, p. 595, *Scython polis*, regarding which name see *Itin. H.*, p. 586.

Ibid. Sella. Rather Pella. Which name it received from the Macedonians, who were accustomed, as Appian (*Syriac.* p. 201) says, to make conquered cities homonymous with the towns of their own country. *Pella* from *pelas*, which in the Macedonian tongue means stones, as the Macedonians called stones *pellas*, and it is said to be named so, as Spanheim, in *Diss. I de Usu et P. N.* p. 654, has shown from Ulpian in Demosthenes (*Orat. de Legat. Fals.* p. 254). Therefore, it is wrongly that I know not who derives the name Pella from Stephanus, and Ti. Hemsterhuis rightly restrains the lust for changing these things of those who intended to correct the Hesychian *Pella lithos*. The city held a seat in Peraea, famous for the stay of Christians who had departed from Jerusalem.

Ibid. Gadara. Not far from the city flowed the river Hieramax, which for that reason Cyril in *Vita S. Sabae* c. 33 calls "the river called of Gadara," and Antoninus Martyr in his *Itinerarium* calls "the hot river which is called Gadara." Concerning the following, see Reland and myself elsewhere.

Ibid. Hippos. It was 30 stadia from Tiberias. Josephus, *Vita sua* c. 65: "But my fatherland, O Justus, lying on the Sea of Gennesaret, and being distant thirty stadia from Hippos, sixty from Gadara, and one hundred and twenty from Scythopolis."

Ibid. Elenou polis. It owes this name to the mother of the Great Constantine, according to Sozomen *H. E.* II, 2. If its original name, which it used before, were more widely known, we might perhaps have something more certain about its location, which is most obscure.

Ibid. Diekesta. Read *Diocaesarea*, which in the

^A in the abundance of our forces to reach peace; rather, we have such an abundance of wealth and strength in these wars that,

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS

territory of Galilee is situated (as Josephus mentions in his *Life*, c. 65) and was once called *Sepphoris*. Jerome in *De Locis Sacris*: "Moreover, another village named Araba, in the borders of Diocaesarea, which was once called Sephorine." See Palladius, *Historia Lausiaca*, p. 563, and on Maximianopolis, *Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum*, p. 586. ^A

Col. 153. *Faba*. From here was Anastasius, who is called the minister [or "high priest"] of the *Faba* or Gabeni in the Council of Jerusalem. The city was 16 miles from Caesarea, as Eusebius and Jerome noted in the *Onomasticon*. See Noris, *Dissertatio IV*, p. 460. ^B

Ibid. *Palestinae III*. Once this was Arabia, but after Palestine was divided into several provinces, it began to be reckoned among them. Procopius, *De Aedificiis*, V, 8: "In what was formerly Arabia, but is now called the Third Palestine, the region is for the most part desert." The *Notitia Imperii Orientis* calls it *Palestina Salutaris*, subject to a governor. ^C

Ibid. *Petra*. "Hadrian Petra, metropolis" appears on coins. Evagrius, *H. E.* I, 32, calls it "Petra, situated at the furthest limits of the Palestinians," because it was at the uttermost boundaries of Palestine. Sozomen places the *Petraei* and *Areopolitai* (*H. E.* VII, 15) in Arabia, to which they once belonged. Others frequently place it in Third Palestine, as does Stephanus. See Renferdius, *Dissertatio IV* in Eusebius' *Onomasticon*, and Reland, *Palaestina*, III, p. 927. ^D

Ibid. *Augustopolis*. Joannes of Augustopolis subscribed to the Council of Ephesus, p. 526. ^A

Ibid. *Arindela*. Stephanus calls it Arindela of Third Palestine, the name of which L. Holstenius noted was variously corrupted in the Acts of the Councils. See *Ephesin.*, p. 487 and 530. ^B

Ibid. *Charagmouda*. An illustrious city in the 4th chapter of the Acts of St. Sabas the Sabaite, *Tom. III Jul.*, p. 545: For they mention "John of the renowned and glorious city of Charagmouda." Add Stephanus on *Charagmouda*. ^C

Ibid. *Areopolis*. It was formerly called Ar and Moab, as Eusebius in the *Onomasticon* and Jerome in *Isaiah*, c. 15, testify. Polychronius of Areopolis subscribed to the rescript of John of Jerusalem, *Tom. XI Concil. Labb.*, p. 376. ^D

Ibid. *Zoora*. It is the Hebrew *Zoar*, situated at the Dead Sea. Cyril, in *Vita S. Sabae*, c. 22: "And traveling by the Dead Sea toward Zoora..." See H. Reland, *Palaestina*, I, p. 1065. ^A

Ibid. *Mamphsis*. In other *Notitiae* it is *Mamphis*, by which name Ptolemy recognizes a city of Idumea to the west of the Jordan, though writing it *Mapsis*. ^B

Ibid. *Bitarous*. In the *Notitiae* of J. Goar, *Berosamon* and *Biosabon* are reckoned in this province; which is equally obscure to me. Perhaps our *Bitarous* is the *Bethora* of the *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 145, which, under the disposition of the Duke of Arabia, has the prefecture of the Fourth Martian Legion—to which Gothofredus refers with an elegant conjecture in his *De Erogat. militari*, c. 15—or certainly the Idumean village *Betaris* in Josephus, *B. Jud.* 4, 8 § 1; and I would prefer this, even though Rufinus seems to have read it otherwise: nor indeed does it happen contrary to custom. ^C

Ibid. *Elousa*. It was situated in parts of the ancient Moabitis, according to Jerome in *Isaiah*, c. 15; the city's bishops are often found in the councils and have been listed by H. Reland. ^D

Ibid. *Saltus*. Something is missing: it is customary to add titles for the saltus that are in the provinces, so that they may be recognized. The *Notitia* of J. Goar calls it *Saltum Hieraticum*, which seems true. ^A

Ibid. *Under the Consularis*. Arabia was under a governor (*praesidialis*) in the time of the Emperor Constantius, as appears from *L. 3 C. Th. de Poenis*: it had, besides, a *Dux* who administered military affairs. But as he depended on the governor, the administration of Arabia was finally committed solely to the *Dux*. We are taught this by Justinian, *Nov.* 102. For he says the man who held the civil magistracy was endowed with such thin power that he was enslaved, as it were, to the one who commanded the arms, and his safety depended on the latter's whim, or else this magistracy did not exist at all: whence it has been a long time since that office ceased, and the military [officer] conducts those affairs that concern the civil magistracy. The same *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1, mentions the *Dux* of Arabia, but never a *Praeses* or *Consularis*, except in c. 145, where it confirms that the *Dux* and *Praeses*—who was previously only *Dux*—are mentioned. So there can be no doubt that this is an error, and the *Dux* ought to succeed in the place of the *Consularis*. ^B

Ibid. *Bostra*. It was the metropolis of the province. Eusebius in *Bosor*: "This is Bostra, the present metropolis of Arabia." Add *Concil. Chalcedon.*, p. 676. Isidorus (in Photius, p. 1006) is the author who notes that *Bostra* is "the steer of an ox," as if the conversion of *lo* into a heifer gave the city its name, but he errs; for it is *Bozrah* [תצרב], by which the Hebrews and neighboring peoples describe a fortified place. ^C

Ibid. *Netachome*. It is unknown to me: I had considered *Nea Kome*, which is seen in J. Goar's *Notitia* and the *Concil. Chalcedon.*, p. 676; or whether *Pentacomia* or *Neean Kome*, whose bishop is in the same council, would be better; perhaps the latter suspicion will not be far from the truth. I do not wish to pass over this: in the same place, John of the city of *Erre* professes his name among the Arabs, and protects the station of the *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 196, *Are*, or, as is read in the Vatican manuscript, *Ere*. ^D

Ibid. *Adra*. So Ptolemy also [calls it]. The *Tabulae Peutingerianae* [record] *Adraha* at 24 miles from Bostra; Eusebius in the *Onomasticon* [writes] *Adara*, saying "about the city of Esdrai, and now it is *Adara*, an illustrious city of Arabia, distant 24 miles from Bostra" (as it stands). Jerome translates: "Now, however, it is Adara, an illustrious city of Arabia, at the twenty-fourth milestone from Bostra." ^A

Ibid. *Dia*. Isidorus in the *Vita Damascii* (in Photius, *Biblioth.*, p. 1061) calls it "Dia, the desert city," adding that near the city is a field in which Stygian water bubbles up; perhaps therefore the epigram in Stephanus pertains here, which he himself transferred to Dium of Syria—if it is indeed a different one from ours—by which the Diensian water is reported to be sweet to drink, but also deadly: "Drink the sweet draft, if you drink this, You end your thirst, but immediately your life as well." ^B

Ibid. *Hexacomia*. It is also found in J. Goar's *Notitia*. Its name comes from six villages, just as *Pentacomia*, which the same [work] recognizes, comes from five. ^C

Ibid. *Medaba*. It is Medeba in the portion of the tribe of Reuben. *Jos.* c. XIII, 16. Cyril in *Vita S. Sabae*, c. 45: "Medaba is a city beyond the Jordan to the east, belonging to Arabia." Eusebius mentions it under *Kariathaim* or *Jassa*, where for "between Medam" (*metaxu Medamon*), which the Martian edition offers, one should read *Medabon*. ^D

Ibid. *Gerasa*. An illustrious city of Arabia. Eu-

that you understand the benefits of concord and entrust the business of war to us so that, bolstered by our alliance, you may have the advantage against those who attack you. If you should decide to act in this way, it is just for us that all that previously flowed from you to us, in gifts of uncoined and stamped gold and silver, should continue for the confirmation of friendship; for, should you refuse this, we shall treat you as enemies and, as far as lies in our power, pursue you with war." To this, the Emperor of the Romans replied as follows: "Had you disclosed your intentions concerning why you have come as ambassadors openly and clearly, you would not have rendered the answer troublesome for us who received your message. But since what has been said is constructed for the sake of appearance, while in deed it is the opposite—at one moment mentioning peace, and at another again threatening war, and you seem to entangle and confound each with the other—it becomes ambiguous for us as to what we should first answer so as not to stumble. Something must also be considered from the present circumstances; for it is necessary, having divided this twofold argument, to respond to both parts. For if you were purely proposing peace, why is there a need to mention the request for money? Although, even in this, the deliberation for the victors is not focused on either refusal or acceptance. But if you think you are pursuing the agreement for your own advantage and for the profits of war, and you come demanding from us what you are owed as if as conquerors, believing that we are, in every respect, pursuing the pleasure of the ease that peace bestows, you maintain a challenge ^B similar to that which went before, and you do not even propose the resolution of war as a matter of kindness, but are asking for a reward for your concessions, making the current invitation to friendship something purchased and not voluntary. For you will not terrify us, who are not inexperienced in wars, by the multitude of a force so greatly boasted of by you; nor will you return home unpunished, laden with the spoils of Italian wealth. Your infantry forces are known to us, and your cavalry are not unknown, against which we shall stand in whatever way is possible. For we dare ^C with security and retreat with foresight, using reason as a guide in all things—which provides the strongest power—and we possess a superior experience in military affairs. You, however, advance with impetuosity, and, missing the mark of the tasks because you do not consider beforehand what you must achieve, you carry the injury of your rashness and repent through experience. For those who are swept into actions by fervor are necessarily missing what is best. Your efforts are swift, but your regrets come shortly after. And all in all, as is expected, it is ^D devoid of wonder.

ADDENDA

Phacusa is indicated to have been in Augustamnica Prima and very far removed from here. It is true that Kovrat, whence Cusis in the Antonine Itinerary, p. 157, which supports Col. 156. Auxwr. If Si mehes be added, it will be good: otherwise Aux is accustomed to be said in the manner of the Egyptians, as in Palladius, *Historia Lausiaca*, c. XLI, and Cassian, *De Institutis Renuntiantium*, v, 13: "The first abbot John, who is commemorated near Lyco, which is a town of the Thebaid," and *Conferences* 1, c. 21. Add the canon of Theophilus in Beveridge, vol. II, p. 573, and what Balsamon says there. Cusis M. P. 36 of the Antonine Itinerary dissociates them. ^A Ibid. Yynań. This book, written by hand, which is in Leiden in the Netherlands, proves this. As in Athanasius, *Apologia contra Arianos*, p. 185, *Hypseliton polis*; in Epiphanius, *Panarion*, LXVI c. 2, *Yinth mode; outo kaloumenes peri ten Thebaida*. See Ch. Cellarius, *Geographia Antiqua* 4 1, p. 70, and regarding the following, *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 158. Ibid. 'Artkov. For 'Antaiou, in the manner solemn to more recent writers, as we saw at Antonine Itinerary. Diodorus 1, p. 18 signifies the cause of the name and the site of the place, saying that the battle took place near the river, near the village now called Antaea, "Which they say lies in the part corresponding to Arabia, and has its name from Antaeus, who was punished by Hercules, and lived in the time of Osiris." Rhodomanus, by translating "village" as a part of Arabia, did not at all attend to the fact that the matter was conducted in Egypt. The city or village was situated to the east of the Nile, as Ptolemy also teaches; they make this tract adjacent to Arabia. See *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 164, and regarding Panopolis (for so correctly the Leiden manuscript has it) city, p. 166.

Ibid. "Oasis Megale. *Oasis megale*, as it is called in Socrates, *Historia Ecclesiastica* II, 18, is the "upper Oasis," *Historia Ariana*, p. 387, and "Great Oasis," *Apologia ad Constantium*, p. 316. That it was arid and famous for exiles, Diodorus of Tarsus among others teaches in Photius, *Bibliotheca*, cod. 223, p. 671. Zonaras, who says in the reign of Theodosius II that the Oasis was a region of Arabia, will not be able to excuse his error. Ibid. *Hypo douka*. Egypt under the emperor Constantius had one duke who took care of military matters. Athanasius, *Historia Ariana*, p. 394, calls him sometimes "most illustrious duke," sometimes *stratélates*, as in *Apologia ad Constantium*, p. 318; later two were appointed, one of the Thebaid, the other of Libya, both of whom the *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1 and the last law concerning various offices, mentions. Justinian then, by Edict XIII, c. 22, committed two Thebaids to one duke, and ordered the governors of each province to obey him. Ibid. *Ptolemais*. This is Ptolemais Hermiou, according to not only Ptolemy, but also Theodorus Meliteniotes in his Proem to Astronomy, vol. IX of Fabricius' *Bibliotheca Graeca*, p. 212. In Zosimus, "Ptolemais in the Thebaid," 1, 71; the author of 3 Maccabees, c. vii, 17, has Ptolemais, which from the character of the place was called *odophoros*: whether it be ours or a different Ptolemais station in the Ausinoite nome, I will not rashly say. Concerning Diospolis, *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 159. Ibid. *Tentrym*. Read *Tentyra*. See ibid. Ibid. *Maximianoupolis*. The name seems to have been obtained from the emperor Maximianus Herculius. In Meletius' *Breviarium*, p. 187, it is erroneously called *Maximianoupolis*. Add *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 143. Ibid. *Koptos*. ^B Xenophon of Ephesus IV, p. 56, calls it "Coptos near Ethiopia," and says it is famous for the frequency of merchants crossing into Ethiopia or India. *Statio Thebaidos* 1, 265, "Mareotic Coptos," a rather bold figure of speech. What is noted there by Lactantius concerning Isis, the scholiast of Lucian, vol. II, p. 35, explains more fully. Ibid. *Pikai*. It is correct as *Plat*, concerning which see *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 164. Ibid. *Diokletianoupolis*. It is also in other *Notitiae*. It seems to have been founded when Diocletian was moving his arms against Achilleus and forcing the Egyptians into order: for then he built various fortresses throughout this province, of which John Malalas, vol. I, p. 409, speaks. Ibid. *Eresandros*. I fear greatly that this can hold itself up. Nowhere, as far as I know, have I found a city by that name in the Thebaid; and unless all things escape me, it will be *Hermoupolis*, regarding which see *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 160. Ibid. *Latton*. *Laton*, although *Latton* also in *Vita S. Pachomii*, c. VII § 52. It is Latopolis, as the *Itinerarium Antonini* sufficiently illustrates. Ibid. *Apollonias*. *Apollonos*, as other *Notitiae* prefer: in Ptolemy it is the great city of Apollo, *Itinerarium Antonini* says Apollonos Superioris, and *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 143. Soon read *Oasit*. Ibid. *Libye tes ano*. "Upper Libya" in *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1, where it also has a governor, a fact also obvious in the *Acts of St. Lucius* in Lambecius, vol. IV, p. 206, *Bibliotheca Vindobonensis*, and Athanasius, *Apologia contra Arianos*, vol. I, p. 174. Ibid. *Sozousa*. The bishop of this place, Zosimus of Sozousa, subscribed at the second Council of Ephesus among the *Acta Chalcedonensia*, p. 127. "Sozousa of the Pentapolis" is said in Epiphanius, *Panarion* LXXII, c. 26, quite correctly: for Upper Libya encompasses the Pentapolis. Ibid. *Kyrene*. Once a most noble city, in the age of Synesius it was to be lamented in its condition, wholly neglected and falling into ruin; whence in the *Oratio de Regno*, p. 2, he deservedly implores the help of the emperor: "Hellenic," he says, "an ancient name and in the song of ten thousand of the wise of old, now poor and downcast and a great ruin, and needing a king if it is to do anything worthy of its archaeology." More in *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 68. It used the harbor of Phycuntes, regarding which, besides Ptolemy, the same Synesius says in *Epistle* 51: "Arriving from Phycuntes starting from Eve, in the late evening we put in at the Gulf of Erythra." Where D. Petavius thought ill of the Red Sea, which perhaps he corrected in the other edition. One must write *Erythron*, by which name Ptolemy has a maritime place in the Pentapolis, and Synesius himself in *Epistle* 67. Add *Epistle* 100. Ibid. *Ptolemais*. It is the metropolis of the province according to Synesius in *Epistle* 67 and Nilus Doxopatrius, p. 223. Not far away was Barce, which grips the hand of one in haste. I think it was in the mind and eyes of the ancient writers who described the passing of James the Great; that this may be clear, let us hear them themselves. Isidore, or whatever other author, in the book *De Vita et Obitu Sanctorum*, says, "Here he was slain by Herod the tetrarch, executed by the sword, and buried in the fortress of Marmaria." The Jesuit manuscript of Antwerp offers thus, as they themselves profess, vol. VI of July, p. 85. Other codices, which Mariana inspected in the *Disputatio De Adventu S. Jacobi in Hispaniam*, c. 7, edit "in the fortress or chest of Carmarica, Marmarica, Marmorica, Achimarmarica"; *Martyrologium Vetus*, vol. II *Anecdota* ed. Martene, p. 1519 in

which are composed of fear, as to how you might mask your own terror. Why must you ^A be received, well existing as you are, blocked on all sides from the journey home, and caught, as it were, inside the gates, to be used well or ill, according to the opinion we have of you?" These words being spoken by the emperor, the Iuthungi were struck with terror; and as nothing was happening for them according to their hopes, and being seized with an utter despair of peace, they departed to their own people.

2. ^B That under Aurelian the Vandals, having been defeated by the Romans, made an embassy to the Romans concerning the dissolution of the war and a truce. And when much had been said between one another, by the emperor and the barbarians, the assembly was dissolved, but on the next day the multitude of the Roman soldiers was gathered again; and the emperor having asked what seemed better to them concerning present matters, they, judging it right to preserve the good fortune that existed by means of foresight for the safety of their current position, and signifying their will by a shout, all together proceeded to the ending of the war. And they indeed came to an agreement in this opinion; but the kings and chiefs of the Barbarians, having arrived as had been told them beforehand, gave hostages of their own selves, not of secondary status and fortune. For both of the kings gave their own sons into hostage-ship, having hesitated about nothing, and others together with them of no slight status. And upon these terms they proceeded to a contract, and the truce was made. And from this time, two thousand Vandal horsemen fought alongside the Romans, some of whom were chosen from the multitude to be enrolled in the alliance, and others who of their own will undertook the army. The rest of the Vandal ^C host, preserved safe and sound, returned home, the Roman emperor providing them with the necessities of life as far as the Ister. But whoever strayed farther from the army, having violated the treaties, for the sake of plundering and performing rapines—all were killed and destroyed by the leader of the foreign troops (there were, however, not fewer than five hundred). For these, elated by the appearance of friendship and the confidence of the peace made with the Romans, and keeping no order, having obtained leave from their own leader, had burst into certain sudden incursions and laid waste not a few places of the regions by which they had traveled, and caused damage. And the one who had committed such a deed was killed by javelins by their own king. The rest of the Vandals were dispersed and ^D returned to their homes. The Roman emperor, however, [sent] most of the infantry force and...

he sends forth from Italy. And having paused not for many days, taking with him the companion-order, all the bodyguards of the ruler, and as many of the allies as were Vandals, as well as the boys who had been given to him as hostages, he himself marched in haste toward Italy on account of the Juthungi's renewed arrival. ^A And the general, having sent ahead the larger part of his forces, whether foot or horse, followed them at no long interval, detaining a cohort of auxiliaries, such as performed his guard, and together with the Vandals, as many of those auxiliaries as were present, and the boys who had been given to him as hostages, he hastened with great speed into Italy, into which the Juthungi had again broken.

OF EUNAPIUS OF SARDIS HISTORY A NEW EDITION OF THAT WHICH FOLLOWS DEXIPPUS COLLECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

FROM THE NEW EDITION OF THE HISTORY OF EUNAPIUS OF SARDIS WHICH CONTINUES DEXIPPUS EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

ARGUMENT. — 1. Julian makes peace with the defeated Chamavi, with the king's captive son retained as a hostage. 2. Badomarius, prince of the Germans, refuses to restore the Roman prisoners to Julian. 3. Eunapius the rhetor, envoy of the Lydians, kindly received by the emperor. 4. Valentinian hailed as emperor in Bithynia. 5. Beginnings of the Gothic War under Valens. 6. Goths admitted into Roman territory by Valentinian's order, break treaties, and widely ravage Thrace. 7. Conspiracy of the Gothic princes suppressed by Fravitta under Theodosius.

^B 1. (A. C. 358, ind. 1. Const. I. 22, Julian. C. 1) When Julian had broken into enemy territory, and the Chamavi were supplicating that he spare their people as though it were his own, Julian assented, and commanded their king to come forward. When he did come forward and saw him standing on the bank, he boarded a ship, and the ship—being out of arrow-shot—he had an interpreter, and conversed with the Barbarians. Since they were prepared to do everything, and he saw that peace was both becoming and necessary for him (for if the Chamavi were unwilling, it is impossible for grain supplies from the island of Britain to be sent to the Roman fortresses), being swayed by the need, he granted peace and asked to receive hostages for the sake of good faith. When they claimed that those who had been captured in war were sufficient, he replied that those had been handed over to him by war, and not taken by agreement; but now— 15 Cum Julianus in terram hostilem irrupisset, et Chamavi supplicarent, ut genti, tanquam quæ sua esset, parceret, assensus est, et eorum regem ad se venire jussit. Ut venit et eum ad ripam stantem vidit, navem ascendens (erat autem navis extra teli jactum), per interpretem cum Barbaris disseruit : cum vero illi parati essent imperata facere, et videret pacem peropportunam esse et necessariam, (etenim Chamavis invitis, e Britannia insula Romanis coloniis commeatus immitti nequeunt), utilitate abductus, pacem indulsit, et fidei firmandæ gratia obsides petiit. Cum dicerent, idoneos esse eos, qui in bello capti erant : hos bellum dixit sibi tradidisse, ex foedere minime sumpsisse; nunc autem nobilio-

Cibyrrhaeotae thema, quas urbes continet, quibusque circumscribitur, 15, 16. Cibyrrhaeotae thema, res novas frequenter moliti, 16.

Civita Nova, Italian city built near Beneventum by the Lombards, 83. Civita Nova, Venetian city, once the seat of a duchy, 86. Climata, cities of, where they are, 113. Clissa, Dalmatian city, ^A how it was captured by the Avars, 87. Clonimerus, son of Stroemer, killed while seizing the principality of Serbia from his cousin Peter, 101. Clusura, 136. Cuenus, leader of the Bulgarian army, 102. Coenobia of the holy Fathers Euthymius and Theodosius, devastated by the Arabs, 76. Colonea, theme, the beginning of Lesser Armenia, 12; by what boundaries it is circumscribed, 12. Comes, 2. Commerciarius of Challis, 118. Condura, a type of ship, 98. Constans, sent by Diocletian against the Bosporians, wages war against them unsuccessfully, 141; but with the help of the Chersonites, he compels them to sue for peace, 146; later emperor, 137. Constans, protospatharios and mandator under Romanus, patrician and drungarios of the fleet under Porphyrogenitus, 126 and foll. Constantia, bishop, his see transferred to Cyzicus by the decree of the synod in Trullo, and he presides over the bishops of the Hellespont, 129, 130. Constantinople, besieged in vain by the Saracen leader Mavia, 72. Constantine, in what manner he divided the empire among his three sons, 27. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Golden Bull or treaty with the Iberians, 124. Constantine, patrician and accubitor under Leo, and under Porphyrogenitus, 138, 142. Constantine, son of Libis, protospatharios and domestic of the lower ministers of the imperial palace at Constantinople under Leo, 138; under Porphyrogenitus proconsul, patrician, and great hetaireiarches, 138, 139. Constantine Loricatus, protocarabus, and Phiales, protospatharios under Romanus, 143; who also assigns to him the agrarian [taxes] of the Augusta, 143. Cortelini, 10. Cotys, king of the Thracians, 8. Cotys, king of the Bosporians, 30. Cotzilis, leader of the Franks, killed in battle by the Chrobati, 95. Crainas, son of Bela Zupan, marries the daughter of Blastemer, prince of Serbia, and is declared the first prince of Terbunia, 103. Crasemere, king of the Chrobati, son of Terpemere, 98. Cricoricias, prince of Taron, favors the Saracens against the Romans, 114; captures the sons of Arcaice, and at the request of Emperor Leo, allows the children to depart, 114 and 115; is declared magister of Constantinople and praetor of Taron, 115; receives many things from the Emperor of Constantinople, and later loses them, 115, 116, 117. Cricoricius, or Gregory, patrician, 114. Crinitas [the] Protospatharios, his embassies to Tornicius, son of Aganemes, 118, 119. Crinites Arotras, protospatharios and praetor of the Peloponnese under Romanus, 133; suppresses the rebelling Sclavi and imposes new tributes on them, 134; later, praetor of Greece, 134. ^B Criscon, prince of the Bosporians, devastates Lazica and Pontic territory under Diocletian, but after the Bosporus is captured by the Chersonites, he is forced to seek peace, 144, 145, 146. Clenas, cleric, and domestic of the New Church, buys the dignity of protospatharios from Emperor Leo, 138, 139. Curcenius, son of Pancratius the magister, nephew of Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. Curcenius, the other, marries the daughter of Asotius Ciscase the patrician, and takes the city of Adranutzium from him, 125, 126; made magister by Emperor Romanus, 126, 127, 128. Cusarus, son of Mundar, 68. Cyclades, islands, why so called, 18. Cyprus, island, whence it is so called, 17; whose power it was once in, 17; made a province by the Romans, then captured and devastated by the Saracens, ibid.; yet later, in the reign of Rhinotmetus, it began to be inhabited, 170; how many cities are in it, 17. Cyzicus, bishop, by whom he ought to be ordained, 130.

D Dalmatians, Romans, why so called, 86; tributaries of the Sclavi, 96. Dalmatia, region of Italy, 27; increased with new cities by Diocletian, 86; in what manner it was occupied by the Avars, 90, 91; then it came under the power of the Chrobati, 95, 97; borders of Dalmatia, 93. Damianus, patrician and accubitor under Michael, 137, 138. Danapris, river, where it is, 113; how far it is distant from the Danaster and the Danube, 113. David, the Iberians boast that King David is their forefather, 121. David the Iberian, father, migrates from Jerusalem to Persia, 121, 122. David, son of Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. David, son of Adranase Curopalates, prince of Iberia, 127, 128, 129. Decapolis, where it is, and what cities it contains, 15. Decatera, site of the city, 92. Demonicus, king of Cyprus, 12. Diadora, city, why so called, 92; a brief description of some of its temples, 93. Dialects of the Greek language, how many there are, and which peoples used them, 18. Dioclea, city founded by Diocletian, 86, 104. Dioclea, region, where it is, 93; occupied by the Avars, then conceded to the Serbs for [them] to inhabit, 104; its cities, 104. Diocletianus, born at Salona, 27; increased Dalmatia with new cities, 86. Diogenes, protector of Cherson under Constantine, defeats the rebelling Scythians, and for this is honored with many things by the emperor, 147, 148. Dolonchi, people of Thrace, whence they were so called, 21. ^C Domnus (St.), where his body is preserved, 92. Dromonium, imperial, when it began to be in use, 139 and 140. Dyrrachium, formerly Epidamnos, a Macedonian city, 26; now the head of a theme, 26; what cities and prefectures are in that theme, 26.

E Epicurus, son of Neocles, Samian, 17. Epidaurus, city captured by the Sclavi, 91. Etzboelias, leader of the Bulgarian army, 102. Eudocia, grandmother of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 82. Eudocia, sister of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 82. Eudocia, wife of Romanus Porphyrogenitus, 82. See Bertha. Euphemius, grammarian under Romanus, 25. Eustathius, patrician, and drungarios of the fleet under Leo, 141. Eustathius, praetor of the Charsian theme under Leo, 156. Eustathius, protospatharios, asecretis, and vicar of the Cibyrrhaeote theme, conducts enmities with Stauracius Paty, and slanders him to Emperor Leo, 137. Eustratius (St.), martyr, of Arabracene, 12. Ezelech, son of Jelech, grandson of Arpad, 110. Ezeritae, Sclavi rebelling under Theophilus and Michael, are condemned to pay tribute, 133; those tributes are increased under Romanus when they prepare for defection, and not long after are diminished, 134.

F Rivers, Sarcel between [it] and the Danube, 112. Fountains which cause ulcers in the mouth, where [they are], 136. Franks lose the lord of the Dalmatian Chrobati, 95.

G Gabriel, cleric, envoy to the Turks, 58. Galata, colonies of the Franks, 11. Georgius, magister and prince of Abasgia, 126. Gepedes, a Gothic race, in what region they dwelled, 78. Gezericus, prince of the Vandals, occupies western Libya, and defeats the Roman commanders Aspar and Boniface, 79. Gogidisclus, prince of the Vandals, 79. Goinicus, son of Blastemer, prince of Serbia, captured by his brother Muntimer and sent to Bulgaria, 100. Gottharus, prince of the Vandals, occupies western Libya, 79. Goths, under Arcadius and Honorius, place their seats in the lands of the Romans, 78; first they inhabit Pannonia, then Thrace, and finally western Libya, 79. Greek fire, when it was invented, 61, 131. Greek language, affected when the Roman Empire was failing, 2. Gregory (St.) Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neocaesarea, Cappadocian, 7. Gregory (St.) Nazianzen, Cappadocian, 7; buried in the church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, 7. Gregory (St.), brother of Basil the Great, 7. Gregory, patrician, 114. Gycia, daughter of Lamachus, married to the son of Asander, prince of the Bosporus, 150; celebrates the memory ^D of her father annually, 150; [her] fatherland

nobiliores ab eis postulare, nisi doli quiddam in pace convenienda ^A excogitarent. Cum supplices orarent et eum obtestarentur, ut palam faceret, quos vellet, iterum cum his sermone congrediens, ipsorum regis filium petit, quem captivum in sua potestate habebat, simulans quasi non haberet. Ad quæ Barbarorum rex et Barbari, ad pedes jacentes, fletu largo et ejulatu usi, precibus contenderunt, ne quid imperaret, quod præstare nequirent. Nec enim se posse eos, qui periissent, in vitam revocare, et eos, qui mortui essent, obsides dare. Silentio facto, Barbarorum rex voce quam maxima potuit exclamavit : « Utinam viveret filius meus, ut tibi traditus obses, o Caesar, feliciorem regno meo apud te servitutem serviret. Sed tuis armis cecidit, fortasse etiam a vobis non cognitus. Belli enim periculis suum corpus juvenis objecit, quem idoneum pacis vadem censes et tu nunc eum, o imperator, tanquam vivat, exposcis. Ego vero miser nunc primum lamentari incipio, quandoquidem qualem non habeam, nunc demum intelligo. Filium enim unicum lugens, et pacem communem una cum filio perdidi. Si meas miserias tantas esse, quantæ sunt, credideris, id consolationis habebit dolor, quod pro omnium salute hunc casum subierim : sin fidem abrogaris, et pater infelix, et rex conspiciar. Nam non solum aliis mea mala commiserationem non movebunt, quæ omnibus debetur ejusmodi doloribus afflictis; sed accedent etiam publicæ calamitates: neque cæteros a miseriis defendam, sed communicabo meas cum multis, in hoc tantum regia potestate fruens quod mihi soli non licet infelicem esse. » Hæc ubi imperator audivit, apud animum suum summo mærore est affectus, et eorum, quæ dicta erant, commiseratione punctus tenere ^B illacrymavit. Et quemadmodum in comoediis, quando res involutæ et perplexæ, ad ambigia et explicatu difficilia vergunt, deus qui vocatur ex machina in medium trahitur, qui omnia componit et tristia lætis mutat : ita Julianus, ubi res in magna difficultate versabantur, cum omnes cum fletu pacem peterent, neque obsidem, quem peteret, se habere testarentur, in medium adolescentem adductum omnium conspectui atque oculis subjecit, regie apud se educatum. Cumque eum disserere cum patre quæ volebat jussisset, ad ea, quæ deinceps agenda erant, advertit. Quæ sunt consecuta, his consentanea fuerunt. Non protulit sol diem qualis illa fuit, quam tunc videre et intueri his, qui aderant, licuit. Barbari enim a mærore et lamentis stupore et admiratione correpti immobiles et fixi steterunt, tanquam Julianus illis exhibuisset non adolescentem, sed falsam imaginem adolescentis. At imperator, ubi silentium altius, quam in mysteriis solitum, factum erat, graviter in medio loquens : « Hunc, ^C inquit, vestrum, ut vos existimatis, bellum perdidit: at Deus fortasse Romanorum humanitatem servavit. Habeo autem eum obsidem, non a vobis secundum

Porphyrogenitus is so designated, and afterwards patrician and magister, 136. Melissus the Samian philosopher, 17. Menander the historian under Justinian, 5. Menippus the geographer, 5. Mesopotamia, first among the themes to be considered under Leo, 12, 136. Romanus extends its borders, 136. Michael Boroses, prince of Bulgaria, provokes the Croats in war to no effect, 98. Defeated by the Serbs, 100. Michael Busebutze, son of the prince of the Zachlumi, patrician and proconsul, 101, 103. Michael, protospatharios and commercial official of Chaldia, 118. Michael, protospatharios Phia'ae under Porphyrogenitus, 111, 112. Michael Barcales, protocarabus of the imperial dromon, 111, 112. The Milengi Slavs, rebelling under Theophilus and Michael, are condemned to pay tribute, 131. These tributes are increased under Romanus as they prepare for rebellion, and shortly after are diminished, 131. Mirosthlabus, king of the Croats, killed by the ban Pribunia, 98. The Monastery of the Great Field (Magni Agri) constructed by Theophanes, 76. The Turks invade Moravia, having seized an opportunity during the civil war that arose between the princes, 62, 111. Mosoch, father of the Cappadocians, 7. Mudaphar, son of Prince Manuel Teces, 135, 136. Where the Muta (Mardi) first arose, 11. Mundarus, son of Zenar, 68. Muntimerus, prince of Serbia, captures his brothers and sends them into Bulgaria, 100.

N Narses defeats the Frankish duke Butelin, 28. Betrays Italy to the Lombards, 82, 83. Nasar, patrician and drungarios of the fleet, 140. Naucratius, brother of St. Basil, 7. Nicetas Oryphas, patrician and drungarios of the fleet under Basil the Macedonian, 88. Nicetas, protospatharios and praetor of the Cibyrrhaeots under Alexander, 137. Nicetas bestows his daughter Sophia in marriage upon Christophorus, son of the Emperor Romanus, 25. Nicolaus Damascenus, the historian, scribe to Herod, 8. Nicopolis, why the city is so named, 25. Capital of the theme of Old Epirus Phocensis, 25. The Numeri cohort, designated for the protection of the palace of Constantinople, 140.

O The Obsequium theme, whence so named, 9. By what peoples it is bounded, 9. Its cities and peoples, 9. The Optimaton theme, why so named, 10. Of what peoples and cities it consists, 10. Orestes Charsianites, praetor of Mesopotamia under Leo, 136. Orus the Bosporian, 144. The Oxianus (Oxian) Fish, 113.

P The Pagani, a Serb tribe, why so named, 104. Also called Arentani, 104. Their cities and islands, 96, 101, 105. The location of the region of Pagania, 96. Its Zupanias, 96. Where the Palus Maeotis is, 113. Where the body of St. Pancratius is preserved, 92. Pancratius, son of Cricoricus the Taronite, made patrician and praetor of Taron, 117. He takes the daughter of Magister Theophylact as his wife, 117. Pancratius, magister, son of Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. Pancratius, magister, son of the curopalate Adranase, 126, 127. Pancratius, magister, returns to the Theodosiopolitans the city of Mastatum committed to his charge, 125. Pancratius, son of David of Iberia, 122. Pancratucas, son of Prince Manuel Teces, 12, 135. Hicanatus and praetor of the bucellarii under Leo, 135, 136. Where the region of Papagia is, 113. By what borders the theme of the Paphlagonians is bounded, 11. The city of Patrae, besieged by the Slavs of the Peloponnese, is liberated by St. Andrew, 131, 132. The location of Patzinacia, 106, 112. What monuments are in it, 112. The Patzinacitae, ejected by the Uzi and Chazars, invade the region of the Turks, 103. By what they are feared, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61. Where they spend the summer, 59. Their leaders are called kankars, 106. In what order their princes succeed one another, 106. Certain of the Patzinacitae lived with the Uzi, but differed from them in dress, 106. Paulus, prince of Serbia, captures Zacharias who was invading the princedom, and hands him over to the Bulgarians, 101. By that same person, with Bulgarian aid, he is cast out, 101. Paulus Magistrianus, envoy to the Saracens, 74. Pausanias of Damascus, the writer, 5. The Pechus of Chazaria, 112. The Peloponnesians obtain exemption from military service from the Roman Emperor by paying an extraordinary tribute, 143, 144. The Peloponnese, formerly called Apia, then Pelagia and Argos, 24. It was also named Achaia, 24. After the empire of the Heraclidae and Macedonians, it became a province of the Roman empire, 24. What its chief cities are, 24. Persians defeated by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, 24. Petronas Camaterus, by order of Theophilus, founds the city of Sarcel, and is appointed protospatharios and the first praetor of Cherson, 112. Petronas Boilas, captain of Nicopolis, 124. Petrus, brother of St. Basil, 7. Petrus, son of Goinicus, casts his cousins out of the Serbian princedom, 100. He captures Branus who was taking up arms and blinds him, 101. He kills the one who was attempting to invade, 101. Deceived by the Bulgarians, he is captured, 101. Petrus the Bulgarian takes the niece of the Emperor Romanus as his wife, 65. Phaedimus of Amasea, a Cappadocian, 7. Phalambertus kills Berengarius, king of Italy, 81. Phalitzis, son of Jurotza, grandson of Arpad, and prince of the Turks, 110. Phangumes, the Cypriot envoy to the Saracens under Rhinotmetus, 150. Pharnacus, the proteuon of Cherson, defeats the prince of the Sauromatae and Bosporians in single combat, and punishes the Bosporians by taking a portion of their region, 119, 150. Phasianum, which the Saracens had invaded, Leo and after him Romanus devastate, and finally recover, 122 and seqq. Porphyrogenitus donates a part of it to the Iberians, 125. The Phatemitae, peoples of Arabia, 68. The Phatemitae, peoples of Libya, 69. Phatime (Fatima), daughter of Mahomet, 68. Phineus the Egyptian, father of the Paphlagonians, 11. Pipinus, king of Italy, besieges the Venetians for a long time, 85. Podaron, protospatharios of Phiala and afterwards vicar of the Fleet, 141. Finally, praetor of the Cibyrrhaeots, 112. Polycrates, tyrant of the island of Samos, 17. Porga, the first Christian king of the Croats, 97. Presiam, prince of Bulgaria, defeated by the Serbs, 100. Pribesthlabus, prince of Serbia, is cast out by his cousin Petrus, 100. Princes, 4. Prince Principium, over which region he held sway, 118. Procopius the historian under Justinian, 5. Prosegoes, prince of the Serbs, 100. Protelates, 141, 142. Proteuon of Cherson, 112. Protocarabus, 141, 142. The dress and salary (roga) of the protospatharioi, 138. The protospatharios of Phiala, why so named, 140. Who are under his authority, 140 et seqq. The provinces of the West obtain exemption from military service from the Emperor Leo by paying an extraordinary tribute, 143. The inscription of Publius, proconsul of Asia Minor, 3. Pucricas the Armenian, 12. Pythagoras, son of Mnesarchus the Samian, 17.

R The Ragusaei, formerly called Lausaei, 91. Their origin, 91. The tribute which they pay for their vineyards, 96. Ragusium, the metropolis city of Dalmatia, 29. Besieged by the Saracens, it is liberated by Basil the Macedonian, 88. In it the body of St. Pancratius is preserved, 92. Its location, 96. Rhabias, son of Zenar, 68. The island of Rhodes, colony of the Dorians, 16. By whom its Colossus was made, 71. Destroyed by Mavia, the Arab leader, 71. Rodosthlabus, prince of the Serbs, 109. Rodulphus drives Berengarius from the kingdom of Italy, and afterwards, having been defeated, shares the kingdom with him, 81. With the people rebelling, he withdraws into Burgundy, 82. The prince of Rome, the legitimate pope, 27. The Emperor Romanus gave his niece as a wife to Petrus the Bulgarian, 65. With whom the Romans can contract marriages, 65, 66, 67. The Roman empire began to be dismembered while Heraclius was reigning, 2.

ex conventione, sed a bello ipso, contentus vicisse, et illum quidem amplissima quæque non deficient, dum mea consuetudine fruitur. Quod si conabimini a fœdere discedere, omnium jacturam facietis. Hoc dico, non quod sæviam in obsidem, quem apud me habeo, non tanquam pignus pacis, sed meæ erga vos virtutis documentum. Est enim impium et minime Deo gratum, eos qui nihil commeruerunt, pro his qui deliquerunt morsu appetere et laniare, ut feræ bestiæ, quidquid occurrit et obvium est, si quis eos persequitur. Sed primum quia a vobis initium injuriæ faciendæ orietur, qua re nulla est capitalior pestis perniciesque hominibus etiam si videantur ad breve tempus, et quantum ad præsens attinet ad optata pervenire. Deinde, quia vobis res est cum Romanis et mecum qui sum eorum imperator, quem neque bellum gerentes, neque pacem facientes unquam superavistis. » Procubuerunt his dictis omnes et post fausta feliciaque omnia sunt precati. ^B Pacem igitur Barbari fœdus approbantes statim dederunt. His confectis, autumno ad finem vergente, et hieme (jam enim frigebat) ineunte, profectus est.

β'. ^C Quod Vidomarius quidam Germanorum potentia et auctoritate excelluit, quæ res eum ad tantam superbiam extulit, ut, proprio filio, dum captivos redderet, quos per excursiones ceperat, obside dato, cum minime captivos restitueret, nihilominus obsidem sibi restitui postulavit, multa mala minatus, si non reciperet. Hunc vero Julianus ad ipsum remisit, hoc adjiciens, unum adolescentem non esse idoneum apud se pro multis nobilioribus obsidem. Sed aut captivos, qui ad tria millia in ejus potestate erant, eum restituere oportere, aut injuriæ pœnas se soluturum esse sciret. Hæc scripsit et legationem misit, quem non multo post ipse subsecutus est, a Nemetibus ad Rhenum movens, jam enim apud Rauracos erat, quæ est Romanorum colonia.

γ'. ^D Quod post Juliani ad imperium evectionem honorificæ ad eum legationes convenerunt, et coronas aureas a barbaris attulerunt. Ioniam habitantes ab eo et magna et parva, quæ petebant, sunt consecuti. Lydi quoque, Eunapio rhetore, eorum legato, pro his verba faciente, nullo ampliora, quam precibus suis complexi fuerant, obtinuerunt. Quæ legatio tam prospere legato successit, ut legatum quoque imperator juberet causam quamdam valde intricatam agere. Qua in lite et ipse superior evasit, et Piso quidam Clazomenius magna cum laude verba fecit.

VARIE LECTIONES.

^A Romans: why called Dalmatians, 86. Almost destroyed by the Avars whom they had provoked, 86 and 87. The Russians fear the Pechenegs most of all, 56. Their journey into Romania, and superstitions, 39 et seqq.

S Sabas or Samanus, leader of the African Saracens, 29, 89. Sagenæ, a type of ship, 98. Salmutzes, a leader of the Turks, 108. Salona, the capital of Dalmatia, 93. Recommended for its most sweet drinking water, 27. By what means captured by the Avars, 87, 91. The inhabitants of Samaria, where they were transported by the Assyrians, 12. Samonas, a patrician and chamberlain under Leo, 138. Samos, 17. Samos, an island and themas, why so called, 17. Which cities and military divisions are in that theme, 18. The river Sangarius, bridged by Justinian, 10. An epigram upon it, 10. Saracens: when they departed from their region, 69. They besiege Ragusa in vain, 29, 88. The same capture Bari, and after a few years are expelled by the Greeks and Franks, and lose it, 122 et seqq. Their fleet burned at Cyzicus under Pogonatus, 131. Sarcel, a town of the Khazars on the Don, when and by whom built, 112. Sauromatus, leader of the Bosporians, defeated by the Chersonites, 118. Another Sauromatus, defeated by Pharnacus, the *proteuon* of Cherson, in single combat, 149. The Household of the Schools (Scholae), appointed with a cohort of the regiment for the protection of the palace, 140. Scholasticius, a door-keeper and chamberlain under Theophilus, 138. The Sclabesiani invade the Peloponnese under Romanus, 134.

^B The Slavs of Dalmatia withdraw themselves from Roman rule, 87, 88. They receive baptism during the reign of Basil, and submit themselves to him, 87, 88. Their leaders are [called] Zupani, 87. The Slavs of the Peloponnese besiege Patras under Nicephorus, […], celebrated for the temple of the Father, 132, 133. See also Ezeritae, Milengi.

Scriniarii, 4. Scylax of Caryanda, a writer, 5. The Scythians, rebelling, are compelled to surrender by the Chersonites under Constantine, 147. Rhinotmetus [Justinian II] settles them in the mountains of the Strymon, 23. Sebaste, a theme from Lesser Armenia, 13. Whence so called, 13. Seleucia, a theme; of which cities it consists, 14, 15. When it began to be counted among the themes, 15. Serbula, 99. Serbuliani, 99. White Serbs, where, 99. A part of the Serbs flees to the Emperor Heraclius, and sets up dwellings first in the theme of Thessalonica, then in Dalmatia, 99. They receive baptism, 100. They frequently repel the Bulgarians, 99 et seq. Finally, they are deceived by them and led off into Bulgaria, 102. But with the help of the Greeks, they recover their region and submit themselves to the Emperor of CP, 102. The location of Serbia, 96. Its cities, 102. Sicardus, prince of Lombardy, 83. Sicily, once Sicania, the greatest of the islands of the Mediterranean Sea, 27, 28. Once under kings, later it came into the power of the Romans, 28. Why it was subject to the Emperor of CP, 27. Almost entirely captured by the Saracens, 28. Its principal cities, 28. Sico, prince of Lombardy, 83. Sinutes, a eunuch, chartulary of the public post under Leo, and envoy to Adranase, 115. Smyrna, the praetorium of the theme of Samos, 18. Soldanus, leader of the African Saracens, besieges Ragusa in vain, 29, 88. Thence he captures Bari and holds Lombardy for some time, 29, 88. Thence driven out, and captured by Louis, King of France, he incites the princes of Capua and Beneventum against him, 89, 90. Having returned to his homeland, he comes to lay siege to Capua and Beneventum, but in vain, 90, 91. Sophia, daughter of Nicetas, married to Christophorus, son of the Emperor Romanus, 25. Sophianus, grandfather of Mavia, 74. Sophronius, Bishop of Jerusalem, protects the churches of Palestine through a pact entered into with the Arabs, 70. Spandiates, an Iberian, invulnerable in his whole body except his heart, 121. Spatharocandidatus, 112. ^C Sphendoplocus, prince of Moravia, 62, 109, 110; divides the region among his three sons, 110, 111.

Sphendosthlabus, prince of Russia, 59. Spiridion (St.), from the city of Trimythous on the island of Cyprus, 17. The Sporades, the principal islands, 18. Stauracius Platys, captain of the Mardaites of Attalia, exercises enmity with Eustathius, the vicar of the Cibyrrhaeots, and is recalled by the Emperor Leo, 137. Stenite, rowers of the imperial grain-ships, 139. Stephanus, prince of Serbia, is expelled by his cousin, 100. Strabo, the geographer of Cappadocia, from Amasea, 5. Stroemerus, son of Blastemerus, captured by his brother Muntimer, is sent into Bulgaria, 100. The theme of the Strymon, where, 23. In it, Scythians are settled by Rhinotmetus, 25. Suleemanus, leader of the Saracens, defeated by the Greeks, 74, 75. Supolichus, a Chersonite, 148. Symbatius, prince of princes, 114, 118, 119. Killed by the Amera (Emir) of Persia, Aposata, 118, 119. Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. Symbatius, son of David, and grandson of Symbatius the Great, takes a wife from the daughter of Asotius the Ciscast, 126. Symeon, prince of Bulgaria, throws Petrus, prince of Serbia, into chains and substitutes Paulus for him, 101. The same expels Paulus and declares Zacharias prince of Serbia, and abducts him, 102. Symeon, *asecretis* and patrician under Romanus, 127. Symposium, where the Clusura is, 156. Captured by the Melitinians, but again occupied by Melias, and becomes a *turma*, 136.

T Tarcatzus, first son of Arpad, 110. The region of Taron, into whom divided, 118. Tase, grandson of Arpad, 110. Taurica, a part of Cappadocia, 5. Taurus, Proconsul of Thrace under Constantine, 20. Tautucas, an Armenian, 12. Taxis, son of Zeltas, grandson of Arpad, 110. Tebele, son of Tarcatzus, grandson of Arpad, 110. The location of the region of Terbunia, 95. Terbuniatae, a part of the Serbs, once under Zupani, later under princes, 103. Why so called, 103. Their cities, 101. Termatzus, great-grandson of Arpad, 110. Terpemere, prince of the Croats, 98. Tetrangurium, a city, why so called, 92. Its location, 92. What a theme is, 2. Whence so called, 2. Names of the themes, some ancient, some recent, 1. When the themes were constituted, 2. Their mutations under Leo and Romanus, 135, 136. Themistus, *proteuon* of Cherson, compels the Bosporians to seek peace from Diocletian, 144 et seqq. Theoctistus, of the Broni, praetor of the Peloponnese under Michael, the son of Theophilus, compels the rebelling Slavs to pay tribute, 133. The shield of St. Theodore the Martyr, where, 15. Theodorus Sigritzes, general of the Bulgarian army, killed by the Serbs in war, 101, 102. Theodorus, interpreter of the Armenians under Leo, 115. Theodosiopolis, captured by the Greeks after a long war, 122 et seqq. Theodosius, *protovestiarius* under Leo, is killed fighting against the Bulgarians, 13. Theodotus, *protocarabus* of the imperial dromon under Porphyrogenitus, 142. Romanus condemns him, beaten and tonsured, to perpetual exile, 143. Theophanes, founder of the monastery of the Great Field/Agros, uncle of Porphyrogenitus, 76. Theophanes, patrician and chamberlain under Romanus, 138. Theophilus, patrician and praetor of Chaldia under Romanus, devastates Phasiane, 112. Theophilus, patrician and praetor of Theodosiopolis under Porphyrogenitus, 124. Theophylactus Bimbilides, *protospatharius* of the Phiala under Leo and Porphyrogenitus, 142. Theophylactus, *protospatharius* and Domestic of the Table of the Augusta under Romanus, 143. Well-disposed towards Porphyrogenitus, 143. Theophylactus, *magister* under Porphyrogenitus, 142. Theuderichus, patrician, consul and prince of the Goths, occupies Western Libya, 79. Thessalonica, a city of Macedonia, whence so called, 23. Now the capital of the theme, 23. How far it is distant from the Danube, 111. Thomas, of Lycandus, a *procecus*, what gifts he offered to Justinian, 14. Thracesii, inhabitants of Asia Minor, 8. The theme of Thracesium, whence so called, 8. Its cities, 8.

^A 4. That Valentinian’s proclamation as emperor takes place in Nicaea of Bithynia; also that the embassies which had arrived for this purpose, bearing golden crowns, were presented to him. He gave no definite answer to any of them, passing them over lightly and briefly, but promised all of them that he would act very soon.

^B 5. That while King Valens was resting from domestic and foreign wars, it is reported that the picked army of the Scythians—whom Procopius had summoned from the Scythian king as an alliance—was already nearby. They said that those who were approaching had haughty spirits and were disdainful of those they saw, and were neglectful of temperance, and full of insolence, and fierce and hot-tempered in all things. But the king, quickly cutting them off from their return to Scythia, held them within his toils, and ordered them to surrender their arms. They gave them up, showing their arrogance of mind even by the shaking of their hair. Having scattered them among the cities, he held them in ungoverned custody, and brought contempt upon them among those who saw their bodies growing to an immense height, yet heavier than their feet could bear, and pinched in at the middle, much like what Aristotle calls insects. But when the inhabitants of the cities admitted the Scythians into their homes and learned of the weakness of their strength, they were forced to laugh at their own deception. The Scythian king demanded these "brave" men back. The matter was bitter and not easily resolved by the dictates of justice. For the one claimed to have sent them to the emperor for alliance and under oath; but the other denied that he was the emperor to whom they had been sent, and that he himself had sworn no oath. When the other added the name of Julian, and claimed that he had given them because of his kinship with him, and added the status of the ambassadors, the king replied that the ambassadors should stand trial, and that those present should be held as enemies, since they had come as enemies to provide an alliance. From these pretexts the Scythian war arose, which, because of the status of the nations coming together and the magnitude of the preparations, was expected to progress greatly and proceed to many-turned calamities and unpredictable fortune, but through the keenness and providence of the king it was brought to a firm and safer conclusion.

^C 6. That after the Scythians were defeated and slaughtered by the Huns and perished utterly, those who were caught with their wives and children were destroyed, and there was no sparing in the cruelty regarding the slaughters. But the crowd that had gathered and rushed to flee, lacking not much of two hundred thousand, came together, having been in their prime for battle. Having been moved, and standing upon the banks...

INDEX GEOGRAPHICUS

^AAlabanda, 8. Alania, 62, 106, 111, 113. Alani, 62, 79, 114. Alba, 106. Albunus, 96. Albus fluv., 61. Alenidus, 26. Alinda, 8. Almatæ fluv., 112. Almopia, 23. Aloép, 93. Alpes, 27. Alizice, 119, 120, 121. Amalphis, 82, 83, 84. Amanitæ, 68. Amantia, 26. Amasca, 5, 6, 7. Amastra, 11, 12. Amathus, 17. Aminsus, 7, 11, 157. Amolgus, ins., 19. Amorium, 3. Amphipolis, 23. Amphissa, 24. Anatolicum thema, 5, 133. Anchialus, 21. Ancyra, 11. Anemolichos, 16. Andanii, 15. Andrapa, 7. Anemurium, 16. Antania, 23. Antibaris, 95, 96. Antiochia, 75, 80. Antiochia Minor, 16. Antiquus, portus, 16. Apachune, 118, 119, 120. Apamea, 9. Apate, 23. Aphrasia, 135. Aphrodisia, 21. Aphrodisias, 15. Apia, 24. Apollonia, 23, 26. Apros, 21. Apsanum, 81. Aquileia, 81, 85. Arabes, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 79. Arabia Felix, 80. Arabia Petræa, 73. Aradus ins., 71. Aralus, 23. Arbe, 87, 93, 96. Arcadiopolis, 21. Arenta, 104. Arentani, 87, 88, 104. Argivi, 16. Argos, 21. Argus, 23. Ariarathea lacus, 6. Armenia, 74, 118, 119, 120, 123, 126. Armenia Minor, 5, 12, 13. Armenia Quarta, 75. Armeniacum thema, 5, 122, 135, 137. Armenii, 5, 6, 12, 14, 115, 136. Arsinoe, 17. Artemisia, 15. Arzes, 118, 119, 120, 121, 126. Asia, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8. Asmosatum, 133. Aspalathus, 86, 87, 92, 95, 96, 97. Asponas, 133. Aspron, 106. Assyrii, 12. Astacenus sinus, 9. Astacus, 10. Atech ins., 113. Atel fluv., 103. Atelcusu, 107. Athenienses, 21, 25. Atramyttium, 18. Attalia, 3, 16, 157, 158. Atzara, fluv., 126. Aulon, 26. Aureum littus, 113. Ausones, 27. Axiopolis, 21. ^B Bætica Hispania, 77. Bætis, fluv., 77. Bagdad, 79, 80, 130. Bagibarea, 95. Bal, fl., 113. Balbadonos, 135. Baretas, 135. Bargala, 23. Bargylia, 15. Bargyliacus sinus, 15. Baris, 29, 83, 89. Bartzus, ins., 96. Baruch, fluv., 108. Baruphorus, 140. Basilæum, 11. Basparacaca, 116. Basparacanita, 123. Becla, 27, 93, 96. Belegrada, 109, 111. Belitzin, 98. Beneventum, 82, 83, 89, 90, 91, 93. Belochrobati, 95. Belogradum, 98, 99. Berbiani, 61. Berinopolis, 155. Beroe, 21. Berpe, 23. Berrhoea, 23. Berullia, 101. Berutze, 60. Billæus, fl., 11. Biniola, 84. Bislas, fluv., 103. Bitelzebe, 59. Bithynia, 4. Bithyni, 5, 9, 10, 11. Bizya, 21. Booti, 21. Boes, 84. Bogu, fluv., 112. Boici, 99. Bona, 103. Borotalmat, 106. Bosona, 103. Bosporus Byzantius, 50. Bosporus Cimmerius, 30, 106, 111, 112, 113, 145, 147, 148, 150. Bosporiani, 30, 144, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155. Bothrenotus, 28. Bragylus, 25. Bratzes, ins., 105. Brebera, 95. Britannia, 78. Bronium, 84. Brundus, 84. Brutus fluv., 108. Buccellariorum th., 3, 6, 10, 11, 133, 136, 157. Bulatzospon, 106. Bulgaria, 20, 61, 96, 98, 100, 101, 102, 106, 113, 141. Bulgaria Nigra, 62, 113. Bulgari, 20, 21, 57, 58, 75, 98, 100, 101, 102, 110, 111. Bullis, 26. Bulnephrac, 60. Buraminsius, 93. Burat, 113. Burgundia, 81, 82. Burlic fluv., 113. Busegrade, 59. Butoba, 29, 88. Byzantii, 18. Byzantium, 3, 20, 21, 79, 147. ^C Cabari, 108, 109. Cabertzentza, 84. Cæsarea, 15, 23, 135. Cæsarea Cappadocia, 5, 6, 7. Calabria, 28, 29, 82, 83, 85, 135. Callatis, 21. Callipolis, 21, 83. Calpiani, 76. Camacha, 135, 136. Camirus, 16. Canale, 104. Canalitæ, 87, 88, 99, 103. Cancar, 106, 107. Capante, 81. Capha, 148, 149, 150. Capidava, 21. Cappadoces, 7, 135. Cappadocia, 3, 11, 135. Cappadocia Armeniaca, 6, 7. Cappadocia Cataonia, 5. Cappadocia Charsiana, 6. Cappadocia Major, 4, 5. Cappadocia Mediterranea, 5, 6. Cappadocia Minor, 4, 5, 6. Cappadocia Taurica, 3. Cappadocia montes, 3. Capre, 81. Capua, 82, 83, 84, 89, 90, 91, 93. Caratia lacus, 6. Care, 109. Cares, 5, 8. Caria, 3. Carpasium, 17. Carpus, 21. Cars, 118. Carthago, 27. Carthago Nova, 77. Case, 109, 135. Castalius, fons, 26. Castellium, mons, 16. Casulinus fluv., 28. Cataonia, 5. Catautrebeno, 93. Catera, 105. Caucasus mons, 113. Cazachia, 111, 113. Celanidium, 23. Celle, 25. Celtzene, 12, 116, 117, 135, 136. Cephallenia, 25, 135. Ceræopyrgus, 23. Ceramicus sinus, 15. Cermia, 17. Celzeum, 123. Chabuxingyla, 106. Chader fluv., 113. Chæronea, 24. Chalcis ins., 24. Chaldæi, 12, 122, 127, 135. Chaldææ thema, 12, 115, 122, 127, 135. Chalep, 80. Chaliat, 118, 119. Chalis ins., 24. Chamuch, 156. Chanzit, 135, 136. Charan, 80. Charca, 119, 120. Charoboe, 105, 106. Charzianum, 6, 135, 136. Chazaria, 57, 62, 63, 64, 106, 107, 113. Chazari, 62, 63, 105, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112. Chelandia, 107. Chemps, 80. Cherronesus, 24. Chersonis thema, 30, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 75, 106, 111, 112, 113, 148, 151, 157. Chersonitæ, 57, 60, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 155, 156, 157. Chert, 118, 119. Chidmas fl., 107. Chiangyins fluv., 107. Chius ins., 18. Chlebena, 96, 98. Chlebiana, 95. Chliat, 118, 119, 120, 121. Chlum, 103. Chlumus mons, 103. Choara ins., 105. Chonæ, 8. Chopon, 105. Choracul fluv., 113. Chorosan vel Chorossan, 76, 80. Chozani thema, 135. Chrobatia, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104. Chrobatia Alba, 99. Chrobati, 62, 87, 88, 95, 96, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 110, 111. Chrobati Albi, 97. Chrysopolis, 30. Ciabus, 61. Cianus sinus, 19. Cibyrrha, 16. Cibyrrhæotæ, 15, 130, 137, 142. Cibyrrhoticum thema, 3, 15, 16. Cicer ins., 104. Cilicia, 6, 7, 14. Cilicia montes, 14. Cimmerius sinus, 30. Cioba fluv., 59. Citium, 17. Civita Nova, 83, 86. Claboca, 98. Claudiopolis, 11, 15. Clausura Strymonis, 23. Clazomene, 18. Clima, 21. Climato, 55, 62, 113. Clissa, 86. Clugia, 84. Cnidus, 15. Colia, 21. Cogradus, 84. Coloneæ thema, 5, 6, 12, 122, 135. Colophon, 8, 18. Coloris, 126. Colossæ, 8. Commata, 135. Comodromus, 135. Comopolis Domateri, 7. Comopolis Meri, 3, 9. Comopolis Modreuæ, 10. Concordia, 81. Conopa, 61. Constantia, 17, 61. Constantiana, 21. Constantiensium urbs, 150. Constantinopolis, 20, 21, 27, 59, 71, 72, 74, 82, 90, 102, 115, 129. Corcyra, 25. Corcyræi, 26. Core, 119, 120. Cori, 98. Corinthus, 24, 131, 144. Corus, 7. Corycus, 15. Corycium antrum, 15. Cotyæum, 9. Cracnacala, 106. Crarium, 60. Cratia, 11. Creta ins., 7, 28, 75. Cribasa, 95. Cribeteni, 59. Cribitzæ, 61. Crisus fluv., 110. Crociferum pratum, 15. Cromna, 11. Croto, 28. Crucis (S.) vicariatus, 133. Cuartzitzur, 106. Cubu fl., 108.

