Petrus Wesseling’s Commentary on the Synecdemus of Hierocles

in the matter of the lawsuit from Cappadocia: but first I would have wished to point out, both that the text barely bears a "different lawsuit," and that two Cappadocias are nowhere commanded to exist, and also that a proconsul of the first Cappadocia is created, but a second is not added. However that may have turned out, Cappadocia underwent a marked change, which Hierocles was unaware of when he wrote the *Synecdemus*; and although this, having been explored from the proconsul of the first Cappadocia, is not to be neglected, I would not wish it to be overlooked that by the decree of the same emperor the ecclesiastical arrangement of that nation was converted into a different order. Up until this point there had been two metropolises of the Cappadocians, Caesarea for the first Cappadocia and Tyana for the second: he himself imposed a third, Mucissus, taken away from the Tyanensian and named Justinianopolis, upon the third Cappadocia. It would be worth the effort to hear the defense of this matter from Euphratas, the bishop of Tyana (Collat. V, Council of Constantinople II, p. 96). "At that time," he says, "Dohara and Nazianzus were under the Tyanensian city up to the times of this pious reign." But the most pious emperor, when he had given metropolitan rights to the city that was formerly Mucissus, but is now named Justinianopolis, subordinated to it both Dohara and Nazianzus along with other cities. If you think that these could have been passed over in the *Synecdemus* because it is different from the *Notitia Ecclesiae*, nevertheless Mucissus ought to have been inserted into the catalogue of cities, not into the regions or villages, as happens if it was written after the metropolitan dignity was conferred upon that town. Added to these is the fact that Helenopontus is attributed to the consular and Polemoniacus Pontus to the praeses in this *Notitia*, whereas Novella 28, with the title of Polemoniacus Pontus abolished, commits Helenopontus to the administrator Justinianeus. Furthermore, there are only two Armenias in the *Synecdemus*, which Justinian (not "Justinus," as Eustathius wrongly states in *Dionys. Perieges.* 694) wishes in Novella 31 to be and to be held as four, having been divided in many ways. I pass over those things which he decreed by Novella 11 for the first *Justinianae*, and how, that the honor of the illustrious Theodora might not be lacking, he founded the province for which there is Novella 8, [named] Theodoriade. ^A It is well known to the public that the emperor changed many things in the administration of the provinces: he entrusted them to other magistrates, and he either completely abolished their names or made one out of two, and conversely two out of one: but Hierocles, when he enumerated the provinces of the East to us, imposing their own prefects on each, perhaps by this means, having sent them into council and compared them one with another, showed us his own age. The learned author of the *Dissert. Chorograph. Ital. med. ævi* Sect. 5, whose lead we shall follow in investigating these matters, sprinkling our own [observations] here and there, recently entered upon this path. Therefore, let us begin with the magistrates of the provinces changed by Justinian. He commands in Novella 24, c. 1, that whoever is in charge of Pisidia should be and be called a *Justinianeus* praetor; with which same honor he ornaments the prefect of Lycaonia in Novella 25, c. 1, and of Thrace in Novella 26; the prefects of which provinces are *consulares* in Hierocles. Furthermore, he decrees that Phrygia Pacatiana and likewise Galatia Prima should for the future have a *spectabilis* comes; to each of which a *consularis* is imposed by Hierocles. In the *Synecdemus*, Paphlagonia is under a *corrector*, who is created a praetor in Novella 29, and Isauria is under a *praeses*, whom he wishes to be a *comes* in Novella 27. Finally, Phoenice ad Libanum is subordinated to the *moderator* by Edict 4, and likewise Arabia, which in this *Notitia* are obedient to the *praeses* and the so-called *consularis*. Since most of these constitutions were published when Belisarius, V. C., was consul, it is surely established by the best right that the *Synecdemus* is seen to have been published before the consulship of Belisarius and the year 535: for unless you grant that, a reason would have to be given why, in the little book in which Hierocles describes the magistrates of the provinces according to the custom of his own time, no mention at all is made of the Justinianean praetors and moderators. But so that the age of the writer may be brought to light, let us proceed to those provinces which the emperor either utterly abolished or augmented with new titles or even ordered to be more numerous; of which if you find no indication in the *Synecdemus*, what else will you profess than that he is prior to those changes? This *Notitia* mentions the province of Honoriade and subordinates it to a *praeses*: Justinian in Novella 29, c. 1, abolishes it and, having attached it most closely to Paphlagonia, entrusts it to one praetor, "having," he says, "the rule over these nations united and one instead of the two before, we say of Paphlagonia and Honoriade, and to be called a praetor." He divides, moreover, Cappadocia from the institution of Valens Augustus into two, both *consulares*, if you follow most of the manuscripts, which in Novella 30 seem to consist in one: "We wish," he says, "that the whole should be one and be called [one]." But whether they can prevail, as seemed to a most learned man, that in reality Justinian built one out of the two Cappadocias, one may not unjustly doubt: for it is taught explicitly in Novella 20, c. 1, that the *praeses* of the first Cappadocia had been adorned with proconsular dignity; and in Novella 30, c. 10 itself, there is a mention of both Cappadocias: "But if anyone from either Cappadocia [commits a case] of less than five hundred gold pieces, it is appealable." Nor indeed, if he had changed both into one, would he thenceforth have made distinct mention of both. That there is in the edition of Haloander a new [reading]: "But if any other..." ^B To me, these things which I have set forth seem quite sufficient to elicit the age of the writer. You could otherwise call to your aid the cities which he wished to be illustrious by his own and Theodora's name, conjectured into one catalog by N. Alemannus in Procopius *Hist. Arcan.* c. 11, were there not others of which Hierocles took no account. For because the first Justinus took the ancient name away from Anazarbus and Edessa, and boasted for both the title of Justinopolis, which the former [one] also adopts in the Mopsuestian synod (although in the common edition of T. 12 C. G., p. 132 it is published as a Justinianopolitan metropolis), a title imposed [by him] according to Evagrius *H. E.* 4.8 and Theophanes *Chorogr.* p. 146, yet nowhere in the *Synecdemus*, however close he may be to that time, does he deign to include these cities. Therefore those things which I have set in the middle will sufficiently and more than sufficiently prove that Hierocles, when he published this *Notitia*, seems to have heard nothing of those things which Justinian changed; and so that he wrote under the Emperor Justinian, even if before the consul Belisarius, whose year many of those constitutions bear. For that he had departed this life before this consul, a thing which came to the mind of a learned man to conjecture, you would scarcely extract from the same source. He could indeed have added to the published *Synecdemus* all things that the emperor had changed, and published a new edition of it: but how shall we know that he wanted to do so? What if...

