Theodosius the Deacon

929 ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

The most powerful of the Barbarians persuaded [the Chagan] that he should not decree anything regarding the death of Comentiolus, nor should anything further be attempted against the envoys beyond their bonds. The Chagan, agreeing, granted the envoys an unexpected salvation and sent them back to the Emperor, having been violated. Death was threatened. On the following day, the anger of the Chagan was calmed by the words of the envoys regarding this matter, and the most powerful of the Barbarians comforted him with persuasive words, persuading the Chagan not to decree death against Comentiolus. And they persuaded him that it was sufficient for the envoys to be wronged only as far as their bonds. The Chagan, therefore, having consented, sent them back to the Emperor in a disgraced state, having granted them an unexpected salvation.

In the following year, Elpidius was again elected by the votes of all for the same embassy and was sent. When he was with the Chagan, he requested an envoy who would accompany him to the Emperor, so that, with the truce thus restored, another twenty thousand gold pieces might be added beyond what had been previously agreed upon. The Chagan, having accepted these terms, sent Targites, a man illustrious among the people of the Avars, to the Caesar with Elpidius. I shall now state the reason why the Avars not long after broke the truce and openly resumed war, and I do not shrink from doing so. There was a man of Scythian nationality, Bolocalabra by name, who at that time committed a dangerous crime: for he had relations with one of the Chagan’s concubines, and, having been enticed by brief pleasure, he cast himself into the great nets of death. Fearing that this crime might one day be discovered and bring forth great punishment, he persuaded seven of his subjects and fled to the ancient tribe from which they had originated. These are the Huns, who inhabit the East, where they are neighbors to the Persians, whom it is now well known to many are also called Turks. Therefore, having crossed the Ister and while heading toward the city of Libidinum, he was intercepted by a certain Roman commander of those who had been assigned the guard of the Ister; he declared his tribe and how he had lived and what pleasure he had derived from it. Since he seemed suitable for explaining his circumstances, he was sent to the Emperor, and on this occasion the Roman truce seemed to be broken. War had already arisen while Targites was still in the city in the capacity of an envoy, demanding the annual revenues from the Romans which the truce provided to the Chagan each year. Wherefore the Emperor was not without cause angered, seeing that he had been not a little circumvented by the Barbarians—the one demanding annual wealth and peaceful revenues, while the other was not resting, but infesting Europe and devastating cities. Targites was therefore cast out to the island of Chalcitide, where he was kept in harsh conditions for six months. Until this time, the anger of the King was simmering, for he had even threatened to decree death against the envoy. But those around the Chagan destroyed all the neighbors of the Scythians and captured many cities: Teraterida, Bononia, Acus, Dorostolum, Salpada, Panasa, Martianopolis, and Tropaeum. This undertaking caused them many difficulties. For these towns were not surrendered without sweat and great concern. And this was despite the great assistance of the suddenness of their arrival, which provides an especially irresistible evil to those who are slow to act.

931 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACTUS SIMOCATTA

That Tiberius acted through an envoy with Hormisdas, so that the war might be settled on both sides. But he, having become more arrogant because of this embassy, wished openly for tribute to be paid to him by the Romans, for the Armenians and Iberians to be subjected to him, with the Romans consenting to this, and for the town of Daras to no longer be sought by the Caesar, even though his father Chosroes had wished for there to be a truce between himself and the Caesar on both sides, and had not refused to restore Daras to the rule of the Caesar. But after Tiberius had heard of the pride of Hormisdas, when summer arrived, Maurice, having gathered his forces again, enters Persia, he himself having crossed the Tigris, and having sent the rest to advance further into the interior of Persia.

939 That Tiberius renounces the war to Hormisdas, requesting that peace be made on equal terms for both. But he, becoming haughty at the embassy, demanded that the Romans pay tribute openly, that the Armenians and Iberians be held as subjects, with the Romans providing this to him, and that Daras no longer be sought by the Caesar; even though his father Chosroes had wished to grant peace to the Caesar on equal terms, and had not disdained to restore Daras to the rule of the Romans. But when the arrogance of Hormisdas became manifest to Tiberius, summer having arrived, Maurice again gathered his forces and enters Persia, to the opposite side of the Tigris, and sent others to ravage the inner parts of Persia.

That when the Chagan took this heavily and with displeasure, that the Roman army had distinguished itself even in the dark, the most select of the Barbarians advised the Chagan to lay down the war. For they said that his anger against the Romans was not just. Therefore, Priscus confidently sent an envoy to the Chagan, named Theodorus, a man by nature elegant and most prudent: a physician by profession, and free and candid of tongue. But when he was admitted to the Chagan, the Barbarian, indeed, being elated in spirit because of the fortunate things that had happened to him, became overly arrogant, inasmuch as he said that he was the king of all nations, and that there was no one, wherever the sun sees, who could either come forward or stand against him. The envoy, however, as one who was most learned in histories, crushed the barbarian ferocity with examples, and it will not be inconsistent to set forth the history. He said, therefore: "Listen, Chagan, to a very ancient and useful history." And when he had made the Chagan attentive to listening to the beginning, the narration of the history did not suffer an interruption. They say that Sesostris was a very fortunate king, and the most illustrious of all the Egyptian kings. It is an ancient story that he was accustomed to boast of his wealth, and that he was so great in power and strength that he could not be conquered: and that his luxury reached such a point that he had a chariot fashioned from gold and adorned with precious gems, and that he would ride upon it; and having left behind horses and mules, he would subject the necks of conquered kings to its yoke, and thus these unhappy kings would drag his chariot into the forum. This Sesostris, therefore, not only not moderating his fortunes, but also frequently and proudly reproaching the defeated kings for their calamity, they say that one of the kings who were subjected to the yoke of the chariot, when there was a great and festive celebration and a large crowd of people had flowed together, was dragging the chariot more slowly, and was frequently looking back and observing the revolution of the wheel. And when the dragging of the chariot was thus spoiled, because those who were ordered to this task were not laboring with one and the same effort, the king of the Egyptians said to him who was looking back so often: "Man, why do you look back so often? Why do you gaze at the wheels? Why do you turn your eyes?" To this, they say, he replied to Sesostris with great gravity: "I admire the revolution of the wheels, which produce such varied movements, and those parts..."

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES.

[933] ...those things which are raised on high, to be brought down again to the earth; and conversely, those which graze the earth, to be lifted up afterwards. When Sesostris heard this, and had learned not to be too high-minded, he ordered the kings to be released from the yoke and their necks to be freed, and then entrusted the pulling to mules. Let these things teach you, Chagan, that nothing is more unstable than prosperity. The Chagan, having admired the man’s prudence, suppresses his arrogance, halts his confidence, and settles matters into a state of peace. And so, having remained silent for some hours, he said to Theodorus: "I know how to govern my swelling temper, and I know how to restrain my anger; but when the time for severity is past, I am reconciled with Priscus, Theodorus. Let him also be a fair and good friend to me; let not the Chagan remain excluded from the share of the booty. He has stepped upon my land; he has committed an offense against my subjects. Let the fruits of prosperity be shared." Having shown kindness in these matters, he sent Theodorus to Priscus. Theodorus explained the Barbarian’s words to Priscus; and on the following day, Priscus convened an assembly and exhorted the Romans to make the Barbarian a participant in the spoils. Although the Romans at first refused and rebelled against the general, the general, having used many and various and very prudent words, persuaded the army to give a portion of the booty to the Barbarian. The Romans therefore surrendered the captured Barbarians to the Chagan. Having made him a participant in the rest of the booty, they resolved the ambiguity. The Chagan, having gladly received the Barbarians, granted passage through his territory. And so the Romans, having given five thousand Barbarians to the Chagan for nothing, arrived at Drizipera; the general went to Byzantium. Maurice, however, rebuked him and his leniency for having so foolishly yielded the booty to the Barbarian, and Priscus was removed from his office.

[934] ...do you recount wheels? Why are you gaping to go through them? And he [Sesostris] said with much philosophy to the one who marveled at the movements of the wheels, that they have an uneven motion. For the parts of these that are raised on high become subterranean again; and conversely, the parts that were below are afterwards lifted up. Having heard these things, Sesostris was taught not to be high-minded, and he legislated that the royal necks be released from the yoke; then he entrusted the pulling to mules. Let these things teach you, Chagan, that nothing is more untrustworthy than prosperity. The Chagan, having admired the man’s moderation, punishes his arrogance, puts an end to his boldness, and changes affairs toward a peaceful relationship. Therefore, having remained silent for many hours, he said to Theodorus: "I know how to tyrannize over a swelling temper, I know how to wage war with anger; but when the time for harshness is over, I am reconciled with Priscus, Theodorus. Let him also be a fair friend to me; let not the Chagan remain unrewarded of the booty. He has stepped upon my land. He has sinned against my subjects. Let the things of prosperity be common." Having shown kindness in these matters, he sent Theodorus to Priscus. Theodorus went through the Barbarian’s words to Priscus; and Priscus on the next day sat in assembly, and exhorted the Romans to make the Barbarian a sharer of the spoils. The Romans, not yet having consented to what was advantageous, were in revolt against the general. The general, having used many and various and very effective words, persuaded the forces to give some of the booty to the Barbarian. The Romans therefore surrendered the captured Barbarians to the Chagan. Having made him a participant in the remaining spoils, they dissolved the uncertainty. The Chagan, having been pleased with the surrender of the Barbarians, gave territory for the crossings. Thus, then, the Romans, having paid five thousand Barbarians to the Chagan for free, arrived at Drizipera; the general [went] to Byzantium, and Maurice rebuked him, and covered him with the faults of folly, for having unwisely surrendered the booty to the Barbarian, and Priscus was voted out of office.

Since the Abars were making incursions into Thrace, the senate advised Maurice to send an embassy to the Chagan. The king, having called for Harmaton, appoints him as ambassador and sends him to the Chagan himself. Harmaton arrives at Drizipera, bringing with him multitudes of gifts. The Chagan, lamenting the present fortunes, bewailed uncontrollably the loss of his sons and the destruction of his forces. The ambassador spent ten days with the Chagan, but did not engage in discourse, for the mourning was bitter and the calamity unmethodical. On the twelfth day, the ambassador is brought into the Barbarian’s tent. The ambassador flatters the Barbarian with gentle words. He, however, was ill-disposed to accept the royal gifts, almost bringing up the tragic saying, "The gifts of enemies are no gifts." And so the ambassador, having used many words, persuades the Barbarian to allow himself to be honored with the gifts. On the following day, the Barbarian, having established peace, looked toward his departure. The Chagan said [in these words]: "Judge, O God, between Maurice and the Chagan, between the Abars and the Romans." For he accused [them] of broken peace.

935 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA 936

May God judge between Maurice and Chosroes, between the Avars and the Romans; for he blamed the Emperor for disturbing the peace. And not without reason. For in truth, the Romans, having become violators of the peace and authors of war, fell into the aforementioned misfortunes. The Ister [Danube] separates the Romans from the Avars, as a mediator; but beyond it, if one crosses the river, is the dominion of the Sclaveni. And another twenty thousand gold pieces were added to the truce. In these matters, indeed, the war between the Avars and the Romans came to an end.

That at about the same time Chosroes attempted to break the peace, was for the following reason. Certain of the Saracens were serving as auxiliaries to the Romans, and one of them, on his own initiative, invaded Persia during a time of peace, and by that incursion ravaged certain parts of Babylonia; concerning which, because he was in doubt as to the intent with which this was done, or in what light it should be received, Chosroes sent the envoy George to Persia, who was in charge of the taxes of the eastern cities, or, as the Romans call him, the Praetorian Prefect. But Chosroes, taking grave offense at the injury inflicted upon him, detained the envoy for many days in the barbarian territory. Thus George was held for many days, not yet having obtained entry into the royal palace; later, with the affairs of Chosroes in turmoil, it seemed good to the Barbarian not to wage war against the Romans at that time: thus George was received into the palace by the Babylonian king, and since he had the state of the present time in his favor, he persuaded the Barbarian not to violate the pacts of peace; in that way, therefore, Chosroes, willing or unwilling, embraced peace. The envoy reported everything that had happened and how it had happened fully and at length to the Emperor, yet the end of the matter was not good. For George said that Chosroes spoke these words to the King: "The King of the Persians has spoken to his subjects: 'On account of the virtue of the envoy, I grant an end to the war.'" When the Emperor heard these things, he became angry at the envoy, and that embassy turned out very dangerously for George.

That Phocas, having chosen Lilius as the messenger of his tyrannical proclamation, sent him to Chosroes, bearing royal gifts. Chosroes, therefore, having made the tyranny a pretext for war, sounded that world-destroying trumpet, which shattered the fortunes of both the Romans and the Persians. Thus, indeed, with Chosroes pretending that he would uphold the funeral rites and justice for the memory of Maurice, the Persian war arose. Lilius, however, was treated quite harshly and remained among the Persians.

937 ON THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS. FROM THE HISTORY OF THE SAME THEOPHYLACT, FORMER EPARCH AND ARCHIVIST, CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS. 938 FROM THE HISTORY OF THE SAME THEOPHYLACT, FORMER EPARCH AND ARCHIVIST, CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

That when Philippicus, the brother-in-law of Maurice, was general, he departed from the royal city and arrived at Amida. The Persians send an embassy to lay down the war in a glorious manner. For they ordered the Romans to purchase the truce with money, having sent Mebodes the satrap to the general. And so Mebodes the Persian came to the Romans, and the general convened an assembly, having summoned to himself the commanders of the regiments, the captains, the shield-bearers, and the more prominent of the fighting force; and when the gathering was full, the Persian began these words.

ORATION.

"Men of war, let not the preamble of the ambassador disturb those who hear it. For if you change your opinions, I too shall change my declaration. Cultivate peace by voting down the war; let the spear and the sword, as things grown old, be bid farewell. And instead of military service, take up the pipe that sounds a gentle and pastoral melody. The King of the Persians is a lover of peace, and prides himself on stripping off the accoutrements of war. For the pleasure of peace is a royal trait, just as contentiousness is the mark of tyrants. Men who are partners with us in the same sufferings, let the war alone remain insatiable for all. We have defiled the earth with blood; we have often witnessed death. For war is the painter of death; and I say it is also the archetype, and the author and self-taught teacher of human evils. Someone loves money; but we have become the plaything of wealth and poverty, sometimes prevailing, sometimes being prevailed upon, and changing along with the turns of war, we have reaped change as if it were eternal. Some one of the nobles was adorned with gold; he possessed treachery along with his pleasure; for what is more treacherous in war than money, being transferred immediately to another, and again from him to someone else; as if one were to see a dream while awake, or remember yesterday’s drunkenness on the morrow. You once, O Romans...

939 ACROASES. — NOTICE BY NIC. MARLE FOGGINI. 990

[Nicephorus Phocas], master of the soldiers and domestic of the Oriental schools, having routed and destroyed the Barbarians, restored [the island of Crete] to the Roman Empire, under the Emperor Romanus the Younger, in the year of Christ 961. This expedition, successfully completed with the greatest speed by Nicephorus at the command of the Roman Emperor, is celebrated and adorned by the five following Acroases. Maltretus once intended to publish them, but they were first edited recently by the noble Venetian Flaminius Cornelius in his commentary on Sacred Crete, Vol. I, p. 269. No other source containing them is known until an ancient codex is found, besides the Vatican manuscript marked number 997, with letters now almost fading, and written by a notary rather than a scribe, from which both Maltretus (through the care of Allatius) and Cornelius received them. Therefore, being ordered to review and reprint them, I could only accomplish this: to consult the Vatican codex itself again and compare it with the edition of Cornelius. I completed this labor not without fruit, although I remain hesitant as to whether I have fully grasped everything, both due to the defects of the codex and the singular style of a poet of a later age. Wherefore, I shall indicate my doubts and conjectures in the subjoined annotations, where I shall also pursue further matters that might explain the author’s meaning and the history of events more clearly.

Who Theodosius the Deacon, who composed these Acroases, was, is entirely obscure; but it is not permitted to doubt in any way that he was a deacon of the Church of Constantinople. Furthermore, from the epistle in which he dedicates his Acroases to Nicephorus, it is clearly evident that he brought them to light after the premature death of the Emperor Romanus, although they were composed while he was still alive. For thus does Theodosius address Nicephorus: *Ὡς ἐν προσώπῳ γοῦν ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ ἰάμβων δοκεῖ πρὸς τὸν πάλαι βασιλέα ἡμῶν, τὸ δὲ τῶν ἐπαίνων κεφάλαιον πρὸς τίνα, εἴσῃ εὐθύς.* "The beginning of the iambics, therefore, seems at first glance to pertain to our late Emperor; but to whom the sum of the praises primarily belongs, you will immediately understand."

Moreover, from the same epistle, it is openly understood that he offered them to Nicephorus after he had added to the Cretan victory a victory over the Eastern Hagarenes, having overthrown their metropolis, Chalep: *Δέξαι οὖν, inquit, εἰ καὶ τῆς ἀξίας εἰσὶν ἐνδεᾶ Θεοδοσίου ψελλίσματα, καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ Χαλέπε γράφειν ἐπίτρεψον καταστροφῆς καὶ ἁλώσεως.* "Accept, therefore, though they are lacking in worth, the stammerings of Theodosius, and permit me to write concerning the destruction and capture of Chalep." Regarding these words, one is struck with wonder at how Cornelius could note that he was entirely ignorant of why Theodosius, while instituting a discourse on Crete, should have introduced a mention of Chalep. For no historian, ancient or modern, fails to note that Nicephorus Phocas first subdued the Cretan Saracens, and then the Chalepian ones. Hear Cedrenus, *Hist. Comp.*, p. 645: *Νικηφόρος δὲ ὁ Φωκᾶς, ὡς ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, προσταχθεὶς ἐκ Κρήτης ἐπανελθεῖν, οὐ συνεχωρήθη εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ Ἀνατολῇ ἐκελεύθη παραγενέσθαι μετὰ παντὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ· ἀναλαμβάνων γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἐκ τῆς προτέρας ἥττης ὁ Χαβδάν, ἀναφέρειν ἤρξατο πάλιν, καὶ στρατὸν ἀξιόμαχον ἠθροικώς, προσδόκιμος ἦν ἐπιθήσεσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἄρχουσί τε καὶ πράγμασιν· ἀλλ' ἐν Συρίᾳ γενόμενος ὁ Φωκᾶς καὶ σταδαία μάχη τούτου τρεψάμενος, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἠττήσας, καὶ εἰς τὰ ἐνδότερα τῆς Συρίας ἀπελάσας τὴν πόλιν Βέροιαν ἐξεπόρθησε δίχα τῆς ἀκροπόλεως.* "Nicephorus Phocas, as we have said, having been ordered to return from Crete, was not permitted to enter the imperial city; but it was commanded that he should proceed into the East with his entire army. For Chabdanus, recovering from his previous defeat, was beginning to rise again, and having gathered an army capable of battle, he was expected to attack the Roman leaders and affairs. But Phocas, having arrived in Syria and having routed him in a pitched battle and defeated him decisively, and having driven him into the interior of Syria, sacked the city of Berrhoea, except for the acropolis."

The same is narrated by Michael Glycas in his *Annals*, Part IV, p. 304, and both bring forward this as the cause of Nicephorus’s anxious expedition into the East: that Joseph Bringas, who held power in the court, had cunningly placed before Romanus the rumor that the victor of Crete would be elevated to the Empire. But indeed, Cedrenus and Glycas seem to dissent from Leo the Deacon, a contemporary writer, in this: that they write that Nicephorus was not permitted to come to Constantinople upon his return from Crete, but was ordered to go straight to Syria; whereas the latter testifies to the contrary, that Nicephorus, returning from Crete, not only came to Constantinople, but even triumphed in Constantinople, and only after this departed for Syria. That Leo narrated the matter thus is known from the Latin excerpts of the history of his times, which he extended to the death of John Tzimiskes, as related by Pagi in his *Critica in Annal. Baron.*, Vol. III, p. 875, and Vol. IV, p. 5; for the complete history of Leo has not yet been published in Greek, although Combefisius left it prepared for the press.

However, if I am not mistaken, Symeon the Master and Logothete, in the end of his *Annals*, opens an easy way to reconcile Cedrenus and Glycas with Leo the Deacon on this point as well, for he speaks thus of the triumph of Nicephorus for the defeat of Crete: "The Emperor, when he learned of the capture of Crete, gave glory to God; but not long after, Nicephorus, the domestic of the schools, by the command of the Emperor, entered the city, and with the spoils and the captives, he came on foot from his house to the hippodrome, together with the Emir of Crete, called Kouroupas, and all his relatives, all the Saracens being clothed in white garments. And the Magister was deemed worthy of great honors and gifts by the Emperor; the Emir, having received many gifts and gold and silver from the Emperor, was permitted to live in the villages with his children, but was not raised to the senate because they did not wish to be baptized. And the Emperor Romanus sent Nicephorus the Magister back to the East against the arrogant Chabdanus; and he, having departed, first attacked the fortress of Chalep, from which a great gathering of spoils was made." The Emperor, when he learned that Crete had been captured, rendered praises and thanks to God.

941 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

That Chosroes, having been defeated and put to flight by Baram, and ejected from his kingdom, and having encamped in the field within the tenth milestone from Circesium, sent a messenger to signify his arrival, his recent fortunes, and his refuge with the Caesar, and requesting a passage home, he sought aid from the Romans. In the third watch of the night, the messengers arrived at the gates; when the guards of the gates had been informed of the causes for which they came, they sent quickly to the prefect of the city, and explained to the prefect the cause of such an unexpected haste. The name of the prefect of the garrison cohort was Probus. Wherefore Probus, having admitted Chosroes into the city in the morning, received him humanely and benevolently; he also treated his women, who were carrying small children at their breasts, with the greatest possible humanity; and he did many good things in a very friendly manner to his defenders and bodyguards, of whom there were perhaps thirty with Chosroes. On the second day, Chosroes sought Probus by sending letters to the Caesar, and when he had inscribed the royal seal, he gave it to the emperor through Probus. On the following day, he informed Comentiolus, the general staying at Hierapolis, of the presence of Chosroes, having sent to him at the same time what Chosroes had written to the Caesar with honor and dignity. Comentiolus took care to have what had been signified to him at Hierapolis by Probus carried to the Caesar by swift couriers. The emperor Maurice, having heard these things, smiled, and congratulating himself on the better hope, and having removed the Persian seals, he chose to read and know even those things which were inscribed within. The dignity of the Persian, by which he addressed the king, was especially in these things. For I shall set forth the embassy not adorned with words, so that by the rudeness of the speech we may inspect the unfeigned mind of the dignity exhibited.

"That Chosroes, the king of the Persians, having been defeated and driven away by Baram, and having fallen from the kingdom, and camping in the field ten miles from the city of Circesium, sends out messengers, signifying his arrival and his refuge with the Caesar, and requesting a return to his home, he asked to receive an alliance from the Romans. In the third watch of the night, the messengers arrived at the gates. When the matters being transacted by the envoys were made known to the gatekeepers, those who had been entrusted with the guard of the gates went quickly to the governor of the city, and reported the adventure to the governor with intense haste. The commander of the garrison was named Probus. Probus, therefore, brought Chosroes into the city at dawn, and entertained him with skill and friendliness. He treated his women, who were carrying small children, with the greatest kindness; and he did good very gently to the thirty bodyguards and patrols who were with Chosroes. On the second day, Chosroes sought Probus through a letter of the envoys to the Caesar. And having inscribed the royal characters, he sent them to the emperor through Probus. On the following day, Probus made the presence of Chosroes known to Comentiolus the general, who was staying at Hierapolis, having sent to him also what had been written by Chosroes in the petition to the Caesar. Comentiolus, having understood what was signified to him by Probus at Hierapolis, handed over the messenger to the couriers to go to the emperor. The emperor Maurice, having heard these things, rejoiced, and was full of better hopes. Having removed the Persian seals, he examined what had been inscribed on the tablets, to take them up and understand them; and the petition of the king of the Persians was composed in these terms. For I shall add the embassy word for word, unadorned in style, so that by the simplicity of the speech we may behold the unfeigned mind of the petition.

Chosroes, King of the Persians, to the most illustrious, happy, peaceful, powerful, defender of liberty, hater of tyranny, moderate, just, protector of the injured, beneficent, and forgetful of wrongs, the King of the Romans, greeting. God from above and from the beginning has arranged for the whole world to be illuminated by two eyes, that is, by the most powerful empire of the Romans and by the most prudent sceptres of the Persian state. For by these greatest authorities, disobedient and warlike nations are crushed, and the life of men is adorned and governed throughout; and it is possible to grasp the sequence of events as agreeing with our words. Since, therefore, certain evil demons roaming in the world hasten to confuse all things that have been well ordained by God, even if the attempt of these does not obtain an outcome, it behooves God-loving and most pious men to resist them, as those who have from God a treasure of wisdom, and an arm and weapons of justice. In these days, therefore, the most harmful demons have risen against the Persian state, having perpetrated all the worst things, and have armed servants against their masters, against the kingdom..."

943 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA II

...having invaded the Persian state, they have committed terrible deeds, and have armed slaves against their masters, servants against their kingdoms, disorder against order, the unbecoming against duty, and all things contrary to the good. For Bahram, that detestable slave, raised up by our ancestors and elevated to this light of honor, not being able to contain the magnitude of such glory, has lapsed into ruin; and, betrothing the kingdom to himself, he has disturbed the entire Persian commonwealth, and does and labors at everything to extinguish the great eye of power, from which wild and most wicked nations might take the boldness and power to act against the most gentle Persian empire; and not only this, but also, as time proceeds, against the nations tributary to you, [he exerts] an unrestrained power, not without much injury. It is fitting, therefore, for the peaceful [nature] of your providence to extend a saving hand to a kingdom being plundered and violated by tyrants, and to contribute your effort to this end: that an incipient rule may be destroyed, and that you may establish the causes of salvation like universal trophies in the Roman state, and that you may be proclaimed founders, saviors, and physicians of the Persian state. For it is altogether fitting for the most powerful kings to accomplish all things that accord with justice, and from this to acquire the praises of magnanimity and a glory that will not be abolished after death, and thus to set an example that slaves ought not to take up arms against their masters. It is therefore appropriate for you to govern the current instability of affairs in the Persian state; for the Romans will receive a more splendid renown through you from this. These things I, Chosroes, as if present, speak through this letter, Chosroes, your son and suppliant. For you will not, because of the fortune of what has happened, reject the title appropriate to the condition of us both. May the angels of God, the givers of good things, keep and preserve your kingdom unblamed and untyrannized.

That Chosroes, having obtained his request through the envoys sent to Maurice, came to the city called Hierapolis; nor did the general Comentiolus fail to honor him, who was then bereft of his kingdom. For so it seemed good to Maurice, and as it seemed good, so also was it carried out. Therefore, at the place called Bedamas, Comentiolus met Chosroes, having provided him with royal equipment and a magnificent retinue of guards. On the ninth day, Chosroes sent a messenger to the Persians guarding Martyropolis, a man of satrapal rank named Miragdus, revealing both the recent state of his fortunes and the magnanimity of the Emperor, which the whole city, even if it were most crowded, could not contain, inasmuch as the Persians, exempt from war, had been received into friendship. He also sent Bestam, a man illustrious among the Persians, into Armenia to Adrabigan, commanding him to take charge and to establish the Persians residing there as subjects to him. And these things were indeed done openly. But as he was by nature a fox in his thinking, and left nothing undone in terms of deceit and fraud, having violated the law of hospitality, and that infinite...

945 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE NATIONS TO THE ROMANS.

[Greek text omitted]

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Having set aside the second [option], and having discarded the law of hospitality, and trampling the salt of friendship under his heels, he sent a fifth messenger to the Chaldeans inhabiting Martyropolis, urging them to hold fast to the garrison with the utmost care, and not to pay heed to the things openly commanded to him. Therefore, an opportunity for his return to the kingdom having arisen, he resolved to go to the Roman Emperor. Maurice, however, discerning his desire, prevented his arrival to him by royal letters, despising glory and laboring for the benefit and advantage of Chosroes. For he thought that he should not proceed further into the Persian state, lest a firm foundation for the tyranny be established for Baram from that point. But at the beginning of spring, Chosroes sent ambassadors to the Emperor. The Emperor, having convened an assembly on the third day, is famously adored by the ambassadors. Silence therefore being granted to the council, and the Emperor having given the Persians leave to set forth their speech, the most prominent of the ambassadors, moistening his speech with tears, and thereby seeking to capture the royal compassion, began with these words.

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These things having been spoken by the ambassadors, and the request having obtained persuasiveness and grace through the fluency of the speech, it was decreed by both the Senate and the Emperor that the Romans would assist Chosroes, and would prepare war against Baram with the utmost zeal; the Emperor judging it unworthy of the Latin empire to provide arms to those who act unjustly, and to risk the good for the sake of the magnitude of a promise, and for the Romans, having undertaken a most shameful cause, to be branded forever with immortal reproaches. The matter concerning the decree was then noised abroad and prevailed throughout the royal city on that day. The ambassadors, having been admitted to the Caesar for the fifth time, and adorned with royal gifts, carried away the decree of the kings in writing. The Emperor also sent back to Chosroes, along with the ambassadors, Saramen and Chosroperozen, and the others whom the Roman state had previously captured during the time of the war. Chosroes, having understood the contents of the Emperor’s book, and admiring the virtue of the Romans, left the holy city and arrived at the city of Constantina together with Comentiolus. Not long after, the prelate of Melitene (this was Domitianus) came to Chosroes by royal suggestion; he was related by blood to the Emperor, a priest by honor, but more priestly in his way of life, pleasant in speech, swift in action, and most prudent in counsel. Gregory, the leader of the Church of Antioch, accompanied him. For this also seemed good to the Emperor, and the word passed into action. When the priests had arrived at Constantina, they comforted Chosroes with words and gifts, providing him with the fulfillment of his hopes while he was despondent.

(1) Many things having been said in the meantime, and these things [also]...

(1) Margin: See in "On Public Speaking."

947 EXCERPTS FROM THEOPHYLACT SIMOCATTA ...to break the ancient laws and those of the fatherland, which for so many years have been observed in the Persian republic, and that disgrace and ignominy are by no means absent from the machinations of revolutionary change.

948 Chosroes then sent envoys throughout Nisibis, reminding the Persians of the favor shown to the royal lineage, exhorting them with the spur of his exhortation that it was not right to endure the power of tyrants, nor to insult an ancient and ancestral law that had grown old with the Persian kingdom, and which had never been brought into disrepute by the novelty of an overthrow. When this first became known to Baram, regarding the preservation of Chosroes and his humane reception by the Romans, he sent envoys, warning the Emperor not to assist Chosroes in any way, and for that reason he pledged that he would give the city of Nisibis and the lands up to the Tigris River to the Romans. But since he was not the Baram who could extinguish the royal name, he was frustrated.

188 Because the matter against Baram had been managed well and successfully, Chosroes sent some of the princes from his retinue to Maurice, and having explained the fortune of what had occurred, he requested that, by sending aid, he might remove the necessity from himself and assist as quickly as possible. The envoys also affirmed that if the Emperor provided a supply of money to Chosroes, he would repay it to the Romans as soon as he recovered his kingdom. The King of the Romans, besides providing help by joining his arms, also bestowed upon him a very large sum of money; and thus Chosroes, having left a promissory note for the Emperor, carried off a huge amount of money, which he then distributed among his Persian forces.

That when it became clear to Baram that Chosroes had been saved, and how the Romans had received him kindly, he sent out envoys, asking the Emperor by no means to assist the fortunes of Chosroes, asserting that he would hand over the city of Nisibis and the lands up to the Tigris River to the Romans. Baram was, however, wandering in vain; for he was not able to destroy the King’s status.

That after the achievement of his successes, Chosroes sent for some of the commanders following him to Maurice, and signified the turn of events that had followed; he requested that he should take care to add his own forces to the alliance, and to assist as quickly as possible; and that the provision of money from the Emperor should be made to him, asserting that upon recovering his own rule, he would pay back the loan to the Romans. The King of the Romans, along with the alliance of arms, also granted him the greatest weight of money. Chosroes, therefore, having signed for the loan and sent it to Maurice, received the wealth of many talents; and having broken this up, he scattered it among the Persian forces around him.

That not long after, Chosroes sent Sarames to the King, begging Caesar to remove Comentiolus from the command, as one who was insulting and, under the pretext of aid, was causing detriment. And when Sarames, as was just, had arrived at Byzantium and explained the embassy to the Emperor, the Emperor removed Comentiolus from the office of commander and gave the command to Narses, who was the commander’s shield-bearer.