^A from afar they stretched out their hands with weeping and clamor, and offered petitions, beseeching that their crossing be permitted, and lamenting their own calamity, and promising that they would provide an addition to the alliance. But the Romans who were set over the banks said they would do nothing without the judgment of the Emperor. From there the matter was referred to the Emperor, and much debate having arisen, and many opinions having been spoken on either side in the imperial council, it pleased the Emperor. For out of jealousy toward those who shared the empire with him—for the children were his brother’s (and it has been written so before), and they thought that the empire had been divided among themselves, not having carried the partition to their uncle—for these reasons, and because as a great addition it would increase the Roman state, he orders the men to be received, provided they laid down their arms.

Before the crossing ^B was permitted by the Emperor, the most audacious and stubborn of the Scythians decided to force the passage, and being violent, they were cut down. Now those who destroyed this detachment were stripped of their command and risked their lives, because they had slaughtered the enemy. But those who held power alongside the Emperor and were most influential mocked their martial spirit and generalship, and said they were not statesmen. For the Emperor from Antioch had commanded them first to receive the useless age-group and send them into Roman territory, and to securely hold them as hostages; and to stand firm at the banks ^C and not previously to receive the fighting men crossing, nor to provide vessels for the passage, unless they laid down their arms and crossed naked.

But those who received these orders, one was inflamed by the love of a certain boy, white and graceful in appearance, of those who had crossed; another felt pity for a beautiful wife of the captives; and another was captivated by a beautiful virgin; others, the size of the gifts captured, both the linen fabrics and the bed-covers with fringe on both sides. And each of them simply expected both to fill his house with servants and his farms with cattle and his erotic madness with the authority over these things. ^D Having been conquered by these with a most shameful and lawless victory, they received them, as if some ancient benefactors and saviors, together with their arms.

And they, having achieved such a thing without a struggle, and having been successful in the calamity they had suffered at home—seeing that in place of the Scythian wilderness and the abyss they were taking possession of the Roman Empire—immediately showed much that was barbarous in their breach of treaties and treachery. For the useless age-group, having been received beforehand during the crossing with deep zeal and care by those who had counseled these things, was settled and scattered among the nations. But the servants and women and children of those, some having imperial regalia, and others were more magnificent to behold than befit a captive. And their children and servants began to run up to the mildness of the climates...

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE BOOKS ON THE THEMES AND ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE

^A Mundraga, 109. Mura, 84. Murgule, 128. Musel, 80. Mylassa, 15. Myndus, 15. Myra, 16. Myrina, 8, 18. Myriocephalum, 135. Myrlea, 9. Mysia, 8, 21. Mysii, 9.

N Naisus, 26. Napresi, 60. Naupactum, 24. Nazianzus, 7. Neapolis, 15, 23, 28, 82, 83. Neaset, 60. Nece, 109. Necropylæ, 111, 113. Nemevus, 17. Nemogarda, 59. Neocæsarea, 5, 7, 12. Neocastrum, 81. Nicæa, 9. Nicedes, 23. Nicomedia, 10, 126, 127, 140, 117. Nicopolis, 12, 23, 25, 124, 156. Nicopsis fluv., 113, 114. Niger mons, 71. Nina, 93. Nona, 95, 98. Nova Patræ, 23. Noviodunum, 21. Nugrade, 101. Nunum, 84. Nyssa, 8, 135.

O Obsequium thema, 3, 9. Oceanus Occiduus, 27, 79. OEdemus sinus, 15. OEniades, 16. Olympus, 9, 140. Olympus Mysius, 9. Onogunduri, 21. Opsara, 87, 93, 96. Optimum thema, 9, 10. Orni, 21. Orontius fluv., 96. Ostrobuniprach, 60. Ostroc, 101.

P Pagani, 87, 88, 96, 104, 105. Pagania, 96, 98, 99, 101. Page, 156. Palæstina, 27, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 80. Pamphylia, 3. Pamphyli, 4, 5. Pamphylius sinus, 17. Panion, 21. Pannonia, 26, 79, 95. Pantalia, 26. Panticapeus, 30. Papagia, 111, 113, 156. Paphlagones, 5. Paphlagonia, 11, 112, 157. Paphlagonum thema, 112. Paphus, 17. Papia, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85. Paracladium Danubii, 61. Parathalassia, 95. Parius, 9, 19. Parnasus, 7. Parthenius fluv., 10, 11. Parthenopolis, 10. Parthicopolis, 21. Patræ, 21, 131, 132, 114. Patara, 16. Patræ Novæ, 23. Patzati Suburbium, 116. Patzinacia, 105, 106, 111, 112. Patzinacitæ, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 99, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 113, 157. Pelagia ins., 15. Pelagonia, 23. Pelasgia, 24. Pelle, 23. Peloponnesii, 143. Peloponnesus, 16, 21, 131, 133, 134, 143, 144. Pentadactylus mons, 133. Peparethus ins., 25. Percri, 118, 119, 120, 121. Pergamus, 8, 18. Perge, 16. Persæ, 4, 12, 121, 122. Persia, 71, 76, 80, 107, 108, 118, 119, 121, 128. Persthlabus, 109. Pesenta, 95. Phæaces, 25. Phalacrus mons, 12. Phanagorium, 30. Phara ins., 105. Pharsalus, 25. Pharus ins., 96. Phasiane, 122, 125. Phasilis, 16. Phasis fluv., 124, 125. Phateme, 68. Phatemitæ, 86, 89. Phatilanus mons, 135. Philadelphia, 8. Phileta, 16. Philippi, 21. Philippopolis, 21. Philistiim, 80. Phines, 81. Phocensis Epirus, 25. Phoenice, 72. Phoenix fluv. et urbs, 16. Phosaon, 81. Phosphorium, 30. Phryges, 4, 5, 9, 10. Phrygia, 3. Phrygia Capatianes, 3. Phrygia Minor, 3. Phrygia Salutaris, 3. Phtiotis, 23, 24. Pinetæ, 84. Pisidæ, 4. Pisidia, 3. Pisuch, 93. Pisya, 16. Placentia, 80. Pleba, 25. Plutinopolis, 21. Podalia, 16. Podendus, 6. Pompeiopolis, 12, 15. Pontica, 144. Ponticum Mare, 5. Pontus, 19, 20, 111, 113. Prænetus, 10. Pribana, 23. Priene, 8. Pristena, 84. Proconnesus, 9, 19. Propontis, 18, 19. Prusa, 139. Prusias, 11. Pteleæ, 114. Pulcheriopolis, 26. Pylæ, 9. Pyrchanus, 28. Pyrenæi montes, 76, 77. Pyrotima, 93. Pythia, 140.

R Ragusini, 88, 89, 96. Ragusium, 29, 87, 88, 91, 93, 96. Rastotza, 96. Rhamble, 80. Rhegedora, 7. Rhegepodandus, 7. Rhegium, 28. Rhegii pons, 159. Rhemesiana, 26. Rhenus fl., 79. Rhibalenses, 84. Rhibantus, 84. Rhisena, 104. Rhodanus, 76. Rhodopes præfectura, 21. Rhodus ins., 115, 116, 70, 71, 79. Rhomatina, 84. Rhusium, 23. Rhyndacus fl., 9, 19. Rhynea, 19. Rizonicus, 26. Rodentus, 6. Roma, 27, 29, 81, 82, 85, 86, 97, 100, 103, 144, 146, 147. Romani, 55, 56, 65, 67, 72, 76, 79, 83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 109, 112, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 128, 129, 131, 136, 144, 145, 146. Romania, 61, 121, 126, 128, 130, 157. Romanopolis, 135, 136. Rusianum, 85. Russi, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 112, 113. Russia, 57, 59, 60, 106, 111.

S Sabartaspholi, 107. Sal as fluv., 111. Sacacata, 106. Sagalassus, 16. Salamas, 118, 119. Salenes, 105. Salernum, 82, 83. Salmacata, 106. Salona, 27, 86, 87, 91, 93, 97. Saltice, 21. Saltus, 23. Samaria, 12. Sambatas fluv., 59. Samothrace ins., 21. Samus ins., 17. Sangarius fluv., 10. Saniana, 11, 133. Sapaxi, 156. Sapiciun, 156. Saraceni, 28, 29, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 88, 89, 111, 122, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131, 136, 137. Sarat, 113. Sarcel, 62, 111, 112, 113. Sardiani, 8. Sardinia, 26, 28. Sardis, 8. Sarmatæ, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150. Savada, 21. Saxonia, 95. Scampta, 26. Scarphia, 24. Scepila ins., 23. Scerda, 93. Sceupton, 26. Scirdacissa, 93. Sclabesian, 131. Sclavi, 59, 60, 61, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 103, 104, 106, 131, 133, 134. Sclavonia, 8. Scordona, 98. Scyrus ins., 19. Scythæ, 21, 25, 111, 117. Sebasteæ th., 13, 136, 137. Sebastopolis, 23. Selbo, 93. Seleucia, 15, 16. Seleucia Th., 14, 15. Selga, 16. Selinas fluv., 61. Selinus urbs et fluv., 16. Selymbria, 20. Seretus fluv., 108. Serræ, 21. Servia, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104. Servii, 61, 87, 88, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104. Servii Albi, 99. Sesamus, 11. Severinæ (S.) urbs, 28. Sicania, 27. Siceliotæ, 28. Sicilia ins., 27, 7, 82, 84, 135. Siculi, 28. Sicyon, 24. Side, 16. Sidraga, 95. Sigrianæ montes, 9. Singidon, 79. Sinope, 7, 11. Sipendus, 83. Sirmium, 79, 109. Smyrna, 18, 71. Soli, 15, 17. Sora, 12. Soteriopolis, 11, 14. Spania, 76. Sparta, 14. Sporades ins., 18, 27. Srechiabarax, 136. Stenit, 139, 141. Stenum, 130, 131. Stoli, 23. Stolpon, 98. Stratonicia, 8, 16. Strobelus, 15. Strobilus, 84. Strubun, 60. Strymonis thema, 23. Surrentum, 83, 84. Susa, 150, 151, 152. Syce, 16. Sylæum, 16. Syme ins., 18. Symposium, 136. Syngul fluv., 113. Syracuse, 28. Syri, 6. Syria, 27, 71, 72, 73, 75, 113, 114, 126, 130. Syrucalpee, 106. Sysperites, 12.

T Tabia, 135. Talmat, 105. Tamasus, 17. Tamatarcha, 113, 136. Tanais fluv., 112, 113. Tariani, 109. Tarrhaconcesa, 77. Taro, 114, 115, 117, 118. Taronitæ, 116, 117. Tarsia, 3. Tarsus, 15. Tartessii, 76. Taurica, 5. Tauropolis, 16. Taurus mons, 3, 14, 16. Tece, 135. Teium, 11. Teliutza, 59. Telmissus, 16. Tenen, 98. Teos, 8, 18. Tephrice, 12. Terbunia, 95, 96, 97, 99, 103, 104. Teuromenium, 28. Tetrangurium, 87, 92, 96.

^A and because their stature was growing, they were a bellicose race. Now the myths of old say regarding Boeotia and Colchis that men were sown from dragons’ teeth and armed at the same time: but our own age has brought this myth to light and fact; for it gathered them and compelled them to be seen. For the Scythian race was like teeth sown upon the Roman empire, and it was full of ^B fury and madness and slaughter, and when they reached an age fit for war, they acted - indeed, they dared things far more terrible and tragic than what they suffered. For all Thrace and the continuous country of Macedon and Thessaly were such and so populous that not one man was able to record it; and the Scythians’ incredible and irrational uprising suddenly and immediately overturned the passage, and so swelled that it overwhelmed them with disasters, ^C so that to prove them gold is a proverbial relief. It seemed right to them to stir up sedition, and because no forces were present for defense, they appeared - to the unarmed and unguarded multitude - most destructive, and they slaughtered every man with the most murderous intent. The trouble then surrounded them, and the Scythians of the Huns gave no name even to the Romans for Scythians. For just a few cities and a few were saved, owing to walls and buildings; but the country was destroyed and is uninhabitable and inaccessible ^D because of the war. But the Emperor, having learned of these unjust evils, having made a necessary peace with the Persians, and having himself fought, and after repenting of the reception, and with anger beyond measure, and putting his own mind toward the war, sent out the Saracen cavalry to withstand the Barbarians. For they were already overrunning the city of Constantinople, sitting around it, and doing nothing hostile in open battle, and having let their minds slide into every outrage, they clearly decided it was best to act as generals at that time and opportunity.

7. (A. D. 392, ind. 5, Theodos. imp. 14.) Under Theodosius in the first years of his reign, the Scythian nation, driven from its own lands by the Huns, along with the leaders of their own tribes and others, were who, by dignity and birth, were preeminent.

^A in their pride and, looking only to their own interests, they stirred up no small sedition among themselves. Some counseled that they should love and accept their present prosperity, while others urged them to keep the oath they had sworn at home and not to violate those treaties. These treaties, however, were most impious; they perverted the barbarian character toward cruelty, and through every method they sought to plot against the Romans and by every device and fraud—even if they were to suffer the greatest things at their hands—to treat those who had received them unjustly, that they might become masters of their entire country.

It was concerning this that they had their sedition, and being divided, they broke apart; some proposed the worse course of action, while others the more pious, though both factions used the same pretext for their anger. And the emperor did not cease to honor them, but even had them as table-companions and tent-mates, and he showed them great generosity; for in no way did he reveal or expose the matters of their dissension. ^B Now, the leader of the god-fearing and divine faction was Fravitta, a man young in age, but in virtue and truth the most excellent of all men. For he confessed that he honored the gods according to the ancient custom, and he endured no pretense for the sake of deception or concealment, but revealed his soul concerning life as naked and pure, considering as an enemy ^C of the gates of the underworld him who "hid one thing in his heart, but spoke another."

He immediately asked for a Roman wife, so that he might not be compelled to be abusive due to the necessities of the body. The emperor granted the marriage, and the father of the girl—for she was being raised under her father—also marveled at the affair, considering himself blessed if he should have such a son-in-law. Thus it came about that some of his countrymen—though very few—reverencing the piety and virtue of the young man, joined themselves to his cause, but the majority and the more powerful held fast to what had been decided from the beginning, and, suffering the pangs of their conspiracy, they fell into a frenzy. Their leader was Eriulfus, a man half-mad and wilder than the others.

When a more abundant and luxurious banquet was set before them by the emperor, ^D they proved the proverb to be true which says, "Wine and truth," as Dionysus then broke open for them the sedition they had been concealing in their cups. The banquet was dissolved in disorder, and they went out through the doors in a state of tumult and agitation. But Fravitta, because of the excess of his virtue, thinking that the honorable and the just would appear both more beautiful and more pleasing to God if he applied speed—not waiting for another time—drew his sword and drove it through the side of Eriulfus. And he indeed lay fallen, having dreamed of his unjust conspiracy; but the others...

EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORY OF PETRUS PATRICIUS AND MAGISTER: SELECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO FOREIGN NATIONS.

ARGUMENTUM.—Tiridates, established in the Parthian kingdom by Tiberius, is expelled by Artabanus (1). Cotys is made king of the Iberians in place of his brother Mithridates (2). The pride of Decebalus, king of the Dacians (3). The same, as a suppliant, sends envoys to Trajan (4). A new embassy of the same to Trajan (5). The Longobardi, having crossed the Ister, sue for peace (6). Peace is granted to the Quadi by Marcus Antoninus (7). The Astingi come to the aid of the Romans (8). Menophilus, governor of Moesia, rejects the Carpi who were arrogantly demanding tribute (9). Sapor, king of the Persians, returns to his own kingdom after an unsuccessful engagement against Odenathus (10). The Vandals obtain peace from Aurelian (11). Apharban, an envoy sent by the defeated Narseus to Galerius (12). Mestrianus, an envoy of Licinius to Constantine (13). An embassy sent by Magnentius to Constantine concerning peace (14). A Persian embassy to Constantius (15). Julian negotiates for peace with the Chamavi (16).

^A 1. (A.D. 35, 22nd year of Tiberius). The Parthians petitioned Tiberius to give them a king from among the hostages, and he gave them Phraates, the son of Phraates. But when he had exchanged life for death on the journey, Tiberius sent Tiridates, who was of the royal line. And in order that he might take over the kingdom more easily, he wrote to Mithridates, the king of the Iberians, to make an incursion into Armenia, so that Artabanus, in order to assist his son, might depart from his own territory. Tiridates entered and seized the kingdom. Yet he did not reign long; for Artabanus, having taken the Scythians into his employ, easily drove him out. And these are the matters concerning the Parthians.

2. (A.D. 47, 8th year of Claudius). Mithridates, the king of the Iberians, revolted and prepared for war against the Romans. His mother opposed this, and since she was unable to persuade him, she wished to flee. But he, ^B even though he was in a state of preparation, wished to conceal what he had undertaken. Therefore, he sent his brother Cotys as an envoy to Claudius, to convey friendly messages. But he, acting as an envoy while secretly plotting against his brother, revealed everything he had planned, and the king of Iberia is established in place of Mithridates.

3. (A.D. 86, 6th year of Domitian). Decebalus, king of the Dacians, sent an embassy to Domitian (5) for the sake of peace, promising terms. Upon this, Domitian sent Fuscus with a great force. When Decebalus learned of this, he sent to him again.

^A in mockery, stating that if each of the Romans chose to pay two obols a year to Decebalus, a peace could be established with him; otherwise, if he should not choose this, he would wage war and inflict great evils upon them.

4. ^A That Decebalus sent to Trajan legates who wore felt caps (*pileati*); for these are more honored among them. Previously, he had sent the long-haired ones (*comati*), who are considered of lower rank among them. When they came to Trajan, they cast down their arms, and with their hands bound behind their backs like prisoners, they begged Trajan to come to terms with Decebalus.

5. That again Decebalus sent an embassy to Trajan, bringing along a truce for the present circumstances, and he promised to surrender all weapons and siege engines to Trajan, and any Roman machine-makers and deserters who were with him, and to raze all the fortifications he had constructed. He promised also to cede the land which Trajan had conquered, and to consider the enemies of Trajan ^B and the Romans as his own enemies; to receive no more deserters, and to keep no Roman soldier near him. Trajan, therefore, accepted the embassy on these conditions. Decebalus threw down his arms before him, and falling to the ground, he paid him homage, and sent envoys to Rome, who likewise had their hands bound as in the manner of prisoners.

6. That six thousand of the Longobardi and the Obii crossed the Ister; against them advanced the horsemen of Vindex, and the infantry under Candidus, and they put the Barbarians to total flight. The Barbarians, being seized with fear at this first encounter, sent envoys to Aelius Bassus, who was governing the province of Pannonia—Ballomarus, the king of the Marcomanni, and ten others, having chosen one from each tribe. And having confirmed the peace with oaths, the legates returned home.

7. That the Quadi sent envoys to Marcus ^C asking for peace, and they obtained it. They gave many horses and many cattle, and at that time released ten thousand and three thousand prisoners, and afterwards many others as well.

8. That the Astingi and the Lacringi also came to the aid of Marcus.

9. That the nation of the Carpi, jealous of the stipend that the Goths received from the Romans each year, sent an embassy to Tullius Menophilus haughtily demanding money. Now he was the Duke of Moesia, and he used to exercise his army every day; and having learned beforehand of their arrogance, for many days he did not receive them, though he gave them ^D leave to watch the soldiers as they exercised. And in order to break their spirit through this delay, having sat upon a high tribunal and stationed his…

^A Scarcely aware that he is doing unjust things, 17. Scamanes in ambush, 115. Royal scepters, 188. To be placed at the head of two scholia, it is in the conditions of peace, 96. The nation of the Sclaveni, unknown, more depraved and crafty, 118. Nearly one hundred thousand of the Sclaveni burst into Thrace, 121. Scotta, 35. That the scribes had any rescript regarding it, by which the plans of the Caesar might be more secret and hidden, 123. The army of the Scythians advances with great haughtiness and arrogance, 18. Scythians are deformed, 18. Scythians slaughtered by the Huns, 19. Scythians lay down their arms, 19. The barbarian nature of the Scythians is perfidious, 20. Scythians dared things more grievous and atrocious than what they had suffered, 20. They were crucified by their own fellow-tribe Scythians as punishment for flight, 48. Scythians use dry reeds for fire, 56. Nobody among the Scythians speaks Greek easily, 59. A Scythian with his head shaved in a circle, 59. Those who dwell among the Scythians, having endured the labor of wars, pass their lives without any anxiety, 60. Among the Scythians the cupbearers offer a cup before the feast, so that they may perform vows, 66. Scythians recite verses of Attila, 67. The whole Scythian race is perfidious and changeable, 107. Scythians captured Bigila, who was carrying money to Edeco, 70. ^B By sedition the statues of Zeno were thrown down, 78. Instrument of security, 137. A senatusconsultum approved by the suffrage of the emperor, 47. A senator, although he had obtained the name of envoy, did not, however, dare anything, etc.; dignity does not take away fear, 48. Senate of old Rome, 93. The Senate warned Maurice, 180. Old age is compelled to rest, 67. In old age, while the body is exhausted, men exchange the strength of spirit and virtue greedy for war for sloth and idleness, 100. 21. Senior Rome, 124. To go into an opinion of ending the war, 12. In delivering opinions, some are more rigid, others more lenient, 21. Serdica is distant from Constantinople thirteen days' journey for a man lightly equipped, 49. It is harmful to have signified it too late, 159. Discourses full of affability and humanity, and removed from all insolence, 168. To soothe with discourses and gifts, 168. Seventeen thousand two hundred captives, 190. Those coming from the North, 89. Sesostris, king of the Egyptians, more savage in prosperous circumstances, 138. A story in which the mind of a proud and excessively exalted conqueror is crushed, 179. It is not permitted among the Romans to put slaves to death, 61. A slave is not called the slave of a slave among the Romans, 146. Severus is chosen as envoy from the Senate, a man who was thought to excel in modesty, temperance, and justice, 87. Severus, as envoy, set sail for Sicily and came to Carthage, 87. Severus exposed his movable goods for sale publicly through a herald, so that he might redeem captives from the price, 87. The life of Severus was frugal and modest, 87. Sethus, prefect at Singidunum, 127. If he should lay on even one finger, 117. Whether by right of war, or by that justice, 144. If anyone speaks aptly and elegantly, he prevails by speaking, 144. If they were once destitute of prudence, it is not to be used or drawn into a custom, nor is it to be presumed from that that they will always be imprudent, 155. Sicorius, an upright notarius of the memory, 49. Sidimunthus thinks well of Roman affairs, 80. Sidimunthus came to Epidamnus and, walking around privately to each of the citizens, 80. Sidimunthus was spreading new rumors daily in Epidamnus, 81. Sigibert, duke of the Franks, 110. The standards of the united army were golden eagles, 8. ^C Sincere mind of him who feels friendly and benevolently toward one who is far from him, does not depart from his duty, nor is he more estranged; while it is uncertain whether any change of will has intervened, 163. Sirmium, a town, the domestic and private property of the duke of the Avars, 114. The Chagan contends that he makes the Sirmian island, with its inhabitants placed in it, his own, 130. ^D Sogdites, later subjects of the Turks, of the Ephthalites, 106. Solachus, sent as envoy by the Chagan, 130. Lying on the grassy ground, 52. To represent by a single solution, 121. Sondin, a steep and precipitous mountain, 89. Sophene, 30. Sorosgi, 48. Poking their heads through a peephole, 112. By hoping, men gain this, that they do not despond in spirit, nor succumb to a burden, 11. Hope of better success holds minds in suspense, 9. So that soldiers might be raised to great hope, the emperor does not allow bravery to be fruitless, 86. To involve something in hopes, 124. Spontaneous things are to be preferred to violent ones, 134. Suania, a part of Lazica, 139. Suanian forms of war, 145. Suanian duchy, Suanian duke, rector, 146. Suanians are robbers, rustlers of plunder, perpetrators of crimes, 145. Subrumi, little boys, 184. More fortunate success brings inevitable evil to those who are slower, 178. They cannot moderate themselves upon success, 184. The space of two or three months is sufficient for him who institutes to guard peace in good faith, 168. Estimation of expenses, 41. To be consumed by expenses, 46. Expenses made in a lawsuit, 61. It is not at all fitting for him who is of no use in the affairs of the world to be proud, 118. For a Persian man to go outside the purpose and run into superfluous verbosity is insolent, 135. Superiores Nubae, 189. Merited punishment, 71. Suspended and undecided, 158. Surenas, 139. Slaughter of Surina, 115. Nothing of suspicion to be left, 95. Sylvanus, prefect of the Roman table of Armius, 57. To use syllables, 115. To express the force and sense of syllables with equally powerful words that signify the same thing, 142. To utter syllables, 169. Synagomeum, a place at the root of a mountain, at Aretum, 159. Syrian money, 25. T Tabernacle of the envoys destroyed, 117. Tachodrou, 157. Tagma, an envoy in the place of Maniach, 154. Talas, the name of a place, 153. Tamchosroes, 184. Carpets in which were figures, from which, however, they depart in custom, 153. Tardou, kinsman of Turxanthus, 164. Targitius performs an embassy, 114. The emperor eluded and despised the insolent words of Targitius, full of pride, and used words befitting imperial majesty, 114. Targites, 154. Tatianus undertakes an embassy to the Vandals, 43. Tatianus enrolled into the number of Patricians, 74. Those who enter into battle rashly and imprudently are affected by evil, 10. Temperate thought, 144. Proud spirits are broken and blunted by the passage of time, 25. It is time to fulfill the expectation which you have aroused, Teratis, a city, 178. So many plows turn the earth; that is, the region is so wide and full of so many inhabitants, 20. From terror, silence, 8. Textile adorned with jewels like a roof (a dais), 131. Theodoric of Triarius, 80. Colloquy of Theodoric and Adamantius, 83. Theodoric accuses the Romans of treachery, 83. Theodoric, king of the Franks, 189. Theodosius fell from nobility received from his father, 39. Theodorus, (at length) looking to what was in the public interest, allowed the good man to go outside the city, 112. Theodorus, duke of the stipendiary soldiers: then count of the treasures, or count of the largesses, 120. Theodorus, son of Bacchus, 159. Theodorus, by nature made an elegant and most prudent man, 178. Theodulus, duke of the garrison soldiers of Thrace, 36. Theognis refuses to enter a treaty, 131. Theognis was laboring under a paucity of soldiers, 175. Theophylactus, scripture-writer, 176, in the title. Fire is brought near the praetorium at Thessalonica, 78. Keys of Thessalonica received from the prefect and handed over to the archbishop, 79. Theuderic the bold, 81. Theuderic was thought to have amputated the hands of those who drove the chariots, etc., 94. Tiberius elevated to the power of the Caesars, 161.

^A chief men of the entire army around him, he received the Carpi, and, taking no notice of them in the midst of the soldiers while they presented their embassy, he spoke with others as though he had more important affairs to attend to. But they, having become terrified, said nothing other than, "Why do the Goths receive so much money from you, and we do not?" He said, "The Emperor is master of much money, and he bestows it upon thosewho seek it from him." They replied, "Let him hold us too among those who seek it, and give us equal amounts; for we are better than they." And Menophilus, laughing, said, "I must report these things to the Emperor. Come back to this same place after four months, and receive your answer." And he went away from there, and again began to exercise the soldiers. And the Carpi returned after four months, and he, making ^B the same display to them, found another excuse for three months. Again he received them in a different camp in the same manner, and he gave them the answer that, "The Emperor will give you nothing at all by way of promise. But if you desire support, go away, throw yourselves down prone, and entreat him; and it is likely that you will be supported." They departed in indignation, and for the three years that Menophilus was in the province with authority, they remained quiet.

10. (c. A.C. 261, Gallien. 9.) Sapor, king of the Persians, having crossed the Euphrates with his own army ^C ... they embraced one another and rejoiced that they had escaped an impending danger. And he sent to the soldiers in Edessa, promising to give them all the Syrian coin that he had with him, so that they would allow him to pass by unmolested, and not choose a danger that would bring them into uncertainty and cause him bother and delay. For he said that he was not offering them this as if he feared them, but because he was hurrying to celebrate the festival in his own land, and did not wish for there to be any dragging out or postponement of his journey. And the soldiers chose to receive the gold without danger and to allow them to pass.

11. (c. A.C. 270, Aurel. 1.) That the Vandals, having been defeated, sent an embassy to Aurelian, asking for peace. Aurelian received them gladly, and having made a pact of peace with them, he returned. ^D

12. (A.C. 297, Diocl. 14.) Apharban, being a most intimate friend to Narseh, the king of the Persians, having been sent on an embassy, met Galerius with a supplication. Having received permission to speak, he said, "It is manifest to the race of men that the Roman and Persian empires are as it were two lamps; and it is fitting that one should be adorned by the light and splendor of the other, just as eyes are."

ORDO RERUM QUÆ IN HOC TOMO CONTINENTUR.

ORDER OF SUBJECTS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME

IMPERATOR CONSTANTINUS PORPHYROGENITUS. 9 Prefaces of various authors. Theod. Luc. Frid. Tafel, Dissertation which excellently illustrates the book *On the Themes*. 15

DE THEMATIBUS ORIENTIS ET OCCIDENTIS LIBRI DUO. 63 LIBRUM PRIMUM. — On the Themes of the Eastern Empire. 63 Theme I, called Anatolicum. 66 Theme II, called Armeniacum. 72 Theme III, called Thracesiorum. 79 Theme IV, called Obsequium. 83 Theme V, called Optimatum. 86 Theme VI, called Buccellariorum. 87 Theme VII, called Paphlagonum. 90 Theme VIII, called Chaldia. 91 Theme IX, Mesopotamia. 91 Theme X, Colonea. 91 Theme XI, Sebasteæ. 91 Theme XII, called Lycandi. 91 Theme XIII, Seleucia. 98 Theme XIV, called Cibyrræotarum. 99 Theme XV, called the Prefecture of Cyprus. 103 Theme XVI, the island of Samos. 106 Theme XVII, Aegean Sea. 106

LIBER SECUNDUS. — On the Themes of the Western Empire. 110 Theme I, of Thrace, or Europe. 110 Theme II, of Macedonia. 115 Theme III, of Strymon. 119 Theme IV, Thessalonica. 119 Theme V, Europe, Hellas. 122 Theme VI, Peloponnese. 123 Theme VII, Cephalonia. 126 Theme VIII, Nicopolis. 126 Theme IX, Dyrrachium. 127 Theme X, Sicily. 134 Theme XI, Longobardia. 135 Theme XII, Cherson. 138 Synecdemus of the grammarian Hierocles. 142

LIBER DE ADMINISTRANDO IMPERIO 158 Proemium. 158 Chapter I. — On the Patzinacites, and how much they benefit the Roman Emperor if he has peace with them. 159 Cap. II. — On the Patzinacites and the Russians. 162 Cap. III. — On the Patzinacites and the Turks. 163 Cap. IV. — On the Patzinacites, Russians, and Turks. 163 Cap. V. — On the Patzinacites and the Bulgarians. 163 Cap. VI. — On the Patzinacites and the Chersonites. 166 Cap. VII. — On the Caesarerians sent from Cherson to the Patzinacites. 167 Cap. VIII. — On the Caesarerians sent from the God-guarded city to the Patzinacites with *chelandia* by way of the rivers Danube, Dnieper, and Dniester. 167 Cap. IX. — On the Russians and Russia coming to Constantinople in boats. 170 Cap. X. — On the Chazaria, and from whom it is fitting to attack them in war. 178 Cap. XI. — Of the castle of Cherson and the castle of Bosporus. 178 Cap. XII. — On Black Bulgaria and Chazaria. 179 Cap. XIII. — On the nations bordering the Turks. 179 Cap. XIV. — On the genealogy of Mahomet. 190 Cap. XV. — On the race of the Fatimids. 191 Cap. XVI. — From the canon which Stephen the mathematician set out by prophesying from the stars, regarding the Saracen expedition, and in what year from the foundation of the world it occurred, and under which Roman emperor. 195 Cap. XVII. — From the Chronicle of blessed Theophanes. 195 Cap. XVIII. — The second Arab prince, Abubachar, for three years. 198 Cap. XIX. — The third Arab prince, Omar. 199 Cap. XX. — The fourth Arab prince, Othman. 199 Cap. XXI. — From the chronicle of Theophanes, in the year from the foundation of the world 6171. 202 Cap. XXII. — Excerpt from blessed Theophanes the chronographer concerning the same: and concerning Mavia, and of her lineage, and how she moved into Spain. Justinian Rhinotmetus, Emperor of the Romans. 210 Cap. XXIII. — On Iberia and Spain. 218 Cap. XXIV. — On Spain. 222 Cap. XXV. — From the history of Saint Theophanes of Sigriane. 223 Cap. XXVI. — Genealogy of the famous King Hugo. 227 Cap. XXVII. — On the theme of Longobardia, and its principalities and duchies. 234 Cap. XXVIII. — Narrative of how those that are now called Venice were founded. 242 Cap. XXIX. — On Dalmatia, and the peoples adjacent to it. 247 Cap. XXX. — Narrative on the theme of Dalmatia. 271 Cap. XXXI. — On the Chrobati, and the land which they now inhabit. 282 Cap. XXXII. — On the Servii, and the region which they now inhabit. 287 Cap. XXXIII. — On the Zachlumi, and the region which they now inhabit. 299 Cap. XXXIV. — On the Terbuniatis and Kanalitis, and the region which they now inhabit. 299 Cap. XXXV. — On the Diocletians, and the region which they now inhabit. 302 Cap. XXXVI. — On the Pagani, who are also called Aretani, and the region which they now inhabit. 303 Cap. XXXVII. — On the nation of the Patzinacites. 311 Cap. XXXVIII. — On the genealogy of the Turkish people, and whence that people derives its origin. 318 Cap. XXXIX. — On the race of the Cabiri. 322 Cap. XL. — On the Cabiri and Turks. 322 Cap. XLI. — On the region of Moravia. 326 Cap. XLII. — Description of the tract from Thessalonica as far as the river Danube, and the city of Belgrade; and of Turkey, and Patzinacia as far as the Chazar city of Sarkel, and Russia, and the Necropylae, which are at the Pontus, near the river Dnieper; also of Cherson, and Bosporus where the cities of the climates or regions are: then as far as the Maeotian marsh, which is called a sea because of its size; and to the city called Matarcha. Furthermore, also of Zichia, Papagia, Cazachia, Alania, and Abasgia, as far as Soteriopolis. 326 Cap. XLIII. — On the region of Taro. 334 Cap. XLIV. — On the land of Apachunes, and the towns of Maniziciert, and Percri, and Chliat, and Challal, and Arzes, and Tibe, and Chert, and Salamas, and Tzermatzu. 343 Cap. XLV. — On the Iberi. 347 Cap. XLVI. — On the genealogy of the Iberi, and of the town of Adranutzio. 358 Cap. XLVII. — The history holds thus regarding the migration of the Cypriots. 366 Cap. XLVIII. — Chapter XXXIX of the holy Sixth Synod, held in the Trullo of the great palace. 366 Cap. XLIX. — Whoever wishes to know how the Slavs of the church of Patras were subjected, let him learn from here. 370 Cap. L. — On the Slavs of the Peloponnesian theme, the Milengi, the Ezerites, and the tributes they pay. Also on the inhabitants of the city of Maines, and the tributes they owe. 371 Cap. LI. — On the imperial dromon, how it was made, and of its *protocarabis*; also of the *protospatharios* of the phiala. 386 Cap. LII. — The levy of horses, which was made in the Peloponnesian theme under the Emperor Romanus, as has been said. 395 Cap. LIII. — History of the castle of Cherson. 395 NARRATIO DE IMAGINE EDESSENA. 422

DELECTUS LEGUM COMPENDIARIUS LEONIS ET CONSTANTINI. 454 Preface. 454 Title I. — On laws and justice. 459 Title II. — On the prince. 459 Title III. — On the patriarch. 463 Title IV. — On the office of the prefect of the city. 466

^A to be illuminated, and not to be hostile to one another to the point of extinction and destruction. For this is considered not so much virtue, but rather levity and weakness; for those who think that those who come after them cannot help themselves are eager to destroy those arrayed against them. However, it is not right to consider Narses weaker than all other kings, but rather that Galerius was so far superior to other kings that Narses was justly defeated by him alone—even though Narses himself was not lacking in the virtue of his own ancestors. In addition to these points, the envoy ^B Apharban said that he had been instructed by Narses that, since they possessed moderation, he should entrust the justice of his own kingdom to the humanity of the Romans. Therefore, he should not even bring the terms upon which peace should be made, but should leave the whole matter to the judgment of the Emperor. Yet, he requested that only his children and wives be returned to him; by the restoration of these, he said he would be more bound by benefits than by the force of arms—not that he could even now render thanks as worthily as he ought, for they had not experienced any mistreatment in captivity, but had been treated in such a way that they expected to be restored to their former nobility at the first opportunity. In these words, the Persian envoy also called to mind the instability of human affairs. Galerius, appearing to be angered by this, moving his whole body, answered saying that the Persians were not right to remind others of the changeableness and inconsistency of human affairs, since they themselves, when they happen to meet with success, do not cease to press upon the calamities of men. ^C "For you yourselves kept the measure of victory quite well against Valerian, whom you captured by deceiving him with bribes, and you did not release him until his extreme old age and his disgraceful and foul death; and even after his death, by preserving his skin with an abominable art, you inflicted immortal insult upon a mortal body." Having reasoned through these things, the Emperor said that he had not been swayed by the points the Persians had raised in their embassy—as if it were necessary to look to the instability of human lives (for on this account, if one were to look toward the things the Persians have done, one should rather be moved to anger)—but that he was following in the footsteps of his own ancestors, whose custom it was to spare the subject but to vanquish those who resisted. He ordered the man acting as envoy to report to his own king the Roman kindness, of which he had experienced the virtue, and that before long he might hope that those who would arrive with him would do so according to the wish of the Emperor. ^D

13. That Licinius sends a legate to Constantine, Mestrianus the Count. When Mestrianus arrived, the Emperor delayed him for a time. But after this, looking toward the uncertainty of the war, and at the same time because the men of Licinius, using a stealthy attack, had intercepted his baggage train along with the royal furnishings as they were being brought to him, he received him. He [was received by him] at the two...

Title V. — On the quaestor. 467 Title VI. — On provincial governors in general. 471 Title VII. — That governors should not allow themselves to be corrupted by gifts, nor should anyone accept money for rendering judgment, nor allow such to be given to his subordinates. 474 Title VIII. — On bishops, their ordination, and all ecclesiastical appointments. 478 Title IX. — On the office of bishops, presbyters, deacons, and in general of all ecclesiastics and monks. 483 Title X. — On the order of trials and judgments. 490 Title XI. — On contracting and dissolving betrothals, and concerning wards contracting betrothals, and subsequently of penitents. 491 Title XII. — On marriages permitted and prohibited, first and second, concluded with or without a written instrument. 494 Title XIII. — On the dissolution of marriage. 502 Title XIV. — On the dowry, written and uncounted, and on the right of dowry. 503 Title XV. — On simple donations, that is, when the use and ownership of things, or only their ownership, is granted immediately; or when they are left to someone after death: and concerning the causes for which donations of this kind may be rescinded. 505 Title XVI. — On persons prohibited from making a will, and on wills made both in writing and without writing. 506 Title XVII. — On acquired goods, from which one may or is prohibited from making a will. 507 Title XVIII. — On successions by intestacy, and on legacies; and concerning those who lose these through ingratitude. 511 Title XIX. — On curators. 514 Title XX. — On freedmen. 515 Title XXI. — On purchase and sale. 518 Title XXII. — On loans, pledges, and partnership. 522 Title XXIII. — On deposits. 526 Title XXIV. — On emphyteusis. 527 Title XXV. — On leases and hirings. 530 Title XXVI. — On witnesses. 531 Title XXVII. — On transactions. 533 Title XXVIII. — On criminal penalties. 535 Other titles are mentioned. 546

NOVELLA CONSTITUTIONS OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

EXCERPTS ON EMBASSIES

ST. NICON THE MONK IN CRETE

THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

^A kings, pleading for peace, saying that he ought not, having conquered his own countrymen, to be incensed against them. For whatever might be destroyed, the remainder would be lost to the victor, and not to those who had been defeated; and that he who refuses peace to one man becomes the cause and author of many civil wars. But the emperor, showing the intensity of his anger by his countenance and the movement of his body, and barely able to release his voice, said: "We have not lived thus until the present time, nor for this reason have we come from the Ocean up to these parts, warring and conquering, that we should not wish to hold our own son-in-law as a partner, due to his defilements, and [that we] should deny the affinity, and [should] admit a vile slave together with him into the palace." He therefore ordered Mestrianus, skipping that part of the embassy, to say if he wished to offer anything else; and it seemed good that Valens be cast out from the empire.

14. (A. D. 350, Const. 14.) That Magnentius and Vetranio ^B send ambassadors to Constantius. Rufinus and Marcellinus are sent, the one being a praetorian prefect, the other a general, and Nunechius, a senator and prefect, and Maximus in addition to them, to remind Constantius to refrain from arms and to hold the first rank of honor in the empire. Magnentius, through them, promised to give his own daughter to Constantius as a bride, on the condition that he himself also receive Constantia, the sister of Constantius. The emperor therefore received the ambassadors of Vetranio and Magnentius. Among them, Nunechius immediately said in his opening ^C remarks that he was requesting peace for Magnentius, and he frequently reminded Constantius of the state of current affairs, saying that he ought not, ill-considered, and especially since he was already exhausted by wars, to provoke to war two emperors according to him, experienced in military science, and in concord with one another, and still intact; who, if they did not agree concerning peace, [as] what kind and how great they will be when drawing up for civil war, whether one alone or both together should be present, he would not wish him to learn from any other source than from the deeds already performed by them, because by their deployments triumphs were achieved for himself and for his family. Having heard this embassy ^D the emperor was in deep thought. And having turned to sleep, he saw a vision that his father, descending as it were from on high and holding in his hand Constans, whom Magnentius had slain, and presenting him to him, seemed to speak these words to him: "Constantius, behold Constans, the descendant of many kings, my son and your brother, tyrannically destroyed. Do not, therefore, look on while the empire is being fractured, or the state is being overturned, or...

fearing threats, but leaving to you the glory which shall follow from this, and preferring it to every outcome, and do not look upon a brother unavenged." After this vision, Constantius, having awakened, delivered the envoys, except for Rufinus, into custody...

15. ^A (A.C. 358, Const. 22, Jul. C. 4.) Legates came from the Persians during the time of Constantius. Narses, the leader of the embassy, tempered the harshness of the letter which he brought with the gentleness of his own manner, and presented it for reading.

16. That the Barbarians during the time of Julian the Apostate sought peace; and he came to make a truce with them and asked to receive hostages. The Barbarians said that he already held many ^B taken in war, but not given by them; now however, he was seeking pledges of peace, if any among them were suitable for this. As they refused nothing, but promised to give whomever he should choose, he demanded to receive the son of the king, whom alone he considered sufficient in place of many, whom he held as a captive. But the Barbarians, supposing him to have already died, turned to mourning and grief together with their king, and besought the Caesar not to ask for things that were impossible, demanding hostages who were already dead; this, they said, was proof that he did not wish to make a treaty.

FROM THE HISTORIES OF PETER THE PATRICIAN AND MASTER

EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

EX HISTORIA PETRI PATRICII ET MAGISTRI EXCERPTA DE LEGATIONIBUS GENTIUM AD ROMANOS

ARGUMENTUM. — Valerian seeks peace from Sapor in vain. Sapor haughtily rejects the legates and gifts of Odenathus. Conditions for peace between Diocletian and Narses are composed.

1. (A.C. 260, Valer. 8.) That Valerian, fearing the incursion of the Persians (for his army was starving, and the Maurusii even more so), having gathered an untold amount of gold, sent ambassadors to Sapor, wishing to end the war with large payouts. But he, having learned of the famine and the entreaty of Valerian...

became more arrogant, dismissed the ambassadors without achieving anything, and immediately pursued them.

^B 2. That Odenathus greatly revered Sapor, as one who had far surpassed the Romans. Wishing to win him over, he sent magnificent gifts and other merchandise, of which Persia was not productive, loading them upon camels. He also sent letters having the force of a petition, and stating that he himself had never done anything contrary to the interests of the Persians. But he commanded his servants, after they had received the gifts, to throw them into the nearby river, and to tear his letters to pieces and trample them underfoot. He also openly declared: "Who and whence is this person who dares to write to his own master? Now, if he wishes to receive a lighter punishment, let him come and fall before me with his hands bound behind his back. If he does not do so, let him know that I will destroy and extinguish both him and his entire race."

^C 3. That Galerius and Diocletian came together at Nisibis, where, having consulted together, they sent to Persia the ambassador Sicorius Probus, master of the records. Narsaeus received him kindly, in the hope of obtaining those things which had been promised. But Narsaeus practiced a certain procrastination. For, wishing to feign that he was refreshing the ambassadors around Sicorius, as being exhausted, he drew Sicorius along as far as the river Asprudus in Media, though he was not ignorant of what was happening, until the soldiers who were scattered here and there on account of the war had gathered. And at that time, having separated all the others in the inner chamber of the palace, and being content with the presence of Aphpharsas and Archapetes and Barsasaborses—of whom the one was praetorian prefect, and the other held the position of Sumius—he permitted Probus to set forth the embassy. ^D The heads of the embassy were these: that the Romans should hold in the Orient Intilene with Sophene, Arzanene with Carduene and Zabdicene, and that the Tigris river should be the boundary of each empire; that the Roman state should hold the castle of Zintha, situated on the border of Media, as the boundary of Armenia; that the king of Iberia should receive the insignia of his reign from the Romans; and that the place for trade should be the city of Nisibis, situated upon the Tigris. When Narsaeus heard these things, since his current fortune allowed him to deny none of them, he agreed and approved all these points; only, so that he might not seem to be doing everything compelled by necessity, he refused only that Nisibis should be the place of trade. But Sicorius said that this too had to be conceded by him; for neither were the ambassadors endowed with free authority, nor had the emperors commanded anything regarding this matter. These conditions having therefore been accepted, his wives and children were restored to Narsaeus, with the integrity of their modesty being guarded by the emperors with the highest fidelity.

FRAGMENTS FROM PRISCUS THE RHETORICIAN AND SOPHIST REGARDING THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

ARGUMENT. — The city of Margus is captured by the Scythians through the treachery of its bishop (1). Attila, having sought in vain for the Scythian fugitives from Theodosius, bursts into Roman territory (2). The conditions of the harsh peace established by the Romans with the Huns: payment of money is strictly exacted throughout the Roman Empire. The Asimuntili are compelled by the Huns to accept peace (3). Attila exhausts the Romans with idle embassies (4). The eunuch Chrysaphius devises a plan to kill Attila through his envoy Edecon (5). Having discovered the plot, Attila demands that Chrysaphius be given up for punishment (6). The same man prepares war against the West (7). The causes of the war that arose between Attila and Aetius (8). Attila threatens the East with war (9). Ardaburius wages war against the Saracens (10). Maximinus makes peace with the Blemmyes and Nubadians, which is dissolved after his death (11). Gobazes, king of Colchis, is summoned to Byzantium (12). Majorianus decides to cross into Africa (13). Marcellinus wages war against the Goths in Gaul. Genserich devastates Sicily and Italy. An embassy of the Saraguri to Leo (14). Envoys of the Persians to Leo complain about Roman injustices. Tatianus is sent as envoy to the Vandals (15). Gobazes is received kindly by Leo (16). The Sciri seek aid from the Romans against the Goths (17). Various others attempt in vain to enter into an alliance with Leo (18). The borders of the Persians are ravaged by the Saraguri and other tribes (19). Dengizich plots war against the Romans (20). The Goths, having been received into surrender by the Roman commanders, are slaughtered (21). The Suani, oppressed by the Persians, seek aid from the Romans (22).

1. ^A That when the Scythians, taking advantage of the time of a festival, [31-331. (A.D. 442, ind. 10, Theod. 35)] launched a surprise attack upon the Romans and slaughtered many of them, the Romans sent word to the Scythians, rebuking them for the capture of the fortress and for their disregard of the treaties. They replied that they had not initiated the war, but had only acted to avenge injuries done to them; for the bishop of Margus had crossed into their territory and, having tracked down the royal and hidden storehouses, had plundered the treasures deposited there; and that unless the Romans handed him over, along with the fugitives (for there were many of these among them), they would bring war upon them. The Romans denied that the cause alleged was true, but the barbarians, holding their own account as sufficient proof in matters under dispute, deigned not to submit to judgment but turned to war, and having crossed the Ister, inflicted great damage upon the cities and forts situated along the river. Among these, they took Viminacium, a city of the Moesians in Illyricum. ^B While these things were happening, and with many saying in their talk that it was necessary to hand over the bishop so that for the sake of one man the entire Roman commonwealth should not have to endure the danger of war, the man himself, suspecting that he would be surrendered, fled secretly from all those inhabiting the city to the enemy, and promised to betray the city if the kings of the Scythians would deal kindly with him. They, for their part, said they would do everything well if he would lead them to...

^A the promised work. Having given and received pledges and oaths on the terms spoken, he returned with a great multitude of barbarians to the Roman land. Having set an ambush for this multitude opposite the riverbank, at night, upon a given signal, he sallied forth and delivered the city into the hands of the enemies. And from that time, the affairs of the Barbarians grew and improved daily.

2. That under the Emperor Theodosius the Younger, Attilas, the king of the Huns, gathered his own army and sent letters to the emperor concerning the fugitives and the tributes, ordering that as many as had not been given up, under the pretext of this war, be sent to him as quickly as possible; and that envoys should come to him to discuss the tribute that was to be paid for the future: for if they delayed, or prepared for war, he himself would no longer be able to restrain the Scythian multitude. Having read these letters, the emperor said he would by no means give up the Scythians who had fled to him, but that it was his intention to await with them the outcome of the war. Otherwise, he would send envoys to settle the disputes. When Attilas learned of what had been decided by the Romans, being moved to wrath, he ravaged the Roman land, and having razed some forts, he made an incursion upon the city of Ratiaria, which was great and populous. ^B

3. That after the battle in the Chersonese, peace was made between the Romans and the Huns, with Anatolius having served as envoy. And on these terms they made a truce: that the fugitives should be given up to the Huns, and that six thousand pounds of gold should be given to them for past payments. A tribute of two thousand and one hundred pounds of gold was fixed to be paid to them every year. For every Roman captive escaping into Roman lands without paying a ransom, twelve gold coins were to be the valuation; and if they did not pay, those who had received the captive were bound to return him. And that the Romans were not to admit any Barbarian fleeing to them. The Romans pretended that they were willing ^C to make these treaties; but constrained by extreme fear, which had taken hold of their leaders, they gladly accepted every demand, however harsh, in their eagerness to obtain peace, and did not refuse to pay the very heavy tribute, although the resources of the empire and the royal treasuries had been spent not on necessary uses, but on absurd spectacles, and vain ambitions for honors, and pleasures, and profligate expenses, which no one in his right mind would sustain even in times of prosperity—let alone those who, having neglected the study of military affairs, had become subject to paying tribute not only to the Scythians, but also to the other Barbarians dwelling near the Roman empire. Therefore, the emperor compelled all to contribute ^D of these payments and moneys which were to be sent to the Huns, exacting a tax even from those who for a time had been relieved of the heaviest land assessment.

^A And for many the bright fortune of life underwent a change; for they were being extorted with torments for those payments which each had been assigned by the emperor's order, so that they were offering for sale in the market the adornments of their wives and their household goods, formerly prosperous as they were. This misfortune befell the Romans after the war, so that many, either through starvation or by fitting a noose to their necks, departed from life. Then indeed, the treasuries being instantly exhausted, both the gold and the fugitives were sent, Scotta having arrived for this business; of whom the Romans slaughtered the majority who were disobedient toward being surrendered. Among these were also some of the royal Scythians, who had refused to be marshalled under Attila and had come over to the Romans. Moreover, Attila added commands to his previous ones, and ordered the Asimuntii to surrender as many captives as they held, whether Romans or barbarians. Asimus is a strong fortress, not far from Illyricum, but adjacent to the part of Thrace; those who dwelt in it had inflicted many terrible things upon the enemy, not defending themselves from the walls, but engaging in battles outside the trench against an infinite multitude and against commanders held in the greatest esteem ^B among the Scythians, so that the Huns, being at a loss, withdrew from the fortress. But the Asimuntii would sally forth even further than their own territory, whenever their scouts reported to them that the enemy were driving off Roman booty, and would fall upon them unexpectedly and make the plunder their own, being inferior in number to those they fought against, but excelling in valor and strength. Therefore, the Asimuntii killed a great many Scythians in this war, and freed many Romans, and received runaway captives from their adversaries. Consequently, Attila declared that he would not move his army, nor hold the conditions of peace to be valid, unless the Romans who had fled to them were surrendered, and unless for them ransom-payments were given, and the barbarian captives carried off by the Asimuntii were released. Since Anatolius, who was acting as ambassador, and Theodulus, the commander of the Thracian military units, could not contend against him (for they neither persuaded him, nor were their reasonable arguments of any avail, the barbarian being emboldened and readily rushing to arms, while they themselves were disheartened because of what had previously occurred), they sent letters to the Asimuntii, either to surrender the Roman captives who had fled to them, or to pay twelve gold pieces for each one, ^C and that the captive Huns should also be released. The Asimuntii, having read what had been sent to them, said that those who were with them... ^D

^A seeking refuge were released in freedom; but as for the Scythians, they said that as many captives as they had taken, they had slain, and that they had retained two, because the enemy, having abandoned the siege, had turned from an ambush and seized some children who were tending flocks before the fortress—children whom, if they did not get back, they would not return those acquired by the law of war. When those who had been sent to the Asimuntii reported these things, it seemed good both to the king of the Scythians and to the Roman commanders to search for the children whom the Asimuntii claimed had been snatched away. But as none appeared, the barbarians captured by the Asimuntii were released, although the Scythians first gave assurances that the children were not among them. The Asimuntii also swore that the Romans who had fled to them had been granted their freedom, even though they still had many in their power. For they did not see themselves as having perjured themselves, provided that they kept their own people safe and unharmed from the servitude of the barbarians.

4. ^B Once peace was made, Attila again sent ambassadors to the Eastern Romans, demanding fugitives. The Romans, having received the envoys and honored them with many gifts, sent them away, stating that they had no fugitives. He sent others again, and when they too had been given generous sums, a third embassy arrived, and a fourth after that. For he, looking to the Romans' pride—which they maintained out of caution lest the treaties be violated—would send to them as many of those belonging to him as he wished to benefit, fabricating reasons and inventing empty pretexts for sending embassies. And they obeyed every instruction, considering the command to be that of a master, whatever he might command. For not only were they averse to undertaking war against him, but they also stood in fear of the Parthians, who were preparing for war, and of the Vandals, who were troubling the seas, ^C and of the Isaurians, who were rising up for robbery, and of the Saracens, who were ravaging the regions toward the East with raids, and of the gathering Ethiopian tribes. Therefore, being humbled, they courted Attila, while they attempted to wage war against the other tribes, gathering forces and appointing generals.

5. (A. D. 448; ind. 1, Theod. 41.) Edeco, a Scythian man who had performed the greatest deeds in war, arrived again as an ambassador ^D together with Orestes, who, being of the Roman race, dwelt in the land of the Paeonians situated along the river Saus, which, according to the treaties of Aetius, the general of the Western Romans, was subject to the barbarian. This Edeco, having entered the palace, delivered the letters from Attila, in which he complained of the Romans regarding the fugitives; on account of which he threatened to proceed to arms if they were not returned to him, and if the Romans did not abstain from cultivating the land he had captured in war and added to his dominion. And its length along the course of the Ister was from the land of the Paeonians as far as Novae in Thrace, and its depth was five days' [journey].