[LATIN COLUMN] 591 CONSTANTINI PORPHYROGENITI 592 comparent; judges, however, should enjoy an abundance of the necessities of life. Furthermore, the mode of receiving sportulae ^A should be established for them, not according to the quantity of the estates or of the things that are returned or restored, but according to the measure of the labor, and the delay of both time and the journey itself. For if, by way of example, a person sent once procures the payment of ten pounds, whether in estates or in other goods, it is sufficient for him if he accepts one solidus. But if he has gone out ten times and suffered many troubles, the journey being long, it is by no means burdensome for him to accept one solidus for twenty-four solidi. Moreover, to define the things that ought to be observed concerning this might perhaps require a long discourse. But since it is altogether forbidden for judges to derive gain from this, we entrust it to their good faith to determine ^B the assessments of the sportulae according to the proportion of the labor of those who go out. Nevertheless, if a case should appear difficult and laborious, we decree that up to three solidi per pound may be demanded as sportulae, provided, however, that the provision for the sportulae does not exceed 24 solidi, even if the collection is most laborious and the things paid exceed the sum of one hundred pounds. In a lesser amount, however, we allow the judges to weigh the fee with the labor, and to grant to the apparitors making the journeys one, two, or three solidi, according to the difficulty of the case. And these things are in those instances in which a full settlement follows from the judge’s sentence. But for entries into possession, we order that absolutely nothing be provided under the name of sportulae. But ^C if once or twice an official serving in making the journeys has gone to that place, let no more than one solidus, or at most two, be counted, even if that which is paid is of a great sum.

IX. Constitutio of the same concerning those who commit murder voluntarily, and flee to the Church; that they are not to be admitted.

The Law of Moses (Deut. XIX, 12) decides against the homicide, that he is to be snatched from the sanctuary. Our law, as well as the Roman law (9), following in the footsteps of this law, expressly mandates: that for adulterers, and ravishers of virgins, and homicides, and thieves, there should be no place of asylum to which they may flee. For the security of temples is granted to those suffering injury, not to those inflicting injury. But since the author of this law, that illustrious prince Justinian, who built that admirable temple of the Great Church of God, granted to that same sacred precinct the privilege of being a place of asylum, it is not ^D probable that he wished to overturn the decrees made by himself. For after he had decreed that there should be no place of asylum for adulterers and homicides and ravishers of virgins, he afterward put forward nothing contrary to this when he said that persons of this kind have a place of asylum in the temple built by him; but I think indeed, if any person piously and god-fearing-ly considers the subject proposed, [and] the written law itself, and the sanction concerning the right of asylum,

[GREEK COLUMN] 591 CONSTANTINI PORPHYROGENITI 592 Ἀ δὲ τούτοις τὴν τῶν ἐκταγιατικῶν λήψιν οὐ πρὸς τὴν ποσότητα τῶν ἀποδιδομένων κτημάτων ἢ πραγμά των, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν τριβὴν τοῦ τε χρόνου καὶ τῆς ὁδοιπορίας. Εἰ γὰρ λόγου χάριν ἅπαξ πεμφθεὶς δέκα λιτρῶν ἀπόδοσιν ἐποιήσατο κτημάτ των ἢ πραγμάτων, ἐν νόμισμα λήψεσθαι τοῦτον ἐκα- νὴν ὑπάρχει. Εἰ δὲ δεκάκις ἀπελθὼν πολλὰ συνε τρίβη τῆς ὁδοιπορίας μακρᾶς οὔσης, οὐκέτι φορτικόν τὸ ἐν νομίσμασιν εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρσιν ἐν νόμισμα λαβεῖν αὐτόν. Ὁρίσασθαι μὲν οὖν τὰ περὶ τούτου πολλοῦ ἂν εἴη λόγου. 'Αλλ' ἐπεὶ ταῦτα εἰς κέρδος τῶν κριτῶν ἔρχεσθαι ἅπαξ ἀπηγορεύθη, πιστεύομεν ἀγαθῇ χάριτι τούτοις τυποῦσθαι πρὸς ἀναλογίαν τοῦ κόπου τῶν προελευσιμαίων τὰς τῶν ἐκταγιατικῶν τιμήσεις. Πλην εἰ μὲν δυσχερής της υπόθεσις καὶ ἐπίκοπος ἐποφθείη, θεσπίζομεν ἄχρι τῶν τριῶν να μισμάτων ἐπὶ τῇ λίτρᾳ ἐκταγιατικὸν ἀπαιτεῖσθαι· μὴ ὑπερβαινούσης μέντοι τὰ κδ' νομίσματα τῆς τοῦ εκταγιατικοῦ παροχῆς, κἂν εἰ τὰ μάλιστα ἡ εἴσπρα- ξις πολύμοχθος εἴη καὶ τὰ ἀποδιδόμενα ὑπὲρ τὰ ρ' τυγχάνουσι λίτρας. Ἐν ἥττονι δὲ ποσότητι τοῖς τὰς κρίσεις λαχοῦσιν ἐφίεμεν σταθμᾶσθαι τῷ κόπῳ τὴν λήψιν, ὥστε ἢ ἐν ἢ δύο ή τρία νομίσματα πρὸς τὴν τῆς ὑποθέσεως δυσχέρειαν προσεφιέναι τοῖς προελευ σιμαίοις. Καὶ ταῦτα, ἐν οἷς ἡ ἀπόδοσις τελεία ἐξ ἀποφάσεως επακολουθεῖ. Ἐπὶ γὰρ ταῖς ἐπὶ νομ παραδόσεσι, μηδὲν καθόλου ὑπὲρ ἐκταγιατικοῦ παρ- έχεσθαι κελεύομεν. Εἰ δὲ ἅπαξ ἢ δὶς ὁ προελευσ:- μαῖος εἰς τὸν τόπον ἀφίκετο, μὴ πλέον τοῦ νομί- σματος, ἢ τὸ πολὺ δύο δίδοσθαι αὐτῷ, κἂν πολλῆς ποσότητος εἴη τὸ ἀποδιδόμενον.