On the sixth day, Maurice sent to Chosroes at Dara a belt studded with gems, a royal tiara, and golden couches and tables; having organized a royal procession for his sake from his own bodyguards, he gifted them magnificently, so that, lacking royal equipment, he might not be despised by Romans and Persians alike. Chosroes was therefore surrounded on all sides by a royal bodyguard, as much as it is the custom for royal scepters to be honored among the Romans. Seeing, therefore, how much the Roman Emperor had surrounded Chosroes with, the Medes changed their minds, bade farewell to the tyranny, and went over to the side of Chosroes. And while the affairs of Baram were weakened day by day, things went according to the mind of Chosroes, as his power increased in that way. Therefore, Chosroes decided to return some favor to Maurice, and by royal letter he bound the city of Dara to Maurice’s empire as a gift, and sent Delauzas the satrap, a distinguished man, to Byzantium, to carry the keys of the town, along with the gift contained in the letter. And so, when the envoy was in the royal city, he handed over the city to the Romans and was admitted to an audience with the Emperor. Maurice, however, having gifted the man...

949 CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS. 950

[He] sends to Byzantium, carrying the keys of the city and the gift in writing. The ambassador, having arrived at the royal city, surrendered the city to the Romans. And he came to speak with the Emperor. Maurice, having honored him with royal gifts, strengthened the promise of the things previously announced, calling Chosroes his son.

That Chosroes, fearing that some assassination might be attempted against him by the locals, requested of Maurice that one thousand of his own heavy infantry be sent to guard his person. The King of the Romans sent bodyguards to Chosroes.

That Maurice, having arrived at the place called the Hebdomon—for he had heard that the Huns were marching out—and having heard that Dalauza the Persian had come to him, returned to the royal city; and having handled the request of the embassy as skillfully as he could, he set out again on the purpose of his departure.

That on the third day, ambassadors were sent out from the royal city; and the request was made by the Senate to the Emperor. The subject was to seek the return of the Emperor’s departure. He, accepting nothing of the embassy, returned.

That Chosroes, fearing that some secret assassin might be substituted by his subjects, asked Maurice to give him one thousand of his own soldiers for the protection of his body. The Roman king, however, sent bodyguards to Chosroes.

That Maurice arrived at the place called the Seventh, since he had heard that the Huns were marching out, and having been informed of the arrival of the Persian Dalauza to him, he ran back to the royal city, and having arranged the embassy as was proper, he promoted his intended departure again.

That on the third day, ambassadors were sent from the royal city, the Senate requesting the Emperor to return. Yielding to this embassy, he returned with the ambassadors.

That Maurice, having pitched his camp at Anchialus and having stayed there for fifteen days, when he heard that ambassadors from the King of the Persians were coming to Byzantium, returned to the royal city.

On the third day after that, ambassadors from Celtiberia also arrive. The names of the ambassadors were Boso and Betto, whom the prince of the nation (these are called Franks in the more recent language, but their name is Theodoric) sent to the Emperor, and promised that, if tributes were given to him, he would assist the Romans and wage war against the Chagan in exchange for gifts. The Emperor, however, having gifted the ambassadors, ordered the Franks to provide the alliance for free, not allowing the aid of the Barbarians to be bought by the Romans. Meanwhile, the Chagan demands an addition to the previous pacts from the Emperor; in this matter, the Barbarian was not heard, and he immediately renewed the war.

That Maurice, having marked out the camp at Anchialus, and having spent fifteen days there, returns to the royal city, having heard that ambassadors from the King of the Persians had come to Byzantium.

On the third day, the ambassadors of Celtic Iberia also arrive at the royal city. The names of the ambassadors were Botos and Bettos. The ruler of this nation—these are called Franks in the newer language, and his name is Theodoric—sent them to the Emperor; and he requested to ally with the Roman state through tax treaties, and that the war against the Chagan be consumed by gifts. The Emperor, therefore, having treated the ambassadors kindly with gifts, ordered the Franks to provide the alliance without pay; he did not tolerate the Roman state being taxed by the Barbarians.

The Chagan, having added [demands], sought to receive the treaties from the Emperor. Since the Emperor did not give an ear to the words of the Barbarian, he immediately took up the war.

That Priscus, having pitched fifteen camps and crossed the Ister river, arrives on the fourth day at the upper Novas. When the Chagan learned of this, he sent ambassadors to Priscus and sought to learn the reason for the arrival of the Romans. The general said that the places were naturally suited for hunting, and were suitable for cavalry and very well-watered. The Chagan declared that the Romans were stepping on foreign land, that Priscus had violated the treaty, and that the peace was being torn apart by him. Priscus therefore said that the Romans were treading on Roman soil; the Barbarian [replied] that the Romans had lost this by the arms and laws of war.

While the Chagan was struggling and arguing about these places, they say that Priscus reproached the Chagan for his flight from the East. For when summer arrived, the Chagan, who is praised by the Turks in the East, sent ambassadors to Emperor Maurice, and having composed a letter, he inscribed victories in it. The inscription of the letter read as follows:

951 CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS 952

F ...of the order as follows: "To the Emperor of the Romans, the Chagan, the great master, lord of seven generations, ruler of the climates of the inhabited world." That as spring began, and the greatest of the seasons' festivals was at hand, during which they are accustomed to celebrate both the passion and the resurrection of God the Savior, and with famine pressing upon the Romans, by some unexpected chance, or by the providence of God, the Chagan sent to the Romans, intending to put an end to the famine. Priscus at first doubted the novelty of this matter and did not trust it. But after he was made secure, the Romans and the Barbarians made and received a five-day truce, and with all fear removed, the Chagan provided wagons to the starving Romans for the procurement of grain. Because of this, that unexpected barbarian humanity has been propagated even to our own times. On the fourth day, with the Roman forces equipped with the necessities of life, the Chagan sent envoys, intending to ask Priscus for Indian goods. In this matter, Priscus complied with the Barbarian, and sent pepper, and Indian leaf, and what is called costus. The latter, having received the Roman gifts, was delighted by the aromatics and was greatly pleased; and thus he abstained from battle until that great public celebration of the Romans had passed; and although they were encamped near one another, everything was secure on both sides. Then, when the festival was finished, the Chagan sent messengers, asking for the forces to be separated from one another.

That as spring was rising, and the great festival of the seasons was about to arrive, and they were to celebrate both the passion and the resurrection of God the Savior, and with famine pressing upon the Romans, by some paradoxical providence the Chagan sent an embassy to the Romans. The request was to put an end to the famine. Priscus, because of the common nature of the request, was in doubt and disbelieved. But when the Romans and Barbarians gave and received pledges, having established a five-day truce, they negotiated for fearlessness. Therefore, the Chagan provided wagons for the starving Romans for the procurement of grain; for this reason, these things of this barbarian philanthropy have remained until the times of our own day, being spoken of as paradoxical. On the fourth day, and with the Roman force strengthened with the most necessary things for life, the Chagan sent out envoys, asking to receive Indian spices from Priscus. Priscus therefore gratified the request of the Barbarian, and sent pepper, and Indian leaf, and what is called costus; and he, having received the Roman gifts, being perfumed, was pleased with great joy. He therefore became non-combative until that great public festival of the Romans had passed. There was no fear in either force. Therefore, when the festival was finished, the Chagan sent messengers, asking for the forces to be separated from one another.

That from the fifth battle, the Chagan, having been defeated by the Romans, before anything of the deed was known to the Emperor, sent envoys to Maurice concerning the recovery of the captives. There were seventeen thousand and two hundred of them. Maurice, therefore, struck by the threats of the Barbarian and circumvented by his words, commanded Priscus through a courier to return the captives to the Chagan of the Avars, and thus indeed the Barbarians were rendered free from danger to the Chagan.

That the Chagan, after the fifth defeat, having been fought by the Romans, before the Emperor became aware of what had happened, sent envoys to Maurice, attempting to take back those who had been captured. There were seventeen thousand and two hundred. Maurice, struck by the threats of the Barbarian and being beguiled by his words, ordered Priscus through a courier to return the captured Avars to the Chagan. Thus, therefore, from the cutting, the Barbarians were given back to the Chagan.

ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS CONCERNING VIRTUE AND VICE.

ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK CONCERNING VIRTUES AND VICES, OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS. (In Henry Valesius, in the Collectanea of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Paris 1654, 4. See Fabricius in our previous volume, col. 25.)

Whoever among the kings or private men of old did not let their mind be dragged away by pleasures or be softened...

953 PROLOGUE TO THE COLLECTION ON VIRTUES AND VICES.

Those who have preserved the nobility of their soul unstained by virtue, these indeed have endured in labors and occupied themselves with letters. And if any of those who lived more rationally became lovers of learning, they wrote down something of greater importance, partly desiring to leave to posterity a clear proof of their own manifold learning, and partly mindful of reaping an immortal reputation from those who would encounter their works.

But since, through the passage of so many years, an immense amount of material and discourse was generated, and the weaving together of history was extended to an infinite and unmanageable degree; and since it was necessary for the choice of men in later times to incline toward the worse, to hold the noble in low regard, and to be more sluggish in attaining the knowledge of those who came before, with the true attainment of truth falling behind; so that from this, the discovery of history became shrouded in obscurity, partly by the scarcity of useful books, and partly by those who feared and dreaded the excessive verbosity of the long-winded—the descendant of the purple, Constantine, the most orthodox and most Christian of all who have ever reigned, being disposed with a sharper eye toward the understanding of noble things and possessing an active mind, judged it to be best and useful to the public, and beneficial to life, first to gather together through diligent searching books from elsewhere, from every part of the inhabited world, pregnant with all kinds of manifold knowledge.

Then, he thought it necessary to divide that magnitude of prolixity, which exhausts the ears and otherwise appears troublesome and burdensome to the many, into minute parts, and to set forth ungrudgingly to all in common the benefit arising from them; so that from this selection, the students of discourse might read more attentively and continuously, and the eloquence of the discourse might be more permanently impressed upon them.

With greatness of spirit and without guile, he decided in addition to this to divide the work into different subjects, fifty-three in number, in which and under which all historical greatness is enclosed. And there is nothing of the collected material that escapes such an enumeration of subjects, nor is the sequence of the discourse taken away at all by the division of the concepts; but it preserves the body whole, and to each subject is adapted such a connection, or more truly to say, such an affinity.

Of these summary subjects, this one before us, inscribed "On Virtue and Vice," happens to be the fiftieth, with the first having the title "On the Proclamation of Emperors." This prologue indicates which fathers the discourses possess, and from whence they are born, so that the summary subjects might not be nameless and illegitimate, but rather spurious and falsely named. These are from the chronicles subjoined below:

1. From the Antiquities of Josephus.

955 NOTES OF HENRI DE VALOIS. Cyrus, son of Parysatis. Royal. 2. From George the Monk. The following authors will be reviewed in the second book. 3. From the chronicle of John, surnamed Malalas. 4. From the chronicle history of John of Antioch. 5. From the universal history of Diodorus Siculus. 7. From Herodotus of Halicarnassus. 8. From Thucydides. 956 9. From Xenophon’s Cyropædia and the Anabasis of Cyrus, son of Parysatis. 10. From Arrian’s history of Alexander. 11. From Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman history. 12. From Polybius of Megalopolis’ Roman history. 13. From Appian’s Roman history, surnamed the Royal. 14. From Dio Cocceianus’ Roman history. And those following will be inscribed in the second volume.

NOTES OF HENRI DE VALOIS ON THE EXCERPTS OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. (The numbers indicate the pages of the Louvre edition of 1616, which we have expressed in the text in bold type. The letters A, B, C, D mark the beginning, middle, and end of the page.)

ON THE EXCERPTS FROM DEXIPPUS. Page 7 A. It may deservedly be doubted whether these fragments were transcribed from the Scythica of Dexippus, or indeed from his books of Chronicles. For besides the Scythica, which are also praised by Photius, Dexippus had also written books of chronicles, of which Photius had read only an epitome. Mention of them is made by our Constantine in Book 11, De Thematibus, where he speaks of Dyrrachium. But in the common editions, the title of his book is written incorrectly, "Dexippus in the tenth Cherronico," when it should be written, "in the tenth of the Chronicles." The eleventh and twelfth books of the same work are cited by Stephanus and by the author of the Etymologicum Magnum, under the word *Elouroi*. Eunapius also, in the life of Porphyry, commemorates that work when he says, "Dexippus, who wrote the chronicle history." Regarding the Scythica, besides Photius, Evagrius also seems to speak at the end of the fifth book of his ecclesiastical history, where he says of the history of Dexippus: "And many things have been labored upon by Dexippus concerning these matters, beginning from the mythical," etc. But I do not doubt that it should be written "from the Scythica."

Page 10 AB. Read: "nor putting forward the cessation of war as a pretext for the sake of benefit." Commonly, "no one" (*medeis*) is read, which makes no sense. This deceived the interpreter Cautoclarus.

Page 11 B. I read: "now and hereafter running along with time." "The calamities of the Galbiones," etc. But something is missing after these words. Who the Galbiones are, whom Aurelian boasts of having defeated along with the Scythians, is obscure. Indeed, the Chabiones or Chaibones are mentioned in an old panegyric; but whether they are the same as these Galbiones of Dexippus, let others see. A little later, read: "but we [are] upon the..."

Ibid. C. "For it has been seized within the Rhodanus and our borders." There is a mistake in the word "Rhodanus," for which perhaps "Eridanus" should be read. For the Juthungi had invaded Italy, who were then surrounded on all sides by Aurelian and held oppressed by famine.

ON THE EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORY OF EUNAPIUS. ...seemed, for these reasons he ordered, etc. Page 19 D. "Not bearing [it] against the divine." This whole passage has been very poorly understood by the interpreter. Translate therefore: "At length the emperor decided to receive them, partly out of emulation against his partners in the empire (these were the brothers of Gallus, as was said above, who had divided the paternal empire among themselves at their own discretion without consulting their uncle); and partly also, because he was about to increase his empire for himself by a great accession of forces."

Ibid. D. At the end, it should be read continuously: "they risked their bodies, because they destroyed the enemies," which Henricus Commelinus had correctly edited in his edition of Eunapius.

Page 20 A. "The [matter] of the bed-coverings on both sides..."

2. From George the Monk. 3. From the Chronicle of John, surnamed Malalas. 4. From the Chronicle of John of Antioch. 5. From the universal history of Diodorus Siculus. 6. From the universal history of Nicolaus of Damascus. 7. From Herodotus of Halicarnassus. 8. From Thucydides. 9. From Xenophon’s Cyropædia, and the expedition. 10. From Arrian’s history of Alexander. 11. From Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman history. 12. From Polybius of Megalopolis’ Roman history. 13. From Appian’s Roman history, which is called... 14. From Dio Cocceianus’ Roman history. 5. From the universal history of Nicolaus of Damascus.

957 ON THE EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. 958 *Amphimalloi*. Does he understand? Rugs shaggy on both sides, and the interpreter did not even understand this, as is clear from his own version, since they are called *amphimalloi* in one word: such are the woolen blankets with which we cover beds. Opposed to these are the *heteromalloi* rugs, of the kind we call Turkish and Persian: thus Gaza interpreted the word *busanode* in Theophrastus’ *History of Plants*. But if anyone prefers, with Cantoclarus, to interpret them as rugs fringed on both sides, I for my part will not strongly object. Ibid. B. *Children of those bearing the royal insignia*. Cantoclarus wrongly translates: "They bore royal signs," when he should rather have translated "insignia." For Eunapius means that the underage children of the Goths were enrolled among the Emperor’s ministers and dressed in royal attire. For the *paedagogiani* boys were clothed in purple, as Marcellinus teaches in his account of Procopius. Therefore, *basilika parasema* are what we call "royal colors" in the vernacular, which the French also greatly venerate in the royal attendants. Ibid. D. *So that gold appeared [as nothing] compared to the Thracian sufferings, the proverbial plunder of the Mysians*. Translate: "So that that old Mysian predation, celebrated in proverb, when compared with this devastation of Thrace, seemed to be gold." The elegance of the Greek phrasing is sufficiently apparent. Eunapius had used the same phrase in the deeds of Carinus Augustus. "Carinus," he says, "having become Emperor in power and master of his will, ran into such great evil in his tyranny that he made the much-sung-of tyranny appear as gold." This passage of Eunapius is cited by Suidas in the entry *Makri* and in the entry *Karinos*. It is an elegant and clearly Attic phrase, which Plato also uses in his 7th Epistle to the relatives of Dion, where he speaks of the 30 tyrants who had been created by the Athenians for the sake of establishing the republic; he says thus: "Seeing, I suppose, the men in a short time making the former constitution appear as gold." Similarly, Dio in Book 55 of his *Roman History*: "They conducted affairs according to their own will and desire, so that the monarchy of Julius Caesar appeared as gold." It is read wrongly in John Zonaras, Vol. II of the *Annals*, page 144: "So that the monarchy of the slain Caesar was considered good [chresten]." For it should be written *chrysos* [gold], following Dio, whom Zonaras copied. Finally, Conon, an ancient writer in *Narrations* 13, according to Photius: "Gold would have seemed to them the evils of Troy."

ON THE EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORY OF PETER THE PATRICIAN AND MASTER. Page 24. A. All these things concerning the embassy of Decebalus sent to Trajan are written in the exact same words in the excerpts of embassies from the history of Dio Cassius, which were first edited by Fulvius Ursinus, so that it is necessary that Peter the Patrician compiled the archives of Dio. Furthermore, Aurelius Victor also mentions the *pileophoroi* [cap-wearing] Dacians in his *Trajan*, where he calls them the "capped ones" of the Dacians, just as Paulinus does in his *Poem on Nicetas, Bishop of Dacia*, in these verses: "And the Getae run, and each Dacus, / Who dwells in the middle of the land, or that / Capped neighbor of the rich river bank, with much cattle." Dio Chrysostom also speaks of these caps of the Dacians and Getae in Oration 71, page 628: "For there they sometimes see men, some having caps on their heads, as now some of the Thracians, who are called Getae." Page 25. C. I read *and according to the... of Menophilus*. Furthermore, these things seem to have been done before the times of the Emperor Valerian. This is taught by the following chapter concerning Sapor, who is said to have returned to Persia at a steady pace: defeated, of course, by Callistus and Odenathus, as Zonaras teaches.

Page 26. B. Read continuously without any punctuation. *Not even now being able to return thanks worthily because, having been in captivity, etc.*, is wrong. *Hoti* [that] is commonly written with a line, which deceived Cantoclarus. Write *no reply, etc.* beforehand. After this embassy of Narseus, King of the Persians, to Galerius Caesar, that chapter which is read on page 29, *Hoti Taliptos, etc.*, ought to follow, as the series of history sufficiently indicates. Page 27. B. *They seized his baggage along with the royal service.* Cantoclarus translates this place very poorly. Therefore, translate: "Then, when Constantine considered the uncertain outcomes of the war, and when the secret ambushes of Licinius had seized the pack animals and the royal furniture, he admitted him into his sight." For *bastage* signifies what I have said. Mention of it is made in the *Notitia Imperii Romani*, and it was under the disposition of the Count of the Sacred Largesses and Private Affairs. Ibid. B and C. *His own brother-in-law*. Constantine calls Licinius his *gambros* [brother-in-law]. Thus Themistius in Oration 16, at the end, calls Licinius the *gambros* of Constantine, as does the author of the *Life of Metrophanes* in the *Bibliotheca* of Photius. In the same way, the scholiast of Lycophron, page 183, says of Aeneas, "brother-in-law of Cassandra herself, through Creusa, her sister." Bongarsius in his notes to Justin. Page 29. C: *Antigrapheus of the memory*. Translate: "Master of the Memory," as I observed in my notes to Ammianus Marcellinus. Menander in Book 6 of his history, page 98, says that *antigrapheis* are called "the royal arbitrators," that is, the *proximi* of the sacred cognitions. Page 29. A. *That Degethus*. Write: *That Odenathus*. For this name is written thus in Libanius, Epistle 999, and in Suidas under *Odainathos*, which passage is described from Damascius in the *Life of Isidore*. It is also written thus in Evagrius at the end of Book V. Furthermore, this fragment ought to have been placed with the previous one, page 24. D. or 25. C.

ON THE EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORY OF PRISCUS THE RHETOR. Page 35. A. So that the order of history may be preserved, the embassy of Rua, King of the Huns, page 59. D., which is held on page 47. A., should be placed before all else. For Margus and Viminacium were captured by Attila after the death of Rua, as is taught... Page 47. A. *Amilzouris and Itimaris*. 9. Cujacius noted more in Book VI of his observations, and...

959 NOTES OF HENRI DE VALOIS

*ζηλοῦσιν ἢ τὴν Ούννων*, ibid. eod. 960 Jordanes reports the names of these nations a little differently. Read, in the Gothic history: *Alipsuros, Itimaros, Tuncarsos, et Boiscos Hunni rapuere*.

Page 48. B. After this embassy, those things which you have on page 33. A. and following should be placed.

Page 35. B. *Τοὺς κατὰ χρόνον τινὰ τὴν βαρυτάτην κουφισθέντας τῆς γῆς ἀποτίμησιν*. I have explained this passage more fully in the annotations to book xix of Ammianus Marcellinus, page 167, where I spoke at length about the relief of the census. The Greeks call it *κουφισμόν*. Thus Theodoret in epistles 43 and 47, and an old inscription in Gruter, page 1116: *Εσπερίης πάσης χθονός ὅβριμον ιθυντήρα Μάρκελλον ὁ θρασὺς μάρψε μόρος ταμίην 'Ελλάδος ἀγλαὸν ἔρνος, ὃς εὐδοκίῃ κυκλάδων γῆς Κουφίζων πόλιας θῆκεν ἐλαφροτέρας*. Moreover, this relief was granted either by the favor of the princes or by the judgment of the judges, as Priscus says. By judges, however, I understand the *peræquatores* or *censitores*, who were sent by the prince to inspect and relieve the census of the provincials.

Ibid. *Ἐν τῇ γερουσίᾳ ἄνω γεγραμμένοι*. It seems it should be written *ἀναγεγραμμένοι*. For all senators were compelled to contribute gold, as much those recently elected as those who had been inscribed in the Senate long ago. Senators were compelled to contribute a certain weight of gold as a reward for their dignity. For thus these words must be translated, *ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀξίας*, not as Cantoclarus translates, "beyond what their means could bear."

Page 37. A. Read *παντὶ ὑπήκουον ἐπιτάγματι*.

Ibid. B. After these words, *καὶ στρατηγοὺς χειροτονοῦντες*. It seems that the embassy, *ὅτι Θεόδωρος ἔπεμπε σημειωτόρα*, page 48, should be placed here, unless it should rather be placed before the Cherronesian battle, which I think is true.

Page 64. A. *Τῶν παραστάντων τοῖς δικασταῖς*. He understands the apparitors of the magistrates, who carried out the sentences of the judges. Priscus testifies that these also received fees (*sportulas*) from the litigants. Therefore, the words that follow, *κἀκείνων εἶναι τοὺς πρόνοιαν ποιησομένους*, are to be interpreted concerning these same apparitors or officials, in this way: "and from their number, those who will provide for," etc.

Ibid. B. *Ἀνατιθέντες ἀδικίᾳ σφετέρα*. Write *ἀνατιθέντων*, in the Attic manner, for *ἀνατιθέτωσαν*.

Ibid. C. Write *καὶ οὐχ ὡς τῇ αὐτοῦ*, etc.

Page 62. B. *ᾗ καὶ πότε βούλεται διαλέγεσθαι*, write *οὗ καὶ πότε*. Which means the same as *που*. Thus above, page 59. B., Priscus said, *ὅπως γνοίη, οἷ βούλεται αὐτῷ, καὶ ὁπότε ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν*.

Page 66. B. *Καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν γαμούντων Ἑλλήνων*, etc. Bridal beds, both among the Greeks and the Latins, were adorned with curtains and precious garments. There were also ivory steps by which one ascended to the bed. Lucan, book II, concerning the bridal bed: *...gradibusque acclivis eburnis / Stat torus, et picto vestes discriminat auro*. Claudian also in book II of the *Rape of Proserpina*: *...alii prætexere ramis / Limina, et in thalamis cultas extollere vestes*. See Theophylact in book I, where he describes the bridal chamber of Maurice Augustus. The Greeks call such bridal beds *παστάδας*. *Θάλαμοι*, however, are the bedrooms among them in which these beds were placed. Thus Basil in book I concerning Thecla, chapter 5, and in book I, chapter 12.

Ibid. D. Read at my own risk, *κατὰ τὴν τῶν Θακῶν τάξιν*, not *Θρακῶν*, as it is in the vulgate edition, which deceived the translator. Below he says *τῶν φόνων*. A little later it seems it should be written, *τῶν τῇ μαγίδι ἰδίᾳ ἐπι-*.

Ibid. D. Concerning Chrysaphius, *τοῦ βασιλέως σπαθάριον*. Translate, "Chrysaphius, the emperor's spatharius." For thus the author of the Alexandrian Chronicle calls him.

Page 38. D. *Καὶ στρατιωτῶν τῶν ἀμφὶ τὴν βασιλείαν φυλακὴν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ταττομένων*. I explained this passage more fully in the Annotations to book XXVI of Marcellinus, page 317, where I spoke abundantly about the dignity of the *magister officiorum*. By these last words, however, Priscus understands the *scholae* of the palace, which were under the disposition of the *magister officiorum*. Moreover, after these, those things which you have on page 48 must absolutely follow, which the very words themselves, repeated twice in both places, demonstrate sufficiently and more than enough.

Page 48. D. Read, *ἀπέσταλκέν οἱ*.

Page 51. D. Write, *κουφισθέντων ταττομένοις ἀνδράσι*. *Προδεδομένος δὲ ἐληλύθει*. That is, "But the unhappy Bigila had been betrayed."

Page 53. B. Read, *πρὸς βορὰν οἰωνοῖς ἐδεδώκει ἄν, εἰ μή γε τῷ τῆς πρεσβείας θεσμῷ λυμαίνεσθαι ἐδόκει*. I noted a similar error in the history of Menander the Protector: *θερμῷ* for *θεσμῷ*.

Page 54. A. Read, *οἴα δὴ ἀμέτοχος ὤν*.

Ibid. B. Also write, *ἐδέχοιντο δὲ πάντως*, etc.

Ibid. D. *Ἀκατιζίρων ἔθνος*. Read *Ἀκατζίρων*. Below *Καίσαρων* is written truncated. But on pages 59 and 60 they are called *Ἀκατζίροι*. But Jordanes in his Gothic history calls them *Acatziros*. For thus the Palatine manuscripts, which Gruter inspected, have it. It is a Scythian tribe, according to Priscus.

Page 57. B. *Σιλβανὸν ἀργυρίου τραπέζης κατὰ Ῥώμην προεστῶτα*. It seems it should be written *ἀργυρίου τραπέζης*. Thus he calls a money-changer's table; for this Silvanus was a money-changer. Thus Evagrius in book V, chapter 10, concerning a certain Magnus, *πρώην μὲν ἀργυρᾶς τραπέζης προϊσταμένῳ*.

Ibid. D. Write, *οὐ γὰρ ἐκφεύγειν*. Also read, *σφᾶς ὁ βάρβαρος ἀναμείναντες*, ibid. eod. Also write, *τι καὶ ἀποκρινόμενος*, ibid. eod.

Page 59. A. Read *κατασκηνώσαμεν, ὡς ἡ*, etc. Tables were set with three or four dishes each. So that everyone sitting in his own seat could conveniently take from the dishes placed on the table.

Page 67. C. *Ζέρκων ὁ Μαυρούσιος*. Concerning this Zercon the Moor, see by all means Suidas, who relates the whole life of this Zercon from the history of Priscus the Rhetorician, as is sufficiently evident.

Page 68. D. *Παρὰ Ἀδαμειτῶν*. A slight error corrupted the whole sentence, which was very easy to amend by the mere separation of letters. Write therefore, *παρὰ Ἀδάμει τῶν αὐτῆς πραγμάτων τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν ἐχόντι*, that is, "meanwhile Rheca, the wife of Attila, invited us to dinner in the house of Adam, who had the management of her affairs."

Page 69. B. *Τὸν δὲ Σατορνῖλον ἀνῃρήκει Ἀθηνᾶς, ἡ καὶ Εὐδοκία*. Write *Ἀθηναΐς*. For thus Eudocia, the wife of Theodosius the Younger, was called, according to Cedrenus and Zonaras. I would also prefer that Saturninus be written instead of Saturnilus. For Saturninus was the *comes domesticorum*, who, sent by the Emperor Theodosius, killed Severus the presbyter and John the deacon, whom Eudocia Augusta had taken with her from the city of Constantinople to Jerusalem. Eudocia, taking this indignantly and moved by womanly fury, ordered Saturninus to be beheaded immediately in the year of the Lord's Nativity 444, in the consulship of Theodosius XVIII and Albinus, as Marcellinus writes in his Chronicle. Cedrenus reveals that the aforementioned clerics had been touched by the suspicion of adultery.

Ibid. *Ζήνων ὑπατικὸς ἀνήρ*. Flavius Zeno. For thus he is called in the acts of the Council of Chalcedon. He was consul in the year of the Lord's Nativity 448. The power of this man is declared sufficiently and more than enough by those things which Priscus adds, namely, that he alone resisted the emperor's will, while he had great forces of Isaurians around him for the protection of the city of Constantinople: and what Priscus commemorates on page 72 D, that with all dissensions with Attila settled, the only fear remaining for Emperor Theodosius was that Zeno might perhaps seize the tyranny.

ON THE EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. He later perished in the times of the Emperor Marcian, as Evagrius teaches in Book 1, Chapter 5. These are suspected of revolutionary activities. For thus Jordanes writes of Marcian in *On the Succession of Kingdoms*: "And he happily learned of the death of Attila and the destruction of Zeno the Isaurian before he himself died." Damascius, in his *Life of Isidore*, writes that this Zeno wished to restore the worship of idols and abolish the Christian religion, but was hindered by a violent death. For, having fallen from his horse and broken his leg, he expired not long after. And Damascius indeed calls him the great commander of the Eastern military, *ho megas tēs Eō stratēlātēs*. There are two letters of Theodoret to this Zeno, master of soldiers and consul, in which he testifies that he had not yet been initiated into holy Baptism. Furthermore, from this passage of Priscus, it follows manifestly that this embassy of Maximin to Attila, which is clearly described here, took place in the consulship of Zeno and Posthumianus, toward the end of the year, which Marcellinus also seems to confirm in his chronicle. Certainly, Priscus calls them *Nobātai*, and Stephanus calls them *Nousai* and *Noubades*. For thus it must be written, and not *Noumiades*.

Page 41 A. *En tō Philais hierō*. Write: *en tō en Philais hierō*. Philae is an island and a town on the borders of Egypt, near Elephantine, where there was a very great temple of Osiris, by which the Egyptians were accustomed to swear, "By the Osiris in Philae," as testified by the Scholiast of Lycophron, p. 43, in which it is wrongly read *hats*. Marinus also speaks of Isis worshipped at Philae in his *Life of Proclus*. Procopius, in Book 1 of the *Persian War*, p. 35, says that the Nubians and Blemmyes worship Isis and Osiris. Add also Servius on Book 6 of the *Aeneid*, from Seneca in his book on the sacred rites and customs of the Egyptians. But it is to be noted what Procopius says in the book already cited, namely, that Diocletian, when he had found the island near Elephantine in the Nile, having built a fortress there, established altars common to Romans and Barbarians, and ordained priests from both peoples, so that through the communion of sacred rites, friendship might coalesce, whence also he called the place Philae. In this, Procopius is mistaken. For Philae was called so long before the empire of Diocletian, as is evident from Strabo and Ptolemy.

Page 70 C. He speaks of Areobindus as if he were still alive, who died in the following consulship, as testified by the same Marcellinus.

Page 71 C. After these words, *ek tēs Kōnstantinou*, those things which you have on page 59 A, *hoti rhōmaiodunta*, ought to be placed, as is sufficiently manifest. Read: *dēchthē te ho Theodōros ton thymon*, 9 C, and after these must follow *hoti hyp' amphotērōn*, which are read at 71 C, as is clearer than light itself.

Ibid. *Anatolion tōn amphi basilea archonta telōn*. Cantoclarus wrongly translates: "Prefect of the royal tributes." I interpret it as: "Master of soldiers in the presence." This Anatolius had previously been Master of Soldiers of the East, as Theodoret testifies in Epistle 45 and Marcellinus in his Chronicle. Upon his being recalled to receive the mastership in the presence, Zeno the Isaurian was substituted in his place, as Priscus indicates, p. 69.