Neither did he wish the market to be held, as of old, on the bank of the Ister, but at Naissus, a city which he had captured and destroyed, and which was five days' journey for a swift traveler from the Ister, he appointed it as the boundary of the land of the Scythians and Romans. He also ordered that envoys should come to him to discuss the matters in dispute, not of just any class and rank of men, but the greatest of the consulars; and if they were hesitant to send them, he would receive them himself and go down to Sardica. When these letters were read to the Emperor, as soon as Edecon had left with Bigilas, who had acted as interpreter for whatever the Barbarian had spoken by mouth concerning the decisions of Attila, he arrived at other houses, so that he might come into the sight of Chrysaphius, the Emperor’s spatharios, for he possessed the greatest power; and he was struck with admiration at the magnificence of the imperial houses. ^B And when the Barbarian had entered into conversation with Chrysaphius, Bigilas, acting as interpreter, said that Edecon praised the imperial palace and considered the Romans blessed because of their overflowing abundance of wealth. Chrysaphius then said to Edecon that he would himself be the master of such houses, gleaming with golden roofs, and would abound in wealth, if he were to leave Scythia and come over to the Romans. When he replied that it was not right for a servant of another master to undertake such a deed without his lord’s consent, the eunuch asked if his access to Attila was easy, and if he held any power among the Scythians. When he answered that he was ^C intimate with Attila and was entrusted, together with those appointed for this purpose, with the guardianship of his person (for he said that each of them guarded Attila in turns on specified days with arms), the eunuch said that if he would pledge his faith, he would be to him the author of the greatest goods; but that this required leisure time, and this would be available to him if he came to him for dinner without Orestes and the other fellow envoys. Having promised to do this, and coming to the eunuch for the feast, and ^D after pledges and oaths had been given on both sides through Bigilas the interpreter—the eunuch swearing that he would speak not for harm to Edecon but for the greatest goods, and Edecon that he would not reveal what was said to him even if he were unable to carry it out—the eunuch then said to Edecon that if he would cross over into Scythian territory and kill Attila and come to the Romans, he would have a happy life and the greatest wealth. Edecon consented to the eunuch. He said that for the carrying out of the deed he needed money, not much, but fifty pounds of gold, to be given to the multitude under him, so that they might fully cooperate with him for the attack; and when the eunuch promised that he would give the gold immediately, the Barbarian said that he must be sent back to announce to Attila the result of the embassy, and that Bigilas should be sent with him, having received from Attila the response concerning the fugitives; for through him he would make known concerning that same gold, and the manner in which it would be sent.

^A For he said that Attila, just as he would with all others, would inquire thoroughly as to what gift was given to him and how much money had been provided by the Romans; and it would not be possible to hide these things, because of those who were traveling with him. The eunuch thought the Barbarian spoke well, and, having accepted the sentiment of the Barbarian, he sent him away after dinner and brought the counsel to the Emperor. He summoned Martialis, who was exercising the office of Master of Offices, and told him of the agreements made with the Barbarian. He felt confident that this was required by the authority of his office; for the Master is a participant in all of the Emperor’s counsels, since it is he who has under his authority the messengers, the interpreters, and the soldiers who are assigned to the guard of the palace. ^B It seemed best to them, after they had consulted regarding the matters at hand, not only to send Bigilas, but also to send Maximinus as an envoy to Attila.

6. That Bigilas, having been caught plotting against Attila and having been deprived of the hundred pounds of gold sent by Chrysaphius the eunuch, Attila immediately sent Orestes and Eslam to Constantinople, and ordered Orestes to come into the sight of the Emperor with the purse—into which Bigilas had put the gold intended to be given to Edeco—hung around his own neck, and to ask the eunuch if he recognized this bag; and for Eslam to speak as follows: that Theodosius was born of an illustrious father and was a noble son, and that Attila also was of the stock of a noble parent, and that his father Mundiuch had preserved the nobility received from his father unimpaired, ^C but that Theodosius had fallen away from the nobility handed down from his father, because by paying tribute to him he had become his slave. It was not just, therefore, for him to act in this way toward a superior, and toward one whom fortune had given to him as a master, by plotting clandestine traps like a base servant. And he declared that he would not release the charge of the wrongs committed against him unless he sent the eunuch for punishment. And they, with these mandates, arrived at Constantinople. It happened also at the same time that Chrysaphius was demanded for punishment by Zeno. For Maximinus had reported that Attila said the Emperor ought to fulfill his promise and give to Constantius the wife whom he had promised, for it was in no way possible for her to be betrothed to another against his will. ^D "For either he who dared to give her away must pay the penalty, or such is the state of the Emperor's affairs that he cannot even control his own servants, against whom, if he wished, he (Attila) was ready to provide assistance." Theodosius was stung with fury, and he confiscated the young woman's property for the public treasury.

7. That when it was announced to Attila that Marcian had succeeded to the Roman empire in the East after the death of Theodosius, and when the matters concerning Honoria had also been announced to him, he sent to the one who held power over the Western Romans, declaring that Honoria...

had committed an indignity, for he had betrothed her to himself in marriage; and he would punish her unless she also received the scepters of the empire. ^A He sent also to the Eastern Romans regarding the established tributes. But the envoys from both his sides returned having accomplished nothing. For those of the West replied that Honoria could neither come to him in marriage, as she was already given to a husband, nor was the scepter due to her; for the rule of the Roman empire belonged not to women, but to men. Those of the East said they would not support the payment of the tribute which Theodosius had ordained, and that they would give gifts to him while he was at peace, but if he threatened war, they would bring against him arms and men not inferior to his own power. He was therefore divided in his mind, and was at a loss as to whom he should attack first; and it seemed good to him for the time being to turn toward the greater war and to campaign into the West, since for him the battle would be not only against the Italians, but also against the Goths and the Franks: against the Italians, so that he might take Honoria along with her wealth, and against the Goths, to place himself in the favor of Gaiseric.

η'. ^B That the pretext for Attila's war against the Franks was the death of their king and the dispute over the rule between his children, of whom the elder had decided to summon Attila to his alliance, and the younger, Aetius, whom we saw at Rome acting as an envoy, not yet having a downy beard, his hair yellow and streaming over his shoulders because of its density and size. ^C Aetius had adopted him as a son, and having given him very many gifts, had sent him to the emperor to secure friendship and alliance with him. On account of these things Attila, making his expedition, sent again to the men around him in Italy, to surrender Honoria; for he claimed she was betrothed to him in marriage, using as proof the ring sent by her, which he commanded to be displayed, having dispatched it by the envoys to whom he had entrusted it. He required that Valentinian yield to him also half of the empire, as Honoria had received the rule from her father, but had been deprived of it by the greed of her brother. As the Western Romans held to their former opinion and obeyed none of his decrees, he busied himself the more with preparations for war, ^D gathering the whole multitude of his fighting men.

θ'. That Attila, having marched back after the devastation of Italy to his own lands, declared war and the enslavement of the country to the rulers of the Eastern Romans, because the tribute ordained by Theodosius had not been sent.

ι'. That Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, was warring against the Saracens near Damascus; and when the general Maximinus and Priscus the historian arrived there, they found him discussing peace with the envoys of the Saracens.

^A 11. The Blemmyes and Nubadae, having been defeated by the Romans, sent envoys from both nations to Maximinus, desiring to make peace. They claimed they would maintain it for as long as Maximinus remained in the region of the Thebans. But when he did not accept making a truce for so long a time, they said they would not take up arms as long as he lived. Since he would not accept these second terms of the embassy either, they concluded a one-hundred-year truce, in which it was agreed that the Roman captives held by them, whether from that or from another raid, should be released without any ransom; that the livestock seized at that time should be returned, and the valuation of the expenses incurred should be paid; and that hostages, those who were well-born among them, should be given for the sake of the security of the treaty. It was also agreed that for them there should be, according to ancient law, free passage to the shrine of Isis, with the Egyptians remaining in charge of the river boat in which the image of the goddess is carried across. For the barbarians, at a stated time, transport the image from the temple in which it is stationed to their home, and after again seeking oracles from it, they restore it to the island. Maximinus thought it fit that these terms should be ratified in the temple at Philae ^B, and certain men were sent from his close circle for this purpose. There were also present some from the Blemmyes and Nubadae, who were arranging for the treaty to be concluded on the island. After the terms had been written down and the hostages given—who were among those who had held authority and were born of rulers, which had never happened before in this war, for never before had the children of the Nubadae and Blemmyes served as hostages among the Romans—it happened that Maximinus was taken ill and died. But when the barbarians learned of his death, they seized the hostages by force and ravaged the country with excursions.

12. Gobazes sent envoys to the Romans; the Romans replied to those sent by Gobazes that they would desist from the war if he either resigned the kingdom himself or took it away from his son ^C. For it was not legitimate, according to the ancient law of the region, for two to rule at the same time. Euphemius, who governed the office of *magister* and who, being famous for his intelligence and excellence in oratory, held the administration of affairs under the Emperor Marcian and was the guide to him in most of the decisions that were made—who also received Priscus the historian as a partner in the cares of his office—proposed that for one person to reign, either Gobazes or his son, over Colchis, the war should be ended in this way. Of the choice given to him, Gobazes chose to cede the kingdom to his son, laying aside the symbols of rule himself. And he sent the petitioners to the Roman ruler, saying that as one Colchian was ruling, he should no longer be angry with him as a reason for taking up arms. The Emperor ordered him to cross into Roman territory, so that he might give an account of ^D the things he had decided to do.

^A And he requested that he give an account of what had been entrusted to him. He did not refuse to come, but requested that Dionysius, who had previously been sent to Colchis because of the dispute of Gobazes himself, should come to him to provide a pledge that he would suffer no injustice. Therefore, Dionysius was sent to Colchis, and they came to an agreement concerning the matters in dispute.

^B 13. That Majorian, the emperor of the Western Romans, when the Goths in Gaul became his allies, overcame the nations neighboring his empire, some by arms and others by words. And he attempted to cross into Libya with a great force, having gathered about three hundred ships. The leader of the Vandals sent envoys to him first, wishing to resolve the disputes by words. When he could not persuade him, he laid waste to the land of the Moors, where those with Majorian from Iberia were to land, and he fouled the water supplies.

14. That the Western Romans became fearful concerning Marcellinus, lest, since his power was increasing, he might lead a war against them, as their affairs were being disturbed in various ways—this on one hand by the Vandals, and on that by Aegidius, a man originating from the Gauls of the West, who had campaigned with Majorian, possessed a very great force about him, and was hostile on account of the killing of the emperor; whom the dispute with the Goths in Gaul had ^C meanwhile turned away from the war against the Italians. For he was fighting stubbornly over the land bordering them, and he displayed very great deeds of courage in that war. For these reasons, the Western Romans sent envoys to the Easterners, so that they might reconcile Marcellinus and the Vandals with them. A Phylarch was sent to Marcellinus and persuaded him not to move arms against the Romans. He crossed over to the Vandals, but returned having achieved nothing, as Genserich threatened that he would not otherwise lay down the war unless the wealth of Valentinian and Aetius were given to him. For he had already obtained from the Eastern Romans a portion of the wealth of Valentinian in the name of Eudocia, who had been married to Huneric, his son. Because of this, he used this as a pretext for war ^D each year, and as soon as spring began, he would make his expedition with a fleet against Sicily and the Italies. And he did not readily approach those cities of the Italians where there happened to be a fighting force, but he easily captured and overturned the towns that were destitute of soldiers to resist him and plundered them. For the Italians were not able to defend all the areas accessible to the Vandals, being oppressed by the multitude of the enemies and by the fact that a naval force was not available to them, which they had requested from the Easterners and had not obtained. This matter was divided

of the city, was sent as ambassador.

^A for the sake of the treaties established with them by Gaiseric; which furthermore especially harmed the Roman interests in the West, because the empire was divided. At that time, embassies were sent to the Eastern Romans by the Saraguri, Urogi, and Onoguri, nations that had been displaced from their own ancestral territories, the Sabiri having come against them in battle, whom the Avars had driven out. They became displaced persons, moving from the nations dwelling along the shore of the ocean, leaving their land behind because of the mist that arose from the surging of the ocean, and also because of an emerging multitude of griffins—a report of which held that they would not cease before they had made a meal of the human race. Consequently, being driven by these terrors, they fell upon their neighbors, and as the attackers were more powerful, those who could not withstand the assault were displaced. Just as the Saraguri, having been driven out, arrived in search of land at the territory of the Acatir Hunns, and having engaged in many battles, they overcame that nation and finally came to the Romans, desiring to obtain an alliance with them. The Emperor, along with those around him, received them graciously, and having bestowed gifts, sent them away.

15. (A. C. 465. Ind. 3. Leo 9.) That when the fugitive nations had stirred up sedition against the Romans in the East, an embassy arrived from the Italians saying that they would not be able to stand firm if one did not reconcile the Vandals to them. ^B There arrived also an embassy from the monarch of the Persians, bearing a grievance regarding those from their own nation who were fleeing for refuge to the Romans, and saying that they were harassing the Magi—who had been living in Roman territory ^C from ancient times—wishing to draw them away from their ancestral customs and laws and from the piety due to the Divine, and that they were constantly pestering them and not allowing them to perform their rites according to the established precept regarding the fire called "unquenchable" among them. And they said that it was right for the Romans to take care of the Ierouach fortress, situated at the Caspian Gates, and to contribute money for its maintenance, and not for them alone to be burdened by the expenses and the guard of the place. For if they were to fall, not only into Persia, but also into Roman lands, the evils from the neighboring nations could easily arrive. They further said that they ought to assist with money in the war against the nations called the Cidarite Hunns; for there would be a benefit to them from the Romans winning, and it would not be permitted for the nation to pass over into the Roman domain. But the Romans answered that they were sending an ambassador to discuss all these matters with the Parthian monarch: for they had no fugitives among them, nor were the Magi being hindered in the worship of their religion. However, since the Persians themselves had taken on the guarding of the Ierouach fortress and the war against the Cidarite Hunns on their own behalf, it was not just ^D to ask for money from them.

Tatianus was sent as an envoy to the Vandals on behalf of the Italians, being enrolled in the rank of the patricians; and Constantius to the Persians, having obtained the prefecture for the third time, and having attained the rank of patrician in addition to his consular dignity. ^A

16. After the fire in the city which occurred under Leo, Gobazes came to Constantinople with Dionysius, wearing Persian attire and surrounded by guards in the Median fashion. The emperor received him, and though at first he blamed him for his revolutionary zeal, he subsequently embraced him kindly and sent him away. For he had won them over with the flattery of his words, while also wearing the symbols of the Christians. ^B

17. Sciri and Goths, having engaged in battle and then separated, both prepared to summon allies. Among these, they also came to the Eastern Romans. Aspar thought that no aid should be given to either side, but the Emperor Leo decided to assist the Sciri. And thus he sent letters to the general in Illyria, instructing him to send the necessary auxiliary forces to the Sciri against the Goths.

18. At this time, an embassy came from the children of Attila to the Emperor Leo, seeking to resolve the reasons for the previous disagreement, and requesting that they might make a treaty for peace, and, according to the ancient custom, come together to the Ister to offer a market to the Romans, and receive what they might happen to need. But their embassy, while it was concerned with these matters, returned without result; for it did not seem right to the emperor that the Huns should share in Roman contracts, especially as they had done so much harm to his land. But the sons of Attila, having received the answer to their embassy, disagreed among themselves. For Dengisich, as the envoys had returned with nothing accomplished, wished to wage war against the Romans, while Irnach opposed this preparation, as he was occupied with wars taking place in his own territory at that time. ^C

19. The Saraguri, having joined with the Acathiri and other nations, marched against the Persians. At first they arrived at the Caspian gates, and finding a Persian garrison stationed there, they turned to another route, through which they crossed over against the Iberians, ravaging their land and making incursions into the territories of the Armenians. But the Persians, who had already fortified this approach in a previous war with the Cidarite Hunns, fearing this incursion as well, sent envoys to the Romans, asking that money be given to them or men for the guarding of the Ierouach fortress, and teaching what had often been said to them when they were petitioning—that if they themselves endured the struggles and prevented the invading barbarian nations from having passage, the land of the Romans would remain unravaged. But when the Romans replied that it was consistent with reason that each should guard and defend his own, and that everyone should be concerned about their own fortresses, they returned again without having achieved their objective. ^D

(93) EXCERPTS FROM PRISCUS THE RHETORICIAN

Dengisich brought war upon the Romans and set his mind on possessing the Ister. When Ornigisclus’s son learned of this (for he was in charge of the guarding of the river bank in that part of Thrace which lies along the Ister), he inquired through his own men whether he wished to join battle. But Dengisich, holding Anagastus in contempt, dismissed those sent by him without achieving their purpose, and announced through envoys to the Emperor that he would bring war unless he provided land and money for himself and his men. When the envoys were introduced into the palace and explained their instructions, the Emperor replied that he was prepared to do everything if they were willing to obey his rule. For it was very pleasing and agreeable to him if enemies ever crossed over into a treaty and alliance.

Basiliscus and Ostrys and certain other Roman commanders besieged the Goths, having enclosed them in a steep and hollow place. There the Scythians, suffering from a lack of provisions, informed the Romans by sending envoys that, having made a surrender, they would obey all that they might decide, provided that they granted them land to inhabit. The Romans replied that they would refer their demands to the Emperor. But the Scythians, because of the hunger that was pressing upon them, said they wished to settle the matter and could not bear longer delays. Then those in command of the Roman ranks, having held a council, promised that they would provide food for the time being, until the Emperor decided otherwise, if the Scythians would divide themselves into parts in the manner of the Roman army. For in this way, they could be more easily cared for by the commanders, since the individual ranks, rather than the whole body at once, would have to be looked after, and the commanders would vie with one another in care and diligence. Therefore, the Scythians complied with what the envoys reported and distributed themselves into as many ranks as the Romans were distributed into. When this was done, Chelchal, a Hun by race, who held the second rank of command after Aspar among those who led the ranks under him, going around the cohort of the Barbarians that had been added to his own ranks—in which there were more Goths in number than the rest—summoned the leaders and began to deliver a speech of this kind: That the Emperor would indeed give them land to inhabit, but it would not be for their own profit and advantage, but rather its utility would redound to the Huns alone. For these men neglected the cultivation of the land and, like wolves, invaded and plundered the goods of the Goths, who themselves, held in the condition of slaves, were forced to labor to provide food for them: although no treaty had ever been sanctioned between the two nations, and their ancestors had bound them by oath to flee the alliance of the Huns. Wherefore they were not only being deprived of their own property, but were also neglecting the ancestral oaths. He himself, indeed, was of the Hun race, in which he took the greatest pride, but moved by fairness he was saying these things to them, so that they might see what needed to be done. Moved by these words, the Goths...

20. (A.D. 469, Ind. 7, Leo 13.) Dengisich 21. (A.D. 470, Ind. 8, Leo 14.) Anagastus

701 ON THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

Thinking that the Huns among them had suggested this for the sake of benevolence, they slaughtered them; then, as if by agreement, a fierce battle was joined between both nations. When Aspar learned of this, he and the commanders of the remaining camps drew up their own men and killed whichever of the Barbarians they encountered. The Scythians, having perceived the deceit and treachery, rallied themselves and engaged the Romans in hand-to-hand combat. But those under Aspar had already finished off the portion that had fallen to them; for the other generals, the battle was not without danger, as the Barbarians fought strenuously, so that those of them who remained broke through the Roman ranks and escaped the siege.

22. That because a very great dispute existed between the Romans and the Lazes with the Suanian nation, and a battle was being strongly organized for the sake of the Suanian leader, and because the Persians also wished to make war upon him on account of the fortresses which had been taken from them by the Suanians, he sent an embassy, asking that auxiliaries be sent to him by the Emperor from the soldiers guarding the borders of Armenia subject to the Romans, so that, being neighbors, they might have help ready, and not be in danger while waiting for those from afar, or be exhausted by the expense if they did arrive, with the war being prolonged, if it should so happen, as had already occurred before. For the help sent with Heraclius, because the Persians and Iberians who were waging war against him were at that time occupied with a battle against other nations, he had sent back, being distressed at the provision of supplies, so that, when the Parthians marched against him again, he called upon the Romans. And while they promised to send the help and a man to lead it, an embassy from the Persians also arrived, announcing that the Kidarite Huns had been defeated by them, and that their city, Balaam, had been captured. They reported the victory and boasted in the Barbarian manner, wishing to demonstrate the very great force they had at their disposal. But the Emperor immediately dismissed them upon these things being announced, holding the events in Sicily to be of greater concern.

PRISCUS THE RHETOR AND SOPHIST, GOTHIC HISTORY. EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE LEGATIONS OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

EXCERPTS FROM THE GOTHIC HISTORY OF PRISCUS THE RHETOR AND SOPHIST CONCERNING THE LEGATIONS OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

ARGUMENT. — ^A The Roman envoys come to an agreement on peace with Attila after the death of Rua (1). A second legation is sent by Theodosius to Attila (2). An accurate narrative of the legation of Maximinus to Attila, to which Priscus had attached himself as a companion, in which the plots constructed by Chrysaphius against the King of the Huns are revealed. Priscus’s conversations with a certain Roman captive among the Huns regarding the state of the Roman Empire, and with the envoys of the Western Romans regarding the warlike resources of the Huns. A description of the royal feast (3). Nomus and Anatolius are sent to Attila to appease his anger regarding Chrysaphius (4). The successful outcome of this legation (5). Apollonius is sent to Attila on account of the tribute (6). Gaiseric is not deterred from devastating Italy and Sicily by any of the legations of Marcian or Avitus (7). The Romans prepare for war against the Lazi (8). The Emperor Leo dissuades Balamer from laying waste the Roman borders (9). Because of the discord in Sicily between Marcellinus and Ricimer, Gaiseric invades Italy again (10). The legation of Tatian to the Vandals, and of Constantius to the Persians (11). The wars between the Persians and the Hunnic Kidarites, briefly interrupted, are renewed (12). Gaiseric rejects the conditions of peace offered by Leo (13).

47 1. (A. D. 433, Ind. 1, Theod. 26.) When Rua, ^A King of the Huns, had decided to wage war against the Amalsuri, Itimari, Tonosuri, Boisci, and other tribes living near the Istrus who had taken refuge in the Roman alliance, he sent Eslas, who was accustomed to settle matters of dispute between himself and the Romans, to announce to the Romans that he would withdraw from the treaty which he had with them unless they surrendered all the Scythians who had fled to them. The Romans, however, having deliberated on sending envoys to the Huns, wished that Plinthas and Dionysius—the latter of Thracian origin, the former of Scythian, both being commanders of armies and having held the consulship among the Romans—should undertake this legation. But since it seemed best that the envoys should not set out before Eslas had returned to Rua, Plinthas sent along with Eslas one of his own close associates, Singilachus, to persuade Rua to enter into negotiations with him and with no other Roman. When, however, after Rua had died, the kingdom of the Huns came to Attila, the Senate decreed that Plinthas should execute the legation to Attila. When this decree of the Senate was confirmed by the suffrage ^B of the Emperor, Plinthas desired that Epigenes, who was celebrated for his reputation for wisdom and held the dignity of quaestor, should be a fellow-envoy with him. And the appointment of him also...

^A served to strengthen their resolve. And so both set out for the embassy and arrived at Margus. Margus is a city of the Mysians in Illyricum, situated on the river Ister, directly opposite the fortress of Constantia lying on the other bank, to which place the royal Scythians had also gathered. They held their meeting outside the city, on horseback; for it did not seem fitting to the Barbarians to dismount in order to hold a parley, and the Roman envoys, mindful of their own dignity, decided to appear before the Scythians with the same equipment, so as not to be forced to debate with men on horseback while they themselves were on foot. Therefore ^B it was agreed that all fugitives, even those who had fled long before, together with captured Romans who had returned to their own lands without paying ransom, should be surrendered, unless eight gold pieces were given for each fugitive to those who had acquired them by war. The Romans were not to enter into an alliance with any Barbarian nation that was waging war against the Huns. Assemblies for trade were to be held on equal terms, and both Romans and Huns were to be secure. The treaties were to remain valid and be observed, with seven hundred pounds of gold being paid each year by the Romans to the royal Scythians, whereas previously the annual tribute had been only three hundred and fifty pounds. Having settled peace on these terms, the Romans and Huns, having taken their ancestral oaths ^C on both sides, returned to their own lands. But those who had fled from the Barbarians to the Romans were handed over to the Barbarians, among whom were the children of Mama and Atacam of the royal lineage, whom those who had received them in the Thracian fort of Carso crucified, exacting from them the penalty for their flight. Once peace with the Romans had been established, Attila and Bleda set out to subdue the Scythian tribes and stirred up war against the Sorosgi.

2. That Theodosius sent Senator, a man of consular rank, to go as an envoy to Attila. And he, although he had been granted the title of envoy, yet did not dare to approach the Huns by an overland journey, but set his course through the Euxine Sea and sailed to the city of the Odessenians, where Theodulus, who had been sent as a general, was staying. ^D

3. That after the eunuch Chrysaphius had persuaded Edeco to do away with Attila, it seemed best to the Emperor Theodosius and to the magister Martialis, when they consulted about the matters at hand, to send not only Vigilas, but also Maximinus as an envoy to Attila; and that Vigilas, under the guise of an interpreter, the office which he performed, should execute whatever seemed good to Edeco, but that Maximinus, who was entirely unaware of what had been debated in the emperor's council, should deliver the letters from the emperor to Attila. For the emperor had written regarding the envoys, as if Vigilas were the interpreter, and Maximinus...

were to perform the office, and that Maximinus should be sent as envoy, for he surpassed Vigilas in dignity, was of illustrious birth, and was very close to him. Furthermore, it did not befit Attila to violate the treaties and invade the land of the Romans; and previously he had sent many [fugitives] to him, but now he had sent seventeen, for there were no more with him. These things were contained in the letters. But in person, the emperor had commanded Maximinus to tell Attila ^A that he ought not to request envoys of the highest rank to be sent to him, for this had not been the case even under his ancestors, nor under any of the others who had ruled Scythia, but that any random soldier or messenger had discharged the duty of an embassy. But regarding the matters in dispute between them, it seemed appropriate for Onesiges to be sent to the Romans, for it was not possible for him, now that Serdica had been destroyed, to come to it with a man of consular rank. ^B Maximinus, entreating me, persuaded me to accompany him on this embassy. And so, together with the Barbarians, we kept to the road and arrived at Serdica, which is thirteen days' journey for an unencumbered man from Constantinople. Staying there, we thought it appropriate to invite Edeco and the rest of the Barbarians to dine with us. So, when sheep and oxen had been slaughtered, which the inhabitants had provided for us, we had a feast prepared and ate. During the feast, the Barbarians praised and glorified Attila, while we did the same for the emperor. To this, Vigilas remarked that it was by no means just to compare a man to a god, calling Attila a man and Theodosius a god. The Huns were offended by this, and, gradually becoming heated, grew enraged. We, however, turned the conversation to other matters and softened their anger with pleasant words. ^C When we rose from dinner, Maximinus, wishing to win over Edeco and Orestes with gifts, presented them with silk garments and Indian pearls. Orestes then, awaiting the departure of Edeco, spoke to Maximinus, saying that he himself seemed to be an honorable and prudent man, who had not committed the same errors as the others around the imperial court; for without him, they had invited Edeco to dinner and honored him with gifts. Since the remark seemed puzzling, as if we knew nothing of the matter, and upon our asking how and at what time we were being passed over while Edeco had been honored, he departed without answering any further. The next day, as we were traveling, we reported to Vigilas what Orestes had said. He, however, said that Orestes ought not to be angry if he did not obtain the same things as Edeco; for he himself was an attendant and scribe to Attila, while Edeco was most excellent in war, so that, among the Hunnic people, he stood far above Orestes in dignity. Having said this, he remarked to us later that he had spoken privately to Edeco—whether he was telling the truth or pretending—and that he had barely managed to appease him, for he had turned to anger at what had been said. ^D Having arrived at Naissus, we found the city deserted of men, as if it had been overthrown or destroyed by the enemy; and in the sacred buildings, those who were suffering from [sickness]...

were found. Proceeding a little way up the river at a clear spot, we encamped (for everything on the bank was full of the bones of those who had been slain in the war). On the following day, we arrived at Agintheus, the commander of the troops in Illyricum, whose residence was not far from Naissus, in order to convey the emperor's commands and receive the fugitives; for he was required to hand over five of the seventeen about whom a letter had been written to Attila. We therefore entered into negotiations, and prevailed upon him to hand over the five fugitives to the Huns; these he treated kindly and sent along with us. After spending the night, and setting out from the borders of Naissus toward the Ister river, we entered into a place thickly wooded and having many ^B twists, turnings, and detours. As the day was dawning, the sun rose before us, whereas we thought we were traveling towards the west, so that those who were unacquainted with the location of the place cried out, as if the sun were pursuing a course contrary to its custom and signaling something different from established order. Yet, because of the unevenness of the terrain, this part of the road faced toward the east. After this difficult and arduous stretch, we arrived at a plain that was also wooded. From there, barbarian ferrymen in monoxyla—boats they fashion by hollowing out tree trunks—received us and ferried us across the river, not having prepared for our sake, but having ferried a barbarian multitude that had encountered us on the road, since ^C Attila wanted to cross into the Roman territory as if for a hunt. But in reality, he was making preparations for war against the Romans, taking as his pretext the fact that not all the fugitives had been returned to him. Having crossed the Ister, and traveling about sixty stadia with the barbarians, we were compelled to remain in a certain plain until Edeco and those with him could inform Attila of our arrival. As our guides, the barbarians, remained with us, about late evening, while we were preparing our dinner, the sound of horses coming toward us was heard. And indeed two Scythian men arrived, bidding us to go to Attila. When we first asked them to join us for dinner, they dismounted from their horses, joined in the feast, and on the following day preceded ^D us to show the way. When we arrived at Attila’s tents about the ninth hour of the day (and he had many of them), and we wanted to pitch our own on a certain hill, the barbarians who met us forbade it, because Attila’s tent was situated on the plain. Wherefore we took a place to pitch our tent at the discretion of the barbarians. After we had settled where the Scythians thought best, Edeco, Orestes, Scotta, and others of the leading men among them came and asked us for what matters we had undertaken the embassy. We in turn...

complained of their irrational questioning and that they were creating a scene for the sake of an answer. ^A When they said that the king had commanded that he alone, and no one else, be spoken to, Scotta was angered and replied that this was the order of their leader; for otherwise they would not have come to us with such officiousness. When we stated that such a law did not exist for ambassadors, so that they should not have to inquire through others about matters for which they had been sent, nor need they be denied access to the sight of those to whom they were commissioned—and that this was not unknown to the Scythians, who frequently sent embassies to the Emperor; and that it was fitting that we be treated with the same regard, for otherwise we would not declare the matters of the embassy—they ^B left Attila, and returned again with Edeco; and they told us all the things for which we had come on our embassy, ordering us to depart as quickly as possible if we had nothing else to say.

Being even more at a loss upon hearing these words (for it was impossible to know how the secrets of the Emperor, which had been hidden as if by the gods, had become manifest), we deemed it better to answer nothing regarding the embassy unless we obtained access to Attila. Therefore we maintained that, whether we had come to announce what we had already stated to the Scythians or other things, it was for their leader to inquire, and we would not discuss this matter with anyone else on any account. They immediately ordered us to depart. ^C While we were preparing for our return, Vigilas blamed us for the answer given to the Scythians, saying it was better to be caught in a lie than to return home with nothing accomplished. "For if," he said, "I had had speech with Attila, I could easily have persuaded him to abandon his dispute with the Romans, since I became his confidant during the previous embassy with Anatolius."

He stated this, claiming that Edeco was well-disposed toward him, so that under the pretext of the embassy and through whatever things were said, whether true or false, he hoped to find an opportunity to plot against Attila and to bring to him the gold which Edeco had told the eunuch he needed, to be divided among certain men. But it escaped Vigilas that he had been betrayed. For Edeco, whether he had made a pact with the eunuch in pretense, or whether he was wary of Orestes and wished to keep from Attila the things which had been said to us in Serdica after the banquet ^D (considering as a grievance that he had spoken alone with the Emperor and the eunuch), revealed the plot that had been devised against him, and the amount of gold that was to be sent, and also the reasons for which we were undertaking the embassy.

Already the baggage had been placed upon the pack animals, and we were attempting to make the journey during the night, when some of the Barbarians came up and told us that Attila had ordered us to stay for the time being. Therefore, in the very place from which we had started, they came to us...

driving a bull and bringing river fish which Attila had sent. Having dined, we turned to sleep. When day came, we were hoping that some mild and gentle message would be announced to us by the Barbarian; but he sent the same men again, ordering us to leave if we had nothing to say other than what was already known to them. Since we had nothing to answer, we prepared for the journey, although Bigilas stubbornly insisted that there were other things for us to say.

Seeing Maximin in great dejection, ^B I took Rusticius, who knew the Barbarian language and had come with us to Scythia—not for the sake of the embassy, but for some business with Constantius, an Italian and secretary whom Aetius, the general of the Western Romans, had sent to Attila—and I approached Scottas (for Onegesius was not present at the time). Addressing him through the interpreter Rusticius, I said that he would receive many gifts from Maximin if he were to provide us passage to Attila; for his embassy would be profitable not only to the Romans and the Huns, but also to Onegesius, whom I wished to prevail upon to go see the king and resolve the ambiguities between the nations, and that upon coming he would attain the greatest gifts. I said, therefore, that since Onegesius was not present, he should rather strive in this good cause on behalf of his brother. I added that I had learned that Attila was persuaded by him, but that rumors were not securely believed until one had tested his power by experience. ^C He, replying, said that there was no longer any doubt that he also, just as his brother, could speak and act before Attila. And immediately, mounting his horse, he rode off to Attila’s tent.

I returned to Maximin, who was distressed along with Bigilas and perplexed about the state of affairs, and I told him the things I had discussed with Scottas and what I had heard from him, and how we must prepare the gifts to be given to the Barbarian and deliberate on the words we were to speak to him. Both of them then leapt up (for it happened that they were lying on the ground and the grass), and they praised my action, and called back those who had already set out with the pack animals, and they deliberated both on how to address Attila and on how to offer him the emperor’s gifts and those which Maximin himself brought. As we were working on these things, Attila sent for us ^D through Scottas; and so we arrived at his place, which was guarded by a surrounding circle of a multitude of Barbarians. When we reached the entrance, we found Attila sitting on a wooden chair. We stood a little distance from the throne, and Maximin stepped forward and greeted the Barbarian, and giving him the letters from the emperor, said that the emperor prays that both he and those with him be safe. He replied that the Romans would have whatever he wished.

^A And he turned his speech immediately to Bigilas, calling him a shameless beast, and asking for what reason he had wished to come to him when he was aware of the things agreed upon between him and Anatolius for the peace—namely, that it had been said that envoys were not to come to him before all the fugitives had been surrendered to the Barbarians., When Bigilas said that there was no fugitive of Scythian origin left among the Romans (for those who existed had been surrendered), Attila became even more enraged and, having lashed out at him with most bitter insults, kept saying with a shout that he would have impaled him and given him to the birds for food, had it not seemed to him that he would be violating the law of the embassy and that he should exact and add this penalty to him for his shamelessness and the insolence of his words. For, he said, there were still many fugitives of his own nation among the Romans, whose names he ordered the scribes to read out, as they were written on the parchment. When they had finished with all of them, he ordered him to depart without delay; but he would send Esla with him to tell the Romans to send out all the Barbarians who had fled to them from the times of Carpilio, who had been a hostage with him when he was a boy, son of Aetius, the Roman general in the West. For he said he would not permit his own servants to join battle against him, even though they were unable to provide any help to those who had entrusted them with the protection of their own land. For what city, he asked, or what fort, had been saved by them, that he should be eager to make the attempt? Having commanded them to announce what had been determined by him regarding the fugitives, he ordered them to return again and report whether they wished to surrender the fugitives or would accept a war on their account. ^B But he had first urged Maximinus to wait a little, so that he might give his answer to the emperor regarding the written requests, and he asked for the gifts. After we had given them, we withdrew to our tent and discussed individually the things that had been said. And when Bigilas was expressing wonder as to how it came about that Attila, who had seemed gentle and very kind to him when he had previously come as an envoy to him, had then reviled him so harshly, I said that I feared that some of the Barbarians who had dined with us in Serdica had made Attila ill-disposed toward us, and had reported that he called the Roman emperor a god, but Attila a man. Maximinus embraced this statement as likely, since he had not been a party to the conspiracy against the Barbarian initiated by the eunuch. But Bigilas was of two minds, and seemed unable to suspect the reason why Attila had pursued him with such harsh reproaches. ^C For he could not bring himself to believe that the things in Serdica, as he later related to us, nor the matters of the plot, had been spoken to Attila, since no one else among the multitude dared to speak to him on account of the fear that prevailed over everything, and Edeco would entirely have kept silent because of his oaths and the uncertainty of the situation, for fear that he too—as one who had partaken of such... ^D

secret designs against Attila—might be judged guilty and suffer capital punishment. ^A While we were turning these things over in our minds in doubt, Edeco arrived and, calling Vigilas away from our company, under the pretext—or perhaps he was truly being sincere—of wishing to talk seriously about the schemes they had plotted together, he ordered the gold to be brought that was to be given to those who would help in carrying out the deed, and then he departed. I for my part, questioning Vigilas more closely about what words Edeco had spoken to him, attempted to trick him; but I myself was deceived, for he concealed the true reason and feigned to me that Edeco had said that Attila was enraged with him too because of the fugitives. For either all of them had to be returned, [it was said], or else ambassadors endowed with supreme authority had to come to him. While we were discussing these things, some of Attila’s men arrived and told us that neither Vigilas nor we were to buy any Roman captive or barbarian slave, ^B or horses, or anything else except what was necessary for food, until the matters in dispute between the Romans and the Huns could be settled. The barbarian did this cleverly and with crafty design, so that he might more easily catch Vigilas in the act of plotting against him, as he could invent no sufficiently plausible excuse for why he was bringing the gold. He also compelled us to wait for Onegesius, under the pretext of an answer he was to deliver regarding the embassy, so that he might receive the gifts which we wished to deliver and which the emperor had sent. For it so happened that he had been sent away along with the eldest of Attila’s children to the nation of the ^C Acatziri, which is a Scythian tribe. This tribe had come under Attila’s power for the following reason: Many rulers governed this nation according to their tribes and clans, and the Emperor Theodosius sent them gifts so that, with concord established among them, they might renounce their alliance with Attila and embrace an alliance with the Romans. But he who was delivering the gifts did not distribute them according to the rank of each of the kings of that nation, so that Caridachus, who was the senior in authority, received the gifts second; feeling himself slighted and deprived of the honors due to him, he called upon Attila ^D against his co-rulers. Attila, without delay, sent out a large force, and having slain some and brought others to submission, he called upon Caridachus to share in the spoils of victory. But he, suspecting a trap and treachery, replied that it is difficult for a man to come into the sight of God; for if one cannot even gaze steadily at the solar disk, how could anyone, without losing his senses, look upon the greatest of the gods? Thus it was that Caridachus remained in his own territory and kept his rule, while the rest of the Acatziri nation stood by Attila; and wishing to establish the eldest of his children as king of this nation, he sent Onegesius to carry out this business. It was for this reason, as has been said, that he ordered us to stay behind, and he sent off Vigilas along with Eslas, ostensibly to fetch the fugitives to Roman territory, but in truth to carry the gold to Edeco.

^A After the departure of Vigilas, we waited for one day in these places, and on the following day, we set off with Attila toward regions inclining more to the north. Having proceeded for no long distance with the Barbarians, we turned off our path, as the Scythians who were our guides ordered us to do so, because Attila was to arrive at a village in which he wished to marry the daughter of Escam, although he already had many wives, for the laws of the Scythians permit this; and he was taking this one as well according to Scythian custom. From there we traveled along a level road in the plain, and we encountered many navigable rivers, of which the greatest, after the Ister, were the one called the Drecon, and the Tigas, and the Tiphisas. We ferried across these on monoxyla—boats hollowed out from a single log, which those who dwell by the rivers have for daily use—while we crossed the others on rafts which the Barbarians carry on their wagons through marshy places. Provisions were collected for us from the villages; in place of grain, millet, and in place of wine, mead, as the inhabitants of the region call it. The servants, too, who accompanied us, carried millet with them, and provided a drink made from barley, which the Barbarians call camum.

Having finished a long journey, when the day was inclining toward night, we pitched our tents near a certain marsh, towards which the inhabitants of the nearby village went to draw water (for its water was suitable for drinking). A great wind and a storm suddenly arose with thunder and frequent lightning and much rain, which not only knocked down our tent, but rolled all our equipment into the nearby marsh. Terrified by the winds stirred up in the air and the event that had occurred, we abandoned that place and became separated, each of us wandering here and there in the darkness and rain, pursuing whatever path each thought was easy for himself. At last, we reached the huts of the village (for all of us had turned to it by different routes), and we gathered together, and with shouting we made a search for those who were missing. The Scythians, leaping out because of the noise, lit the reeds which they use for fire, creating a light, and asked why we were crying out so loudly. The Barbarians who were accompanying us answered that we were disturbed because of the storm. They then liberally invited us and received us with hospitality, and they lit many reeds to provide warmth. The lady of the village was one of the wives of Bleda. ^B She supplied us with food and beautiful women, with whom we might indulge in love (for this is considered an honor among the Scythians). We gave thanks to the women for the food provided, and taking our sleep under our roofs, we abstained from their company. As soon as it was day, we turned our attention to searching for that which was missing from our equipment. This was partly in the place where we had sat down the day before, ^{C D}

pass through, their own land remaining untouched—answered that each man must necessarily take care of his own territory and attend to its defense, and they returned without result. ^A ...some we received on the bank of the marsh, and others in the marsh itself, and we set to work drying them out for the whole day (for the storm had ceased and the bright sun was shining). Afterward, having attended to the horses and the rest of our pack animals, we went to greet the Queen. We in turn were rewarded with gifts of three silver basins, red skins, Indian pepper, fruits of the palm tree, and other delicacies, which were highly valued by the Barbarians, as they were unknown to them. Not long after, having prayed for her welfare and hospitality, we departed. Having traveled for seven days, the Scythians—who were escorting us—ordered us to halt in a certain village, because after Attila had passed through that way, we were to follow in his footsteps. There we met with ambassadors of the Western Romans who were also sent to Attila. Among these was Romulus, a man ^B honored with the rank of Count, and Primotus, the commander of a military unit in the region of Noricum, and Romanus, a leader of the military order. With them there was Constantius, whom Aetius had sent to Attila to serve as a secretary, and Tatullus, the father of Orestes, who was there not for the sake of the embassy, but because of private business and friendship. For Constantius, while in Italy, had established a great connection with these men through his associations with them. Tatullus had married the daughter of Romulus, a woman from the city of Patavio in Noricum, and Orestes was his son. The ambassadors were coming to appease Attila, who had demanded a certain Silvanus, a banker from Rome, to be handed over to him. It seems that this Silvanus had received gold vessels from Constantius, who had come ^C from the Gauls and was traveling through the West, and had been sent to Attila and Bleda by Constantius—acting as a secretary—while the Scythians were besieging Sirmium in Pannonia. At that time, Silvanus had received the vessels from the bishop of the city, to be used if the city should be taken and the inhabitants were led away into captivity, so that he might ransom them. But when the city was taken—an event that did not immediately happen—Silvanus, having received the gold from the bishop, did not use it for its intended purpose; instead, he arrived in Rome and appropriated the gold for himself, or rather, pledged it to the banker Silvanus as security for money borrowed. When this reached ^D the ears of Attila, he demanded that the banker Silvanus be handed over to him. The ambassadors from Aetius and the Western Roman Emperor arrived, saying that Silvanus was a creditor of Constantius and that Constantius had received the gold vessels in exchange for his debt...

pass through, their own land remaining untouched—answered that each man must necessarily take care of his own territory and attend to its defense, and they returned without result. ^A They wished to seize Silvanus, as if he had been a thief who had stolen his [the King's] vessels. Envoys were therefore sent from Aetius ^B and from the King of the Western Romans to say that Silvanus, a resident of Constantinople, had received the cups as a pledge, not as a thief, and had sold them for silver to the priests; for it was not right that items dedicated to God should be put to human use. “If then,” they said, “for the sake of a reasonable excuse and out of piety, you would not wish to offend the divinity by demanding the cups back, send back the gold in exchange for them, and we will ransom Silvanus.” For he [Attila] would not give up a man who had done no wrong. And these were the causes of the embassy of these men, and the Barbarian answered that he would also send them back. Now, having become companions on the same road, we followed along behind with the whole multitude. And having crossed certain rivers, we arrived at a very large village, in which it was said that the dwellings of Attila far surpassed all others, constructed of wood and smoothed planks, and circular ^C in arrangement, not for the sake of security, but for beauty.

Now, following the events of the King, there was that of Onegesius, which was also distinguished; its perimeter was not of wood or assembled like the structures of Attila, but was decorated. The bath was not far from the perimeter, which Onegesius had constructed after bringing stones from the land of the Paeonians, for there was no stone or tree among the Barbarians of that region, but they imported all the material for it. Now the architect of the bath, having been captured from Sirmium, hoping to obtain his freedom as a reward for his craft, fell into a greater travail of slavery among the Scythians, for Onegesius set him to serve him and his household at the bath.

In this village, as Attila was entering, there met him maidens ^D who went before him in an orderly procession, wearing fine white linens that reached a great length; and beneath each linen, there were seven or more maidens walking (for there were many such lines of women beneath the linens), singing Scythian songs. Now, as he had come close to the house of Onegesius (for the road to the royal quarters led through it), the wife of Onegesius came out with a multitude of servants, who were carrying dainties and wine, which is the greatest honor among the Scythians. Having greeted Attila, she begged him to partake of the food, which she had brought with the greatest expression of her goodwill toward him. And he, to gratify the man, ate while sitting on his horse, alongside the Barbarians who were in his company, who were holding up the tray for him (the tray itself was silver). After he had tasted the wine that had been offered to him, he departed for the royal quarters, which were higher than the others and situated on a high spot.

pass through, their own land remaining untouched—answered that each man must necessarily take care of his own territory and attend to its defense, and they returned without result. In the houses of Onegesius—just as he had instructed—we remained; for he had returned with the son of Attila. We partook of a meal, welcomed by his wife and the kin who belonged to him. It was not granted to us to enjoy the leisure of the banquet ^A to gladden our spirits, for Attila’s son, having had his right hand slipped and broken upon his return, had come to the sight of Attila, bringing word of that which had occurred in the business to which he had been sent, and the misfortune he had suffered. After the meal, having departed from the houses of Onegesius, we pitched our tents near those of Attila, so that it might be possible to encounter him, and that the audience with those who were present to deliberate with him might not be at a great distance. Having spent that night ^B there in the place where we were lodged, the dawn appearing, Maximinus sends me to Onegesius to offer the gifts that both he himself was offering, and those which the Emperor had sent, and that he might know if it was his will, and at what time, to enter into discourse. Having arrived, I waited along with the servants who were bringing the gifts, as they were attending, while the doors were still shut, until they should be opened and some one should come out who might inform him of my arrival.

While I was spending time there and walking before the enclosure of the houses, one ^C of the barbarians, arrayed in Scythian dress, approached me and addressed me in the Greek tongue, saying, "Hail!" so that I wondered that a Scythian man should speak Greek. As the tribes ^D among their own barbarians cultivate the language of the Huns or Goths, or even the Ausonians, as many of them as have commercial dealings with the Romans, it is not easy for them to speak Greek, unless they are captives from the region of Thrace or the Illyrian coast. But those men are recognized by those they encounter by their tattered clothing and the unkempt state of their heads, like those who have fallen into miserable fortune. This man, however, had the appearance of a wealthy Scythian, being well and elegantly dressed, with his head shorn round about. Having returned his greeting, I asked who he was and whence he had come to a barbarian land and had taken up this Scythian mode of life. He answered, inquiring why I was so curious to know these things; I replied that I had been prompted by an excess of inquisitiveness. Then he laughed and said that he was by birth a Greek, and had come for the sake of trade to the city of Viminacium, near the Ister, to the land of the Mysians. He said that he had spent a long time there, had married a wealthy wife, and had drawn on his prosperity from there, having become a resident among the barbarians in the city, and that, through the wealth he possessed, he had been chosen by Onegesius to share in the spoils; for it is their custom, among the wealthy, that those deemed excellent by Attila and the leaders of the Scythians are assigned the choice of the captives.

EXCERPTS FROM PRISCUS THE RHETORICIAN

...having fought most bravely against the Romans and the nation of the Acatziri, he had regained his freedom according to the custom of the Scythians, having handed over to the barbarian master all that he had acquired in war. He had also taken a barbarian wife, had children by her, and, being a participant at the table of Onegesius, he considered this way of life far better than the former. For those who live among the Scythians, he said, after the labor of war is endured, pass their lives without any anxiety. Then each one enjoys the goods that fortune has granted him, and no one is troublesome to him in any matter. But those who spend their time under the Romans perish easily in war. For it is necessary for these to place their hope of self-preservation in others, since, because of the tyrants, it is by no means permitted to carry the arms by which each might defend himself. And furthermore, for those to whom this is legally permitted, the cowardice of the leaders, who do not wage war with any vigor, is very pernicious. But in peace, the things that happen are far more bitter than the calamities that arise from war, both because of the harsh exaction of tributes and because of the vexations of wicked men, since the laws do not apply to all. If any rich or powerful man has transgressed them, he indeed will not pay the penalties for his iniquity; but if some poor man, who does not know how to conduct business, [is the transgressor], the penalty established by the laws awaits him, unless perhaps he should depart this life before the sentence is passed, with a long time being drawn out in lawsuits and most of his wealth being exhausted. But to obtain what is of law and justice for a fee and a price is the most iniquitous thing of all. For no one will grant the power of the judicial forum to one who has been wronged, unless he first deposits money for the benefit of the judge and his ministers.

When he brought forward these and many such things, I, having prayed that he would listen patiently and kindly to what I felt, replied that the founders of the Roman Republic, wise and excellent men, so that nothing might be done rashly, had made some the guardians of the laws, and had committed the care of arms to others, so that, intent on no other thing than preparing themselves for battle, they might exercise military tasks, and, having driven away all fear through constant meditation on war and the customary exercise of military service, they might descend into the battle line with their spirits strengthened. "Others," I said, "who were to devote themselves to tilling the fields and the cultivation of the land, they ordered to feed both themselves and those who fought on their behalf, with the military ration being exacted from them. They also appointed those who would look out for those affected by injury, and who would protect the rights of those who, on account of the infirmity of their nature, were not able to consult for themselves, and who, by pronouncing judgment, would preserve what the laws commanded. Nor indeed did they leave those who are present at the courts destitute of their providence, but [they ordained] that it was the duty of these to look out for the manner in which justice might be attained by him who had obtained the judgment of the judges, and...

729 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 730

...of the same cause, another lawsuit would become a pretext, as the victor pursues the matter more harshly, or the one who has suffered the worse outcome persists in his unjust opinion. And it is established that money is paid to these [judges] by those who contend in lawsuits, just as it is paid by farmers to soldiers. For is it not holy to feed and reward with favor the one who provides aid? Just as the care of a horse is a good for a horseman, and the care of cattle for a herdsman, and the care of dogs for a hunter, and so too for other things which men keep for their own protection and benefit, since those who lose pay the expenses incurred in the lawsuit, attributing the loss to their own injustice and not to another. And as for the longer time spent on lawsuits, if it so happens, it occurs for the sake of the providence of justice, so that the judges, by not acting hastily, might not miss the mark of accuracy, calculating that it is better for a lawsuit to be finished late than, by being in a hurry, not only to wrong a man, but to sin against God, the inventor of justice. And the laws are established against all, so that even the emperor himself must obey them, and not as is contained in your accusation, that the wealthy might violently oppress the poor without risk, unless someone should escape the lawsuit by going unnoticed; which one would find happens not only to the rich, but also to the poor; for even they, if they commit an offense, do not escape judgment for lack of evidence. And this happens among all, and not only among the Romans. One ought to be grateful to fortune for the freedom that has come to him, and not to the master who leads him into war, so that he might be killed through inexperience or by the enemy, or be punished by his owner if he flees. But the Romans treat their servants much better. For they show toward them the works of fathers or teachers, in order that, by abstaining from base things, they may pursue what is considered honorable for them, correcting them for their faults, just as they do their own children. For it is not lawful for them to inflict death upon them, as the Scythians do. There are many ways of freedom among them, which they grant not only while living, but also when dying, disposing of their property in whatever manner they wish. And it is the law that whatever each person decides regarding his own affairs when dying, shall be [binding]. And he, having wept, said that the laws are good and the Roman state is excellent, but the magistrates, not thinking like those of old, are ruining it.

While we were discussing these things, one of those from within opened the doors of the enclosure. I ran up and asked what Onegesius was doing; for I wished to announce to him something from the ambassador who had come from the Romans. He replied that he would grant me an audience with him if I waited a little.

EXCERPTS FROM PRISCUS THE RHETORICIAN

...that he was about to depart. And when not much time had passed, seeing him coming out, I approached and said: The Roman ambassador greets you, and I bring you gifts from him, along with the gold sent by the Emperor. And I asked him where and when he wished to speak, as he was very eager to meet with him. He ordered those of his men who were present to receive the gold and the gifts, and to report to Maximinus that he would come to him immediately. I returned, therefore, to Maximinus and reported that Onegesius would come to him; and without delay, he arrived at our tent and, addressing Maximinus, said that he gave thanks to him and to the Emperor for the gifts, and asked, since he had summoned him, what it was that he wanted of him. Then Maximinus said that the time was at hand when he could gain greater glory among men if, by approaching the Emperor, he would settle the controversies between the Romans and the Huns with his own prudence and establish concord between both nations; a matter which would not only result in the benefit of both nations, but would also provide such great goods to his own house that he himself, together with his children, would be bound forever to the Emperor and the entire imperial family. Then Onegesius asked in what way he would be doing a favor to the Emperor, and how he might resolve the contentions himself. Maximinus replied that if he would descend to the present matter and show favor to the Emperor, and diligently investigate the causes of the dissensions, he would interpose his own judgment regarding the controversial matters according to the conditions inscribed in the treaties. Then Onegesius said that he would tell the Emperor and those who were his advisors whatever Attila instructed him. "Do the Romans think," he said, "that he can be persuaded by any prayers to betray his master, and to make nothing of his upbringing among the Scythians, his wives and his children, or to consider the servitude under Attila less preferable than the vast wealth among the Romans?" Furthermore, he said that by remaining at home he would be of greater help to their affairs, for he could appease the master's anger if he happened to be angry at the Romans for any reason, rather than if he were to go to them and expose himself to accusation, if by chance he did something that seemed contrary to Attila's interests. Having said these things and having granted me leave to approach him regarding those things we wished to learn from him (for a continuous meeting was not very decorous for Maximinus, as he was established in dignity), he departed. The next day I betook myself to the inner enclosures of Attila's house, bringing gifts to his wife, who was called Cerca. From her he had three children, of whom the eldest was even then holding the kingdom of the Acatziri and the remaining nations that extend through Scythia to the Pontus. Within those enclosures were many buildings, partly of carved boards elegantly joined, and partly of beams planed clean and straight, in which wood was curved into circles...

7.33 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

731 I happened to enter through the Barbarians who were at the door, and I found her lying on a soft couch. The floor was covered with woolen rugs, upon which we stood. A multitude of servants stood around her in a circle, and handmaidens sitting on the ground opposite her were embroidering linens with colors, which are thrown over the garments of the Barbarians for adornment. Having greeted her and handed over the gifts, I went out and proceeded to the other buildings where Attila happened to be staying, waiting for Onegesius to come out (for he had already come there from his own house). While I was standing there with the rest of the multitude (for I was not prevented from approaching by anyone, as I was known to Attila’s guards and the Barbarians who attended him), I saw a great crowd running past, stirring up noise and clamor. Attila came out of the house with a grave countenance, with everyone’s eyes turned toward him from every direction, and walking with Onegesius, he stopped in front of the building. Here many who had disputes approached him and received his judgment. Then he returned to the house and admitted the envoys of the Barbarian nations who had come to him.

68 But while I was waiting for Onegesius, Romulus, Promutus, and Romanus, the envoys who had come from Italy to Attila regarding the golden vessels, along with Rusticius, who was in the retinue of Constantius, and Constantiolus, a man from the region of the Paeonians which was subject to Attila, came into conversation with me and asked whether we had been dismissed or were being forced to remain. And when I said that I was waiting within these enclosures to learn this very thing from Onegesius, and asked them in turn whether Attila had given them any mild or gentle answer regarding their embassy, they said that he was not at all moved from his opinion, but was threatening war unless Silvanus or the cups were sent to him. While we were marveling at the Barbarian’s lack of self-control, Romulus, a man who had served as an envoy and was experienced in many affairs, took up the conversation and said that his great fortune and the power derived from that fortune so exalted him that he would not tolerate just arguments unless he considered them to be to his own advantage. For no one of those who had ever ruled over Scythian or any other land had accomplished so much in so short a time, so that he ruled even the islands in the Ocean, and held all of Scythia, and had the Romans paying tribute. Desiring more than what he possessed and increasing his rule to a greater extent, he even wished to go against the Persians. When one of us asked by what road he would be able to go to the Persians, Romulus said that the land of the Medes was not at a great distance, and that the Huns were not ignorant of this route.

[GREEK COLUMN] 735 EXCERPTS FROM PRISCUS THE RHETORICIAN 736 but formerly, when famine was ravaging their land ^A, since the Romans, because of the war they were waging at that time, were not at all fighting against them, they had broken through, and had penetrated as far as the Medes, as far as Bazich and Kursich, their leaders, who were descended from the royal Scythians, and who later came to Rome to enter into an alliance of arms. These men related that they had traveled through a certain desert region and had crossed a marsh, which Romulus supposed to be the Maeotid; then, after fifteen days had passed, having crossed certain mountains, they had invaded Media. There, as they were plundering and ravaging the fields, a Persian force came upon them and filled the air with missiles, so that they, fearing the impending danger, withdrew ^B backward and retreated over the mountains, carrying off little plunder; for most of it had been taken away by the Medes. Fearing discovery and pursuit by the enemies, they turned to a different path and, after traveling past the flame that rises from the submerged rock, they eventually reached their own homes after a journey of many days, and learned that Scythia was not far distant from the Medes. Therefore, if the desire to invade the Medes should seize Attila, he would not expend much toil and labor on that invasion, nor would he be wearied by long journeys, in order to attack the Medes, Parthians, and Persians, and to force them to submit to the payment of tribute; for he had at his disposal a warlike force such as no nation could withstand. But when we prayed that he would bring his arms against the Persians and turn the weight of war against them, Constantiolus said he feared that, having easily conquered the Persians, he would not return as a friend, but as a master over us ^C. For now, he is content to receive gold for the sake of the dignity; but if he should subdue the Medes, Parthians, and Persians, he would no longer endure the kingdom of the Romans as distinct from his own, but, regarding them as clearly his servants, would impose heavy and unbearable demands upon them. Now the dignity which Constantiolus mentioned was that of a general of the Romans, which Attila had received from the emperor, and he did not refuse the stipend sent to him for the man who governed the armies. He implied, therefore, that after the Medes, Parthians, and Persians had been subdued, he would cast off this title, by which the Romans are pleased to call him, and the dignity by which they think they have honored him, and would force them to address him as king instead of general. For already, indeed, he was saying indignantly that his own servants were generals, whereas to him belonged those who are peers of the emperors of the Romans. There would not be long to wait, he said, for the increase of the power currently available to him; and he indicated that God signified this by revealing the sword of Ares, which, being sacred and honored by the Scythian kings, as it were dedicated to the guardian of wars, had vanished in ancient times, but was later discovered by means of an ox.

^A When everyone wished to say something about the current situation, Onegesius went out, and we came to him and tried to learn about the matters of concern. Having previously spoken with some barbarians, he asked me to inquire of Maximinus which of the Romans of consular rank they were sending as an ambassador to Attila. When I went into the tent and reported to Maximinus what Onegesius had said, we consulted together on what should be answered to the barbarian; then I returned to Onegesius, saying that the Romans much desired that he himself should come to them to discuss the controversial matters, but if they were disappointed in this, the emperor would send whichever ambassador he pleased. And he immediately ordered me to bring Maximinus, and when he came, he led him to Attila. A little later, Maximinus returned and said that the barbarian wanted the emperor to send Nomus, Anatolius, or Senator as ambassadors; for he would accept no others but those named. ^B And when Maximinus objected that it was not at all appropriate for an ambassador to be sent to him if they were to designate those suspected by the emperor, Attila replied that if they refused to do what he wished, he would settle the disputes by force of arms. When we had returned to the tent, the father of Orestes came and said, "Attila invites both of you to a banquet, which will take place at the ninth hour of the day." When we had observed the time and arrived, invited to the dinner, both we and the ambassadors of the Western Romans stood at the threshold in front of Attila. And as is the custom in those regions, the cupbearers gave us a cup, so that we might pray before taking our seats. This having been done, and having tasted the cup, we ascended to the seats where we were to dine. ^C All of the chairs were arranged along the walls of the dwelling on either side. In the middle, on a couch, sat Attila; another couch was spread behind him, behind which there were some steps leading to his bed, which was decorated with white linens and various tapestries for the sake of adornment, just as the Greeks and Romans prepare for those who are marrying. I considered the first rank of those dining to be the one on the right of Attila, and the second the one on the left, where we happened to be, with Berichus, a man of noble birth among the Scythians—though Berichus was in a higher place—sitting before us; for Onegesius sat on a chair to the right of the king’s couch. Opposite Onegesius, on a chair, sat two of Attila's sons; for the elder sat on his father's ^D couch, not near, but at the very edge, with his eyes fixed on the ground out of reverence for his father. When all were seated in order, the cupbearer entered and offered Attila a cup of wine. Having received it, he saluted the person who was first in order. The one thus honored by the salutation stood up, and it was not lawful for him to sit down before he had taken the cup from the cupbearer, tasted it, or even finished the wine, and returned it.