⑧

the former edition had been enriched by that, and the *Notitia* had come down to our own age just as it first flowed from the writer’s pen? Let us therefore descend to the *Synecdemus* itself, and explore whether the *Notitia* is genuine and of what kind it is, whether civil or ecclesiastical. ^A That it is neither genuine nor complete was a conviction held by Emmanuel Schelstraten (*Antiq. Eccles.* Vol. 2, p. 720), partly because the facts regarding the city of Constantinople which Constantine Porphyrogenitus cites from Hierocles do not appear in the *Notitia*; and partly because it is also proved by the fact that the work of Hierocles contained 64 prefectures or provinces and 835 or 935 cities, whereas the *Notitia* exhibits only 51 provinces and 751 cities. If these points of accusation be weighed as they ought, they will not hold their ground; and that this may be clear to everyone, let us insert the words of the Emperor Constantine attached to them, which we have transcribed above in the *Themata* (1, 11): "I designate Constantinople as the queen of cities and of the whole world, the New Rome. For this reason I have also placed the theme regarding it, which is called Thrace, first among the themes in the parts of Europe." For who, as Anselm Banduri well observed, would not see that these are not the words of Hierocles, but of Constantine, explaining the reason why he assigned the first place among the European themes to the theme of Thrace? Now, as to his adding that the number of provinces does not equal 64, that will apply to the edition of Carolus a S. Paullo, not to the one he himself first published, which he increased from the Farnese manuscript with many provinces. I know that the most learned author of the *Dissertatio Chorographica Italiae* supposed that there should be 65 provinces, not 64, because Pamphylia Secunda is mentioned in the *Synecdemus*, but nowhere is there a "Prima": for which opinion I find no support except in the Latin version. For even if, from an ecclesiastical arrangement, they had divided Pamphylia into two, there was no need for both to be enumerated here, especially since only one is found in the *Notitia* of the Eastern Empire, nor did Justinian, as the 8th Novel indicates, know of two. I would not wish to deny that several cities are missing, nor that the number 935 is rounded. The rampant negligence of scribes, as in everything else, is here too; and many things, because they seemed too corrupt, he neglected, while others he defiled with the most disgraceful errors. Nor is that corruption recent: if you make a conjecture from the Emperor Constantine's codex, from those things which he transferred thence to the *Themata*, you will find it most corrupt, and not more excellent in cleanliness than our own, though they are quite defiled; he mixed the highest with the lowest and very frequently shifted the boundaries of the provinces. Although I acknowledge these defects, I nevertheless think that the accusations brought against this *Notitia*, and for which it is held guilty of crimes of which it is most innocent, should be repelled; but other things prevent me from pursuing this now. It must be asked whether it was civil or ecclesiastical. Jean Hardouin, in his *Antirrheticus* and *Numismata urbium antiquarum illustrata*, gave judgment in favor of the ecclesiastical, although he neglected to teach why he held that opinion; and many followed Hardouin. Yet not rightly: for the *Synecdemus* has nothing noteworthy from which it could appear to be counted among the ecclesiastical *Notitiae*. None—as the author of the *Dissert. Chorogr.* well says—[has] thrones, rare are [the mentions of] metropolises, no archbishops, no autocephalous [bishops]; and whereas in one province there are often many metropolises, ^B even if unequal in dignity (as in Bithynia, Nicomedia, Nicaea, and Chalcedon), it adorns hardly one or another, and very often even none, with that title. Added to this, not a few cities are listed in which no bishop ever existed; when I set out to measure the examples of these with their respective locations, I will finish here with Scythia. 15 cities are attributed to it; whence you might think that, if the *Notitia* were ecclesiastical, they were subject to individual bishops, although they were all committed to the care of one Tomitan prelate. If you doubt it, I will give Sozomen (*H. E.* 6, 21) as authority: "This nation has many cities, towns, and fortresses, but the metropolis is Tomis, a large and prosperous city on the coast, to those sailing on the left into the sea called the Euxine Pontus. Even now an ancient custom prevails there, that one [bishop] oversees the churches of the whole nation." Thus, if the *Synecdemus* were describing the order and dignities of bishops, there would have been no need to enumerate all the cities of its province: it could have given one, the Tomitan, to the prelate of the race, as is customary in ecclesiastical *notitiae*. Then, for most provinces, many cities which had their own bishops are ignored, which is unusual in an ecclesiastical *notitia*. Yet I would not urge other things more vehemently against those who feel otherwise with that weapon: what if those [names] have perished? For I am convinced that many have been lost by the negligence of scribes. For to whom would it be credible, to use one example, that in the province of Mesopotamia only Amida was extant in the age of Hierocles under the Romans? Nay, rather, many flourished there, but they were treated lightly by the scribes; had it been without the Farnese codex, they would likewise have left only Tyre for Phoenice Maritima. Further, what do the titles of the magistrates, to whom the administration of the provinces was attributed, have to do with an ecclesiastical *notitia*? What of the name "Synecdemus," which is inscribed on this *Notitia*? It signifies a companion of a journey, and is an argument that Hierocles wished to assist those traveling through the provinces and to depict the extent of the Eastern Empire in a brief chart, as it were. Which seems to me to be the reason why he preserved the order of the provinces, as they were subject to prefects and vicars, most accurately. It is pleasing to show this, for that fact distinguishes it thoroughly from ecclesiastical *notitiae*. First, [he describes] the diocese of the Thracians, divided into 6 provinces and subject to a vicar, just as he follows in the *Notit. Imp. Orient.* c. 132: then the diocese of Macedonia and Dacia, attributed to the Praetorian Prefect of Illyricum; to which he adds Pannonia, recently recovered by Justinian, which had previously been committed to the Praetorian Prefect of Italy. This is followed by the 11 provinces of Asiana, then the same number of provinces of Pontica, then 15 provinces of the Orient, and lastly Egypt, exactly as in the *Notit. Imp. Orient.* c. 1, all committed to the disposition and care of the Praetorian Prefects of the Orient. ^C And so much for the *Synecdemus*; whose first edition we owe to Carolus a S. Paullo, but [it was] mutilated [by being limited to] 14 provinces. That Jacques Sirmond had considered another [is clear] from a certain letter of his to L. Holsteinius (p. 471, Venice ed.): "Regarding the Hierocles *Synecdemus*," he says, "I do not know whether I should rejoice or grieve. Indeed, I truly grieve that it was not given to me as a gift when you were seeking it; and I rejoice that what I was praying might fall to my lot—that I might obtain another copy—fell to your lot instead; and that from my heart I congratulate you."