Ibid. *Hoi dē tas archas anabebēkasi pasas*. The interpreter wrongly translates these words, as he did not understand the meaning of the verb *anabainein* at all. Translate therefore: "Nomus indeed from Master of Offices, both patrician, which dignity excels all others." In the same sense, Priscus said on p. 49 D, *Edekōna de anabebēkenai ton Orestēn poly*, that is, "that Edecon excels Orestes by much."

Ibid. *Hoti gar malista prosēn autō*. Translate this whole passage, which was poorly understood by the interpreter, as follows: "Nomus was sent with Anatolius, not only because of the magnitude of his dignity, but also because he was a friend of Chrysaphius, and it was hoped he would capture the Barbarian with gifts. For he was exceedingly liberal, nor did he spare money, so that he might bring to effect the business he had once undertaken."

Page 72 A. Read: *syn tois pr. es tēn Skythikēn diabās*, as Cantoclarus seems to have read.

Ibid. D. *Tyrannidi epithēsetai*. After these words should follow the embassy of Attila to the Emperor Marcian, who had succeeded Theodosius, which is related on page 39 D.

Page 40 G. *Ageirōn plēthos*. After these should follow those things which you have on p. 72 I, *hoti tou Attila*, where the discourse is about Apollonius, the brother of that Rufus to whom Zeno had given the daughter of Saturninus, the master of soldiers sent as an envoy to Attila. This seems to be the Apollonius who was later consul with Magnus. There are some letters of Theodoret to him, who also mentions Rufus the Count in Epistle 79.

After those words, *apraktos pannei*, 73 med., those things which are read at 40 med., *hoti ho Attilas*, and the following, should be placed.

Ibid. D. *Hoti Blemmyes kai Noubades*. Concerning the Nubians and Blemmyes defeated under Marcian, Jordanes testifies in his book *On the Succession of Kingdoms*: "He established peace with the Parthians and Vandals who were infesting everything, and checked their threats. He pacified the Nubades and Blemmyes who had descended from Ethiopia through Florus, the procurator of the city of Alexandria, and drove them from Roman territories." This Florus was not only a procurator or Augustalis, but also a Count of Military Affairs throughout Egypt, as is evident from Priscus.

Page 41 B. *Charax katēdramon*. After these should follow the embassy of Marcian to Gaiseric, which is read on page 73 B.

Page 74 A. After those words, *laous katapheugontas*, those things which are read on page 41 B, *hoti Noubades*, should be added; and that in the same series, as is manifest.

Page 41 C. Read continuously without any distinction: *ton polemon, Euphēmios eisēgēsato*. That is: "But that only one, either Gobazes or his son, should reign among the Colchians, Euphemius the Master of Offices had given counsel, who, excelling in both prudence and eloquence, administered everything, and was the author of many noble deeds and counsels to the Emperor Marcian, who also joined Priscus, the writer of this history, to himself as an assessor." See what I have noted on Ammianus Marcellinus, Book 28, page 353, where I observed that the assessors of magistrates were called *koinōnous* by the Greeks. Thus Gregory Nazianzen in Epistle 48 to Asterius, and in Epistle 175 to Olympius.

Page 42 A. *Kai ta hydata*. After these words write what is read on page 74 B, *hoti ho Terichos*. Up to the word *syngeneian*, then return to page 42 A, *hoti hoi Hesperioi*, etc.

Page 7 B. Punctuate thus: *paredōsthai auton tēs dynameōs ethelēsanta, tous*, etc., soon read *aphikesthai de par' auton. Eulabētheis de tēn epiboulēn*, etc., *hypenostēse*. The interpreter translated this whole passage very poorly, whose version can be easily amended from what I have said.

Page 42 B. *Nerdion*. It should be written *Aigilon*, as others have long since warned. Concerning which, see the books on French affairs by Adrianus Valesius.

Ibid. C. Read: *dyo di' etous hekastou*.

Page 43 B. *Tōn Magōn, kai tōn en tē Rhōmaiōn gē*. Write without the conjunctive particle: *tōn Magōn tōn en tē*, etc. For he understands the Magi who were living in Cappadocia, scattered throughout the whole province. They were, however, colonies of Persian Magi, about whom Basil the Great writes much in Epistle 325 to Epiphanius, by whom he had been consulted concerning them.

Ibid. D. *Kōnstantinos*, it should be written *Kōnstantios*, as is read on page 74 D, where these things are repeated in the same words. But there, *triton men tēn hypaton labōn archēn* is wrong, which must be amended from this page. To this Constantius, Praetorian Prefect, are the letters of Theodoret the Bishop, edited by Jacob Sirmond. After these words, *patrikiotētos tychōn*, p. 43 I, those things which you have on p. 74 D, *Tatianos de*, etc., should be continued. This Tatianus was a patrician of the Western Empire and was consul shortly after. After the end of this embassy, p. 76 A, write those things...

HENRY VALESIUS’ NOTES

961 [on the text] which have been published, p. 43 D, *hoti meta ton mnemosynon*. Finally, he defeated the head of the Byzantines; which fire indeed occurred in the consulship of Basiliscus and Hermenericus, in the year 464 of the Nativity of the Lord, as Marcellinus writes in his Chronicle. Candidus the Isaurian also mentions this fire in Book 1 of his History, and records that many things were usefully ordered by Aspar during it. See Zonaras. It seems one should write, *hypo ton neon ton Rhomaion paraspondoumenon*, p. 76 A. Furthermore, after these words, those which are found on page 44 A, *hoti Skythai kai Gotthoi*, and so on in succession to the end, should be placed. Page 44 C. Read, *apagonton auton polemon*. Likewise, *kai ou synchorounton*. A little later, read in a continuous series, *epynthaneto hoti boulomenoi*, etc., or simply *ti boulomenoi*. Ibid. D. *O'Arnygiskou*. I think one should write, *Anagastos ho Arnigiskou*. For this Count Anagastus was guarding the bank of the Ister, about whom Priscus records more shortly. This man also sent Dengesic, the king of the Huns, [to the grave] in the consulship of Zeno and Marcianus, as is in the Alexandrian Chronicle and the Chronicle of Marcellinus. Suidas mentions this Anagastus under *Hypostas*. Marcellinus mentions Arvegisclus in his Chronicle in the events of Theodosius the Younger, and Jordanes in his work on the succession of kingdoms. Therefore, these fragments of Priscus the rhetorician, a very good and useful writer, should be placed in this order. His eulogy in Suidas should be read thus: *Egraphen Historian byzantiken, kai ta kata Attilan*, etc. Stephanus of Byzantium, under the word *Salona*, praises the sixth book of this history. Evagrius also mentions him in Book 2, Chapter 1, and Book 5, Chapter 5, of his Ecclesiastical History. But in Chapter 1 his name is corrupted: for *Patrischos* is written instead of *Priskos*. And in the fifth chapter, where the sedition of the Alexandrians is described after the abdication of Dioscorus, I think one should write: *historei goun Priskos ho Rhetor, phthasai ten enkausa es ten Alexandrou ek tes ton Thebaion taraches*, etc.

ON THE EXCERPTS FROM MALCHUS’ BYZANTINE HISTORY. Page 91 C. That the history of Malchus should begin here is shown both by the series of times itself and by Photius in his *Bibliotheca*, who testifies that Malchus begins his history from the 17th year of Leo Augustus. Therefore, we will rightly begin from this fragment, *hoti en to heptakaidekato etei*. Malchus, therefore, had continued the history of Priscus the rhetorician. Page 92 A. Read, *Ton epi Petraian hypo Romaiois onton Sarakenon*. Ibid. B. *Porrothen eti*. Cantoclarus translates it very well as "from afar." For thus Tacitus speaks in his Book of Histories: "Majesty being safe, to which there is greater reverence from afar." But Nero was also criticized by many because he had changed the internal affairs of the Roman Empire for Tiridates the Persian. Ibid. C. It seems one should write, *kai gar de meizon kreitton*, etc. Ibid. Eod. *Kathedran auto ten protopatrikion*. Cantoclarus indeed seems to have read *ton patrikion* instead of *ten patrikion*. But the common reading can be tolerated: for *protopatrikios* was the first of the patricians. Namely, he who had received the dignity of the patriciate from the emperor before all others. Thus Aspar is called the first of the patricians in the Chronicle of Marcellinus, in the consulship of Leo IV and Probianus. *Eis ten heteran gen*. These words seem to have been transposed and should be placed on the lower line in this way: *kai medenas ex auton apostenai thelontas eis ten spheteran gen ton basilea dechesthai*. The whole passage, however, should be translated thus: "That Theodoric, master of the horse and foot of the present military, be appointed, which dignity is held to be the greatest, and that he be the sole king of the Goths; and that no one of those who wished to defect from the Goths be admitted by the emperor into his own territory." I understand here Theodoric the son of Triarius, who had his seats in Thrace, as is reported on page 80 A and 88 B. Page 93 D. Read, *ton te gegenemenon synesthesomenoi to Zenoni*, as Cantoclarus seems to have read. A little later it should be read, *kationta prosdechesthai*, and the passage should be translated thus: "For the emperor being alive, it remained that they should receive him returning." He understands the nephew of Augustus, who had been expelled by the Romans. Leo, having joined his niece to him, had ordained him Caesar in the city of Ravenna through his client Domitianus, as Jordanes reports in his book on the succession of kingdoms. From which it is understood what Malchus says, that the wife of Nepos was joined by kinship to Verina. Page 94 B. *Kai ton te koinon tes tyches*. Read, *kai to koinon tes tyches*. Ibid. D. Read without any distinction, *hikanon einai syntaxai te kai misthon eparkesai procheiros*. Ibid. eod. *Stratiotas keleusas*. It will be read better, *kalesas*. Ibid. eod. *Hama to Armatio*. Suidas tells the same under the word *Armatios*. This is Armatius, the master of soldiers, who betrayed Basiliscus Augustus, about whom Suidas has much under the word *Armatios*, and Candidus in Book 5 of his History, who writes that Armatius had a sexual relationship with the wife of the tyrant Basiliscus: and that he arrived at the greatest power through this, so much so that he saw his son Basiliscus [made] Caesar; he himself alone had the administration of the war against Zeno, to whom, having been solicited by Illus, he finally defected. Furthermore, it is gathered from this fragment of Malchus that Theodoric the son of Triarius stood on the side of Basiliscus. Which Suidas also confirms. Page 95 B. *Ho Zenon ebouleto*. After these words, those which you have on page 78 A should be placed. Page 78 B. *Kai auton*. He understands John, the praetorian prefect of Illyricum. Thessalonica was the seat of the praetorian prefects and the metropolis of all Illyricum. Ibid. eod. *Kai hoi en tais axiais*. Translate, "and the honorable." See what we noted on Book 14 of Ammianus Marcellinus, page 14, and so below on page 64. Page 79 B. *Hos ouk edeis*. I read, *edeis*, that is, "which you ought not to have done." Page 80 C. *Ho de ton Balamerou*. Read, *ho de Balamerou*. Ibid. G. *Eirenes te malista ontos oikeiotatou*. Write at your own risk, *Verines*. This was the mother-in-law of Zeno Augustus, the sister of Basiliscus, a woman ambitious beyond the female manner and greedy for power. Ibid. D. *Eu eti apestin*. Write, *heos eti*. Page 81 B. *Kalounta pros tous Herakleiotas*. This passage, corrupted by bad punctuation, led the interpreter into error. But it should be distinguished thus: *kalounta pros tous Herakleiotas eklipontas men ten polin*, etc. *pempas, apetei siton*. He understands Heraclea Sintica. Ibid. C. *Hoi de kata poly eremian*. Write, *kata pollen eremian proiontes*. Page 82 A, B. *Kai strategon apophainousi*. From this passage we can learn in what year Theodoric [son of] Valamer occupied Epidamnus, and when all these things were done which are narrated by Malchus. For Sabinianus, having been created master of soldiers, [was] in the consulship...

905 ON THE EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. 966 Of Emperor Zeno, as Marcellinus writes in his Chronicle, the eulogy of Aclius, master of soldiers, exists in Suidas, who says he was comparable to those ancient leaders of armies. Ibid. B. With the general Eoulphos. Read, with the general Onulphos, as is read in the Library of Photius. This Onulphus, a barbarian of the lowest rank, had been made first a count, then master of soldiers of Illyricum by Armatus. The same man later, through supreme treachery, killed with his own hand Armatus, by whom he had been advanced with such great favors, as Suidas relates from Malchus in the entry "Armatius." Now Onulphus was a Thuringian by birth, as the fragment of Malchus in Suidas teaches: "But Onulphus was born of nations, on his father's side of the Thuringians, and on his mother's side of the Sciri." Ibid. C. Leading him. It should be written, "driving," as Cantoclarus also advised. Ibid. D. To wait in Campia, read, in Scampis. It is a city of Epirus not far from Lychnidus. It is called Scampis in the Itinerary of Antoninus, and in Constantine Porphyrogenitus in Book II "On the Themes," Scampa. It is called the city of Scampina in the copy of the suggestion of the bishops Germanus and Joannes to Pope Hormisdas. In the Burdigala Itinerary it is called the mansion Scampis, and is said to be 52 miles distant from the city of Lychnidus. For thus it must be written, not as it is in the common editions, Cledo. In the same way, the name of this city is corrupted in Constantine in the place cited above, for "Alyndos" is written wrongly for "Lychnidos." Page 83 C. Claudius, the treasurer of the Gothic [fund]. Translate, procurator of the Gothic stipend. This dignity was under the count of the largesses, as it seems. Ibid. eod. With cavalry and going. It should be written, "going," and the whole passage should be translated thus: "Where, traveling with cavalry and chariots and the rest of the equipment (as is the custom), with the enemies rushing upon me, it was little short of my perishing utterly with my men." B Ibid. D. Read, "never otherwise than as a father towards him." Nothing is more certain. And a little later write, "having reached the Roman [territory] in the hope of an embassy." Page 84 A. To be persuaded about these things. I think it should be written, "to inquire," and soon read, "and he himself to remain." Page 85 A. To descend from Candameia. Read, Candavia. It is a mountain in Illyricum, on the Egnatian Way, which begins from Epidamnus, whence the Goths were coming. See Strabo, Book VII. Pliny, in Book III, calls them the mountains of Candavia, 79 miles distant from Epidamnus, and Ptolemy writes that the river Haliacmon rises from the Candavian mountains; for thus I read, not Canalouion. Page 86 C. He attacked Pelagius. This is Pelagius the patrician, whom Zeno ordered to be killed because he criticized his crimes with the utmost freedom. Many things are related about his praises by Cedrenus and Zonaras, and in the Alexandrian Chronicle. He was killed in the consulship of Faustinus and Longinus, as Marcellinus reports. Ibid. D. Theodoric thus departed. This happened in the consulship of Placidus alone, as Marcellinus testifies in the Chronicle. Theodoric, son of Triarius, king of the Goths, having taken his men with him, arrived as far as Anaplus, the fourth milestone of the city; yet, harmful to none of the Romans, he returned immediately. Now Theodoric had come as far as Anaplus, having heard of the sedition of Marcianus, thinking that an opportunity had been offered to him to invade the city, and he was indeed holding out the pretext for his arrival that he might bring aid to Zeno, but in reality he had come to plunder Constantinople, as Malchus teaches in this place. Furthermore, Candidus Isaurus in the Library of Photius and Evagrius in Book 3 describe clearly this sedition of Marcianus and Procopius, who were the sons of Emperor Anthemius. Page 87 B. Severus. Victor of Utica also mentions this embassy of Severus the patrician to Genserich, king of the Vandals, in Book 1 "On the Persecution of the Vandals," near the end. Ibid. D. Heraclius the general. This Heraclius [is mentioned] in the entry "Heraclius," undoubtedly described from the history of Malchus. Priscus also mentions the same Heraclius, page 46 C. 88 B. He was relying on him. After these words, those which you have at 95 C, "that in the same year," should be placed. Page 95 C. Alexander was leading the steward of the wife of Olybrius. Write at my own risk, "of Olybrius." This Placidia was called most noble. Genseric had sent her back to Constantinople at the request of Emperor Leo, together with her mother Eudoxia, the widow of Valentinian Placidus, as Procopius writes in Book 1 of the Vandalic War, and Priscus at the end of his history. But Victor of Utica speaks of Alexander, the procurator of Placidia, in Book II "On the Persecution of the Vandals," which greatly illustrates this history. Ibid. D. Read, "to confirm the treaties." And a little later I write, "and this was a fair pretext," and I interpret the passage thus: "And these things were indeed said for appearance. For in reality the Vandals feared every suspicion of war." Page 96 A. Or as they might plan for others, write, "or." The interpreter did not grasp the meaning of these words. For Malchus means this: that King Genseric always had his fleet ready for all contingencies, so that he was accustomed to carry out his plans more quickly than others are accustomed to consult. Ibid. eod. Count of the sheep. After these words, those which you have at page 88 C, "that at the same time," etc., should be placed. Page 88 D. That the son. Write, "that when the son." And a little later, write, "greatly shrinking." Page 89 B. At the gates of Haemus. He understands the straits of the Suci, which Ammianus Marcellinus describes, where see what I have annotated. Ibid. C. At the Hebrus. It should be written "Hebrus," that is, at the Hebrus river. Ibid. D. From the silence, it seems it should be written, "through tranquility." Ibid. eod. Into the regions around Sondis. I think it should be written, "around Sucis." For Malchus undoubtedly understands the Suci. Philostorgius calls them "Sucis." Page 90 A. Of the speech, and they carry off one victory. I think I have restored this passage excellently. For I write, "they carry off a Cadmean victory of the speech." It is a common proverb among the Greeks, "Cadmean victory," concerning a victory fatal and destructive to the victors as well as the vanquished. Ibid. eod. To be present also to him. Read, "to be present themselves and to campaign together in common." A little later read, "to the race which you betrayed," as the interpreter seems to have read. Ibid. B. Ambassadors to Byzantium. After these words there is no doubt that those which are held on page 96 A, "that the treaties," etc., should be placed, as the same words in both places demonstrate. Page 96 B. Whom the Romans call domestics. I explained this passage of Malchus in the Annotations to Book XV of Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 85. Ibid. eod. If they were not doing these things. It must be written entirely, "if not these things," etc. Ibid. eod. To the not whence they might. Some word of this kind is missing, "not having," etc., and for "through plunder," it seems it should be read, "without plunder." Page 97 B. And having into hands. Read, "into hands," etc. Malchus has already spoken of the sloth of Emperor Zeno on p. 87 A and B, to which Damascius also agrees in the Life of Isidore the Philosopher with these words: "Zeno being a coward by nature." Ibid. eod. Who of the present plague to recover. Write, "to recover from the present plague." Moreover, after this fragment, those things which are held on page 90 D, "that Zeno, when he dissolved," should follow, which indeed can be doubtful to no one. Page 90 D. And having ravaged. I think it should be read, "having ravaged."

HENRI DE VALOIS’ NOTES

Page 967, A. *Of those who are not being destroyed.* It seems one should write: *of those who are being destroyed here, both Zeno and Beri-*. He calls him simply Bericus: the other, however, *Tòn Balan*. Ibid., same. *Being the leader of two schools.* Translate: *to become a count of the two schools.* A "count of the scholarians" is mentioned in the Chronicle of Marcellinus regarding the affairs of Anastasius Augustus. Ibid., B. *The other of the two generals who were about the emperor.* That is, and that he might become master of the soldiers present, whether of the cavalry or the infantry. He speaks of Theodoric, son of Triarius, and Malchus, whom he is accustomed to call Theodoric. These events seem to have taken place in the consulship of Severinus and Trocundus, in the year of our Lord 482, in which year the same Theodoric, son of Triarius, died. Although Marcellinus, in his Chronicle, assigns his death to the preceding year. Furthermore, fragments from the history of Malchus, besides those I have indicated above, exist in Suidas under the entries *Amoibaia*, *Erythrios*, *Zeno*, *Pamprepius*, *Synaxis*, and *Hypolabon*.

ON THE EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORY OF MENANDER PROTECTOR

Here the Excerpts of Embassies from the History of Menander Protector ought to begin. For since Menander continued the History of Agathias, as he himself testifies in the prologue of his history in Suidas, it is necessary that in the first book of the work he reported the deeds of Justinian up to his death, starting from the 33rd year of the same Justinian. For Agathias had ended in his 32nd year, namely at the victory of Belisarius over Zabergan and the Cutrigurs. That this occurred in that year is testified by Theophanes, Cedrenus, and the author of the *Historia Miscella*. Victor Tunnunensis therefore incorrectly refers this to the 35th year of the Emperor Justinian, after the 20th year of the consulship of Basilius, and he is also mistaken in that he calls those Huns "Bulgars." In the *Historia Miscella*, they are called "Sclavini" by an even greater error.

Page 133, A. *Or Amingus.* Here he is called Amingus by Paul in his *History of the Lombards*: but Amingus, while he does not hesitate to give aid to Widin, count of the Goths, who was preparing to rebel against Narses, is defeated and killed by the sword of Narses, and Widin is captured and sent to Byzantium. He is named thus also by Aimoin in Book II of the *History of the Franks* and by Hermannus Contractus in his Chronicle, which was edited by Canisius. In the Appendix of Marcellinus Comes, however, from which Hermannus took these things, it is wrongly written *Omnirugus*, and the year in which he was defeated by Narses is wrongly designated, since this slaughter occurred in the 33rd year of Justinian (at the very least).

Ibid., B. *As he would not yield.* The interpreter translates these words poorly. See the *Collectanea* of ancient historians concerning the Franks, which were once edited by André du Chesne in Volume I of the *Rerum Francicarum*, where we have interpreted this passage and certain others.

Ibid., C. *He sends Petrus, who was in charge of the affairs of the court.* Translate: *Petrus, Master of the Offices.* For thus the Greeks are accustomed to designate that dignity, as I noted on Book XXVI of Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 318. Indeed, Menander calls this Petrus "magister" below, and testifies that he was instructed in every kind of learning, and especially in the science of Law. He mentions the same, p. 140, B. *Petrus, the leader of the lists about the emperor.* This is Petrus the Patrician and Master, about whom I have annotated much in the excerpts from his history; see also page 149, C.

Ibid., same. *As he is present, having sent a herald.* It appears that one should read *epikerykeusamenos*, which I would not point out if I had not discovered from his notes that Cantoclarus had struggled in vain in the emendation of this passage.

Ibid., same. *Isdigonnas.* He is also called this below, p. 1137, B, and 140, B. He is entirely the one whom Procopius calls Isdigonnas, who came to Byzantium as an envoy to Chosroes twice. He is called Zich by Agathias at the end of Book V, from the name of the office he held among the Persians.

Page 136, C. *In a ten-year period.* Read, without any doubt, *en mat.* For it is the same as that which he had said above, *in one gathering*. For when the Persians, for the sake of making peace, wished for an annual tribute to be paid to them by the Romans, the Romans finally agreed that five hundred centenaria of gold should be paid annually, and that the ten-year tribute should be provided in two payments. But the Persians desired the ten-year tribute to be paid to them in advance in a single payment.

Ibid., same. *Etea ton eton.* Write, *eniauton*, as the interpreter seems to have read. Or *etion*.

Page 137, D. *The barbarians there.* Read, *the barbarians there*.

Page 139, A. *Let him make equal also to the other leaders.* Here Exisatus, called *Deltatus* above, is one of the Roman commanders in Suania. But the interpreter did not think it was a proper name at all.

Page 140, C. *Of the so-called Choronzon.* Procopius calls it *Tzour*. For he writes in Book VI of the *Gothic War* that the Caucasus mountain, where it turns to the east and south, ends in two narrow passes, of which one is called Tzur, the other the Caspian Gates, and through these passes the Hunnic tribes burst into the dominion of the Romans and Persians. Therefore, these fortresses were diligently guarded by the Persians, and the Romans contributed expenses and stipends for their custody, as testified by Theophylact in Book III, chapter 9, and the *Historia Miscella*, Book XVI, which indeed Priscus says the Persians had demanded ever since the times of Leo Augustus, page 43.

Page 144, A. *He thought he was being wronged.* The negative particle seems to be added, in this way: *he thought he was not being wronged.*

Page 146, A. *Scendis and Sarapa.* Procopius in Book V of the *Gothic War*, page 339, calls them *Scanda and Sarapanis*.

Ibid., B. *The slave of our slave.* This passage has been very poorly received by the interpreter, which I interpret thus: Petrus replied in turn: "That indeed did not happen at all, because the Suani had not defected from us, since the Lazi were serving us. Therefore, I affirm this: that the slaves of our slaves have not defected from us at all."

Page 147, C. *Nevertheless, he knew the Persians.* Write, *espeisato*. This embassy of Petrus the Patrician and the treaty of the Romans with the Persians seems to have occurred in the 36th year of Justinian, as can be gathered from Menander himself, who on pages 145 and 146 writes that ten years had then passed since Chosroes had occupied Suania. Furthermore, the Persians had taken Suania in the 6th year after the five-year treaty was initiated with the Persians, as Procopius teaches in Book V of the *Gothic War*, that is, in the 26th year of Justinian, as Marcellinus testifies in his Chronicle.

Ibid., same. *He ended his life.* After these words, those things which are had on page 99, under the title *concerning the Avars*, etc., should be placed.

Page 100, A. *For his body was not vigorous.* Write, *the Cand. [Candidus] immediately (for his body was not vigorous, etc., and after the word "more royal," the parenthesis should be closed).* Agathias writes the same about Justinian in Book V, namely that he, who had once been most warlike and who had subdued Africa and Italy, had gradually softened with advancing age: so much so that he seemed to fear the labors of war. Therefore, he was more intent on setting the Barbarians against one another, and sometimes with gifts...

969 ON THE EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. 050 to make a public proclamation of his own elevation to the empire. For the Roman emperors of that time were accustomed, as soon as they had attained the empire, to announce it to the King of the Persians through envoys, as Theophylactus also testifies. Which custom Justin also wished to observe at the beginning of his reign. that he might redeem the peace. Wherefore he patiently endured that the legions should be diminished and [text corrupted], scribe, [text corrupted], from the treasury, as if they would be of no use thereafter. For whereas the entire forces of the Roman empire ought to have consisted of 645 thousand soldiers, they barely consisted of 150 thousand at that time. So greatly had the forces of the Romans been cut down and diminished by the negligence of the prince, which the prefects of the praetorium soon abused for their own gain, partly defrauding the soldier of his pay, and partly paying it late. These things are from Agathias. Ibid. B. For not long after. This first embassy of the Avars is said to have entered Constantinople in the 30th year of Justinian in book xvi of the *Historia Miscella*. But Justinian departed from life in the 40th year of his reign. But I think the year of this Avar embassy is wrongly assigned in the *Historia Miscella*; wherefore I rather assent to Victor of Tunnuna, who reports it in the 36th year of Justinian. In the same year, he says, the prince Justinian makes the envoys of the Avars [return] whence they had come. Which words, however, should rather be referred to the second Avar embassy, about which Menander [speaks on] page 101 A. Ibid. same. Of the imperial sword-bearers. Menander, speaking of the same Valentinus at the beginning of book viii, [says], "And this one was of the imperial sword-bearers." They are called *Spatharii* by the Latins, whom Corippus describes thus in book I: "Meanwhile the armor-bearer, scanning the footsteps of his master, Narses stands out tall above all with his head." Ibid. C. To the Utigurs, then to the Zali, page 109. B. The Utigurs are said to be neighbors to the Turks. Ibid. same. That since the rulers of the. Scribe at my risk, "the rulers of the Antes," and a little later, where it is read, "being pressed by the incursions of the [text corrupted]," read, "incursions of the Antes." And not long after I amend, "he is clothed with power among the Antes." Then in the same chapter scribe, "they were cutting the land of the Antes," which indeed I wonder was not noticed by the interpreter. Concerning the Antes, see Procopius and Jordanes. Page 101 D. Read, "having been led." What follows thereafter is from book ii of the histories of Menander, concerning the envoys of the Avars, who came to Byzantium during the reign of Justin, in order to receive the customary gifts which had been given to them by Justinian, from Justin as well. Namely, sashes variegated with gold, which Menander calls *seiras* or *kalodia*. But the Avars used to bind their hair with these sashes or bands, as the *Historia Miscella* book xvi teaches, whence Corippus in book I says: "The race of the Avars, bound with snake-like hair." Furthermore, this embassy of the Avars was introduced on the 7th day after the inauguration of Justin the Younger, as testified by Corippus in book iii. "The seventh light was present." And soon, "The master announces to the sacred doors of the divine hall that the envoys of the Avars have been ordered to enter. He commands them to be summoned, whom he sees with voice and mind benign, to be following the sacred footsteps of the clement lord." The rest of Corippus's narrative agrees entirely with Menander's history. Page 105 C. Into the land of the Franks. The Avars, after the death of Clothar, broke into Thuringia and waged war with Sigisbert, as Paul writes in the *History of the Lombards* book ii, chapter 40, and Gregory of Tours book IV, which is to be noted as having happened in the first year of Justin the Younger. Therefore Hermannus Contractus wrongly refers it to the year 561, five years before the death of Justinian. Ibid. same. Having admired the apology. After these words, the embassy of Justin to the Persians should follow, which is reported on page 148 A. Which is indeed manifestly proven from those words which are read there under the beginning.

PATROL. GR. CXIII. C D Page 149 C. For that not because of those attacking, scribe, "through it," supply, "the [text corrupted]." Page 149 B. Myriads these, scribe "myriad indeed these." Ibid. same. But Justinian being grave, scribe, "Justin." Which Suidas also confirms, who brings forth a passage of Menander from page 151 B. Page 150 B. For being delighted, scribe, "being overjoyed." And soon for "if unwillingly," read, "than if." Page 151 B. That as many as at least to him for [text corrupted]. There is no doubt that Menander wrote, "that as many as at least to him." That is, so that he might have some pretext from there, as if the Suani were unwilling to obey the Roman empire. Even though they were being incited to that matter. And thus the interpretation of Cantoclarus is to be corrected. Ibid. D. In [text corrupted]. After this embassy one must return to page 103 C. "That it was announced to Justin." For it is manifest that all these things are connected among themselves. Page 136 D. To the one who was with John. I think it should be written, "of one of those who were with John according to the [text corrupted] of the Persians." That is, the letters were handed over to Timothy, one of those who had accompanied John on the Persian embassy. Page 164 D. Embassy, to discuss. Heschelius affixed an asterisk to this place in vain. For the expression is customary both among the Greeks and among the Latins: which figure is called "according to the meaning." Page 105 C. He said it was not holy after so many. It should be written, "he said," etc., as Cantoclarus seems to have read. Page 106 B. If the nations of the Saracens and these Nomads. Read, "If to this nation of Saracens and Nomads," that is, to the nation of the Saracens and Nomads. The word "this" has no small emphasis. "Mixing of heretical poisons," read, "deadly." Page 108 C. Or according to the village, scribe, "mounds." A little later I read, "teach again, how great the multitude of the Avars is, [which] has revolted from the dominion of the Turks." Than which amendment nothing is more certain. Ibid. D. [text corrupted]. After this embassy of the Turks, which entered Constantinople at the beginning of the fourth year of the Emperor Justin, as Menander testifies on page 106 C, there should immediately follow the embassy of Justin to the Turks, which you have on page 151 D. Of which embassy Zemarchus was the leader. Concerning whose embassy to the Turks, see Theophanes of Byzantium in the *Bibliotheca* of Photius, chapter 64. Page 154 D. Called Saces of old. Theophanes of Byzantium [says] the Turks were called Massagetae by the ancients; but by the Persians they are called Kermichiones. Ibid. same. In the second year of the fifteen-year cycle. It should have been translated, "In the second Indiction." For these words of Menander signify this: although the Greeks more frequently call it *epinemesis*, which the Latins call Indiction. Moreover, this passage is greatly to be noted, which contains notable characters of the times. For Menander says that Zemarchus, to whom the Turkish embassy had been entrusted by the emperor, had set out from Byzantium at the beginning of the month of August, with the fourth year of the Emperor Justin already affected, in the second indiction: but for [text corrupted], it should be read, [text corrupted]. For Justin had entered the empire in the fifteenth indiction, on the fifteenth day of the month of November. And so then when Zemarchus set out, the third indiction had almost reached its end, and on the next Kalends of September, in- 31

971 NOTES OF HENRI VALOIS 972

The fourth indiction should have been written. From this passage on page 165 D, "ὅτι ἡνίκα Τραϊα-", one may also conjecture that Menander was accustomed to mark the times of the emperors and the indiction. Would that this had been done by Procopius and Agathias.