^A And in this same manner, the others who were present were honored, as they received the cups and tasted them after the salutation. Each man had a cupbearer, who had to enter in order as the cupbearer of Attila withdrew. When the second person and those following had been honored in this way, Attila also greeted us in the same manner, according to the order of the benches. ^B When all had been honored with the salutation, the cupbearers withdrew, and tables were set after the table of Attila for three or four men or even more, so that each one could reach the victuals placed on the board without leaving the order of his seat. First, the attendant of Attila entered, bearing a platter full of meat, and those serving under him placed bread and other food upon the tables after him. But while costly dinners prepared on silver platters were set before the other Barbarians and us, for Attila there was nothing on his wooden platter save meat. He showed himself to be moderate in all other matters as well. For the guests at the feast, golden and silver cups were provided, but his own drinking vessel was of wood. His clothing was also simple and lacked any quality other than being clean. Neither his sword, nor the bindings of his barbarian shoes, nor the bit of his horse, were adorned with gold or stones or any other precious thing, as was the case for the other Scythians. ^C When the food of the first courses had been consumed, we all arose, and each man did not go back to his seat until, according to the previous order, he had drunk the cup offered to him, full of wine, and prayed for the safety and well-being of Attila. Having been honored in this way, we sat down, and a second platter containing other victuals was set before each table. When everyone had partaken of this as well, we arose in the same manner and, having drunk, we sat down again. As evening approached, torches were lit, and two Barbarians came forward in front of Attila and recited songs they had composed, singing of his victories and his martial virtues. The guests fixed their eyes upon them; some were amused by the verses, others were stirred in their spirits by the remembrance of their wars, and for others tears streamed down—those whose bodies were debilitated by age and whose strength of spirit was forced to subside. After the songs and chants, a certain Scythian who was out of his mind came forward and, by uttering absurd, discordant, and completely unintelligible things, caused everyone to burst into laughter. ^D After him, Zercon the Moor entered. For Edecon had persuaded him to come before Attila, as if by his zeal he would recover his wife, whom he had taken in the land of the Barbarians and who had been highly regarded by Bleda. He had left her in Scythia when he was sent as a gift from Attila to Aetius. But he had been frustrated in this expectation, because Attila was angry with him for having returned to his own territory. Therefore, seizing the occasion of the feast, he came forward and, by his appearance, his dress, his manner of speaking, and his words, which he uttered in a jumbled fashion—mixing the Roman, Hunnic, and Gothic languages—he filled everyone with mirth and caused them to...

burst into laughter; but Attila remained always with the same countenance, 68 free from any change and unmoved. He was seen neither doing nor saying anything that might suggest jest or hilarity, except that he gazed upon the youngest of his children, who was entering and standing near, by the name of Irnach, with gentle eyes, and pulled his cheek. ^A I, indeed, wondering why he should neglect his other children and fix his mind solely upon this one, was enlightened by one of the Barbarians who sat near me and understood the Roman language—having first received my pledge that I would not divulge anything of what was being said. He said that the soothsayers had prophesied to Attila that his race, which would otherwise have perished, was destined to be restored by this boy. ^B When, however, they dragged out the banquet until late at night, we took our leave, not wishing to persist in drinking for too long.

When day dawned, we went to Onegesius, saying that we ought to be dismissed and that we should not waste our time in vain. He replied that Attila was of the same mind and had resolved to send us away. Accordingly, not long after, he convened a council of the nobles regarding those matters which were to be rendered to the Emperor, and he set about drafting the letters, having present with him to write them one Rusticius, a man born in Upper Mysia, who had been captured in the war and, because he possessed the gift of eloquence, lent his services to the Barbarian in the composition of letters. ^C When he had adjourned the council, we besought him concerning the ransoming of the wife of Sylla and her children, who had been enslaved at the taking of Ratiaria. He did not object to their ransoming, but wished to sell them to us for a large sum of money. We, however, implored and entreated him to pity their circumstances, keeping in mind their former prosperity and moved by compassion for their present calamity. When he approached Attila, he let the woman go free for five hundred gold pieces, and sent her children as a gift to the Emperor. In the meantime, ^D Rekan, Attila’s wife, invited us to dinner at the house of Adamis, who had charge of her domestic affairs. We were received there with kindness, along with some of the princes of the nation, and were treated to pleasant conversation and a magnificent display of food. Then each of those present, rising according to the Scythian custom, offered us a cup full of drink, and after embracing and kissing him who had drunk before him, he took the cup for himself. After the dinner, we returned to our tent and gave ourselves to sleep. The next day Attila invited us to a banquet again, and we went to him in the same manner as before and turned ourselves to cheerfulness. 69 Then, however, it was not the eldest of Attila’s sons who reclined on the couch with him, but Oebarsius, his uncle by his father’s side. Throughout the entire time of the banquet, we were engaged in pleasant conversation.

^A He had been sent to us by Aetius to serve as a secretary, and he had promised to give [Constantius] a wife. For when Constantius had arrived at the court of King Theodosius alongside the envoys sent by Attila, he had declared that he would ensure peace between the Romans and the Scythians for a long time, if [the king] would grant him a wealthy wife. To this the emperor had consented, and had promised to give him the daughter of Saturninus, a man distinguished by both wealth and lineage. But Athenais, also called Eudocia (for she was known by both names), had caused the death of Saturninus; and Zeno, a man of consular rank who possessed great power among the Isaurians—with whom he had also been entrusted to guard Constantinople during the time of war—did not allow the promise [of the marriage] to be carried out in practice. For he took the girl from the fortress, as she was one of the commanders of the eastern military units, and betrothed her to a certain Rufus, one of his own associates. ^B Once she was taken away, Constantius begged the Barbarian not to overlook the insult done to him, but to ensure that he was given a wife, either by having the one who had been stolen returned or by receiving another who would bring a dowry. Therefore, during the time of the banquet, the Barbarian ordered Maximinus to say to the emperor that it was not right for Constantius to be cheated of the hope aroused in him by [the emperor] himself, for lying is not fitting for a king. Attila gave these instructions because Constantius had promised him a large sum of money if he were betrothed to one of the wealthy women among the Romans. We departed from the banquet during the night.

^C After three days had passed, we were dismissed, having been honored with gifts. Attila also sent Berichus, one of our table-companions at the banquet—a man of high rank and the lord of many villages in Scythia—as an envoy to the emperor, partly so that he might himself be received as an envoy by the Romans. As we were continuing our journey and had stopped at a certain village, a Scythian man was captured who had crossed from Roman territory into the land of the barbarians for the purpose of espionage; Attila ordered him to be impaled. The following day, as we were traveling through other villages, two men who were serving among the Scythians were being led along with their hands bound behind their backs, because they had killed the masters whom the chances of war had made their lords. ^D They were executed by being impaled on two wooden stakes. Now, for as long as we were traveling through Scythia, Berichus had shared the journey with us and was considered a quiet and agreeable person. But after we had crossed the Ister, he treated us as enemies because of some stale pretexts that had occurred among the servants. First, he took back the horse that he had gifted to Maximinus. For Attila had ordered all the nobles in his retinue to honor Maximinus with gifts, and each man had sent him a horse in competition, among whom was Berichus.

^A Maximinus, however, had accepted only a few of the horses offered, and had rejected the rest, desiring to demonstrate his self-restraint through this moderation. Berichus, therefore, took back the horse he had given to Maximinus, and would neither travel with us nor dine with us thereafter. Thus, the mark of hospitality contracted in the barbarian land proceeded to this point. From there we made our way through Philippopolis to Adrianople. Resting in this city, we spoke again with Berichus and remonstrated with him for having kept silence toward us for so long, for there was no cause for him to be angry with us, seeing that we had offended him in nothing. Having conciliated him and invited him to a meal, we departed. On the road, we met Vigilas, who was returning to Scythia; after informing him of what Attila had replied to our embassy, we continued our journey. When we arrived in Constantinople, we thought that Berichus had cast off his anger, but he had not forgotten his rustic and wild nature; rather, he proceeded to cause trouble, accusing Maximinus of having said, when he traveled into Scythia, that the authority of Areobindus and Aspar, the generals of the armies, was of no weight with the emperor, and that by noting the levity and inconstancy of the Barbarians, he held their deeds in no esteem.

^B When Vigilas had set out and arrived in the places where Attila happened to be staying, the Barbarians assigned to this task surrounded and seized him, and laid hands on the money which he was carrying to Edeco. When they brought him before Attila, he asked him for what reason he carried so much gold. He replied that it was for the sake of providing for himself and his companions, so that he might not, through a lack of provisions or a shortage of horses or baggage animals worn out by the long journey, fail in his zeal regarding the embassy; he added that the money was also intended for the purchase of captives, as many Romans had begged him to ransom their kin. ^C But Attila said: "But you will not, you wicked beast"—addressing Vigilas—"escape the penalty by your sophistries, nor will there be a sufficient excuse for you to avoid punishment; for the sum you have is much greater than what is needed for your support, or for the purchase of horses and baggage animals, or for the ransoming of captives, which I forbade when I came here with Maximinus." Having said this, he ordered his son (who had then for the first time followed his father into the land of the Barbarians) to be struck down with a ^D sword, unless the father should immediately tell for what purpose and for what cause he had brought so much gold. When he saw his son being led to death, he turned to tears and lamentations and cried out that the penalty should be brought upon him, the sword upon himself, not upon the youth who had committed no wrong. Without delay, he revealed all that he and Edeco and the eunuch and the king had plotted.

^A Continuously turning to supplication, that he himself might be executed, but the youth released. Attila, knowing from what Edeco had said that Vigilas had not lied at all, ordered him to be kept in chains, threatening not to release him until his son, having been sent out, should bring him another fifty pounds of gold for his own ransom. And so he was bound, while the other returned to Roman territory. Attila also sent Orestes and Eslam to Constantinople. ^B

4. That Chrysaphius was in an agony of anxiety, being demanded for punishment by both Attila and Zeno. But since everyone was contributing their goodwill and zeal to him, it seemed best to send Anatolius and Nomus as ambassadors to Attila: Anatolius being one of the officials about the emperor and one who had proposed the conditions of that peace, and Nomus holding the rank of Master of Offices and being enrolled among the patricians along with him—men who had ascended to all the posts of authority. Nomus was sent along with Anatolius not only because of the magnitude of his fortune, but as one who was well-disposed towards Chrysaphius and who would prove superior in competing with the Barbarian; for he possessed in the highest degree the quality of not sparing money, being eager to settle the matter at hand. They were sent to move Attila from his anger and to persuade him to maintain the peace according to the established terms, and also to say that a bride, not inferior in birth and wealth to the daughter of Saturninus, would be betrothed to Constantius. ^C For she herself had not wished it, but had married another according to the law; for it is not permitted among Romans to betroth a woman to a man against her will. The eunuch also sent gold to the Barbarian, so that, being mollified, he might be led away from his anger.

5. That those around Anatolius and Nomus crossed the Ister and passed into Scythia as far as the river called the Drencon; for Attila, out of respect for these men, so as not to wear them out with a long journey ^D, held a meeting with them in that place. At first, indeed, after speaking haughtily, he was drawn in by the abundance of the gifts, and being softened by gentle words, he swore to maintain the peace on the same conditions, and to withdraw from the Roman land which is bounded by the Ister, and no longer to cause the emperor trouble concerning fugitives, unless the Romans should again receive others fleeing from him. He also released Vigilas, having received the fifty pounds of gold (for his son had brought these to him upon crossing into Scythia with the ambassadors), and he released a great number of captives without ransom, as a favor to Anatolius and Nomus. Having also gifted them with horses and skins of wild beasts, with which the royal Scythians are adorned,

he dismissed them. He added Constantius to them, so that the emperor might personally confirm the matters he had promised in words. When the legates returned and reported everything, both what they had done and what the Barbarian had said, the emperor betrothed to Constantius the woman who had been the wife of Armatius—the son of Plintha, who had served as a general among the Romans and held the consulship. Armatius, having crossed into Libya for the battle against the Ausorians, had performed well in the war against them, but died after having been seized by a disease. The emperor had persuaded his widow, a woman distinguished both by lineage and wealth, to marry Constantius after her husband's death. And so, with the disputes with Attila settled in this way, a new fear seized Theodosius: that Zeno might seize power as a tyrant. ^B

6. Since Attila was demanding the tribute agreed upon with Theodosius or threatening war, and the Romans had replied that they would send legates to him, Apollonius was dispatched. He was the brother of the man who had married the daughter of Saturninus, whom Theodosius had intended to betroth to Constantius, but Zeno had given her in marriage to Rufus, who had since departed from the living. Apollonius, then, having been one of Zeno's companions and having attained the rank of general, was sent on an embassy to Attila. He crossed the Ister, but failed to obtain an audience with the Barbarian. For the latter, seething with anger because the tribute—which he claimed had been set for him by the best and most noble men—was not being paid, would not even receive the messenger, showing contempt for the one who had sent him. At this time, it is said that Apollonius performed a deed of a great-souled man. For although Attila would not ratify his embassy, nor would he grant him the power to meet with him, nonetheless he demanded that the gifts which Apollonius had brought him from the emperor be handed over, and threatened to inflict death upon him if he did not give them. But Apollonius replied that it was not fitting for Scythians to ask for through entreaty what they were allowed to take either as gifts or as spoils: indicating that the gifts would be theirs if they accepted him as a legate, but they would be spoils if they took them by killing him. And so he returned without having achieved his objective. ^C

7. After Gaiseric had sacked Rome and Avitus was reigning, Marcian, the emperor of the Eastern Romans, sent legates to Gaiseric, the ruler of the Vandals, ^D requesting that he abstain from ravaging the land of the Italians and that he release the royal women and captives carried off, including the wife of Valentinian and her daughters. The legates returned to the East having achieved nothing; for Gaiseric hearkened to none of the things commanded by Marcian, nor did he wish to release the women. Marcian sent other letters to him through the legate Bleda; he was a bishop of Gaiseric's heresy. For the Vandals had embraced the worship and religion of the Christians. When he arrived at Gaiseric's court and perceived that he was opposed to his mission,

751 EXCERPTS FROM PRISCUS THE RHETORICIAN 752

[Greek text: ...he broke out into more arrogant words. He said it would not turn out well for him if, elated by his present prosperity, he prepared to wage war against the Emperor of the Eastern Romans, without releasing the royal women. But neither the mildness of the words previously used by the envoy, nor the fear instilled in him, could draw him to any moderation of spirit. For he dismissed Bleda with an ineffective embassy, and again sending an army into Sicily and the neighboring parts of Italy, he laid waste the entire region. Avitus, the Emperor of the Western Romans, also sent envoys to him, who warned him to remember the treaties formerly entered into with him, or else he, relying on his domestic army and auxiliary forces, would prepare for war. And indeed he sent the patrician Ricimer with an army into Sicily.]

8. That when the Romans came to the Colchians and joined battle against the Lazi, the Roman army returned to its own territory, and those around the palace prepared for another battle, deliberating whether they should bring war by the same route or by the one through Armenia, the land of the Persians, having first persuaded the monarch of the Parthians by an embassy; for they considered it impossible to sail along the sea because of the difficulties of the coast, the Colchian shore being without harbors. Gobazes himself also sent an embassy to the Parthians, and also to the Roman Emperor. And the monarch of the Parthians, since he was engaged in a war against the Huns who are called the Kidarites, rejected the Lazi who were fleeing to him.

9. That when Balamer the Scythian violated the treaties and plundered many cities and Roman lands, the Romans sent envoys to him, who reproached him for his innovation, and, so that he would not overrun the land again, they ordered three hundred pounds of gold to be paid to him each year; for he said that his own multitude had turned to war due to a lack of necessities.

10. That Genseric, no longer abiding by the treaties made with Majorian, sent a multitude of Vandals and Moors for the devastation of Italy and Sicily, Marcellinus having already withdrawn from the island before this because Ricimer, wishing to strip him of his power, had persuaded the Scythians following him (who were among the greatest number of men) with money to abandon him and come [to him]... Marcellinus, fearing the plot (for he could not compete in wealth with Ricimer), withdrew from Sicily. An embassy was therefore sent to Genseric: on the one hand from Ricimer, that he should not disregard the treaties; and on the other hand from him who was among the Romans...

VARIOUS READINGS.

8. The Romans having set out into Colchis in war against the Lazi, and not long after the Roman army returned to its own. But when the emperor was preparing to repeat the war again, he held a council, whether to insist on the same way, or to bring war through Armenia, bordering on the Persian kingdom, having first received a pledge from the King of the Parthians. For since the coast of Colchis was without harbors, and he could not sail along the shallow places, he considered the sea dangerous on all sides. Gobazes also sent envoys to the Parthians and to the Roman Emperor. And the King of the Parthians, because he had a war with the Huns, whom they called the Kidarites, rejected the Lazi who were fleeing to him.

9. (A.D. 456. Beginning of the reign of Leo.) When Balamer the Scythian violated the treaties and plundered many cities and Roman lands, the Romans sent envoys to him, who reproached him for his innovation, and, so that he would not overrun the land again, they ordered three hundred pounds of gold to be paid to him each year; for he said that his own multitude had turned to war due to a lack of necessities.

10. (A.D. 465, Indiction 3, 9th year of Leo.) Genseric, no longer abiding by the treaties made with Majorian, sent a multitude of Vandals and Moors for the devastation of Italy and Sicily, Marcellinus having already withdrawn from the island before this because Ricimer, wishing to strip him of his power, had persuaded the Scythians following him (who were among the greatest number of men) with money to abandon him and come [to him]... Marcellinus, fearing the plot (for he could not compete in wealth with Ricimer), withdrew from Sicily. An embassy was therefore sent to Genseric: on the one hand from Ricimer, that he should not disregard the treaties; and on the other hand from him who was among the Romans...

753 ON ROMAN EMBASSIES TO FOREIGN NATIONS. 784

Genseric, however, having had many embassies sent to him from various parts, did not release the women until he had betrothed Eudocia, the elder of Valentinian’s daughters, to his son Huneric. Only then did he send back Eudoxia, the daughter of Theodosius, along with Placidia, her sister, whom Olybrius had married. Nor did Genseric cease to ravage Italy and Sicily; rather, he raged all the more after the death of Majorian, since he intended to promote Olybrius to the Western Empire on account of the kinship formed by the marriage.

11. That during the reign of Leo, Emperor of the Romans, Tatian, who was enrolled in the rank of patricians, was sent as an ambassador to the Vandals on behalf of the Italians, and Constantius was sent to the Persians, having received the office of prefect for the third time, and having attained the dignity of patrician along with the consulship. And Tatian, indeed, returned from the Vandals shortly after, having accomplished nothing, as his proposals were not accepted by Genseric; but Constantius remained at Edessa, a Roman city bordering on the Persian territory, as the monarch of the Parthians delayed receiving him for a long time.

12. That the Persian monarch, after a long time, as I have said, received Constantius the ambassador, who had remained at Edessa for the sake of the embassy, into his own territory and ordered him to come to him; he was not staying in the cities, but was spending his time on the borders of his own territory and that of the Kidarite Huns. He was engaged in war with the King of the Huns because the Huns were not paying the tribute which the kings of the Persians and Parthians had imposed upon them long ago. The father of the King of the Huns had refused to pay the tribute and had undertaken the war, which he had passed on to his son along with the kingdom, so that the Persians, worn out by the fighting, wished to end the dispute with the Huns by deceit. And so Perozes (for this was the name of the Persian king at that time) sent to Conchas, the leader of the Huns, as if he wished to conclude a peace with him and join in an alliance of arms, and to give his own sister to him as a wife. For it happened that he was still very young and had not yet fathered any children. And when Conchas had accepted these words, he did not marry the sister of Perozes, but another woman adorned in royal fashion, whom the Persian monarch had sent out, having warned her that if she revealed nothing of the pretense, she would share in royal happiness, but if she chose to expose the deception, she would suffer the penalty of death; for the ruler of the Kidarites would not endure having a servant as a wife instead of one of noble birth. For this reason, although Perozes had made peace with the leader of the Huns, he did not profit from the deception for long. For the woman, fearing that if by chance others should learn of her condition...

11. Under Leo, Emperor of the Romans, an ambassador... 12. At last the Persian king received Constantius the ambassador...

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certior fieret, pessima se morte mulctaret, commentum indicavit. Conchas vero mulierem ob veritatem detectam laudans, eam in matrimonio habere perstitit, sed dolum sibi factum ulturus, contra finitimos bellum se gerere simulavit, in quo sibi viris opus esse, non quidem ad militiam aptis, (infinitam enim horum sibi adesse multitudinem,) sed his, qui bellum sibi administrarent. Peroses vero trecentos principum ad eum misit, quorum alios Cidaritarum rex trucidavit, alios truncatos ad Perosem remisit, qui renuntiarent, has illos commissæ ab eo fraudis poenas luisse. Itaque inter ipsos multo acrius, quam antea, bellum est excitatum, et omnibus viribus depugnarunt. In Gorga igitur, (hoc enim erat loco nomen, in quo tunc forte Persæ castra habebant,) Constantium Peroses excepit. Quem postquam per quosdam dies laute tractasset, nullo idoneo ad legationem dato responso, dimisit. ^B

13. (A. C. 467, Ind. 5, I. con. 11.) Leo imperator Gensericum per Phylarchum legatum de Anthemii imperio certiorem fecit, eique bellum indixit, nisi Italia cederet, et imperium ipse appetere desisteret. Rediit autem nuntius, et retulit, nolle ipsum denuntiationi parere, imo eo magis bellum apparare, quod Romani orientales fœdera transgressi essent. ^A For the woman, having learned that the ruler of the people was learning of her own circumstances from others ^B and would subject her to a cruel death, revealed the plot. Cunchas, however, having praised the woman on account of the truth, continued to have her as his wife; yet, wishing to avenge himself for the deceit, he pretended to have a war with his neighbors, and that he required men not fit for battle (for he had an infinite multitude of these), but men who could manage the war for him. Peroses, indeed, sent three hundred of his princes to him; the king of the Cidarites slaughtered some of them, and sent others, mutilated, back to Peroses, to report that they had paid the penalty for the fraud committed by them. Thus, the war between them was rekindled much more fiercely than before, and they fought with all their might. In Gorga, therefore—for this was the name of the place in which it happened that the Persians were then encamped—Peroses received Constantius. After having treated him sumptuously for certain days, he dismissed him, having given no suitable reply regarding the embassy.

13. That Emperor Leo sent to Genseric, the Phylarch, to inform him of the imperial rule of Anthemius, and to threaten war if he did not withdraw from Italy and the empire. But the messenger returned and reported that the other would not obey the summons, but rather was preparing for war, on the grounds that the Eastern Romans had broken their treaties.

FROM THE HISTORY OF MALCHUS THE RHETORIAN OF PHILADELPHIA

EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE NATIONS

ARGUMENT. — Adamantius, the envoy, is sent to Theodoric, son of Valamir, in Epirus, and orders him to depart from the Roman borders; Sabinianus routs and slaughters a great army of the barbarians (1). Theodoric, son of Triarius, with great expenditures of gifts, is recalled from attacking Byzantium (2). Severus, sent by Zeno to Africa to the Vandals, redeems many captives for a price (3). Heraclius, released by Zeno from captivity, is killed by the Goths on his journey (4, 5). The sum of money which the prefect of Egypt was paying for the sake of obtaining an office (6). Zeno, having offered a treaty to Theodoric in vain, prepares for war with great exertion (7). Theodoric, son of Valamir, destitute of Roman aid, enters into peace with the other Theodoric (8). Zeno concludes a peace and alliance with the son of Triarius against Valamir, the son (9).

77-78 1. (A.C. 479, Ind. 2, Zenon. 6.) Theodoric, son of Valamir, many of his own men having been slaughtered by the Roman commanders, and having no small anger because of the disaster received, fled, and recklessly… ^A 1. That the son of Valamir, having lost many of his own men by the Roman commanders, and holding no small anger at the disaster, fled, and recklessly…

ceived, fled, and recklessly ^A devastated whatever he encountered, and he overthrew Stobi, the first city of Macedonia, and killed those of the soldiers garrisoned there who dared to resist. When it was reported that the Barbarian was prowling in the vicinity of Thessalonica, the citizens, suspecting that the letters read the day before were a fraud and that Zeno and the prefect himself intended to hand over the city to the Barbarian, rose up in sedition. They tore down all the statues of Zeno, and, setting upon the prefect, were ready to tear him to pieces; and they would have set fire to the praetorium had not the order of those who manage sacred affairs and the magistrates stepped in to rescue the prefect from the wrath of the people and restrain the fury of the mob with gentle words. They argued that he was not the cause of these evils, nor did the Emperor wish any harm or distress to come to the city. Therefore, they said, a careful watch of the city must be maintained, and they should entrust this task to whomever they wished and deemed loyal. They took the keys of the gates from the prefect and delivered them to the archbishop; then, using such resources as were available at the time, they established the most diligent guard they could and elected a commander.

Meanwhile, Zeno, having learned of the impending danger, and ^C seeing that, as no one wished to fight, it was best—since in times of distress, one must be moderate—to avert the Barbarian from the destruction and slaughter of the cities through terms, sent Artemidorus and Phocas, who at the time Zeno was general had been his secretary. They arrived and spoke thus: "The Emperor made you his friend and honored you with dignities, which are the most illustrious among the Romans, and appointed you to command the greatest legions, in no way distrusting you as a Barbarian. You, however, we do not know how, led astray by the deceits of the common enemies, have squandered the goods you possessed and offered your happiness to another, whom you ought not to have regarded as master. You would not be justified in blaming the Emperor for the wrongs you have committed against both yourself and him. Now, therefore, since you have reduced yourself to this state, what remains for you to do, given your present fortune, is to desist as much as possible from bringing injury and damage upon the nations and cities, and to send an embassy to the Emperor, who is good, in order to try to obtain something moderate and fair." ^D Persuaded by this, he sent some men along with them to Byzantium, and he himself forbade his army to burn or slaughter the people; yet he could not prevent them, being in need of all things, from procuring at least what was necessary for themselves. Moving on, he arrived at Heraclea in Macedonia; and because the archbishop of that city had sent him and his army many and varied gifts, he kept the whole region unharmed from plunder, and, not bothering the inhabitants in the least, attempted to live with his multitude in the region in a reasonable manner, endeavoring to feed his forces from the produce of the land.

^A When the ambassadors sent by him arrived in Byzantium, they stated that the emperor must quickly send an envoy to him, as it was not possible for him to restrain such an infinite multitude for very long from doing the damage which they would otherwise be capable of. The emperor sent Adamantius, the son of Vivianus, a patrician who had also served as city prefect, and adding to his rank that of consul, he ordered him to assign him a region in Pautalia, which is a province of the Illyrian part and not far distant from the entrances to Thrace, so that if Theoderich, son of Triarius, should attempt to stir up any trouble, he would have him as an adversary positioned close by against him; or if he himself should wish to disturb the agreements, having him in the middle between the Illyrian and Thracian forces, he might more easily prevail over him. If, however, he should say that his army was lacking provisions for the present year, as he had neither sown seeds nor had any expectation of crops in Pautalia, he gave him two hundred pounds of gold as he departed, which he ordered him to give to the prefect there, to provide the necessary expenses for them in Pautalia. While the ambassador was still in Byzantium, soldiers stationed in Thessalonica, lying in wait for the prefect John, attacked him with drawn swords. Adamantius, however, upon the direction of Zeno, put an end to this affair and settled these matters. ^B

While these things were taking place in Thessalonica, Theoderich, son of Valamir, remained near Heraclea and sent to Sidimund in Epirus—a man of the same tribe who was considered at that time to be an ally of the Romans, who possessed a region and a prosperous estate in the Epirus near Epidamnus, and who received subsidies from the emperor. This man was a cousin of Aedoingeus, who was most intimate with Verina and held the office of what are called the domestics, a position of great importance among those around the emperor. He sent to him, therefore, reminding him of their ancient kinship, and asking him to find and cooperate in a way by which he might gain control of Epidamnus and the rest of Epirus, and so put an end to his long wandering, and by establishing himself in a city with walls, receive from that point whatever might follow. ^C When Sidimund received these words from him, and, considering it better for a barbarian to dwell with a barbarian than with the Romans, he came to Epidamnus and, visiting each of the citizens privately as if out of goodwill, advised them to quickly remove whatever each one possessed, telling them to save themselves and their belongings either by going to the islands or to another city, claiming that the Barbarian was marching upon this one, and that such was the emperor’s will, and that Adamantius had been sent for this purpose; and that it would be better for them, while he was still absent, to manage their affairs at greater leisure. ^D

^A And he easily persuaded the soldiers defending the place—who were about two thousand in number and could readily have repelled an initial attack—to abandon Epidamnus all at once, both by speaking and agitating, and by endeavoring always to spread some new rumor, and by telling them that they would be more at odds with the emperor if they chose to resist. He also sent word immediately to Valamir’s son to hasten with all speed. He was waiting for the message from Sidimundus, and for his own sister, who was suffering from a disease, and who died shortly after. However, he made the arrival of the envoy from Zeno the manifest pretext for his delay, pretending that he wished to learn from him how the emperor was disposed toward himself. But when he had buried his sister, who had died, and had met the summons from Sidimundus, he sent to the Heracleots—who had abandoned the city and had removed themselves to a strong fortress—and demanded a large quantity of grain and wine, so that he might have provisions for the army upon his departure. ^B They replied that they had nothing they could contribute to him, saying that what they had possessed had been consumed in the small fortress over so many days. Enraged, he set fire to most parts of the city—which was empty of inhabitants—and immediately marched out. And he moved his army along the difficult and narrow road that leads to what is called New Epirus, and he sent the cavalry ahead to seize the mountain passes for the army, so that, while they were not expected to advance along that way, they might suddenly and in a mass attack the guard that was stationed there. When they climbed up, the soldiers guarding the parapet, upon seeing the multitude and being thunderstruck by their sudden appearance, neither stood their ground to fight, nor had the presence of mind to bar the fortification, but dashed away in flight, so struck with panic that they ignored everything that might have been to their advantage at that moment. ^C When the enemy advanced through the great wilderness, Theoderich himself was in the vanguard, while Soas, the most important of the generals under him, held the second position in the army and led the middle column, and Theudemund, the other of Valamir’s sons, brought up the rear. Theoderich then, having advanced and feeling confident, as no one was following them, told those with the wagons and the other baggage to move forward; he himself hastened to reach and seize whichever city he could. He approached Lychnidus but was repulsed, for it was situated in a difficult spot and was full of interior springs, and had a prior supply of grain. ^D Moving from there, he took Scampia, the inhabitants having long since abandoned it, and sallying forth from there, he took Epidamnus. 82 When Adamantius learned of this, he sent one of the imperial cavalrymen—whom they call *magistriani*—complaining to him that he was acting contrary to the promise he had made regarding his embassy, and ordering him to remain quiet and neither to take ships nor to attempt any other new enterprise.

He also requested that a man be sent to him who would give guarantees for his safe return after the embassy and for his entire security. After Adamantius had given these instructions to him, he himself left Thessalonica and came to Edessa, where Sabinianus was, and Philoxenus with him. They delivered the letters of the Emperor to him, appointed him general, and consulted about the current situation.

It did not seem safe to attack the Barbarians while they were on the move, since Sabinianus had with him only a few mercenary soldiers from his own household and retainers; for the public army and the general legions were either dispersed throughout the cities or had followed the general Onulfus. It was therefore decided to send out decrees everywhere to summon the soldiers, and to instruct the general to send the envoy on ahead.

Now, even as they were setting out, the horseman sent by Adamantius met them, bringing the Barbarian priest—whom the Christians call a presbyter—to give him assurance of safety. Having him with them, they hastened and arrived at Lychnidus. When those who held offices in the city (for it was an ancient and prosperous city) and others came out to meet them, they entered. Adamantius then sent again to Epidamnus, ^B commanding that either Theudericus himself should come to meet him with a few men at one of the places near Lychnidus to discuss what he had been sent for, or, if it pleased him, that he (Adamantius) would come to Epidamnus, provided that he send as hostages to Lychnidus Soas, his own general, and Dagistheus, to be kept there until he should return safely and unhurt.

The Barbarian sent these men, but ordered them to halt at Scampia and to send ahead a man who would swear to Sabinianus that, if Adamantius returned safe and whole, he would also send back the hostages unharmed. Sabinianus, however, said that he would not swear; for he had never in time past sworn to anything, and he would not now break a resolve that had been so long held. When Adamantius said that it was ^C necessary to give in to the circumstances, or else the embassy would be in vain (for he would not leave without having taken some pledge for his own person), he was none the more persuaded, but said that Adamantius knew what was his own business to do, but that he himself would do nothing contrary to his own law.

Thereupon Adamantius, finding himself in a predicament, took two hundred soldiers and, through impassable ridges and a way unknown to the many, narrow and untrodden, and which for the first time was said to have admitted horses, he set out at dusk and, making a circuit, came to a fort near Epidamnus, situated on a high hill and otherwise impregnable, beneath which lay a deep ravine, and along the ravine a deep river flowed. Thither he summoned Theudericus; and he, complying, came, and having stationed his army at a distance, arrived at the river with a few ^D cavalry.

^A Adamantius, however, in order that no ambuscade might be attempted, placed his soldiers in a circle round the hill, and descending to a rock from which he could be heard, ordered the Barbarian to dismiss all others, and talked with him alone.

When Theudericus had taken his place, he accused the Romans of what seemed to him just things, saying: "I, indeed, had chosen to pass my life outside the whole of Thrace, far toward Scythia, where, remaining, I thought I was troubling no one, and was ready to obey the Emperor from there in whatever he might command. But you, having summoned me as if for war against [the other] Theudericus, first promised me that the general of Thrace with his forces would immediately be present for me—who appeared nowhere. Then [you promised] that Claudius, the procurator of the Gothic stipend, would come with foreign troops, whom I also did not see. Thirdly, you gave me guides for the way, who, leaving aside those that were easy and led toward the enemy, led me off along upright footpaths and precipitous cliffs, in which I was a hair's breadth away, ^B together with the cavalry—as is likely—and the wagons and the equipment of the camp, from being destroyed utterly and at once, when the enemy suddenly fell upon my whole host. There I was forced to make a necessary agreement with them, for which I must be very grateful, in that, being able to destroy me after I had been betrayed by you, they nevertheless saved me."

Adamantius reminded him of the honors the Emperor had heaped upon him, and that by making him patrician and general, he had bestowed upon him the greatest rewards that exist among the Romans for those who have labored most, and had filled him with other gifts and wealth, for which he ought never to have thought or felt toward him otherwise than toward a father. ^C He also attempted to refute the accusations made by him (for they were, I think, true). Indeed, he said, he had committed things that could not be tolerated, in having invaded and occupied a part of the Roman Empire under the guise of an embassy, especially when they, even though his forces were 84 enclosed in the mountains and rivers of Thrace and held fast by the hand of soldiers, nevertheless conceded to him that he might depart freely. For even if they had been unwilling and had resisted, even if his forces had been ten times the number he now had, he could never have set foot away from there. Therefore, he now advises him to bear himself with more moderation toward the Emperor; for he would not be able to overcome the Roman hand, which stood over him on all sides. ^D He must therefore, if he would listen to him, leave Epirus and the cities therein (for it was intolerable for cities so great, whose inhabitants had been cast out, to be held by him), and come into Dardania, in which there was land—much beyond what was inhabited—beautiful and fertile, but lacking inhabitants, which he could cultivate and in complete abundance support his army there. Theudericus himself swore that he wished for these things, but that his multitude would not bear it, having already suffered much, and having only now attained a rest; and that he could not lead them, who had not yet recovered their breath, on such a long journey. But for now, he said, he would let them winter there.

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he affirmed with an oath that this was indeed close to his heart, but that his army would resist, as they had suffered so many evils and were only now barely enjoying rest. For it was impossible that the soldiers, not yet having recovered from their labors, could be led on such a journey. But it was necessary to allow them to winter in these places on the condition that they would not advance further in attacking other cities than those they already held, nor in making raids. With these matters thus arranged, he asked the emperor to send a man at the beginning of spring who would lead them into Dardania; for they themselves would willingly follow him. He added that he was prepared to leave all his war equipment and all the non-combatant crowd in whatever city the emperor might prescribe. Furthermore, having given his mother and sister as hostages to confirm his good faith, he himself would hasten as quickly as possible to Thrace with six thousand of his most valiant men. He promised that with these, and with the Illyrian soldiers and others whom the emperor might choose to send, he would exterminate all the Goths in Thrace, on the condition that, if he did this, he himself would be made general in place of Theuderic, and that he would be admitted into the city to live in the Roman manner. He was also ready, if the emperor should command it, to go into Dalmatia to restore Nepos. Adamantius said that he did not have the authority to agree to anything with him while he remained in the region, but that the emperor must first be persuaded regarding these matters. He would therefore report these things to him, and he himself would remain until he learned the opinion of the ruler. Upon these terms they parted from one another.

C Meanwhile, while Adamantius was conducting these affairs, many soldiers had gathered at Lychnidus according to the general’s edict, and had returned to their duty. At that time, I do not know who informed Sabinianus that the barbarians, feeling secure, were descending from Candavia in a loose column, with their baggage and most of their wagons, and the rear of the army, in which Theudemundus, the brother of Theuderic, and their mother were traveling. There was hope of capturing the greater part of them. Sabinianus stationed the cavalry he had in a certain place, and sent a considerable number of infantry through the mountain to surround them, and instructed them when and where they should appear. After he had dined, he moved with his army toward evening, and at first light attacked the enemy’s column. Theudemundus and his mother, as soon as they saw the attack being made upon them, quickly escaped into the plain and crossed a bridge, beneath which was a trench of immense depth; having destroyed this, they made the pursuit of those who had reached the other bank impossible for the enemy, and rendered the flight of the rest of their own men, who were excluded from the bridge, difficult. But they, out of desperation, being few, rushed upon the Roman cavalry; but when the Roman infantry burst forth according to the plan, the enemy turned their backs in such a way that they fell partly upon the cavalry and partly upon the infantry and were slaughtered. Sabinianus captured two thousand wagons, more than five thousand captives, and no small amount of booty. However, some of the wagons, which would have been difficult to drive through such rugged places, he burned in the mountain.

769 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 770

[He] returns to Lychnidus: here he finds Adamantius, who had returned from his meeting with Theuderich; for Theuderich had not yet learned anything of what had been done by Sabinianus on the mountain. He therefore kept the well-born captives in custody, and distributed the others, along with the booty, to the soldiers. However, having ordered many wagons to be prepared by the cities for the needs of the camp, as soon as these were obtained, he forbade the cities to be troubled any further, as he had enough.

B After these things, Adamantius writes to the Emperor, as he had promised, concerning the matters he had discussed with Theuderich; Sabinianus and John the Praetorian Prefect also write, exaggerating the events that had occurred and saying that it was not necessary to make any agreement with the Barbarian, as there was hope either to drive him out of the region by force or to wear him down while he remained there. Having received these reports and thinking that war was better than a shameful peace, the Emperor sent and recalled the ambassador, ordering him to make no further agreement with that man, but to tell Sabinianus and Gento—who was a Goth, but had married a woman of the Romans in the region of Epirus and held power—to hold fast to the war with all their might, as the Emperor would make no agreement with them. And Adamantius, having summoned the soldiers, praised them for their zeal and ordered them to hold fast to the affairs bravely, as was their ancestral custom, and he read aloud the command from the Emperor. Having raised them high with hopes, as the Emperor never left the zeal of all unrewarded, he received acclamations and was sent off with honor. And he departed, having accomplished nothing more.

C 2. That in the time of the Emperor Zeno, a sedition having been raised by Marcianus and certain others, Theuderich son of Triarius, having learned what had happened and supposing that an opportunity had now presented itself to him to attack the city and the Emperor himself, immediately raised the entire barbarian force and came, ostensibly as if wishing to defend the Emperor himself and the city, but it was manifest to all for what purpose he was hastening. The Emperor, having heard this, sent out a horseman and royal letters, praising him for his zeal but ordering him to depart, as there was no longer any need, lest those who love to stir up trouble, having cast the city—which had barely settled from such a storm—back into suspicion, might stir up a worse and greater sedition. D He replied that he himself obeyed the Emperor, but that he could no longer turn back the multitude, having gathered so many and [with] a not small part resting. For he thought that no one would stand against him before the walls, as neither any battlement nor tower was standing, and that upon his entering, the entire populace would join him due to their hatred of the Isaurians. Fearing these things, Zeno sends out Pelagius, who had much money; they give some to Theuderich himself, and some to the entire Gothic force.

EXCERPTS FROM MALCHUS THE RHETOR

Pelagius, having made some threats, offered some promises, and also, by means of not a few sums of money, having appealed to the naturally avaricious character of the [Barbarians], sent them away. And indeed, this was thought to have relieved the city from a greater fear. For there was nothing to hope for upon [Theoderich’s] entry but internal war and the burning of the whole city. For the Isaurians were not simply planning to withdraw if forced, but having prepared tall poles, and having tied flax and sulfur to the ends of them, they had many ready, if they were ever forced, to set the entire city on fire. And so Theoderich departed, but he [Zeno] frequently sent to Theoderich and demanded those around Procopius and Busalbus, claiming that this would be a demonstration of his goodwill and obedience. But he [Theoderich] said that he was obedient to the Emperor in all things, yet it was not holy for Goths, just as it was not for other men, to readily hand over suppliants and men seeking safety to those who wished to seize them. He therefore asked him to leave them alone, especially since they would be troublesome to no one except in that they would be living. And so they lived on a small plot of land under Theoderich.

(A.D. 475, Indiction 13, Zeno 2.) Since many disturbances had arisen on all sides, it occurred to Zeno, a man quite unwarlike, to send an embassy to the Vandal in Carthage. And he chose Severus from the Senate as ambassador, a man who was thought to excel in temperance and justice, and in the desire to do what is right. And he created him a patrician so that he might add greater dignity to the status of the embassy. And he indeed sailed. But the Vandal, when he learned that an embassy was coming to him, crossed over with his fleet beforehand and captured Nicopolis. Severus the ambassador, however, sailing from Sicily, arrived at Carthage and complained greatly to the Vandal because he had crossed over with his fleet. But he said that he had done these things as an enemy. Now, however, since he had been sent as an ambassador regarding peace, he said he would accept his terms. He admired the temperate life of Severus and was pleased by his words, and as he was constantly taking the measure of his justice, he was ready to do everything that he proposed. He seemed to him most just in that, when the Barbarian offered him money and gifts suitable for an ambassador, he rejected them all, saying that no gift was more honorable and appropriate for a man serving as an ambassador than to liberate captives. And the Barbarian, having praised the man’s intention, said: "All the captives who fell to me and my sons by lot, I release to you; as for the rest, whom the army divided by lot, it is permitted for you to purchase them from those who possess them, if you wish, provided they consent. For I could not force those who have taken them against their will, those to whose dominion they have passed." And so Severus [redeemed] those whom the Vandal possessed...

773 ON ROMAN EMBASSIES TO FOREIGN NATIONS. 774 Here Severus released those whom the Vandal held, without a dowry; and having sold all the money, clothing, and utensils he possessed at public auction, he purchased with these as many of the captives as he was able.

4. That the Emperor Zeno, having sent an embassy to the leader of the Goths regarding Heraclius the general, who had been captured by the Goths, promised to release him for a ransom, and agreed upon one hundred talents as the ransom. Zeno ordered those related to Heraclius to provide these, so that he might not appear to have been ransomed by others and thus be reduced to the status of a slave. The money was sent to the Goths in Thrace. They received it and ostensibly released Heraclius from custody; but as he was proceeding toward the city of Arcadiopolis, certain Goths ran up to him, and as Heraclius was walking, one of the Goths struck him violently on the shoulder. One of those with Heraclius rebuked the Goth and said, "You neither know yourself, man, nor do you know whom you have struck." The Goth replied that he knew very well the man whom he was about to destroy most wretchedly. And at once, drawing their swords, one cut off Heraclius’s head, and another his hands. And they say that Heraclius suffered this in retribution; for it was said that he had once forced his entire army to stone to death certain soldiers serving under him who were judged to have committed some offense not worthy of death, by throwing them into a pit. From that time, therefore, the wrath of God was kept in store for him.

5. That I fled and wandered and was in no way able to breathe from my evils, even among those from whom I hoped to find consolation for my failure.

6. That he sent away the governor of Egypt, who was barely being sent off for fifty pounds of gold, as if the province had become more prosperous than before, for five hundred pounds in total.

7. That at the same time, Zeno, perceiving that the affairs of Theoderich, son of Walamir, were always becoming weaker and smaller, while the son of Triarius was gathering nations and assembling forces, considered it better to dissolve the enmity with him on moderate terms, if he were willing to come to an agreement. And having sent ambassadors, he requested that he hand over his son as a hostage, as he had long ago demanded, and that he remain a private citizen in his own lands, being troubled by nothing, just as he had asked at that time, and that he take back the property of which he had been deprived, and for the rest remain quiet, having no evil and causing none to another. He replied that he would neither give his son as a hostage anymore, nor was he able to live as a private citizen from his property alone. For while he was alone, not yet having so many nations around him, his property alone, if strictly managed, might perhaps have sufficed; but now, since they had placed him under the necessity of gathering nations, it was a necessity either to feed those who had come or to wage war with them, until, having suffered or acted, he might reach an undisputed end for all.

775 EXCERPTS FROM MALCHUS THE RHETORICIAN 776

to prepare for war. And he summoned with speed all the legions, both those near the Pontus and those along Asia, and those that were stationed in the eastern parts. And a not inconsiderable multitude was present from everywhere. Baggage wagons were being prepared, and oxen were being bought, and grain and everything useful for an army were being made ready, as if Illus himself were about to set out.

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

When these things were reported, the emperor decided that the war should be prepared with every care and diligence. Therefore, he summoned with all possible speed all the legions that were around the Pontus and those he had stationed in Asia and the eastern parts, and a not inconsiderable multitude was present from everywhere. Wagons were being prepared to carry supplies, and oxen were being bought, and grain and whatever was necessary for feeding the army, as he was about to lead the forces out within a short time.

Since all things were being prepared diligently, because Illus himself, having had Martinianus created general, had fallen into great license, Zeno sent to Theuderich, son of Valamir, saying that it was no longer fitting to delay the fight, but that it was time to contend in battle and to fulfill the expectation which he had aroused when he was decorated with the dignity of a Roman general. Having heard these things, the son of Valamir also sent envoys to Byzantium, saying that he would not undertake the work before the emperor and the senate had given their faith by oath that they would never return to friendship with Theuderich, son of Triarius. Therefore, the senators and generals took oaths that they would never return to friendship with him unless the emperor wished it. And the emperor [swore] that he would never withdraw from the treaty unless he first saw that he [Theuderich, son of Valamir] had transgressed it. These oaths having been provided, he ordered Theuderich to move with all the forces which he had in camp at Marcianopolis, and to proceed further: when he had arrived at the gates of the Haemus mountain, the prefect of Thrace with two thousand cavalry and ten thousand of heavy armament would join him; having crossed the Haemus, other forces would meet him by the Hebrus river and Adrianople, twenty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry. Furthermore, they said there were other forces at Heraclea and in other cities and fortified places around Byzantium, if there should be need, so that he would not be lacking in anything that would make for a hoped-for happy outcome. Zeno, promising these things to the envoys, immediately dismissed them. Therefore, Theuderich, moving with his army as had been agreed, came to the passes of the Haemus mountain. When he had arrived there, neither the general of Thrace was present, nor those who were said to be coming from the Hebrus. Meanwhile, running through the deserts that were in the middle, he arrived at the places around Sondis. Now Sondis is a high and precipitous mountain, which cannot be ascended at all if there is anyone who hinders from above. In it, Theuderich, son of Triarius, had placed his camp, and there, engaging in light skirmishes among themselves when they went to forage, they were snatching from each other herds, horses, and other booty. But the son of Triarius, frequently riding up to the camp of the other army, insulted and reproached him greatly, calling him a perjurer, a boy, a madman, and an enemy and traitor to his own race, who [did not understand] the intention of the Romans, nor see the plan, that they themselves wished, by sitting quietly, to wear them, the Goths, out against each other.

8. That Zeno, having put forward Martinianus as general, and the army having fallen into disorder, as these things seemed to be going well, immediately sends men to the son of Valamir, saying that it is not necessary to delay the battle any longer, but to take hold of the work now and fulfill the hopes for which he was deemed worthy of the Roman generalship. And he, having heard, also sends back envoys to Byzantium, saying that he would not undertake the work before the emperor and the entire senate swore to him that they would never come to terms with the son of Triarius. Those from the council and the commanders swore not to come to terms unless the emperor wished it; and the emperor himself [swore] that he would not depart from what had already been agreed upon, unless he first saw him [the son of Valamir] transgressing. These things having been agreed upon, it was decided that Theuderich himself, having moved his own force, which was stationed in its entirety at Marcianopolis, should drive inward; and when he should be at the gates of the Haemus, then the general of Thrace with two thousand cavalry and ten thousand hoplites should meet and join him; and having crossed the Haemus, another force would meet him at the Hebrus and Adrianople, twenty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry with them. And from Heraclea and the cities and fortresses near Byzantium they said there was another force, if there should be need, so that nothing would be lacking of those things contributing to a good hope for the work. Zeno, having promised these things to the envoys, sends them away with speed. And Theuderich, having raised his army, goes to the gates, just as had been agreed. But as he was coming, neither the general of Thrace met him, nor those said to be at the Hebrus, but having passed through the wildernesses that were in the middle, he arrives at the regions around Sondis. This is a mountain, high and great and impassable to approach if anyone hinders from above; in which the son of Triarius happened to be encamped. And from there, attacking from sorties, they were snatching from each other flocks and horses and other booty. And the son of Triarius, constantly riding up to his camp, was insulting and reproaching him greatly, calling him a perjurer and a boy and a fool and an enemy and traitor to the common race, who does not understand the mind of the Romans, nor sees the plan, that they themselves wish, by sitting quietly, to wear them, the Goths, out against each other. And they...

8. (A.D. 478, Ind. 1, Zenon. 5.) When the army,

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

...they win a bloodless victory, whichever of us might fall; but whichever of us destroys the other, they carry off a Cadmean victory, being left the weaker against the Roman design. Now, therefore, having called you and promised that they themselves would be present and join in the campaign, they are neither present here, nor did they meet us at the cities, as they said, but they left you alone to perish most miserably and to pay a just penalty for the rashness toward the race you betrayed.” Having heard these things, many of the same multitude agreed with these words, and approaching their own general, they said that he was reproaching them with reason, and that it was not fitting to be destroyed further, nor, neglecting their common kinship, to pay heed to those who betrayed them. On the following day, Theodoric again climbed a hill above their camp and shouted: “Why, you wretch, do you destroy my kinsmen? Why have you made so many women widows? Where are their husbands? Or how has the wealth of all been destroyed, which they had when they set out from home to campaign with you? And each having two or three horses, now they go on foot and horseless, and follow you through Thrace like slaves; but they are free men and of no worse lineage than you; and they have come to measure out gold by the bushel.” When the entire camp heard these things, men and women alike all went to Theodoric, their leader, demanding with shouting and clamor that he make peace; if not, they all said they would abandon him, having turned to what was advantageous. Thereupon he sends envoys to Theodoric, and both meet by a certain river on either bank. Having placed the river between them, they spoke, and they made agreements not to war against each other and whatever things they deemed advantageous. And having sworn these things, both send envoys to Byzantium.

...not knowing the mind of the Romans, nor where they were tending. “For indeed,” he said, “they wish, being idle themselves, to bring it about that Goths are destroyed and finished off by Goths, so that without any labor, whichever of us might fall, they emerge as victors. Whichever of us might crush our adversaries will carry off what they call a Cadmean victory, they themselves, with our strength worn down, being more exposed to the Roman traps. Now, after they summoned you, and promised that they themselves would also come and, as joined with your army, would wage war, neither has anyone been present here, nor did they meet us at the cities, as they had said, and they left you alone, so that you might perish miserably and pay the penalty for your rashness to those whom you betrayed.” When they heard these things, many of the multitude that was with Theodoric approved of what had been said, and rising against their leader, they said that he was rightly reproaching them, and that it was not fitting to proceed further into mutual destruction, and, having no regard for kinship, to join themselves to the cause of those who were betraying them. On the next day, Theodoric again ascending a hill overlooking the enemy’s camp, shouted: “Why, you wretch, have you gone to destroy my kinsmen? Why have you made so many women widows? Where in the world are their husbands? How have the resources been consumed which they had when they set out from home to campaign under you? Each of them had two or three horses; now, destitute of horses, they walk as footmen, and follow you through Thrace like slaves, although they are free and of no worse lineage than you; and they have come so that they might measure out gold by the bushel.” When the whole army heard these things, both men and women alike approached Theodoric, their leader, and with tumult and vociferation prayed that he would strive for peace; if not, they would embrace what was useful to them and desert him. For this reason, he sends envoys to Theodoric, and both met at a certain river, on either bank. Then, with the river thrown between them, they conversed and decided that they would no longer wage war, and whatever seemed useful to them. When both had sworn these things, they send envoys to Byzantium.

9. That Zeno, since he had dissolved the army, sends to Theodoric to conclude peace with him, in whatever way they could. Meanwhile, the son of Valamir, having gathered his own force, arrives at the parts toward Rhodope, and having laid waste all the most beautiful parts of the country of the Thracians, he plunders all the livestock. He exhausted all who were farming there, killing and exacting whatever they were unable to provide. When Theodoric heard that these things were happening, he said he was pleased that one who was called their friend and son was doing these things to them, but that he was troubled that he saw the penalty being paid by the farmers for their folly, for whose destruction Zeno or Verina cared not at all. But when the envoys came, they had made peace: as [the] fact was sent, he sends to Theodoric, that they might make peace between them, in whatever way they could. Meanwhile, the son of Valamir, having contracted his forces, proceeded to Mount Rhodope, and devastating all the most fertile places of Thrace, he seized all the cattle; he drove the farmers from their fields, killing and exacting what they could not provide. When Theodoric heard that these things had been done, he said he was indeed glad that he who was called friend and son by them was perpetrating such things against them; yet he felt troubled that he saw the farmers being punished and paying the penalty for their madness, whom Zeno or Verina did not care at all to see reduced to the ultimate calamity. But when the envoys came, they had made peace: as...

thirteen thousand men, whom Theodoric wanted, the emperor should provide pay and provisions; that he himself, as commander, should be placed in charge of two schools; that all his previous faculties should be restored to him; and that he should receive one of the two commands near the emperor, and hold the honors to which he had already been promoted ^A by Basiliscus. Regarding his relatives, Zeno said that if they were dead, it was no concern of his; but if they were alive, upon recovering the property they had previously held, they were to dwell in whatever city Zeno himself should approve. When these terms were agreed upon, the emperor, having removed Theodoric, son of Valamir, from his magistracy, replaced him with Theodoric, son of Triarius. And he sent money, which had to be distributed immediately to the Goths.

FROM THE HISTORY OF MALCHUS THE RHETORICIAN OF PHILADELPHIA

EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

ARGUMENT.—Amorcesus, having been summoned to Byzantium, is placed in charge of a part of Arabia. Theodoric, having received the surrender of Arcadiopolis, arranges peace and a treaty with Leo. Odoacer and Nepos, having sent embassies to Byzantium at the same time, seek the friendship of Zeno. The envoys of Theodoric, requesting tribute from the Romans, are sent away with indignation. Honorichus sends legates to Zeno regarding peace. With both Theodorics joined together by a treaty, Zeno shortly abandons the war he had fiercely undertaken against them.

1. (A. D. 473, Ind. 11, Year 17 of Leo.) In the seventeenth year of the reign of Leo the Butcher, when everything everywhere seemed to be in turmoil, a certain man of the tent-dwelling Arabs, whom they call Saracens—a priest of those among them who were Christians—arrived; the cause of his arrival was as follows. When, in the time of Theodosius, a great war had broken out between the Persians and the Romans, they settled the matter by a treaty. In that treaty, it was stipulated that neither side should admit the Saracens who were under their protection and authority, in case someone ^B, defecting, should attempt to stir up new disturbances. Among the Persians was Amorcesus, of the tribe of the Nocali; and whether because he was obtaining no honor in Persian territory, or because he otherwise considered the Roman land better, he left Persia and rode into the Arabia that is adjacent to the Persians. Starting from there, he made raids and

exercised hostilities, not against any of the Romans ^A but against the Saracens whom he chanced upon here and there. Increasing his power in this way, he grew by degrees, and seized one of the Roman islands, Iotabe by name, and having cast out the Roman tax-collectors, he himself took possession of the island and, by taking the revenues of money from it, he gained no small amount. This same Amorcesus also took other of the neighboring villages away, and desired to become in alliance with the Romans and to be phylarch of the Saracens under the Romans in Arabia Petraea. He therefore sent Peter, the bishop of his own tribe, to Leo, the emperor of the Romans, if by any means he could persuade him and accomplish these things. When he arrived and spoke with the emperor, the emperor accepted his words, and immediately ordered Amorcesus to be summoned to come to him, having thought and done this most imprudently. For if he had indeed intended to appoint him phylarch, he should have ordered this to Amorcesus while he was far away, ^B as long as he also considered the Roman affairs to be fearsome, and he was still destined to come cowering before the Roman rulers he happened upon, and merely hearing the title of emperor. For he had long considered the Romans something far better than other men. But now, first of all, he led him through cities which he was to see were full only of luxury and not using arms; and then, when he went up to Byzantium, he was received gladly by the emperor and made a participant in the royal table, and whenever a council was convened with the senate, he made him be present. And that which was indeed the most disgraceful shame of the Romans, the emperor ordered that the seat of the first patricians be given to him, having feigned ^C that he had been persuaded to become a Christian; and at last he sent him away, after having received from him a golden image adorned with magnificent gems, which was very costly, and having ordered each of those who were in the council to contribute others. And that island, which we mentioned before, he not only left for him to hold securely, but also added many other villages to him. Having provided these things to Amorcesus, and having made him commander of the tribes he wished, he sent him away, lofty and as much as was not destined to be of benefit to those who received him.

2. That the same Emperor Leo sent ^D the silentiary Pelagius as an ambassador to the Barbarians who were in Thrace. The Barbarians gladly received him and sent back ambassadors to the emperor, wishing to be friends of the Romans. They asked for three things: first, that Theuderichus, their chieftain, might receive the inheritance which Aspar had left him; second, that it be permitted him to dwell in Thrace; third, that he might also become commander of the regiments which Aspar had led. And the emperor refused the two completely, but he nodded assent only regarding the command, provided that he be his friend without treachery, and thus he sent the ambassadors away.