γεγραμμένο ^A νόμον καὶ τὸν διορισμὸν περὶ τῆς ἀσυλίας, πρόσφορον ποιούμενος τὴν ζήτησιν, συμβιβάσει, τὴν ἁρμόδιον ἂν εὔροι πρὸς τὰ συμπίπτοντα τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπόφασιν· καὶ συντηρήσει μὲν τὴν ἀσυλίαν, ἐν αἷς ὑποθέσεσι κεκανόνισται, παρόψεται δὲ ταύτην, ἔνθα μὴ δίκαιον εἶναι τόπον ἀσυλίας. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πολυσχιδής καθίσταται τις ὁ τῆς μιαιφονίας τρόπος (ἡ γὰρ ἐκουσίως καὶ ἀπὸ προνοίας καὶ παρασκευῆς ἁμαρτάνει τις, ὡς ὁ εὐτρεπίζων ξίφος εἰς τὸ φονεῦσαι ἄνθρωπον· ἢ ἀπὸ θυμοῦ, ὡς ἐν ἐφόδῳ, ὅτε σκοπεῖται καὶ τὸ παρ' αὐτοῦ ἐπιφερόμενον ὅπλον καὶ ἡ ἐγχείρησις· ἢ κατὰ τύχην, ὡς ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ ρίψας μὲν κατὰ θηρὸς τὸ βέλος, ἄνθρωπον δὲ ἀναιρήσας ἐξ ἀγνοίας· ἢ ἐν μάχῃ μετὰ χειρὸς πλήξας, ἢ ἀπὸ μέθης τινὰ φονεύσας, ὅστις καὶ ἐπὶ πενταετίαν ἐξορίζεται), πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας διαιρέσεις καὶ τὰς κατὰ μέρος αἰτίας ἔχομεν σαφῶς καὶ κατὰ τὸ προσῆκον καὶ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου ἀπόφασιν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν κατὰ ἄγνοιαν φονεύων οὔτε τὸν κατὰ τῶν ἀνδροφόνων δέδοιχε νόμον οὔτε ἀσυλίας χρήζει· ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ ἀπὸ τρυφῆς ἀνελών, καὶ ὁ μὴ ἐσχηκὼς γνώμην τοῦ φονεῦσαι ἐὰν φονεύσῃ. Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τούτοις περιίσταται· ἐκεῖνο δέ ἐστι τὸ πολυθρύλλητον ζήτημα τὸ περὶ τοῦ ἑκουσίου καὶ ἐκ προαιρέσεως καὶ προθέσεως φόνου. Τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν ἑκούσιον φόνον οὔτε ἡ Μωσέως νομοθεσία συγχωρεῖσθαι ἀξιοῖ οὔτε ἡ Ῥωμαϊκὴ ἡ παρὰ τῶν ἁγίων Πατέρων ἀποδεχθεῖσα, οὔτε τις εὐσεβὴς λογισμὸς ἀνέχεται τὸν κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἀδικήσαντα, ἵνα καὶ ξίφος εὐτρεπίσῃ καὶ διαμελετήσῃ τὸν τοῦ πλησίον θάνατον καὶ τοῦτον τελέσῃ, ^C χρησάμενος τῇ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ βοηθείᾳ. Οὐκ ἔστι τοῦτο, οὐκ ἔστι τῶν εὐσεβῶς διανοουμένων· ἀλλὰ δυνατόν, ὡς εἴρηται, καὶ τοὺς νόμους τηρηθῆναι καὶ φυλαχθῆναι καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας προνόμιον. Ἡνίκα γὰρ ἂν ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τῆς θείας Προνοίας ἐγκαταλειφθεὶς ἀνθρώπου διαμελετήσει θάνατον καὶ τοῦτον ἀπαρτίσει, καὶ ἀφανὴς καὶ ἀνέγκλητος γένηται ὁ παρ' αὐτοῦ καταρτισθεὶς φόνος, εἰς ἑαυτὸν δὲ γενόμενος μετρήσει τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ τολμηθέντος πτώματος καὶ πρὸς ἐξαγόρευσιν ὁρμήσει, λογίζεται δήπου, ποίῳ τρόπῳ ταύτην ἀσφαλῶς ποιήσηται· καὶ λογιζόμενος εὑρίσκει πάντως, ὅτι τοῦ ἐρευνωμένου ἀφανοῦς θανάτου παρ' αὐτοῦ ἐξαγγελλομένου φωρᾶται, καὶ φωραθεὶς ὡς ἀνδροφόνος ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ προσφόρου ἄρχοντος ἢ συλλαμβάνεται ἢ... Καὶ διὰ ταῦτα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν εἰσερχόμενος καὶ τῷ ἱερεῖ προσερχόμενος, καὶ πανταχόθεν ἔχων τὸ ἀσφαλὲς ποιεῖται τὴν ἐξαγόρευσιν, τυχὸν οἴῳ τρόπῳ καὶ οἵᾳ μηχανῇ τὴν τοῦ φονευθέντος κατήρτισεν ἀγνοουμένην σφαγήν, καὶ ἐπιτυγχάνει τῆς ἀφέσεως. Αὕτη γὰρ καὶ ἔστιν ἀληθῶς καὶ λέγεται ἐξομολόγησις, ἡ τοῦ κεκρυμμένου παραπτώματος αὐθαίρετος δήλωσις. Ἡ δὲ περὶ τῆς φανερᾶς καὶ προδήλου πράξεως καὶ μιαιφονίας συγκατάθεσις πῶς καὶ λεχθήσεται ὅλως ἐξομολόγησις; Ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου οὖν συνάγεται καὶ τηρεῖται καὶ ἡ τοῦ νόμου ἀπόφασις καὶ ἡ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀσφάλεια. Εἰ δὲ αὕτη μὴ οὕτω διορισθείη, μάχεται πάντως ^D σὺν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ νόμοις ὁ νομοθέτης Ἰουστινιανός· ἐπεὶ...

^A *Aphrodisias*. It should have been *Aphrodisias* (or ^A *Aprodysia*). See *Ant. Itin.* p. 333.

*Ibid. Kolla*. It should have been *Koila*; for this name was obtained from the nature of the place as a port, quite like the "hollows" (*ta koila*) of Eubœa, concerning which, besides Herodotus VIII, 13, Dio Chrysostom speaks excellently in Orat. 7, p. 100. This harbor was near Sestos, as Valesius demonstrated in his notes to Ammianus XXII, 8, from Nicetas, *Rer. Manueb.* 5, p. 81, and not far from Madytus. Anna Comnena, *Alexiad* 11, p. 429: "He anchored in the harbors of Madytus and Koila." And this is indicated more clearly in the Acts of the Second Council of Nicæa, when Leonides is described as "Bishop of Madytus, that is, of Kols" (p. 351), and p. 571, "of Madytus, that is to say, of Hkoila." Although the name of the harbor is poorly rendered (for *Koilon*, if they had not also formed *Kolns*—just as Valerius 1, 8, 11, should have been called *Colam* of Eubœa, and the Acts of the Council of Ephesus *Cœlan*—it should have been called so), yet, I say, although there is an error in the name, it is clear that they were neighboring ports, since they were subject to the same bishop. Furthermore, no account is taken here of the many cities of Europe; which circumstance, if I am not mistaken, is to be attributed not to the writer, but to the copyists.