Page 152 B. "Ὅσα ἐάττα ῥήματα", write "ὅσα ἅττα ῥήματα".

Ibid. D. "Ἔξετε δὲ τὴν καθ' ἡμᾶς", supply "πολιτείαν". Thus Menander spoke above, page 108 D, regarding the embassy of the Turks: "Καὶ οἱ καθ' ἡμᾶς οὐχὶ ἄλλως ἐφοίτησαν πολιτεία".

Page 155 A. "Τὸν νόμον τῆς σιωπῆς". Regarding the silence of the Persians at banquets, see what I have noted on the book.

Page 134 B. Read, "τὸ πατρῷον διαδεξάμενος γέρας". And a little later, "οἶμαι δὲ τὸ", write "τῷ", that is, "This paternal dignity, as I judge, he had obtained from Dizabul, because his father Maniach had been most dear and faithful to Dizabul."

Ibid. C. To "φρουρίαν ἐπορεύοντο". After the end of this embassy, there should follow those things which are read on page 108 D, "Ὅτι διαθρυληθέν", etc.

Page 109 A. "Ὃς ἀνεῖτο ἐς τὴν τῶν ἐπιτομωτέρων συλλαβὼν ἀπαγγελίαν", write "συλλαβών". For thus Menander is accustomed to call letters. By these words, however, he designates the courier who had been sent ahead to announce the return of Zemarchus to Justin by means of a swift change of horses.

Page 110 B. "Ὅτι Ἀβάρων καὶ Φράγκων". Regarding the peace made between Sigibert, king of the Franks, and the Chagan, prince of the Avars, see Gregory of Tours in book four, chapter 23. Furthermore, you will note in passing the religion of Menander, who does not attribute the title "βασιλεύς" to Sigibert, just as he does not to other Barbarians: for the Romans feared that they would injure the imperial majesty if they shared the title of "βασιλεύς" with the kings of the Barbarians, and they were accustomed to attribute it only to the kings of the Persians, whom the Latins also called emperors of the Persians, as is evident from the chronicle of the Abbot of Biclar.

Ibid. C. "Τῶν Ῥωμαίων συμμαχούντων τοῖς Γήπαισιν". When the Gepids had been afflicted by a most serious defeat by the Lombards, they fled to the Emperor Justin, who sent his son-in-law Baduarius to their aid, as Theophylact writes in book VI, chapter 40. Corippus speaks of this Baduarius in book III: "And the new disposer of the sacred palace, Baduarius, successor to his father-in-law, soon made curopalates." The same man, later defeated in battle by the Lombards, died in Italy in the tenth year of the Emperor Justin, as the Abbot of Biclar writes in his chronicle.

Ibid. D. "Τὰς Ἰουστινιανοῦ τοῦ μὴ παραδέλφου σπονδάς", write "τοῦ μητραδέλφου". For the Emperor Justinian was the uncle of Justin, the brother of Vigilantia, whom Justin had as his mother, as testified by Corippus and Victor of Tunnuna.

... [text missing] ... until the end of the chapter: which having been passed through, one must go to page 158 A, where it is read, "ὅτι ὁ Τιβέριος Καῖσαρ", etc.

Ibid. B. "Ὡς ὁ Ἀβεὶρ ἀπέστη", read "ὁ Σαβεὶρ", that is, the ruler of the Sabirs. A little before, the interpreter did not understand these words, "χάριν εἰδέναι τῷ κρείττονι", that is, they were giving thanks to God: for the Greeks call God "τὸ κρεῖττον".

Page 160 D. "Ἀφῆκε τὴν Θεοδοσιούπολιν". After these words should follow those which you have on page 119 C, "ὅτι τῶν στρατηγῶν".

Page 120 A. "Θεόδωρος ὁ Πέτρου, ὃς τῶν ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ καταλόγων", etc. This passage should be translated thus: "Theodorus, son of Petrus, who had previously been Master of Offices, and then was Count of the Largesses." This is confirmed by Theophylact in book III, chapter 15, where, speaking of this embassy, he says, "Θεόδωρόν τε τῇ μαγιστερίᾳ ἀρχῇ τιμώμενον". Corippus mentions this Theodorus in book I: "And the successor of the good and the revived glory of Petrus, here is Theodorus, present with the gravity of a master of the fatherland." The Historia Miscella speaks of the same man at the end of book XVI. This was the son of that Petrus, the patrician and master, of whom we have spoken so often. In the same times there was another Theodorus, son of Bacchus, whom Menander mentions above.

Page 120 A. "Κωνσταντίναν". That is, Constantina, the city of Mesopotamia, about which Procopius, Stephanus, and Ammianus Marcellinus write.

Ibid. B. "Μεβώδην τὸν Σανναχοερύγαν". Theophylact in book III, chapter 45, where he pursues this history, names him "Σαρναχοργάνην".

Ibid. D. "Καὶ οὐ τὸ τοιόνδε σιγηθῆναι". The passage, corrupted by faulty punctuation, deceived the interpreter. For it should have been distinguished thus: "τίς αἴτιος καὶ οὐ, τὸ τοιόνδε", etc., that is, "finally the envoys had arrived at the point where, concerning the violated truce, who were the authors of the violation of the treaty, and who were not, and all such things, should be wrapped in silence."

Page 121 A. "Ἀποχωρῆσαι περὶ Ἀρμενίας τε καὶ Ἰβηρίας", write "Περσαρμενίας". For the Romans had occupied these regions, as the Abbot of Biclar writes in his chronicle in the first year of the reign of Justin: the race of the Armenians and Iberians, while being compelled to the worship of idols by Chosroes, the emperor of the Persians, refusing that impious command, surrendered themselves and their provinces to the Romans. This event broke the peace treaties between the Romans and the Persians. But this surrender of the Armenians seems to have happened not in the first year of Justin, but in the sixth. For in the seventh year of the Emperor Justin, the peace between the Romans and the Persians was dissolved, as Theophylact writes in book three, chapter 9, as do Theophanes and the Historia Miscella. See Evagrius in book five, chapter 7.

Ibid. D. "Οὐδέ γε ἢ τελέως κατολισθήσοι", write "εἰ τελέως", as is often the error in these books.

Ibid. eod. "Γενεάρχας Περσαρμενίων". So also page 167 C. They are called so. Evagrius in book V calls them simply "ἄρχοντας". Most of the Barbarians were divided into tribes and nations, and individual tribes had their own prince. Thus Priscus, page 55 A, regarding the Scythian nations: "πολλῶν κατὰ φύλα καὶ γένη ἀρχόντων τοῦ ἔθνους". Yet so that one of them held the chief place. Among Malchus also, page 91 C, a certain Amorcesus is called "τοῦ Νοκαλίου γένους".

Page 123 B, C. "Μοίρας τινὸς ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ καθῃρημένον ἄνδρα μούσης". Write at my own risk, "ἀναδραμούσης", that is, "that it was not agreed that it should be permitted to the other party, with the money restored in full, or some part of it returned to him who had given it, to withdraw from the treaty." But Cantoclarus dreamed up I know not what about music here.

23. Ammiani Marcellini, page 277.

973 ON THE EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES. 974 Ibid. C. "Ioxpótuvá zwę droµrúµevoç," it seems one should write "ἐπομνύμενος." Ibid. D. "Οὐδὲ μεῖναι ἑτέρου," write "οὐδὲ μὴν ἑτέρου." And a little later write, "ἣν ποτε τὴν βασίλειον ἰθύνειν ἐκληρώσατο λόγον." He speaks of Maurice, the son of Paul, who was later made emperor. Menander says that at that time, that is, around the 9th year of the Emperor Justin, he was a great logothete. For this is how I interpret the words of Menander just cited. See Nicephorus the Patriarch in his history, page 115, where he writes that the logothete was commonly called "τῶν δημοσίων λογιστήν," but in Menander, perhaps one should read "λόχον" instead of "λόγον." For Maurice was then Count of the Excubitors, as Theophylact teaches in book III, chapter 15. Page 124 C. "Τοῦ ἐψοῦ πολέμου ἐπ' ἀδήλοις." What follows thereafter is placed in an entirely wrong position, as the series of times itself shows, and should be referred to book VIII of Menander, as I shall say below. Having therefore excised these, after the cited words, write those which you have on page 121 D, "Οτι Μῆδοι, etc.," and what follows. Page 125 A. "Ὅτι τὰ Χοσδρῶ," read "ὅτι Τανχοσδρῶ." For this is how Suidas calls him in the entry "Τανχοσδρῶ." Below, on page 165 D, it is written "Τανχοσδρῶ." But on page 173 C, "Ταχοσδρῶ." In Evagrius, book V, chapter 20, he is called "Ταυχοσδρῶ." Theophylact, in book II, chapter 15, calls him "Ταρχοσδρῶ." But I would prefer it to be written "Tanchosdro" or "Tanchosro," just as in Ammianus Marcellinus. A certain "Tansapor" is called the master of soldiers of Sapor, King of the Persians.

B Ibid. B. "Ἐκτραπεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ καθαρίζειν." Write, at my own risk, "τοῦ Κιθαρίζων." This name is that of a fortress, as testified by Theophylact in book I, chapter 15, where he narrates the same history that this Menander narrates, skimming only the main points; and what Menander had said, "ἐκτραπεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ Κιθαρίζων," he himself says: "Τό τε Κιθαρίζων τὸ Ῥωμαίων φρούριον παραμείψας." In the same form, the fortress "Ἀλωμέρων" is spoken of in Arzanene, which Menander mentions below on this page, and Theophylact in the second book. Similarly, "τὸ Δρουμῶν," above on page 167 B, which is also mentioned by Procopius and Theophylact. Page 129 B. "Τῆς πολιορκίας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι." After these, those things which you have on page 166 D, "ὁ Τιβέριος, etc.," should be placed; and what follows, which indeed seem to pertain to book VII of the Histories of Menander. Page 168 B. "Ἄτε Χοσρόου." It seems one should write, "ἐκινδύνευσεν ἂν εἴτε Χοσρόου συνέβαινεν, ἔτι περιόντος." Just as the interpreter seems to have read. Moreover, from this place it is clearly gathered that Chosroes the elder reigned until the principate of Tiberius Augustus: which Theophylact also confirms in book I, chapter 16, although Evagrius, Cedrenus, and others think otherwise. Baronius very well placed the death of Chosroes, from Agathias, in the year of Christ 579, which is the first year of Tiberius Augustus, as is sufficiently evident. Ibid. C. "Προσσημήναντες τοίνυν οἱ Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις." The interpreter did not understand this place. It was the custom of ambassadors, not only of the Romans but also of the Persians, that when they had approached the border of the empire, they would signify their arrival to those to whom they were coming: which Menander calls "προσσημαίνειν." You have an example of this custom in book I of the Histories of Menander, page 133 C, and in Libanius in the consular oration to the Emperor Julian, page 244. Page 174 A. "Ἐς τὰ περὶ Κωνσταντίνην." After these words, the Excerpts from book VIII should be placed, which are read on page 161 D, "ὅτι περὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος." Page 161 B. "Ἀναγκάστης ἐνταῦθα." Augustus the patrician is mentioned in the Chronicle of the Abbot of Biclaro. Ibid. D. "Ἐν ὀκτὼ γὰρ μοίραις." And yet Menander above on page 108 B had said there were only four principalities of the Turks, so that in one or the other place there is an error. D Chapter 7, the Chagan of the Turks calls himself the lord of seven nations. Page 102 C. "Ἱππείαν ἐσαθρήσουσι" write "ἐσοπτεύσουσι," as Cantoclarus seems to have read: but this place is corrupted by a base interpretation. Which indeed I wonder was not noticed by the interpreter. For who does not see that it should be read continuously, "Εἰ γε τὴν κατ' ἐμὲ ἱππείαν ἐσαθρήσουσι μάστιγα." Therefore, "If indeed the Varchonites, as servants of the Turks, when I wish, will return to me, and as soon as they have seen my equestrian whip sent against them, they will hide themselves in the interior of the earth." These are the words of Torxath, the ruler of the Turks, full of pride and barbaric arrogance against the Avars, whom he calls Varchonites. For this was the true name of the Avars, as testified by Theophylact in the seventh book, chapter 8, "Οὐαρχωνῖται," or "Οὐὰρ καὶ Χουννί." Ibid. D. "Ὡς ἂν εἴποιμι διὰ τὰς δυσχωρίας," write "ὡς ἀπείποιμι." Page 163 C. "Καὶ πραγμάτων ὁσίων ταμεῖα," it should be read "ταμίαι." Ibid. D. "Καταχαράττειν τὰ πρόσωπα ταῖς μαχαίραις." Concerning this custom of the Huns, I have noted more in the notes to book XXXI of Ammianus Marcellinus, page 415. Page 164 D. "Εἶτα οὕτως ἀπῆλθεν." After this embassy of the Romans to the Turks, those things which you have on page 124 C concerning the Slavs, "κατὰ δὲ τὸ τέταρτον ἔτος," up to those words, "πολλὰ ἐπηγγέλλετο," should be placed. Then one must return to page 164 C, "ὅτι κεραϊζομένης τῆς Ἑλλάδος, etc." In the Chronicle of the Abbot of Biclaro, this incursion of the Slavs into Thrace is referred to the 5th year of Tiberius Augustus, but the authority of Menander is better. Ibid. D. "Τῶν νήσων διήνυε τὴν ἀρχήν." The province of the islands was once under the proconsul of Asia, as the Notitia of the Roman Empire testifies. But then the provinces seem to have been constituted otherwise. The province of the islands is mentioned everywhere in the subscriptions of the councils. Page 165 B. "Πάντων ἐθνῶν οὐδαμῶς." After these, write what is contained on page 124 C, "ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ, etc.," where the name of Caesar seems to be used abusively for the name of Augustus, because Tiberius had once been Caesar under Justin. Then, having passed through this chapter, the embassy which is read on page 126 B, "ὅτι Ἰραδία, etc.," should be placed consequently. Page 127 A. "Πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἐκπεσεῖν." It should be written "πρὶν τὴν βουλὴν." Ibid. D. "Ὑβρίσθαι μὲν ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτόν." Read "πρὸς αὐτῶν," that is, by the Slavs. Page 129 D. "Κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυριῶν αὐτὸν διοδεύειν τὰ μετὰ τῶν." Write "διοδεύοντα μετὰ τῶν." Page 130 D. "ἣν δικαιώματα καὶ προσήκειν αὐτῷ," write "ἣν δικαιότατα." Page 132 A. "Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπηλλάγησαν." After these words, those things which are read on page 174 C, "ὅτι ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας," should follow. And here Menander had closed his history, namely at the taking of Sirmium, or rather at its surrender, and at the death of the Emperor Tiberius. For Sirmium was surrendered to the Avars a little before the death of Tiberius, as Theophylact testifies that it was written by Menander in book I, chapter 3. Page 175 B. "Ὃς προσεχώρησε τῇ Ῥωμαίων πολιτείᾳ," write "ὃς προσεχώρησε." He was called Bocolabra. Who, having had relations with one of the Chagan's concubines and fearing that he would suffer grave punishments, had decided to flee to the Turks. But having been captured on the journey by a Roman leader, he was sent to the Emperor Maurice, as Theophylact reports in chapter 8 of the first book. These are the things which I had once annotated on my papers regarding the history of Menander, an excellent writer, whose eulogy you have in Theophylact, book I, chapter 3, who also continued his history. There are also other clear fragments of Menander in Suidas under the entry "Μένανδρος." Which fragment is described from the preface of the histories of Menander, in which he speaks about his own kind.

975 SAINT NICON THE ARMENIAN [you had been], just as Agathias, whose history he continued. There is also another fragment of his in Suidas under the entry *Apetaphree*, and under *dokimasas*, and under *embrithēs*, and under *epedoupēsas*, concerning the drums of the Avars and the counter-stratagem of the leader Bonus. Likewise in *Maurikios*, concerning the praises of Maurice, Master of Soldiers of the East. Likewise under the entry *spaliōnes*, and in *Tamchosdrō*. However, lest anyone wonder why these fragments have reached us so confused and disordered, the reader should remember that this edition was compiled by David Hoeschel from two manuscript codices, namely those of Buicus and Andreas Schottus: one of which was more complete than the other, as Hoeschel noted in his preface. Consequently, there were two collections of these excerpts, as I observed above in the notes. And it seems the same thing happened to this work as to the Library of Photius, to which another of the same subject matter was appended, as is evident from the same authors who are found described twice in that library.

YEAR OF OUR LORD 960. SAINT NICON IN CRETE.

NOTICE OF THE EDITORS OF THE PATROLOGIA. Scholars usually attribute to Saint Nicon, who flourished in the middle of the 10th century, the short work *On the Impious Religion of the Armenians*, which Cotelerius edited in Greek and Latin in his notes to the Apostolic Fathers, 1672 edition, col. 152, along with fragments on the same subject on p. 235; and the *Pandects of Sacred Matters*, fragments of which Cotelerius exhibits in *Monumenta Ecclesiae Graecae*, vol. III, p. 439, and of which Bandini proposes a specimen in the *Catalogus Bibliothecae Laurentianae*, vol. I, p. 92 (a). But these short works, as Bandini well observes in his Index of Authors, should be ascribed to Nicon the monk of Raithu, who flourished around the year 1060 under Constantine Ducas. Furthermore, J. A. Fabricius in *Bibliotheca Graeca*, vol. X, p. 607, attributes the book *On Artziburius*, against the Armenians—which we believe should by no means be distinguished from the book *On the Impious Religion of the Armenians*—to Anastasius of Caesarea, who wrote toward the end of the 11th century. Flaminius Cornelius reports some things about Saint Nicon from Baronius in his *Creta Sacra*, vol. I, p. 206, Venice 1755. We shall present here only his Life from Surius for the 26th of November.

LIFE OF SAINT NICON THE ARMENIAN MONK, From his Acts written in Greek by the abbot of the monastery of Saint Nicon in the year 1150, translated by Jacob Sirmond of Riom, Auvergne, Professor of the Society of Jesus, collected from the tenth volume of the Annals of Caesar Baronius: observing the diction of the translator, with only a very few additions in two places from the same Baronius for the connection of the history.

I. Saint Nicon was born in Pontus Polemoniacus to most honorable parents; without their knowledge, when he had grown up, he took flight and betook himself to the monastery called the Golden Rock, situated on the borders of Pontus and Paphlagonia, a place most holy in religion: and there, under the abbot of that monastery, a most religious man, for twelve years he cultivated the monastic life in all the measures of perfection. But when his abbot was divinely admonished that Nicon was called to the conversion of many nations, he compelled him to leave the monastery to fulfill the duty of his apostolate: so that that eulogy of John might not inappropriately be used of him,

(a) We published this specimen, as a short work of uncertain date, in volume CVI of the Patrologia, col. 1359, because the chronological note indicated by Bandini had escaped our notice.

977 LIFE. 978

There was a man sent from God. But when the mercy of the almighty God recovered the island of Crete for the Christians, the same Nicon was summoned from the East for its cultivation, sent by God.

III. When, therefore, he had traveled through not a few regions of the eastern parts, and by his public preaching of repentance had led countless nations to the harbor of salvation through penance and the changing of their lives for the better, he understood that he must sail to the island of Crete. For he was being called there by a certain divine impulse. Indeed, as soon as he entered the island, which had very recently been liberated from the yoke of the Hagarenes and restored to the Roman Empire by Nicephorus, but was still full and replete with the foul traces of the detestable superstition of the Hagarenes—whose inhabitants, alas, having been led astray by long and assiduous association with the Saracens, had embraced their unspeakable and profane orgies—as soon as he was brought there, he began to proclaim his solemn cry, "Repent!" (1). The islanders, astonished by this strange and unheard-of manner of preaching, were inflamed in their minds and moved violently against him; so much so that they even thought of laying hands on him. For the new and unusual thing had driven them to manifest fury, as they were, as we have said, preoccupied and devoted to the superstitious ceremonies of the Saracens.

IV. Seeing, therefore, the nature of this uninstructed and intractable people, and sensing that such hardness could not be overcome except by some prudent art, he instituted a "second navigation," as they say, abandoning the first. Following the example of wise physicians, he attacked their cure both aptly and skillfully. For he had Paul as his guide and master in this matter. Therefore, putting aside that unusual method of preaching—which his keen grace of foreseeing the future warned him would not be useful—he took some aside whom he knew to be more intelligent than the rest and more prepared to receive the good. He began by softening their ferocity and the hardness of their hearts with gentle words; then, little by little, he began to move their hearts, rebuking the hidden deeds of each (as my Jesus once did to the Samaritan woman) and the scandals of their lives. The result was that, recognizing his extraordinary virtue, they immediately laid aside their anger and recalled the impulses of their minds, and the same man whom they had previously treated badly, they now venerated for their own great good. Embracing the true faith proposed by him, they converted their hatred into a culmination of benevolence and their own progress. For custom, as he says, paves the way to greater and more perfect things. Thus the wise man, if not by a wealth of words, was a fisherman by the power of truth, knowing how to hunt for the souls of men and translate them to immortality through divine utterances, and not by the doctrine of human wisdom, but of the Holy Spirit. From that time on, the Cretans held Nicon as an apostle sent by God, and filled the whole island with his fame. Everyone flocked to him, and he obtained what he had set out to achieve.

V. Wherefore, when he had returned with a secure mind to his customary preaching, he urged everyone to baptism and the discipline of the true faith. Then, with all error removed from the midst, churches were built throughout the island, priests, deacons, and sextons were appointed, the remaining rites and ceremonies were aptly distributed, the laws of living were described, and finally, all things that were in his mind were set in order so that he would leave no Cretan devoid of good. He departed from Gortyna, and having progressed for a three days' journey, he stopped at a certain place at night, where the traces of a very ancient temple could be seen, as far as one could conjecture from the ruins. In this place, when the nocturnal hymn had been duly sung and his cross-bearing staff had been fixed in the ground, he had given himself to sleep, and he seemed to see a light like a lantern suspended in the air before the staff. But when he rose, having shaken off sleep, it was no longer a dream, but a true vision that was presented to him. A certain divine lamp, not material, radiating from the cross, provided light until dawn to him as he stood and prayed and gave thanks to God for such a gift.

VI. And when, God so willing (as was evident), he had again indulged in sleep, the appearance of an adorned woman appeared, who ordered the ruined temple to be restored, confirming that this was pleasing to the Lord of all. When he asked who she was who commanded such things by authority, she said, "I am Photina, a martyr and handmaid of Christ. Unless you fulfill what I wish in reality, you shall not set foot off the island." The saint, having awakened, was of an ambiguous mind because of the variety of the vision, believing it to be an empty dream rather than an illumination of divine grace. Therefore, despising what he had heard, he continued his journey, when suddenly he felt his eyesight intercepted. By that sign, he finally recognized that it had been a command of the divine will; and when he decided to carry out the orders, he immediately received his sight. But because there was neither a mattock at hand, nor a shovel, nor any helper (O wonderful and secret are your works, O Lord!), the following night, a fiery column shining through the darkness appeared there to the neighboring inhabitants of the place. Excited by the prodigy, they suddenly ran up, and when they had learned from Nicon what he had seen, they were ordered to contribute their own labor, and all obeyed the command with common consent. Thus, by his diligent care, vigilance, and alacrity, the work was completed, and the temple of the martyr was finished in the space of two years. In it, he later took care to have an altar erected and duly consecrated, and he prescribed that priests be instituted in it and that all things be performed according to ecclesiastical rites. After all these things, having bidden everyone farewell, he boarded a ship, and carried by a favorable wind, he arrived on the fifth day at Epidaurus, which the inhabitants call Damala. Then he traveled through all of Greece preaching repentance, performed many miracles, and gathered rich fruits from his preaching.

VII. Basil, surnamed Apocaucus, the praetor...

(1) Baronius relates that from this it was called "Metanoeite."

979 ST. NICON THE ARMENIAN

...they would do everything he had commanded, he delayed no longer and set out with those envoys, not riding on a pack-mule or carried in a litter, nor surrounded by a large retinue, but encompassed only by a choir of virtues. Furthermore, upon his arrival, the plague ceased, and the Jews were driven from the city. He resolved not to depart from Lacedaemon anymore, but to remain there perpetually, so that he would not easily set foot elsewhere unless some necessary matter called him somewhere, and even then, he would return his step all the more quickly. You could see, therefore, crowds of sick people of every kind flocking daily from the entire Peloponnese, to whom he devoted care no less for the soul than for the body; for with honeyed exhortations he kindled them to a zeal for piety, and for the salvation of each one, he disposed them by the aid of penance. Fortunate, indeed, is Lacedaemon, which has obtained such a physician and citizen, by whose divine precepts and disciplines it was fashioned into every form of virtue much more surely and rightly than it was formerly by the empty laws of Lycurgus! He adds to these matters concerning the construction of a temple, then the laboring at his exhortation: against which a certain John, nicknamed Aratus, a patron of the Jews, opposed himself. Hear from the same author what he suffered.

...endowed with an office, he was staying at Corinth, and was protecting the isthmus with a garrison against Bulgarian incursions (2). He was, however, grievously troubled not only by the troublesome and difficult disease with which he was afflicted, but much more by the prevailing fear and dread of a Bulgarian incursion, as the rumor grew that that nation, having ravaged all of Epirus, was turning its forces into Hellas and the Peloponnese. Therefore, having sent messengers to Sparta, Apocaucus had summoned Nicon. Indeed, his ears had been filled with what was being told of him everywhere, especially what he had heard of his supreme trust in God and his boldness. From the moment he had begun to be captivated by the allurements of his virtue, he desired with all his prayers to see his blessed face and hear his voice. For true philosophy has always been held in value and veneration among all nations. The divine man, indeed, excelling in charity, receiving the petition of Apocaucus with a willing mind, held nothing more urgent than to hasten to Corinth as quickly as possible. Arriving there, he not only freed the sick man from his disease by his presence, but also from the fear and terror of the Bulgarians, signifying that they had turned their course elsewhere. Thus, in every respect, the speech of Nicon became pleasant to Basil. When, therefore, he had spent seven days there, and the fear of impending evils had been dispelled and removed through him, he returned home.

C VII. This man (he says), stirred up by the sole stings of envy, or rather impelled by the wickedness of the demon, was raging with anger and hatred against Nicon, seizing upon the evidence of the divine work for his own reproach and injury; for malice is more prone to be carried to worse things than to enter into better ones. That egregious man did not cease to speak against the saint to his face, and he prevented with all his might the completion of the work he had begun. For he did not agree with the rest of the Laconians there at all: whence he affirmed that the flight of the Jews was done unjustly and undeservedly; and he did not fear to blame his fellow citizens for this, and to insult and traduce them on this account.

VII. In the year nine hundred and eighty-two, besides civil and external wars and other evils with which the East was afflicted, it also suffered from a plague, when the Lacedaemonians, destitute of human aid, rose up to implore divine help and decreed an embassy to Nicon, a most holy man (3), concerning which these things are narrated in the deeds famously performed by him. Having spent eight days in that cave, refreshed from his illness, and refusing to come to Sparta, he hastened to Amyclae. When the Lacedaemonians sensed this, the leading citizens and others from the common people ran together in haste, earnestly praying that he would be willing to come as far as Sparta; for a pestilential plague had invaded the city and was consuming many inhabitants: for this reason, they desired him to come, because they trusted that they would be liberated by his divine prayers; but he, being merciful in other things, and especially toward those who were to be his people and his lot, as if foreseeing the future, and therefore more inclined toward them, both received the embassy kindly and assented to the petition, and promised the propulsion of the encroaching evil, if only the Jews themselves were driven from their city, lest they should contaminate it any longer with their (as he said) execrable customs and the pollutions of their religion. In these, he says, if you listen to me, both the plague will depart from you, and I will spend what remains of my life with you. Adding other warnings to these words, he also sprinkled in the sacred voices of Jeremiah: Your ways have done these things to you, and your iniquities have prevailed, and you have been struck with a hard blow. And when they, moved by his speech, had [decided] to do everything he had ordered, and [the Jews] were driven out...

D ...as that Hercules was seen with his club. For he was more formidable to the enemies than that Hercules was with his club. For he so detested the Jewish nation that he did not want to use their name with his tongue or ears, so that the words of David rightly applied to him: I have hated those who hate you, O Lord, and I have pined away over your enemies; I have hated them with a perfect hatred, and they have become enemies to me, therefore I will not mention their names with my lips.

X. When Aratus, swelling with rage (as he was always a lover of strife and impudent and prone to monstrous things, for wickedness is prone to madness), had heard these things, he began to rush at the saint, breathing out insults...

(2) See Baronius at the year 981. (3) See Baronius at the year 982.

981 LIFE. 982 another of the same name would succeed to his audacity and rebellion. Yet neither would the tyranny profit him, nor would he be superior to the emperors. The outcome was consistent with these predictions and declared him who had predicted them to be admirable. But the affairs of the praetor Gregory and the saint are as follows.

to the emperor, having hastened to be reconciled: but to his mild voice—for he knew not how to contend or argue at all—he said: "Go, and return to yourself, unhappy man. Lament your crimes; for soon you shall feel what is the fruit of arrogance, and what are the rewards of wickedness." Having said these things, and as if they were poured into the ears of a dead man (as the saying goes), he returned to the monastery; for the words had not penetrated the man’s mind. Wherefore, the madman did not cease from his undertaking, but rather, according to his custom, he continued to revile the saint, fixing him throughout the city with insults and reproaches worthy of his madness; he even uttered threats, ignorant, stupid and senseless as he was, that malice does not glory against virtue, nor do enemies prevail against the elect of God, as it is written: "And the son of iniquity shall not add to harm him." What then followed? He was so far from being deterred by his threats and curses that he triumphed in them, following the example of the Lord, as if they were praises. But the Lord made judgment heard from heaven, and malice paid the most just penalties. The words went to the wretched man: for he received the fruits worthy of his madness in a sad and miserable end of life. Nor was the vengeance slow, such as often happens when divine goodness awaits conversion; but it struck him immediately, suddenly, and unexpectedly, as I shall soon relate.

XI. On the following night, two old men appeared to the unhappy man in his sleep, followed by two others, in the form of eunuchs, but far more excellent than human. By these he seemed to be beaten with scourges, and thus rebuked with words: "How have you advanced to such a pitch of audacity that you did not hesitate to despise the servant of God and attack him with insults?" Then, after the blows, he was thrust into a dark prison. And although he begged for mercy many times, they barely finished beating him, yet they did not release him from custody. Having awakened, he immediately fell into a severe fever; and having summoned Nicon, he threw himself at his feet and implored mercy. To whom the blessed one said: "What you have perpetrated against me, brother, will be forgiven you, as far as it lies with me. But since the end of your life has been determined by heavenly decree, there will be no one hereafter, as the Prophet says, who can dissipate the counsel of God." And having said these things, he returned to the monastery. But a miserable death snatched his life away three days later. From this, a great fear and trembling invaded the Lacedaemonians; nor was there anyone, from the least to the greatest, who did not fly to Nicon and obey his commands. For he had made faith certain to all, [concerning] those who hold the servants of Christ in mockery; for "there is a fruit for the just, and a God judging them on the earth."

XII. To Gregory the praetor, who desired to hear about the affairs of Bardas Sclerus and his return from Babylon (for the praetor did not think him devoid of the grace of seeing hidden things), Nicon narrated that Sclerus indeed

XIII. Vespers were being celebrated at one time; it was the first day of the week, when the gymnasium of the ball-players was opened, and a large crowd of youths stood below the sacred building, and among others the praetor Gregory, himself a participant in the contest, was playing with the locals—for he was a lover of games and was captivated by amusements beyond measure. And because the discordant voices of those shouting, both of those playing and those watching, were heard, and they were making such a din that they distracted from the sacred rites and did not allow the mind to be fixed upon them, Nicon, stirred by the zeal of God, quickly approached, and with a free voice, as befits the just, chastised the beastly barbarity of the men with the liberty [of speech] that is proper. But the praetor, a man otherwise of a bitter disposition, and so intent upon the game that he grieved to be defeated by his peers, driven by impotent rage against the saint, dared to revile him with curses and raise his hands for vengeance, and finally ordered him to be expelled from the city. And he was already being led away with a cheerful and peaceful countenance, following the example of his Lord, and he bore the injury more lightly than others bear the greatest honors.