^A And the leader of the Barbarians, Theuderich, having received his ambassadors back from the emperor without success, sent a portion of his forces to Philippi, while with the other part he besieged Arcadiopolis, attacking it with every engine of war. He did not take it by arms, however, but by famine, which pressed the inhabitants of the city so hard that they subsisted even on horses, pack animals, and the bodies of the dead, holding out in hopes that help might arrive for them from somewhere. As it did not arrive, they despaired and gave up. Those who had been sent against Philippi merely burned the things in front of the city but did no other serious harm. Yet even while they were thus ravaging Thrace, those Barbarians themselves, oppressed by famine, sent an embassy to the emperor regarding peace. And a covenant of oaths is made on these terms: that two thousand pounds of gold be given to the Goths annually, and that Theuderich be appointed commander of the two armies stationed around the emperor—which are the greatest—to the other land. And that he should be the autocrat of the Goths themselves, and that if any of them wish to abandon him, one must not accept them into the emperor's service; but that they should fight under the emperor in all things he commands, except only against the Vandals.

^{B C} 3. That Augustus, the son of Orestes, having heard that Zeno had again recovered the empire of the East, having driven out Basiliscus, compelled the senate to send an embassy to Zeno signifying that they had no need of their own emperor, but that one common emperor would suffice to be autocrat over both territories. However, they had chosen Odoacer, who was able to preserve their affairs, as he had political intelligence and was warlike, and they needed Zeno to bestow upon him the dignity of a patrician and to grant to him the administration of the Italians. Men of the senate in Rome arrive to carry these words to Byzantium, and on the same days, messengers from Nepos come to congratulate Zeno on the recovered empire, and at the same time to entreat him, as one who had been afflicted by the same misfortunes as Nepos, to eagerly cooperate in the recovery of his empire, providing money and soldiers for this, and to work together with the others as necessary for his return. These things Nepos sent them to say. But Zeno answered those who had come: to those from the senate, he replied that, having received two emperors from the East, they had driven out one and killed Anthemius; and now he said that they themselves should know what must be done, for, while an emperor was still living, he would not expect them to hold another opinion than to receive him returning. To those from the Barbarian, he said that Odoacer would do well to receive the dignity of the patrician from the emperor Nepos. For he would have sent it, had not Nepos arrived before him. He commended him, as if beginning to… ^D

^A observe a custom suitable to the Romans, and therefore he trusted that the emperor, who had honored him with this title, would be received back as soon as possible, if he were willing to do what was just. And in the royal letter by which he signified his will to Odoacer, he named him patrician. Zeno undertook these things for Nepos’s sake, pitying his misfortunes as if they were his own, and taking into account the common lot of human fortune, he was moved to compassion for others. Verina also urged him to this, for she was favorably disposed toward the wife of Nepos, who was her kinswoman.

^B 4. In the following year, ambassadors came to Zeno from the Goths who had settled in Thrace, who were allied by treaty—those whom the Romans call *foederati*—requesting that Zeno make a treaty with Theuderich, son of Triarius, who wished to live a quiet life and not to join in war against the common interests. They also asked that he consider how many evils he had brought upon Roman affairs when he was an enemy, and how many cities Theuderich, son of Balamerus, who had been called a commander and a friend, had destroyed; and that he should look not so much at ancient enmity as at what might be entirely beneficial to the common good. ^C The emperor immediately summoned the senate and laid the matter before them, as to what they ought to do. They replied that the public treasury was not sufficient to provide maintenance and pay for both parties readily, especially since we are unable to pay the provisions even to the soldiers themselves without complaint. But as to which of the two he ought to choose as a friend, they declared that this rested upon the emperor’s own authority. The emperor then ordered the soldiers in the city and all the *scholae* to assemble in the palace, and ascending the tribunal, he complained at length about Theuderich, ^D especially concerning how he had been an enemy to the Romans from the beginning, and how he had ravaged those who inhabited Thrace, and how he had cut off the hands of Harmatius, and had driven the entire farming class from their homes; and how he had stirred up the tyranny of Basiliscus against the common interest, and how he had spurred the soldiers to destroy him, as if the Goths alone were sufficient. And now, he said, they were sending ambassadors not so much desiring peace as a military command. “Whatever opinion you hold regarding these matters, this I have now summoned you to hear from you, knowing that those emperors secure their own affairs who share their plans with the soldiers.” They, having heard the accusations he pressed and having been instructed by this as to what they ought to answer, all shouted that Theuderich was an enemy to the Romans, as were all who stood with him. Zeno did not, however, give this answer to the ambassadors immediately, but held off until he heard more from outside. Meanwhile, some who were writing about what was happening within the city were caught by Theuderich: Anthemus the physician, Marcellinus, and Stephanus. And not only their letters

but also forged letters from certain magistrates were sent to him, in which they told him to be of good courage, as if he had many supporters of his cause within the city. Three from the senate, with the master of offices present, examined these matters, and after having applied many lashes to their bodies, they condemned them to perpetual exile. ^A For Zeno wished to appear to be abstaining from death and slaughter, even as he was contriving to send [letters]—not only this, but also letters forged in the names of high officials—to him, wishing to encourage him by implying that he had sufficient supporters operating within. And three men of the senatorial order, in the presence of the master, examined these things, and having inflicted many lashes upon their bodies, they imposed exile once and for all. For Zeno wished to appear to abstain from death and the slaughter of men.

5. ^B That in the same year, ambassadors came from Carthage to Byzantium, whom Alexander, the steward of Olybrius’ wife, was leading; he happened to have been sent by Zeno long before, with the consent of Placidia herself. The ambassadors said that Honeric was sincerely a friend to the Emperor and cherished the Romans' interests, and that he was releasing everything over which he had previously complained regarding the revenues and other monies that Leo had seized from his wife, as well as whatever had been taken from the Carthaginian merchants at the breaking out of the recent war, and any other grievance his father long ago had against the Romans; and that he desired to have a firm peace, and that there was nothing remaining for the Romans to suspect, insofar as he would faithfully uphold the pacts and whatever had already been agreed upon. For he was grateful that the Emperor had honored the wife of Olybrius; and having learned all these things, he was ready to do whatever the Emperor desired. This, however, was a becoming pretext for the discourse; for in truth they feared every suspicion of war, and after the death of Genserich, having fallen into total decadence, ^C they neither possessed the same strength for affairs, nor did they maintain the same preparations that he had kept in readiness for every undertaking, so as to act always more quickly than anyone else might resolve. Zeno, having received them kindly, deemed the ambassadors worthy of due honor and sent them away adorned with appropriate gifts, and he made Alexander a count of the privy purse.

6. That Theuderich and the son of Triarius having made treaties with one another, ^D the Goths [decided] not to wage war against each other; and both sent ambassadors to Byzantium, the son of Balamerus accusing the Emperor because he found himself betrayed by him, and [asserting] that having found nothing of the things agreed upon to be true, he had come to terms with Theuderich. He was asking that a region be given to him in which he might dwell, and grain, which would be sufficient for him to maintain his army until the harvest, and that he send as quickly as possible the collectors of imperial revenues, whom the Romans call domestics, to render an account of what they had received; or, if the Romans did not do these things for him, he would not be able to restrain such a great multitude from finding for themselves, through plunder, however and wherever they might be able, the means to restore their fortunes.

^A This, then, is what the other Theoderic said. The one of Triarius, however, demanded that all the terms agreed upon under Leo should be fulfilled for him completely, that he should receive the payments for the previous years, and that his relatives should be handed over to him alive; if they were already dead, he ordered that Illus and others, whom he trusted regarding these specific Isaurians, should swear an oath about them. Zeno, upon hearing this, gave an answer to Balamir’s side: that the man was a traitor who had done everything contrary to what he had promised, since he, who had pledged to wage war alone, had then called in additional help, and, having again secretly summoned the Roman forces, had negotiated a friendship with Theoderic. The general of Thrace and all the others who favored the Roman cause, upon perceiving this, had neither met with him nor dared to commit their forces to him, fearing an ambush. And now, if he wished to make war against him, he promised to give him, if he were victorious, one thousand pounds of gold, forty thousand of silver, and an annual income of ten thousand solidi; he would also give him the daughter of Olybrius or another of the illustrious women in the city for marriage. While saying these things, he honored the majority of those sent by him with ranks, and sent envoys—first Philoxenus, then Julian—to see if in some way they might persuade him to break his alliance ^B with the other. Since he could persuade him of nothing, he sent the soldiers off to war, and encouraged them to be confident, since he himself would be leading the campaign, and would share in whatever fate might befall them. When they heard this—that the emperor himself was willing to take the field—each of them was so eager to show himself to the emperor as being of great value, that even those who had previously given money to their commanders to avoid service, now paid money to be part of the expedition. And they all engaged in the war with enthusiasm, and they took the scouts sent by Theoderic alive, and those guarding the Long Wall brilliantly repelled the detachment of Balamir’s troops that had come and advanced. But since Zeno, being carried away by his own nature, retreated, and was extinguished by his innate cowardice, ^C they then became angry and took it bitterly. Gathering in groups, they blamed one another for the general lack of daring, saying that it was unbearable to hear of such cowardice—with hands holding and bearing arms—by which every city and the entire strength of the Romans had perished, as everyone at will curtailed their authority. Martianus, having grasped this commotion, sent word to Zeno that he ought to disband the army as quickly as possible, lest they, having conspired, perform some new and radical deed. Having sent this message, he ordered each man to depart for winter quarters, as there would be peace with Theoderic. The men then broke up the camp; and most departed, distressed by the disbanding, and because it happened to them to be separated sooner, before they had looked to the ^D

[In winter quarters they withdrew.] And they broke camp, and, since most departed bearing the breaking of camp with an ill temper, chiefly because they were compelled to leave before they had put in charge of public affairs someone who could save the state from ruin and destruction.

FROM THE HISTORY OF MENANDER THE PROTECTOR: EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

98 FROM THE HISTORY OF MENANDER THE PROTECTOR: EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE BARBARIANS TO THE ROMANS

ARGUMENT. — The Avars petition Justinian for lands within the borders of the Roman Empire (1). The same, instigated by Justinian, wage war against the Hunnic tribes (2). Mezamirus, the envoy of the Antes to the Avars, is killed by them (3). The envoys of the Avars sent to petition for new lands are detained in Byzantium (4). Justin proudly rejects the Avars' conditions (5). After the death of Zich, the envoy of the Persians, Mebodes is sent to Byzantium: neither he nor the envoys of the Saracens, for whom he pleads the cause before the emperor, obtain what they desire (6). The envoys of the Turks, spurned by the Persians, travel to Byzantium to seek trade with the Romans (7). Zemarchus, returning from his embassy to the Turks, suffers from the great difficulties and dangers of the journey (8, 9). The Avars and the Franks enter into a treaty (10). The envoys of the Lombards solicit the Avars against the Gepids and the Romans (11). The Lombards seek aid now from the Avars, now from the Romans (12). Bajanus, the Chagan of the Avars, casts the Roman envoys into chains (13). The same, after many arguments with Bonus, the Roman commander, departs in anger from the siege of Sirmium (14). The proud demands of Targitius are rejected by Justin with contempt (15). The Turks incite Justin to renew the war with the Persians (16). Justin admits none of the Avars' conditions (17). Peace is established between the Romans and the Avars (18). The Avar envoys, having been robbed by brigands, seek their possessions from Tiberius (19). Sebochthes is sent as an envoy by Chosroes to Justin to restore the treaty between the Persians and the Romans (20). Jacobus delivers an insolent letter from Chosroes to Tiberius and Sophia Augusta (21). The envoys of the Sabirs and the Alans treat for peace with Tiberius Caesar (22). The envoys of the Romans and the Persians meet in the borderlands of both empires (23). Zacharias and Mebodes treat for the restoration of peace between the Romans and the Persians: the Romans cede Persarmenia and Iberia, but demand that the town of Dara be restored to them by the Persians. The Sclavini invade Thrace (24). Tiberius Caesar sends money to win over some of the Lombard chieftains (25). The Persians unexpectedly storm a Roman fort (26). Tanchosdro makes an incursion into the borders of the empire (27). Maurice besieges Chlomaron, a Persian town (28). Tiberius, in order to protect Italy against the Lombards, wins many of them to his side with gifts (29). Bajanus, king of the Avars, having advanced as far as Sirmium, attempts to cross the Savus, pretending war against the Sclavini (30). The same demands from Tiberius that Sirmium be surrendered to him (31). Theognis, a Roman commander, holds Sirmium with fortitude (32).

^A 1. (A.D. 558, Indiction 6, Justin year 32.) The Avars, having wandered for a long time and being much in doubt, at length approached the Alans and, becoming suppliants to Sarosius, their leader, prayed that through him they might come into the notice and friendship of the Romans. He reported the matter to Justin, the son of Germanus, who at that time was commander of the soldiers who were in garrison in Lazica, and Justin reported it to the Emperor Justinian, who ordered the commander to send the embassy of the nation to Byzantium. Therefore, a certain man named Candich was chosen to act as the first envoy on behalf of the Avars, ^B who, having arrived, told the emperor that he was present…

^A with the greatest and most valiant of nations, and that the Avar tribe were invincible and easily able to repel and destroy any who stood against them; and that it was fitting for the emperor to form an alliance of arms with them and to have them as good defenders, and that they would be most favorably disposed toward the Roman state through the most precious gifts, annual subsidies, and residence in the most fertile land. When Candich reported these things to the emperor, he straightway—for his body did not have the vigor, nor was his strength in its prime, as it certainly was when, in the bloom of youth, he had taken Gelimer the Vandal and Vittigis the Goth both prisoner—now that he had become an old man, and that brave and warlike spirit had been transformed into a more lethargic one, he judged that he should drive back the barbarian force by another way, and not by war. And he would have fought them off and utterly destroyed them, if not by war, then at least by prudence, had he not been destroyed himself by the fated end before doing so; for not long after he departed this life. Since, therefore, he was in no way able to survive, he turned to the other path.

^B 2. When the emperor had made a speech, and the sacred assembly had praised both the sharpness and the deliberative wisdom of the emperor, he immediately sent off the gifts, chains adorned with gold, and beds, and silk garments, and many other things to soften, as it were, minds full of arrogance, and along with these he sent Valentinus, who was to act as envoy (for this man was one of the imperial guards), and he urged that the tribe form an alliance with the Romans and take up arms against their own opponents. Very wisely, I believe, the emperor had foreseen that whether the Avars were victorious or were defeated, the outcome would, in either case, turn to the advantage of the Romans. When Valentinus had arrived there, provided the gifts, and explained everything the emperor had instructed, they first made war upon the Utigurs, then the Zali, a Hunnic tribe; and they also overthrew the Sabiri.

^C 3. But when the leaders of the Antes had fared wretchedly and had fallen far short of their own expectations, the Avars immediately ravaged the land and plundered the territory. Being hard-pressed by the incursions of their enemies, they sent an embassy to them, choosing for this legation Mezamirus, son of Idarisius and brother of Celagastus; and they asked that some of their own tribe who were prisoners be ransomed. And so Mezamirus the envoy, being a glib and high-talking man, arrived among the Avars and uttered words of pride and even some insolence. Because of this, that Cotrages, a man close to and essential to the Avars, who had devised the most hostile schemes ^D against the Antes, when Mezamirus spoke more insolently than befitted an envoy, said to the Chagan: "This man is of great authority among the Antes"

^A and is capable of opposing, in any way he can, those who make war upon him. It is necessary, therefore, that he be put to death, and henceforth one may raid the alien territory without fear." The Avars, persuaded by this, cast aside the reverence due to envoys and, regarding justice as of no account, put Mezamirus to death. From that time forth, more than before, they ravaged the land of the Antes, and did not cease from enslaving them and carrying off their spoils.

4. That Justinian received envoys from the Avars, who requested that they might be allowed to scout for land where their nation might establish its homes and dwellings. The emperor, with the recommendation of the general Justin, ^B formed a plan in council to settle the nation in the land of the Heruli, where the Heruli had previously dwelt; it is called the second Pannonia. And if this had been pleasing to them, the emperor would have consented. But they did not think they ought to be outside of Scythia; for they were longing for it, as was to be expected. This, therefore, did not come to pass, but nevertheless the general Justin sent the envoys to Byzantium, and signified to the emperor that they should be kept in confinement there for a long time. For Justin ^C had reconciled to himself one of the envoys, Oecunimon by name, who secretly warned him that the Avars had one thing in their mouths and another in their minds. He said that they were using the most flattering speech and masking their treachery against the Romans with a pretended benevolence, for so long as they were crossing the Ister, but that they had quite a different intent in mind. For as soon as they had crossed the Ister, they would burst forth into war with all their forces. When Justin learned these things, he informed the emperor of them all, that he might keep the Avar envoys in Byzantium for as long as he could: for the Avars would not cross the Ister before the envoys were released. While Justin was acting in this way, he was no less preparing to guard the crossings of the river. For he assigned ^D Bonus, the commander of the infantry and household troops, to the guard of the river. But the Avar envoys, when they had achieved nothing of that for which they had come requesting the emperor, received gifts, as was customary for them, and purchased what they needed, and also bought arms, and were thus sent away. But the emperor secretly commanded Justin that, by whatever reason and means he could, he should strip them of their arms on their return. And so the general, when he received the envoys, executed the emperor’s commands. From this point began the enmity between the Romans and the Avars, which had been smoldering for a long time before, and especially because their envoys had not been released immediately. For Baian had messaged most frequently that they should return as soon as possible. But the emperor, knowing clearly what they were plotting, kept contriving one delay after another to keep the present situation in flux, so that they might be kept confined in the royal city.

^A 5. That in the time of Justin the Younger, the ambassadors of the Avars arrived in Byzantium to receive the customary gifts which Justinian, who had held the empire before him, had been accustomed to confer. There were golden-embroidered cords designed to restrain those fleeing, and likewise couches and other things intended for a more delicate lifestyle. Then, truly, the ambassadors of the Avars wished to put the emperor to the test, to see if they might receive larger gifts and, deceived by the Roman inertia, secure their own advantages from it. And so they requested that they be granted an audience with the emperor, which was permitted them, and moreover, through interpreters, they were allowed to propose whatever they wished. They used the following speech: "It is fitting, O Emperor, that you, who have inherited the paternal empire, should treat the paternal friends no differently than your father did, and that you should prove yourself all the more a successor to the departed by altering nothing of what he did while he was alive. For in this way we also will hold to the same opinion, and we will not be less inclined to transfer the title of benefactors to you, naming you after him as the author of our fortunes. And indeed, we would be ashamed if, having been adorned with favors by you, we did not return the same to you who did the act. For we remunerated your father, who was liberal and munificent ^B toward us. For when we were able to ravage his regions, we not only abstained, but furthermore, in order to show ourselves more inclined toward him, we destroyed in a single onslaught the neighboring Barbarians who were invading Thrace, and not one of them was left to ravage the borders of Thracians, for they feared the power of the Avars, which held friendship with the Roman empire. We are persuaded, then, that in this one thing you will innovate for us, namely, by providing more to us than your father gave; in return for which we shall be obligated to you even more than to him, and we shall owe you greater thanks. We are here, therefore, to take what is customary. For know that there is no other way for our leader to be most well-disposed to you and to the Roman polity, unless, before that, those things are entrusted to him for which he decided not to move arms against the Romans."

The ambassadors of the Avars spoke thus, wavering in their intent; for on one hand they seemed ^C to beg, and on the other to threaten. They thought, indeed, that by this they would frighten and intimidate the emperor, and that because of this the Romans would be forced to be, as it were, tributary to the Avars. But the emperor, considering the words of the Avars to be nothing other than empty noise, replied thus: "While you bring forward humble prayers with great arrogance, and are led by the hope that by this mixture of speech you will more easily achieve what you desire, you have, so to speak, fallen short of both hopes; for you will neither deceive us with flattery, nor will you frighten us with threats. But I shall provide you more than my father did, in order to discipline you ^D into becoming sober as is fitting, since you have been puffed up beyond what is necessary."

^A For he who corrects those who are disorderly in their reasonings, and who, as it were, disciplines and restrains the impulse of those who are arrogant to their own destruction, will be seen to be more of a benefactor than he who provides supplies for luxury; who, though he seems to desire to be a friend, yet, having seized upon some small pretext, immediately destroys him whom he ostensibly benefits. Depart therefore, having purchased from us as much as you can, even if it be to live, and having received for the Roman money a fear of us in return for your salvation. For I would never ask for your alliance, nor will you receive anything from us except on such terms as we deem fit, as a contribution of servitude, and not, as you falsely imagine, a tribute.” ^B Having thus brandished the fear of the emperor before the Avar envoys, the Barbarians, convinced by what had been said that he would not tolerate their greed, and that nothing would be given to them of what they had previously been accustomed to receive, and moreover that they would no longer be able to make incursions into Roman territory with impunity, fell into great anxiety of mind, and reflected within themselves to what end things would turn out and what the outcome would be. For they neither wished to remain in Byzantium to no purpose, nor did they wish to depart having achieved nothing. Nevertheless, it seemed better to them, in the midst of their evils, to return to their own kin, and joined with them, they arrived in the region of the Franks, having marvelled at the emperor's defense.

6. ^C It was announced to Justin that Zich had been sent as an envoy from the Persian empire, who was to negotiate regarding the Suani and to bear testament to the Persian king's goodwill toward the emperor, and to amicably resolve those matters of which the Romans were complaining. Justin, however, determined either not to admit the embassy, or if he were to admit it, that Zich should be made to know that the matter would by no means have the hoped-for result. And with the consent of the senate, it was decided that John should make it known through letters to Zich, who was still performing the journey, that the emperor would in no way accede to those things he hoped for. This being done, the letters were delivered to Timotheus, from among those who had already been in Persia with John. The emperor had commanded Timotheus to thank the king of Persia for the declaration of goodwill toward him, but that he should deliver John's letters to the envoy, whom he would likely encounter on his journey, as the itinerary dictated, so that Zich might have a tested and clear understanding of the emperor's will. ^D When these things had been commanded to Timotheus, he hastened to the border. Having learned there that the Persian envoy had not yet arrived, he proceeded at once to Chosroes. For it had happened that Zich had turned aside by another route to Nisibis, and was being detained there on account of his health. Meanwhile, Timotheus, having been dismissed by the king of the Persians, was returning, and having caught up with Zich at Nisibis, who was still sick, he delivered John's letters to him. When he understood that his journey was not proceeding prosperously, and that his embassy was not going according to his wish...

he fell into despair, and being held fast by the disease, he ended his life. And indeed, John also soon happened to die. After this, it was announced in Byzantium that another ambassador was coming, by the name of Mebodes. He was proceeding to the imperial city, swelling with pride and highly boastful, and harboring the hope that discussions would be initiated with him concerning Suania, and that the treaties would result in something agreeable to the Persians. Elated with this thought, he went to Byzantium, bearing himself on his journey with more arrogance than befitted an ambassador. ^A When he arrived (for the Emperor had already learned of Mebodes' arrogance, and with what sort of expectations he had arranged his arrival), he indeed received the customary greetings from the King of the Persians according to the established tradition, but the Emperor nonetheless despised Mebodes and treated him with contempt, not even granting him any personal audience. As the embassy was proceeding for him in the opposite direction to what he had desired, and the Emperor had said absolutely nothing to him about Suania, Mebodes then pleaded with the Saracens who were with him to go and speak to the Emperor. For there were about forty of them following a separate ambassador of their own. For Ambrus, the phylarch of the Saracens, had sent them, and he himself had sent ambassadors to treat for the moneys they had obtained from Justinian. ^B Accordingly, Mebodes, having failed in his goal regarding Suania, and so as not to depart having accomplished nothing at all, strove most carefully to obtain for the Saracens access to the Emperor. And so the Emperor, picking up the point, said, "What indeed do these Saracens of yours want?" But when he saw him pressing the matter, he consented that their ambassador should come in to him alone. For he knew that the ambassador, being quite arrogant, would not choose to go to the Emperor without his attendants, but just as when the ambassadors had come before Justinian with all the Saracens who were with them, he would act that way to preserve the custom. From this he thought that he would have a plausible cause, as he himself had done what was appropriate for an emperor, while the Saracen did not understand what was required; ^C then he would shift the blame onto the Barbarian. And it did not turn out otherwise than the Emperor had surmised. For the Saracen, thinking it beneath his dignity to come to the Emperor without any of his retinue, and thinking that he ought not to break the custom which had long since prevailed, refused access to the Emperor. Then the Emperor thoroughly despised the Saracen, and regarding this matter he brought his complaints to Mebodes. The ambassador of the Persians said, "O master, I am not present to defend the Saracen if he has done wrong in any way, but to learn the truth, so that if he brings a true case to me, I shall not abandon his cause, but if it appears that he has made his accusation unjustly, I shall condemn him myself." To whom the Emperor, stinging him, replied: "Did you come, then, not as an ambassador—"

as it seems—but to sit in judgment?" Mebodes, immediately confused in his countenance by the stinging remark, reddened. Therefore, having addressed the Emperor as was proper, he withdrew. ^B A few days later, he returned to the palace and urgently requested admission for the Saracens. When the Emperor refused, Mebodes said that it was not right that he should not be allowed to accomplish the same things that Zichus, the envoy before him, had accomplished. "For, within our memory," he said, "the Saracens were admitted to the Emperor along with him. It is necessary, therefore, that I, too, should enjoy the same privileges as he did, so that the treaties between the Romans and the Persians may not be in some way violated."

To these things, the Emperor, being angry, said: "What then? Even if Zichus was caught in adultery or was found guilty of some other heinous offense, do you think that you must follow in his footsteps? Or do you not realize that you are speaking with the Emperor of the Romans and Justin?" Then Mebodes, seized with panic and filled with fear, lay prostrate on the ground, taking refuge in denial and refusing to acknowledge that such things had been said by him. As he used such an excuse, the Emperor seemed to believe him and said: "It seems, then, that the interpreter suggested different things to us than what you meant. If, therefore, nothing has been said by you contrary to what is fitting and proper, know that you have cleared yourself of this charge."

In this way, the Emperor, by pretending that he did not know about what had been said by him—as if he were unaware of it—passed over the matter and reverted to his usual mildness, so that Mebodes might not become more insolent or more arrogant later on, remembering that the Emperor had taken note of the impudence of his speech. ^C Thus, then, the Emperor having deflected the suspicion, Mebodes said: "Let the Saracen tribes, and Ambrus himself, and their embassy perish! For my part, I shall remain silent about them, and I shall say nothing further." Having said these things, the Emperor also cast curses upon the Saracen, and called him an instigator and a peddler. To this he added that he could not pass over them in silence, for of such a sort was the reason he had so strongly desired a meeting with the Emperor. Specifically, he said that he wanted to receive the usual money from us, for which, I suppose, the wicked and base man would bring down calamities. "For it would be ridiculous," he said, "if we, being Romans, were to be subjected to the payment of tribute to the Saracen nation, and to nomads at that."

Mebodes said: "Very well, O master; even if it is to no purpose, yet send him away." The Emperor said: "Even if he had not come, as far as we are concerned, he may go. ^D And order me to go with him," said Mebodes.

The embassy having come to an end in these matters, the Emperor sent off both the Persian envoy and the Saracens to return to their own homes. And thus, through the Emperor's prudence, everything that John had managed wrongly in his embassy was pacified and redressed. When, however, the Saracens were to return home...

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

Thus everything was hushed by the prudence of the Emperor regarding all that John had transacted during the embassy, as it was not done in a proper manner. And when the Saracens were within their own borders, they reported to Ambrus the Emperor’s counsel concerning those Saracens who were siding with the Medes. Then Ambrus sent word to his brother Camboses, who was stationed against Alamundarus, the leader of the Saracens under the Romans, to harass with raids the land of Alamundarus, which was adjacent to Arabia. (A.D. 568, Indiction 1, 4th year of Justin.)

At the beginning of the fourth year of the reign of Justin, an embassy of the Turks arrived in Byzantium. For as the power and influence of the Turks grew, the Sogdaites, who were formerly subjects of the Ephthalites but at that time were subjects of the Turks, begged their king to send an embassy to the Persians, so that the Sogdaites might go there and offer silk for sale to the Medes. And so Dizabulus was persuaded and allowed the Sogdaites to go as envoys. Maniach was the leader of the embassy. Having arrived before the King of the Persians, they petitioned regarding the silk, that their trade in it might proceed without any hindrance. But the King of the Persians, since such things were by no means pleasing to him (so that there might not be freedom for the Turks to enter the borders of the Persians), put them off until the morrow. And indeed, he used yet another delay. When he had put off the matter from one time to another, and the Sogdaites were entreating and pressing him, Chosroes then convened an assembly and deliberated. And so that Catulphus, the Ephthalite, who because of the violent defilement of his wife by the king of his own people had betrayed his race to the Turks—this man (for he had become a migrant in the meantime and was already siding with the Medes)—advised the King of the Persians by no means to send away the silk, but rather to buy it and pay the price for it, and then, while the envoys themselves were watching, to destroy it with fire, so that he might appear neither to be acting unjustly nor to wish to use silk from the Turks. And the silk was burned with fire; the envoys, however, returned to their ancestral customs, taking no pleasure in what had happened. When they reported to Dizabulus what had occurred, he immediately employed another embassy to the Persians, wishing to reconcile their state with them. But when the embassy of the Turks arrived again, the King, together with the Persian officials and Catulphus, judged that it was entirely disadvantageous for the Persians to form a friendship with the Turks; for the Scythian race is fickle. For this reason, he ordered some of the envoys to be destroyed by a poisonous drug, so that they might thereafter refrain from coming there. And indeed, most of the Turkish envoys perished right there, having consumed lethal poisons mixed into their food, except for three or four. A rumor spread among the Persians that they had perished from the heat.

807 EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR 808

...had been, they also spread the report among their own people. But the ambassadors of the Turks, because of the drought of the Persians, were not ignorant of what had been done. For they believed, as was the case, that the envoys had been killed by treachery. Hence the enmity between the Turks and the Persians took its origin. And Maniach, who was in charge of the Sogdians, seizing this opportunity, persuaded Disabulus that it would be more useful for the Turks to cultivate the Romans, to embrace their friendship, and to transfer to them the silk trade, since they had a more frequent use for it than other men; and Maniach said that he was most prepared to set out together with the envoys of the Turks on that embassy, so that the Romans and Turks might become friends on this condition. Disabulus, agreeing to these words, sent him and certain others to carry out an embassy to the Roman emperor, and to bring him congratulations and gifts of silk of no small value, together with letters. Carrying this letter, Maniach set out on his journey. When he had completed a long stretch of the journey and had traveled through many regions, steep mountains covered everywhere with snow, flat and wooded places, marshes and rivers, and then had crossed the Caucasus, he arrived at Byzantium, and having been introduced into the palace, he approached the emperor. Here he performed everything that is customary to be observed among allied nations, and handed over the letters and gifts into the hands of those whose duty this was, and prayed that the labors of such a long journey might not be in vain for him. The emperor, however, when he had read the letter written in the Scythian language through an interpreter, admitted the embassy with a willing mind. Therefore, he questioned the envoys about the principality and the region of the Turks: they replied that there were four prefectures among them, but that the supreme power of the whole nation rested with Disabulus alone. To these things they said that they had subdued the Ephthalites and compelled them to pay tribute. "Has the entire power of the Ephthalites, therefore," said the emperor, "been overturned by you?" The envoys nodding assent, the emperor asked: "Did the Ephthalites live in cities or in villages?" "The nation, O master, inhabits cities." "Therefore," the emperor added, "it is manifest that you have become the masters of all the cities that were theirs." "It is so, Emperor," they said. "But teach us how great is the multitude of the Avars, who have shaken off the bridle of your empire, and whether a part is still subject to you." "There are those who still obey our empire. But those who have defected from us, I think are about twenty thousand." Finally, they enumerated to the emperor the nations subject to the Turks. Then they asked him that there might be peace and an alliance of arms between the Romans and the Turks. They added that they were most prepared to fight against all who were hostile to Roman rule and who might attack them in war near their own borders. As soon as they had pronounced these things, Maniach, with his hands lifted to heaven, and those who were with him, [swore] an oath...

803 OF THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS. 810

They affirmed that they would say and promise all these things; if they were not true, or if they deceived knowingly and did not observe them, they invoked curses upon themselves and upon Disabulus and the whole nation. In this manner the Turkish nation became a friend to the Romans.

[Greek text: I think there are about twenty thousand.] Then, having enumerated the nations subject to the Turks, the ambassadors further besought the Emperor that peace and an alliance be established between the Romans and the Turks. They added that they were most ready to make war upon the enemy of the Roman Empire, as much as was in the continent where they were gathered. Upon these things, as soon as he had spoken, Maniach raised his hands on high, and those with him confirmed with a great oath that these things had been said with an upright mind. Furthermore, they poured out curses upon themselves, and also upon Disabulus, and indeed upon the whole nation, if the things promised were not true and to be performed. Thus, therefore, the Turks became friends to the Romans, and they did not approach our state in any other way.

8. That it having been bruited about throughout Turkey, among those who were neighbors, that Roman ambassadors were residing there, and that they were returning to Byzantium together with the Turkish embassy, the ruler of the nations in those parts declared to Disabulus with a supplication that he too might be allowed to send ambassadors of his own nation for the sake of seeing the Roman state. And Disabulus did not refuse. But when the leaders of other nations also sought the same, he granted it to no one at all, except only to the leader of the Chliati. And so, the Romans taking him also, having crossed the river Oich, and having traversed a not inconsiderable distance of the journey, they arrived at that vast and wide lake. There Zemarchus having tarried for three days, sends George, to whom the duty of carrying the shorter letters had been assigned, so that he might signify to the Emperor the return of the ambassadors from the Turks. George, therefore, together with twelve Turks, entered upon the road toward Byzantium, which was indeed deserted and waterless, but shorter. Zemarchus, however, traveling along the sandy part of the lake for twelve days, and having passed by certain difficult places, arrived at the streams of the Ich, and not only that, but also at the Daich, and again through other marshes arrived at Attila, then to the Uguri, who warned the Romans that four thousand Persians were lying in ambush in the dense and wooded places around the Cophen river, so that they might take them captive as they passed by. The leader of the Uguri, who held command there by the authority of Disabulus, filled skins with water and provided them to Zemarchus and his companions, so that, when they went through the deserts, they would have wherewith to water themselves. They found also a lake, and having passed by that great pool, they arrived at those marshes into which the Cophen river flows and is lost. From that place they send scouts to explore whether it was true that the Persians were lying in ambush; these, having searched the whole region, reported that they had seen no one. Nevertheless, they arrived in Alania with great trepidation, because they feared the nation of the Oromoschi.

9. That having arrived in Alania to Sarodius, the leader of those people, and wishing to approach him together with the following Turks,

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Sarodius received Zemarchus and those who were with him kindly and courteously, but he refused to see the Turkish envoys until they had laid down their arms. A great dispute therefore arose between them over this matter, and after it had continued for three days, Zemarchus acted as arbiter for the dissenters. Finally, having laid down their arms as Sarodius had desired, they approached him. Sarodius advised Zemarchus not to travel through the Mindimiani, because the Persians were lying in ambush around Suania; he would do better, he said, to go by way of Darine. Upon learning this, Zemarchus sent ten horses through the Mindimian territory, laden with silk, to deceive the Persians into thinking that the silk had been sent ahead and that they were leading the way, from which they would infer that Zemarchus would follow the next day. And they indeed departed. Zemarchus, however, came through Darine into Apsilia, leaving the Mindimian territory on his left (for it was in this direction that there was suspicion that the Persians were setting an ambush), and he reached Rogatorium, then the Euxine Sea, and using ships he arrived at the Phasis, then at Trebizond, from where he was conveyed by public horse to Byzantium to the emperor, and told him everything. Here, therefore, the departure and return of Zemarchus came to an end.

10. That when the Avars and the Franks had ratified treaties with one another, and peace was firmly established between them, Bajan, the leader of the Avars, signaled to Sigisbert, the leader of the Franks, that his army was suffering from a lack of provisions: it was fitting, he said, for one who was a king and among his own people, not to neglect an army joined to him by treaty. He promised, moreover, that if he would refresh the Avar army with necessary supplies, he would move his camp on the third day and would not linger in these places any longer. When these things were reported to Sigisbert, he immediately sent flour, legumes, sheep, and oxen to the Avars.

11. That Alboin, the king of the Lombards, who did not at all lay aside the hostilities he was waging against Cunimund, the king of the Gepids, but believed that by any means possible the wealth of the Gepids should be overthrown, sent envoys to Bajan, exhorting him to an alliance of arms. When the envoys had arrived, they pleaded with Bajan not to disregard them, as they had suffered unspeakable things from the Gepids, especially since the Romans, who were most hostile to the Avar nation, had aided the Gepids in war. They said that they were not so much being carried into war against the Gepids as they were eager to fight against Justin, the king most hostile to the Avar nation, who, holding for nothing the treaties long ago concluded with Justinian, his uncle, had deprived the Avars of their customary gifts. He added that if they were to join with the Lombards, they would be invincible, and that once the Gepids were exterminated, they would possess their wealth and...

VARIOUS READINGS. * Mindimiani in Agathias. N. 40 carrying, to deceive B., carrying away, to meet vulg. 41 then del. N. 42 having used mg. H. having used vulg. 48 departure conj. B. 49 Cunimund vulg.

10. (c. A. D. 565 Ind. 13 Justin 1.) When the Avars 11. (A. D. 566 Ind. 14 Justin 2.) Alboin, King of the Lombards

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...turning against the Gepids, they would share in their wealth, and furthermore, they would gain control of their territory in common; and that Scythia would henceforth be prosperous for them forever; and indeed, that Thrace itself would be easily accessible, and simply, with no effort, moving from neighboring lands, they would overrun the Roman territories and would ride as far as Byzantium itself. The ambassadors of the Lombards said that it would also be advantageous for the Avars to embrace war against the Romans; for otherwise, they would be forestalled, and wherever the Avars might be, they would pursue them and destroy them by any means.

12. That Bajanus, having received the ambassadors of the Lombards, seemed to despise them, because he himself wished to establish the alliance with them on more profitable terms, and at one moment he pretended that he could not, and at another that he could, but did not wish to. In short, having plagued those who were begging him with every manner of deceit, he seemed to agree with difficulty, but only on the condition that they immediately deliver the tenth part of all the four-footed animals that existed among the Lombards, and that if they were victorious, they themselves would have half of the spoils, and the territory of the Gepids entirely. And this is what happened. And they set out to make war on the Gepids. When Cunimund learned of this, it is said that, struck with fear, he sent ambassadors again to Emperor Justin, and begged him no less than before to take part in the danger with him, and again promised to give him Sirmium and the land within the Drava River; and shame did not hold him, having already sworn to the same things once and not having stood by his oaths. Therefore, Emperor Justin, knowing well and inferring from what had happened that there was no faith at all in Cunimund, did not think he should refuse the alliance, but nevertheless put off the barbarian’s request with a delay; for he said that the Roman armies were scattered, but that he would gather them with all possible speed and send them immediately. I have heard such things about Cunimund, but they are not credible to me; for it seems too shameless for one who has broken a treaty to ask for the same things again. It is said, moreover, that the Lombards also sent an embassy to Justin at that time, and that after accusing the Gepids of all sorts of ingratitude toward the Romans, they achieved nothing in seeking an alliance from the Romans, but they did succeed in ensuring from the Emperor that neither side would enjoy Roman aid.

13. That Bajanus, the leader of the Avars, at the time he wished to besiege Sirmium, held Vitalianus the interpreter and Comitas in chains. For Emperor Justin had already sent these two men to him, to ask...

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...to seek certain things. But he, contrary to divine and common law of nations, held them in chains.

...sent to the wall-assault, who might treat for peace. 112 Some of those who were in Sirmium ascended to the highest point of the bath, which was destined for the use of the people, to scout the enemy, as is the custom. These, looking out from the watchtower to see if the barbarians were making any incursion, noticed the Avar messengers, who had already set out on their way, wandering from afar along the path. Since they could not clearly distinguish them, they suspected they were from the enemy’s army. Therefore, having given the signal immediately, they announced their arrival. But Bonus, while his mind hung in doubt, having explored the matter more carefully, learned that the barbarians were few in number and were going to bring conditions of peace. Therefore, he too sent men to hold conversations with them outside the walls. For he was lying down because of a wound, and he was not permitted by Theodorus the physician to go to meet the enemies. Nor did he suspect that the enemies knew he was wounded. For he said that if they had learned of it, he must no longer hide, lest he cast suspicion that the leader had departed from the living. But when the enemies saw others coming to discuss peace, they suspected that the leader had perished. Therefore, they said they wanted the conversation to take place in his presence. Then Theodorus, who looked especially to what was useful, said that the time no longer demanded that the leader keep himself hidden at home, but rather that he go out of the city and come into the sight of the barbarians. Therefore, with the wound smeared with ointment, Bonus was released by the physician and met with the barbarians. Then the envoys, in mutual conversation, used words of this kind: "The master of the Avars, O Romans, has ordered these things to be proposed to you: Do not be angry with him if he undertook war against you. For you were the first to give cause for the war. Having exhausted many labors and having tolerated no fewer fatigues of travel, he says, I had scarcely taken this region, when you snatched it from me by force. Furthermore, you retain Usdebatum, who had yielded to my dominion by the law of captives, having been snatched from me. Your emperor also poured out many other bitter insults upon me, and not once or twice, but often, nor did he wish to do any of those things which were just and consistent with equity. Therefore, if, having been affected and provoked by you with so many and such great injuries and damages, I have used arms, I am in no way to be blamed. But if you wish now also to speak with us about a treaty and peace, we will do so with a ready mind. It is therefore your choice to prefer what is expedient and to prefer peace to war." To which Bonus replied: "We certainly did not begin the war first, nor did we attack you: on the contrary, you were the first to rush upon the Romans. 113 Indeed, the emperor was moved in his mind to send you gifts, and he sent envoys to you..."

14. That Bajanus, after the wall-assault, sends some to discuss peace. And some of those in Sirmium, sitting at the high point of the bath, which happened to be open to the people, for the purpose of scouting the enemies according to custom, and looking out from a distance and watching if there would be any barbarian incursion, when they noticed the messengers of the Avars already approaching, having been misled by the length of the path and not yet having determined the exact truth, they suspected it to be a multitude of Avars, and they announced it immediately, and gave the signal. But Bonus, being troubled by this, hastened to learn the truth more clearly. And having learned that the Avars were few and wished to send a herald to him, he also sent those who would make the reconciliations outside the wall. For he was still in great pain from the wound, and Theodorus the physician did not allow the commander to be in the open to the adversaries. For he said it was likely that the enemies did not even know that he had been struck. But if this should be clear to them, then it was necessary not to hide, so that no suspicion might arise among them that he had died. But they, since others came to discuss peace, and not he himself, suspected that the general had perished, and said they wanted to be in his company. Then Theodorus, having aimed most carefully at what would be beneficial, said that it was no longer necessary for the general to be hidden, but rather to go outside the city and come into the sight of the barbarians. And having covered the wound with some medicine, he lets him go. And indeed, Bonus having gone out, and having come near the barbarians, appeared to them. Then the envoys said such things in mutual speech: "These things, O Romans, the master of the Avars ordered us to discuss with you. Do not hold any blame against me for having taken up war; for you were the first to give the cause of the war. For having engaged in many labors, and having made no small journeys, I had scarcely mastered this country, and you snatched it from me by force. Besides, you hold Usdebatum, whom you took, who belonged to me by the law of captives. But indeed, the emperor among you also holds very bitter insults against me, not only once or twice, but often, and he did not wish to perform any of the things that were necessary. If, therefore, having been wronged by you in such ways, I have used arms, I am in no way to be blamed. And now, therefore, if you wish to hold words with us about treaties and peace, we are most ready; and let it lie with you to prefer what is beneficial and to choose peaceful things before war." To these things Bonus replied: "We did not begin the war first; for we did not [attack] you..."

817 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

...we drove you back. On the contrary, you have driven against the Romans; furthermore, because the Emperor also decided in council to grant you money, he has therefore provided it to the envoys who are with you. But when he perceived you acting arrogantly and swelling with a pride even beyond that of the barbarians themselves, and declaring haughty words that were superior to your own power, then he too, being shrewd, accomplished his own affairs. And as things stand now, it is our duty to send to the Emperor whichever envoys you might wish, who will confirm the matters concerning peace. Do not think that it is in our power even to utter anything, let alone to act in any way other than what seems right to our Emperor." When Bonus had said these things, the words seemed to the Baian to be well-spoken. He signaled again: "Since I am ashamed before the nations that follow me for the sake of an alliance, and shame holds me, if I should depart from here having accomplished nothing at all, having gained nothing for myself; so that I may not seem to have acted in vain and to have undertaken the expedition without profit, send me some small gifts. For having crossed over into Scythia, I brought nothing at all with me, and it is impossible for me to depart from here without having gained the least benefit." To Bonus the general and those who were with him (the highest priest of the city was also there), the proposal seemed reasonable; for he did not wish to receive very much, but only one silver-wrought dish and a little gold, and indeed a Scythian cloak. However, those around Bonus feared to act on their own initiative and not perform everything according to the judgment of the Emperor. They therefore signaled back to him: "We now have an Emperor who is fearful and most severe, and we will not endure, nor will we perform of our own volition, anything that it is possible for him to overlook, especially since we, when we happen to be in the army, do not carry with us an abundance of money, but only a soldier's cloak, which we are indeed wearing, and our weapons. Therefore, consider, O Chagan, whether to offer gifts to the leader of the Avars from the meager things we have brought here might not be a kind of insult. We do not have anything worthy of honor, as I said; for the more precious of our provisions are in other places and very far from us. If, therefore, our Emperor wishes to treat you kindly with gifts, we will not hesitate, rejoicing and following the Emperor, to carry these things out, as far as we are able, treating you as a friend and a fellow servant." Indignant at these things, the Baian swore and threatened that he would indeed send out an army to overrun the regions of the Romans. And when the general made it clear to him that it would be permitted for him to do whatever he could, but that he should know that the incursion would not necessarily be for the good of those being sent, he himself said: "I will send such men against the Roman [territory] that, even if it should happen that they are destroyed by death, to me at least, no...

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

...were said to be crossing the Saus and ravaging Dalmatia. He himself, however, with his entire army, having crossed the Ister, halted in the lands of the Gepids.

15. Targitius came again to fulfill an embassy to the Emperor. He said the same things to the Emperor, and heard from the Emperor the same things as before. For he was asking the Romans to hand over to him the city of Sirmium, as if it were his own private and domestic possession, because the affairs of the Gepids had been overturned by him; furthermore, he demanded the monies which Justinus used to pay the Huns each year; and, as if they had received nothing in previous years, Targitius wanted all of it to be paid to him at once, and said that he would then consider the annual treaties with the Romans to be ratified for the future. He also demanded Usdibadus, as one who belonged to him by the law and custom of captivity. Targitius also brought forward many other things, full of insolence and pride, of which the Emperor took no account, but rather mocked and despised them, and used words befitting the imperial majesty. Finally, when nothing at all had been accomplished through the various and many embassies coming and going regarding these matters, the Emperor dismissed Targitius and told him that he would send Tiberius there, who held the highest command in the army, to treat of all matters and to settle and confirm each point.

16. Indeed, there were other causes of war between the Romans and the Persians; but the nation of the Turks especially impelled the Emperor to move arms against the Persians. For the Turks had invaded Media and had ravaged it. And so, having sent an embassy to Justinus, they solicited him to wage war against the Persians with them, so that they might be the destruction of their common enemies. For they argued that with the Romans attacking from one side and the Turks from the other, the Persians, who were situated in the middle, could easily be crushed. Elated by the confidence of these things, Justinus thought it would be easy to overturn the power of the Persians and bring it to ruin. And so, as much as lay in him, he took care of everything to keep his friendship with the Turks faithful and secure.

17. The Avars sent an embassy to the Romans, as they had often done before, regarding the same matters. When the Romans paid no heed to this embassy (for it had not yet pleased Justinus), finally, with Apsich fulfilling the embassy, Tiberius and Apsich agreed on the opinion that the Romans should give the Avars land in which they might dwell, if they would receive as hostages the children of those who held power among them. And so Tiberius signified these things to the Emperor. However, the Emperor judged that this was not at all advantageous to the affairs of the Romans, and said that he would not make peace otherwise than by taking some of the children of the leader of the Avars himself as hostages. But these things were not approved by Tiberius.

VARIOUS READINGS [The list of textual variants provided in the original text is omitted as per instructions.]

16. (A.D. 570, Indiction 3, 6th year of Justinus.) Many... 17. The Avars [sent] an embassy regarding the same matters, regarding...

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[Latin text:] ...ruled among the Scythians, he might have hostages, so that if the Chagan wished to withdraw from the peace, the fathers of those who were hostages among the Romans would undoubtedly not permit it. Such was the opinion of Tiberius. But to the Emperor, it seemed that peace should not be made at all. Indeed, he was angry with the army commanders themselves because they were delaying to wage war, and he admonished them by letter that they ought to show the barbarians that the customs of the Romans had not degenerated into softness and sloth, but that they were patient of labors and eager for war. When discord prevailed and the trumpet of war began to sound, Tiberius warned Bonus by letter to keep a diligent guard over the river crossings.

[Greek text:] ...to take some of their children as hostages. But it did not seem so to Tiberius; for he reasoned that if they took the children of those who held power among the Scythians, as is likely, should the Chagan deliberate to cast aside the agreements, the fathers of those held as hostages would not permit it. Such was the opinion of Tiberius, but it did not seem so to the Emperor. For he was even indignant at the Roman army commanders for delaying the war, and he used letters as if speaking to them, that it was necessary to show the Barbarians that the life of the Romans had not [degenerated] into luxury... but rather that they were warlike and enduring of labor. And when the matters of strife prevailed and war was threatened, Tiberius signaled to Bonus in letters to guard the crossings of the river.

18. That after the victory of the Avars, Tiberius the general having been defeated, after the agreements it was decided to send an embassy to the Roman Emperor. And indeed Tiberius sent along with the embassy Damianus, a chiliarch, and signaled to the Emperor all the things that had occurred, and what the Avar side desired. And the Romans and Avars made peace completely.

19. That when the Avars had made peace and were departing for their own lands, those called by the local name Scamares lay in ambush and took away horses and silver and other baggage. Because of these things, they sent an embassy again to Tiberius, complaining about those who had stolen, and also wishing to recover the things that had been taken away. And indeed, those who had committed the theft were searched out and brought into the open, and he restored a certain portion to the Avars.

20. That when the tenth year of the fifty-year truce had been completed, after the slaughter of Surenas, in this time the King of the Persians sends Sebochthes, a Persian man, on an embassy to Justin the Emperor, pretending ignorance of the things that had occurred in Persarmenia, but otherwise wishing the Romans to deposit the gold that had been ordained, as the decade had passed for which the money had been collected in one sum, and then that the peace should stand most firmly, just as it had been written in the agreements. For in the beginning, Chosroes was greatly disturbed, perceiving that the Roman Emperor was moving toward war, having cast aside the peaceful conditions. And he feared lest, from great preparation, he might attack him. And otherwise, he was not least concerned, having reached extreme old age and being already released from the impulses of war, that the peace should be strong, and that he might leave the paternal possession to his own children as undisturbed and invulnerable as possible. Justin, however, did not much welcome Sebochthes when he came to the Emperor, especially since it happened that when he entered to worship the Emperor as was the custom, and threw himself upon the ground, the hat which was upon his...

[Latin text:] ...guard. It was agreed to send an embassy during the truce to the Emperor. To which Tiberius sent Damianus, a leader of the order, to inform him of the things that had happened and what the Avars wanted. And thus a treaty was made between the Romans and the Avars. The Scamares, called by their native name, made a raid from an ambush and snatched away horses, silver, and the rest of the equipment. Wherefore they sent an embassy to Tiberius, which complained about the stolen goods and demanded back the plunder. But when those who had committed the robbery were caught and brought into the open, he restored a certain part to the Avars.

20 (A.C. 571, Ind. 4, Justin 7.) The tenth year of the fifty-year truce having been finished, after the slaughter of Surenas, the King of the Persians sends Sebochthes, a Persian man, as an ambassador to the Emperor Justin. He indeed feigned ignorance of the things that had been done in Persarmenia, and since ten years had passed, for which the tributes had been collected in one sum, he sought that the Romans should henceforth pay the gold about which they had agreed, as was written in the treaties. For when in the beginning Chosroes suspected that the Roman Emperor, receding from the conditions of peace, was being carried toward war, he had been greatly perturbed. For he feared lest the Emperor might attack him in war with great preparation unexpectedly. And it was his greatest concern, since he had now reached extreme old age and had abandoned the plans of war, to keep the peace inviolate, and to leave to his children the possession of the paternal kingdom undisturbed and unimpeded by any wars. The Emperor, however, did not think much of Sebochthes coming to him, especially since it happened, as soon as he entered to venerate the Emperor as was the custom, and [threw himself] on the ground at his feet...

VARIOUS READINGS. [List of textual variants omitted as per instructions]

18. Tiberius having been defeated, and the Avars having gained the victory, 19. A treaty having been initiated, when the Avars were returning to their own,

fell, as the cap which, according to the custom of the Persians, rested upon his head, fell to the ground. Using this as a favorable omen, the officials ^A and the populace puffed up the emperor with flatteries, as if Persia was about to fall under his power at any moment. Justin, therefore, being lifted up by these hopes and elated in his mind, thought that things would turn out according to his wishes most easily. ^B Consequently, the emperor despised Sebochthes when he came to announce the reason for his arrival, and held the man in no account. He said, therefore, that friendship confirmed by money is not good; for such friendship is base, servile, and bought; whereas friendship that is balanced and not greedy is defined as that in which stability is fixed by natural disposition. In addition to these things, he inquired of him whether he would like to discuss the situation regarding Armenia. Sebochthes replied that his king had heard that there had been a small disturbance in that province, but had nonetheless sent someone capable of putting the events in order and calming the tumult. Justin, however, declared most openly that he had received the Persarmenians, who had defected from the Persians, into his own protection and care, and that he would not neglect them if anyone should treat them unjustly, since they were of one mind regarding God. Sebochthes, who was a man of keen intellect among the Persians and who, moreover, held the same views regarding the Divine as the Christians, implored Emperor Justin most diligently not to stir up things in the world, and advised him to consider the war ^C as a very uncertain matter, not proceeding according to fixed rules. For if it should happen by chance that the Romans were to gain the victory, the victory itself would perhaps fall in the opposite direction. For those who know the Persian region, even by the shortest journey, have learned that all folk there hold and cherish the same religious rites as he himself follows. If they set out to kill such people, they will none the less be defeated again in turn. Therefore, it is surely not right to sharpen swords against those who share the same faith as the Christians. Yet Justin did not think it fitting to be persuaded by such moderate and gentle words. He said that if he would merely move one finger, he would set out and invade the land of the Persians; and he told him to be confident that, if he should launch a war, he would both overthrow Chosroes and appoint a king for the Persians himself. Having spoken thus insolently, he sent Sebochthes away. ^D

118 21. (A. D. 575. Indiction 8. Year 11 of Justin.) When Justin was suffering from mental instability and had entrusted the administration of the commonwealth to Tiberius, Tiberius and the Queen were uncertain what they should decide regarding military matters; but the King of the Persians removed their perplexity by sending Jacob, an envoy, to the Roman Emperor. He knew how to express Persian words in the Greek language.

^A For, thinking that the Romans had slipped into the ultimate depths of despair, he reckoned that nothing could be sweeter or more opportune for them than to settle the war on any terms, yet he was ashamed to send an embassy, judging it unseemly that one who had initiated the war should be the first to propose peace. Thus, the King of the Persians removed this shame by anticipating it; and for their own terrified state of mind, he devised a pretext so that they might come to discussions and sue for peace. He sends, therefore, Jacob, having deliberated in a better way, thinking that the Persians could never end the war against the Romans more gloriously, because the Romans would concede all that the Persians themselves desired. The letter sent by him to Justin was neither suited to the age of the King of the Persians, being entirely childish, nor, I think, to any other man of intelligence. For it was not inappropriate for just any other person to be arrogant; but it was not right for him to be haughty, nor to be a braggart and a boor. For the letter was full of insolence and reproach and of intemperate words. And although the letter was full of pride and arrogance, Jacob was nonetheless admitted, not indeed to Justin, since he was suffering from a grave illness, but to the Empress, who was managing all the affairs of the empire together with Tiberius. Having read the letter, the Empress promised that she too would send an envoy to the King of the Persians, to discuss all matters that were in dispute between them. ^B Zacharias, therefore, who was ranked among the physicians of the palace, was sent, carrying a letter from the Empress.

κβ΄. That under Tiberius Caesar, the Roman generals, having made an incursion into Albania and taken hostages from the Sabiri and other tribes, came to Byzantium. When the envoys of the Alani and Sabiri, who had surrendered themselves, arrived at Byzantium, the Caesar received them kindly and very humanely. Having learned from them how much money the King of the Persians was giving them, and having granted them the power to exaggerate the amount as much as they wished by their lying and to conceal the truth by their boasting, "I," he said, "will provide double this to those of you in authority, and furthermore to you yourselves." ^C At this, the Barbarians were pleased, and seemed to give thanks to God that they had become subjects of the Romans. They reported, however, that Abirem had revolted a little earlier, and, having little regard for the hostages, had joined the Persians. Caesar, having once again held a meeting with the envoys, discussed what was fitting, and said that he would be very generous to those who came over to him voluntarily, but those who did not wish to do so, he would take under his own hand by force and power against their will.

^D κγ΄. That when the generals were ravaging the territory of the Persians...

^A Nadees was chosen, and sent by Chosroes to carry out the so-called minor embassy. He was commanded by Chosroes to bring a response to the embassy of Theodore the son of Bacchus, and in particular to announce to the Romans that he himself was ready to send primary men to the borders of the East, so that along with those whom the Romans might send, they might oversee and consider in what manner they should lay down their arms. Since he inquired first of all as to what government was the cause of the breaking of the fifty-year truce, the Caesar replied most prudently, as indeed one would who, being a king of the Persians of greater age—for he was still young and, as far as the prime of life was concerned, was considered a child to Chosroes—was ready to follow whatever that man might decide, and would comply whether he desired swords or peace.

^B Having sent off Nadees with these instructions, the Caesar not long after himself sent out to the East those who would capably settle the doubtful matters, to assemble at one place with the Persian leaders. The men sent by the Romans were: Theodore the son of Peter, who, having previously been a leader of the records at the palace, at that time stood at the head of the treasures assigned to the emperor, which are called by the Roman tongue *largitiones* (for the Latins call generosity *largum*); John and Peter, both honored with the rank of consuls; and furthermore, Zacharias, who was ranked among the royal physicians.

When these men arrived at Constantina, a city situated in Mesopotamia, they awaited Mebodes Sannachoerigan, who had been sent by Chosroes to the regions around Nisibis and Daras. For Chosroes had entrusted to this man the full authority to confirm the peace. At about the same time, Chosroes put to death Asterius (who was one of the emperor’s judges, whom you might call "countersigners"), because he was caught, while he was ^C a captive, having written secret letters to the Roman emperor, that while Persian affairs were in distress, he should attack them.

When Mebodes had arrived at the borders, a struggle occurred first between him and the men with Theodore and Zacharias regarding the place where the meeting should be held. The Romans demanded that the assembly be held in the territories belonging to Daras, as these were their own; on the other hand, the Persians argued that, since the city had yielded to them by the law of war, it was not unreasonable that whatever pertained to the city also belonged to them, and that it was not fitting to meet there, as the boundaries were not established.

However, after these things, since it seemed so to both sides, they assembled for the colloquy at the place called Atraelon, and with them also were the local leaders of both states. There they ^D set out in the middle the reasons that each side thought they had to accuse the other, as to what grievances one people had caused the other, or which had been the first to make war. And so, when both sides had held many discussions...

having had many words thrown out from both sides, as it happened, and having a surplus of arguments, as each one wished to show himself, as was natural, most loyal to his own state, in the end the Romans were the first to appear in the assembly.