*Ibid. Yd Ktemora*. Constantine I, II, *Them.* 1, mandates this as well to a consular in his code; misled by the many districts in this province that he confused, he shows the *Notitia Imp. Orient.* c. 1 that Rhodope was governed by a *praeses*. Indeed, "praeses" was a general title; and therefore proconsuls, legates of Caesar, and all who ruled provinces were designated as *praesides*, as is the case in I. D. *de offic. praesid.* However, custom prevailed such that *praesides* were appointed to certain provinces, distinct from consulars and correctors and inferior to them in dignity, whence they are also deferred to in *l. 8, c. Th. de Cohort.*; and since the consulars were illustrious with their fasces, their banners (among other insignia) were *praesidial* (l. 4, c. Th. *ad L. Jul. de ambitu*, and Notker in *Martyrol.* for the day before the Calends of August) recensent, on which matter see Gothofredus. But as for what the most learned author of *Dissert. Chorogr. Ital.* writes on p. XXV, that 7 cities are designated under the province of Rhodope in the *Synecdemus*, but that 5 are barely named, I am persuaded that this escaped him in his haste.

*Ibid. Aenos*. They relate that it was founded by Aeneas: whether they did so truly, or were moved by a certain resemblance of the name, Salmasius discusses in *Solin.* p. 144, Henri Valesius in *Ammian.* XXII, 8, and Pierius Valerianus in *Aeneid* III, 18. If the arbitration of the dispute were referred to Homer, Aenos would be earlier than Aeneas: for it sends auxiliaries to Troy (*Iliad* IV, 520); to which, when Hesychius had regard in *Aivódev*, it chanced that he wrote *and Ainou*, like the scholia of the poets. The inhabitants were accustomed to a most frigid climate; for which reason Stratonicus said at Aenos, "The cold lasts eight months, and the remaining four are winter." Aenos was, if the Acts of the Second Council of Constantinople do not deceive, the metropolis of Rhodope; for on p. 240, Paulus, Bishop of *Aemorin* (it should have been *Aeniorum*), subscribes to the collation as "metropolis of the province of Rhodope." Do not believe it, however; for many metropolises are listed there about which, unless they were merely honorific, you would very rightly have doubts. It is established, moreover, from elsewhere that Trajanopolis excelled the others in this dignity. See *Concil. Chalcedon.* vol. 8 C. G. p. 91.

*Ibid. Maroneia*. We selected this from Constantine I, II, *Them.* 2. The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, p. 96, ascribe both this city and Maximianopolis to Rhodope.

*Ibid. Taneiros*. Rightly again Constantine, ^B *Diatoneirou* (or *Diastoneirou*) in the coins of the Getae and Julia Domna prides itself on its surname. It was near the sea, and not far removed from the city of Abdera. Anna Comnena, *Alexiad* 7, p. 212, has *Rusium*, by which name it was subsequently known, and brings it closer to the river which is perhaps the Gossinites, concerning which see *ad Itin. A.* p. 321.

*Ibid. Nicopolis*. It was near the river Nessus: whence *Nicopolis at the Nessus* in Ptolemy III, 11; in coins *OULP. NIKOPOLIS PROS NECTA*; in Socrates VII, 36, *Nicopolis of Thrace*, in a broader sense of Thrace. A later age called it Christopolis, as the Coislinian scholia on Ptolemy teach. Therefore, this is the one which the Acts of St. Germanus denote, c. 2, and do not remove far from Philippi. Add Theophylact II, *Mauric.* 1, 7.

*Ibid. Kereopyrgos*. Constantine, *Keraiopyrgos*. Jo. Harduin (in his emendations to Pliny, vol. 4, c. 45) combines it with the Pyrogeri—whom he says are the Pyrgoceri, or by the transposition of syllables, which he says amounts to the same thing, are the Cereopyrgi. I am far from having such confidence. I would have wished him to have taught how the citizens are properly called *Cereopyrgi* by a gentile name. I do not recall ever finding *Cereopyrgus*, unless it lies hidden in the *Kyptone-phon* fortress, which Procopius, *De Aedif. Justin.* 4, 11, describes in Rhodope.

*Ibid. Yd konsoularion*. *Consularis* of the province of Thrace is found in *Thess.* p. CCCLXIII, 2, and *Notit. imp. Orient.* c. 1.

*Ibid. Poleis*. The Vulgate codex passes over all these cities, attributing the towns of this province to Haemimontus, and others to Moesia. Wess. *Proleg.* p. 630.

*Ibid. Berroe*. Constantine 1, 2, *Them.* 1, describes it nicely, and Sozomen, *H. E.* 4, 11, does not disagree, when he reports that Liberius was exiled to "Berroe of Thrace." Sebastianus, Bishop of *Berroia* (*Beroe* p. 657) of Thrace, was present at the Council of Chalcedon, p. 624. So much so that one can hardly forgive Constantine for the negligence with which he passed over the city; which, however, is common to him with many others. Empress Irene, after she had raised it from its fall, called it Irenopolis, according to Theophanes, p. 585. Concerning its location, we have discussed this at *Itin. A.* p. 231.

*Ibid. Sebastoupolis*. I am still looking for this one.

*Ibid. Diopolis*. It should have been *Diospolis*: its bishop Alexander is famous for his profligacy, whom Malala, vol. II, p. 167, calls "Alexander of the city of Zeus of Thrace," where there was no need for anything to be changed by the hand of Chilmeadus.

*Ibid. Adrianopolis*. It was the metropolis of the province of Haemimontus; whence, in the collation of the 8th Council of Constantinople, p. 240: "Joannes, by the grace of God, Bishop of Adrianopolis of the more eminent province," subscribes in place of "Haemimontians or of Haemimontus."

*Ibid. Anchialos*. Constantine 1, II, *Them.* 1, writes it correctly thus, and soon after *Deultum*, concerning both of which see *Ant. Itin.* p. 229, Athanasius, Bishop of the church at Deultus and Sozopolis, was present at the Council of Ephesus, which is evidence that they were obedient to one bishop; which is perhaps the reason why Sozopolis is ignored. It did, however, subsequently have its own bishop: for Petros, of the city of the Sozopolitans of the province of Haemimontus, was present at the Third Council of Constantinople, p. 507.

*Ibid. Tzurulos*. Constantine, *Tzourulos*, where Moretlu[s] has *Inauditum*: could it be Tzurulum or Zurulum?

edict, whereby he ordained that there be no asylum for manslayers, yet allowed manslayers to have right of asylum in the temple established by him.

X.

I'.

We have determined to legislate these things now, modifying the severity of the prior legislation with the more merciful censure of ecclesiastical laws, and amending the unrestrained and lax state of the offenders—which for that very reason is easily followed—not only by the bond of penances, but also by the almost total forfeiture of the property which the manslayer possesses; carefully providing, for the sake of the manslayers themselves, and also for the common good of the state—lest any be carried away by a similar zeal—that by both means justice may be preserved, and the great and divine privilege of the churches be maintained, and the frequent imitation of such acts be curbed by these safeguards.