XIV. But the vengeance was neither late, nor slow of foot (as the poet said), but followed the insulting man more swiftly and with close steps. For as soon as he raised his hand to catch the ball, it was suddenly struck with paralysis. Furthermore, the same man, immediately loosened and enervated in all his limbs, was carried by the hands of others to the catholic church. There, tortured by the sharpest pains, counting death a gain compared to them, he uttered lamentable groans. And although he was treated with great diligence by physicians, and all remedies were beneath the evil, so that every hope from their art was empty and vain, the bishop sought the cause of why a sudden disease had attacked him; for he himself was also most skilled in the medical art. But he, even against his will, exposed what he had committed against Nicon, not concealing that this was the source and head of his evil. Having learned this, the bishop rebuked the man's rashness not lightly. Then, with timely counsel, he advised him to put aside his pride and, as a suppliant, to seek forgiveness from Nicon for the injury inflicted. For he knew whence the certain hope of medicine lay.

XV. He obeyed, and having cast aside his pride and the arrogance of praetorian power, he summoned Nicon through messengers with many prayers. He, indeed, forgetful of the injury received, arrived faster than a word; for he had learned how to suffer insults, and likewise how to remit them voluntarily, or rather to compensate for them with good deeds and services. But when the praetor saw him, he threw himself at his feet, and he who just now...

983 ST. NICON THE ARMENIAN 981

doubting, he was vehemently exhilarated, and having bid Nicon farewell, he began his voyage with a secure mind. After he arrived at the emperor, and the accusation fabricated by his rivals was dispelled by the light of truth, but especially by the prayers of Nicon, he subsequently obtained greater favor with the emperor, more ample honors, glory, and fame, so much so that he held the first place in the senate.

The tongue moved by God, hearing these things and having nothing of the former rigidity, and being fierce in spirit, seemed to breathe only anger and injuries, now having become a suppliant, he asked for pardon for his error with a mournful voice, and implored his prayers as the sole remedy for his salvation. Vice is always, of course, a weak thing, but virtue is strong and stable. What, therefore, did the divine mind do at these things? Did he reproach the man for his madness and unbridled audacity? Or did he seem to spurn the one praying and refuse him for a time? Not at all. For how could he do so, he who was a disciple, or rather the sharpest imitator of that meek and peaceful one, who was by nature inclined more to doing good than to punishing? Therefore, he not only gave him pardon, but also restored his health by his prayers, having laid on his hand. So that he immediately took food, unharmed, and spoke freely and readily, the miracle scarcely making it credible even to the very eyes of those who were watching.

XVI. John Malacenus was accused by calumny by certain wicked and malevolent men; he was a man who, by the nobility of his lineage and splendor, as well as by the praise of his supreme wisdom, was easily the prince not only among the Lacedaemonians, but even in all of Hellas and the Peloponnese. He was accused before him who then held the scepters of the empire, namely Basil, son of Romanus the Younger, the most fortunate of all kings, whose life was illustrious, and the span of his empire was very long, and his victories and trophies over his enemies were very many, through whom also the prince of the Bulgarian nation [as histories record], that Samuel, impregnable in strength and vigor, was broken and subdued in Crete with an innumerable multitude of Bulgarians (5).

XX. After a not inconsiderable time had passed, while Malacenus was still in Constantinople, Nicon passed on to his immortal and blessed lot. When he received this news, and felt that that sweet hope, by which he had not doubted from his words that he would see his desirable countenance, was in a way snatched from him: he began to be vehemently anguished in spirit, and to seethe with various thoughts, and furthermore to lead a heavy life, except that he saw that what he had promised was being fulfilled.

XVII. Therefore, two satraps were sent by the emperor, leading a legion of soldiers, to seize Malacenus unexpectedly and lead him in chains to the queen of cities: for his rivals, concocting against him the crime of defection and treason, had filled the emperor's ears with the calumny of a false accusation. Therefore, when they arrived in Lacedaemon and seized the man for whose sake they had been sent, he immediately summoned the man of God, Nicon, whom he held in special honor because of his extraordinary deeds, and anxious with heavy grief, he said: "Pray, pray for me, wretched one, servant of God, lest I perish miserably by the emperor's anger." The saint, responding with gentle and honeyed words, ordered him to strengthen his mind and fear nothing too sad. Then, with an extraordinary power of charity, reclining at the table, and offering the cup of joy to the mourner, like that poetic Gygeon, the oblivion of all evils, he added an oracle: "You will rather obtain royal benevolence, you will lead a life more blessed than the past, you will ascend to higher degrees of honors, and finally, you will triumph over every trouble and calamity: and you will see me," he said, "and you will return to your homeland at the end of your life." For Nicon was also adorned with this grace (as was said above) from the Father of lights, that he foresaw future things just as well as present ones. And indeed, everything happened as he had predicted.

XVIII. Malacenus, therefore, as if from a prophetic and divine voice...

XX. Confirmed therefore by faith (for he was not without that knowledge by which the mysteries of God are wont to be known), what does he do? Where does he turn? He calls for a painter, distinguished in skill and hand, and describes in words what the saint had been like in habit, clothing, and hair: then he orders his entire image to be expressed on a panel with suitable colors. The painter, having returned home, and thinking it worth the effort to execute what he had been ordered to do as accurately as he could, after various attempts, finally noticed that he was laboring in vain: for he could not, from mere narration, although he was most skilled and experienced in his art, express the true likeness of one whom he had never seen. Therefore, while he was occupied with this care, and grieving vehemently that he could not fashion the features of his face, a certain monk suddenly appeared before his eyes, who had secretly entered the house, tall in stature, of eremitic habit, clothed in a worn garment, squalid in hair, black in hair and beard, and in all things most similar to the blessed man: for he also carried a staff in his hand, the top of which ended in a cross. He, having greeted the painter kindly, asked the cause of his sadness and anxiety. He soon revealed the cause and demonstrated the difficulty of the work. Then the monk, with a gentle voice to him, said: "Look at me, brother; he whom you are painting is in all things similar to me." Therefore, as the painter fixed his eyes more sharply upon him and looked around him thoroughly, he recognized that he was the very man whom Malacenus had described in words. Wherefore, having turned back to the panel to imitate the form he had seen, O wonderful thing! he saw the sacred image of the thrice-blessed one expressed on the panel by its own lines of its own accord, and when, stunned by the miracle, he had suddenly turned to the saint, crying out "Kyrie eleison" with horror, he saw him no more. For he had already flown away. Therefore, adding the remaining pigments of colors to the divinely delineated form, he completed the perfect image, such as is visited today hanging in the sacred temple of the blessed, finished in all its parts, and immediately hastening to the notable Malacenus with it: he told him everything, as...

(5) Baron. ad an. 993.

985 LIFE. 986 [He] recounted in order what had happened. Upon hearing these things, he [Nicon] brought forth that which is seen today, and [it] clarifies the remarkable divine [nature of the event]. Since, from the appearance of Nicon offered to the painter, he perceived that his prediction had not been in vain even in this part, he was filled with immense joy, and he never ceased to proclaim the praises of the wonderful works of God, and how much grace Nicon had obtained from the Holy Spirit: but the history of the Malaceni and the sacred image is as follows.

XXI. A certain chamberlain came, sent by the emperor for the sake of gold tribute; who, as he was very greedy for money and shameful gain, was causing great troubles both to the other citizens and especially to the saint’s monastery. For the commands and exactions of cities are usually delegated not to fair and kind men, but for the most part to harsher and more inhuman ones. But the monks, who had no gold, tried in vain to soothe the cruel and wild man with prayers; he, thirsting for gold, grew deaf like an adder to the voices of the enchanters, and like the sound of thorns under a pot (as it is written) he despised all their words; nay, even becoming more ferociously insolent, after atrocious threats he thrust them into prison and, senseless, meditated on plundering and despoiling the monastery itself. Hearing this, the others who were exercised in it turned to beseeching the saint with prayers and experienced his immediate help without delay.

XXIII. But the discourse must be turned to the impious Antiochus. He presided over the region of the Gentiles with the authority of a duke. But he had proceeded to such a degree of madness among other flagrant crimes of his life, that he did not hesitate to violate the testament of the blessed man himself. Therefore, invading a farm bordering on the territory of the Gentiles, he fixed his seat and tent there, despite the protests of the monks. And so that nothing would be lacking to his wickedness, when he had contaminated the place by shedding blood all around, he wallowed there in his own manner in an impure mire of lusts and nefarious crimes, until he received from the Saint the fruits worthy of his rashness. Therefore, standing by him through the night with a formidable and grim countenance, after having struck him with horrible terrors, he finally struck his side with a lethal blow with his cross-bearing staff. Awakened by this, when he noticed the striker leaving the tent, he ordered his servants with a raw and lamentable voice to seize him, but they saw no one. From which at last the wretch, recognizing the source of the evil, understood that it was the Saint who had inflicted the wound and was striving to drive his invader from his own seats. Wherefore, having soon mounted his horse, he hastened to Lacedaemon. But he had not proceeded more than thirty stadia when, overcome by the bitterness of the pain, descending from his horse, he died in the middle of the road, shamefully expiring in the hands of his own men, and in him was fulfilled that which is read in the Proverbs: The souls of the wicked shall perish immaturely, and the perverse in sudden death (Prov. 11, according to the LXX). Furthermore, his miserable corpse was carried to Sparta, and the following night (as is the constant rumor) a fire, from an unknown source, breaking into the coffin, consumed both at once and reduced them to ashes.

C XXII. For on the following night, coming to the chamberlain with a threatening and indignant countenance, the holy Nicon received him with many blows. Saying—for one must use his own words—"You have consigned the curators of the monastery to chains, although they had done nothing wrong: unless you release them immediately, a bitter end of life awaits you besides." This affliction was profitable to the palace official for a sounder mind. Therefore, in the morning, he both led out the prisoners and, hastening to the temple, prostrated himself at the sacred shrine and with tears sought pardon from the Saint for his audacity, promising that he would depart from Lacedaemon immediately, and would leave to the citizens the gold he had exacted, which he did in actual fact. For having thrown seventy [seven hundred] and two gold pieces at the blessed man’s shrine, he mounted his horse and departed immediately. Therefore, the one who was then presiding over the monastery sent the gold to Constantinople to the superior. He, indeed, having purchased with this price sacred pyxes and not a few other precious vessels, brought everything to the monastery, which are seen to be very convenient for the uses of the temple to this very day, and add no small splendor to it, being otherwise filled with various and excellent ornaments of all kinds, especially by the care and study of the same superior. For this excellent and most magnificent man, inflamed with divine zeal, put forth every effort to wipe away the antiquity of the temple and to renew its appearance completely, which he then increased with very many gifts, adorned with the brilliance of columns, the various colors of polished stones, and a variety of most excellent paintings, and even surrounded it with porticoes and vestibules: finally to that dignity [Prov. 11, according to the LXX].

No less to be feared is what follows. That Michael Chærosphactes, a man indeed illustrious, second to none among our Lacedaemonians in honor, glory, and wealth, and in addition to this, excelling in eloquence, character, form, sweetness of manners, wisdom, and every other praise, was such that he was in everyone’s mouth with the sweetest feeling. But how difficult it is for human nature never to succumb to the snares of the enemy, and to run the path straight to the end with an unoffending foot? The incomparable man turned aside, and inflamed by the torch of envy, he flared up impudently against the monastery, on the very slight pretext of a certain field, which the monastery’s flocks were said to damage. Therefore, having collected a band of wicked men, when he had come to the place, first indeed he vexed Zosimus the monk, a man grave in years, who was procuring the affairs of the monastery, having no regard for his gray hairs nor his virtue, stripped of his garment and prostrated on the ground, with fists and clubs so that he left him all but dead; then, wishing to imitate that Dionysius of Syracuse, he was preparing to rage even against the rustic laborers and servants, had they not consulted for their own safety by flight. Then indeed he exposed all the goods of the monastery to the plunder of the Nysians, not even sparing the vegetables themselves, and the... of the flocks.

987

[Latin text] ...we have judged, rather than to use arms like a man, and to fight for the Romans. Having understood these things, the patrician Narses wrote back to the empress in this way: Since it seems more correct to you that I should spin, and twist thread, know that I know how to set up a loom like a woman, which the Romans shall never unweave. At that time, the Lombards inhabited Pannonia, which is now the seat of the Turks, and the Patrician, having sent them fruits of every kind, signified these things to them: Come here and you will see, according to the old saying, a land flowing with milk and honey, and which, as I think, God does not have a better one; and if it pleases you, inhabit this, so that you may follow me forever with auspicious prayers and blessings. Having heard these things, the persuaded Lombards came with their families to Benevento. But the citizens of Benevento, not wishing to admit them inside the city, lived outside it near the wall by the river, having built a small city, which is called Civita nova, that is, new city, and it exists even today. They also entered the city and the church, and having become superior to all the inhabitants by deceit, they killed them all, and occupied the city; for having entered the church with swords hidden inside their staves, a fight having been stirred up, they killed everyone, as was said above. And from there, an excursion having been made into the whole dominion of the theme of Lombardy and Calabria, they subjected it as far as Pavia, except for Hydruntum, Callipolis, Rusianum, Naples, Gaieta, Surrentum, and Amalphe. The first city was ancient and great, Capua; the second, Naples; the third, Benevento; the fourth, Gaieta; the fifth, Amalphe. But Salernum was inhabited by Sicardus, when the Lombards divided the principalities. And there are until this day, which is the seventh Indiction, years from the creation of the world 6457 (of Christ 949), from the divided Lombardy 200 years. There were two brothers, Sico and Sicardus. And Sico indeed ruled Benevento, and the parts of Bari and Sipontum. But Sicardus possessed Salernum, Capua, and parts of Calabria. But Naples was the ancient praetorium of the Patricians who were sent; and he who ruled Naples, ruled also Sicily, and when the Patrician would call at Naples, the duke of Naples would go into Sicily. But Capua was a huge city, and it was captured by the Vandals or Africans, and devastated: and when it lay thus desolate, the Lombards inhabited it. And soon by the Africans again...

ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE. Having heard these things, Queen Irene, having become angry, sent him a spindle and a distaff, writing to him that: Take these, for they are suitable for you. For we have judged it more just for you to spin, than to contend and direct and fight for the Romans with weapons like a man. Having heard these things, the patrician Narses wrote back to the queen, that: Since it is thought by you that I should spin and twist like a woman, I have threads to twist with the spindle and distaff, so that as long as the Romans live, they will not be able to unweave them. At that time, the Lombards dwelt in Pannonia (34), where the Turks now dwell. And the patrician Narses, having sent to them fruits of every kind (35), made known to them that: Come hither, and behold a land flowing, according to the saying, with milk and honey, than which, as I think, God has no better; and if it is pleasing to you, inhabit it, so that for age upon age you may bless me. The Lombards, having heard these things and being persuaded, taking up their families, came to Benevento. But those of the castle of Benevento did not allow them to enter inside the castle, and they dwelt outside the castle near the wall by the river, having built there a small castle, from which it is also called Civitanova (36), that is, new castle; which exists even until today. But they also entered inside the castle and into the church, and having mastered the inhabitants of the castle of Benevento by a ruse, they killed them all, and seized the castle (37). For having carried swords inside their staves, and having made a fight in the church, they killed everyone, as has been said; and from then on, having campaigned, they subjected all that land, of the theme of Lombardy and Calabria, and as far as Pavia, except for Hydruntum, and Callipolis, and Rusianum, and Naples, and Gaieta, and Surrentum, and Amalphe. The first castle was ancient and great, Capua; the second, Naples; the third, Benevento; the fourth, Gaieta; the fifth, Amalphe. But Salernum was inhabited under Sicardus, when the Lombards divided the principalities. And there are until this day, which is the seventh Indiction, years from the creation of the world 6457, from when Lombardy was divided 200 years. There were two brothers, Sico and Sicardus (38). And Sico indeed held Benevento, and the parts...

NOTES OF ANSELM BANDURI. (34) They inhabited in Pannonia, says Meursius, the Lombards for 42 years, namely from the year of Christ 526 to 568. See the Deacon, On the Deeds of the Lombards, book II, chapter vii. (35) Paul the Deacon, On the Deeds of the Lombards, book II, chapter v. Therefore, driven by hatred and fear, (Narses) withdrawing to the Neapolitan city, soon directs envoys to the Lombard nation, ordering that they should abandon the poor fields of Pannonia, and come to possess Italy, filled with all riches. And at the same time, he sends multimode kinds of fruits, and species of other things, of which Italy is fertile, so that he might be able to entice their minds to come. And Anastasius the Librarian in John: Then Narses having departed from Rome came to Campania; and wrote to the nation of the Lombards, that they should come, and possess Italy. (36) Thus from the manuscript codex. In the printed editions it is read, Civinova. (37) Thus the manuscript. The printed editions have incorrectly, he killed everyone, and they seized the castle. (38) Concerning Sico and Sicardus, see Camillo Pellegrino in the history of the princes of the Lombards.

939 ACROASES. — NOTICE BY NIC. MARLE FOGGINI. 990

[He was] Domestic of the Schools and of the Eastern scholai, who, having routed and destroyed the Barbarians, restored [it] to the Roman Empire, under the Emperor Romanus the Younger, in the year of Christ 961. The following five Acroases celebrate and embellish this expedition, which was happily completed with the greatest speed by Nicephorus at the command of the Roman Emperor. Maltretus once intended to publish them, but they were first edited recently by the noble Venetian Flaminius Cornelius in his commentary on Sacred Crete, Vol. I, p. 269. No other source containing them is known until the discovery of an old codex, besides the Vatican manuscript marked number 997, with letters now almost fading, and written by a notary rather than a scribe, from which both Maltretus, through the care of Allatius, and Cornelius received them. Therefore, having been ordered to review and reprint them, I could only achieve this: to consult the Vatican codex itself again and compare it with the edition of Cornelius, a labor which I completed not without fruit, although I remain hesitant as to whether I myself, both because of the defects of the codex and the singular style of a poet of a later age, have fully grasped everything. Wherefore I shall indicate my certain doubts and conjectures in the subjoined annotations, where I shall also pursue further matters that might explain the author's meaning and the history of events more clearly.

Who Theodosius the Deacon, who composed these Acroases, was, is entirely obscure: but it is by no means permissible to doubt that he was a deacon of the Church of Constantinople. Furthermore, from the epistle in which he dedicates his Acroases to Nicephorus, it is clearly evident that he brought them to light after the premature death of the Emperor Romanus, although they were composed while he was still alive. For thus does Theodosius address Nicephorus: "As in the person, therefore, the beginning of the iambics seems to be directed toward our former emperor, but the main point of the praises toward whom [it is directed], you will know immediately." The beginning of the iambics, therefore, at first glance seems to pertain to our recently deceased emperor: but to whom the sum of the praises especially refers, you will immediately understand.

Moreover, from the same epistle it is openly understood that he offered them to Nicephorus after he had added to the victory over Crete a victory also over the Eastern Agarenes, having overthrown their metropolis, Chalepus: "Accept, therefore," he says, "even if they are lacking in worth, the stammerings of Theodosius, and permit [me] to write about the destruction and capture of Chalepus." At these words, one is struck with wonder at how Cornelius could have noted that he was completely ignorant as to why Theodosius, having begun a discourse about Crete, should have introduced a mention of Chalepus. For no historian, ancient or modern, overlooks the fact that Nicephorus Phocas first subdued the Cretan Saracens, and then indeed the Chalepian ones. Hear Cedrenus, *Hist. Comp.*, p. 645: "Nicephorus Phocas, as was said before, having been ordered to return from Crete, was not permitted to enter the imperial city, but was ordered to arrive in the East with the whole army; for Chabdanus, recovering himself from his previous defeat, began to rise again, and having gathered an army fit for battle, was expected to attack the Roman leaders and affairs; but Phocas, having arrived in Syria and having routed him in a pitched battle, and having defeated him by force, and having driven him into the interior of Syria, sacked the city of Beroea, except for the acropolis."

Nicephorus Phocas, as we have said, was ordered to depart from Crete in such a way that he was not allowed to enter Constantinople; but it was commanded that he should cross into the East with the whole army. For Chabdanus, recovering from the defeat he had received, was already rising up; and having gathered an army suitable for battle, he seemed already about to move against the Romans. Phocas, when he came into Syria, overcame and routed him in battle, and drove him into inner Syria; he devastated the city of Beroea, except for the citadel. The same is also narrated by Michael Glycas in his *Annals*, Part IV, p. 304, and both bring forward this cause for the so anxious expedition of Nicephorus into the East: that Joseph Bringas, who held power in the court, had cunningly placed before Romanus the rumor that the victor of Crete was to be raised to the Empire.

But indeed, Cedrenus and Glycas seem to differ in this from Leo the Deacon, a contemporary writer: that they write that Nicephorus, returning from Crete, was not permitted to come to Constantinople, but was ordered to go straight to Syria, whereas he, on the contrary, testifies that Nicephorus, returning from Crete, not only came to Constantinople, but even triumphed in Constantinople, and from there later set out for Syria. That Leo narrated the matter thus is known from the Latin excerpts of the history of his own times, which he extended up to the death of John Tzimiskes, reported by Pagi in his *Critica in Annal. Baron.*, Vol. III, p. 875, and Vol. IV, p. 5; for the entire history of Leo has not yet been published in Greek, although Combefisius left it prepared for the press.

However, if I am not mistaken, Symeon the Master and Logothete in his *Annals* at the end opens an easy way to reconcile Cedrenus and Glycas with Leo the Deacon on this point as well, who speaks thus regarding the triumph of Nicephorus for the defeat of Crete: "The Emperor, having learned of the capture of Crete, gave glory to God; but not long after, Nicephorus, the Domestic of the Schools, by the command of the Emperor, entered the city, and with the spoils and the captives came on foot from his house to the hippodrome, together with the Emir of Crete, called Kouroupas, and all his relatives, all the Saracens wearing white robes; and the Magister was deemed worthy of great honors and gifts by the Emperor; but the Emir, having received many gifts and gold and silver from the Emperor, was permitted to live in the villages with his children, but was not raised to the senate, because they did not wish to be baptized; and the Emperor Romanus sent Nicephorus the Magister back to the East against the arrogant Chabdanus; and he, having gone, first attacked the castle of Chalepus, from which also a great gathering of spoils was made." The Emperor, when he learned that Crete had been captured, rendered praises and thanks to God.

991 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON 992

Then, shortly after, Nicephorus, Domestic of the Schools, by the emperor’s command, having entered the city with many spoils and captives, came on foot from his own house to the Hippodrome, together with the Emir of Crete, named Curup, and all his relatives, while all the Saracens were dressed in white garments. And indeed, the Magister obtained honors and great rewards through the emperor’s liberality; but the Emir, having been presented by the emperor with many gifts of gold and silver, was permitted to cultivate and inhabit estates in the countryside: because, however, he was unwilling to be initiated by baptism, he was not admitted into the Senate. Furthermore, the Emperor Romanus sent the Magister Nicephorus again into the East, so that he might break the arrogance of Chambda. And having undertaken the expedition, he first captured the fortified city of Aleppo, from which he also collected a great quantity of spoils. Do you see what kind of triumph Nicephorus celebrated upon his return from Crete? He came on foot from his own house to the Hippodrome with many spoils and captives, in the manner in which those celebrating an ovation proceeded, not those celebrating a triumph; so that, if Combefis has translated Leo well, Leo used the word "triumph" in a broad sense, just as we know has been done more than once by the Latins. And indeed, that was the honor which was owed to Nicephorus on account of the capture of Crete, according to the Roman custom, because the Cretan war had not been formally declared, and because it had been concluded without bloodshed, about which Theodosius will clearly inform us. For this reason, I believe that Cedrenus and Glycas are to be interpreted as saying that Nicephorus was forbidden to come to Constantinople upon his return from Crete—that is, to reside there—because he was immediately ordered from there to set out for Syria; and that they do not mention the triumph which Leo the Deacon narrates that Nicephorus held at that time, because he did not triumph at all, but only proceeded to the Hippodrome in an ovation, and only after the victory at Aleppo did he celebrate a solemn triumph, which it seemed sufficient to Cedrenus to commemorate, since in it he displayed not only the spoils of Berrhoea but also those of Crete. But, however one prefers this to have happened, it is certain that Nicephorus, after the Cretan victory, set out for Syria, and became all the more famous for the new victory reported over the Sultan of Aleppo; and that when, in the meantime, Romanus—though flourishing in age—had died on the 15th of March in the sixth indiction, broken by pleasures, he was summoned to Constantinople by Theophano, the wife of Romanus, who was ruling in the name of her sons, where he triumphed with solemn pomp over the Saracens, both Cretan and Aleppan. "In the month of April," says Cedrenus in the same place, "of the same sixth indiction, Nicephorus Phocas enters Constantinople by the command of the Empress (with Joseph, just as before, attempting to prevent it); and he triumphed in the Hippodrome over the spoils from Crete and Berrhoea." In the same sixth indiction, in the month of April, by the command of the Augusta, Nicephorus Phocas came to Constantinople, with Joseph, as before, opposing this. He led a triumph in the Hippodrome, bringing in the Cretan and Berrhoean spoils. John Curopalates narrates the same matter in almost the same words in his *Compendium of History*, p. 66: "But in the month of April, in the same sixth indiction, Phocas, by the command of the queen, enters Constantinople, with Joseph entirely forbidding it, as before, and he triumphed in the Hippodrome over the captured spoils and Berrhoea." However, not even then could Nicephorus remain long in Constantinople: for, discovering that traps were being prepared for him again by Joseph Bringas, he withdrew in good time to Cappadocia, where he allowed himself to be proclaimed emperor by the army on the 2nd of July, and from there he returned to Constantinople, and was crowned by the Patriarch Polyeuctus on the 15th of August. This is the sequence of events, and from this it can easily be understood at what time precisely Theodosius offered his *Acroases* to Nicephorus. For since he offered them when Romanus was already dead, and the city of Aleppo had been overthrown, but before Nicephorus had been raised to the empire, it remains that he offered them in the intervening space of four months, which passed between the 15th of March and the 2nd of July, and thus, as I judge, in the month of April, when Nicephorus triumphed in Constantinople upon his return from Syria.

993 PROEM. 994. THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, COMPOSED BY THEODOSIUS THE DEACON FOR THE MOST HUMANE AND MIGHTY EMPEROR OF ROME.

PROOEMIUM. These things, O sun of the magistri and avenger of Rome, were indeed elaborated by me some time ago concerning Crete, but were not published: the former, so that your glorious deeds might not be consigned to oblivion by the passage of time. For time obscures what valor achieves, unless speech, anticipating it, stores it away in books. They were not published, however, out of fear and hesitation, and because many things were left behind and were inferior to your achievements. Accept, therefore, even if they are lacking in worth, the stammerings of Theodosius, and permit me to write concerning the destruction and conquest of Chalep. For having become more eager in this way, I shall become a chronicler of your deeds as far as is permitted. For Achilles, and Alexander of the Macedonians, and...

NOTES. (1) To the most humane and mighty emperor of Rome. (2) That Nicephorus Phocas held the dignity of magister is attested by Cedrenus, Curopalates, the anonymous continuator of Theophanes, and other writers. The magister was called the first among the noble intimates of the emperor, or, as Evagrius says in his History, book 1, chapter 29, the prefect of the offices of the palace. This dignity, even more illustrious than the patriciate itself, and called by historians most splendid, was at first conferred upon one person, but subsequently was conferred upon many, as is gathered from Luitprand, *Rerum per Europam gestarum*, book VI, chapter 5, who enumerates twenty-four magistri. Theodosius seems to have called Nicephorus the sun of the magistri, either because Nicephorus was the first among many, or because of his glorious deeds, by which he had increased the splendor of this dignity beyond the others. (3) This Nicephorus was certainly the avenger of Rome, because, as Cedrenus says in his *Historical Compendium*, page 642, he had erected many trophies against the eastern Saracens, who were depopulating the provinces of the Roman empire, and because he had restored to the Roman empire Crete, which had once been occupied by the Spanish Saracens. Theodosius inscribes his poem to Romanus the Younger, because he had completed it while Romanus was still among the living, and because the Cretan war had been undertaken by Nicephorus at the command of Romanus. Although, however, Romanus was already dead, and he published it only to flatter Nicephorus, he changed nothing in its inscription, perhaps so as not to offend Theophano, the wife of Romanus, and so as not to redo the entire poem, in which very many things pertaining to Romanus exist. Wherefore he did not omit to admonish Nicephorus about this in the preface, asserting nevertheless that the praises bestowed upon the Roman emperor in the poem pertained most especially to him. (4) These poems concerning the conquest of Crete, Theodosius testifies, had been completed by him some time before, namely, while the Emperor Romanus the Younger was still alive. Why he did not bring them to light, not yet having taken the occasion of the triumph, and thus the ovation, which Nicephorus had held regarding the conquest of Crete, he gives this reason: that he feared to do so, because they were further removed than was fitting from the glory of his deeds. But the true cause was perhaps rather that he might not displease the Emperor Romanus, into whose suspicion the name of Nicephorus had come, as it was becoming too famous among the people. See the Monitum. (5) That Nicephorus applied himself to the conquest of Chalep is certain by the consensus of all historians; and while he was conducting this expedition, Romanus died. Therefore, when he had conquered Chalep, he was recalled to Constantinople by Theophano Augusta, the wife of Romanus, where he held a solemn triumph for both victories, namely, the Cretan and the Chalepian. On this occasion, Theodosius seems to have offered his *Acroases* to Nicephorus, and because he published them.

(a) Newly revised and edited in the Bonn Byzantine collection in the year 1828 by Fr. Jacobs.

995 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON: those who served as generals after them, obtained for themselves great glory from their writings even up to this present time. And the one is sung and celebrated by Homer, while the others are sung and celebrated by Plutarch and others even now. Thus, in the person of [the speaker], the beginning of the iambics seems to pertain to our ancient emperor. But you shall know immediately to whom the sum of the praises is directed. FIRST ACROASIS. Old Rome, do not envy the new master, by opposing your generals to the new [Rome]; and those who were emperors after them obtained for themselves great glory from their writings even up to this present time. And the one is praised and celebrated by Homer, while these are praised and celebrated by Plutarch and others even now. The beginning of the iambics, therefore, seems to pertain in a certain way to our ancient emperor; but you shall know immediately to whom the sum of the praises is directed. FIRST ACROASIS. O old Rome, do not envy the new master, by opposing your generals to the new Rome: for undeservedly, Scipio,

996 with an empty impulse, and in vain, plundered the entire wealth of glory. For there was some strength, or power of Carthage, when, standing before a battle of ten thousand swords, it sent calamities to the one being ravaged. Who was Sulla the general, who cast the burned city of Athens, defeated by that very slaughter? Who was Caesar, who ran through the armies in the daily confused clashes? Who was that man who was defeated in a fleet, and exhausted all the riches of glory with an empty effort; what strength was present, not the whole power of Carthage, when, entering battle with countless drawn swords, he brought destructive ruin upon the conquered city. Who was that general Sulla, who subjected the city of Athens, seized by rapid flames, overcome by this very destruction? Who was Caesar, who ran through the daily inescapable conflicts of armies? Who was that man, who, defeated in a naval battle, later overcame the victors with his fleet? There was never another leader like the master: for Pompey broke the gold of the neck,

VARIOUS READINGS. cf. II, 86; III, 17; V, 87, 88, and Index in notes. Anth. Pal. v. Grav p. 1046. 8. tis [is] C. 10. the [the] om. C.