^B 24. That the ambassadors, having met and gathered at the borders of the East from both states, deliberating on how peace should be secured, and having each of them uttered clever and varied speeches, and having spoken and heard as much as was necessary, and perhaps also as much as was not necessary, the ambassadors finally realized that, as to the question of who was to blame for the breaking of the treaty, it were better to keep silent; but they began to investigate the manner in which peace might be secured for the future, and how the disputed states might lay down their arms. Immediately, therefore, Mebodes, according to the former treaties which had been established in the time of the Emperor Justinian, stated that the Romans ought to pay 30,000 gold coins annually to the state of the Persians, that they should withdraw from Persarmenia and Iberia, and furthermore, that all those responsible for the defection should be handed over to the king of the Persians, so that he might use appropriate punishments upon them. ^C When Mebodes had insisted on this much, the Roman ambassadors, having received such an order from the Caesar, immediately declared that they would not even accept the name of peace if the Persians hoped to have the Romans as their subjects in the future through the payment of tribute. For they said that the Caesar would not endure to give anything of the sort, nor would he wish to buy peace as if it were a commodity for sale; for if it were to happen in that way, it would be neither lasting nor secure. The Roman ambassadors therefore said that they ought first to set aside such a proposal, and then consider on what conditions the peace should be concluded. And again, after much specious argumentation had been spent by both sides, and the Persians remained unyielding at first, arguing only for the ancient 30,000 gold coins or a large lump sum, finally Mebodes decided to show them a letter, supposedly sent recently to him from his king, in which it was contained that, for the sake of friendship with the Caesar, he would agree to strengthen the peace on fair terms, even without any payment of money. ^D When this was rumored about in the imperial city, everyone was elated, and both the officials and the rest of the populace thought that the time had arrived for them to give rest to their swords and to maintain peace most firmly, since the Caesar was prepared to cede both Persarmenia and indeed Iberia itself to the Persians, knowing most clearly that they would never yield if deprived of such great regions, even if they were completely ruined and reduced to nothing. Nevertheless, the princes of the Persarmenians, and

^A indeed all those who were of their kindred, and in general anyone at all who had defected to the Romans, he affirmed he would not hand over. Nor, conversely, would he grant the peace, unless there were an assurance for those of the Persarmenians and Iberians who desired to leave their own properties and move to Roman territory. For the Caesar had made it a matter of no small concern, regarding those sworn to by the Emperor Justinian—the Persarmenians and those of the Iberians who had migrated. For the Emperor had sworn that, as far as was possible for him, he would move every means to make even the land that had reared them subject to himself; and if in the end he were not able to hold out in the war, he swore he would never, under any circumstances, hand over the causes of the revolt, nor those related to them by blood, or, in a word, all those who wished to share in the Roman franchise. ^B And the King of the Persians seemed to be pleased with this, on the condition that the Romans would withdraw both from Persarmenia and Iberia, and that he himself would grant the authority for the inhabitants here to go wherever they wished—a proposal, in my opinion, which was not unreasonable. For he knew well, save for a very few of those in authority who had initiated the revolt, that none of the Persarmenians and Iberians, owing to the longing for their motherland which is by nature inherent and fixed in human beings, would move to a foreign land. Furthermore, he hoped simultaneously that, once the war had ceased, he would be able to dispose of Persarmenia and Iberia in due course; for these regions were, for him, fertile in all things, and they provided the most copious tribute. Therefore, for these reasons, the King of the Persians was pleased to settle the war on these terms. ^C But it occurred to the Caesar to consider, in order that no cause for war might remain in the future, that in exchange for Persarmenia and Iberia he would receive in turn the city of Daras from them; not that he would gain profit from this city—for the city of Daras offers no utility other than that it is very strongly fortified and has been thrown up as a bulwark for the Eastern part of the Roman Empire—but he wished this to be a consolation for the Roman setbacks, that they might recover their own properties, and at the same time he desired to leave no spark of war. For that reason, he was eager to receive Daras, either for money or in some other way. Thus, while it seemed good to make peace on equitable terms before the war in Armenia was decided, and the Persians agreed, nevertheless, just as the Persians were on the point of ceding the city of Daras to the Romans for either no price or at least a very small sum of gold, once it was established that the Romans had withdrawn from Persarmenia and Iberia, and while these envoys were negotiating these matters among themselves, a battle was fought in Armenia, in which battle the Romans fell far short of their hopes: for they were defeated and slaughtered. ^D And so, when the Persians had gained spirit from their successful affairs, their King said that he would never permit any mention of handing over the city of Daras to the Romans.

For he himself insisted that, according to the common law of war, he had taken and acquired Daras by force and power; and that the Romans, on the other hand, had broken the treaty by inciting Persarmenia and Iberia to revolt and by receiving those who lived there when they defected from the Persians. And therefore, the Barbarian was again bold and arrogant, and indeed he boasted greatly over the things that had occurred. He also threatened that before the end of the three years—during which the truce already established was to endure, under which there seemed to be peace—he would resume arms and engage in battle in that very region which lies toward the rising sun, having first returned the gold which the Romans, when Zacharias the physician had cemented this, had given for the sake of such a truce, at a rate proportional to what remained of the three-year term; and thereafter he would begin the war again. When Mebodes reported this as the opinion of the King of the Persians, the Roman leaders said that they would not in the least break the treaties; for it had not been established in them that it was permitted for either of the parties to break the pacts by returning all the gold or even a portion of it, as if it were moving back to him who had provided it. Nevertheless, Mebodes and Zacharias again spoke together in secret on these matters ^B in the same place where they were meeting; they shared their thoughts and set forth whatever both men judged ought to be said. They also probed one another as to how the two states might come to terms. And Mebodes swore most insistently that he desired to speak most usefully to the Caesar, and that he was indeed most disposed toward him. But Zacharias asked if it were possible, as secretly as could be and with absolutely no one knowing, to provide a certain amount of gold for the city of Daras. Zacharias said this, for it had been entrusted to him by the Caesar, not openly, nor indeed with anyone else knowing—save for Maurice, the son of Paul, who was well-disposed toward the Caesar and at that time managed the prince's accounts—so that not even the imperial scribes would have anything written about it, so that the Caesar's plans might be more secret. Thus Zacharias wrote that if Mebodes would promise him that the King of the Persians would accept the money for the redemption of the city of Daras, the Caesar would lay down the money without any delay. When Zacharias indicated these things to Mebodes not openly, indeed, but in rather obscure words, Mebodes replied that nothing had been commanded him by the King of the Persians concerning that matter, nor would the king at all permit Daras to be restored for money. Nevertheless, the matter was agreed upon, and faith was guaranteed by certain oaths: ^C if the conventions, as they then stood, remained, the king would subsequently hand over Daras to the petitioner Caesar as a special gift. In this matter it was sufficiently clear that he had not the slightest concern for what was salutary for the Roman Empire, and that he was speaking things that were abhorrent to the truth. For he tended—

^A—to urge the Romans to withdraw without a fight from Persarmenia and Iberia, and finally to beg for the city of Daras, and to attain nothing of what was promised; next, that the counsel held in reserve—much as that current proverb says—would have no strength, just as Peter was deceived before regarding Suania by the Zich. ^B Similarly, Mebodes wished to act. But when he saw that Zacharias was most prudent and that it was not possible for him to lead the man astray, he turned to the other way, so that by some means he might circumvent the Romans by trickery. For he met with Zacharias and his company for a time, strewing the path with hopes, as if there would be peace and as if the King of the Persians would be inclined to yield Daras to the Romans, thinking by this means to dissolve the Emperor’s eagerness for war. And so, with time being frittered away in such things, and the envoys from both polities occupied with these matters, and the eastern war thus being conducted in uncertainty, in the fourth year of the reign of the Emperor Tiberius Constantine, the nation of the Sclaveni fell upon Thrace, to the number of about one hundred thousand, to plunder Thrace and many other regions.

25. ^C That the Emperor sent a significant amount of gold to Italy, up to thirty centenaria, which Pamphronius by name, a man of patrician dignity, had brought from elder Rome to the Emperor. He had at that time come to the royal city for this purpose, in order to present requests to the Emperor that he might bring aid to Italy, which was worn out by the incursions of the Lombards. But the Emperor, since the Persian war was everything to him and he was entirely occupied by it, was not able to send an army thither. Nor did it seem to him that he should wage war at the same time in the East and in the West. He gave money, however, to Pamphronius in another way, so that he might, if it were at all possible, persuade some of the leaders of the Lombard nation, through their desire of gain, to cross over to the Romans with their own forces, ^D and thus neither to trouble Italy, nor—as they were also eager to fight in the East—to aid in the Roman dominion. Should the Lombards refuse, as was to be expected, he was to go the other way, and by the distribution of the money to win over some of the Frankish leaders, and in this way to undermine and shatter the power of the Lombards.

26. That the Medes, fearing the Roman invasion—which was all but upon the Persians—and returning to the so-called Thaunarius fortress, which was bereft of Roman aid, took possession of it and returned home, having gained nothing at all worthy of such a shameful violation of the truce, nor having inflicted any great harm upon the Romans, as they had been suspected of doing at the beginning.

837 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

838 27. That Tamchosro, having clearly understood the counsel of Chosroes—as Mebodes had incited him not to wait for the end of the three-year truce which had been established regarding the East—and that it seemed best to him to undoubtedly attack the Roman dominion in the East with both Mebodes and Sapor, son of Mairanes, whether such things had been ordered to him by Chosroes or whether he was planning this of his own accord, as if casting a second anchor, he turned away from Citharizon and himself rushed against the Roman territory in the East from the passes of Armenia, intending to create a double disturbance there.

28. That when the Romans were besieging Chlomaron and making assaults in a circle, and had positioned siege engines, and were also digging tunnels underneath into the hidden depths, Biganes sent the bishop of the fortress to Maurice; for all the inhabitants of Arzanene were Christians. For this reason, he thought that the one presiding over the sacred rites of Christ would be deemed worthy of respect by the Romans, who were Christians, and he entreated him. He entrusted the priest to take whatever gold and silver they had and to depart, and to labor no further. For he would never surrender, as long as Biganes looked upon the sun, those who were in Chlomaron to the Romans; and if they persisted in the siege, the multitude of Christians would perish, and the Romans would act impiously toward God by overlooking those inside who were perishing without cause. These things Biganes declared. But Maurice, having spoken many persuasive things to the priest and to those who had come with him for the sake of supplication, and having received pledges of goodwill from the priest, ordered him to report to Biganes that if he would surrender himself to the Romans, he would be deemed worthy of a higher rank among the Romans than that which he now held among the Persians, and he would become the master of twice the property and other wealth. And having said other things that were attractive, he allowed the priest and those with him to return inside the fortress. But Biganes, having the most loyal disposition toward the King of the Persians and his state, and furthermore being confident in the place, did not at all lend his ears to the greatest promises of Maurice, and even though he was a Barbarian, he did not revolt from what was proper, but considered his original servitude more honorable than wealth. He sent again the items dedicated to the worship of God, both sprinklers and chalices and other most precious vessels, to Maurice, entreating him to accept these as a ransom for this fortress and to dissolve the siege. But the general, when he saw these, did not accept them, although they were of great value; for he said that he had not come to plunder sacred things nor to fight against Christ, but to wage war with Christ, and rather to rescue those of the same faith from those who did not think rightly.

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

19 31 800 ...to guard against what he would deserve. It was also agreed that the King of the Persians should provide a guarantee that, as soon as he had received the gold which he had stipulated for the three years, he would hand over a letter of security to the Roman Emperor. And the Roman Emperor’s ratification of the peace bore the customary inscription, which is well enough known. The words of the Persian King, written in the Persian language, sound thus in Greek: "Divine, good, peace-loving, ancient Chosroes, King of Kings, happy, pious, beneficent, to whom the gods have granted great fortune and a great empire, giant of giants, fashioned after the image of the gods, to Justinian Caesar, our brother." And the inscription was of this kind. But the force of those things which were contained in the letters was as follows. I shall relate the very structure and arrangement of the words. For I thought it necessary not to do otherwise, lest anyone suspect that something had been changed by me from the truth. These things are thus: "We give thanks to the brotherhood of Caesar for the peace established between these two kingdoms. We indeed have ordered and given power to Izdigushnasp, our divine chamberlain, to conclude this business. The brotherhood of Caesar has entrusted his management to Peter, the Master of the Romans, and to Eusebius, so that they might hold a conversation and treat regarding the peace. And indeed Zich, and he who is called Master among the Romans, and Eusebius, having deliberated and weighed the matter among themselves, have treated and reduced to writing that there should be peace for fifty years for the Persians and the Romans, and they have approved what was written by impressing their seals. Therefore, we wish all things which Zich and the Master of the Romans and Eusebius have agreed upon regarding the peace to be valid and firm, and we stand by the stated conditions." And these things indeed were written word for word as they were. The ratification of the Roman Emperor was written in the same sense, but without the inscription which the letter of the King of the Persians had. Upon these matters, the conversation between the envoys was concluded.

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

When they had come together again for a conversation, and Zich was boasting with magnificent words and extolling Chosroes, and saying that he was invincible and had carried off many victories, and that from the time he had bound on the tiara, he had compelled ten nations, against which he had fought, to pay tribute, and had overturned the power of the Ephthalites, and had subdued many kings, and that all the Barbarians of those lands honored and revered him, whence he justly and deservedly took upon himself the title of King of Kings: when Zich was proclaiming these and such things about Chosroes and speaking magnificently, Peter, departing a little from the subject, recounted this story. There was, he said, once in ancient times a certain King of the Egyptians, by the name of Sesostris. He, when fortune...

841 68 842 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

From the infantry forces through the Sirmium island, moving the oars to strike the water, and having moved the river with the light boats all at once, he himself, with the entire Avar army, traveling on foot through the Sirmium island, arrived at the Savus River. The Romans in these cities were disturbed and, having understood the undertaking, the commander in Singidunum, Sethus by name, sent to the Chagan and asked what he wanted, and why, since a firm peace and friendship existed between him and the Romans, he had arrived at the Savus River? He said at the same time that he would not overlook his attempting to bridge the river, as the Emperor did not permit it at all. He said he did not wish to build the bridge to plot anything against the Romans, but rather to advance against the Sclaveni, and after crossing the Savus and stepping onto the Roman land, he would cross the Ister again against them, with many ships being prepared for him for the crossing by the Roman Emperor himself. For he had indeed done this before for the sake of the Roman Emperor, and had returned to the Romans many myriads of captives from the Roman land who had been enslaved by the Sclaveni, once they were free. But now he said he had been insulted by them, as they did not wish to pay the tribute ordered at that time to be deposited for him each year; and that the ambassadors of the Avars sent to them had been killed. For these reasons he had come to the Savus, and for this reason he ordered Sethus to receive ambassadors from him, to be sent through him to the Emperor, to ask him to prepare the ships for him along the Ister, as he intended to cross against the Sclaveni. He also said he was ready to swear the oaths considered greatest among both the Avars and the Romans, that he was plotting no harm against the Romans or against the city of Sirmium, but wished to build the bridge for the expedition against the nation of the Sclaveni. These things did not seem credible to Sethus himself or to the Romans in Singidunum. However, thinking they did not have sufficient preparation, and that few soldiers were present with them and many fast ships were not available, as this movement had happened suddenly and unexpectedly; at the same time the Chagan began to threaten and testify that he himself stood by the peace treaties concluded with the Romans, and that he would not refrain from the work of bridging while marching against the Sclaveni, who were enemies of both himself and the Romans; and if any Roman dared to release even a single arrow against those attempting to build the bridge, they should know that they themselves had begun the cause of the dissolution of the treaties, and from then on, since they had provoked the Avar nation to war, they should not complain about whatever the Roman Empire might suffer from them. Fearing this, those in Singidunum [Latin text follows] held, and arrived at the Savus river. Having observed this equipment, the Romans who live in the cities situated in that part were vehemently disturbed. Sethus was the commander at Singidunum. He sent to the Chagan to ask him, since there was peace and friendship between him and the Romans, what he wanted, that he had come to the Savus, which if he attempted to bridge without the Emperor's consultation, he would not permit. He said he was building the bridge not to plot any evil against the Romans, but to undertake an expedition against the Sclaveni. That after crossing the Savus and traversing the Roman lands, he would cross the Ister again, having obtained many ships for the crossing from the Roman Emperor. He said he had already done this before for the sake of the Roman Emperor, and had restored to the Romans many thousands of Romans who had been reduced to slavery by the Sclaveni, having granted them freedom. But now he said he had been affected by injury by the Sclaveni, because they did not want to pay the tribute ordered to be paid to him at that time each year, and also because they had killed the Avar ambassadors sent by him, and that this was the reason why he had approached the Savus. And so he ordered Sethus to receive the ambassadors whom he was sending to the Emperor, who would ask that he prepare ships for him along the Ister as he was about to cross against the Sclaveni. He added that he was prepared to swear by those things which are held most sacred among both the Romans and the Avars, that he was contemplating no harm to the Romans or to the town of Sirmium, but had instituted the building of the bridge only to open a path for himself to the Sclaveni. Sethus and the Romans who were in Singidunum did not believe these things at all. But they thought they were not sufficiently prepared with a suitable army, or with soldiers (for they had few), or with fast ships. For this movement had happened suddenly and beyond expectation. Furthermore, the Chagan began to threaten and testify that he himself stood by the conditions of peace agreed upon between himself and the Romans, and since he was proceeding against their common enemies, the Sclaveni, he would not at all interrupt the work of constructing the bridge. But if any Roman dared to throw even one weapon at those who were applying their hands to building the bridge, he ordered them to remember that the beginning of the violation of the treaties had been made by them, and when they themselves had driven the Avars into war, they should not complain about it. Fearing this, the Romans who were in Singidunum provoked the Chagan to an oath. And so, he immediately took an oath according to the Avar rite in this manner. With his sword drawn, he invoked dire curses upon himself and the Avar nation, if he were plotting any evil against the Romans in what he had undertaken to do by building a bridge over the Savus river, that he himself and his entire nation should perish by the sword to the point of extermination, that the sky from on high should send fire upon them, and God who is in heaven, and that the woods and mountains should crush them by falling and ruin, and the Savus river by flooding.

8:3 EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR 841

...would submerge them. Using these barbarian oaths, the Chagan sent forth: "Now," he said, "I wish to swear the oath of the Romans." Then he asked them what it was that they considered holy and religious, by which those who swear, if they should prove false, would believe they could in no way escape the wrath of God. Then he who held the highest sacred authority in the city of Singedon immediately ordered the holy Bibles to be handed over through intermediaries. And he, indeed, concealing what he was revolving in his mind, and feigning that he was receiving them with much trembling and great reverence, proceeded from his chair, and with a cheerful spirit fell upon his knees, and swore by the God who had sent forth the words of the sacred Books, that he would in nothing that he had said lie or deceive. And so Sethus admitted the envoys sent by him, and transmitted them to the Emperor Tiberius in the royal city. While the envoys were making their journey, and the emperor was preparing to admit them, the Chagan meanwhile did not interrupt his work, but with all care, zeal, and diligence, with the entire Avar army applying itself to the matter, he completed the bridge over the river Saos. For he had determined to finish the work before that matter could come to the emperor’s knowledge, lest, if he should find out, he might attempt to disturb the construction.

81 B [Greek text omitted]

31. And so the Avar envoys, having set out to the royal city, requested of the emperor that he prepare ships for the Chagan and the Avar army, by which, having crossed the Ister, they might move against the Sclavini. For the Chagan, trusting in the friendship which he had with the Romans, was already building a bridge over the river Saos and had the intention of crushing and destroying their common enemies and those of the Romans. When the envoys reported these things, the emperor immediately and openly understood the attempt and the mind of the Chagan. For since he desired to take the town of Sirmium, he had made the bridge, so that he might cut off the inhabitants of the town from the supply of all things and compel them to surrender by famine. For since the emperor did not at all distrust the peace established with the Avars, he had not taken care to have supplies suitable for enduring a siege brought into the city. Furthermore, he had no troops—I do not say that would be sufficient to resist the Avars, but not even the smallest number at all. For all the armies which he had enlisted were occupied in the Persian war in Armenia and Mesopotamia. Yet he dissembled all these things, as if he did not understand what the Chagan was aiming at. And so the emperor replied that he too wished to pursue the Sclavini with war, since they had plundered most of the Roman regions and harassed them with robberies. But that at that time it was not opportune...

845 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

[The text begins mid-sentence, describing the Emperor’s attempt to dissuade the Avars from their expedition, as the Turks were already encamped near Cherson, and the Avars would quickly hear of them if they crossed the Ister. He suggested that it would be better for them to pause now and postpone the enterprise. He himself would soon learn the intentions of the Turks and where they aimed their assault, and he would make this known to the Khagan.] These things did not escape the Avar envoy, as they were fabricated by the Emperor on the spot, who hoped by presenting the fear of the Turks to restrain them from their design. He pretended to be persuaded, however, and agreed that he would certainly restrain the Khagan. This man was the one who most of all had always been urging and inciting him to war against the Romans. And he, having received many gifts for which he had bargained, set out from the Queen of Cities; and it happened that while he was traveling through Illyricum with a few Romans who were escorting him, he was killed by the Sclaveni who were raiding that region. Not many days passed, and immediately another envoy sent by the Khagan came to the Queen of Cities, Solachus by name, who, having obtained an audience with the Emperor, spoke most openly and with naked impudence as follows: "That the river Saus has already been blocked by a bridge, I consider it foolish to assert; for to speak of the most obvious things to those who know them is a reproach to the speaker. And there is no device by which the Romans can assist the city of Sirmium, nor can any food or any other aid sail into it through the river from now on, unless such a multitude of Romans arrives that they can, by force and violence, drive away the Avar army and destroy the bridge." Therefore, the Emperor should by no means make war against the Avars and the Khagan of the Avars for the sake of one insignificant city, or rather, a pot (for he had used this very word); but rather, having led out all the soldiers and inhabitants in it safely, and not only them but also all of their possessions that could be carried away, he should cede the city to the Khagan, leaving it henceforth naked and deserted. For he feared that the Romans might now pretend to abide by the conditions of peace only until they had finished the war against the Persians, and once that was finished, they might march with their entire army against the Avars, having this very city as a most ready fortress against them, and being hindered neither by a great river in between nor by any other difficulty of terrain. It was clear and most evident that it was not for the benefit of the Avars that the Emperor, while a firm peace was established with them, had built such great walls around the city of Sirmium. For he said that the Khagan rejoiced in the gifts sent to him by the Emperor each year. For it is a good possession, and [the text continues in Latin] gold, silver, and silk garments are goods of great value, but the most precious and valuable of all goods is life; and since he feared for it, and recalled that the Romans had summoned and drawn many nations to themselves in these regions with gifts and presents, which they then...

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

[...as time went on, they would subdue and utterly destroy them, and that he could be moved by neither gifts, nor promises, nor any other thing to desist from his undertaking, nor would he rest until he had taken the city and made the entire Sirmium island his own. And he claimed to do this by right, because this island had previously belonged to the Gepids, whose property and cities the Avars could more justly claim for themselves, having conquered them, than the Romans could.]

These things greatly disturbed the Emperor, and severely struck his mind with anger and grief; yet he himself, using such words as he could, replied thus: "That the Chagan has circumvented us neither by forces, nor by the strength of his hand, nor by prudence, but by violating the peace, the treaties, and God, by whom he swore, is manifest to all. Nevertheless, I hope that his treachery will profit him little. For I would sooner betroth to him one of my daughters, of whom I have two, than willingly hand over the city of Sirmium. But if he takes it by force, I, awaiting God as an avenger, whose divinity he has violated, shall consider that I have not failed the Roman Empire." Then, having dismissed the envoy, he prepared to bring aid to the city as far as he was able. For, as I said above, he had few forces, and so he sent the commanders of the armies, the generals and the captains of the squadrons, some through Illyricum and others through Dalmatia, so that they might guard the city as much as could be done.

[...and that the soul is more worthy of acquisition and more precious than these things, for which he was fearful and reflecting that, as for the most part, the nations that had come upon that region in the time past, having been enticed by the Romans with such gifts, had in the end, when opportunity offered, destroyed them with total ruin, he would not desist from the undertaking, neither by gifts, nor by promises, nor by any other thing of all, until, having mastered the city of Sirmium, he should make the entire Sirmium island his own, which it most justly befitted him to possess, as it had formerly been the property of the Gepids, and they having been warred upon by the Avars, so that from this it was fitting that the possessions should belong to him rather than to the Romans. These things disturbed the Emperor, and held his mind severely under both anger and grief; but using such words as were appropriate, he himself replied thus: "That the Chagan has not overcome us by power and strength of hand, nor by wisdom, but has insulted the peace, the treaties, and God, by whom he swore, is surely clear to all. But I think that his perfidy will not provide him any advantage; for I would sooner betroth to him one of my daughters, of whom there are two, than willingly hand over the city of Sirmium. But if he should take it by power and force, and thus awaiting the God who has been insulted by him as an avenger, I would never consider that I had in any way failed the Roman polity." Upon these things, having sent away the envoy, he prepared to defend the city from what was available, having, as I have already said, not even a small army, but sending generals and leaders and captains, some through the Illyrians, others through Dalmatia, so that they might hold the city with garrisons.]

[...arrived at the Casian and Carbonarian islands, he accepted the proposals brought to him so that they might make treaties: and so Bajanus arrived, and dismounting from his horse, sat upon a golden chair, which had been prepared in the form of a tent with coverings adorned with gems. Before his chest and face, a shield was placed as a bulwark, lest he be attacked by the Romans perchance throwing weapons at him. For those who were with Theognis were not at a great distance from the place where Bajanus was sitting: and so the Hun interpreters announced with a loud voice the faith given concerning the truce. Then Bajanus said that the Romans ought to yield Sirmium to him without a fight, because there was no help left for them to prevent the town from being taken. For besides the fact that the city lacked necessary supplies, the transport of grain being hindered from both sides, the multitude of the Avars would not be wearied by any labors until they subjected the city to their power. He also proposed a certain plausible reason for desiring to possess the city, lest fugitives from the Avar army, because the city was adjacent to them, should flee to the Romans.]

32. That Theognis, when he arrived at the Casian and Carbonarian islands, accepted the proposals when words were moved concerning truces. And when Bajanus arrived and had dismounted from his horse, a golden chair having been placed for him, he sat upon it, which had been fashioned from inlaid stones like a certain hut. But indeed, shields were also placed before his chest and face as a bulwark, so that the Romans might not perchance shoot at him all at once. But those who were with Theognis, having arrived, standing a short distance from the place where Bajanus was sitting, discussed the pledges concerning the truces through Hun interpreters. And Bajanus said that the Romans ought to yield Sirmium to him without a fight, as there was no device left for them to prevent the city from being taken. In addition to the fact that it would soon be deprived of necessities, the transport of grain being hindered from both sides, and the power of the Avars not relaxing in the war, until they should make the city subject to them. He also put forward a certain plausible reason for desiring to master the city, because...

VARIOUS READINGS. 32. (A.D. 580, ind. 13, Tiber. 3.) Theognis where C

[Continuing from the previous page] ^A ...deserters from the Avar army, as the city was close at hand, to surrender themselves to the Romans. As they were discussing these matters, Theognis answered, saying that he would not himself yield to the war any sooner than the Avar army had ceased, nor should Bajan hope that the Romans would be as obliging as he desired. When they and others had spoken to this effect, and had agreed in no way on peace, Theognis explicitly, as one weary of the negotiations, said that Bajan should depart and prepare himself for the array of battle, as he would break off the fighting tomorrow, and without any delay. Upon these words, they parted.

FROM THE HISTORY OF MENANDER PROTECTOR: EXCERPTS ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

ARGUMENT

Justinian incites the Utigur Huns against the Cotrigurs (1). Ammigus, leader of the Franks, threatens war against the Romans (2). Petrus Patricius, legate of Justinian, and Zichus, sent by Chosroes, meet at the confines of both empires to firmly establish peace between the Romans and Persians. When the Roman legate would by no means concede the province of Suania to the one demanding it, Petrus sets out to Chosroes himself, so that he might obtain fairer conditions from him (3). Having achieved nothing further by his entreaties regarding Suania, Petrus establishes peace: he returns to Byzantium and dies (4). Emperor Justinus sends the legate Joannes to Chosroes to negotiate the cession of Suania: but he returns to Byzantium with his mission unaccomplished (5). Joannes, on account of a badly conducted affair, is stripped of all honors (6). The embassy of Zemarchus to the Turks (7). A description of his journey and of his meeting with Disabul, leader of the Turks (8). Targitius, legate of the Avars, seeking that the city of Sirmium and monies be handed over to him, is haughtily dismissed by Justinus (9). Zacharias, a physician, is sent by Empress Sophia to Chosroes and establishes a yearly truce with the Persians (10). Trajanus, sent after Zacharias, pledges a five-year truce (11). As Tiberius refuses to accept these, the Persians make incursions into Roman territory (12). The embassy of Theodorus, son of Bacchus, to Chosroes, whom he accompanies while he is warring in Armenia (13). Valentinus, Roman legate to the Turks, is treated with insults by Turxathus, their leader (14). The Turks wage war on the Romans (15). Bajanus, leader of the Avars, instigated by Tiberius Caesar, breaks into the settlements of the Slavs with a great army (16). Chosroes, during the very actions of peace, renews the war with the Romans (17). At the same time, Zacharias is sent as legate to Chosroes, and Pherogdathes to Tiberius, regarding peace (18). Zacharias and Theodorus, sent to the Persians with fair conditions for peace, are indignantly received by Hormisda (who was king of the Persians after Chosroes) and return home with their business unaccomplished (19). Zacharias, sent again by Tiberius to Persia to establish peace, meets with Andigan, the Persian legate, at the border, but owing to long disputations nothing is achieved (20). The Romans are forced to deliver the city of Sirmium to Bajanus, leader of the Avars (21).

1. ^B Since the Medes, having sat down before the disputed region of the Colchians in order to make it subject to them, after many struggles and much time spent had achieved nothing further; but indeed, the greater part of Lazica and the city of Phasis, where it is said the palace of Aeetes was, nonetheless remained under the Romans—

^A And it seemed best to the Romans and the Persians that whatever was in the possession of either side, whether forts or other things which each had occupied in war, should not be moved, but that all things should remain in the same state until the matter of the dispute was fully deliberated. It seemed right, therefore, that it should be no other way, and a truce was reached, for which there was not yet hope for a most perfect peace, and the greatest of the polities remained in tranquility. Since, therefore, matters proceeded in this way, and the Huns around Zabergan happened to be driven far from the Roman borders, Justinian (for he had in mind ^B that the Cotriguri would come again to ravage the regions of Thrace) was insistent toward Sandilch, the leader of the Utiguri, and he did not cease in the slightest to exhort him, sending frequent embassies and inciting him in one way or another, so that he might in some manner go to war against Zabergan. The emperor also added to his messages to Sandilch that, if he were to overcome the Cotriguri, all the annual sums of money which were distributed from the Roman state to Zabergan would be transferred to him. And so Sandilch (for he wished to be useful to the Romans) signified to the emperor ^C that it was not sanctioned by traditional law, nor otherwise seemly, for him to destroy his kin utterly—not only because they were of the same tongue and lived in the same fashion as us, and not only because they were our kinsmen, though they obeyed other leaders, but because Justinion (for it was indeed Justinian who had commanded such things) said: "I will immediately take away the horses from the Cotriguri and make them my own possession, so that they might not have the means to harm the Romans."

2. That Ammigus the Frank encamped opposite the river Athesis, where the Romans were expected to cross. Narses, upon learning this, sent Pamphronius, who was among the emperor's patricians, and Bonus, the steward of the emperor's private wealth, as envoys to Ammigus. Through them he announced to Ammigus that he should depart and not again stir up war against the Romans; for a truce had been made between the Franks and the Romans at that time. But Ammigus answered through the envoys that he would never yield as long as his hand was able to brandish a javelin.

3. That throughout the East and Armenia a perfect peace seemed to exist, but in Lazica the Romans had made a truce with the Persians. Since, therefore, the affairs of peace were still in a sense unfinished, ^D and it had been decided by the kings of both the Romans and the Persians to maintain the most complete tranquility, for this reason Justinian sent Peter, who commanded the palace regiments, to discuss with Chosroes regarding the general treaties. And so, having arrived at the borders of Dara and having made it clear to the king of the Eastern Barbarians that he was present to negotiate concerning the...

^A laying down of arms everywhere, an ambassador of the Persians was also sent there, one who indeed possessed the title of Zich, a great honor among the Persians, and his name was Jesdegusnaph. This man was also a chamberlain to the king who was over him. Accordingly, the ambassadors having come together in the same place, and the local rulers of those parts having assembled, they held a formal meeting. And Peter, the ambassador of the Romans, being well-versed in other disciplines and especially in the law, spoke as follows:

“We have come, O Persians, sent by the emperor of the Romans. ^B What kind of person our emperor is, it would be superfluous to say, for his deeds demonstrate and point out the man to you. I am here, therefore, to translate the conventions already established into a most perfect and absolute peace. But I wish first to instruct you concerning what kind of state and how great a [peace] the treaties will confirm. And even if I seem to some to be grandiose, do not be annoyed at the wordiness, as we are seeking what is beneficial to both states. For it will not be long before it is deemed necessary that such things have been said, and I shall be praised by you when the facts themselves teach you the benefit you receive from my speech. Your agreements will ^C be made with the Romans. It will suffice to say 'Romans,' for the mere name signifies the rest. It is therefore necessary for you, since you are making a treaty with such a state and are not deliberating on minor matters, to choose the most excellent and profitable things, and instead of the uncertain outcomes of war, to embrace and preserve peace, the most manifest good for all mankind.

“And let no consideration deceive you, thinking that you have defeated the Romans, being puffed up because you have captured Antioch and some other minor places that belonged to the Romans. For God punished the excessive prosperity of the Romans in this, in that He did not believe that one man should differ much from another. And if justice by nature prevailed, there would be no need for rhetoricians, nor for the precision of laws, nor for a formal meeting and the elaboration of speeches ^D concerning these things; for we would have chosen things beneficial to our lives of our own accord. But since we all, O men, believe that our own affairs are just, we also have need of the artifice of words. Therefore, we have come together in this meeting so that each might convince the other with the power and gravity of words that he himself is just. That peace is a good thing and war is the opposite, no one will deny. For even if, contrary to the common opinion of men, we were to consider victory as something certain, I believe that the one who has won lives the most miserably, from the things over which others weep. So then, even ruling is grievous, not to mention that to be ruled is more grievous. On this account, therefore, our emperor has sent us to make a treaty and to be the first to beseech you to lay down the war, not because he fears the fortunes of war, but fearing lest you might anticipate us in speaking first of peace, which is so dear to us.”

^A And so, let us extend no further our mutual enmities. For it is surely alien to any well-constituted state not to foresee the events that may occur in war. I beg that each of you set before his eyes and contemplate in his own soul, as if they were present, those who fall with such bitter suffering; let him remember those who show their mortal wounds and lament, and complain that the subjects are ruined by the folly of those who rule; then, too, let us consider the survivors, who demand from us those they have lost in battle—perhaps parents, perhaps children, or it may be those dearest to them, or simply any human being at all. Let us reflect upon the homes widowed of men, the youngest age left orphaned, and the lamentation distributed everywhere, for each one by name of kinship. Even if we grant that to die for one's country is an honorable thing, it is full of all folly that one should be able to pay back a debt to one's motherland without danger, yet refuse to do so because one does not wish to seem to be at a disadvantage to one's rivals. ^B I think that the Persian land itself, and Rome too, if they could utter voices, would surely entreat us for this. Let us not, then, be ashamed to lay down the burden of war. For to do all things at the opportune moment will rather bring us the glory of courage. And let no one, as a pretext for not wishing to lay down arms, say that this most beautiful thing, peace, is difficult to find and hard to procure. For it is not, as many think, that the worst things fly readily and of their own accord into the bosoms of men, while the best things escape and slip away and are somehow difficult to capture. For peace is considered a good in every respect... I would be struck by your elegant language, if we were not Romans and you were not Persians. Do not, therefore, imagine that you will deceive us with a parade of words, whatever is the true state of the affairs for which you have come to treat. Since you put forward peace as a veil for your cowardice, and think that with this you can cloak the most manifest disgrace, I shall speak briefly. For it is not the custom for a Persian man to wander through useless details about the essential matters. ^C Chosroes, who is king of all men if he so desires, neither treats the capture of Antioch as a piece of self-decoration or praise for himself. For if it even seems to you a fearful and difficult task that which was done by us, we, none the less, ^D consider it a trivial matter to defeat any whoever of our enemies. For we have been schooled precisely in how to rule, just as the rest of the races of mankind have learned to be ruled by us. Nor does the destruction of another Roman city ever exalt us to arrogance; for that which is most easily done, we do not find wonderful. And these words will suffice to refute the idle prattle [which has been cast off by you in vain]. But the Romans do what is their custom, by being the first to discuss treaties with the Persians. By your haste you have overcome the fact of having been defeated by us,

857 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 858

[The Greek text begins mid-sentence:] ...having anticipated in asking for peace. And by this you cover up the disgrace in the wars, by appearing to be moderate, as if you were not desiring battle. Which we, had you delayed, would have done even while victorious. Nevertheless, we accept the words, and we value peace most highly. For it is the mark of a noble spirit to adjust matters according to what is fitting.

The Romans, however, do what they are accustomed to do, they who are the first to initiate conversation about peace with the Persians. You, otherwise defeated, are victorious in this, that you anticipate by the speed of asking for peace, and by this reason you gather up the disgrace received from the wars, and you affect the praise of humanity in this, that you abhor fighting. That indeed, even we, if you had made mention of peace more slowly, would have done even while winning. Therefore, we both value peace highly and admit the words of peace. For it is the mark of a noble spirit to follow the laws of honesty in all things.

When Zichus had said this, the interpreters of both sides, explaining the words to each of the parties, became teachers of the meanings, with many other discarded words, now for the sake of necessity, now also for the sake of boasting and so as not to appear to desire peace less. The Persians demanded that the treaties be continuous, and furthermore that a fixed amount of gold be received from the Romans each year for not using weapons, and they demanded that forty years, or at the very least thirty, be taken in advance, to be completed in one gathering, and thus they wished to lay down their arms. The Romans, on the contrary, wished the agreements to be short-lived, and in addition to that, to pay nothing for the sake of peace. A great struggle having been stirred up concerning this, and words having proceeded which were by no means few, finally it was decided that the peace should stand for fifty years, and that the Persians should surrender Lazica to the Romans, and that the treaties should be strong and firm, and prevail everywhere, this in the East, this also in Armenia, but indeed also in Lazica itself, yet in such a way that the Persians would receive thirty thousand gold coins annually from the Romans for the sake of peace. This was confirmed, so that the Romans would provide the quantity for the ten-year period in a group, thus: seven years immediately, and after the passing of the seven years, not for delay, to pay the completion of the remaining three years; then thus for each year to provide the Persians with the defined annual amount. It was also decided concerning the demolition of the monastic house which is called Sebanus, and established in the borderlands, and that the Romans would receive the place, it having been the Romans' from the beginning, but the Persians having broken the treaty and already being in possession of it, and having secured the sanctuary with a wall. But they neither demolished it completely, nor did they hand it over to the Romans. For this reason, it is not contained in the treaties. It was also agreed that what are called in the Latin tongue "sacrae" (sacred letters) should be brought from both kings, confirming all things which happened to be established by the ambassadors. And so such things were sent there.

[The Latin text follows:]

These things Zichus and the interpreters of both ambassadors, explaining what was brought forth by both sides, set forth what each party felt, although they had broken out into many other speeches, both for the sake of utility and for the sake of display, and so that they might not appear to be less held by the desire for peace. The Persians, however, wanted the peace to be continuous and to receive a certain quantity of gold every year so that they would not use weapons. Furthermore, they demanded that the payment of gold for forty or at least thirty years be heaped together in one pile and given to them, so that they might depart from arms. The Romans, on the contrary, thought it fair that treaties be made for a short time, and refused to pay anything for peace. A great struggle having arisen over this, and having discussed it among themselves with many words, it was finally decreed that there should be peace for fifty years, that the Persians should return Lazica to the Romans: that the conditions of peace should be valid and observed everywhere, both through the East, and through Armenia, and through Lazica itself as well: yet in such a way that the Romans would pay the Persians thirty thousand gold coins each year for peace: they also agreed that the tribute of ten years should be paid all at once, so that the sum of seven years would be paid with present money, and the sum of the three remaining years, which were left out of the ten, would be paid immediately after the seven years were completed; then for the remaining individual years, payment would be made according to the agreement. It was also discussed concerning the demolition of the monastic house, which is called Sebanus, built in the borderlands, the area of which the Romans were to receive. For it had been the Romans' from the beginning: but the Persians, when they had broken the peace, had occupied it, and when they had been in its possession for a long time, they had surrounded this house with walls. They did not, however, demolish it to the ground, nor did they hand it over to the Romans. For the treaties contained nothing at all about that matter. It was also agreed that the letters, which they call "sacrae" in the Latin language, should be brought from both, both from the emperor and from the king, by which they might have and confirm the conditions of peace, about which the ambassadors had agreed. And these were immediately sent there. It was also added to the conditions that a separate sacred sanction should be issued by the Roman emperor, by which he would pay the Persians the money for the pension of the three remaining years, which were left out of the ten, immediately at the end of the seventh year.

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

137 It was also agreed that the King of the Persians should provide a guarantee, so that as soon as he had received the gold which he had stipulated for the three years, he would hand over to the Roman Emperor a letter of security. The Roman Emperor’s ratification of the peace bore the customary inscription, which is well enough known. But the words of the Persian King’s letter, written in the Persian language, sound thus in Greek: "The divine, good, peace-loving, ancient Chosroes, King of Kings, happy, pious, beneficent, to whom the gods have granted great fortune and a great empire, giant of giants, fashioned after the image of the gods, to Justinian Caesar, our brother." Such was the inscription. The force of what was contained in the letter was as follows. I shall relate the very structure and arrangement of the words. For I deemed it necessary not to do otherwise, lest anyone suspect that anything had been changed by me from the truth. These things stand thus: "We give thanks to the brotherhood of Caesar for the peace established between these two kingdoms. We have ordered and given power to Izadgushasp, our divine chamberlain, to conclude this business. The brotherhood of Caesar has entrusted its management to Peter, Master of the Romans, and to Eusebius, so that they might hold a conversation and treat regarding peace. And indeed Zich, and he who is called Master among the Romans, and Eusebius, having deliberated and weighed the matter among themselves, have treated and reduced to writing that there should be peace for fifty years for the Persians and the Romans, and they have approved what was written by impressing their seals. Therefore, we wish all that Zich and the Master of the Romans and Eusebius have agreed upon regarding peace to be valid and firm, and we stand by the stated conditions." And these things, word for word, were written in this way. The Roman Emperor’s ratification was written in the same sense, but without the inscription which the Persian King’s letter contained. Upon these matters, the conversation between the envoys was concluded.

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

C When they had come together again for a conversation, and Zich was boasting with magnificent words and extolling Chosroes, saying that he was invincible and had achieved many victories, and that from the time he had bound on the tiara, he had compelled ten nations against which he had fought to pay tribute, and had overturned the power of the Ephthalites, and had subdued many kings, and that all the Barbarians of those lands honored and revered him, and that therefore he assumed the title of King of Kings by right and merit: when Zich was proclaiming these and such things about Chosroes and speaking magnificently, Peter, departing a little from the subject, recounted this story.

138 There was, he said, in ancient times a certain King of the Egyptians, named Sesostris. He, when he had...

861 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE NATIONS. 862

In ancient times, the Egyptian king, Sesostris by name, when fortune breathed favorably upon him, grew arrogant and conquered very great nations, enslaving even kings, and was lifted to such a height of pride that he had a gold-plated chariot constructed. Instead of horses or other animals suitable for pulling, he yoked those captive kings to the beam, and thus, seated in the chariot, he would be carried through the public thoroughfares, displaying himself to his subjects. As he did this daily, it happened that one of the kings yoked to the end of the chariot, turning his gaze backward quite frequently and stealthily, watched the wheel as it rolled and, by the continuity of its motion, revolved upon itself. Sesostris, who was riding, noticed this and asked, "Why, pray, do you do this, fellow?" The other replied in turn, "O master, I am watching the wheel, how it frequently revolves and does not remain on the same base, but by being carried up and down, it performs the rotation of the chariot." Having heard this, the Egyptian king inferred that it hinted at the instability and fickleness of fortune, and that human affairs are like a rolling wheel. He understood that he might himself one day stumble into such a misfortune in time, and from then on, he ceased to drive his chariot in the aforementioned manner. Furthermore, he released the enslaved kings and restored them to their own dominions.

Here Peter’s discourse, by which he bridled the boastfulness of Zich regarding Chosroes, reached its end. Then they discussed again what was to be done. For all matters that could be settled had been established in order and harmony. Therefore, the affairs concerning Suania still remained in suspense, and these alone were left to them in doubt. Then Peter spoke thus: "A man is worthy of the greatest praise who, planning perfectly, brings his actions to a perfect conclusion. For if anything necessary is lacking, I believe the judgment of the one planning is also lacking. Not without reason or in vain has this speech been made by us now; directed to you, O Zich, it will appear more profitable to both the Romans and the Persians. I shall speak somewhat more clearly. Suania belonged to the Romans, and the Romans commanded the Suanians. Indeed, when Tzathius was leading the Suanians, a certain Roman named Ditatus happened to be in charge of the Roman rosters there; but also some other Romans were making their residence among the Suanians. Because of a certain enmity between the king of the Lazi and Martin, the Roman general at that time stationed there, for this reason the Colchian did not send the customary grain to the Suanians; for it was the custom for grain to be sent by the king of the Colchians. The Suanians, being distressed at being deprived of what was customary, made it clear to the Persians that if they were to come there, they would hand over Suania to them.

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

...said to the other commanders of the Roman regiments that a great force of Persians was reported to be marching against the Suani, against whom they had no sufficient force to resist. "But take counsel for what is advantageous, and withdraw with the Roman detachments here before the Median army." The Suani used this ruse, and having bribed the commanders of our detachments with gifts, they cast out the Roman garrison from among them. The Persians, arriving quickly, brought Suania under their own power. From this it is easy to understand that Suania formerly belonged to Roman jurisdiction, and today it rightfully belongs to them. For if we have been established as masters of Lazica with the best of rights (as you yourselves long ago judged to be fair), it is not without reason that Suania, which is situated below Lazica, should fall into our right and dominion. To this Surenas replied: "You Romans take these things with such an unfair and heavy spirit because that nation of its own accord and willingly submitted itself to our power." Zichus, taking up his words, said: "The Suani have used their own laws, and have never obeyed the rule of the Colchians." Then Peter said: "If you, O Zichus, prefer that the name of Suania be omitted from the peace agreement, then acknowledge that you are returning Lazica to me along with the nations that are subject to this region." "If I do this," said Zichus, "an opening will be given to you to also stir up controversy regarding Iberia. For it will be in your power to say that it, too, was subject to the Lazi." "It is manifest, therefore, O Zichus, that you do not wish to restore the whole of Lazica to us, but only a part of it."

Many other things were said and heard back and forth by the Persians and Romans concerning Suania, yet they could not come to an agreement. They referred the whole matter to the judgment of the King of the Persians, before whom Zichus bound himself by an oath, which is held sacred among the Persians, that he would not fail Peter in zeal or favor once he had returned to Chosroes. Then Zichus brought up the subject of Ambrus, son of Alamundarus, the leader of the Saracens, and said that one hundred pounds of gold were owed to him, and that it was fair that he should receive them, just as the one who had been the leader of the Saracens before him. Peter replied to the contrary: "Our Emperor used to honor the leader of the Saracens who was before Ambrus with a free gift of gold, not bound by any letters, whenever it pleased him. A messenger was therefore sent to the Saracen, who, carried by the speed of the public horses, would deliver what the Emperor wished to be given to him. But before this, the Saracen would win over our Emperor to himself through an envoy whom he sent with gifts. Then, in turn, the Emperor would strive to bind the Saracen to himself with some liberality. If Ambrus, therefore, has decided to act in this way, and it pleases our Emperor, it is well; if not, he contends in vain, and is foolish, and will obtain nothing. This also seems right to our Emperor; but if he does not wish it, he will obtain nothing at all." When they had discussed these and many other things among themselves, the treaty...

865 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

The fifty-year peace treaty was written in Greek and Persian. Then the Greek was translated into the Persian language, and the Persian into Greek. Present for the writing and making of the treaties were, from the Romans, Peter, the commander of the troops serving around the emperor, Eusebius, and others; from the Persians, Iesdegu-snah, Surenas, and others. When, therefore, the agreements had been committed to writing by both sides, they compared them with one another so that the words and meanings would have the same value. What the peace documents contained shall be stated.

First, therefore, it was decreed: that it should not be permitted for Persians, or Huns, or Alans, or other Barbarians to pass into Roman territory through the narrow pass of the entrance which is called Chorulson and the Caspian Gates, nor for the Romans to send an army against the Persians into that place or into any other part of the Median borders; second, that the Saracens, allies of either state, should observe the same pacts, and that neither those who were of the Roman side should bear arms against the Persians, nor those of the Persians against the Romans; in the third chapter it is provided that the merchants and traders of the Romans and Persians, of whatever goods, should not conduct trade in other places than those in which the payment of tithes has been established, according to ancient custom; fourth, that ambassadors and others who use public horses when carrying any message, whether they are traveling through Roman or Persian regions, should be treated with honor according to each one’s rank and dignity, and be received with due care, and not be delayed, and that they should exchange the goods they bring without any impediment or exaction of tribute; it was sanctioned fifth, that Saracen merchants or any other Barbarians should not travel through unknown and untrodden paths in the regions of both kings, but should seek Nisibis or Daras, nor should they approach a foreign region without the command of the princes. If, however, they dare anything beyond what has been established, or, as it is said, defraud the customs, if they are caught by those who are in charge of the borders, they shall pay the penalties and fines established by the laws, together with the goods they are carrying, whether they be Assyrian or Roman goods; sixth, that for those who, while there was war, crossed either from the Romans to the Persians or from the Persians to the Romans, if they wish to return and go back to their own, no impediment or trouble should be made; but those who flee and migrate from the lands of one jurisdiction to the region of another during the peace shall by no means be admitted, but shall in every way, even against their will, be returned to those from whose dominion they fled; the seventh part of the treaties was that if any complained that some harm had been done to them by the citizens of the opposing side, the controversy should be settled by judgment, either by those themselves who suffered the injury, or by certain men who meet at the borders before the prefects of both sides, and thus, whoever has sinned shall make amends for the damage; eighth, that in the future the Persians shall not [demand] from the Romans...

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867 [Latin text] ...that they might complain, because they are building Dara, it was decided that both states should henceforth abstain from fortifying places situated near the borders, and not surround them with walls and ramparts, lest an occasion for disturbances arise from there, and the treaties be dissolved; ninth, that no one should invade or provoke with war a nation or region which is under the rule of another, but rather that all, unprovoked by any injury, should remain in the same state, so that it may be permitted for them also to enjoy peace; tenth, that no large body of soldiers should assemble at Dara beyond what is sufficient for guarding the town, and that the commander of the East should not linger around those places, lest excursions be made from there into Persian territory, and damages be inflicted upon them. But if any such thing should happen, it is decreed that the prefect of the town of Dara should make restitution for the damage. The eleventh condition of the treaty is this: If one city should cause detriment to another, and in any way, not by legitimate war, nor by the force of an army, but by deceit and clandestine invasion should inflict damage (for there are many men quite prone to perpetrating such crimes, so that an occasion for war may arise from them), it is decreed that such injuries should be diligently investigated, and that the judges who are appointed to administer justice in the borderlands of both kingdoms should take action against them. If they are not sufficient to restrain the disputes of those living on the borders, it is sanctioned that the dispute be transmitted to the prefect of the East, who, if he does not resolve those contentions within six months, and the one who suffered the damage has not received what he lost, the one who inflicted the injury will be liable to the other for double the amount. If not even then does the matter reach an end, the party that was oppressed should send an embassy to the king of the one who committed the violence, from which king, if the damage is not repaid, nor the injured party receives double restitution for the injury within the prescribed year's time, this treaty will be considered violated by this article. In the twelfth part of the treaties you will see prayers to God, and also execrations, namely that God may be propitious and a perpetual helper to the one who cultivates peace: but against the one who deceives and wishes to innovate anything in the conditions, an adversary and enemy. In the thirteenth chapter it is added that the pacts are for fifty years, and that the peace should endure for fifty years: the year is to be counted according to the ancient custom, which is completed on the three hundred and sixty-fifth day. It also holds that, as had been said, letters should be brought from both sides, which declare that both kings approve of those things which had been done and transacted by the ambassadors. The conditions of peace having therefore been established, those which are called "sacrae" were mutually exchanged.

[Greek text] ...having suffered harm, or by their own men meeting with the rulers of each state at the borders; and thus the one who caused the damage should make amends for the injury. 8th, so that for the future the Persians should not reproach the Romans on account of the building up of Dara, it was decided that both states should henceforth in no way fortify, that is, secure with any enclosure, any of the places in the borderlands, so that there might not be a pretext for disturbance from this, and from this the treaties be dissolved. 9th, that those of one state should not attack or make war upon a subject nation or any other region; but rather that they should remain in the same state without harm and in no way being injured, so that they too might enjoy peace. 10th, so that a multitude of soldiers should not settle at Dara, except as much as will suffice for the guard of the city. And that the general of the East should not be stationed near it, so that incursions or damages against the Persians might not occur from this place. But if indeed any such thing should happen, it was established that the ruler of Dara should settle what was done amiss. The one addition to the ten [articles] of the treaties is a confirmation, so that, if one city should injure another city or in any way destroy any of its property, not by the law of war nor by military force, but by some deceit and theft (for there are some such impious men who do these things, so that there might be a pretext for war), it was therefore confirmed that such things should be investigated to the exact truth, and corrected by the judges established at the borders of each state. But if they themselves will not be sufficient to restrain the mutual destruction of the neighbors, it was decided that the proceeding should be sent up to the general of the East, so that, if within six months the matters of the dispute are not cut short and the one who suffered damage does not receive what was lost, the one who did the wrong should henceforth be liable to the injured party for the penalty in double. If not even then it should have an end, it was stipulated that the aggrieved party should send an embassy to the king of the one who did the wrong. Then if not even by the king will the sufficient and double amount of what was owed be recovered by him according to what was defined within a year, as far as that decree is concerned, the matters of the treaty should be dissolved. The second addition to the ten parts of the treaties you will observe are the supplications to God, and also the curses, such as that God will be propitious and an ally throughout to the one who cherishes peace, but to the deceitful one who wishes to innovate anything of the established terms, God will be an adversary and an enemy. The third addition to the ten [articles] of the things decided is the force [of the treaty], that the treaties should be for fifty years, and that the matters of peace should be strong for fifty years, the year being counted according to the ancient custom, each year being completed on the three hundred and sixty-fifth day. And this also to be in force, as I said, that letters should be brought from both sides there, declaring that both have cherished these things upon which the ambassadors confirmed. And when the treaties had received an end, the so-called "sacrae" were given in return. These things having been decided and strengthened, the matters concerning the Christians in Persia were considered outside [the treaty], so that...

VARIÆ LECTIONES. 88 being harmed N., being harmed vulg. 88 another B., another vulg. or proceeding H., for just vulg. * these things H., the things vulg.

869 86 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 87 870

...and to build temples and to perform their religious rites without fear, and to perform hymns of thanksgiving, as is customary among us, without hindrance; but also that they should neither be compelled to practice magic religion, nor to worship against their will the gods held in honor among the Medes. And the Christians, so that they too would not dare to attempt to convert [others] to our religion. It also prevailed that it should be in the power of the Christians to bury the dead in tombs, as is customary among us.

When these things had thus proceeded and were brought into order and arrangement, since those who had been appointed for this purpose had received the documents of the two books, and had accurately compared the thoughts with an equal and equivalent weight of words, they immediately executed other identical copies. And the more authoritative ones, having been folded and secured with wax seals, and others which the Persians are accustomed to use, and with the impressions of the rings of the ambassadors—as well as those of the twelve interpreters, six of the Romans and no fewer of the Persians—they provided the books of peace to one another by mutual delivery. Zich handed to Peter the one written in the Persian language, and Peter handed to Zich the one in Greek; and again, Zich received the book corresponding to the Greek, marked with Persian letters, without the security of the seals, so that the records might be preserved for him, and Peter likewise received [one] in return.

After these things they were dissolved, and they departed from the borders, and Zich went to his ancestral customs. But Peter remained there, to celebrate the feast of the Nativity of Christ the God; for the reverence of the day was already approaching. And having also sanctified the legal rites for the Epiphany of God, after this he set out for the Persians. And in these things the terms of the treaties had reached their end.

Before the departure of the ambassadors, when some Persians to whom such matters were a concern had arrived at Dara, together with some of the interpreters and those in charge of the scales, the money owed for the seven years, upon which the treaties had proceeded, was paid to those around Zich. And when Peter arrived before the King of the Persians in the place called Bitharmais, to discuss with him concerning Suania... having entered the palace, he spoke as follows:

"We have come, O King, before you, having already succeeded in firmly establishing the peace, and not being distressed that we shall obtain from you, even if late, what is more just. For he who has arranged the present state of affairs well and has considered, so to speak, what is advantageous, how does he not provide for the future with much greater care, inasmuch as it is for a longer time? Therefore, it is the nature of a greatest king to be able to have more, but not to wish to; for that which exceeds in power is restrained by prudent reasoning. Since, therefore, the burning heat of war has now been extinguished for us and we have, as it were, breathed again..."

[VARIOUS READINGS: 87 870 * Before "magic" commonly "into" is inserted, but enclosed in brackets. † "as" H., "or" vulg. ‡ "the" to "the" N. § "the treaties" H., "the treaties" vulg. ¶ "Suania" and "having entered" P., "Suana" and "to enter" vulg.]

871 EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR 872

[The text begins mid-sentence in the Latin translation, corresponding to the Greek:] ...is left: I mean the spark of evils, Suania, which threatens us with a great conflagration of enmity. Be, therefore, a hindrance and obstacle to the most serious impending misfortunes, and extinguish the expectation of evils hanging over us. For in you lies the solution to our impossible situation, for we have entrusted ourselves to you, who are skilled in devising what is necessary. For there is one most perfect way to end the war, if indeed we are masters of Lazica, for you to restore Suania to us as well. For how could the master of the ruling power not also be the master of that which is subordinate? For neither the Lazi nor the Suanians themselves would ever call into question that Suania has been subject to the Lazi from the beginning, and that the one who was to rule Suania received his authority by the decree of the king of the Lazi.” Having said these things, Peter showed Chosroes in documents the more ancient kings of the Lazi, and other kings of the Suanians appointed by others. Then he spoke again: “Since, therefore, justice itself, O King, assigns Suania to us, will you not consider it a great gain to achieve both, so that you may appear to have committed no injustice and to have bestowed what is due to all? For in this way our king would not think himself wronged, if he receives his own as a gift from you, since he believes that Lazica was held in no other way. For when we were asserting and demonstrating most clearly that it had been a possession of the Romans for a long time, you yourself countered that you had made Lazica your own by the right of war, and yet, because you wished justice to remain unblemished, you deemed it more important to possess a prudent mind than a powerful hand. Therefore, you imposed upon yourself a necessity that did not exist, and by the nobility of your magnanimity you voted against yourself; having confessed yourself defeated by what is proper, you restored Lazica to us as if it were your own property, transferring the authority to us. We petition you in the same way regarding Suania, that we may receive what is our own as a free gift; and we shall owe you thanks for not having been deprived of what is ours, while you will owe thanks to the Supreme Being, because you are able to give as a gift even that which is not yours.”

The King replied as follows: “Indeed, the power of wisdom, when it finds a soul destitute of reason and bereft of the faculty of persuasion, overcomes and crushes what is weak and feeble, just as a medicine applied to a sore consumes what is diseased and restores health to the sufferer. For even if what is said is not just, if it is spoken aptly and concisely, it prevails by the very act of speaking. For this reason, wisdom far surpasses the strength of arms, because the power of war is not able to perform any noble deed without consuming itself, whereas wisdom is a safeguard and fortress unto itself; and furthermore, it guards the one who possesses it. From this, therefore...