1. As then pertains to the deportment of the manslayer and his life hereafter, we order that it be regulated just as the canonical strictness determines. By way of this legislation, however, we condemn him to perpetual exile from the place where the offense of the blood-stained crime occurred, ^C this acting both to punish the one who has sinned, and also to prevent the increase of grief and pain which might be visited upon the kin of the deceased. Perhaps also, it is not unhelpful for both parties, lest the relatives, stirred to willful vengeance by the constant sight of the one who caused them sorrow and by the memory of the one who has perished, might attempt to heal evil with evil and cause the tragedy of the murder to be doubled. Let the manslayer, then, be altogether condemned to perpetual exile from that place, and never wander or dwell in the land that gaped to receive the blood of the brother who was unjustly slain. Let him receive this punishment first, following the ecclesiastical censure.

2. In addition to this, let him also undergo the forfeiture of his own property, which shall not be assigned to the state. For if the manslayer has a spouse, she must take her dowry and all her own possessions, and furthermore the gift made before the wedding; and if, perchance, a nuptial gift or something else was also promised, she must by all means have the recovery and ownership of this as well, if there are no children. But if children exist, she shall enjoy the usufruct of the nuptial gains, with all the legal observations pertaining to this preserved; ^D while the children shall be bequeathed one third of the rest of the paternal property. And if the manslayer, of his own volition or by the counsel and approval of those directing him in penance, laying aside his former foulness, should pass over to the monastic life, the monastery shall receive the third part of his property, with [the remaining] third for the wife and children

^A Thraciar? Male: for it was a town of the province of Europe, not far separated from Heraclea, concerning which there is abundance in the Antonine and Hierosolymitan Itineraries. The reading *Tzoides* must not be changed; it is in another *Notitia* of Jac. Goar, p. 378, as bishop of Phoebus; Procopius, *De Aedificiis Justiniani* vi, 11, further possesses the castle *Tzeidon*. Col. 141. *Marcianopolis*. This was the metropolis of the province of Moesia Secunda and the seat of the governor. Hence on a coin of Severus Alexander: ΗΓ. Μ. ΤΕΡΕΒΕΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΜΑΡΚΙΑΝΟΠΟΛΕΙΤΩΝ, i.e., "under the governor Marcus Terebentinus." The Bulgarians called it *Preslav*, excellently described by Anna Comnena, 7, p. 194; yet she, when she judges it to have once been of the name *Megale Polis* (Great City), strays from the straight path. Add Nicetas, *Annal. Isaac.* 1, p. 185. *Ibid.* *Odyssos*. Nay, rather *Odessos* [with the Leiden codex]. Yet our Procopius agrees with it, *De Aedificiis Justiniani* vi, 11, and Theophanes, *Chronographia* p. 190, who otherwise is accustomed to call it *Odyssopolis*, as p. 137, and calls Varna adjacent to it, p. 298. *Ibid.* *Dorostolos*. Theodoret locates it in Thrace, with a broader usage of the word: "In Dorostolo," he says, "and this is a notable city of Thrace." See Jos. Scaliger in *Euseb.* n. MMCCCLXXVIII, and *Itin. Ant.* p. 222. *Ibid.* *Nicopolis*. Jornandes, *Getica* c. 18: "He approaches Nicopolis, which is built near the river Iatrus, most notable, because Trajan, having defeated the Sarmatians, built it and called it the City of Victory." Regarding these words, Jo. Harduin illustrates them in *Numi antiqui*. From these words of Jornandes, Ortelius in more than one place enriches his *Thesaurus* with the river Jairo; yet no one who has viewed the ancient coins, even superficially, can deny that *Istrum* must be read—of which type are NIKOΠΟΛ. ΠΡΟC ICT. and NIKOΠΟΛΙΤΩΝ ΠΡ. ICTPQ. If you follow him, *Iatrus* will thereafter be nothing. But beware of errors: Theophylactus, *Hist. Mauric.* vi, 44, mentions "the so-called river Iatrus," from which also the name of the opposite city of Iatrus comes, concerning which see *Anton. Itin.* p. 222. Nicopolis was at the confluence of the Ister and the Iatrus, and is correctly supported by the coins in the former case. *Ibid.* *Novæ*. There were two in this vicinity, one near the Cuppi, which Theophylactus, *Hist. Mauric.* vii, 7, calls "the Upper Novas"; the other more towards Appiaria, known by the name of the Moesian city of Novensis to Marcellinus Comes. Concerning these, see *Ant.* 1, p. 221. *Ibid.* *Ebraittos*. More correctly *Abrittos*, as it is called by Procopius at the end of book 4 of the *De Aedificiis*. In Jornandes, *Abrittus*, a city of Moesia in the Ambrosian ms., as we have said elsewhere. It is a famous city for the slaughter of the Emperor Decius, everywhere badly written, just as in the examples brought forth. Scaliger in *Euseb.* n. MMCCLXVII revealed this. It was situated between Odessos and Mesembria, and it is called *Erite* in the Peutinger Table. Those who claim Decius perished at the Tanais, as Zosimus, or across the Danube, as Victor asserts, are therefore mistaken. *Ibid.* *Eparchia Scythias*. This last is one of the four provinces of Thrace, which were under governors, as *Notit. Imp. Orient.* c. 1 teaches. In Athanasius it is called *Scythia* in various places, *Apol. contra Arianos* pp. 123 and 155, and *Histor. Arian. ad Monachos* p. 360; with which, when he enumerates the provinces whose bishops were present at the Council of Sardica or championed their own cause, I would not doubt that he meant *Scythia*: for Siscia was not the name of a province in his age, but a town of Pannonia, which Athanasius there counts with the remaining provinces. In Procopius, by a shameful error, they have founded a castle from Scythia, and likewise from Mysia, at the end of book 4 of his *De Aedificiis*; the peerless writer enumerates the cities and castles which Justinian either restored or adorned with new works; and when he had spoken of Europa and Rhodope, "beside the river Ister," he says, "of Mysia, and Herculis," and with thirty others added, he proceeds "of Scythia," and so forth; hence they made [a city called] Mysia and [a city called] Scythia, when, however, he means nothing else than that these were cities and castles of Mysia upon the Ister and of Scythia upon the same. *Ibid.* *Tomis*. It was the metropolis of Scythia, to whose bishop's care all the cities of the province were committed; concerning which matter there are excellent words in Sozomen, *H. E.* vi, 21; which, because they are interwoven in the Prolegomena, I pass over. I add this, that John Damascene, *Parallel.* p. 781, excerpts certain words from Theotimus, bishop of Scythopolis; who, since he was the Tomitan, according to Sozomen, *H. E.* v, 25, Mich. Le Quien would have preferred "of Scythia." He could have done so with less effort [by writing] "of the city of the Scythians." *Ibid.* *Dionysopolis*. So also correctly Constantine, ^B *Dionysopolis*, as the published and manuscript *Synecdemus* proves. *Ibid.* *Akra*. I seek a city by that name in this tract. There was indeed the promontory of *Tiristris*, the *Akra Tiristria* of Ptolemy, with a town of almost the same name; yet I would not say that this is what is meant. Perhaps the *Akra* of Scythia in Stephanus? *Ibid.* *Kallatis*. This is superior from Constantine. Regarding the city and others of this coast, see *Anton. Itin.* p. 227. *Ibid.* *Istros*. Jul. Capitolinus in *Maximo et Balbino*, c. 6: "Under them, there was fighting by the Carpi against the Moesians, and [it was] the beginning of the Scythian war, and the ruin of Histria at that time"; but as Dexippus says, "of the city of Histria." Without doubt, there was *Histriou polis* in Dexippus, just as in the Coislinian ms. of Ptolemy; which city, when Capitolinus did not recall it, he began to think about *Histria*, at a very long distance of lands from the Moesians and Carpi, as Zosimus 1, 31 teaches, on the banks of the river Ister, [and] he provided an occasion for Ortelius and others to mention the Histrian city as distinct from the Ister. *Ibid.* *Constantiana*. It seems to be *CONSTANTIANA DAPHNE*, which Henr. Vales. excellently illustrated from a coin of Constantine in *Ammian.* xxvii, 5. Yet Procopius, *De Aedificiis Justiniani* iv, 7, stands in the way of this suspicion, placing it in Moesia Secunda. Did it therefore migrate from the former to this province? Constantine, surely, attributing only 14 cities to the province. In any case, it must have been said that there was another by this or a similar name in Scythia; and then let Procopius be summoned as a witness, placing *Constantiana* in Scythia, *De Aedificiis Justiniani* book iv, last chapter. *Ibid.* *Zaldapa*. We have received this, since it is closer to the truth: *Zaldapa* in Procopius, *De Aedificiis Justiniani* iv, 11, *Zalhada* in the *Excerpt. Theophylacti* apud Labbeum, p. 178, but incorrectly, as you will know from *Hist. Mauric.* 1, 8. *Ibid.* *Tropaios*. Frid. Morellus thought of Topiros and Doberos, both of which were on this side of the boundaries of this province. I believe it [was named] from a trophy of defeated enemies.