NOTES. [He had celebrated only the Cretan victory in them, C. He promises to celebrate the Aleppo victory in another poem. See what we have discussed more fully about this matter in the Monitor. Aleppo [is] Beroea to the ancients. And Romanus sent Leo Phocas, the namesake of Nicephorus, against Hamdan, who held Aleppo, with a force. Zonaras in Annal. xvi. But what is this about Aleppo, when our poet has decided on Crete? CORNELIUS.] Theodosius offered these Acroases to Nicephorus after the death of Romanus. See the Monitor. Cornelius translates the words "our ancient emperor" less correctly: "veterem nostrum imperatorem," when he should have translated it as "deceased." says Florus lib. II, cap. 6, p. 292, "the fates had decreed so great a name from Africa." He, as a very young man, having set out for Africa, declared war against the Carthaginians, in which he conducted himself so brilliantly that he conquered Carthage in a short time. "Made Consul before the years," says Sex. Aur. Victor de Viris illust. cap. 49, "with the colleague conceding, he crossed into Africa with the fleet." He broke through the camps of Hasdrubal and Syphax in one night. He overcame Hannibal, who had been recalled from Italy. He imposed laws on the conquered Carthaginians. Theodosius adds that the whole strength of Carthage was not present at that time, because Hannibal was staying in Italy with a sufficiently large army, intending to attack Rome. "not great in deed, but most brilliant in glory," calls Plutarch in the life of Sulla p. 102. For the Athenians at that time, as Velleius observes, Histor. Rom. lib. II, cap. 25, oppressed by the arms of Mithridates, men of the most miserable condition, while they were held by enemies, were besieged by friends; and they had their spirits outside the walls, their bodies, serving necessity, inside the walls. Furthermore, at the time when Sulla was besieging Athens, they suffered great damage from fire, first ignited by the Athenians themselves, who were eager to burn the hostile machines: which then burned even more fiercely by Sulla's design, while after the capture of Piraeus "he burned most things, among which was the armory of Philo, an admired work," as Plutarch testifies, in the given place, page 65. Theodosius looks to this, while, eager to be angry at Sulla's virtue, he affirms that he accomplished nothing brilliant in the siege of Athens. Which, however, you will easily restore if you supply with us, for the sake of the codex, the article "the" before the word "slaughter." [he confesses that he underwent the easiest contests with a happy outcome: but he judges that it was by the guidance of fortune rather than by virtue. Cornelius advised that the word should be "inescapable." [It seems that "confused clashes" are the engagements of armies well-composed, having no perturbation. The writer of the Life of Nicholas of Damascus, in the Prodromus of Greek Bibliography edited by Coraes p. 227, joined "unconfusedly" with "harmoniously," where the editor p. 368: "Note 'unconfusedly' for 'undisturbed,' not found anywhere else, or in the present life of Nicholas, preserved in the adverbial 'unconfusedly' of usage, or the adjective 'unconfused' he kept." F. I. speaks here: the history, however, which he brings, clearly, as I think, designates Augustus. The naval battle fought by Augustus against Sextus Pompeius near Messana is famous, in which Augustus, by the testimony of Dio, lib. XLIX, § 5, page 573, not only lost the greater part of his fleet, but [was] little [short of total defeat].

5. Perhaps "empty impulse." 5. "was some" vulg. "was some" C. 6. "when - sent." Lest you think anything should be corrected (6) These are the words from which it is clear that Theo- (7) Understand P. Cornelius Scipio, to whom, as (8) The siege imposed by Sulla on Athens, in deed (9) In the Cornelian edition this verse limps, (10) C. Julius Caesar [suffered] countless, and those [unavoidable] (11) Thus this word is read in the codex, but it should be restored (12) The poet omits the name of the emperor, about whom

1997 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE. And having consumed those holding power with the cross (13); D 15 There was no other general (14), like the master, Even if Pompey (16), having run out while wealth-gathering (15), gens, and the battles in which he stood armed, displayed the illustrious double crowns of fortune. But you, Homer, 998 As if armed for the battles, And giving the bright double roofs of fortune. But you, striking, Homer (17), boastful blows, magnifying small things, be present with words not deceiving, placidly with us, and VARIOUS READINGS. NOTES. he was even near to perishing himself. Suetonius also alludes to this disaster, as it seems, in the Life of Augustus, chapter 16, whose words are these: Having transported the army to Sicily, when he was returning to the mainland for the rest of the forces, being suddenly overwhelmed by Demochares and Apollophanes, the prefects of Pompey, he escaped with the greatest difficulty in only one ship. Yet Pompey did not rejoice in the victory for long, nor did he experience fortune as permanent; for after the battle was renewed by Augustus against him, and he was attacked very strenuously by land and sea, finally Augustus, aided by the work of M. Agrippa, won a signal victory: so that it can rightly be said of Augustus, that he had overcome one who had previously been victorious in a naval battle, and soon after his own victors. For that is frequently used by writers of the later Greek age to designate ships. Examples can be present to anyone, which Du Cange adduces in his Glossary of Mediaeval and Low Greek. Perhaps these verses also refer to Julius Caesar, who, while on a journey (in a voyage, which word is also known to be used for a single journey), was captured by pirates, and a little later overcame them with a fleet, and affixed the captives to a cross. Plutarch, Life of Caesar, c. 2. Velleius Pat. II, 42. Xylon, cross, Pisid. Exped. Heracl. II, 253. leading the cross, C and elsewhere. F. J.] the other side of the codex, from which we restored before the article the particle os, which, however, Cornelius noted by conjecture as necessarily to be added so that the sense might emerge complete. adumbrates, this is: In the year of the City 679, under the consuls L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta, the Cretan war was unsuccessfully begun by M. Antonius and completed by Q. Caecilius Metellus. But when Metellus, elated by victory, acted too cruelly toward the captives, many surrendered themselves to Pompey, who was staying in Asia. Regarding this matter, Florus, Epitome of Roman History, book I, cap. 7, says: Metellus then, having ravaged the whole island with fire and sword, reduced it within fortresses and cities, and Gortyn, and Erythraea, and, as the Greeks are accustomed to say, the mother of cities, Cydonia: and he acted so cruelly toward the captives that most killed themselves with poison, and others sent their surrender to the absent Pompey. Pompey, however, having returned to Rome, not only triumphed over Mithridates and Tigranes, who had been subdued in Asia, but also celebrated another triumph over the Cretan war: having brought with him the leaders from Crete who had defected to him, diminishing Metellus's triumph, although in reality he had taken no part in the Cretan war. Theodosius, therefore, in these verses compares Pompey with the Roman, or rather with Nicephorus, so that he may the more extol the virtue of the same Nicephorus, since the glory of the Cretan victory was truly owed to him, while on the contrary Pompey had usurped the praise of that old Cretan war, and, as if he had fought in person, presumed to display another triumph over the same Crete at Rome. interlinear, written by the hand of the same writer, as it seems, the Great Caesar, which Cornelius also noticed, but he passes over entirely the conjecture of what it might mean. Therefore, I want you to know that it refers to verse 13, which in the codex is distinguished into three columns composed in order from the three verses following it, the upper one stands as verse 16. For since in v. 13 Theodosius, with the name suppressed, made mention of a certain emperor more obscurely, the writer of the codex added The Great Caesar, designating Augustus, of whom we have already clearly shown above that Theodosius was in fact speaking. [Above the word Pompey, in the codex is written: ... The Great Caesar. Weigh this. CORNEL. A notable form of the name compared to that which others constantly use; especially since it does not appear for what reason Theodosius changed the name, which does not conflict with the iambic verse. Even more memorable is what is read below III, 209: Brutus, who stained the battle of Pompey With blood. For who would believe that Theodosius was so ignorant of history as to believe that Brutus stained his hands with the blood of Pompey? Wherefore Cornelius suspects that there should be a correction to Caesar; which correction Fogginius rightly judged to be devoid of probability, himself thinking the passage to be mutilated. Which is no more probable. But in the former place, of which we began to speak, there are also other things that delay the reader. For first, it is not so certain, as Fogginius thinks, that the actions taken by Pompey to diminish the praise of Metellus in the Cretan war are being looked at; for it appears that all the praise of the deeds of Pompey is included; nor does the sense of the word wealth-gathering emerge clear from that interpretation; nor, finally, does it appear what meaning the little words have. If, on the contrary, credit can be given to the glossator who thought of Julius Caesar (for what Fogginius thinks, that by the words The Great Caesar Augustus is meant, can in no way be proven), first the commemoration of the supreme leader is adapted to the poet's plan; then wealth-gathering can be taken regarding the wealth amassed in the Gallic war (Plutarch calls it Gallic wealth in the Life of Caesar, c. 29) or even regarding those which he took from the treasury at the beginning of the civil war; finally verse 17, with our amendment admitted, he may have fashioned everything according to his own pleasure, and written nothing about the true history of Troy. Dio Chrysostom had already objected to this crime against Homer in oration 11, which he composed entirely to revile Homer, where among other things, he says on page 157, These things have been said by me, as I already said, not for the sake of accusation, but because Homer was the most courageous of men toward falsehood and was no less confident and prided himself on telling the truth; for thus to those observing, nothing appears paradoxical or unbelievable of the things shown by me, but small and human falsehoods compared to divine and great ones. Furthermore, these things have been said by me, as I said, not for the sake of accusing, but for indicating that Homer was the most audacious of men in lies: and no less confident and boastful in telling lies than in truth. For thus to those paying attention, those things which I say he lied about will seem very small and of no value. For they are truly human lies, and very believable, if they are compared to those things which he lied about regarding the divine and immense nature.

15. os omitted in C. 17. Perhaps of the citizens be present, (13) We have interpreted this word as fleet; (14) Cornelius published this verse as maimed (15) Which history about Pompey Theodosius (16) in the codex above this name this note is read (17) Theodosius accuses Homer, because in the Iliad

899 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

20 Exalting small things, come, do not steal with words; Speak to us quietly with shame. For the rumor of the ten-year siege Is small among us now, and full of disparagement. For the high-towered houses of Ilium (18) 25 Having known from its very remains, Having fallen into wonder and laughter, Now we laugh at the weaving of the lies (19), Now again we applaud at the turning of the phrases. But, O crater of generals (20), you who mix 30 Humble deeds into lofty words, Judge yourself, and putting aside the old respect of persons, verecunde loquere. For the rumor of the ten-year siege is small among us, and full of lies. Knowing the houses of Ilium, well-fortified with towers, from its ruins even now, falling into admiration and laughter, now we laugh at the composition of the lies, now at the applause of the verbal ambiguities. But, O crater of leaders, you who mix humble actions with haughty words, judge yourself and putting aside the old respect of persons,

VARIÆ LECTIONES. 1000 be as the scale of a balance (21). And even though dead, praise with words the master, The all-conducting and wise strategies. 55 For small to us is the army of Greece, Small the phalanxes, weak the generals, Ajax, Achilles, Odysseus, Diomedes, To whom much glory, and the contention of false gods Bringing the discourses 40 Was tearing badly from their hopes. But if it seems good to you to walk well The paths of truth, or to run around them badly, Here suffer the slaughters of Ilium, as the scale of a balance, and although dead, praise with words the master, having sent everywhere wise expeditions. For small to us is the army of Greece, small the phalanxes, weak the leaders Ajax, Achilles, Ulysses, Diomedes, whom much ambition, and the contention of false gods bringing the discords of the assemblies, was tearing badly from hope. But if you wish the paths of truth

[Critical notes and commentary omitted as per instructions]

1001 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS I.

Sing, O Muse, of the rivers of blood of the Cretans. For when the army of the despot arrived, fortified by many swift merchant ships, the land of the barbarians groaned, and the neighboring sea turned away. The general who was sent, Nicephorus, knowing himself to be the leader of the battle, set up the phalanxes, all armed with swords; he set up the ranks, the tower-like squadrons. The shield shone, the sharpened sword [was ready] to tread correctly, and not to run badly, here put an end to the slaughters of Ilium, singing tragically of the rivers of blood of Crete. For when the army of the despot arrived, fortified by many swift ships, the land of the barbarians groaned, and the neighboring sea turned away. The general who was sent, Nicephorus, knowing himself to be the leader of the battle, set up the phalanxes, all armed with swords; he set up the ranks, the tower-like squadrons. The shield shone, the sharpened sword: the breastplate cast rays against the enemies; the held spear shone with terrible slaughter. But after he saw everyone saved from the waters and the greatest waves, standing in the middle, he opened his mouth to God: "Behold your army standing at the borders of the enemies, O Creator of created things; it has taken up the armor against your enemies, and it sets you forth, O glorious general, as one who loosens the bonds of ten thousand towers."

1002 The breastplate cast rays against the enemies; the held spear shone with terrible slaughter. But after he saw everyone saved from the waters and from the greatest storms, standing in the middle, the barbarian groaned, and the neighboring sea turned away. The general, however, who was sent, Nicephorus, seeing himself appointed as the leader of the battle, set up the phalanxes, all armed with swords, the ranks, and the cohorts proceeding in a square formation. The shield shone, and he opened his mouth to God: "Behold your army now standing at the borders of the enemies, O Creator of created things, it has taken up arms against your enemies, and it opposes you, so that you may dissolve the structures of thousands of towers, O glorious leader. Expand their hearts for battle, repel from [them]..."

VARIOUS READINGS. NOTE. Theodosius here commemorates that the army was brought to Crete, as do other Greek writers. The uncertain continuator of Theophanes, who is believed to be blind, describes the number of these ships more diligently in the Life of Romanus the Younger, no. 10, page 297, with these words: "For there were two thousand ships with Greek fire, one thousand dromons, and three hundred and seven cargo ships carrying provisions and weapons of war." Simeon Magister and Logothete also recounts an equal number of ships in Romanus the Younger, no. 3, page 498, and differs only in that he counts the cargo ships up to three hundred and sixty. He is commended in verses, who, after he led the army into Crete, arranged the soldiers in order, and ordered each to stand in his own place, lest they be oppressed by the Hagarenes if attacked unexpectedly: which Simeon Magister also attributes to the praise of Nicephorus in Romanus the Younger, no. 5, page 498, writing thus: "Nicephorus the Domestic, having set sail from the Queen of Cities, and reaching Phygela, was concerned that the entire fleet should be with him at the same place, and should anchor." Thus, Nicephorus the Domestic, setting sail from Byzantium and coming to Phygela, strove for this most of all, and exerted every care that the whole fleet should be joined in one line and should call. I was explaining, and I understood "tower-like squadrons" as those ambulatory towers which were in use among the ancients to hasten the conquest of towers. Hesychius also interprets the word "tower" in that sense, writing: "Tower: a fighting instrument," namely a war instrument, about which they discuss more fully in Hero of Byzantium, *On War Machines*, chapter 13, and Vegetius, book IV, chapter 17, where Stuvechius also published an image of this war machine. But since "tower," as the same Hesychius notes, is also "a rank of soldiers in a square," a column of soldiers in a quadrangular form, and it occurs more frequently used by Greek writers in that sense, it should perhaps be considered that Theodosius spoke of this very column. Eustathius on book IV of the Iliad, page 469 of the Roman edition, brings a distinction that existed between "squadron" and "tower," and says that the first column was composed of 40 men, but the other consisted of three hundred and sixty men: "A squadron is a rank of forty men... a tower is of three hundred and sixty: this rank is thickened in a quadrangular way." A squadron is a battle line, or a group of forty men... a tower is a turreted battle line, or a square one, a column of three hundred and sixty men, so that this column is dense and compacted in a quadrangular form. Since, however, the same learned grammarian adds that those names were not always used so precisely, but were often used by Homer in a broader way, the translation of Cornelius is not to be disapproved, who interpreted "tower-like squadrons" as one and the same column. For it is possible that Theodosius used the word "tower-like" here in the same sense in which Homer said "tower-like" in Iliad, book XII, v. 45, writing: "But they, having arranged themselves like a tower, stood opposite." To which words the aforementioned Eustathius notes on page 892 of the Roman edition: "And 'having arranged themselves like a tower' [means] instead of 'having arranged themselves in the manner of a tower'; and 'tower' is now said to be a military arrangement in a quadrangular form, arranged according to a brick." Those words "having arranged themselves like a tower" signify "disposed like a tower"; but "tower" is now said by the poet to be a military instruction in a quadrangular form, arranged according to a brick. ...due to carelessness: but it should be read "sharpened," as Cornelius has already seen well. ...of the writers, he mentions the prayers which Theodosius now narrates that Nicephorus poured out to God. It is likely, however, that this was not written by the poet entirely for the sake of flattering Nicephorus, since the uncertain continuator of Theophanes in the Life of Romanus the Younger, no. 11, page 298, writes that Nicephorus was feared by the Hagarenes because of his "vigilance and wisdom, and faith in God, and justice." The Christian people of the Cretans [destroyed] the towers and walls of...

1003 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON 1004

Broaden their hearts for battle; Drive away from them their bitter cowardice; Put to shame the words of the enemies of the prophets; Show who is Peter, and who is the false-weaver, He who permits the eating of camels, He who makes the barbarians into fornicators, A false prophet revealed in his craftiness. Having cried out thus, and having taken up his shield, Speaking to the people, he said to his fellow-soldiers: "Men, generals, children, fellow-servants, friends, The sinews of Rome, faithful friends of the master— For he holds you as children and friends, Exhorting with words, not compelling with labors— Behold these sea-traversed places; Behold many lovely islands round about; They were once the dwelling-place of the Roman fathers, And sloth has shown a foreign land, Nourishing enemies and bereft of children. Let us go, therefore, vigorously against the barbarians; Let us take their cities with the sword, And their wives, and the children of their children. Let no one fear the missiles of the barbarians. Let no one fear the festering wound of battle; Let no one fear the bitter, the final harm. For if one, having received the blood-stained bath, Is washed in the blood of the insolent barbarians, He cleanses his body in the streams of blood, And rises from the earth bright and victorious. But if there is one who has children and possessions, A father left behind, a master named, He will take care of him and of his children."

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

VARIOUS READINGS. NOTES.

1005 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS I.

And of the wife: let her not fear this. Let him only hold the shield with entanglements; let him only eagerly extend the sharp spear; let him only appear armed as a father; let him only not insult the power of Rome.” Having winged the servants with these words, the man faithful in battles, Nicephorus, sent out lions as if mountain-bred, shaking all Cretan wickedness. And since all were instead of wild beasts, spread out from there and here like a plague, not indeed carelessly, or without a general. For he himself, girded in the midst of the horsemen, a long-mouthed sharpened sword, now striking in a strange way, now again casting the whip of fire upon the houses.

1006 It was to see a pitiful lament and flight then, and a bitter wonder of contrary calamities. For a multitude of men and women lay in one dust, miserably slaughtered. There children, hastening to slaughter, fell to the ground by the breaking of their feet. There old men, bowed by time, slipped and fell in the way, and the sword dyed the Phoenician hair, which time had dyed white; there women, from their arms, threw infants to the ground, and [the danger] stirred up a lack of affection for their offspring.

[LATIN TRANSLATION AND NOTES]

...he shall have, assuming the name of Despot hereafter, [with] sword, now striking he produced wondrous works, now he himself shall bear the care of him, and of his sons, and of his wife: let him not fear this in any way. Let him only oppose the shield in the encounters, let him only alacritously extend the sharp spear, let him only show himself a fatherly soldier, let him only not disgrace the empire of Rome. When the man faithful in battles, Nicephorus, had thus added wings to the soldiers, he sent them out like mountain lions to devastate all Cretan impropriety, not without a plan of battle, or without a leader; for he himself riding in the midst, armed with a huge and sharp sword, casting the whip of fire upon the houses. But after all had gone out against the beasts, spreading rapidly like a plague here and there, you could see heavy mourning, and flight, and the straits of the enemies horrible to behold. For a crowd of men and women lay in one dust, miserably slaughtered. There children hastening to slaughter fell to the ground trampled by feet; there old men bowed by age were cut down meeting [the enemy] in their path, and the sword dyed the purple hair, which age had dyed white: there women from their bosom...

VARIED READINGS. 97. κρατείτω in note, or κρατεῖν C. see Annot. 99. Ser. πατρικῶς with C. πατρικὸς cod., which reading Fogginius wrongly defends in the Annot. 113. Perhaps συμφορᾶς. 116. Perhaps πρὸς φυγήν. 121. εἶχεν C.

NOTES. (33) It seems to be written thus in the codex. Cornelius thought it should be corrected to κρατείτω: but, in my opinion, nothing should be changed. [Cornelius doubts whether κρατείτω (thus, not κρατείνω) was in the codex, or κρατείτω. He exhibited the former in the context; Fogginius the latter. Whence it appears that some things in this annotation are confused. F. J.] (34) Cornelius published πατρικῶς, and translated it, in the manner of a father armed. The codex has πατρικὸς, which word I rendered into Latin as "fatherly soldier," and we accepted that reading the more willingly because it coheres better with the following verse. For since Nicephorus says here that each one strives to show himself a fatherly soldier, he adds, nor does he disgrace the Roman empire. ὡπλισμένος is used here for ὁπλίτης, just as Thucydides sometimes writes τοὺς ἐν ὅπλοις for the same reason. (35) Here the poet expresses with words the address of Nicephorus to the soldiers for engaging with the enemies, just as fear added wings to Turnus in Virgil, Aen. VIII, v. 224, to escape the anger of Hercules. (36) The poet best expresses the virtue of the Greek soldiers in these words. For Greek writers, when they wish to indicate that someone was killed by an enemy while fighting strenuously, say "the work of the enemy," "the work of war," and "of the sword": but old men, women, infants, and other non-combatants, whom the enemy kills without any trouble and as if doing something else, they say were made a "parergon" (a side-task), to signify the ease of the slaughter. Thus Pausanias writes in the Phocics, book X, chap. 27, that Priam, consumed by old age, while he was killed by Neoptolemus, a strenuous and brave youth, was a "parergon" to him, that is, killed by him without any labor. For the same reason, therefore, Theodosius, wishing to imply the fortitude of the Greeks, says that Nicephorus sent out his soldiers οὐ παρέργως, not to be overcome by an easy task, as they were rightly instructed, so that they could not be conquered by the Barbarians. [οὐ μὴν παρέργως, not indeed carelessly, and with the care that the matter required. Cf. to Philostratus the Younger, Imagg. p. 613. F. J.] (37) The poet graphically describes the slaughter that the Barbarians received as soon as Nicephorus brought his army to Crete. Leo the Deacon deals with this first conflict of the Greeks with the Cretan Saracens, where he says: Then the Roman leader Nicephorus, having distributed the line of battle in a triple column, and crowded far with shields and spears, sounding the trumpet of war, when he had ordered the trophy of the cross to go before, rushed with face turned against the Barbarians: and a heavy battle having been joined, and missiles flying like hail, it could not be that the Barbarians could bear the shower of Roman arrows any longer: but rather turning their backs, and with the phalanx broken, making their course as fast as they could, they retreated to their own stronghold. The Romans following behind gave them an immense slaughter. Such, indeed, was the first aggression and battle that had a favorable end for the Romans. See Pagi, Crit. in Ann. Bar. vol. III, p. 874. [Ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντες ἦσαν ἀντὶ θηρίων is wrongly translated "went out against the beasts." The meaning is that the Roman soldiers rushed upon the enemies no differently than wild beasts and poured themselves out everywhere like a pestilence into the hostile land. Cf. below v. 208. F. J.] (38) [τῇ ποδῶν περικλάσει is translated: trampled by feet. Rather, in that haste, when they were fleeing—for πρὸς φυγήν should be read instead of πρὸς σφαγήν—they fell, with the strength of their feet broken; which is λύτο γούνατα in Homer. F. J.] (39) So great a slaughter received struck fear into the women, that they even forgot their natural affection for their children because of the imminent danger. "Danger stirred up a lack of affection for offspring," so that we might better express the force of this Greek phrase, we translated: Danger had caused, so that they would forget even natural affection for their children because of the imminent danger.

1007 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON. Danger stirred up those who nourish children. 125 Fire was kindled, swords shone in return, the flow of blood turned the earth purple, and it was mingled in the Cretan lands, as a new color, a three-fold vengeance (40). And since some of the Cretans lay as a feast for birds, 130 dead and bereft of breath, while others, fleeing the slaughter with the speed of horses, were brought inside the gates (41), one man, having stepped inside the gates in fear, proved himself an enemy choked by his flight. 135 The general, having run out over the whole land, and having cut one part into fire, A 1008 and having given another to the sword, and having razed cities, drove straight to a turning (42) backwards, and having come more quickly, he barely 140 held the army inside the naval boundaries (45). And having drawn up the ships (44), he carries them to the land, knowing the liquid element to be an unfaithful benefactor (45). Having remained there for three cycles of days, he prepared the cavalry and the horseman, 145 and having examined the land (46) in an ambidextrous manner, he set up a thousand-man multitude of builders, and from the ground he rooted (47) a tower-bearing city, to guard the turnings (48) of the armies.

[Latin translation of the above text] ...they were letting down their little ones, and extinguishing the love of a mother for her sons, the impending danger. Flames were reddening, swords were flashing, streams of blood were reddening the earth, and it was mixed in the Cretan places as a new color, a three-fold vengeance. And now the Cretans, some lay prostrate as food for birds and lifeless, others, however, fleeing death by the aid of swift horses, were receiving themselves within the walls; and one who had entered the gates was giving up the ghost from fear, choked by flight. The general, however, after he had scoured the whole region, and having cut these to pieces, and having extinguished them with fire, and having taken these with the sword, and having overturned the cities, immediately hastened to return: and having immediately approached the stations of the ships, he barely restrained the army within. And binding the ships, he drags them onto the land, knowing the sea to be an unfaithful benefactor. Having remained there for three days, he prepared the cavalry and the horsemen, and having searched the land with the greatest zeal, he placed an infinite number of craftsmen, and from the foundations he raised a tower-bearing city to guard the tents of the army.

1009 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS I.

Come, Homer, and again with shame proclaim the Greek fortifications, which the hand and missile of Hector destroy, built by the armies like a spider’s web. As some of the builders were lighting the furnaces to heat the stones, and others were suffering the turns of the coils, throwing stones into the foundation with machines, the Cretan mountain-roaming dragons, having run out from the ravines, were gathering into one self-slaughtering council. And they did not succeed in engaging the army, for the army struck them like a bolt. But having attacked the builders sharply, they fall to the ground by the missile of the builders. For your desire, like a general, persuaded them to turn the mattock into a sword; and a stream of blood poured forth, flowing into an infinite, watery satiety, and it extinguishes the burning furnaces, just like bitterness falling into a ravine. And having taken the unslaked lime, the builder held the purple composition of the stones. Call the city purple, O general, for it is reddened by the dye of blood. As soon as the ruling general Nicephorus knew what had happened—for he was unaware at the time—he sent and captured alive from the barbarians five times fifty wicked snakes.

[Latin translation of the above text]

1010 VARIANT READINGS. 151. And counsel G. missile cod. 154. Perhaps to be read: burning. 155. Of coils G. For suffered perhaps read: were applying. 157. Mountain-roaming C. Mountain-roaming Fog. 159. Self-slaughtering G. perhaps more correctly. 162. Write: builders. 163. By the counsel C. which F. corrected from the codex. 167. Perhaps: watery, as if flowing. 171. Purple-like (sic) G. Perhaps: purple composition of the stones.

NOTES. (49) The passage of Homer exists in the Iliad, book VII, v. 455. (50) The battle committed by Hector at the ships and the fortifications of the Achaeans is described more fully by Homer, Iliad, book XV, v. 374 et seqq. (51) Thus the codex; Cornelius, however, reads "counsel." "Missile" is said of all weapons that strike and kill by throwing, and that word seems to fit this place better, since Homer writes that Hector attacked the ships and fortifications of the Achaeans with missiles and spears. (52) Since Homer said that Hector attacked the Greeks with such force that he quickly demolished their fortifications, Theodosius reproaches the poet, or rather the Greeks themselves, because they built their fortifications so weakly that they were raised like a spider’s web. (53) The builders are described here laboring in the laying of foundations, which, since they were made mostly of square and huge stones, Theodosius says that they sweated much in rolling such stones with the help of levers, so that they might slowly lower them into pits prepared for this purpose. In this verse, we have not cared to translate word for word, lest we elicit a meaning too abstruse. "Suffered the turns of the coils" is said properly of those who were intent on holding back with great effort and labor the windlasses against the opposing rotations, which, because of the huge weight of the stones attached to them, tended toward their own rotations with great force. [Turns of the coils: ropes of the machine used, by which the stones were turned.] (54) In this place also, Cornelius edited "counsel," deviating from the faith of the codex, and therefore it should not be translated as "from the counsel of the builders," but "struck and beaten by the builders." (55) "Just like bitterness falling into a ravine" is translated. Join "bitterness of the ravine," as in "the bitterness of the slaughter," "the bitter punishment of fire." The meaning is therefore: the rivers of blood were extinguishing the burning furnaces, just like the violent force of a torrent rushing in. These rivers of blood, when mixed with lime in the furnaces, stained it with a purple color, so that the bricks made from it also became purple. F. J.

1011 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

Having placed collars upon their unbending necks, he provided them with ancestral honors (56). 180 Crete, look upon the children, you nurse of barbarians, what dignities they suddenly partook of. And when the seventh hour of the night held its portion, for the darkness of the night prevailed, they sounded the trumpets with a strange cry, 185 and everyone who held a shield was shouting, foot-soldier, general, commander, knight. And when the rose-colored day lit its lamps again from the dark passages, a sword-bearing cavalry phalanx advanced, 190 having a multitude of a ten-thousand-man company; and it was possible to see the panoply of many foot-soldiers moving with an excellent tactical gait, and the generals, like wild-beast-taming shepherds walking in the midst of a flock 195 of lambs. And just as rapacious wolves, rejoicing in theft in the season of winter and the extension of cold, joined together in the same hour with one mind 1012 shake the sheepfold and force the dogs; so the branches of your labors, 200 knights, army-leaders, archers, commanders, hastened to cast down the towers in haste, breathing anger, like the locusts (57) of a storm. But he who lights the phosphorescent, ill-colored lamps at the proper times, and lowers them again, 205 extinguished the brightness with baths (58), and night spread its veil of dark-colored dye over all parts of the earth and the sky. And for the multitude of your armies, or rather wild beasts—for these were wild beasts for the slaughter of the barbarians— 210 sleep was their base and their standing. But if anyone had been stolen away into carefree sleep, standing there at the gate of dreams, saying such things, opening his mouth to the damage: "Why, knight, not fearing the general, 215 have you fallen in the midst of slaughter into strange (59) places, where there is rout, sharpened danger,

[VARIOUS READINGS] 208. πλῆσθος C. Perhaps πλῆθος ἢ στρατῶν. 213. ἀνεστόμου G. 215. εἰς ζώους, in note. ξένους C., as it is testified to be in the codex.

[NOTES] (56) The poet alludes to the custom most accepted among all Oriental and barbarian nations of wearing torques, or golden circles, around the neck. For when Nicephorus had surrounded the necks of the captives from the barbarians with chains, he says he decorated them with ancestral honors. He calls torques "ancestral honors" and dignities, because the foremost men and princes were especially adorned with them; as Agathias writes concerning the Medes, in *On the Gothic War*, book III, observing that the foremost of the Medes are especially decorated with them, so that they may be more conspicuous than the rest and be distinguished from other commoners; and Tertullian also testifies, *De idol.* cap. 18, p. 245, saying: "Therefore that purple, and the gold ornament of the neck, were in the same manner among the Egyptians and Babylonians insignia of dignity." But concerning the use of torques among the barbarians, consult the more extensive discussion by Johannes Scheffer in his *Syntagma de antiquorum torquibus*, cap. 12.

(57) I am stuck on this word, nor do I fully grasp what it means, so that I do not doubt that there is a corruption, as Cornelius also suspected. I suspected that *ἀκραής* should be restored, which signifies a wind blowing over the heights: but the authority of certain Greek grammarians deters me from stating this safely, who do not interpret *ἀκραής* as a violent wind, but rather as one that is prosperous and blowing sweetly, among whom Eustathius on book XIV of the *Odyssey*, p. 1759, Roman edition, speaks thus: "Where he calls Boreas *akrae*, not so much one blowing at the extreme, as rather one not mixed with other winds; for Homer blames the terribleness of such a one in the verse, 'a terrible storm of wind mixed together.'" Hence he calls Boreas *akrae*, not blowing over the heights, but rather because it is not mixed with other winds: for Homer criticizes its harshness in that verse, "it is terrible when mixed with a storm of wind." It could happen, however, that Theodosius used the word *ἀκραής* in a broader sense to indicate any wind whatsoever. [Our correction being admitted, *ὥσπερ ἄκριες*, all difficulty is removed: the anger which the soldiers were breathing is compared with the whirlwinds of the winds, which mountains sometimes pour forth. F. 4.]

(58) *Ο λαμπάδας—λαμπηδόνας*. A description of the onset of night: The sun, which raises the bright and beautiful (καλοχρόους) torches at the proper time, and again withdraws them, had extinguished its splendid rays in the waves of the sea as if in a bath. These last words were commonly translated poorly. F. J.

(59) Thus the codex, not *ζώους*, as Cornelius edited.

1013 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS I.