873 8, ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 6 B 874

I myself, O Roman ambassador, would not blame you—as one who has been reared in such philosophy as you have learned to possess in your words—for not persuading me, even if I were unable to persuade you. Yet, as far as I am able, even if not with the clear light of rhetoric, I shall nevertheless set forth the justice of the matter openly to anyone who wishes to understand my mind. Let us grant, as you have argued regarding Suania, that the truth is as follows: I conquered Lazica, but I did not even attack the Suanians, or only by hearsay, when Mermeroes indicated to us that the region is not significant, nor worth fighting over, nor a task for a royal expedition, but that it is one of the nations around the Caucasus, that they have a petty king, and that the area is a passage for the Scythians. Mermeroes passed away, and then Nachoragan took over the command. He, too, wrote to us no differently about them, that they inhabit the ridges of the Caucasus, and that they are indeed thieves and plunderers and workers of grievous and unholy deeds. I therefore wished to lead an expedition against them, but they, struck with fear, became Persians instead of Suanians. Thus it is clear from this that the region belongs to me, and I do not deny that I hold it. And indeed, they show this by obeying us most gladly, to the point of being ruled by our own servants. Certainly, when Zich also declared in letters that the Romans were seeking to take Suania, I thought you were as far from the truth as I was far from being persuaded by the absurdity of the report. Nevertheless, I shall yield to what is possible, as far as I might think to prevail, so as not to disagree with your king.

These thoughts, then, the King of the Persians brought forth from his mind, and with this the discussion regarding Suania ceased for a short time. Soon, however, as if in the midst of a conversation, a discussion arose between them again regarding Ambro the Saracen. The King began thus: "The Ambro who is among us, the son of Alamundar, the Saracen, is not a little displeased with Zich, and has made no small complaint against the man, inasmuch as he did not benefit him at all when we were making peace with you." And Peter said, "At no time ever, he said, have the Saracens who are among you received a fixed sum of gold from the Romans, nor did the necessity of our affairs ever demand it, nor did we have any agreement with them. But the father of Ambro, Alamundar, sent gifts to the Roman Emperor, and he who received them rewarded him in turn with gifts. This did not happen every year, but sometimes an interval of five years passed. This, therefore, was preserved and maintained between Alamundar and us for no short time. God knows that Alamundar did not do such things because he was strongly inclined toward the Persians. Therefore, it was agreed that if you...

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against us, so that Alamundarus might remain quiet against the Roman Republic and be immune from all warlike activity. These things, therefore, lasted for some time. But now your brother, my master, O King, has prudently, I think, brought into his own mind, and says: "If those two kingdoms observe peace, what further profit will it be to me to solicit the subjects and slaves of the Persians, so that they might betray their masters, and to bestow anything upon them, or receive anything from them?"

"If before the peace," the King replied, "embassies were sent mutually and you cultivated one another in a friendly manner with gifts, I think that those things which were established between you before ought to remain inviolate and unharmed."

These, therefore, were the arguments they used to defend their own cause regarding Ambrus; then they argued again among themselves about Suania.

The King said: "When I took possession of Scendes, Serapa, and Lazica, you yourselves deny that we held Suania also under our dominion at that time. It is clear, therefore, from this, that they did not happen to be under the Lazi. For otherwise, they would have advanced along with those who held power over us."

Peter replied in turn: "This did not happen, because the Suanian did not defect, just as the Laz, whose slave he was, did not. I say, therefore, that the slave of our slave did not revolt in any way."

"Today," said the King, "ten years have already passed since we took possession of Suania; we have often received ambassadors from you and sent them to the Romans; and why, pray, have you not raised any argument about Suania since that time?"

"Because at that time," said Peter, "you had become the lord of Lazica. And if I had said that you ought to cede Suania to me, you would have argued against it: 'For what reason?' And if I had said again: 'Because it is subject to Lazica,' you would have replied: 'For whom do we recognize as the lord of Lazica?' And then we would have had nothing at all to say in return."

"You say this," said the King, "that Suania was under the control of the Lazi. If you are able to prove such a thing with written documents, you will by no means fail to obtain what is just."

And Peter: "I will not delay; I will teach you the truth. An ancient custom, O master, prevailed among the Lazi. The leader of Suania was subject to the Laz, and was recorded as being liable to him for tribute. And so, the Laz received from him the fruits of honey, hides, and other things. When, however, the Suanian prince died, the one who was in charge of the Lazi would appoint someone to preserve the authority of the one who had departed. At that time, he would use letters to inform the Emperor of the Romans about what had happened; and he himself, by a return letter, would command him to send the symbols of the Suanian leadership to whomever he wished, provided he was a Suanian man. This held force from the times of Theodosius, our emperor, up to Perozes, your grandfather, and Leo, who ruled among us."

Then Peter, from his chlamys, brought forth a document...

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

[He] brought forward a certain document, in which the kings of the Lazi were listed in order and distinctly, who had appointed leaders for the Suani. The force of the document was as follows, even if the words did not contain it so explicitly: "These were the kings of the Lazi, who appointed petty kings for the Suani, from the time when Theodosius ruled the Roman empire, and Varanes [ruled] that of the Persians, down to the Emperor Leo and Perozes." And after Peter had recited these, he said: "Up to these we have in writing the kings of the Lazi, and all those who were appointed by them as rulers of the Suani." And the king [replied]: "If we concede that the document brought forward by you, which supports the cause of your republic, is to be trusted, is it not most just that our own contracts also be trusted?" "I think so." "Wherefore," said the king, "as you say, this matter rests upon trust, whether those kings were created in this way or otherwise. But since we are now debating about a disputed slave, if you could prove by the clearest possible arguments that he is yours, you shall take him; but if you cannot do this, and the Suani [nonetheless] wish to be subject to the Roman empire, I shall not stand in the way. Beyond this, there is nothing whatsoever that I can do." Peter [replied]: "Will you not inquire, O master, of the Suanus himself, where he wishes to be? For he himself would choose, as far as this lot is concerned, to assert his own freedom." The king replied: "Do not ask this, for I do not wish to learn anything about the Suani from the Suani themselves, nor is it holy or otherwise just that the risk of a judgment concerning the same [land] be incurred in the case of a slave." And these were the words that passed between them.

10. That nothing was achieved regarding Suania, but he departed from the borders of the Medes without having accomplished his business. He did, however, make a truce with the Persians, and both states laid down the war. And the Medes returned home from the land of the Colchians; but Peter, having arrived at Byzantium, ended his life not long after.

15. That Justin, the nephew of Justinian, at that time sent John Comentiolus to the Persians to serve as an ambassador. He instructed him to make a proclamation, openly and according to the custom among the Romans and Persians, of his own accession to the empire, but at the same time, if the opportunity should arise, to stir up talk about Suania. For Chosroes had not yet restored this to the Romans, even though he had ceded the Lazic [territory], and Suania happened to be subject to it. But the fifty-year truces, which Peter, the master of offices, had established before the king, were being observed; yet matters concerning Suania remained in doubt. The Emperor Justin had instructed John that, if the Persians wished to sell the region, he should say that he was most ready [to buy]. For Suania was not in any way of great importance, but [it was] of very convenient location.

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...in that it provided great assistance in preventing the Persians from invading the borders of the Colchians. Therefore, John, having set out from Byzantium, and having completed his journey as quickly as possible, after having taken great care and diligence regarding the necessities in the cities through which he passed, as had been prescribed to him by the Emperor, arrived at Dara. There he saw to the repair of the city's aqueduct, devised water reservoirs, and constructed other necessary works in the city. He remained there for ten days, while the festival was being celebrated and conducted in the city of Nisibis, which was the reason why the embassy could not be received. Once the festival was over, which is called Furdigan among them—you might call it a festival of the dead—John was received by the leading men of Nisibis with the customary honor and was sent on to the royal court of the Persians to carry out his embassy. He arrived there, and having duly performed all the things for the sake of which he had been sent, he awaited a response.

Chosroes, however, on a certain day, brought up the subject of the Saracens. For the Saracen tribes are numberless, the greatest part of whom wander through the deserts without a master, while others are subject to the Roman Empire, and others to the Persian. Since they were divided in this way, Justinian, a man of great judgment and one who had great experience in royal administration, had pursued the Saracens who were in the regions of the Medes with gifts in order to maintain peace. But Justin, a grave and steadfast man, and one who did not yield in the least to the arrogance of the Barbarians, held the Saracens who favored the Persians in contempt and thought nothing of them. But they (for it is a most greedy race), considering this a deprivation of what was their own, beseeched the King of the Persians as suppliants not to despise them, as they were prostrate at his knees. Therefore, Chosroes, when Peter was acting as ambassador to him, judged it fair that the Romans should pay the debt owed to the Saracens. Then, when John had arrived there, he used the same words. For the Saracens asserted that they received those monies for the reason that they might keep the peace and not be hostile to Roman lands, and they relied heavily on this in defending their cause. Therefore John, when he saw the Saracens accusing and blaming the Romans beyond what was right, said: "If anyone other than Chosroes were defending the cause of the Saracens, who unjustly accuse the Romans, it would be less grave and troublesome. But that the great King of the Persians, who values most highly those things which are consistent with the nature of reality—I will add, who also feels well toward Roman affairs—should agree with those who wish to do injustice, I would both wonder at and complain of. But I will not give my mind over to sloth; for I am a Roman, and I will teach everything, although the King is by no means in need of being taught, but my narrative is directed to those who are not ignorant. For he who has once known those things which are consistent with justice and equity, if he is taught the same things again, will strengthen his conscience by having perceived the truth unchanged. For Peter, who was ambassador before me, and who established peace, it was easy, when..."

our ambassador, who having ^A arrived recently, confirmed the matters of peace, with experience in speech and powers of persuasion, and was such as to be able to refute what is currently alleged concerning the Saracens, and whatever other things were in dispute. As for me, though I am not at all trained to speak or to persuade, nevertheless, by the justice of our cause, I shall overcome the Saracens, and I shall achieve at least this much from you: that you do not prefer the Saracens, the most unjust of all mortals, to the Romans, nor prefer to your own interests things that are patently disadvantageous. For as regards those Saracens of yours (and when I say Saracens, consider well, O Medes, the strangeness and fickleness of the nation), these indeed were accustomed to receive gifts from the emperor Justinian; but this custom prevailed through the liberality of the one who gave. For since he greatly rejoiced in peace, he showed himself liberal towards those towards whom he should not have, and at that ^B time he chose of his own accord to exceed the measure of liberality, when there was no need, rather than as if unwillingly, if it be lawful to say, to yield to the necessity of circumstances. And a most clear proof to me that the Saracens received such moneys not as for treaties, as they claim, but as gifts, is that they in turn honored our emperor with gifts. And I do not think anyone would contradict these things. But even if we were to grant that Justinian treated them with money according to agreements, that agreement would have been terminated and circumscribed by the span of the life of him who paid the money, and with his death the giving would have met its end. Nor by the custom of one man, or by a law that is not in the least useful (I say this for the most part), even if the king himself be he who established this custom or ^C law, should the whole nation or republic ever be held bound. As for us, we are so far from wishing to give anything to the Saracens hereafter, that as much as the emperor Justinian was mild and beneficent towards the barbarians, his successor, who now rules the Romans, has established himself to be all the more formidable to all. Therefore, the Saracens ought not to dream such dreams. For our emperor would never choose to do such a thing. But it is to be prayed by you that he might be induced to keep the peace, and that he does not consider that the settlements of the treaties harm or diminish in any respect the majesty of the Romans. For if he thought that, he would not refrain from taking up arms.” Thus indeed he spoke. And concerning the Saracens, there was no mention made thereafter. But having watched his opportunity, he threw out words not ^D laboriously concerning Suania, as it was proper regarding it to be under the Romans, if indeed they had quite legally grasped Lazica itself. The king of the Persians appeared to accept the statements about Suania, but said that he must consult about this with the leaders of the Medes. After this, John brought the discussion to Zichas and Iesdeguousnaph, and indeed to others among the Persian chieftains. And they said that they were most ready to yield Suania to the Romans, provided, however, that they would receive money and ...

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...to sell their submission. And furthermore, they proposed other agreements that were shameful and unworthy of the majesty of the Roman Empire, and which in no way accorded with the reputation that Justin had acquired. For he was considered a man of serious and lofty spirit, and one who weighed all things diligently. When John heard these things, and had not sufficiently attended to what the Emperor had commanded him, he acted imprudently and sent to the Suani, to greet their king and win his favor. Chosroes had lured him into this absurdity. He had cunningly devised this scheme so that he would have something to say, as if by his own right, that the Suani themselves, even though requested, had refused to obey the Romans. For he knew how much those who had been sent by John would accomplish. Not long after, Chosroes promised that he would send an envoy to the Roman Emperor to settle all these matters, and John returned to Byzantium.

6. That when Emperor Justin learned that John had sent envoys into Suania, and that the Suani had not submitted to the Romans, he was gravely annoyed and displeased, and condemned John for having conducted the embassy in a manner not beneficial to the state. For he said that he ought not to have sent them without his knowledge or command, and thereby provide the Persians with an opportunity to cloak their own injustice and openly proclaim that the Suani themselves had rejected the Roman Empire. Nor, he said, had he received this province from the Empire to either persuade the Suani to submit to the Romans, or to come as an envoy to Byzantium for this reason. For he considered neither to be worthy of the Roman Empire. Therefore, the Emperor dismissed John, alienated from him, and counted him among the number of those who were of no use to his affairs; then he devised a way to correct these ill-considered actions for the better.

7. That when the Turks, who were anciently called the Sacae, had sent envoys to him regarding peace, he took counsel to send an embassy to them as well. And so he ordered Zemarchus the Cilician, who at that time was the commander of the cities of the East, to prepare himself for this. When he had prepared the necessities for such a long journey, around the end of the fourth year of the reign of Justin, with the second year of the fifteen-year cycle completed, at the beginning of the month which the Latins call August, he departed from Byzantium and began his journey together with Maniach and his companions.

8. That when Zemarchus and those with him had arrived in the region of the Sogdians, as they dismounted from their horses, they encountered some of the Turks, who had been sent for this purpose, offering iron for sale, I suppose, to indicate...

68 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

...iron was a commodity not easily obtained among them. For this reason, they used this artifice to demonstrate that there were iron mines in their region. Other men of the same tribe also presented themselves, whom they called averruncators [averters of evil]. When they had approached Zemarchus, they set down their burdens, ignited leaves of frankincense, and whispered I know not what words in the Scythian tongue. Resounding with bells and drums, they carried around the fire of frankincense, which was crackling with noise, and, driven by frenzy and roaring, they wished to appear to be driving away demons. Therefore, in order to avert what they considered to be adverse, they led Zemarchus himself through the flame, by which rite they seemed to themselves to have purified themselves as well.

When these things were thus accomplished, they proceeded with those assigned to this task to the place where the Chagan himself was, on a certain mountain called Eclag, which a Greek would call the "Golden Mountain." Having arrived there—for at that time Disabulus was residing in a certain valley of the aforementioned Golden Mountain—when Zemarchus and his party arrived there, they were summoned and immediately came into the sight of Disabulus. He was inside his tent, sitting on a two-wheeled chair, which, when necessary, was drawn by a single horse. Having greeted the Barbarian, as is their custom, they offered the gifts. Those to whom this duty was entrusted received them.

Then Zemarchus said: "To you, O leader of so many nations, our great Emperor, using me as his messenger, signifies that he wishes your fortune to be always auspicious and good, as he takes pleasure in the affairs of the Romans and, moreover, is kindly disposed toward us. May it be granted to you to always overcome your enemies and to take spoils from the hostile. May envy, which is of such a nature as to break the bonds of friendship, be kept as far as possible from us. For my part, I hold the tribes of the Turks, and all those subject to the Turks, as necessary allies; and you shall be the same toward us."

Zemarchus spoke such words, and Disabulus himself replied with similar greetings. Then they turned to a banquet, and they spent the rest of the day feasting in that very tent. It was furnished with silk fabrics, artfully variegated with colors. Wine was indeed provided to them, but not of the kind that is pressed from the vine among us; for their land is not vine-bearing, nor is such a kind of drink customary among them; rather, they were filled with another kind of barbaric beverage.

Having returned to the lodging where they had been satisfied by the likeness of things made, they returned. The next day they met in another hut, which was adorned with a similar kind of silk tapestry, and in which images of various forms were seen. Disabulus himself was sitting on a couch that was made entirely of gold, and in the middle of the room were urns, water-basins, and jars of gold. After they had feasted again, and had said and heard what was appropriate for a banquet while drinking, they departed. The next day they met in another tent.

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The next day they gathered in another hut, which was adorned and decorated no differently than with silk garments; there also stood statues of various forms. Dizabul sat upon a couch made entirely of gold. In the middle of the dwelling were golden jars and basins, and also golden casks. Having feasted again, and having said and heard all that was necessary during the drinking, they departed. The following day they were in another residence, where there were certain wooden columns covered in gold, and a similarly gold-wrought couch, which four golden peacocks supported. At the front of the residence, wagons were spread out for a long distance, in which there was a great quantity of silver, both dishes and bowls; furthermore, there were very many images of four-footed animals, and these too were made of silver, in no way inferior to those among us. Such is the luxury of the leader of the Turks.

While Zemarchus and those with him were still lingering there, it seemed good to Dizabul that Zemarchus himself, along with twenty attendants and followers, should follow him as he set out on an expedition against the Persians, while the other Romans should return and await the return of Zemarchus in the land of the Chliatae. And so, having honored them with gifts upon their departure, he sent them away; he also honored Zemarchus with a captive handmaid, who was of those called the Cherkis. And Zemarchus went with Dizabul, who was about to fight the Persians.

While on this journey, having encamped in a certain place called Talas, a Persian ambassador met Dizabul. And so he summoned the ambassadors of the Romans and the Persians to feast with him. And when they had arrived, Dizabul showed greater honor to the Romans, as he had them recline on the more distinguished couch. Moreover, he complained a great deal about the Persians, as having suffered many injustices at their hands, and that for this reason he was coming to make war. The Persian ambassador, as Dizabul was accusing them more vehemently, disregarded the law of silence that prevailed among them at feasts, and began to speak rapidly, bravely pushing back Dizabul’s accusations, so that those present were amazed at the excess of his anger, in that he disregarded the law and used many intemperate words.

When they had departed from these things, Dizabul prepared for the campaign against the Persians. Therefore, he summoned those with Zemarchus, and having confirmed friendship with the Romans as best he could, he sent them away to return, having sent another ambassador with them because the one previously mentioned, Maniach, had died. The name of the ambassador after him was Tagma, and his rank was Tarchan. This man, therefore, was sent by Dizabul to act as ambassador to the Romans. And with him went the son of the one who had already passed away, I mean...

889 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 890 of Maniakh, a mere youth, yet having succeeded to his father’s rank, and having also obtained the dignity after Tagma Tarkhan. I believe that Maniakh, the son of the father, obtained this dignity because he was most suitable and most loyal to Dizabul. When Dizabul had dismissed those with Zemarchus, they overtook the Romans who had been sent off earlier, as had been agreed upon with them, and thus, being together, they began their journey to their own lands. And indeed, having left the capital city of the Khoalites, they traveled through fortresses.

84 88 [Section] 9. That Baian, the leader of the Avars, decided in council to send an embassy and to bring forward words concerning a truce. He sought for Vitalianus to provide him with gold, so that he would not engage in pillaging during the time of the armistice. And Ioboulidas, having received no less than eight hundred coins from the prefect of Illyricum, provided them to Baian. For this reason, the leader of the Avars sent Targitius, along with Vitalianus the interpreter, to tell the Emperor that Sirmium should be surrendered to him, as well as the customary funds which the Kutrigurs and Utigurs used to receive from the Emperor Justinian, since he had indeed subdued both of these tribes, in addition to Usdibad the Gepid. For he claimed that all the Gepids belonged to him, since they had been conquered by him.

When the envoys arrived at the Queen of Cities and had come before the Emperor, Targites said: "O Emperor, I am present, sent by your son; for you are truly the father of Baian, our master. I trust, therefore, that you would be eager to demonstrate your affection for your son by giving what belongs to the son. Since we are in this state, and perhaps you are as well, will you not yield his honors to him? For you will not be transferring what is given to a stranger or to an enemy; nor will the ownership of what is provided change, or rather, it will return to you through your son, if you provide him with that for which I have come: the city of Sirmium and the funds annually, as much as Emperor Justinian used to give to the Kutrigurs and Utigurs, Baian being today the master of these very nations. Furthermore, [he asks for] Usdibad the Gepid and those with him; for no one would dispute that they have become the slaves of Baian."

These things Targites said. But the Emperor replied: "You have not come as an envoy, it seems, O Targites; rather, you wish to demonstrate the character of the Avars to us who were ignorant of it. For if, as you say, we were to give you what Justinian gave to the Huns formerly—out of pity rather than fear, because he did not wish to shed blood—it would be ridiculous if we were to show humanity to those against whom we are seen to be arrayed in battle; since the wretched Kutrigurs and Utigurs, whom you assert received money from us, have been utterly destroyed, having both fled from us and fallen at our hands. Why, therefore, should we bestow upon you the goods of those we have defeated? For it is not in accordance with the nature of things to conquer and at the same time [to give away the goods of the conquered]. Is it not enough if we have once appeared to be lacking in prudence? Or do you think that [we possess] imprudence..."

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also to be drawn into custom? What then shall we do about Usdibad? Shall we return him to you? We are not so demented and foolish as to squander what is ours, especially upon Barbarians, and those who have brought heavy damages upon our republic. For the one who administered the imperial majesty before us received the wandering Gepids and distributed to them the region around Sirmium, which they were to inhabit. Then, when war arose between them and the Lombards, our allies, we brought aid as was fitting, and the Gepids would have conquered with Roman help, had they not betrayed a servile spirit. For with an evil mind they were hostile to their benefactors, and in return for the benefits conferred upon them, they laid snares for us, for which they deserve no pardon; yet it did not seem right to the Romans to pursue ungrateful men who could never pay worthy penalties for their sins, but rather to allow them to be utterly destroyed by others. Since, therefore, matters are not otherwise, if it is lawful for us to complain of you, because you possess those who were ours by the best of rights, now the same things are retorted upon us by you. For you demand Usdibad from us, and we demand from you the Gepids who remain. For we Romans have from the beginning and from all memory of man deemed it our duty to restrain the imprudent, not to be considered imprudent ourselves. Shall we hand over Sirmium to the Barbarians? Does it not seem enough for you that you survive as long as the Romans do not choose to take up arms? But you say, O Targitas, that the Chagan will cross the Ister and the Hebrus too, and will occupy the cities of Thrace at the first onset. But the Roman forces will forestall and meet him, and will deprive him of his hope, and indeed they themselves will carry off the spoils of the Avars. And we shall not cease to strike and conquer as long as the Barbarian is insolent. And war will be more profitable to the Romans than peace. For it is more grievous and bitter to maintain friendship with the Avars and the Nomads and the newcomers than to hold them in the number of enemies. For their friendship is deceitful, and it is better to bear wounds on the body than in the soul. Wherefore, O Targitas, let both bows and horses and infinite forces of armed men be in preparation. For quiet is not preferable to utility. When the emperor had said these things with a high spirit, he dismissed the envoys of the Avars. He had first, however, severely rebuked the general Bonus by letter, because he had sent to him at Byzantium those who proposed such things. To these he added a warning to him, as he was certain that war against the Avars would break out as soon as possible, that he should with all effort and zeal prepare engines of war. And Bonus, having read the emperor's letter, diligently took care of everything that pertained to the war.

FROM THE SIXTH BOOK. 10. (A.D. 574, Ind. 7, Justinian 10.) Empress Sophia sent an envoy of Justin (Zacharian) to Chosroes, king of the Persians, in the...

VARIOUS READINGS.

893 ON ROMAN EMBASSIES TO FOREIGN NATIONS. 894 [he was] ranked among the imperial physicians. And he, having arrived at the King of the Persians, and having provided forty-five thousand gold coins, established the treaties for the East annually, so that there might be a truce. For he said that in the meantime a very great ambassador would be sent by the Empress, who would discuss everything more perfectly, and furthermore would dissolve the war, perhaps in the meantime the Roman Emperor also having turned toward recovery. Thus, having made the treaties for a year regarding the Roman dominion in the East, though not regarding that in Armenia, having deposited for this reason alone forty-five thousand gold coins, he returned. And these matters having been confirmed, Eusebius the general was summoned to Byzantium.

11. That Trajan, who was ranked among the imperial fathers and held the office called that of Quaestor—which I believe is so called by the Romans from the act of searching—was sent as an ambassador to the land of the Persians. And Zacharias, whom I mentioned recently, was sent along with him, so that, if they were able, they might establish a three-year truce at the same time in the East and in Armenia. In the meantime, those from each state should meet at the borders, who would resolve the doubtful matters, and deliberate on the manner in which they would lay down their arms completely; but if it should not proceed in this way, they should at least by all means make such a truce for those living toward the sun [the East]. The ambassadors, therefore, having arrived at the King of the Persians, and having been brought into an assembly, said these things. Many words having been exchanged, and the Persians wishing to make the peace longer, and to confirm the truce for up to five years, while the Romans wished the treaties to be for three years, in the end the ambassadors were unable to make the treaties as they had been instructed; it pleased both states that they should be valid for five years, regarding the East only, and that the Romans should deposit thirty thousand gold coins each year. And these things were agreed upon, if the Roman Emperor should approve.

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

12. That when the affairs of the state had already devolved upon Tiberius, Trajan and Zacharias wrote to him as ambassador that the Persians did not wish to make the treaties for three years, but rather for five. And he, not consenting (for it did not please him to make the truce for a longer time), signaled that they should by all means confirm such treaties for up to two years; but if they were unable, they should not endure beyond three years. This letter having been sent to the ambassadors, and they having read what the letter indicated, Mebodes having arrived for this purpose at the borders around Daras, and perceiving that the Romans did not approve of the terms already tested by Trajan and Zacharias, he sent in Tachosdron, who suddenly invaded the lands of the Roman dominion, and [attacked] the nearby...

11. Then [he] is sent into the region of the Persians. 12. (A.D. 575, Indiction 5, of Justin II.) That when Tiberius... [he] undertook the administration of affairs, Trajan and Zacharias, the ambassadors, wrote back to him that the Persians did not wish to agree to a truce for three years, but for five. And when he did not approve (for it did not please him to make a truce for so long a time), he commanded that they should agree for two years; if they could not obtain this, they should not add anything up to three years. This letter was therefore sent to the ambassadors, and when they had read what it contained, Mebodes, who had come to the borders of Daras to receive the answer, understood well that the Romans did not approve the truce which Trajan and Zacharias had made. And so he sent in Tachosdron, who suddenly invaded the lands of the Roman dominion, and [attacked] the nearby...

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[The Persians] devastated the regions of Dara with fire. But upon Mebodes giving his word, it was established that thirty thousand gold coins would be paid to him annually for three years for a truce, on the condition that in the meantime the leading men of both kingdoms should meet in one place and by some means establish a firm peace. Caesar thought this would be useful for his own interests, and he did it with a certain foresight: for he trusted that within three years he would be able to gather suitable forces, with which he could show himself sufficiently fortified and equipped to resist the Persians, so that he might even be able to fight on equal terms with them. The Persians, however, had sensed this foresight of the Emperor, [realizing] that he was laboring so much to obtain this delay for no other reason than to prepare suitable forces during that space of time. Nevertheless, the Persians despised the Romans, as if they were unable to stand against them in battle and fight, even if they had granted them a longer time. Wherefore, after the cessation of war was ratified for a time throughout the East, all the turmoil was transferred to Armenia, and as one person or another was assigned a different duty in that region, at the beginning of spring, war broke out.

[3.] That Tiberius Caesar sends Theodore, the son of Bacchus, as an ambassador to the King of the Persians, ostensibly to give thanks because he had treated Trajan, the most noble Roman ambassador, with the highest honor when he had received his embassy shortly before. For it had long been the custom among both sovereigns, after great ambassadors, to send others of lower rank to give thanks for the kind reception of the former ambassadors and to testify to their friendship. At the same time, he had instructed him to explain to the King that he was prepared (for this had already been agreed upon) to send noble men to the borders of both dominions, who would deliberate about peace with those whom he himself would send there for that purpose, and would resolve their disputes. When Theodore had arrived at Dara, the King of the Persians had left behind those who would lead him to where they learned the King was staying, so that by omitting nothing that was usually provided to an ambassador, he would not cause him any delay. For he wished at the same time to wage war and to receive the embassy; for in this way he hoped he would strike the greatest terror into the Romans. For this reason, having made his journey through the region which is called that of the Arrestoi and Mareptikoi, he arrived in Persarmenia, to the surprise of the Romans, who would never have believed that he would arrive there so quickly. For the Persians were accustomed in previous times to appear in Persarmenia around the end of the month which is called August by the Latins, and from there to prepare for war; but now Chosroes had arrived there sooner. It happened, therefore, that the Romans, having been forestalled once and having looked to their affairs too late, accomplished nothing successfully or opportunely during the whole of that year. For the Roman army had not been assembled; but it had been announced to the soldiers who were serving under Kurs and Theodore that the Emperor was angry because in Albania...

897 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

[Greek text omitted as per instructions]

The Roman [forces], however, those around Kurs and Theodore, since they had not completely suppressed and exterminated the Sabiri and Albanians when they invaded, but had departed relying on hostages—a thing they realized from the outcome they had done imprudently, for the Sabiri had immediately revolted from the Romans—being moved by repentance at such poorly managed affairs, again made an attack into Albania and, through embassies, moved the Sabiri and Albanians from their own seats and settled them on this side of the banks of the river Cyrus, so that they might henceforth dwell in the regions under Roman dominion. Kurs and Theodore were still occupied with carrying out these matters. Therefore, the Caesar ordered Justinian, the general of the East, to set out and take charge of the war in Armenia. Nevertheless, Justinian did not come, because the Caesar had signaled this to him too late, nor had he used the opportunity to conduct the affair in time. Furthermore, the distribution of gold, which was owed to the eastern armies, had not been made at its proper time, but had been delayed.

Therefore, Chosroes marched into Persarmenia with such impunity and without a struggle, with no one standing against him, that the taxpayers of Lesser Armenia did not resort to flight, nor did they abandon their fields, but rather they even gathered all necessary supplies for the army. But as Chosroes advanced further, those who lived in the territory of the Macrabandi and Taranni did not remain at all, so that no one, neither man nor any beast of burden, was to be seen. For as the enemy king approached, all the agricultural population fled, and those places were entirely deserted of men. Indeed, one could not even find any living creature at all.

In the meantime, Theodorus, son of Bacchus, came to him; he received the man and conversed with him quite familiarly, speaking well of the Caesar and saying that he desired peace and friendship with him; for he said that he himself was not the cause of the enmity that had arisen from the violation of the treaties; but he spoke ill of the Emperor Justin. Then he marched forward through what is called Vadiane, with Theodorus following him; and he invaded Roman Armenia near Theodosiopolis as the spring was already ending. Thus it happened that at the same time messengers arrived in Byzantium to announce that the King of the Persians had unexpectedly descended upon Roman Armenia and was as good as at Theodosiopolis, and that he himself was present there. When he arrived there, he pitched camp at the place called Abaresson, in the southern region of the city; but the Roman army, that is, as much of it as could be gathered, was stationed toward the north in the region so called, at the foot of a certain mountain. Moreover, Chosroes, in the sight of Theodorus, led his cavalry into battle array, which he divided into squadrons and phalanxes, and he himself, having mounted his horse, showed how strong and vigorous his body was, as if he were doing this unexpectedly and by chance, not by design. He hoped, however, that he might in some way [take] Theodosiopolis.

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Now Chosroes, in the presence of Theodore, was reviewing his cavalry forces near Theodosiopolis, dividing them into companies and phalanxes and rearranging them. And he himself, riding his horse, was demonstrating that, as if not by any foresight, his body was still vigorous and flourishing. He was considering how he might besiege Theodosiopolis; for the thought had entered his mind that it would not be possible to recover Persarmenia and Iberia in any other way unless he should first capture that most fortified city of the Romans, and by sitting there, he would recover the Persarmenia and Iberia that had been left behind in the rear. Therefore, he had no doubt that he would take Theodosiopolis. So, hinting and implying that the city would certainly be captured by him, he asked Theodore which city seemed to be more impregnable, Daras or indeed Theodosiopolis? By this, he meant that if he had taken Daras, which was so secure, how much more easily would he overcome Theodosiopolis, which was not as strong. Theodore, however, answered very prudently, saying that that city is impregnable which is guarded forever by God.

But the King of the Persians, before Theodore was released by him, as he was near Theodosiopolis, observed the city very well and saw that it was truly prepared for war. And while some things were happening in the meantime, the King of the Persians released Theodore to go to Byzantium, having made it clear in letters to the Caesar that he himself also took pleasure in peace, and that if Theodore had arrived before he had set out on the campaign, he would not have drawn up his battle lines nor moved his forces. But now, it seemed ignoble to him, having already set out on a campaign, to dissolve the army; for men do everything either for the sake of gain or out of a desire for glory. He promised, however, that as soon as he returned home, he would send his suitable commanders to the borders of the East to discuss and settle matters concerning peace with the Roman leaders who would be sent. These things, therefore, he signaled to the Caesar.

When Theodore implored him to stop the invasion, he decided to agree, provided that within forty days a message should come to him sent from the Caesar, who would have deliberated on what was necessary. When he released Theodore, as he realized that it was not possible to take Theodosiopolis by a sudden assault, nor that it would be profitable for him to attempt the wall with a siege and engines (for the Roman forces would gather in that time), he indeed left Theodosiopolis.

FROM THE EIGHTH BOOK

14. That about the second year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, a little before the events concerning Chosroes which we have narrated took place, an embassy was sent again from the Romans to the Turks, Valentinus being [appointed] for this.

ON THE EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. He later perished in the times of the Emperor Marcian, as Evagrius teaches in Book 1, chapter 5. These men were suspected of revolutionary designs. For thus Jordanes writes in *On the Succession of Kingdoms* concerning Marcian: "And he happily learned of the death of Attila and the destruction of Zeno the Isaurian before he himself died." Damascius, in the *Life of Isidore*, writes that this Zeno wished to restore the worship of idols and abolish the religion of the Christians, but was prevented by a violent death. For, having fallen from his horse and broken his leg, he expired not long after. And Damascius indeed calls him the great master of the Eastern military, *ho megas tēs Eō stratēlātēs*. There are two letters of Theodoret to this Zeno, master of soldiers and consul, in which he testifies that he had not yet been initiated into holy Baptism. Furthermore, from this passage of Priscus, it follows clearly that this embassy of Maximin to Attila, which is described here brilliantly, occurred in the consulship of Zeno and Posthumianus, toward the end of the year, which Marcellinus also seems to confirm in his chronicle. Certainly, Priscus calls them *Nobatai*, and Stephanus calls them *Nousai* and *Noubades*. For thus it must be written, and not *Noumiades*.

Page 41 A. *En tō Philais hierō*. Write: *en tō en Philais hierō*. Philae is an island and a town on the borders of Egypt, near Elephantine, where there was a very great temple of Osiris, by which the Egyptians were accustomed to swear, "By the Osiris in Philae," as testified by the Scholiast of Lycophron, p. 43, in which it is poorly read. Marinus also speaks of Isis worshipped at Philae in the *Life of Proclus*. Procopius, in Book 1 of the *Persian Wars*, p. 35, says that the Nubians and Blemmyes worship Isis and Osiris. Add also Servius on Book 6 of the *Aeneid*, from Seneca in his book on the sacred rites and customs of the Egyptians. But it should be noted what Procopius says in the book already cited, namely that Diocletian, when he had found the island near Elephantine in the Nile, having built a fortress there, established altars common to Romans and Barbarians, and ordained priests from both peoples, so that the communion of sacred rites might foster friendship, whence he called the place Philae. In this, Procopius is mistaken. For Philae was called so long before the empire of Diocletian, as is evident from Strabo and Ptolemy.

Page 70 C. He speaks of Areobindus as if he were still alive, who died in the following consulship, as testified by the same Marcellinus.

Page 71 C. After these words, *ek tou Kōnstantinou*, those things which you have on page 59 A, *hoti rhōmaiodunta*, ought to be placed, as is sufficiently manifest. Read: *dēchthē te ho Theodōros ton thymon*, 9 C, and after these ought to follow *hoti hyp' amphoterōn*, which are read at 71 C, as is clearer than light itself.

Ibid. *Anatolion tōn amphi basilea archonta telōn*. Cantoclarus translates poorly: "Prefect of the royal tributes." I interpret it as "Master of the soldiers in the presence." This Anatolius had previously been Master of the Soldiers of the East, as Theodoret testifies in Epistle 45 and Marcellinus in his Chronicle. Upon his being recalled to receive the mastership in the presence, Zeno the Isaurian was substituted in his place, as Priscus indicates, p. 69.

Ibid. *Hoi dē tas archas anabebēkasi pasas*. The interpreter translates these words incorrectly, as he did not understand the meaning of the verb *anabainein* at all. Translate, therefore: "Nomus, however, from Master of Offices, both being patricians, which dignity excels all others." In the same sense, Priscus said on p. 49 D, *Edekōna de anabebēkenai ton Orestēn poly*, that is, "that Edecon far excels Orestes."

Ibid. *Hoti gar malista prosēn autō*. Translate this whole passage, which was poorly understood by the interpreter, as follows: "But Numus was sent with Anatolius, not only because of the magnitude of his dignity, but also because he was a friend of Chrysaphius and was hoped to capture the Barbarian with gifts. For he was exceedingly liberal and did not spare money, so that he might bring to effect the business he had once undertaken."

Page 72 A. Read: *syn tois pr. es tēn Skythikēn diabās*, as Cantoclarus seems to have read.

Ibid. D. *Tyrannidi epithēsetai*. After these words should follow the embassy of Attila to the Emperor Marcian, who had succeeded Theodosius, which is reported on page 39 D.

Page 40 C. *Ageirōn plēthos*. After these should follow those things which you have on p. 72 D, *hoti tou Attēla*, where the discussion is about Apollonius, the brother of that Rufus to whom Zeno had given the daughter of Saturninus, who was the Master of Soldiers sent as an envoy to Attila. This seems to be the Apollonius who was later consul with Magnus. There are several letters of Theodoret to him, who also mentions Rufus the Count in Epistle 79.

After those words, *apraktos pannei*, 73 med., those things which are read at 40 med., *hoti ho Attēlas*, and the following, should be placed.

Ibid. D. *Hoti Blemmyes kai Noubades*. Jordanes testifies in his book *On the Succession of Kingdoms* concerning the Nubians and Blemmyes defeated under Marcian: "He established peace with the Parthians and Vandals who were infesting everything, and checked their threats. He calmed the Nubades and Blemmyes who had descended from Ethiopia through Florus, the procurator of the city of Alexandria, and drove them from Roman territories." This Florus was not only a procurator or Augustalis, but also a Count of Military Affairs throughout Egypt, as is evident from Priscus.

Page 41 B. *Charax katēdramon*. After these should follow the embassy of Marcian to Gaiseric, which is read on page 73 B.

Page 74 A. After those words, *laous katapheugontas*, those things which are read on page 41 B, *hoti Noubades*, should be added; and that in the same sequence, as is manifest.

Page 41 C. Read continuously without any distinction: *ton polemon, Euphēmios eisēgēsato*. That is: "But that only one, either Gobazes or his son, should rule among the Colchians, Euphemius the Master of Offices had given counsel, who, excelling in both prudence and eloquence, administered everything and was the author of many excellent deeds and counsels to the Emperor Marcian, who also joined Priscus, the writer of this history, to himself as an assessor." See what I noted on Ammianus Marcellinus, Book 28, page 353, where I observed that the assessors of magistrates were called *koinōnous* by the Greeks. Thus Gregory of Nazianzus in Epistle 48 to Asterius, and in Epistle 175 to Olympius.

Page 42 A. *Kai ta hydata*. After these words write what is read on page 74 B, *hoti ho Terichos*, up to the word *syngeneian*, then return to page 42 A, *hoti hoi Hesperioi*, etc.

Page 7 B. Punctuate thus: *paredōsthai auton tēs dynameōs ethelēsanta, tous*, etc., soon read *aphikesthai de par' auton. Eulabētheis de tēn epiboulēn*, etc., *hypenostēse*. However, the interpreter translated this whole passage very poorly, whose version can be easily corrected from these things which I have said.

Page 42 B. *Nerdion*. It should be written *Aigilon*, as others have long since warned. Concerning which, see the books on French affairs by Adrianus Valesius.

Ibid. C. Read: *dyo di' etous hekastou*.

Page 43 B. *Tōn Magōn, kai tōn en tē Rhōmaiōn gē*. Write without the conjunctive particle: *tōn Magōn tōn en tē*, etc. For he understands the Magi who were living in Cappadocia, scattered throughout the whole province. They were, however, colonists of the Persian Magi, about whom Basil the Great writes much in Epistle 325 to Epiphanius, by whom he had been consulted concerning them.

Ibid. D. *Kōnstantinos*, it should be written *Kōnstantios*, as is read on page 74 D, where these things are repeated in the same words. But there it is poorly *triton men tēn hypaton labōn archēn*, which are to be corrected from this page. To this Constantius, Prefect of the Praetorium, are the letters of Theodoret, Bishop, edited by Jacobus Sirmondus. After these words, *patrīkiotētos tychōn*, p. 43 D, those things which you have on p. 74 D, *Tatianos de*, etc., should be continued. This Tatianus was a Patrician of the Western Empire and was consul shortly after. After the end of this embassy, p. 76 A, write those things...

903. EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR 904

...you soothe and deceive with the cunning of your wit, and then, when they are afflicted by losses, you neglect them, and you yourselves enjoy the benefits of their labor; and you, too, ambassadors, come to me surrounded on all sides by fraud and deceit, and no less does he who sends you to me act toward me fraudulently and insidiously. But I shall kill you immediately, and I will not delay; for it is unusual and alien to our race for a Turk to lie and deceive. But he who reigns among you shall pay me the penalties due. For while he speaks friendly words to me, he has entered into treaties with the Varchonites, our slaves (he was indicating the Avars), who have fled from their masters. And the Varchonites, indeed, as subjects of the Turks, will return to me when I wish, and if they catch sight of my whip, with which I urge on my horse, they will flee and hide themselves in the interior of the earth; if they dare to stand their ground, they will be struck down, as is fitting, not by swords, but will be crushed like ants under the hooves of our cavalry; so the matter of the Varchonites is secure. But you, Romans, why is it that you order my ambassadors to make their way to Byzantium through the Caucasus, and say that there is no other way? You do this so that, because of the difficulty of the journey, I might refrain from invading the Roman borders. But I know well where the Dnieper river flows, where the Ister, where the Hebrus, and where the Varchonites, our slaves, crossed into Roman territory to invade it. Nor am I ignorant of your strength. For all the earth from the first rays of the sun to the last boundaries of the West obeys me: place before your eyes, O wretches, the nation of the Alans and the Utigurs. They, endowed with remarkable bravery and boldness and relying on their domestic forces, joined battle against the invincible nation of the Turks, but achieved nothing of what they had hoped for; rather, they obey us and are held in the number of our slaves.

...therefore, since at that time the Romans were warring against the Persians, Valentinus said upon this mention that it was necessary for him also to attack the Persians at that time. As he was saying these things, Turxanthus immediately said: "Are you not those Romans, who use ten tongues but one deceit?" And as he spoke, he covered his mouth with his ten fingers. Then he said again: "Just as now there are ten fingers on the mouth before me, in the same way you Romans use many tongues; and with this one you deceive me, and with the other, my slaves, the Varchonites." And simply, all the nations, by the variety of words and the deceit of the mind, by using irony and flattery, you treat them as if they had been pushed onto their heads in ruin, while you procure what is profitable for yourselves. But you, too, ambassadors, have come to me clothed in falsehood, and he who sent you is no less a deceiver by nature. And I shall dispose of you immediately and without delay; for it is an alien and unnatural thing for a Turk to lie. But the king among you shall pay me penalties in due time, speaking to me of friendship, while becoming an ally to the Varchonites, our slaves (he meant the Avars), who have fled from their masters. The Varchonites, as subjects of the Turks, will come to me when I wish; and if they see the cavalry before me, the whip sent against them, they will flee to the lowest parts of the earth; and if they dare to stand against us, as is fitting, they will not be killed by swords, but rather they will be trampled by the hooves of our horses and will perish like ants. And regarding the Varchonites, these things are certain for you. But you, Romans, why indeed do you lead my ambassadors traveling through the Caucasus to Byzantium, claiming to me that there is no other path through which their journey might be made? You do this so that I might refrain from attacking the Roman empire because of the difficult terrain. But I know very accurately where the Dnieper river is, and not only that, but also where the Ister flows, and where the Hebrus is, and from where our slave-people, the Varchonites, crossed into Roman territory. I am not ignorant of your power. For all the earth is subject to me, beginning from the first rays of the sun and ending at the boundaries of the West. Look, O wretches, at the Alan nations, and furthermore at the tribes of the Utigurs, who, being quite courageous and trusting in their own strength, stood against the invincible Turks, but did not profit from their hopes. For this reason, they obey us and are established in the rank of slaves.

Turxanthus boasted and poured forth these things with great arrogance; for he was a man desirous of vain glory: to whom Valentinus replied thus: "If it were not most grave and most wicked, O leader of the Turks, and more destructive than any death, for us to be killed by you, from which an infamy that would never perish would remain for you among all men, and by which act you, having dared a crime never before committed, if you were to kill the ambassadors, would leave it known and testified to all by the deed itself, which by hearing..."

905 88 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 80 83 B 906

...that it might appear more credible; I would have wished to see my final day, pierced by your sword here, when I hear it said by you that our Emperor delights in falsehood, and that we, his envoys, do the same. Therefore, we beseech and implore you as suppliants to look upon us with kindly eyes, and by setting a limit to your anger, to soften and appease the more bitter impulses of your spirit with equity and humanity, and to obey the law which establishes that envoys are sacrosanct. For we are ministers of peace and are in charge of dispensing holy matters. Furthermore, since with the death of your father the inheritance of his kingdom and all his fortunes has come to you, you ought to consider that his paternal friends have also come to you as a paternal possession. For your father, running of his own accord to the friendship of our republic, desired to be a friend of the Romans rather than of the Persians. And so, the treaties with us have remained inviolate for you up to this time, and we persist in that same spirit of benevolence. We trust that you also will persevere toward us with the same disposition. For true probity of spirit, which has never strayed from what is honorable, will not betray its faith on account of some uncertain change of judgment.”

Thus spoke Valentinus; and Turxanthus said, “Since, O Romans, you have come here and found me established in the greatest mourning (for my father has recently died), you ought to lacerate your faces with swords and obey the law which has prevailed among us regarding the funeral rites of the dead.” Then immediately Valentinus and all who were with him lacerated their cheeks with their small swords. On one of the days of mourning, bringing four captive Huns in chains to his dead father (they call these *dochia* in their own language, which are the customs observed among them for the dead), and bringing those wretches into the midst together with his father’s horses, he ordered them with a barbarian voice, as they were departing from here, to announce to his father how much he himself...

The funeral of his father having been taken care of, Turxanthus had many other conversations with Valentinus, and then dismissed him to the inner regions of the dominion of the Turks, and to Tardu, his kinsman. He had his seat on Mount Ectel; Ectel, however, signifies "golden." When Valentinus was traveling there, Turxanthus threatened him that he would storm the Bosporus as soon as possible. And in truth, he had immediately sent Bochanus with a strong force of Turks to capture the Bosporus. Furthermore, Anagaeus had long since been encamped in those regions with another army of Turks.

15. That while the city of the Bosporus was being captured, the envoys happened to be among the Turks...

907 EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER THE PROTECTOR

The Turks were openly waging war against the Romans. Turxanthius therefore detained those who had been sent, among whom was Valentinus, and did not release them until he had mocked and harassed them with every kind of indignity.

Since Greece was being ravaged by the Sclavini, and dangers were looming from all sides, and Tiberius did not have sufficient forces to withstand even one part of the enemy, let alone their combined strength, nor could he in any way confront the enemies because the Roman forces were turned toward the war in the East, he sent an envoy to Baian, the leader of the Avars. At that time, he was not ill-disposed toward the Romans; indeed, at the time when Tiberius first assumed the empire, he was eager to enjoy the rights of our republic. He therefore persuaded him to undertake a war against the Sclavini, so that those who had invaded Roman lands might be recalled to defend their own by their own misfortunes, and might prefer to help their own fatherland rather than continue to plunder the lands of the Roman domain. Baian by no means disobeyed the embassy decreed to him by the Caesar. John was sent to manage these matters. At that time, the prefecture of the islands in that region and the administration of the Illyrian cities had been entrusted to him. When he had reached Paeonia, he led Baian and the Avar forces across the river in long ships into Roman territory. It is said that nearly sixty thousand armed horsemen crossed over. When he had brought them there, he ordered them to make their way through Illyricum toward Scythia, and likewise to be ferried across the Ister in ships that had prows at both ends. Baian, having crossed to the further bank of the river, immediately ravaged the villages and districts of the Sclavini with fire and sword, and since none of the barbarians dared to join battle with him (for they had fled into the woods and caves), he plundered everything he could. And this eruption of the Avars against the Sclavini was caused not only by the Caesar’s embassy, or because Baian wished to return the favor to the Romans for the generosity with which the Caesar had treated him, but also because private enmities moved him, for Baian was vehemently hostile to the Sclavini. For the leader of the Avars had sent to Daurentius, the leader of the Sclavini, and to those who held authority among the nation, that they should be obedient to the Avars and allow themselves to be inscribed in the number of those who paid tribute to them. But Dauritas and the princes of the nation said: "What man is this? Is there anyone who is warmed by the rays of the sun who could subject our power to himself and rule over us? For we are accustomed to acquire the dominion of others' regions, not for others to acquire ours; this remains certain for us as long as there are wars and swords." To the Sclavini speaking in this proud and arrogant manner,

16. (A.D. 576, ind. 9, 12th year of Justin) When by the Sclavini...

903 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 910

they used. Hence it came to insults and abuse, and as the nature of the Barbarians is fierce and ungovernable, they were carried away into quarrels and contentions among themselves. The Sclavini, being unable to moderate their anger, killed the envoys who had come to them, which fact Baian learned through others. Since, therefore, for a long time this had been a grievance which he could hold against them, he carried a hidden hatred in his breast, and furthermore, because they had been unwilling to do what was commanded, he took it ill, besides the fact that he had received the greatest injury from them; then, too, he wished to gratify the Caesar. Added to this was the fact that he hoped to find much gold in their region, because the Sclavini had often ravaged the lands neighboring the Romans, but their own borders had never been infested by any other nation.

[Greek text: ...power; for we are accustomed to rule over the territory of others, and no one else over our own. And these things are secure for us, as long as there are wars and swords.” The Sclavini having spoken thus arrogantly, the Avars did not continue to use any other than boastful language. Thence followed insults and outrages. And as Barbarians, having somewhat harsh and haughty minds, they stirred up strife against one another. And the Sclavini, not being able to bridle their own irascible nature, slew the envoys who had arrived there, so that these things were inevitably made known to Baian from another source. Baian, therefore, having for a long time made this a charge against the Sclavini, and having a hidden hatred toward them, and being otherwise vexed that they had not become his subjects, not to mention that he had suffered irreparable things at their hands, and at the same time wishing to show gratitude to the Caesar, and at the same time thinking he would find the country wealthy, as it had long been ravaged by the Sclavini, and the land belonging to them [had been ravaged] by no other of all the nations.]

17. That when Trajan and Zacharias, the imperial physician, were establishing the truce, at each of the points then being spoken or written in the agreements, if Trajan or Zacharias did not wish to agree to the things which the Persians were doing, Mebodes at that time ordered them to be silent and merely accept what was commanded, or threatened that he would unleash this man upon them, and at the same time pointed out Tachosdros, who was then stationed at the borders of the East, and indeed finally sent him, and he burned a great many villages and fields, until they themselves came to Trajan bringing the gold for the truce. And Mebodes used such great insult against the Romans that he did not deign to receive the money agreed upon for the truce at the borders, but ordered the Romans to transport it at their own risk to Nisibis, and committed many other intolerable things in the exaction of the money, behaving toward them proudly and insultingly. For Chosroes was led into the hope that if, neglecting the truce, he dared to make an incursion at an opportune time, it would come to pass that the matter would revert to the same state, and the Romans would supplicate, or if by chance he should perform some great deed, he would terrify the Caesar, who would finally cede Persarmenia and Iberia and the neighboring places, considering the devastation of the East to be of more value than the cession of the Persarmenians and Iberians. At the same time, Chosroes had also learned that the Caesar was preparing a very large army, and was already sending horse-transport ships to the East. Therefore, a little before the three-year truce was to end, about forty days, Chosroes sent from the borders of Daras into the middle of the region of the rivers a cavalry army, about twenty thousand, of which about...

[Latin translation of the above:] 17. (A.D. 578, indiction 11, Tiberius 1.) Trajan and Zacharias, the emperor’s physician, when they were negotiating the establishment of a truce, and neither Trajan nor Zacharias approved of any of the conditions which were then being proposed by the Persians in words or in writing for the sake of making peace, Mebodes finally ordered them either to be silent and accept the prescribed terms, or threatened that he would unleash this man (he pointed out Tachosdros) upon them, who was then stationed near the borders of the East, which was subject to the Romans. Finally, Tachosdros was sent, and he burned very many villages and ravaged the fields, until Trajan himself arrived with his companions, who brought the gold for the treaties. And Mebodes used such great contumely toward the Romans that he did not deign to receive the money agreed upon for the treaties at the borders, but ordered the Romans to transport it at their own peril to Nisibis, and committed many other intolerable things in the exaction of the money, behaving toward the Romans proudly and insultingly. For Chosroes was led into the hope that if, neglecting the treaty, he dared to make an incursion at an opportune time, it would come to pass that the matter would revert to the same state, and the Romans would supplicate, or if by chance he should perform some egregious deed, he would terrify the Caesar, who would finally cede Persarmenia and Iberia and the neighboring places, and would value the devastation of the East more than the cession of the Persarmenians and Iberians. Chosroes had also been informed that the Caesar was preparing the largest possible army, and was already sending ships for transporting horses to the East. Therefore, a little before the three-year truce was to end, about forty days, Chosroes sent from the neighboring places of Daras into the middle region of the rivers twenty thousand cavalry, of which twelve thousand were Persian shield-bearers and archers; but the Saracens and Sabiri... with their leaders

911 EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR 912

...of the Romans, so that they might enter a shorter path through the mountains, they were observing. This, however, brought no small opinion of vainglory and shamelessness upon Chosroes among all men, because he did not hesitate to shamelessly violate the truce, even though very few days remained until its end. Furthermore, as if mocking the Romans, he had chosen the same man to negotiate peace with them in the borderlands, who at the same time and in the same places was the author of war, tumult, and the violation of the truce. This was Mebodes, the leader and author of all those counsels. Him, who held the supreme authority over all matters, he sent with an army, and together with him Sapoes, the son of Meæranes, a man who had brought back great praise for his virtue.

Tiberius added something else to the decree, which was most pleasing to God. For he gave as a gift to Chosroes many Persian captives of the Romans, especially those of primary rank, among whose number were some born of royal lineage. Then he sent envoys for this purpose, among them Zacharias, the royal physician. He had performed many embassies very useful to Roman affairs in this war. Therefore, when the emperor chose him for this embassy, he dismissed him to undertake it, adorned with the dignity of ex-consul, because Zacharias himself had primarily advised that envoys should be sent; together with him, he also sent a certain Theodore, one of the emperor’s bodyguards, whom he raised to the dignity of general. These two men, therefore, to whom he entrusted this embassy, he sent to Chosroes, to whom he also wrote letters full of humanity. The sense of this letter was roughly as follows: "I desire peace, and I cherish that which is given by God, and I am drawn to your friendship by a kind of natural instinct. Therefore, I am prepared to concede all of Persarmenia and Iberia to you, except for those Persarmenians or Iberians who might prefer to obey us. I also restore the fortress of Afumon, and I cede Arzanene to you, provided that I obtain the town of Daras from you in exchange for all these things." These things Emperor Tiberius signified to Chosroes through Zacharias and Theodore, to whom he gave the power of the greatest envoys. He also permitted them to make peace at their own discretion, as circumstances might dictate. And indeed, while they were still making their journey, it happened that Chosroes, the king of the Persians, also struck by the things that had turned out contrary to his expectation, hastily sent an envoy to the Roman emperor, who had set out already at the beginning of winter. This was a Persian man who was chosen for this embassy, by the name of Pherogdates, and he brought letters from the Persian king to the emperor that were no less humane and obliging. These were as follows: "If indeed you wished to do a just thing, Emperor..."

carrying the contents of the letter to the King of the Persians, in which it was written thus: “If indeed you desire to do what is just, O King of the Romans, you would do well to surrender to us the clan leaders who planned the defection of Persarmenia, that they may pay the penalties due in the borders of the Persians and Romans; and you should also provide compensation for the damage that has consequently befallen the Persians. But if you have the contrary opinion regarding these matters, then act according to what is fitting for friends; and this is for the rulers of each state to gather again at the borders, to settle the matters of peace between them as best they can. As a condition for such proceedings, let there be an armistice.” ^A And these things were contained in the letter of Chosroes. While Pherogdates, the envoy of the Persian king, was spending many days at the royal city with the Emperor Tiberius, it was signified by letter to Zacharias and Theodorus, who had departed on an embassy, that they should wait in the East, and not hasten to announce their arrival to the King of the Persians before Pherogdates the Persian envoy had been released from the royal city. Finally, the Emperor dismissed Pherogdates ^B after having had many conversations with him concerning the things he had previously written to the Roman envoys. He did not think it necessary to grant a long-term armistice to the Persians; for he maintained that a period of two or three months was sufficient for anyone who wished for peace and was not fabricating an excuse for war preparations through the deception of a longer time. So Pherogdates, upon these terms, departed from Byzantium.

10. That the Romans and the Persians would have established peace had not Chosroes passed away from the number of men and Hormisdas, ^C the son of Chosroes—a man truly of savage temperament—donned the tiara. I myself, indeed, do not think otherwise, yet also as it was confirmed, since Zacharias and Theodorus had set out to serve as ambassadors to the Persians while Chosroes was still alive. For they had not yet passed over the [territory] of the Syntians, and nothing of the Roman embassy had changed. Wherefore, letters were sent to them from the Emperor to continue the journey on the same terms; for though they had learned in the meantime of the death of Chosroes, they were still to hold no other intent toward his son, but were to be ready to end the war according to the things already written to Chosroes. Furthermore, they were to deliver the released captives, as they were to hand them over to the King of the Persians. The Roman envoys, then, having sent messages ahead, arrived at Nisibis with much honor and acclamation; and the Persians were in the greatest wonder ^D at the humanity of the Romans regarding the captives. In the meantime, Emperor Tiberius, as spring was beginning, sent Maurice again to the eastern part of the empire to watch for what might happen, instructing him to meet the King of the Persians wherever he might turn, and to prepare himself for either eventuality.

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

[He] remained in the East, observing what needed to be done. And he, as it seemed best to the king, remained in the East, watching for what was to be done. As the envoys proceeded into the customs of the Persians, and were eager to see the one who had just ascended the royal throne, and thought they would receive the greatest honor, and furthermore that they would not fail in their objectives (since they were bringing words from the Roman Emperor that were gentle and stripped of all arrogance after such a victory; and as he showed his philanthropy not only in words, but rather demonstrated it in deeds, by returning so many prisoners of war to the Persians), they hoped to obtain these things without question, but the whole matter turned out to the contrary.

For first, in the middle of the journey, one of those who served the Persians in royal and public affairs (whom, if one were to use the Latin tongue, one would call a *secretis*), met them and asked what they wanted, why they had come, and what message they were bringing. But to this man, those around Zacharias and Theodore replied that such things must be said to the one who is the Master (as the Romans call him) among the Persians, and not to him. Having said these things, they continued on their way.

After that, another one came from the Persians, who hindered their journey and made them delay, using inventions of slowness, and not allowing them to go forward. For he used closer stations and few parasangs, leading them around and wandering from one place to another, and from this he revealed the worst intentions toward them, and showed by the wandering of the journey nothing of friendliness or the respect due to envoys.

And what was being done was by design and premeditation, so as to delay them for as long as they were able, in order to make preparations for war to the best of their ability, and to gather the necessary supplies to be stored—as was now necessary—in the cities of Nisibis and Daras, and furthermore to fill the fortresses beyond the Tigris river and those on this side with food, since a locust plague had consumed the crops in those parts, and at the same time all the regions there had been deserted during the previous Roman incursion, and a most severe famine had struck those there; and in addition to this, to recruit an army, as the King of the Persians was intending to wage a serious war.