reserved for the one killed, as a small consolation for their calamity. If the one killed has no children, this third part is to be divided equally between the wife and the ascendants. If the wife has already departed this life, but children exist, they are preferred over the ascendants. If, however, there are neither children, nor wife, nor ascendants surviving the one killed, the other relatives called by law, who were not negligent in revealing the perpetrator of the crime, shall receive the third. But if the murderer does not embrace the monastic life, not just a third, but two-thirds of his free property shall be assigned, according to the constitution mentioned, to the party of the one killed. ^A

3. Furthermore, no one who has been convicted of such a crime shall ever hold or discharge any civil or other kind of magistracy or office, nor shall he be deemed worthy of an imperial rescript; but they shall be in all respects infamous, such that life alone has been graciously granted to them. However, those who, out of a certain abundance of malice, have meditated upon the slaughter of their neighbor, and have prepared and equipped themselves for this very purpose, for the killing of their brother, to the detriment and ruin of their own soul, must by all means be tonsured and enrolled among monks; and they shall be governed in a monastery not only for the time of penance prescribed for them, but for their entire life. But those who have otherwise committed homicide—voluntarily, indeed, yet by an outburst and snatching of irrational anger, and who did not display the murder out of meditation, prior preparation, and consultation—shall undergo perpetual exile in addition to other penalties, yet they shall not be compelled to embrace the solitary life. ^{B C}

4. The positions of military service, or the economic arrangements for military duty, shall be transmitted to his heirs. But if the murderer does not have heirs, others accepting the positions of military service shall also fulfill the duties of that service. ^D

XI. Novella of the Emperor Lord Constantine Porphyrogenitus, concerning those who die intestate and without children, so that the totality of their property does not accrue to those called as relatives by law, or, when these are absent, to the public treasury, but that two parts go to them, and the third be consecrated to God; in which are also included slaves, granted liberty by the present novella.

I have often marveled at the founders of cities and the institutors of laws according to which it is proper to live, in that they [assign property] to the relatives of the departed, when sometimes they contributed nothing to their utility while they were living, nor can the departed provide anything to them when they depart from here, especially to kings, for whom perhaps the deceased was not among the lowest in his service, because to these the intestate's death

^A—those who have departed without a will—they have granted the inheritance of his property as if it were some great favor bestowed upon them, but to God, the Maker and King of all, from whom arises whatever is most excellent among men, who grants us all things, so that—and this surpasses all understanding—He has established us as co-heirs of Christ and heirs of Himself through Christ, they have not contributed even the hundredth part, as if disinheriting Him through oblivion. But while it is foolish and senseless for men—if one should call those who have not acknowledged their own Maker "men"—to decree such things, it is not strange or unexpected that those who have once strayed from duty hasten toward an end consistent with that beginning. But as for men whose citizenship is in heaven (as the divine Apostle says) and for whom the kingdom of heaven is promised as an inheritance, who are accounted worthy to be and to be called friends and brothers of Christ (oh, the immensity of the Lord's loving-kindness!) and co-heirs, what limit of folly or madness do they not leave behind if, having attained such things, and enjoying no benefits from Him who enrolled us among His brothers and made us co-heirs, we do not legislate that even the lesser portion of the succession passing to kin be ^B assigned to Him? For it is absurd, reasonably speaking, that there should be some sense and forethought of the future even among irrational creatures, while we, endowed with reason, should be so attached and fixed upon the present life that not even in the affairs of others (which is the easiest thing for all) do we show some small foresight for the future, both for ourselves and for those who die unexpectedly; but, as we have already said, we assign the inheritance to a king who is passing away and will soon be destroyed, while for Him who reigns eternally, and to whom the deceased goes to render an account of his earthly life, nothing of his property is consecrated by the power of the law.

Constitutio XI

^C α'. For these reasons, we have deemed it necessary to introduce this standard regarding this matter, which we do not know how our predecessors neglected, in order to provide its benefit both to the present life and to posterity, and to those who depart suddenly from life before they can arrange the affairs of their estate according to their will, so that for them there may be prepared a rest, of which they had heard while living among men; establishing this law and common direction as a kind of protection for the entire body politic, by which we decree that, while those things which have been ordered by our predecessors regarding the inheritance of the property of those who die intestate remain firm, we command only that which we have recognized has not yet been regulated by law: that the third part of the inheritance left by one who dies without a last will—whether the succession is assigned to those who are called to the inheritance as intestates, or, in the absence of kin, is delivered to the public treasury—be donated to God, ^D the Lord of all, and the King for the sake of the soul of the deceased, with two parts being reserved for the kin or for the public treasury, as we have said; to which portion shall be added the valuation of the slaves who are found in the usual way, and these being set free

^A are to be considered as belonging to the share which falls to God.