[Greek text lines 218–250] ...is breathing fever-inducing inflammations against us? Endure a little while, putting on your helmet, Stand for the sacrifices (60) and for justice. 220 Cast off sleep, and grasp your shield, Lest the general of the battle know what has happened.” Thus you would cut away the sloth of the worker, If any slothfulness were present in your servants. But when the day also began to herald light 225 With white tunics, the darkness-destroyer, A [The event] they could not bear, but the doors 235 They opened, they flew out like sparrows, And with bright robes he adorned the ether, It was to see the earth white-formed (61), and the herald Of your armies to run out, To [bring] the phalanx to the wall (62) [at the] top (65) [to polish/prepare] (64) 250 Falling suddenly upon the opponents. There, having ordered the multitude (65) of the ship-bearers, The general [ordered] to snatch them away cuttingly, The fellow-commanders of the bitter pain 1014 And having struck toward the trench (66) with reflection, They were crossing the trench, but having been struck From the front, they were driving back from the rear. So when there was flight, and (67) trembling, and cowardice, 240 A terrible character, and a quickly-turning tumult, This trench was a tomb for the opponents, And an unroofed house of calamity. For they themselves had foot-traps and places, Which they were preparing for their own safety, 245 So that they might learn from the senseless places Their own faith worthy of insults. What prophet, if found before the battle, B Would have said to the trench-diggers of the barbarians, That they were digging a tomb, not a trench, for their children? 250 O Crete, do not lament the drought,

[Latin text] ...when the general had stationed the crowd so that they might be dragged to slaughter, their fellow-soldiers could not bear the event of bitter pain, but with doors opened they flew out like sparrows, and rushing in troops to the trench they were violently crossing it, but struck from the front they were hastening to retreat. Therefore, when there was an image of flight, and of fear, and of terrible dread, and a headlong tumult, the trench itself was a tomb of the enemies, and an open house of slaughter. For there were for them as an impediment even the places which they had prepared for their own safety, so that from places also devoid of sense they might learn their own faith worthy of insults. What prophet, now asked before the battle, would have said to the barbarians digging the trench, that they were digging a tomb for their children, not a rampart for themselves?

VARIED READINGS. With these words you were admonishing [them] concerning the danger: “Why, not fearing the general, O horseman, do you lie in strange places during the heat of battle, where consternation by manifest danger breathes burning impulses against us? Endure a little something, and with helmet imposed stand for religion, and for the laws: shake off sleep, and seize the shield, lest the general of the battle know the matter.” Thus you were driving away sloth from the soldier, if ever it was in your servants. But when the dawn had begun to herald light with a white garment expelling the shadows, and had adorned the air with bright garments, you would see the earth whitening, and the herald of battle running through your armies, and leading the phalanx from the high wall, which was suddenly about to rush upon the enemies. There, when the general had stationed the whole crowd of captives, that they might be dragged to slaughter, their fellow-soldiers could not bear the event of bitter pain, but with doors opened they flew out like sparrows, and rushing in troops to the trench they were violently crossing it, but struck from the front they were hastening to retreat. Therefore, when there was an image of flight, and of fear, and of terrible dread, and a headlong tumult, the trench itself was a tomb of the enemies, and an open house of slaughter. For there were for them as an impediment even the places which they had prepared for their own safety, so that from places also devoid of sense they might learn their own faith worthy of insults. What prophet, now asked before the battle, would have said to the barbarians digging the trench, that they were digging a tomb for their children, not a rampart for themselves?

[Notes] (60) Something is missing in this verse for the meter. (61) Earth whitening, as if illuminated by the dawn. (62) That wall, or rampart, built by the protection of his army, I am certain is designated here. Hear Leo the Deacon... (63) Cornelius published "small," and judged it should be corrected... (64) Hesychius interprets this word as to prepare, which word for arming and instructing an army does not occur among Greek writers. Here, however, it seems to be used with a more peculiar meaning for soldiers being called to war... (65) A truly beautiful stratagem of Nicephorus, of placing the barbarian captives in the front of the phalanx, so that they might be killed in the sight of their own citizens, and even thus the Saracens might be stirred to go out to battle. (66) This is the trench which the Saracens had dug for their own protection, as Leo the Deacon narrates thus: "There were also two trenches, led as wide as possible, and deep, which provided a fortification on all sides." (67) Thus the codex: and so also at the edge of the page.

1015 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON 1016

Taking her children as clouds for the battle, Into which the spear of Rome came like a breath, And breathing, like some whirlwind, it released Showers of flowing blood as slaughter. 255 Demosthenes, Philip has no power; Plutarch, Caesar has no boldness; Dion, Sulla was dictator in vain; Xenophon, cease writing of the unconquered; Admire Romanos and write of him alone. 260 Cyzicus, lament together, O Crete, burned And suffering calamities equal to yours; For ancient Mithridates brought slaughter to you, But the young Romanos brings slaughter to this one. But O general of the whole earth, for it is fitting 265 To speak of the future, do not begrudge the servant Who applauds your victory-weaving battles, Make the tongue clear, give freedom of speech, For we are struck by the sting of timidity. Do not overlook the labors of Theodosius, 270 Written for the glory of your crown, So that the hand, hastening to write, may proceed To the second panoply of your army.

SECOND ACROASIS

Arid Crete, do not lament your dryness, since your children are in battle for you like clouds, upon which the Roman sword, coming like a wind and breathing slaughter like a whirlwind, pressed out showers of abundant blood. Demosthenes, Philip has no power: Plutarch, Caesar has no virtue of spirit: Dion, Sulla was dictator in vain: Xenophon, cease praising your heroes, admire Romanos, and celebrate him alone. Cyzicus, lament together; Crete, destroyed by fire, suffered calamities similar to yours: for ancient Mithridates brought slaughter to you, the younger Romanos brought slaughter to this one. But, O emperor of the world, for it is fitting to speak of the future, do not take it ill that your servant applauds your victorious arms: make the tongue eloquent, give free power of speech, for we are pricked by the sting of timidity: do not despise the verses of Theodosius written for the glory of your diadem, so that the hand may proceed to write, advancing to the second expedition of your army.

SECOND ACROASIS

While the Cretan struggles were thus, O Romanos, ornament of Rome, who rule the scepter, they indeed were suffering evils in foreign places, armed against the heat and the sword. For the light-bringer [the sun] was sending fiery torches like missiles against your servants. But you, because of them, held heat and sword as anxieties deep within your heart. Therefore, when the fire of sleeplessness, burning you, made your starry gaze pale, those who saw you could not tell the cause, how your brightness was turned to gloom, until, sighing painfully from your depths, you released the flames of your inner burning, telling the matter to all your subjects.

1017 ON THE RECONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS II.

For the multitude of the paternal armies, sent for the shared labors of war, was striking you. But there was no servant present to bring you joy; for there was ignorance among all of what had been done. But God quickly transformed your affliction (75) into gladness, He who immediately shows you the messenger bearing victory from him who had servilely girded on the sword (76). And when you knew the sense of what was written—for he held a sealed letter—you did not strike the lyre, as David did of old, nor did you clarify your tongue instead of the lyre; but immediately [you went to] the phalanx of the monastics (77). For this phalanx, even without a sword, turns back the enemy, bows their backs, and destroys cities. By this you mystically prevailed against the enemies, and you gave all-night thanks, running to the dwelling of your fellow-commander (78). Such things you did, laboring together with your servants.

1018 For the bitterness of the slaughter was a punishment for the enemies (80). The general of the battle, knowing that the trench had precipices and ravine-like places, ordered stones, earth, and wood to be cast in, so that the tortoises (82) might travel easily (81). There the multitude of the commands had the stated work as their task; but meanwhile the volleys arranged by the opponents provided clouds.

[VARIOUS READINGS AND NOTES]

(75) I restored this verse according to the manuscript, which was poorly handled in the edition of Cornelius due to the omission of the pronoun "your." (76) For this word, Cornelius, straying from the manuscript, published "ezomenou" without any sense. The poet says that a messenger bringing victory was sent to the Roman by him who had girded on the sword for his service, by which words he designates Nicephorus, who had proceeded into the service of the Roman to wage this kind of war against the Saracens. [By the words "servilely girded on the sword," the general is circumscribed, girded with a sword as a sign of dignity, and that "servilely," as a minister of the emperor, who alone is the master. F.J.] (77) By this name are properly called those who follow the same rule of life, or who live together in harmony, as in Psalm 67:6: "God makes those of one mind to dwell in a house." But Symmachus translates: "He provides a house for those who live solitarily." Thus John Tzetzes in *Chiliads* II, v. 338, and other Greek writers of a later age, used that word more frequently to designate monks. Cyril of Scythopolis in the *Life of St. Sabas*, chapter 28, describing the virtues of monks, transfers the cited verse of the Psalm to monks. (78) I do not well grasp what the meaning of this word is in this place. Greek writers use "systrategos" for a colleague in military command, or for one who fights and battles together; and therefore it would seem to refer to Nicephorus. But that interpretation does not cohere well with the rest of what is narrated here by the poet; and for that reason, God himself seems to be called "systrategos" by Theodosius, by whose help and virtue especially the victory over the Saracens was won, as if He had fought against them with Nicephorus. (79) The "mouth," namely, or the hiatus of that trench into which the Saracens had fallen, as he narrated above. [This seems to be said by periphrasis, like "mouth of battle" in Homer, Iliad XX. 359... It is therefore "mouth of punishment," a bloody slaughter, inflicted on the enemies in place of a penalty, as appears from the next verse. F.J.] (80) This word, which in the manuscript was almost entirely lost due to the age of the paper, and which for that reason Cornelius omitted entirely, seems to be read thus from the surviving traces of the letters. (81) Thus the manuscript, not "odopoiesai," as Cornelius published. (82) Thus the manuscript, not "akolos," as in the edition of Cornelius. Nicephorus, in order to easily level the way for the convenience of his army, ordered the hiatus of that trench to be filled; and since it was near the walls of the Saracens, lest the soldiers be harmed by the Barbarians while they were performing the work, he ordered them to be protected by tortoises. Furthermore, this tortoise was a roofed machine, covered from above with hide and other harder material, which, when moved to the walls, safely contained the soldiers within itself. This passage of Theodosius is well illustrated by Julius Caesar, *De Bello Civili*, book 1, chapter 2, where he says: "A tortoise of 60 feet preceded, for the sake of leveling the ground, made also of the strongest timbers, wrapped in all things by which fire thrown and stones could be defended." See more in Vitruvius, book X, chapters 20 and 21.

1019 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

(83) Speak, bear witness, do not hesitate. 45 The woven warp of your tunic (84), in which, having been clothed, you reflected back (86) the harm woven from unseen calamities, through which those arrogant, rapacious dogs were falling down from the battlements (87). 50 And since the rain from the ravine did not cease for eight days, but the quiver and the arrow held a fate (88), he let loose rams (89) and tortoise-engines (90), and stone-throwing slings, and terrible compositions 55 against their unjoined ladders (91). As the town-openers, not bearing those new punishments, were at a loss, your beloved servant Nicephorus arranges the crowd and again weaves penalties. 1020 60 For he ordered the heads (93) of the fallen enemies to be sent by slings like missiles, so that the finely-woven (94) breadth of the ether might rejoice, stained by the calamity of the barbarians, and the multitude might know of the sin (95) that 65 they even have their own limbs set for punishment. They were throwing heads inside instead of stones; they were throwing them many times, and even their fathers.

[LATIN TRANSLATION] ...the sky was covering with clouds. Air, now speak, bear witness, do not hesitate, the woven warp of your garment, by which protected you repelled the harm, weaving deceits from hidden ambushes, from which those raising their eyebrows, rapacious dogs, were cast down from the battlements. But when for eight days the iron rain falling had not ceased, but fate was bringing the missile and the quiver, he moved up rams, and tortoise-engines, and slings throwing stones, and terrible compositions against their unjoined ladders. When therefore the town-openers, not bearing those new punishments, knew not where to turn, your beloved servant Nicephorus arranges the crowd and adds new penalties. For he ordered the heads of the slain enemies to be thrown by slings like missiles, so that the thin breadth of the ether might rejoice, stained by the slaughter of the barbarians, and the sinful people might know that even their own limbs were for their punishment. They were throwing inside instead of stones the heads, which...

[VARIOUS READINGS AND NOTES] (83) In the edition of Cornelius, "aer" (air) is read, but "age" (come) is found in the codex. (84) Namely the tortoise, which he describes metaphorically as a garment. (85) Cornelius omitted this article: for which reason... (86) The damage which the barbarians began to inflict upon the Greeks, against them was yielding: for the Greeks, enclosed in the tortoise, from the openings of the machine itself, deliberately cut in safe places for this purpose, were sending missiles against them, which were harming them greatly as they stood in the open above the towers and walls. (87) Thus the codex; Cornelius had read otherwise, but it has been well conjectured that it should be corrected thus. (88) I think "kera" (fate) is put for "kiron" (wax), or by an error of the copyist, or rather by a fault of the age, by which the elegance of the Greek language had in great part perished. (89) Nicephorus used these machines to attack the Saracen walls, as Leo the Deacon also narrates, writing thus: "This having been perceived, the commander brought up stone-throwers as quickly as possible, and ordered the Barbarians to be attacked with a rain of stones. To these he also applied a siege machine (the Romans call it a ram): and with the stone-throwers hurling heavy weights of stones, the Barbarians were easily repressed: and meanwhile, with the ram moved to the walls and shaking them with greater force, not a few men went under the trench." (90) Namely, siege tortoises, called by them different names, and therefore also named differently by him. This machine was supported by four wheels, so that it could be carried more easily where there was need, and was covered on the outside with the raw hides of animals for its own protection. It contained soldiers for undermining the walls, and then a balanced ram was swung to shatter them. Vitruvius described it excellently in book x, chapter 19. (91) These are ladders which were compactable, or solutible. They were called "klimakas pektas," that is, foldable ladders, by Appian in the Iberica, and more to our point "dialutas," that is, solutible, by Plutarch in the Life of Aratus, where he says that Aratus, about to besiege Sicyon, had hidden them by throwing them into grain measures. (92) We restored this article omitted by Cornelius from the codex. (93) A terrible stratagem indeed to terrify the enemy, devised by Nicephorus, namely, the throwing of the severed heads of the barbarians by means of slings, so that they might fall struck even by their own fellow-citizens. None of the historians whose writings have reached us recorded such a stratagem of Nicephorus: but perhaps Leo the Deacon had made mention of it, who had recorded more stratagems of Nicephorus in this Cretan conquest. (94) Correct this better for "leptonemon." (95) The words "tes hamartias" seem to be joined with...

1021 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS II.

And their brothers, and one dying in battle Was a murderer through paternal slaughter. For that man, having been released from the prevailing carnal blindness, And having learned what is advantageous, Being urged to fight alongside the worshippers of Christ, Was a fatal dart to the false-worshippers. As the city therefore held those bodies Full of pollutions, those who were of my kin Cried out thus with the clamor of the barbarians: "Seepph, echimat, ischarop, and the rhasan, Sermet, midene, and chaet ipphesane." But the cry was according to their ancestral custom, But the slaughter was found by you for the Cretans. Now the one holding the command of their army was An old Emir, pale, full of labors, Small, bald, cunning, surpassing the one from Pylos In honey-flowing words. But the words did not help him at all, Even if they were straightforward to attack your power; Nevertheless he dared, for he was a commander Feeding himself on empty hopes.

He makes a plan, and calls the elders, His companions in time, to a council. Having sat there and groaned from the depths, He let out a voice mixed with his labors: "Which of you, men, has fire in his heart, Burning, flaming, as the phalanx of Rome Burns me, shaking my lordship? Whose children have received the final harm From the sharpened sword? Whose field is being devoured by the seething Fire that has come upon it, the bitter punishment? Let that man advise us now, 1022 Giving the best opinion instead of strength. But, if it pleases, let us station horsemen, Three times seven to the fifty-fold attackers, Then thirty thousand foot-soldiers, All iron-clad, dark-skinned to the sight, So that they may strike the opponents with terror, Appearing to them from the gates beyond expectation." Thus he who had previously been stubbornly spread out, While haranguing, was unfortunately tightened.

VARIOUS READINGS. 68. θανεῖν C. The same omits εἷς. Both corrected by F. from the same, it seems. 75. Write ξύναιμοι. 80. σφαγὴ σοι C. 92. Perhaps τοῖς στόνοις. 93. ἡμῶν C. 107. Perhaps ἐκτὸς τῶν πυλῶν. 108. ἀφθαδώς C.

NOTES. (96) I read these words thus, which seem faulty and incomplete in the first [edition]. Furthermore, the perturbation and clamor of the Saracens at that time in Crete, excited among them by the novelty of the most cruel matter, Theodosius expresses in their own language and dialect. The words seem Turkish, but of very difficult interpretation, because they are obsolete and perhaps expressed in Greek letters not without the errors of a scribe. If anything should emerge in the meantime, we will provide it at the end. (97) [Sense: The townspeople raising a clamor, they were using their ancestral speech, but that method of killing the Cretans was your invention, therefore recent and unusual.] (98) [The text omits the translation of the Greek words.] (99) Amir, an Arabic word, which signifies lord or master, from which, both among the Greeks and among the Latins of a later age, many words were derived to signify various dignities which they held among the Saracens and Turks with some authority. Moreover, from this word the title "Admiral" is in honor among us, by which the Sicilians, in imitation of the Saracens, called the supreme commanders of fleets. (1) The Pylian old man, namely Nestor, whom the poet describes as the most eloquent of the Greeks. (2) Elders equal in time. (3) Cornelius edited it less correctly and without any sense. (4) Curupas certainly strove to extend his empire, since the Barbarians, as witnessed by the anonymous continuator of Theophanes in Rom. Jun. no. 7, page 296: "they committed many terrible and evil things and captivities every day into the land of the Romans, from the time they ravaged this great island," no damages...

1023 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

110 And indeed, having campaigned and marshaled his entire force, the dragon gathered serpents from their dens. But knowing that they were all walking the paths of cowardice, or choosing slaughter, he stood and urged on those evil workers:

115 "Let us hasten in delight, O horsemen, to the battle of ten thousand swords that has now appeared to us. Let us go to the sword for the sake of our children, for our wives, for our friends, and for our fatherland. Let no one fear the cutting of blades. 120 For if anyone dies, he is saved immediately, and living he shall go forth and receive dwellings where the prophet knows (6) to say that torrents of milk, honey, and wine flow. But if, on the other hand, fearing, one does not die for his children, and runs past the words of the prophet, he shall die by our hands, and having departed from the darkness (7)

B he shall receive an unexpected punishment." Thus exhorting them, and by them, he paved the way to battle and to slaughter for those who deserved it.

130 But the commander who held power, Nicephorus, 1024 had no time to be ignorant of the deceiver’s tricks, which he was weaving in vain. For there was someone who was revealing these very paths, from among those who were secretly locked inside. 135 Thus he joined together the army leaders, the upright horsemen, the phalanx-savers, and the foot-archers into one with the generals at the same time. And in the midst of them, standing as a humble knight (9), he uttered most martial words:

140 "O sinews of Rome, children, fellow-servants, friends, behold the beast once again against us has begun its empty (10) schemes from within. Behold the terrible mouth of Karysis..."

1025 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, SECOND ACROASIS.

[Greek text lines 145-160] Rome’s power seeks to swallow up [the enemy]; Behold, the dragon breathes forth hisses from the midst of his lair, Heralds of wrath and slaughter, He breathes his venom and does violence to nature. But his boldness is cowardice. Let no one, seized by fear, turn back in flight; For his fury reaches only to the sound of his voice. Let us go against them, stoutly armed; The children of Hagar also have flesh. They do not have flesh of iron or stone. They feel pain, if they are struck, more than Romans; They grow sluggish, if their hands are cut; They fall to the ground, if their feet are cut. Let no one suffer from bitter cowardice; Let no one, seized by fear, fail to appear as a branch of Rome. Let no one show himself to be a base offspring and a foreign seed in adversity.

[Latin text lines 145-160] ...he uttered these words inciting to war: "Romans, fellow-servants, friends, behold, the glutton has again devised vain snares against us from within; behold, Charybdis strives to swallow the terrible Roman empire; behold, the dragon sends forth hisses from the midst of his lair, messengers of wrath and slaughter, he breathes poison, and does violence to nature. Yet his boldness is timid: let no one, terrified, turn his back in flight, for his courage is only on his lips. Therefore, let us go against them stoutly armed; the sons of Hagar are also of flesh, nor is there in them iron or stony flesh. If they are wounded, they suffer more than Romans; they grow sluggish if their hands are cut; they fall to the ground if their feet are amputated. Let no one labor under base sloth, let no one...

1026 A [Greek text lines 160-175] Let him strive to show himself in evils. Shame, brothers, is the penalty of flight. Be ashamed to flee and to be terrified by swords. For where, in fleeing, will salvation be found, While remaining within the Cretan boundaries? There is no strength in the descendants of Hagar; For God fights with us and runs with us." Having thus sharpened the swords of your army, He made speeches, and a feigned retreat, So that they, deceived from within the walls, Might be emboldened to come out. When, therefore, the time of the plans drew near, The rose-colored day holding the third hour, They burst forth from the lairs, like snakes, Having their heads, as a disgrace, shaven. B [Greek text line 175] There was also a clatter of shields from these men,

[Latin text lines 160-175] ...let no one appear as a branch of Rome, let no one strive to show himself a base offspring and a foreign race in adversity. Shameful, brothers, is flight, and dangerous; let it shame you to flee and to fear swords; for where will those fleeing find salvation while remaining within the Cretan borders? There is no strength in the descendants of Hagar, for God protects and helps us." When he had thus sharpened the swords of his army, he prepared ambushes and a feigned flight, so that they, deceived, who were standing within the walls, might dare to go outside. When, therefore, the appointed time arrived, the rose-colored day holding the third hour, they burst forth from the lairs, like snakes, having their heads shaven, as if from the dregs of the people. There was also the clatter of shields from these men, and much clamor, and the father of trembling, fear...

[VARIOUS READINGS AND NOTES] [Omitted as per instructions: these are scholarly apparatus and footnotes.]

THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

Great noise, and fear, the father of trembling, and all things terrible; but for your generals, order, silence, gravity, and eagerness. One, therefore, of the generals, a branch of a noble root, a man mighty in the casting of a javelin, slow to flee, and swift to pursue, spoke sweet words in the midst of the army: "Supreme commander, why, having left the master, did you not, like a cook in the culinary art, mix him into the exhortation of these men, so that the sweet, crown-bearing nectar might become a seasoning for your commands? He, admonishing us, permitting us, and extending his hand to all, was a benefactor. Let us remember his honey-flowing words, and the tables, and then the gifts. Remember, and let us die, men, as is fitting, for the sake of the family of the most pious king. Only let the scepter of the monarchy be extended, and let Romanus alone rule over all the earth."

But when the myriad-strong multitude of barbarians rushed from the gates, like a cloud of the south, threatening a roar and showing forth destruction, your men, turning into a feigned flight, devised a trap for the Cretan-slaying. And all, having gone out from the long tower, and having rushed forth outside the gates, paid the penalties worthy of their faith. For from four military ambushes, a wave arose, and having attacked fiercely, it began to generate a winter before the battle; and for the enemies there was calamity, tumult, and groaning, but for your peoples, a triumphant joy. When, therefore, they stood in the space between, seeing their exit narrowed, they, the authors of their own slaughter, struck immediately, but were struck more; and having their flight blocked—for the harm was disturbing them on all sides—they stood in one place of burial. Who among the tragic poets will cry out the slaughters, and the punishment of each one’s massacre?

VARIOUS READINGS. 176. Perhaps "noise," a clamor stirred up to strike terror. 188. "Us" omitted in G. (18) Thus I have restored this pronoun to its place in the ode of the manuscript. (19) Thus it should be well corrected; I read "be extended" in the note. (20) Cornelius preferred to read "rain," but it is nothing to be changed; for "roar" is well used for a storm and tempest. (21) Cornelius wrongly reads "clashes." "Ambushes" is correct. It is established that Greek writers used "ambush" everywhere to designate military traps. Moreover, Eustathius in his Commentary on Homer, page 932, Roman edition, contends that "ambush" is derived from "to hide," writing: "Whence also the man of the people calls an ambush a hiding; for those who do not stand stretched out are entirely hidden, but necessarily contracting themselves while crouching, so as not to be seen." Wherefore also "ambush" is commonly called a hiding; for they are entirely hidden who stand compressed, and necessarily, while they come together, contract themselves so as not to be seen. More stratagems of this kind are reported by Polyaenus, book ii, chapter 1, number 27; book v, chapter 10, number 2; chapter 16, number 2; book viii, chapter 3, number 2, and elsewhere.

1029 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, SECOND ADDRESS. For one of them, struck in the kidneys, suffered vertigo, which he did not understand, and before he had learned the turnings of dancers, he was an unwilling dancer, having been struck by a javelin. Another, deprived of his shorn head, lay prone, stretched out by the army, and moving his feet unhappily, he wished to swim in a flood of blood. Another, struck in the dry spine, was bending over, unwillingly worshipping your fleet. Another, dead and with his feet cut off, lay neglected for the trampling of horses. 230 Another, thrust in his insatiable belly, held with his hands the tangle of his intestines, and he who before was judged a strong fighter, was an unskilled butcher of entrails (22). Thus did the sons of Hagar exchange their armor for other calamitous arts, and everyone dying had as his punishment a wicked art for the destruction of his life. There was, therefore, among them a Cretan knight, giant-like, who, having taken his shield and sword, drove his horse against the general of the battle, wishing to attack him.

1030 But Justice (23) did not allow him to succeed; for Nicephorus, who was in command, struck him below the loins, in the middle of the navel. 245 And the dust (24) held his dead body, but the broad (25) sword held his greatest glory. Thus did those who were hemmed in suffer evil, justly, from the killers on this side and that; they, the ministers of lawless deeds. If any of them was intent on flight, he had in front of him barriers (26) and a lethal sword, and the general Nicephorus everywhere striking and shouting to the commanders: "Let us strike, men, these life-destroying wolves." Homer, you who write of the battle in poetic words—being far away, yet writing as if present—who labor much in empty things, and recount all the toils of the Greeks in vain: 260 Come here, and proclaim with the weight of words the glory of the army's strength, and the great groaning of the ancient, hostile, slave-born (27) enemies. For you will have in us the truth as a model, just as you have in the Achaeans the digression as a model. For there was no one there who fled from the battle, not even if the barbarian had a winged nature.

1031 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

Xerxes, who once desired to turn the land into sea, does he not hold it an honor not to have engaged with your power? He did not see the naked swords of the Romans; he did not see your sovereignty, O Roman. For he would surely have retreated, marveling at your army, having received defeat from you, O scepter-bearer.

THIRD ACROASIS

He who closes, restrains, opens, and sends forth the many-mouthed outpourings of the abyss, He extends the borders of your power, O son of the King, and strengthens the fleet, and does all things, and destroys cities. And who among the writers of prose, O King, will be able to praise you according to your merit to such a degree, even if there were another among the Stagirites, or Plato, or the one who rules Athens, Demosthenes, or he who strikes the much-celebrated lyre?

1032 The writer of the present day begins, but the goads of timidity prick him, and constrain his speech. Do you grant the boldness, open wide the mouth, teach us not to be silent easily, when such a calamity has befallen the barbarians. Widen the throat for frankness; for it is constricted when approaching your labors; the hand trembles, the mind is often restrained, and it shrinks, and is terrified, and wishing to walk in your Christ-imitating ways, it runs about fearfully like a hare. For you, having attained victory everywhere, have benefited the common good, and have increased it alone. You have pushed the phalanx of the adversaries with your labors into the chasm of impassable places. You have filled the cities not only with spoils, but you have filled them with peace, and much glory. Let the order of angels above rejoice, let the assembly of mortals below dance.

VARIOUS READINGS.

266. Xerxes, who... 267. After "honor" I have placed a question mark. 269. "saw" (vulgate). III. 2. "closing" (C). 5. "of your" (C). 8. "Stagirites" (C). 11. Write "I indeed." 14. "prick" omitted in C; restored from codex by F. 28. "cities" (from codex, witness F); in the notes I read "cities" (C). 29. The verse is faulty, it seems, by the author's fault. 31. "let them dance" (C).

NOTES.

(28) Cornelius edited this name badly, against the faith of the codex. (29) The deed of Xerxes is famous among historians, who cut Mount Athos from the continent, deriving the sea through it, so that it might provide a convenient passage for his ships. Hear Pliny speaking thus about this matter, book iv, chapter 10: "The strait, by which Xerxes, King of the Persians, cut Athos from the continent, is 1,500 paces in length. The mountain itself runs from the plain into the sea for 75,000 paces." This same thing, to pass over others, Pomponius Mela also records in book ii, chapter 10: "Where Athos adheres to the continent, when Xerxes was tending toward the Greeks, it was dug through and sailed across, made passable by a navigable strait; whence Lucan sang in Pharsalia, book ii, v. 676: 'When he carried sails and oars into the middle of Athos.'" (30) By the name of abyss, the Greeks mean a great multitude of waters. (31) Thus the codex; but I would prefer it to be read: "Stagirite" (Aristotle). (32) Demosthenes is said to be the highest and most powerful among the Athenians, either because, after the death of Alexander and Antipater, he was placed in charge of the affairs of Greece, or rather, because he excelled all others in the praise of learning and eloquence. (33) Understand Pindar, the prince of lyric poets. (34) I restored this word to the faith of the codex, omitted in the edition of Cornelius. (35) The scribe of the codex wrote "polas," and thus Cornelius corrected it well on the margin of the page. I corrected it to "cities" (poleis).

1833 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS III.

It was not Hercules who saved the Phrygians from the sea monster, but the Despot who saved the world from murderous slaughter. It was not Meleager who saved his fatherland from the fire, but Romanos who has just now saved the entire creation. What profit was it long ago for your sons, Aloeus, to craft a great bronze jar for Ares? For it was not a stepmother who moved this against the Cretan enemies, but the Despot, having unsealed the jar. For it was not fitting, O Sun, while your scepter adorned the monarchy of the crown, for him to be confined and remain in a prison; but rather that you should hold the shield with him, and stain the earth with the blood of the barbarians. And when the phalanx of the Cretans was slaughtered, as a hare falling among hunters is destroyed, the earth was delivered from many calamities, and was freed from countless pollutions; and every Scythian lay dead upon the ground, desired by dogs, and by wives, and by children. Ignorant of the outcomes of all these things, you yourself, O General, were again gathering your cares within, like an army, in your heart, until the letter from your subjects arrived, filled with great joy. And having learned everything, and having clapped your hands—when nature does not have a prayer to speak—you gave it to God; but perhaps, O King, you sang that of the prophet: "O Lord, I cry out loudly, my Lord, do not be silent at all; for if you should be silent, I shall be like those in the pit."

[Latin translation provided in the source text:] It was not Hercules who saved the Phrygians from the sea monster, but the Despot who saved the world from murderous slaughter: the earth was snatched from miseries and purged of infinite filth: and every Scythian lay dead upon the ground, desired by dogs, and by wives, and by children. Because you yourself, O Emperor, were ignorant of the outcomes of all these things, you were tormented by new cares in your mind regarding your army, until a little later you received letters from your servants filled with great joy. Having been informed of all things, and clapping your hands, you poured out prayers to God which nature is not able to utter: but perhaps, O King, you sang that of the prophet: "O Lord, I cry out loudly, my Lord, do not be silent at all; for if you should be silent, I shall be like those in the pit."

1035 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

[Greek text] I am going, sorrowful, full of toils. Hear our humble lamentations, and while guarding the saved flock, put the enemies to flight, and calm the labors which your army endures with constancy. Such things you were doing, campaigning with your servants, even though not present, as Moses of old did by the stretching forth of his hands in the routing of Amalek. But your army, in the battles one after another, was victorious and lifted up in pride. There was need, therefore, of a soothing remedy for the correction of the impending disease. And as the gloomy night was just spreading, and the army was rejoicing or boasting, and hastening toward a resting place or being called, every place was sword-bearing as on a razor’s edge—hills, glens, ravines, level valleys. For the seven-fold-marked fleet, having poured out from the Cretan lairs, having been prepared beforehand, provided much cowardice for the army, having appeared suddenly and unexpectedly. And the night was adorning the darkness with light; for the breastplate, like light, and the sword, and the helmet 1038 A were changing the color of the evening. But the generals, inclined toward flight, covering their necks with their shields, and everyone who was fleeing had the sea itself and the hulls of the ships as a benefactor. For there was no strength to fight both the night and the barbarians, and to slaughter again; unless you yourself—a miracle and a strange report—standing as a fervent knight for all, from invisible, as it seems, cavalry, were an encourager, and alone a terror, and you were urging those terrified by the hidden battle from flight to the fight more quickly. As they therefore turned to unexpected violence, they simply stretched out sharpened swords, 100 the shield rang, the helmet clattered, the night shone, laboring with you then, and every Cretan worker lay dead in blood, and deprived of breath. The night no longer had the darkness as an excuse in such a calamity of those of Hagar. It contended with the previous days, and extended the slaughters more than ten days.