When these things had been decided by them, only after many days were the envoys permitted to enter the royal palace. And at first, as was customary, they feasted, and having handed over the letter from the Emperor, and having returned the prisoners of war, they departed from there, having found no friendliness whatsoever.

On the following day, the prefect of the court among the Persians and Mebodes inquired about the authority of the embassy. When they said that they had come to negotiate for peace, the Persians immediately would not admit any [discussion] of it.

917 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 918

[The text begins in the middle of a sentence, reflecting the Greek and Latin columns.]

...demanding that they be given letters in return, and that they depart from the Persians as quickly as possible. And when the envoys had exhibited their mandates, the Persians understood everything for which the embassy had been decreed: that the Emperor was prepared to extinguish the evils arising from the war, and to surrender the whole of Armenia, which had been the subject of so many struggles, without a fight, and even to cede Arzanene, and in exchange for the town of Daras, to hand over to them the fortress of Afumorum. The King of the Persians received the envoys once again, but, adopting a harsh tone toward each of the points that had been written in a friendly manner, he said that he would never depart from Daras, any more than from Nisibis or Singara, which cities the Persians held as having been captured by force from the Romans, nor would he diminish any of his ancestral possessions; but if it were possible, he would increase them, and if not, he would at least preserve what had been left to him. For he said that his father Chosroes, if he had been alive, might perhaps have done such a thing and released Daras to the Romans. For to one who has himself acquired something and then lost it, it is not so shameful; but it is a shame for all men to squander their ancestral inheritance. Having said these things, he again made it clear to them through Mebodes: "On what grounds, being so puffed up with pride, do they claim that Daras should be recovered from us? What war have they won? With what trophies do they adorn themselves? Where, indeed, have they proven themselves superior to the Persians? Only because they took advantage of the inexperience of Tachosur, and led him around to different places, and because, while he was wandering from Armenia into Arzanene and from Arzanene into Armenia, the Romans had the opportunity to raid the eastern part of the Persians; this is why they are arrogant, and perhaps they boast, supposing that our affairs lie in a lesser state. Let the Romans know, therefore," he said, "that I will not otherwise agree to peace, unless they are also prepared to pay all the money that we were accustomed to receive annually from the Emperor Justinian."

Having used such haughty language, Hormisdas finally allowed Zacharias and Theodore to be released, after they had spent three months there, having experienced all sorts of hardships; for those who were in charge of the custody of the envoys did not even allow them to breathe clean air, nor to look out from the roof under which they were living. The room itself was dark and drafty, and in the summer season it was most uncomfortable, so that the place seemed to be a prison. Having worn them out with such miseries, he let them go, treating them much more harshly on their return journey, so that they did not even provide them with a sufficient supply of necessities, and they dragged out the time and made their journey much longer. For [the distance] of one day...

919 EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR 920

[Latin text] ...led them on, until, afflicted by many hardships, so that each of them fell into a most serious illness, they finally departed from Persia. When news of this was brought to the Emperor, and it happened contrary to all expectation (for he had not thought, since the Romans had shown themselves so accommodating and moderate, that the Persians would abhor peace), he rightly and deservedly commanded Maurice to prepare for war with vigor, and he arranged all other matters in such a way as to provide for his own interests in every respect. Nor was the army in a bad state regarding other matters. For their stipends had been paid.

[Greek text] ...leading them forward, and on the following day leading them back by another path, until, having filled them with many miseries, so that each of them, indeed, fell into a most serious illness, they drove them out of the land of the Persians. When this report reached the Emperor of the Romans and fell out contrary to everyone’s expectation (for he had never thought that the Persians would refuse peace over such small and very moderate matters), he signaled to Maurice to rightly hold to the war in the manner that was proceeding, and he looked into other matters, so that he might be able in some way to assist the situation. The army, however, was not in a bad state regarding other matters; for the distribution of money had been made.

20. That Tiberius was preparing to dissolve the war against the Persians. Therefore, as this pleased the Emperor, he sent Zacharias to the borderlands of the Romans and Persians to negotiate, and again; for he had often appointed him to such duties. He, having arrived and made clear the purpose for which he had made his arrival to the Persians, remained in those places, and the King of the Persians sent out Andigan. This man was so prudent and experienced in many affairs, insofar as the passage of time—for he was very advanced in age—had sealed his wisdom. When they had met near the city of Daras, along with the leaders of the cities of the Romans and Persians in that region, they were each preparing to discuss how it was necessary to lay aside the war. The one called the protector of the borderlands (this denotes among the Romans the one enrolled in this rank of dignity, the royal guardian), he, therefore, prepared huts in which the envoys of each state were to discuss the aforementioned matters; for this duty has been entrusted to the protector from long ago and from the beginning. When such lodgings had been prepared, and Andigan and Zacharias and the rulers of the surrounding area had come to the same place—Andigan making the assembly from Daras, and Zacharias from Mardis—they again used the same arguments as they had in the previous embassies. For the Persians wished to receive from the Romans the money which they had been accustomed to receive for a long time from the agreement and pact made in the times of Justinian, and in addition to this, to keep Daras. The Romans, on the contrary, struggled not to pay any money, nor to seem to be buying peace as if it were a penalty or a fine. They also desired to recover Daras, and wished to exchange it for Persarmenia and Arzanene, provided that the inhabitants of those provinces who had submitted themselves to the authority of the Roman state were not included in that surrender. Since many conversations were held on this matter, and no result had been reached, because the parties did not agree with one another at all...

[Latin text] ...he intended to end the war against the Persians. Therefore, having taken counsel, he again chose Zacharias, whom he sent as an envoy to the borders of the Romans and Persians. For he had already used his services in such matters quite often before. When he had arrived and explained the reason for which he had set out to the Persians, he himself remained in those places, and the King of the Persians sent Andigan to the same place. This man was very prudent and most experienced in many affairs, because a long period of time (for he was far advanced in age) had confirmed his wisdom with old age itself. But after they met at Daras, and with them the leading men of the cities that obeyed the Romans as well as those that obeyed the Persians: both sides were engaged in that inquiry, how an end could be put to the war. The one who was the protector of the border (thus the Romans call him who is elected to the dignity of a royal prefect), he, I say, took care that tents should be prepared (for this is the duty of that magistrate from the earliest times), under which those sent by each republic might meet and converse. Therefore, when lodgings had been prepared there, and Andigan and Zacharias and the leading men of the borders had met in them (for Andigan had come from Daras, and Zacharias from the town of Mardis), they defended their own right on both sides with the same arguments which they had used in the previous conversations. For the Persians wanted to receive from the Romans the money which they had been accustomed to receive from the agreement and pact made in the times of Justinian, and besides that, to retain Daras. The Romans, on the other hand, fought not to give any money; nor to seem to be buying peace as if it were a penalty or a fine. They also desired to recover Daras, and wanted to exchange it for Persarmenia and Arzanene, provided that the inhabitants of those provinces who had submitted themselves to the Roman republic were not included in that surrender. When many discussions had been held about this matter, and no result had been reached, because the parties did not agree with each other at all...

921 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES 922

[The text begins in the middle of a sentence, describing the suspicion that the terms offered were] by no means honorable, but rather in every respect damaging and useless to Roman affairs, he is said to have inveighed in these words: "Walls, and gates, and any other such fortification, O men, will indeed be able to protect both the city and the entire commonwealth; but the condition of those who are contained within cannot easily be hidden. For fame dominates in all matters, and it exposes even those things which seemed to be hidden to the ears of men, just as merchandise in the marketplace is exposed to buyers. Wherefore we also know for certain that the Roman Empire contends in war with many peoples, and carries its arms throughout most parts of the earth. From which it happens that its forces are widely dispersed against almost every kind of Barbarian. But indeed, the Romans know that our empire, not without reason, wages war with no other race of men than with the Romans. Therefore, since you are struggling in war with many nations, but we have war with you alone, in this manner also must a truce be made. For the Romans are confident that they will be victorious, even while waging war against many nations and against the one empire of the Persians, just as victory will be certain and assured for us, since we will have a contest with no others than the Romans alone; and against one and the same enemy we will arrange one and the same war." When Zacharias had heard Andigan saying these things, he is said to have smiled and spoken thus: "May it be well with you, O Andigan, and for a man born in Persia, who offers testimony of fortitude and virtue to the Romans, and does not stray from the truth. For if, as you say, the Romans had not extended the huge multitude of their armies to so many nations of the earth, and had not joined the sea with their forces as if by a bridge, and had not held all lands under their present rule: what do you think the Persians would have suffered, or how long would they have been equal to tolerating this war? By now the very name of Persia would have perished with the Persians, and they would have survived by nothing else than eternal oblivion." When these things were said by Zacharias, Andigan sufficiently indicated by his silence that he had been overcome by the words of Zacharias.

Such were the things that both discussed. Meanwhile, Tachosdrus, the general of the Persians, together with the Persian army, was encamped at the places suitable for cavalry around Nisibis, along the Mygdonius river. But Maurice kept his forces within a rampart in the place called Monocartum, near the gates of the city of Constantina. For all the places around Monocartum are indeed well-watered and suitable for the pasturing of horses, and fit for an army to be encamped. Thus these men...

EXCERPTS FROM MENANDER PROTECTOR

923 ...in this manner they had fortified themselves with a trench and a rampart. But Andigan, while they were still in council, set about to terrify Zacharias and to deceive him: he declared that he alone had been the obstacle preventing Tachosdrus from ravaging all the Roman lands with fire and sword. Then, by chance, at the same time that he was speaking to him, one of those whose duty it is to ride swiftly and to carry messages with the speed of horses came into their sight, as if by arrangement, pretending to have been sent by Tachosdrus. He took Andigan aside and handed him a letter, as if written by Tachosdrus. It contained the claim that the Persian army could not be restrained from invading the Roman lands and making an attack upon them. To this lying letter and to the things written in it, the dust, which was on the messenger as if he had just arrived from a journey, corresponded, being much in evidence in his hair by artifice. Andigan also, while conversing with the messenger, composed his countenance and with every movement of his body pretended that he was not at all desirous of war. And a little later, when he had returned to the conversation, he said to Zacharias that he was troubled by what was being reported by Tachosdrus: for he signified by letter that the eagerness of the Persian army to fight was incredible and could in no way be suppressed. He claimed the Persian battle line consisted of many thousands of men who had nothing else in mind than to make an attack upon the Roman borders and to lay them waste with fire and sword; that they would indeed refrain from arms if the Romans made a treaty on the terms the Persians desired. But if they refused, he would allow them to attack the Romans in the east. And if that should happen, the Romans would not be able to endure even the very sound of the quivers of the Persian multitude. Otherwise, he feared that they would stir up the anger of their king against themselves, because they had delayed waging war for so long a time. In this manner Andigan, using a deceitful and boastful pride of words, pretended that he did not at all wish for war, which would break out of its own accord. But when Zacharias understood well the fraud that lay beneath what Andigan had said, and that the exquisite ornamentation of his words was sought as a color and pretext for a lie, he said, "O Andigan, prudence is not declared in deceiving, especially if he who is being deceived understands what is being done. For do you think that I am unaware that all these things which the Persians say and do are fictions, and nothing other than simulation, and arts, and hidden deceits, which you yourself have contrived in order to terrify the Romans? But do, believe me, what you wish and what is pleasing to you. But know this, that at the beginning of this war it was grave and difficult for the Romans to come to bearing arms. For we besought you not to bring matters to the point where you forced us to take up arms. For at that time the Romans were so inclined toward a cessation of war that the Persians advanced with a military force as far as Apamea, and indeed even as far as Antioch. But when the Romans, since you would not yield, voluntarily undertook the danger, I think the Persians know...

925 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES. 18 926 [I] opine, you have not been able to reach even the borders without bloodshed. Now, however, the Romans having been thoroughly schooled in warfare, we are bold and full of hope, so that if Tachosdrus should move, a Roman spear, well-sharpened, will meet his attempts at the very borders, capable of piercing his flanks. Therefore, act in such a way that you remember that the Romans know the deceits of the Persians well.” These and many more such conversations they held with one another, but in vain, for nothing resulted from them. Then Zacharias warned Maurice by letter to descend to the plain that is by Constantina and join battle. Likewise, Tachosdrus, moving with all the Persian forces, led them to Constantina.

21. That for three days war was waged between the Romans and the Avars, with no Roman force appearing at the bridge leading to Dalmatia, even though it was in a very dilapidated state. But Apsich and the Avar force with him, who had previously been lying in wait there, showed such contempt for the Romans that they moved themselves to the other bridge and added another force to the army of Baian. Consequently, those in Sirmium, being oppressed by a great famine and already resorting to forbidden foods due to the lack of necessities, and [seeing] that the crossing of the Savus had been bridged, and that Solomon, who was then in charge of Sirmium, was managing things rather carelessly and showing no grasp of strategy whatsoever, and that the inhabitants of the city, exhausted by these hardships, were lamenting and had slipped into the ultimate despair, and were blaming the Roman leaders; and [since] Theognis was suffering from a shortage of troops; Tiberius the Emperor learned of these things. Deeming it preferable that the multitude of inhabitants should not be taken captive along with the city, he ordered Theognis by letter to end the war on terms, so that all who dwelt there might depart in full, carrying nothing of their own except their lives and the single garment they wore. And so they agreed upon such conditions, and the war ceased, on the understanding that the Romans would yield the city to the Avars, and the Avars would yield to the Romans the multitude that was in the city, without those things which each person possessed in abundance. The Chagan also demanded the gold of the three years that had passed, which he had not received according to custom—the payments made to him so that he would not use his weapons. The peace money paid each year was about eighty thousand gold coins. Furthermore, [he demanded] one of those serving under him who had defected to the Roman state, because it is said he had sexual relations with the wife of Baian. For this reason, he made it clear to Theognis that the defector must be surrendered to him; for otherwise he could not accept the terms of the treaty. Theognis replied that the Romans...

21. The Romans and Avars were in expectation of joining battle for three days, but since no Roman forces appeared to attack the bridge leading to Dalmatia, even though it was poorly fortified, Apsich and the Avars with him, who had previously sat there to guard the bridge, held the Romans in such low regard that they betook themselves to another bridge and added new forces to the troops of Baian. Those who were in Sirmium, oppressed by a great famine, sustained themselves with forbidden foods because they were laboring under a lack of necessities, and the enemy had bridged the Savus. Furthermore, Solomon, who at that time was in charge of Sirmium, was managing affairs with little diligence and showed that he had no experience in military matters. Therefore, the citizens and inhabitants of the city, afflicted by this calamity, were wailing, and when they had been reduced to the final hope, they cast the cause of all these evils upon the Roman leaders. Finally, Theognis was laboring under a shortage of soldiers. When Tiberius learned of these things, he thought it better that the multitude of citizens should not come into surrender along with the city itself; therefore, he ordered Theognis by letter to resolve the war on these conditions: that it be permitted to all who lived in the city to depart safe and sound, and to carry away nothing of their own things except their life and one garment. And so they consented to these agreements, and the war ceased on these conditions, that the Romans should surrender the city to the Avars, and the Avars should concede to the Romans all the multitude that was in it, except for those things which each of them had in their possessions. The Chagan also demanded the gold of the three past years, which he had not received, and which those Romans were accustomed to pay so that he would abstain from arms. The money that was paid for peace each year was about eighty thousand gold coins. Furthermore, one of those who served under him had fled into the Roman regions, because it was said he had committed adultery with the wife of Baian. He signified this to Theognis and demanded that the defector be returned to him, and affirmed that he could not otherwise bear the conditions of the treaties. Theognis replied, the Romans...

927 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACTUS SIMOCATTA 928

otherwise he would not consent to see to a truce; but he indicated that the land of the Roman Emperor is very great and vast, and that a fugitive man wandering in it is hard to find, and perhaps he has even met with destruction. To these things Baian replied: "Let the Roman leaders swear that they will search, and if they find the fugitive, they will not hide him, but will by all means deliver him into the hands of the Avar monarch; but if he has already met his fate, they will inform him of that fact."

FROM THE HISTORY OF THEOPHYLACTUS, EX-PREFECT AND SECRETARY, CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

176 That during the reign of Maurice the Romans sent envoys to the Chagan, and to deprecate war, they sent Elpidius, a man of senatorial rank and then prefect of Sicily, who was ascending to the tribunal of the praetor—a type of office among the Romans which is not unhonored—and Comentiolus, who was performing that duty at the time, who among the bodyguards of the Emperor is called a scribe by the Latins. Both therefore went to the Chagan at the city of Anchialus, and negotiated concerning a truce, as they had been ordered. But he was not moderately affected by the injuries done to him, but even threatened more insolently that he would tear down the so-called Long Walls: while Elpidius used milder words, so as not to blunt the swelling pride of the Chagan, Comentiolus showed the nobility of his tongue with a stout heart, and spoke with Roman liberty, like some chaste mistress, kept undefiled and not corrupted by adulterous flatteries, in the presence of the principal Barbarians and the Chagan himself. But since this great rebuke was exceeding the bounds in its words, a boiling of blood caused great anger to surge in the Chagan, and his whole face reddened with rage, and as his entire demeanor indicated that he would not even spare the envoys, the greatest danger hung over Comentiolus from this discourse. For the Barbarian, violating the sanctity of the envoys, dishonored Comentiolus with chains; and he pressed his feet into a wooden stock, and destroyed the tent of the envoys. And from there, by a custom of that region, he threatened death as a penalty.

929 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

The most powerful of the Barbarians persuaded [the Chagan] that he should not decree anything regarding the death of Comentiolus, nor should anything further be attempted against the envoys beyond their bonds. The Chagan, agreeing, granted the envoys an unexpected salvation and sent them back to the Emperor, having been violated. Death was threatened. On the following day, the anger of the Chagan was calmed by the words of the envoys regarding this matter, and the most powerful of the Barbarians comforted him with persuasive words, persuading the Chagan not to decree death against Comentiolus. And they persuaded him that it was sufficient for the envoys to be wronged only as far as their bonds. The Chagan, therefore, having consented, sent them back to the Emperor in a disgraced state, having granted them an unexpected salvation.

In the following year, Elpidius was again elected by the votes of all for the same embassy and was sent. When he was with the Chagan, he requested an envoy who would accompany him to the Emperor, so that, with the truce thus restored, another twenty thousand gold pieces might be added beyond what had been previously agreed upon. The Chagan, having accepted these terms, sent Targites, a man illustrious among the people of the Avars, to the Caesar with Elpidius. I shall now state the reason why the Avars not long after broke the truce and openly resumed war, and I do not shrink from doing so. There was a man of Scythian nationality, Bolocalabra by name, who at that time committed a dangerous crime: for he had relations with one of the Chagan’s concubines, and, having been enticed by brief pleasure, he cast himself into the great nets of death. Fearing that this crime might one day be discovered and bring forth great punishment, he persuaded seven of his subjects and fled to the ancient tribe from which they had originated. These are the Huns, who inhabit the East, where they are neighbors to the Persians, whom it is now well known to many are also called Turks. Therefore, having crossed the Ister and while heading toward the city of Libidinum, he was intercepted by a certain Roman commander of those who had been assigned the guard of the Ister; he declared his tribe and how he had lived and what pleasure he had derived from it. Since he seemed suitable for explaining his circumstances, he was sent to the Emperor, and on this occasion the Roman truce seemed to be broken. War had already arisen while Targites was still in the city in the capacity of an envoy, demanding the annual revenues from the Romans which the truce provided to the Chagan each year. Wherefore the Emperor was not without cause angered, seeing that he had been not a little circumvented by the Barbarians—the one demanding annual wealth and peaceful revenues, while the other was not resting, but infesting Europe and devastating cities. Targites was therefore cast out to the island of Chalcitide, where he was kept in harsh conditions for six months. Until this time, the anger of the King was simmering, for he had even threatened to decree death against the envoy. But those around the Chagan destroyed all the neighbors of the Scythians and captured many cities: Teraterida, Bononia, Acus, Dorostolum, Salpada, Panasa, Martianopolis, and Tropaeum. This undertaking caused them many difficulties. For these towns were not surrendered without sweat and great concern. And this was despite the great assistance of the suddenness of their arrival, which provides an especially irresistible evil to those who are slow to act.

931 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACTUS SIMOCATTA

That Tiberius acted through an envoy with Hormisdas, so that the war might be settled on both sides. But he, having become more arrogant because of this embassy, wished openly for tribute to be paid to him by the Romans, for the Armenians and Iberians to be subjected to him, with the Romans consenting to this, and for the town of Daras to no longer be sought by the Caesar, even though his father Chosroes had wished for there to be a truce between himself and the Caesar on both sides, and had not refused to restore Daras to the rule of the Caesar. But after Tiberius had heard of the pride of Hormisdas, when summer arrived, Maurice, having gathered his forces again, enters Persia, he himself having crossed the Tigris, and having sent the rest to advance further into the interior of Persia.

939 That Tiberius renounces the war to Hormisdas, requesting that peace be made on equal terms for both. But he, becoming haughty at the embassy, demanded that the Romans pay tribute openly, that the Armenians and Iberians be held as subjects, with the Romans providing this to him, and that Daras no longer be sought by the Caesar; even though his father Chosroes had wished to grant peace to the Caesar on equal terms, and had not disdained to restore Daras to the rule of the Romans. But when the arrogance of Hormisdas became manifest to Tiberius, summer having arrived, Maurice again gathered his forces and enters Persia, to the opposite side of the Tigris, and sent others to ravage the inner parts of Persia.

That when the Chagan took this heavily and with displeasure, that the Roman army had distinguished itself even in the dark, the most select of the Barbarians advised the Chagan to lay down the war. For they said that his anger against the Romans was not just. Therefore, Priscus confidently sent an envoy to the Chagan, named Theodorus, a man by nature elegant and most prudent: a physician by profession, and free and candid of tongue. But when he was admitted to the Chagan, the Barbarian, indeed, being elated in spirit because of the fortunate things that had happened to him, became overly arrogant, inasmuch as he said that he was the king of all nations, and that there was no one, wherever the sun sees, who could either come forward or stand against him. The envoy, however, as one who was most learned in histories, crushed the barbarian ferocity with examples, and it will not be inconsistent to set forth the history. He said, therefore: "Listen, Chagan, to a very ancient and useful history." And when he had made the Chagan attentive to listening to the beginning, the narration of the history did not suffer an interruption. They say that Sesostris was a very fortunate king, and the most illustrious of all the Egyptian kings. It is an ancient story that he was accustomed to boast of his wealth, and that he was so great in power and strength that he could not be conquered: and that his luxury reached such a point that he had a chariot fashioned from gold and adorned with precious gems, and that he would ride upon it; and having left behind horses and mules, he would subject the necks of conquered kings to its yoke, and thus these unhappy kings would drag his chariot into the forum. This Sesostris, therefore, not only not moderating his fortunes, but also frequently and proudly reproaching the defeated kings for their calamity, they say that one of the kings who were subjected to the yoke of the chariot, when there was a great and festive celebration and a large crowd of people had flowed together, was dragging the chariot more slowly, and was frequently looking back and observing the revolution of the wheel. And when the dragging of the chariot was thus spoiled, because those who were ordered to this task were not laboring with one and the same effort, the king of the Egyptians said to him who was looking back so often: "Man, why do you look back so often? Why do you gaze at the wheels? Why do you turn your eyes?" To this, they say, he replied to Sesostris with great gravity: "I admire the revolution of the wheels, which produce such varied movements, and those parts..."

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

[933] ...those things which are raised on high, to be brought down again to the earth; and conversely, those which graze the earth, to be lifted up afterwards. When Sesostris heard this, and had learned not to be too high-minded, he ordered the kings to be released from the yoke and their necks to be freed, and then entrusted the pulling to mules. Let these things teach you, Chagan, that nothing is more unstable than prosperity. The Chagan, having admired the man’s prudence, suppresses his arrogance, halts his confidence, and settles matters into a state of peace. And so, having remained silent for some hours, he said to Theodorus: "I know how to govern my swelling temper, and I know how to restrain my anger; but when the time for severity is past, I am reconciled with Priscus, Theodorus. Let him also be a fair and good friend to me; let not the Chagan remain excluded from the share of the booty. He has stepped upon my land; he has committed an offense against my subjects. Let the fruits of prosperity be shared." Having shown kindness in these matters, he sent Theodorus to Priscus. Theodorus explained the Barbarian’s words to Priscus; and on the following day, Priscus convened an assembly and exhorted the Romans to make the Barbarian a participant in the spoils. Although the Romans at first refused and rebelled against the general, the general, having used many and various and very prudent words, persuaded the army to give a portion of the booty to the Barbarian. The Romans therefore surrendered the captured Barbarians to the Chagan. Having made him a participant in the rest of the booty, they resolved the ambiguity. The Chagan, having gladly received the Barbarians, granted passage through his territory. And so the Romans, having given five thousand Barbarians to the Chagan for nothing, arrived at Drizipera; the general went to Byzantium. Maurice, however, rebuked him and his leniency for having so foolishly yielded the booty to the Barbarian, and Priscus was removed from his office.

[934] ...do you recount wheels? Why are you gaping to go through them? And he [Sesostris] said with much philosophy to the one who marveled at the movements of the wheels, that they have an uneven motion. For the parts of these that are raised on high become subterranean again; and conversely, the parts that were below are afterwards lifted up. Having heard these things, Sesostris was taught not to be high-minded, and he legislated that the royal necks be released from the yoke; then he entrusted the pulling to mules. Let these things teach you, Chagan, that nothing is more untrustworthy than prosperity. The Chagan, having admired the man’s moderation, punishes his arrogance, puts an end to his boldness, and changes affairs toward a peaceful relationship. Therefore, having remained silent for many hours, he said to Theodorus: "I know how to tyrannize over a swelling temper, I know how to wage war with anger; but when the time for harshness is over, I am reconciled with Priscus, Theodorus. Let him also be a fair friend to me; let not the Chagan remain unrewarded of the booty. He has stepped upon my land. He has sinned against my subjects. Let the things of prosperity be common." Having shown kindness in these matters, he sent Theodorus to Priscus. Theodorus went through the Barbarian’s words to Priscus; and Priscus on the next day sat in assembly, and exhorted the Romans to make the Barbarian a sharer of the spoils. The Romans, not yet having consented to what was advantageous, were in revolt against the general. The general, having used many and various and very effective words, persuaded the forces to give some of the booty to the Barbarian. The Romans therefore surrendered the captured Barbarians to the Chagan. Having made him a participant in the remaining spoils, they dissolved the uncertainty. The Chagan, having been pleased with the surrender of the Barbarians, gave territory for the crossings. Thus, then, the Romans, having paid five thousand Barbarians to the Chagan for free, arrived at Drizipera; the general [went] to Byzantium, and Maurice rebuked him, and covered him with the faults of folly, for having unwisely surrendered the booty to the Barbarian, and Priscus was voted out of office.

Since the Abars were making incursions into Thrace, the senate advised Maurice to send an embassy to the Chagan. The king, having called for Harmaton, appoints him as ambassador and sends him to the Chagan himself. Harmaton arrives at Drizipera, bringing with him multitudes of gifts. The Chagan, lamenting the present fortunes, bewailed uncontrollably the loss of his sons and the destruction of his forces. The ambassador spent ten days with the Chagan, but did not engage in discourse, for the mourning was bitter and the calamity unmethodical. On the twelfth day, the ambassador is brought into the Barbarian’s tent. The ambassador flatters the Barbarian with gentle words. He, however, was ill-disposed to accept the royal gifts, almost bringing up the tragic saying, "The gifts of enemies are no gifts." And so the ambassador, having used many words, persuades the Barbarian to allow himself to be honored with the gifts. On the following day, the Barbarian, having established peace, looked toward his departure. The Chagan said [in these words]: "Judge, O God, between Maurice and the Chagan, between the Abars and the Romans." For he accused [them] of broken peace.

935 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 936

May God judge between Maurice and Chosroes, between the Avars and the Romans; for he blamed the Emperor for disturbing the peace. And not without reason. For in truth, the Romans, having become violators of the peace and authors of war, fell into the aforementioned misfortunes. The Ister [Danube] separates the Romans from the Avars, as a mediator; but beyond it, if one crosses the river, is the dominion of the Sclaveni. And another twenty thousand gold pieces were added to the truce. In these matters, indeed, the war between the Avars and the Romans came to an end.

That at about the same time Chosroes attempted to break the peace, was for the following reason. Certain of the Saracens were serving as auxiliaries to the Romans, and one of them, on his own initiative, invaded Persia during a time of peace, and by that incursion ravaged certain parts of Babylonia; concerning which, because he was in doubt as to the intent with which this was done, or in what light it should be received, Chosroes sent the envoy George to Persia, who was in charge of the taxes of the eastern cities, or, as the Romans call him, the Praetorian Prefect. But Chosroes, taking grave offense at the injury inflicted upon him, detained the envoy for many days in the barbarian territory. Thus George was held for many days, not yet having obtained entry into the royal palace; later, with the affairs of Chosroes in turmoil, it seemed good to the Barbarian not to wage war against the Romans at that time: thus George was received into the palace by the Babylonian king, and since he had the state of the present time in his favor, he persuaded the Barbarian not to violate the pacts of peace; in that way, therefore, Chosroes, willing or unwilling, embraced peace. The envoy reported everything that had happened and how it had happened fully and at length to the Emperor, yet the end of the matter was not good. For George said that Chosroes spoke these words to the King: "The King of the Persians has spoken to his subjects: 'On account of the virtue of the envoy, I grant an end to the war.'" When the Emperor heard these things, he became angry at the envoy, and that embassy turned out very dangerously for George.

That Phocas, having chosen Lilius as the messenger of his tyrannical proclamation, sent him to Chosroes, bearing royal gifts. Chosroes, therefore, having made the tyranny a pretext for war, sounded that world-destroying trumpet, which shattered the fortunes of both the Romans and the Persians. Thus, indeed, with Chosroes pretending that he would uphold the funeral rites and justice for the memory of Maurice, the Persian war arose. Lilius, however, was treated quite harshly and remained among the Persians.

937 ON THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS. FROM THE HISTORY OF THE SAME THEOPHYLACT, FORMER EPARCH AND ARCHIVIST, CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS. 938 FROM THE HISTORY OF THE SAME THEOPHYLACT, FORMER EPARCH AND ARCHIVIST, CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

That when Philippicus, the brother-in-law of Maurice, was general, he departed from the royal city and arrived at Amida. The Persians send an embassy to lay down the war in a glorious manner. For they ordered the Romans to purchase the truce with money, having sent Mebodes the satrap to the general. And so Mebodes the Persian came to the Romans, and the general convened an assembly, having summoned to himself the commanders of the regiments, the captains, the shield-bearers, and the more prominent of the fighting force; and when the gathering was full, the Persian began these words.

ORATION.

"Men of war, let not the preamble of the ambassador disturb those who hear it. For if you change your opinions, I too shall change my declaration. Cultivate peace by voting down the war; let the spear and the sword, as things grown old, be bid farewell. And instead of military service, take up the pipe that sounds a gentle and pastoral melody. The King of the Persians is a lover of peace, and prides himself on stripping off the accoutrements of war. For the pleasure of peace is a royal trait, just as contentiousness is the mark of tyrants. Men who are partners with us in the same sufferings, let the war alone remain insatiable for all. We have defiled the earth with blood; we have often witnessed death. For war is the painter of death; and I say it is also the archetype, and the author and self-taught teacher of human evils. Someone loves money; but we have become the plaything of wealth and poverty, sometimes prevailing, sometimes being prevailed upon, and changing along with the turns of war, we have reaped change as if it were eternal. Some one of the nobles was adorned with gold; he possessed treachery along with his pleasure; for what is more treacherous in war than money, being transferred immediately to another, and again from him to someone else; as if one were to see a dream while awake, or remember yesterday’s drunkenness on the morrow. You once, O Romans...

939 ACROASES. — NOTICE BY NIC. MARLE FOGGINI. 990

[Nicephorus Phocas], master of the soldiers and domestic of the Oriental schools, having routed and destroyed the Barbarians, restored [the island of Crete] to the Roman Empire, under the Emperor Romanus the Younger, in the year of Christ 961. This expedition, successfully completed with the greatest speed by Nicephorus at the command of the Roman Emperor, is celebrated and adorned by the five following Acroases. Maltretus once intended to publish them, but they were first edited recently by the noble Venetian Flaminius Cornelius in his commentary on Sacred Crete, Vol. I, p. 269. No other source containing them is known until an ancient codex is found, besides the Vatican manuscript marked number 997, with letters now almost fading, and written by a notary rather than a scribe, from which both Maltretus (through the care of Allatius) and Cornelius received them. Therefore, being ordered to review and reprint them, I could only accomplish this: to consult the Vatican codex itself again and compare it with the edition of Cornelius. I completed this labor not without fruit, although I remain hesitant as to whether I have fully grasped everything, both due to the defects of the codex and the singular style of a poet of a later age. Wherefore, I shall indicate my doubts and conjectures in the subjoined annotations, where I shall also pursue further matters that might explain the author’s meaning and the history of events more clearly.

Who Theodosius the Deacon, who composed these Acroases, was, is entirely obscure; but it is not permitted to doubt in any way that he was a deacon of the Church of Constantinople. Furthermore, from the epistle in which he dedicates his Acroases to Nicephorus, it is clearly evident that he brought them to light after the premature death of the Emperor Romanus, although they were composed while he was still alive. For thus does Theodosius address Nicephorus: *Ὡς ἐν προσώπῳ γοῦν ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ ἰάμβων δοκεῖ πρὸς τὸν πάλαι βασιλέα ἡμῶν, τὸ δὲ τῶν ἐπαίνων κεφάλαιον πρὸς τίνα, εἴσῃ εὐθύς.* "The beginning of the iambics, therefore, seems at first glance to pertain to our late Emperor; but to whom the sum of the praises primarily belongs, you will immediately understand."

Moreover, from the same epistle, it is openly understood that he offered them to Nicephorus after he had added to the Cretan victory a victory over the Eastern Hagarenes, having overthrown their metropolis, Chalep: *Δέξαι οὖν, inquit, εἰ καὶ τῆς ἀξίας εἰσὶν ἐνδεᾶ Θεοδοσίου ψελλίσματα, καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ Χαλέπε γράφειν ἐπίτρεψον καταστροφῆς καὶ ἁλώσεως.* "Accept, therefore, though they are lacking in worth, the stammerings of Theodosius, and permit me to write concerning the destruction and capture of Chalep." Regarding these words, one is struck with wonder at how Cornelius could note that he was entirely ignorant of why Theodosius, while instituting a discourse on Crete, should have introduced a mention of Chalep. For no historian, ancient or modern, fails to note that Nicephorus Phocas first subdued the Cretan Saracens, and then the Chalepian ones. Hear Cedrenus, *Hist. Comp.*, p. 645: *Νικηφόρος δὲ ὁ Φωκᾶς, ὡς ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, προσταχθεὶς ἐκ Κρήτης ἐπανελθεῖν, οὐ συνεχωρήθη εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ Ἀνατολῇ ἐκελεύθη παραγενέσθαι μετὰ παντὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ· ἀναλαμβάνων γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἐκ τῆς προτέρας ἥττης ὁ Χαβδάν, ἀναφέρειν ἤρξατο πάλιν, καὶ στρατὸν ἀξιόμαχον ἠθροικώς, προσδόκιμος ἦν ἐπιθήσεσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἄρχουσί τε καὶ πράγμασιν· ἀλλ' ἐν Συρίᾳ γενόμενος ὁ Φωκᾶς καὶ σταδαία μάχη τούτου τρεψάμενος, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἠττήσας, καὶ εἰς τὰ ἐνδότερα τῆς Συρίας ἀπελάσας τὴν πόλιν Βέροιαν ἐξεπόρθησε δίχα τῆς ἀκροπόλεως.* "Nicephorus Phocas, as we have said, having been ordered to return from Crete, was not permitted to enter the imperial city; but it was commanded that he should proceed into the East with his entire army. For Chabdanus, recovering from his previous defeat, was beginning to rise again, and having gathered an army capable of battle, he was expected to attack the Roman leaders and affairs. But Phocas, having arrived in Syria and having routed him in a pitched battle and defeated him decisively, and having driven him into the interior of Syria, sacked the city of Berrhoea, except for the acropolis."

The same is narrated by Michael Glycas in his *Annals*, Part IV, p. 304, and both bring forward this as the cause of Nicephorus’s anxious expedition into the East: that Joseph Bringas, who held power in the court, had cunningly placed before Romanus the rumor that the victor of Crete would be elevated to the Empire. But indeed, Cedrenus and Glycas seem to dissent from Leo the Deacon, a contemporary writer, in this: that they write that Nicephorus was not permitted to come to Constantinople upon his return from Crete, but was ordered to go straight to Syria; whereas the latter testifies to the contrary, that Nicephorus, returning from Crete, not only came to Constantinople, but even triumphed in Constantinople, and only after this departed for Syria. That Leo narrated the matter thus is known from the Latin excerpts of the history of his times, which he extended to the death of John Tzimiskes, as related by Pagi in his *Critica in Annal. Baron.*, Vol. III, p. 875, and Vol. IV, p. 5; for the complete history of Leo has not yet been published in Greek, although Combefisius left it prepared for the press.

However, if I am not mistaken, Symeon the Master and Logothete, in the end of his *Annals*, opens an easy way to reconcile Cedrenus and Glycas with Leo the Deacon on this point as well, for he speaks thus of the triumph of Nicephorus for the defeat of Crete: "The Emperor, when he learned of the capture of Crete, gave glory to God; but not long after, Nicephorus, the domestic of the schools, by the command of the Emperor, entered the city, and with the spoils and the captives, he came on foot from his house to the hippodrome, together with the Emir of Crete, called Kouroupas, and all his relatives, all the Saracens being clothed in white garments. And the Magister was deemed worthy of great honors and gifts by the Emperor; the Emir, having received many gifts and gold and silver from the Emperor, was permitted to live in the villages with his children, but was not raised to the senate because they did not wish to be baptized. And the Emperor Romanus sent Nicephorus the Magister back to the East against the arrogant Chabdanus; and he, having departed, first attacked the fortress of Chalep, from which a great gathering of spoils was made." The Emperor, when he learned that Crete had been captured, rendered praises and thanks to God.

941 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

That Chosroes, having been defeated and put to flight by Baram, and ejected from his kingdom, and having encamped in the field within the tenth milestone from Circesium, sent a messenger to signify his arrival, his recent fortunes, and his refuge with the Caesar, and requesting a passage home, he sought aid from the Romans. In the third watch of the night, the messengers arrived at the gates; when the guards of the gates had been informed of the causes for which they came, they sent quickly to the prefect of the city, and explained to the prefect the cause of such an unexpected haste. The name of the prefect of the garrison cohort was Probus. Wherefore Probus, having admitted Chosroes into the city in the morning, received him humanely and benevolently; he also treated his women, who were carrying small children at their breasts, with the greatest possible humanity; and he did many good things in a very friendly manner to his defenders and bodyguards, of whom there were perhaps thirty with Chosroes. On the second day, Chosroes sought Probus by sending letters to the Caesar, and when he had inscribed the royal seal, he gave it to the emperor through Probus. On the following day, he informed Comentiolus, the general staying at Hierapolis, of the presence of Chosroes, having sent to him at the same time what Chosroes had written to the Caesar with honor and dignity. Comentiolus took care to have what had been signified to him at Hierapolis by Probus carried to the Caesar by swift couriers. The emperor Maurice, having heard these things, smiled, and congratulating himself on the better hope, and having removed the Persian seals, he chose to read and know even those things which were inscribed within. The dignity of the Persian, by which he addressed the king, was especially in these things. For I shall set forth the embassy not adorned with words, so that by the rudeness of the speech we may inspect the unfeigned mind of the dignity exhibited.

"That Chosroes, the king of the Persians, having been defeated and driven away by Baram, and having fallen from the kingdom, and camping in the field ten miles from the city of Circesium, sends out messengers, signifying his arrival and his refuge with the Caesar, and requesting a return to his home, he asked to receive an alliance from the Romans. In the third watch of the night, the messengers arrived at the gates. When the matters being transacted by the envoys were made known to the gatekeepers, those who had been entrusted with the guard of the gates went quickly to the governor of the city, and reported the adventure to the governor with intense haste. The commander of the garrison was named Probus. Probus, therefore, brought Chosroes into the city at dawn, and entertained him with skill and friendliness. He treated his women, who were carrying small children, with the greatest kindness; and he did good very gently to the thirty bodyguards and patrols who were with Chosroes. On the second day, Chosroes sought Probus through a letter of the envoys to the Caesar. And having inscribed the royal characters, he sent them to the emperor through Probus. On the following day, Probus made the presence of Chosroes known to Comentiolus the general, who was staying at Hierapolis, having sent to him also what had been written by Chosroes in the petition to the Caesar. Comentiolus, having understood what was signified to him by Probus at Hierapolis, handed over the messenger to the couriers to go to the emperor. The emperor Maurice, having heard these things, rejoiced, and was full of better hopes. Having removed the Persian seals, he examined what had been inscribed on the tablets, to take them up and understand them; and the petition of the king of the Persians was composed in these terms. For I shall add the embassy word for word, unadorned in style, so that by the simplicity of the speech we may behold the unfeigned mind of the petition.

Chosroes, King of the Persians, to the most illustrious, happy, peaceful, powerful, defender of liberty, hater of tyranny, moderate, just, protector of the injured, beneficent, and forgetful of wrongs, the King of the Romans, greeting. God from above and from the beginning has arranged for the whole world to be illuminated by two eyes, that is, by the most powerful empire of the Romans and by the most prudent sceptres of the Persian state. For by these greatest authorities, disobedient and warlike nations are crushed, and the life of men is adorned and governed throughout; and it is possible to grasp the sequence of events as agreeing with our words. Since, therefore, certain evil demons roaming in the world hasten to confuse all things that have been well ordained by God, even if the attempt of these does not obtain an outcome, it behooves God-loving and most pious men to resist them, as those who have from God a treasure of wisdom, and an arm and weapons of justice. In these days, therefore, the most harmful demons have risen against the Persian state, having perpetrated all the worst things, and have armed servants against their masters, against the kingdom..."

943 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA II

...having invaded the Persian state, they have committed terrible deeds, and have armed slaves against their masters, servants against their kingdoms, disorder against order, the unbecoming against duty, and all things contrary to the good. For Bahram, that detestable slave, raised up by our ancestors and elevated to this light of honor, not being able to contain the magnitude of such glory, has lapsed into ruin; and, betrothing the kingdom to himself, he has disturbed the entire Persian commonwealth, and does and labors at everything to extinguish the great eye of power, from which wild and most wicked nations might take the boldness and power to act against the most gentle Persian empire; and not only this, but also, as time proceeds, against the nations tributary to you, [he exerts] an unrestrained power, not without much injury. It is fitting, therefore, for the peaceful [nature] of your providence to extend a saving hand to a kingdom being plundered and violated by tyrants, and to contribute your effort to this end: that an incipient rule may be destroyed, and that you may establish the causes of salvation like universal trophies in the Roman state, and that you may be proclaimed founders, saviors, and physicians of the Persian state. For it is altogether fitting for the most powerful kings to accomplish all things that accord with justice, and from this to acquire the praises of magnanimity and a glory that will not be abolished after death, and thus to set an example that slaves ought not to take up arms against their masters. It is therefore appropriate for you to govern the current instability of affairs in the Persian state; for the Romans will receive a more splendid renown through you from this. These things I, Chosroes, as if present, speak through this letter, Chosroes, your son and suppliant. For you will not, because of the fortune of what has happened, reject the title appropriate to the condition of us both. May the angels of God, the givers of good things, keep and preserve your kingdom unblamed and untyrannized.

That Chosroes, having obtained his request through the envoys sent to Maurice, came to the city called Hierapolis; nor did the general Comentiolus fail to honor him, who was then bereft of his kingdom. For so it seemed good to Maurice, and as it seemed good, so also was it carried out. Therefore, at the place called Bedamas, Comentiolus met Chosroes, having provided him with royal equipment and a magnificent retinue of guards. On the ninth day, Chosroes sent a messenger to the Persians guarding Martyropolis, a man of satrapal rank named Miragdus, revealing both the recent state of his fortunes and the magnanimity of the Emperor, which the whole city, even if it were most crowded, could not contain, inasmuch as the Persians, exempt from war, had been received into friendship. He also sent Bestam, a man illustrious among the Persians, into Armenia to Adrabigan, commanding him to take charge and to establish the Persians residing there as subjects to him. And these things were indeed done openly. But as he was by nature a fox in his thinking, and left nothing undone in terms of deceit and fraud, having violated the law of hospitality, and that infinite...

945 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

[Greek text omitted]

[Latin text omitted]

Having set aside the second [option], and having discarded the law of hospitality, and trampling the salt of friendship under his heels, he sent a fifth messenger to the Chaldeans inhabiting Martyropolis, urging them to hold fast to the garrison with the utmost care, and not to pay heed to the things openly commanded to him. Therefore, an opportunity for his return to the kingdom having arisen, he resolved to go to the Roman Emperor. Maurice, however, discerning his desire, prevented his arrival to him by royal letters, despising glory and laboring for the benefit and advantage of Chosroes. For he thought that he should not proceed further into the Persian state, lest a firm foundation for the tyranny be established for Baram from that point. But at the beginning of spring, Chosroes sent ambassadors to the Emperor. The Emperor, having convened an assembly on the third day, is famously adored by the ambassadors. Silence therefore being granted to the council, and the Emperor having given the Persians leave to set forth their speech, the most prominent of the ambassadors, moistening his speech with tears, and thereby seeking to capture the royal compassion, began with these words.

[Greek text omitted]

[Latin text omitted]

These things having been spoken by the ambassadors, and the request having obtained persuasiveness and grace through the fluency of the speech, it was decreed by both the Senate and the Emperor that the Romans would assist Chosroes, and would prepare war against Baram with the utmost zeal; the Emperor judging it unworthy of the Latin empire to provide arms to those who act unjustly, and to risk the good for the sake of the magnitude of a promise, and for the Romans, having undertaken a most shameful cause, to be branded forever with immortal reproaches. The matter concerning the decree was then noised abroad and prevailed throughout the royal city on that day. The ambassadors, having been admitted to the Caesar for the fifth time, and adorned with royal gifts, carried away the decree of the kings in writing. The Emperor also sent back to Chosroes, along with the ambassadors, Saramen and Chosroperozen, and the others whom the Roman state had previously captured during the time of the war. Chosroes, having understood the contents of the Emperor’s book, and admiring the virtue of the Romans, left the holy city and arrived at the city of Constantina together with Comentiolus. Not long after, the prelate of Melitene (this was Domitianus) came to Chosroes by royal suggestion; he was related by blood to the Emperor, a priest by honor, but more priestly in his way of life, pleasant in speech, swift in action, and most prudent in counsel. Gregory, the leader of the Church of Antioch, accompanied him. For this also seemed good to the Emperor, and the word passed into action. When the priests had arrived at Constantina, they comforted Chosroes with words and gifts, providing him with the fulfillment of his hopes while he was despondent.

(1) Many things having been said in the meantime, and these things [also]...

(1) Margin: See in "On Public Speaking."

947 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA ...to break the ancient laws and those of the fatherland, which for so many years have been observed in the Persian republic, and that disgrace and ignominy are by no means absent from the machinations of revolutionary change.

948 Chosroes then sent envoys throughout Nisibis, reminding the Persians of the favor shown to the royal lineage, exhorting them with the spur of his exhortation that it was not right to endure the power of tyrants, nor to insult an ancient and ancestral law that had grown old with the Persian kingdom, and which had never been brought into disrepute by the novelty of an overthrow. When this first became known to Baram, regarding the preservation of Chosroes and his humane reception by the Romans, he sent envoys, warning the Emperor not to assist Chosroes in any way, and for that reason he pledged that he would give the city of Nisibis and the lands up to the Tigris River to the Romans. But since he was not the Baram who could extinguish the royal name, he was frustrated.

188 Because the matter against Baram had been managed well and successfully, Chosroes sent some of the princes from his retinue to Maurice, and having explained the fortune of what had occurred, he requested that, by sending aid, he might remove the necessity from himself and assist as quickly as possible. The envoys also affirmed that if the Emperor provided a supply of money to Chosroes, he would repay it to the Romans as soon as he recovered his kingdom. The King of the Romans, besides providing help by joining his arms, also bestowed upon him a very large sum of money; and thus Chosroes, having left a promissory note for the Emperor, carried off a huge amount of money, which he then distributed among his Persian forces.

That when it became clear to Baram that Chosroes had been saved, and how the Romans had received him kindly, he sent out envoys, asking the Emperor by no means to assist the fortunes of Chosroes, asserting that he would hand over the city of Nisibis and the lands up to the Tigris River to the Romans. Baram was, however, wandering in vain; for he was not able to destroy the King’s status.

That after the achievement of his successes, Chosroes sent for some of the commanders following him to Maurice, and signified the turn of events that had followed; he requested that he should take care to add his own forces to the alliance, and to assist as quickly as possible; and that the provision of money from the Emperor should be made to him, asserting that upon recovering his own rule, he would pay back the loan to the Romans. The King of the Romans, along with the alliance of arms, also granted him the greatest weight of money. Chosroes, therefore, having signed for the loan and sent it to Maurice, received the wealth of many talents; and having broken this up, he scattered it among the Persian forces around him.

That not long after, Chosroes sent Sarames to the King, begging Caesar to remove Comentiolus from the command, as one who was insulting and, under the pretext of aid, was causing detriment. And when Sarames, as was just, had arrived at Byzantium and explained the embassy to the Emperor, the Emperor removed Comentiolus from the office of commander and gave the command to Narses, who was the commander’s shield-bearer.

On the sixth day, Maurice sent to Chosroes at Dara a belt studded with gems, a royal tiara, and golden couches and tables; having organized a royal procession for his sake from his own bodyguards, he gifted them magnificently, so that, lacking royal equipment, he might not be despised by Romans and Persians alike. Chosroes was therefore surrounded on all sides by a royal bodyguard, as much as it is the custom for royal scepters to be honored among the Romans. Seeing, therefore, how much the Roman Emperor had surrounded Chosroes with, the Medes changed their minds, bade farewell to the tyranny, and went over to the side of Chosroes. And while the affairs of Baram were weakened day by day, things went according to the mind of Chosroes, as his power increased in that way. Therefore, Chosroes decided to return some favor to Maurice, and by royal letter he bound the city of Dara to Maurice’s empire as a gift, and sent Delauzas the satrap, a distinguished man, to Byzantium, to carry the keys of the town, along with the gift contained in the letter. And so, when the envoy was in the royal city, he handed over the city to the Romans and was admitted to an audience with the Emperor. Maurice, however, having gifted the man...

949 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS. 950

[He] sends to Byzantium, carrying the keys of the city and the gift in writing. The ambassador, having arrived at the royal city, surrendered the city to the Romans. And he came to speak with the Emperor. Maurice, having honored him with royal gifts, strengthened the promise of the things previously announced, calling Chosroes his son.

That Chosroes, fearing that some assassination might be attempted against him by the locals, requested of Maurice that one thousand of his own heavy infantry be sent to guard his person. The King of the Romans sent bodyguards to Chosroes.

That Maurice, having arrived at the place called the Hebdomon—for he had heard that the Huns were marching out—and having heard that Dalauza the Persian had come to him, returned to the royal city; and having handled the request of the embassy as skillfully as he could, he set out again on the purpose of his departure.

That on the third day, ambassadors were sent out from the royal city; and the request was made by the Senate to the Emperor. The subject was to seek the return of the Emperor’s departure. He, accepting nothing of the embassy, returned.

That Chosroes, fearing that some secret assassin might be substituted by his subjects, asked Maurice to give him one thousand of his own soldiers for the protection of his body. The Roman king, however, sent bodyguards to Chosroes.

That Maurice arrived at the place called the Seventh, since he had heard that the Huns were marching out, and having been informed of the arrival of the Persian Dalauza to him, he ran back to the royal city, and having arranged the embassy as was proper, he promoted his intended departure again.

That on the third day, ambassadors were sent from the royal city, the Senate requesting the Emperor to return. Yielding to this embassy, he returned with the ambassadors.

That Maurice, having pitched his camp at Anchialus and having stayed there for fifteen days, when he heard that ambassadors from the King of the Persians were coming to Byzantium, returned to the royal city.

On the third day after that, ambassadors from Celtiberia also arrive. The names of the ambassadors were Boso and Betto, whom the prince of the nation (these are called Franks in the more recent language, but their name is Theodoric) sent to the Emperor, and promised that, if tributes were given to him, he would assist the Romans and wage war against the Chagan in exchange for gifts. The Emperor, however, having gifted the ambassadors, ordered the Franks to provide the alliance for free, not allowing the aid of the Barbarians to be bought by the Romans. Meanwhile, the Chagan demands an addition to the previous pacts from the Emperor; in this matter, the Barbarian was not heard, and he immediately renewed the war.

That Maurice, having marked out the camp at Anchialus, and having spent fifteen days there, returns to the royal city, having heard that ambassadors from the King of the Persians had come to Byzantium.

On the third day, the ambassadors of Celtic Iberia also arrive at the royal city. The names of the ambassadors were Botos and Bettos. The ruler of this nation—these are called Franks in the newer language, and his name is Theodoric—sent them to the Emperor; and he requested to ally with the Roman state through tax treaties, and that the war against the Chagan be consumed by gifts. The Emperor, therefore, having treated the ambassadors kindly with gifts, ordered the Franks to provide the alliance without pay; he did not tolerate the Roman state being taxed by the Barbarians.

The Chagan, having added [demands], sought to receive the treaties from the Emperor. Since the Emperor did not give an ear to the words of the Barbarian, he immediately took up the war.

That Priscus, having pitched fifteen camps and crossed the Ister river, arrives on the fourth day at the upper Novas. When the Chagan learned of this, he sent ambassadors to Priscus and sought to learn the reason for the arrival of the Romans. The general said that the places were naturally suited for hunting, and were suitable for cavalry and very well-watered. The Chagan declared that the Romans were stepping on foreign land, that Priscus had violated the treaty, and that the peace was being torn apart by him. Priscus therefore said that the Romans were treading on Roman soil; the Barbarian [replied] that the Romans had lost this by the arms and laws of war.

While the Chagan was struggling and arguing about these places, they say that Priscus reproached the Chagan for his flight from the East. For when summer arrived, the Chagan, who is praised by the Turks in the East, sent ambassadors to Emperor Maurice, and having composed a letter, he inscribed victories in it. The inscription of the letter read as follows:

951 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 952

F ...of the order as follows: "To the Emperor of the Romans, the Chagan, the great master, lord of seven generations, ruler of the climates of the inhabited world." That as spring began, and the greatest of the seasons' festivals was at hand, during which they are accustomed to celebrate both the passion and the resurrection of God the Savior, and with famine pressing upon the Romans, by some unexpected chance, or by the providence of God, the Chagan sent to the Romans, intending to put an end to the famine. Priscus at first doubted the novelty of this matter and did not trust it. But after he was made secure, the Romans and the Barbarians made and received a five-day truce, and with all fear removed, the Chagan provided wagons to the starving Romans for the procurement of grain. Because of this, that unexpected barbarian humanity has been propagated even to our own times. On the fourth day, with the Roman forces equipped with the necessities of life, the Chagan sent envoys, intending to ask Priscus for Indian goods. In this matter, Priscus complied with the Barbarian, and sent pepper, and Indian leaf, and what is called costus. The latter, having received the Roman gifts, was delighted by the aromatics and was greatly pleased; and thus he abstained from battle until that great public celebration of the Romans had passed; and although they were encamped near one another, everything was secure on both sides. Then, when the festival was finished, the Chagan sent messengers, asking for the forces to be separated from one another.

That as spring was rising, and the great festival of the seasons was about to arrive, and they were to celebrate both the passion and the resurrection of God the Savior, and with famine pressing upon the Romans, by some paradoxical providence the Chagan sent an embassy to the Romans. The request was to put an end to the famine. Priscus, because of the common nature of the request, was in doubt and disbelieved. But when the Romans and Barbarians gave and received pledges, having established a five-day truce, they negotiated for fearlessness. Therefore, the Chagan provided wagons for the starving Romans for the procurement of grain; for this reason, these things of this barbarian philanthropy have remained until the times of our own day, being spoken of as paradoxical. On the fourth day, and with the Roman force strengthened with the most necessary things for life, the Chagan sent out envoys, asking to receive Indian spices from Priscus. Priscus therefore gratified the request of the Barbarian, and sent pepper, and Indian leaf, and what is called costus; and he, having received the Roman gifts, being perfumed, was pleased with great joy. He therefore became non-combative until that great public festival of the Romans had passed. There was no fear in either force. Therefore, when the festival was finished, the Chagan sent messengers, asking for the forces to be separated from one another.

That from the fifth battle, the Chagan, having been defeated by the Romans, before anything of the deed was known to the Emperor, sent envoys to Maurice concerning the recovery of the captives. There were seventeen thousand and two hundred of them. Maurice, therefore, struck by the threats of the Barbarian and circumvented by his words, commanded Priscus through a courier to return the captives to the Chagan of the Avars, and thus indeed the Barbarians were rendered free from danger to the Chagan.

That the Chagan, after the fifth defeat, having been fought by the Romans, before the Emperor became aware of what had happened, sent envoys to Maurice, attempting to take back those who had been captured. There were seventeen thousand and two hundred. Maurice, struck by the threats of the Barbarian and being beguiled by his words, ordered Priscus through a courier to return the captured Avars to the Chagan. Thus, therefore, from the cutting, the Barbarians were given back to the Chagan.

ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS CONCERNING VIRTUE AND VICE.

ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK CONCERNING VIRTUES AND VICES, OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS. (In Henry Valesius, in the Collectanea of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Paris 1654, 4. See Fabricius in our previous volume, col. 25.)

Whoever among the kings or private men of old did not let their mind be dragged away by pleasures or be softened...

953 PROLOGUE TO THE COLLECTION ON VIRTUES AND VICES.

Those who have preserved the nobility of their soul unstained by virtue, these indeed have endured in labors and occupied themselves with letters. And if any of those who lived more rationally became lovers of learning, they wrote down something of greater importance, partly desiring to leave to posterity a clear proof of their own manifold learning, and partly mindful of reaping an immortal reputation from those who would encounter their works.

But since, through the passage of so many years, an immense amount of material and discourse was generated, and the weaving together of history was extended to an infinite and unmanageable degree; and since it was necessary for the choice of men in later times to incline toward the worse, to hold the noble in low regard, and to be more sluggish in attaining the knowledge of those who came before, with the true attainment of truth falling behind; so that from this, the discovery of history became shrouded in obscurity, partly by the scarcity of useful books, and partly by those who feared and dreaded the excessive verbosity of the long-winded—the descendant of the purple, Constantine, the most orthodox and most Christian of all who have ever reigned, being disposed with a sharper eye toward the understanding of noble things and possessing an active mind, judged it to be best and useful to the public, and beneficial to life, first to gather together through diligent searching books from elsewhere, from every part of the inhabited world, pregnant with all kinds of manifold knowledge.

Then, he thought it necessary to divide that magnitude of prolixity, which exhausts the ears and otherwise appears troublesome and burdensome to the many, into minute parts, and to set forth ungrudgingly to all in common the benefit arising from them; so that from this selection, the students of discourse might read more attentively and continuously, and the eloquence of the discourse might be more permanently impressed upon them.

With greatness of spirit and without guile, he decided in addition to this to divide the work into different subjects, fifty-three in number, in which and under which all historical greatness is enclosed. And there is nothing of the collected material that escapes such an enumeration of subjects, nor is the sequence of the discourse taken away at all by the division of the concepts; but it preserves the body whole, and to each subject is adapted such a connection, or more truly to say, such an affinity.

Of these summary subjects, this one before us, inscribed "On Virtue and Vice," happens to be the fiftieth, with the first having the title "On the Proclamation of Emperors." This prologue indicates which fathers the discourses possess, and from whence they are born, so that the summary subjects might not be nameless and illegitimate, but rather spurious and falsely named. These are from the chronicles subjoined below:

1. From the Antiquities of Josephus.