[Latin text] ...who descend into the lake, sad, full of miseries. Hear, I beseech you, our humble prayers, and guard your flock, which you have made safe: put the enemies to flight, and give an end to the labors which your army constantly undergoes. These things you were doing, campaigning with your servants, though absent, as Moses of old, who put Amalek to flight by lifting his hands on high. But your army, being victorious in mutual battles, was lifted up in pride. There was need, therefore, of an effective remedy, so that it might be cured of the impending disease. Now, as the sad night held everything, and the army was poured out in joy, or rather in pride, and not yet called, was hastening to the garrisons, every place was surrounded by swords like razors, mountains, valleys, cliffs, immense caves. For the army, having poured out from the Cretan lairs, having previously been conquered seven times, struck great fear into your soldiers, breaking in suddenly and appearing beyond hope. And the night indeed had darkness mixed with light, for the breastplate, like light, and the sword, and the helmet were changing the color of the evening. But the generals, rushing into flight, covering their necks with shields, were casting themselves headlong, and every fugitive had the sea itself and the hulls of the ships as a benefactor. For they were not able to fight with the night and the Barbarians at the same time, and to perform new slaughters, unless you yourself (a miracle this, and new to hear) standing as a fervent knight for all, from invisible, as it seemed, cavalry, had been an encourager, and alone a terror, and had immediately turned those who were terrified by the nocturnal battle from flight to the fight. As they therefore, turned to unexpected impulses, drew all their sharpened swords, the shield resounded, the helmet clattered, the night shone, laboring with you, and every Cretan worker lay immersed in blood and lifeless. Furthermore, the night did not have opportune darkness in such a slaughter of the Hagarenes: for it contended with the past days, and extended the slaughters more than ten days.

VARIATIONS. 62. [Greek text note]. 73. [Greek text note]. 77. [Greek text note]. 80. [Greek text note]. 107. Perhaps "extended further."

NOTES. 71. [Note on the victory over the Amalekites]. 73. [Note on the text]. 77. [Note on the text]. 80. [Note on the text]. 94. [Note on the Roman emperor appearing to the army].

1037

[Greek Text] The one who struck vigorously, not to strike again; Those therefore who fled this bitter battle, I say not even four, or ten; So much were they of the final fortune,

ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS III. The barbarians, although they were from darkness, Were blaming the darkness of the evening, And they stood waiting for the rose-colored day to come for prayer; then also, When the morning star had just whitened the expanses of the earth with its rays, They were giving thanks for the paths of the evening, And the day which they had desired, They saw as a hateful enemy raging. Thus, badly wounded, those who remained Fled, driving backward; And the earth took on a new garment from the bodies, Woven from sharpened swords. There the horsemen were calling upon God then, Before they fell; those who had fallen, From which the wretches were suffering badly then. Who is Idomeneus, the bold orator, Who was a fellow-general of the general of Greece, To whom, reproaching his threats of old, The son of Atreus stirred him to battle, Was he happy to have passed from life, As one not seeing the capture of his fatherland? And when the first Charon of Crete, the Emir, Saw them turned, being fortified from within— For he was looking from the towers above—

[Latin Translation] caused a greater slaughter than ten days. The barbarians, indeed, although they were from darkness, were nevertheless blaming the darkness of the evening, and were praying for the golden rose-colored [dawn] to arrive: but when later Lucifer had already whitened the whole earth with his rays, they were giving thanks for the paths of the evening, and the dawn, which they had desired, the insane men were looking upon as an abominable enemy. Thus wounded from the rear shamefully, those who had survived, fleeing, were rushing headlong: and the earth received a garment woven in a new manner by the work of sharpened swords. There the horsemen, as if to a vigorous God, were praying before they fell; and those who had fallen, [were praying] because of the evils which they were suffering, the Cretans. Who, like Idomeneus the bold orator, who served as a fellow-soldier with the leader of Greece, whom the son of Atreus, reproaching the threats which he had once boasted, stirred to battle, was so happy that he left his own [life] before he saw the captivity of his fatherland? As therefore the first Charon of Crete, the Emir, who was...

[VARIOUS READINGS AND NOTES] (50) "Being from darkness" is poorly explained: "although they were outside of darkness." The Barbarians are said to have arisen from darkness because they lacked the light of the Christian religion. (51) I would prefer "unvotes," which coheres better with the explanation of the poem. (52) "Raging" is well-taken; they were abominating the day as if it were an enemy raging against them themselves. (53) The word "epratton" is nothing here, nor do I doubt that it should be read "epratton," since both the poem and the sense will be better. (54) Cornelius conjectured that "e" should be read, adding the particle "hos," and the poem and sense will be better. (55) Idomeneus, king of the Cretans, who was famous in the Trojan war. When he was returning with his own men after Troy was overturned, and his fleet was tossed by a dire storm, he vowed to the gods that he would sacrifice the thing that first met him. And so he sacrificed his son, who was the first to come to meet him, or, as others prefer, ordered him to be sacrificed, for which cause he was driven from his kingdom by the citizens and diverted to the Salentine promontory of Calabria, where he founded a city. (56) Thus the codex, and thus also Cornelius corrected it. (57) Understand Agamemnon, son of Atreus by Aerope. (58) "Bios" here is used for goods or fortunes. (59) Men endowed with a terrible squalor and a depraved and base spirit were called by such a reproach. Apuleius says this in his Apology, page 497, concerning Sicinius Aemilianus, his accuser: "Therefore two nicknames were given to him; Charon, I have already said, because of the hardness of his face and spirit: but the other, which he hears more willingly, because of his contempt for the gods, Mezentius."

1039 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

He permits [the enemy] to hold the gates for the people, And the dragon, beating his face with his hands, Sent forth a smoke of calamities from his heart. For you, O King, kindled a fire in his vitals, 140 Sending your generals to him like sparks. Let every city of the Romans rejoice; Let the sea dance along, let creation be glad. The beast (60), the terrible one who formerly devoured flesh, Is deprived of common food (61), being shut in. 145 He who was not sated by rivers of blood, Now parched, thirsts for a drop of water. Thus fare those who, by wicked action, Attempt to drive the thrice-shining (62) power From their own hearts; 150 So, as he was fenced in from within, Trusting in the wall (63), not in the strength of armies, Your general, Nicephorus, once again Commands [the troops] with rams, tortoises, and slings To strike the wall, the bases of the battlements, 155 Those upon the wall, all with eagerness (64) [to do], to accomplish, and to perform against the adversaries. As he spoke, like a nightingale, The measure of the five senses was perceptibly exhausted. For a fountain of tears flowed from his eyes, 160 A fire of smell, a sound from his ears; His mouth sent forth fountains of words, And his hand poured out streams of much blood, Suffering from the turning of the javelins. Thus he, so that he might appear as your servant, 165 Was struck with the burning desire of his heart.

1040 But the timing of events stood in the way, Which tormented him more than a thousand pains. He was therefore walking, he was running up and down, Weeping, exhorting, and urging on the fleet. For he feared the labors of your power, Lest, through him, sloth might be seen To be fashioned anew among the lawless Cretans. But the general of the slingers, O King, 174 Does something worthy of laughter and more. 175 For, placing a sluggish donkey in a sling (65), he commands...

1041 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS III.

He orders the donkey to be thrown alive to the donkeys. And they, turning to the twisting of the ropes, send the wretched sky-runner. But he was preparing himself, he was spreading his feet, 180 the rustic donkey was advancing into the air, he who was formerly lowly, in a lofty stride, the donkey sluggish on the ground and tortoise-footed (66), running through the clouds, was striking the Cretans then. Xerxes (67) showed land as water, formerly new, 185 and was striking all the enemies with terror. But your fleet, most great Roman, [sends] sluggish donkeys, falcons without wings, on a wingless base. The general, seeing this winged creature, smiling at his fellow-generals, as if drawing his mind away from the storm of cares, said: "May the friends now take the new bird for the food of the beasts sitting within, 193 from invisible (68) and hidden passages,

1042 and he will fill the table with food, for it is said that they are in need of necessities." O famous utterance, O honey-flowing mouth of your general, glory of the palaces! Who among the men of old knows more than what has been read of the things now done? 200 If anyone knows a wonder in the wars of the Romans, having encountered the historians who record them, let him now bring that forward here to the victories of the master, and it will appear third in greatest height and unyielding labors. 205 Cyrus, Darius, Croesus, the commanders of armies, Caesar, Achilles, the Macedonian, and Pompey, Philip the former (70), whom Demosthenes writes of, the small-pleasing, though appearing as the father of a noble son (71), Carbo (72), Sulla, Brutus, who dyed his dagger 210 with the blood of Pompey (73);

VARIOUS READINGS. 178. sky-runner (αιθεροδρόμον). 179. was preparing (προηυτρέπιζεν). 184. new (νέου). 192. Perhaps "sitting" (καθήμενοι) (by synesis) "now within, friend, let him take." 195. "it" (αὐτό), in note, or "them" (αὐτοὺς) C. 200. Perhaps "wars" (μάχας). 202. Write "bring forward" (προσβαλλέτω). 206. Perhaps "Achilles" (Ἀχιλλεύς), as in line 37. See notes to line 16. 209. Carbo (χάρον) C. "the one of Pompey" (ὁ τοῦ πομπίου) Γ.

NOTES. (66) He calls the donkey tortoise-footed on account of its sluggishness and slowness. Lavinus Acroas. II, v. 266. (67) See what was noted above regarding this deed of Xerxes. (68) The Saracens, laboring from hunger, he says, took the donkey from the impassable and hidden places for food, because it had been sent to them through the air, and therefore through paths not proper to them. (69) Thus Cornelius conjectured it should be well corrected. (70) Philip the first, because others after him of the same name held the Macedonian empire. (71) Theodosius acutely uses the word "appearing," because there was a rumor that Olympias had not conceived Alexander the Great from her husband, but from Jupiter under the figure of a dragon: For his mother Olympias, says Justin, book XI, chapter 11, had confessed to her husband Philip that she had not conceived Alexander from him, but from a serpent of huge size. Finally, Philip, near the very end of his life, had openly declared that his son was not his. For which reason he dismissed Olympias with a divorce, as if she were caught in adultery. Regarding which matter Freinshemius well notes in the Supplements to Q. Curtius, book I, chapter 1, number 15: Nor are there wanting those who assert that this was indeed fabulous, but not falsely boasted of as the mother's adultery. (72) Gn. Carbo, whose authority was very great in the republic, having followed the Marian party. He was led to punishment in Sicily by order of Pompey during his third consulship, and there, while he was relieving his bowels, his head was cut off. Consult Valerius Maximus, book IX, chapter 13, § 2. (73) Thus the codex, which Cornelius argues is in error.

JC43 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

Let these, O King, march together against us, your subjects; the city has no fear, possessing your armor. Myths proclaim the labors of Hercules, they exalt him beyond the truth, they cry out much, and they terrify me, and perhaps they attribute the greatest things to him deservedly. Yet he conquered, or he leveled cities. For you might say many things; but such a one, when? There was no other king of ancient Rome, there was no other like the glorious despot. I have read many books of many historians; Plutarch, extolling the power of the Romans (I knew him well—but he often steals the vanity and introduces the weight, he exalts the small and pulls down the greater). I did not find Dion the cicada, the wise lyre, as brilliant as you in generalship; I did not find another second general; I did not find another Roman counselor. I did not find another; nor the son of Philip, whom Plutarch holds as the first in battles. So much have you been raised by the cooperation of God; so much have you surpassed others in battles; so much have you terrified enemies with the sword.

ACROASIS IV.

Just now, O powerful light, ruler of the inhabited world, while your army was laboring in the encounter under the weight of iron, and toil, and care, in great winter, and unspeakable frosts; the first dogs of the Cretans from outside, no longer lords of the land, and leaders of phalanxes then—for they themselves inhabited cliffs and ravine-filled places—having been driven out from there by the sword, struck by the onslaught and the blow of the cold, and not yet renouncing their own times, together against us (for they were against fellow-citizens) they rushed from the mountains to a single slaughter.

VARIED READINGS. [Note: The text contains a Latin translation of the Greek verses, followed by critical notes on the text and historical context.]

1045 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ACROASIS IV.

Just as the mountain-bred wild race of goats, hares, and timid deer, deprived of food by the bitter winter, descends from the high, ice-cold places and walks through hollow lands, searching for food and grassy spots; so the base children of sin ran to the wave-beaten places of the sea, to hidden shelters and valleys. And just as the greedy race of wolves among beasts, hastening to find satiety for their bellies, advance with rage and the emptiness of their stomachs, gaping wide their mouths before they reach their prey; so the race of those slave-born men, constrained by your flocks, O Chief Shepherd, rose up against them and sharpened their swords, eager to devour flesh instead of food, and to drink the warm blood of the Romans, and to seize first the brilliant victories of the battle.

The leader of these barbarians was the young dragon of the ancient days, he who had in mind to hold the reins of the Cretans for the whole time of his life. He was then preparing to cast a multitude of ten thousand into the slaughter. And when he saw them all down from the mountains, sword-bearing, equestrian, and foot-soldiers, he stood and exhorted them, and urged them toward the swords, setting up phalanxes and young phalanx-leaders, fencing the surroundings with circles from the outside, crying out and shouting such things to the barbarians: "Great, men, is our necessity, great the turmoil, the storm, and the labor, but our salvation is quickly at hand, if only we are willing, found by our hands. Let us go against the enemies, let us not fear swords, let us stand against them, let us not be terrified by the spear, and having pushed them all into the sea, we shall set up a trophy of slaughter here." And all immediately said as if with one mouth: "Let us die, if we must, today with our fathers..."

[Latin translation provided in the source text:] ...the young dragon, who also had in mind to hold the reins of the Cretans for the whole time of his life. He was then preparing to send forth a number of ten thousand men to commit slaughter. But when he saw them descend from the mountains, sword-bearers, horsemen, and foot-soldiers, he stood and exhorted them, and incited them to battle, setting up phalanxes and young leaders of phalanxes, arming the soldiers standing in a circle on the outside, confirming the barbarians with such words: "Great, men, is our necessity, great the turmoil, and the storm, and the calamity, but our salvation is quickly at hand, if only we are willing to use our hands. Let us go against the enemies, let us not fear swords, let us resist them, let us not fear spears, and pushing them all into the sea, we shall erect a trophy here from the slaughter of this people." Then all immediately said with one mouth, "Let us die, if there is need, with our fathers today, but you show yourself eager, so that..."

[VARIOUS READINGS AND NOTES] Caramuntes, the old man rich in slaughter, the young dragon of the ancient days, who also had in mind to hold the reins of the Cretans for the whole time of his life. He was then preparing to send forth a number of ten thousand men to commit slaughter. But when he saw them descend from the mountains, sword-bearers, horsemen, and foot-soldiers, he stood and exhorted them, and incited them to battle, setting up phalanxes and young leaders of phalanxes, arming the soldiers standing in a circle on the outside, confirming the barbarians with such words: "Great, men, is our necessity, great the turmoil, and the storm, and the calamity, but our salvation is quickly at hand, if only we are willing to use our hands. Let us go against the enemies, let us not fear swords, let us resist them, let us not fear spears, and pushing them all into the sea, we shall erect a trophy here from the slaughter of this people." Then all immediately said with one mouth, "Let us die, if there is need, with our fathers today, but you show yourself eager, so that...

(81) Thus restore from the codex: but "hares" perhaps by error... (82) "Shelter" is properly a covering, but here it is to be interpreted as hidden and impassable places, in the same way that "sheltered place" occurs with the same meaning in Suidas, wherefore the following adjective "added" signifies obstructed or rough places, or, as Virgil says (Aen. v. 662), places "sente situ," since it is derived from the verb "to obstruct, to fence." (83) Cornelius, not following the faith of the codex, edited "instead of"... (84) Thus Cornelius excellently corrected for "to do"... (85) This name does not refer to the prince of Crete, the Emir, whom we saw earlier in Acroasis II, v. 82, to have been called Curupas. Nor should it move you that he is also called an Emir below in v. 134: for we learn from Cedrenus, page 643, that there were several Emirs of Crete, who besides Curupas mentions another by the name of Anemas, whom he writes held supreme power after Curupas. Of Caramuntes, however, there is no mention there: for this Caramuntes is in no way to be confused with Caramion, already mentioned by Cedrenus ibid. page 612, since he was the lord of Tarsus and an Emir. (86) Cornelius read "was preparing" very badly. (87) Corrected thus from the codex, not "these"... (88) Cornelius, not following the faith of the codex, I know not by what reason he edited it. (89) "Of the fathers" is read wrongly in the edition of Cornelius, against the faith of the codex and the meter of the verse.

1047 THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

55 “But you, as in all things, grant us readiness; for you are our father and our tower in battles.” With these words, that light-winged, reckless race Rushed to attack your fleet; A wicked, hostile, blood-thirsty people, 60 An evil race, the Ishmaelites, born of a bondwoman. Such were the Cretans, those who had fled, acting in the storm Of such great violence, They who had often run into battle, And had often been struck by your fleet. 65 But what of your army? Some lay in the maritime Places, for there was cold, With the North wind blowing in troublesome gusts; Others, holding the gates, kept the exits, And terrified those within by their presence. 70 But having learned that the phalanx of the adversaries Was advancing through the hollow places, and breathing like a beast With rage, but also with cowardice, The commander and general in battle, Nicephorus, 75 Thought this incredible; and immediately He orders the entire regiment of the Thracians To learn the matter; for it was strange In such a calamity to weave snares By those who had been cut down seven times by your fleet.

[Latin translation of the above]

1048 To these men, the general was a man who 80 Desired the sword for your sake, and extended it into battle, And did not fear the cutting of blades; Who even before, having fallen upon an insatiable race With great courage and strange readiness, And having given himself to slaughter most singularly, 85 And having thrown the horseless barbarians into confusion; He who, alas, having been overcome by the rout of the Macedonians, Was held captive to a foreign land, And had bitter masters who defiled him. This man, sent from there to the first rank, 90 Wounded by love, with a burning of the heart, Found the common end of the barbarians in the midst. As if casting off the four parts of his limbs. For as a great and long-lived wolf, Experienced as a plunderer and a driver of flocks, 95 Hungry, he boldly sends himself into the station Of the flocks, and tears the dogs to pieces, Until he is captured and slaughtered by the men Who had often growled greatly at him. Thus that general, falling upon them, 100 Mighty in strength, and being alone in the midst, Showed what kind of men Rome nurtures. For with many of them fenced in all around,

[Latin translation of the above]

VARIOUS READINGS. 55. In all things C. 64. And om. C. 67. North wind. 75. Thracians. 80. [Note regarding the general]. 92. [Note regarding the limbs].

ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE: BOOK V

All feared the common end; for he held his sword in his hands like a thunderbolt. Moving against the enemies, and staining them with slaughter, he cut down some of the opponents, forced others to flee in terror, and others—persuading you, O God, to call upon Him for the battle—he showed as corpses, defiled with dust. Yet, struck down and fallen in strange lands, he caused many hardships for the army. And indeed, the horsemen and foot soldiers, running to those precipices and craggy places, hemmed everyone in and shut them in the middle, and made the Cretans food for the birds. So fortunate were you in battle, so much did you master the barbarians, through the help and cooperation from above. Seeing this and fearing it immediately, the wretched old man Caramuntes casts down the weight of his pride, and uses flight on foot; but even alone, he runs to a small, narrow cave cut into the rock, and finds there a miserable salvation. You ought, old man, to have died many years ago, rather than be agitated and creep into rocks, like a hare fleeing from hunters.

There he sat until the setting of the sun, and he watered his face with tears, weeping for the bitter wound of his own poor judgment, casting himself into struggles of thought. At the first of the night, he rose and hurried through the inner precipices of the mountains in agony, the old Emir on foot, but on all fours; for he had necessity, which compelled his hands to the service of his feet. Your army, O greatest Romanos, turned toward the walls and struck them with eagerness. Rejoicing to tear these down, and casting them to the ground—

BOOK V

All the land of Rome, and the sea, and the city, mountains, ravines, stars, the waters of the ever-flowing rivers, the order of the Church, all of you together rejoice with the Master. Let the multitude of stars above exult, and let the order of angels dance, because the unapproachable beast has been slaughtered, the terrible-looking sea-monster has been removed, the unbearable plague of the earth has been checked. Proclaim this, O ether, to the whole earth, shout it, O star of the sun, running above.

1051 The silent calamity of the Cretans remains. O Christ, Son of the Father before the ages, what glory you have bestowed upon your crowned one. OF THEODOSIUS THE DEACON. To the barbarians now, the slaughter of the barbarians. Let nations, and cities, and villages know the new power of the greatest Roman. Let them learn of his sleepless toils, such as the crowned one endured for our sake. Let them take experience of him from his neighbors, before the slayer runs toward them. Tremble, sword-bearers of the African land; for the city of the Tarsians is troubled. Tribe of Arabs, receive the ancient curse from the spear of the mighty Roman; but soon your dart, O scepter-holder, will cause the places of the Delemitai and Belebitai to be called by your name. And you, vultures of the Egyptians, rejoice, for by your sword they will devour the unburied flesh. Chandas, who wished to take the whole earth in his grasp,

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

1052 Who would lament the tomb of Polyxena? Who the capture of the Phrygians? O chorus of youths, as many as have a care for the inquiries of Homer, do not be deceived by the words of the old man, do not be charmed by the beats of the myth-weaver. For the blind man recounted what is false, even if most wisely, having his words as charms. Applaud the capture of Crete, which time brought down by the spear of the wise rulers; of that Crete, the fatherland of Zeus, of Zeus the tyrant, the falsely-named demon, who found the furnace, but an eternal one, in return for which he had established himself as God below;

[Latin translation of the above Greek text]

VARIOUS READINGS. [Notes on the text, including references to the Palatine Anthology, corrections of the Greek text, and historical commentary regarding Nicephorus Phocas, the Tarsians, the Delemitai, and the identity of Chandas/Chambdas, as well as discussions on Homer’s blindness and the mythology of Zeus.]

1053 ON THE CONQUEST OF CRETE, ORATION V.

For which he filled the earth with the pollutions of slaughter; For which he existed as the inventor of sufferings. This [the earth], the glorious, the sweet branch of Rome, The most serene, the slayer of the barbarians, The most venerable and persecutor of Syria, He conquered, as it was sending forth fiery fevers against us. O great strength! O the double-mouthed, three-conched [shields], double-mouthed swords, And three-conched arrows, all-bronze helmets, Which wrought the slaughter of the bloodthirsty, Or which stopped the daily murders, Which the sea held, more piratical than any. O the whirling of the stone-throwing slings, The snorting of horses, the sharpness of javelins, And of the sword, and breastplates, the tension of the shield, Which leveled the earth that was being barbarized, Which the Master gave instead of medicines, And saved the world from tyranny. O the spirit that navigated the myriad ships, And the harmless guide of the Master, having been seen. Lament, O all you land of Syria, now, Having your own leader of the outcry, Your own wanderer, not a prophet, Moameth, Whose tunic, stained with myriad shameful deeds, The sons of the bondwoman hide; They hide it as if it were spotless, though it is stained; They hold it as if it were undefiled, though it is polluted. For it was necessary, being from the defilement of pollutions, 1054 To call the foreign-sown [people] an undefiled pollution. Dance, therefore, Sicily of the Africans,

[Latin Translation] ...is, since he filled the world with unjust slaughters, which overturned the earth made barbarian, which since he existed as the inventor of vices. This [earth], the glorious, the sweet germ of Rome, the most serene, the tamer of barbarians, the most august, and persecutor of Syria, which was sending forth fiery heats against us, he conquered: O great power! O trifid bosses, two-edged swords, and triple-pointed missiles, and brazen helmets, which accomplished the slaughter of the homicides, and daily killed those whom the sea held as the worst pirates. O the whirling of the stone-throwing slings, the snorting of horses, the sharpness of weapons, and swords, and breastplates, and the tension of the shield, which the Master gave instead of medicines, to heal the world from tyranny! O the breeze governing infinite ships, and providing yourself as a safe companion, Master! Lament now, O whole land of Syria, having your prince, your deceiver, not a prophet, Moameth, as a companion of your groans; whose garment, stained with infinite filth, the sons of the bondwoman hide; they hide it as if it were without stain, they hold it as if it were undefiled, though it is polluted. For it was necessary, as they were instituted in filth, to call the scoundrels born of barbarian stock immaculate.

VARIOUS READINGS. ...proceeds with the words: "he conquered this." But I fear that a defect may lie in this pronoun, since Theodosius wrote: "The glorious one of this [earth]... persecutor of Syria, [which] was sending forth fiery fevers against us, he conquered." 50. O great [power] C. 55. of the bloodthirsty, I write in the note "bloodthirsty" C. as it is in the codex, testified by F. 58. of the breastplate E. 62. spirit, in the note better "spirit" C. thus the codex. 71. 72. defilement and pollution F. foreign-sown C. against the faith of the codex.

NOTES. ...better amends [it as] "roof," but by what reasoning and in what sense, I do not understand. For my part, I would correct it to "having covered," so that "he had covered" might indicate he suffered, or permitted, for even in this sense the verb "to cover" occurs among Greek writers. Cornelius corrects from this passage, led by the reasoning that the verb "to conquer" is usually constructed with the genitive. Truly, although more rarely, Greek writers also attribute the accusative to it, and the fact that Theodosius constructed it thus is proven by the participle "sending forth," which Cornelius would otherwise have had to correct as well. ...built with three arches by the emperors, is often mentioned by Byzantine writers, whose authorities Du-Fresne cites in his *Christian Description of Constantinople*, book 11, section 4, number 11; and book 4, section 7, number 1. Truly, Theodosius uses this name in a completely different sense, who seems to have used it transferred to arms to signify what Polybius, book 6, page 400, called "iron boss," namely the boss of a shield, or that iron spike which protruded in the middle of the shield and was triangular. Not dissimilarly, more recent Greeks use the word "three-conched" to designate a triangle. ...Cornelius corrected, which he inserted into the text, not from an old [source], but a word corrupted by a bovine scribe, while he noted that he had received it poorly described. ...Theodosius affirms that the Turks pursued [them]), among those who have written about the life of Moameth and the dogmas of the Turks, there is no mention. Wherefore I would believe that either this word has a defect, or it must be explained in a sense other than that of a garment. Ecclesiastical writers, among whom are Theodoret, *Questions on Genesis* 39, page 34; St. Athanasius, *Questions to Antiochus* 55; St. Gregory Nazianzen, *Oration* 38, page 619; and Origen, as testified by St. Epiphanius, both in *Heresy* 64, page 229, and in the *Ancoratus*, page 494, discussing those leather tunics with which God covered Adam and Eve after the sin, transferred the word "tunic," which the sacred pages use to designate flesh and body, in a sense certainly less obvious. Consult, if you wish, their authorities in Suicer's *Ecclesiastical Thesaurus*. Therefore, what if Theodosius used the word in the same sense? That the body of Moameth is buried in a small shrine built over it in Medina, so that it cannot be seen by anyone, and that the Turks pursue it there with the greatest and absolutely divine honors, is known to all. Hence it happens that the poet deservedly mocks these infamous worshipers, who venerated the body of Moameth as the remains of a pure and holy man, while they ought to have devoted it as polluted and execrable because of the manner of life most basely led by him. ...by a printer's error. ...which is washed by the African sea, the African Saracens, aided by the arts and deceits of Euphemius, invaded the island and made it their own, under the Emperor Michael the Stammerer, in the year 828. See among others Cedrenus.

49. "this," margin "of this" in G. Add "of this" v. 46. the verb is missing. The poet [speaks] with an abrupt speech. (13) I would prefer "this," as in v. 49. (14) "Three-conched," which was a chamber in the palace. (15) thus the codex, and so also on the margin of the page. (16) Thus the codex has it, and so Cornelius correcting. (17) Of this garment of Moameth, which [is held in] religious worship. (18) Cornelius poorly edited "foreign-sown," perhaps. (19) From that part of Sicily which includes Lilybaeum.

Proclaim joy to all.

THEODOSIUS THE DEACON

Dance, O earth, dance, as much of you as belongs to the Romans, As you have been fortunate in the crowns of palaces, As you have expanded into the ancestral breadths, As you have mastered those who were formerly masters. Would that you might rise from the tomb, Constantine, Would that you might look upon how the affairs of Syria stand. You would have recognized a son, like Philip, a horseman; And you would have said to him, "O child, seek an empire, For the whole earth is not enough for you, such is your power." For what a groan of lamentations was that of Crete! What a tearing apart, when they saw the naked Roman swords From within the towers, When they saw small children and mothers, Some with their hands twisted behind them in ropes, Some defiled with blood and dust, Some laid out in rows for slaughter. There children embraced their fathers, and fathers Their children, and together the sword Drenched them in torrents of blood. There was no prophet who was strong, nor a sword— For this [sword] is honored by the enemies as a god. There, old men who had rushed into flight Were struck from behind by javelins. There, the loose extension of their garments Caused the fleeing youths to slip and fall, And the ancient ancestral law provided a stumbling block Rightly for the barbarians. For there was a law for the subjects from the generals, And this was from your command, O scepter-bearer: Not to commit wanton outrage against women, Lest the venerable baptism be stained in unbaptized maidens, And your fleet be defiled. You cared so much for your servants, O King, That your words anticipated even the smallest details, And you humbled yourself even to these for the sake of your friends. For every man who holds a shield is a friend to you, And every man who draws a sword in battle.

105 GREEK. A 1658 Tarsus heard (28), and digs up the trenches, and everyone who flees from shameful cowardice. 145 Thus turmoil held the city of the Cretans, the city which is, as before, again the city of Rome, a desirable city, an exalted city, a famous city, a city abundant in wealth: And he raises a tower, and sheathes the gates in iron, and does everything, foreseeing the burden of captivity impending upon her from the misfortunes of others.

VARIOUS READINGS. NOTES. subjugated, see above at v. 20. Finally, one must note that it is clear from Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *De Ceremoniis aulae Byzantinae*, book II, chapter 45, that Theodosius had conceived in his mind the expedition described by him from the year 949, when he had already taken his son Romanus as a colleague, and had arranged the military equipment for it, although Romanus, having already passed away, successfully completed it in the year of Christ 961.

VOCABULARY PECULIAR TO THEODOSIUS. Roman numeral denotes the oration, Arabic the verse. - Blood-drinker I, 59. sea-running places I, 77. alien-art — misfortunes II, 235. drought I, 250. of windings I, 155. moistureless — Crete I, 250. to be ungrateful III, 113. noble-child III, 208. plunderer IV, 94. roofless house I, 242. lack of affection I, 123. mechanical art II, 184. barbarian-rearing I, 180. loathsome III, 115. life-destroying wolves II, 254. mountain-bred IV, 13. cowardice I, 65; II, 112, 146. terrible-formed IV, 8. terrible-minded II, 83. beast-bacchant, — shepherds I, 194. Thracian-like 18, 75. to set up. setting up phalanxes IV, 42. evil-colored torches I, 203. head. heads II, 61, 66. camp-openers II, 57. completely dry II, 226. to demolish V, 59. to rise up against IV, 28. down from (for from) I, 122. Cretan-killing snare II, 200. to whiten. having whitened III, 112. white-formed earth I, 227. word-running dragons I, 157. ambush-holders I, 200. engines I, 156. to disguise III, 85. small-delight III, 208. solitary, monk, II, 28. myth-weaver V, 35. ten-thousand-sword battle II, 116. ten-thousand-sword, — in battle I, 6. cloud-running III, 183. ten-year destruction I, 22. slave-sown II, 261; IV, 26, 60. wretched-old-man IV, 120. hard-to-hold IV, 9. hard-to-wrestle IV, 131. difficult-to-do IV, 67. inaccessible IV, 7. Gold-adornment II, 204. sword-bearing phalanxes I, 51. from there thence I, 110 (Pisid. in Christ's resurr. v. 90). to provide I, 102. penalty-sword II, 251. laboriously II, 43. to feather IV, 57. victory-composed battles I, 266. strangely I, 108. servants, subjects, soldiers I, 101, 223; II, 6, 34. all-serene V, 47. all-boastful I, 54. to hold fast I, 183. to stop the mouth I, 28. foot-archer-commander II, 456. to widen, — the scepter be widened 198. wealth-gathering I, 18. Starry sight, aspectum sidereum i. e. shining II, 40. intestine-seller II, 233. rushing wave II, 205 (rushing waves. Pisid. de exped. Heracl. I, 172). seven-sign fleet III, 80. straight knights II, 135. straight valleys III, 78. darkness-destroying day I, 225. very-wealthy V, 118. long-lasting IV, 93. harlot-mystic I, 69. to prepare the way II, 129. before-tower houses I, 94. to scrape off I, 229. partiality I, 31. first-worker of battle I, 50.

122. to her C. to her F. (28) Concerning Tarsus by Nicephorus after the Cretan war B expedition into Crete by the same Constantine from the year