2. If, however, as is likely to happen, the greater part or even all of the property left by the deceased should consist of slaves, we have thought it right to decree this also, in a spirit of kindness and compassion, so that some may not be released from the yoke of servitude while others continue to suffer miserably and to be worn down under it; but rather, that this present decree of ours, granting freedom to all those whom the harsh and heavy yoke of slavery has afflicted and tormented, may make them all rejoice, and that they may likewise come forth free from all servile bonds.

For in this way, ^B both to those who by law succeed the intestate, if they are willing to consider what is proper, no loss is caused; and to the slaves, and to those who have departed this life, salvation is granted; and to God, who disposes the salvation of men even from small beginnings, we shall be rendering what is holy. And let no one, whether a kinsman of the deceased or even the Emperor, feel aggrieved by this present law as if he were being deprived of what is his due; but let everyone—both private citizen and Emperor—reflect in his mind ^C that, since death is for all men equally uncertain and fearful, and it is not possible for anyone to make provision for his end with certainty, he should regard this present law as a provision for that inevitable journey, and not hasten to swallow up the substance of others in greedy gulps; but let him remember that he himself, in turn—such is the inconstancy of human affairs—must be cut down by the sickle of death, and that he will have need of great help there, and that unless he enjoys the grace of this present law, he will obtain no comfort there. For this gift ^D of good will—as one might call it—even if it be small, brings no slight relief to the one who has departed this life, when it is offered to the kind and benevolent Lord God, who in many ways procures our salvation from small occasions. Whoever considers these things in our present decree, and receives this present law as a kind of help, or rather, to speak more truly, as a remedy for his own sloth—for that he who lived his life while omitting to make salutary provision for his own passing—let him receive it with joy; for we deem it salutary for those who die without a final testament, and not to be despised by God, the King of all, but even most useful to the society of citizens itself, and to our own [authority] which is from God.

CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS' NOVEL CONSTITUTIONS

^A ...offered to the governance of the all-ruling Lord by our God-crowned Emperor.

XII.

Constantine’s Fifth Novel, which is kept in the sacellum. On the flight of slaves and lost beasts.

1. For a lost slave found within the same province, the master pays one solidus and four milia. If the slave is found in a more distant province, two solidi and four milia. But if he has traversed two or three provinces and is captured, three solidi and four milia. And before the twelve months have passed, the slave must not be sold elsewhere, but must be kept and guarded safely, with due caution. But if, after the twelve months have elapsed, the lost slave has not been claimed by his owner, it shall be lawful for the finder—before notable persons—to sell him for six solidi and four milia. Yet he is to be sold at so cheap a price because his possessor is not the permanent owner; but when the matter is discovered, the slave’s master may, when he chooses, return those six solidi and four milia and take back his own servant.

2. Moreover, for lost beasts—if they are of the larger ^B or greater sort, such as oxen, horses, and mules—the owner shall pay four milia and reclaim his animals. As for the smaller ones, that is, sheep and pigs, let it be left to the judgment of the owners themselves to pay whatever they wish.

3. Touching head wounds or lacerations, or fornication, adultery, or theft, nothing at all shall be demanded. Stolen property, when found, shall be restored to its own masters. If there are no masters, it shall be turned over to the public treasury.

4. Similarly, if persons die intestate and have no relatives up to the sixth degree, their property and goods shall be turned over to the public treasury. But if one has made a will, even if no relatives or kin are found up to the said degree, the articles of the will shall be preserved.

5. Likewise, if one dies intestate and relatives are found, the family property shall be transmitted to them. But if the deceased has neither made a will nor has any relatives, then the third part of his property shall be given to the brethren in Christ for the redemption of his sins; and what remains shall be turned over to the public treasury.

XIII.

Imperial Rescript of Constantine Porphyrogenitus on the restitution of estates purchased by the powerful.

have been transferred, Lychnidus, which is the chief city of the people in this region, both attained the dignity of a metropolis and the surname of Justiniana Prima: for after the better religion was received, there was need for priests and for a bishop to inaugurate them. Therefore, the city, which was the head of the Bulgarians and assigned to a metropolitan, was chosen and called Justiniana Prima, either because the Greeks of that time—though not without error—thought it was the same; or rather because the true Justiniana Prima, like many others in this vicinity, had been desolate for a long time through the ravages of war, and no other title seemed more suitable for adorning a new metropolis. ^A

Col. 145. *Listrōn and Skepōn*. The codex of Vulcan interprets it as *Austrōn and Exēntōn*. What these might mean, I would not easily say. Learned men, who have encountered this on occasion, have indulged in conjectures, albeit ones of little certainty. It occurred to Palmerius (*) that, since Constantine was writing, it might be read as *Agathōn* or even *Aulōn*, so that it might be a kind of epithet for Aulon, a naval pirate station or one of the pirates, just as in Attica there was a *phōrōn limēn*, a port of thieves: to which suspicion the manuscripts, by arranging the order of the words differently, stand in opposition; also resisting it are the Roman laws, which proscribe piracy. L. Holsteinius, in the *Thesaurus Ortelius*, prefers *Estræum* for *Alistrōn*, and *Estræum* likewise, as Carolus a S. Paulo understands it; because, since this town was located by Hierocles in Macedonia Secunda, it cannot hold this seat here. ^B Regarding the other, *Skepōn*, there is no less hesitation: Carolus a S. Paulo advises that one should see if it can be read as *Kaloskepōn*; whereupon I would have greatly wished that he had explained what at last *Cæscepon* might have been. It does not occur to Palmerius what *Exepōn* might be. For my part, if a judgment is to be rendered, I would say that *Alistrōn* is a fortress of New Epirus, which in Procopius (*de Ædif. Just.* iv, 4) is named *Alistros*; while in the word *Skepōn* or *Skeupton* lies hidden a city of the same Epirus, which is called *Spidreōn* and in the Augustan codex *Skydeōn* by the same Procopius.

Ibid. *Under the Consularis*. The *Notitia Imp. Orient.* c. 1 confirms that Dacia Mediterranea was subject to a Consularis. It is in *Cod. Theod.* 1. 11, c. *de inoffic. testam.*: "Claudius, *præses* of Dacia." Since mention is also made of Serdica, you might say that Dacia Mediterranea was a *præsidalis* province; which, however, is otherwise. That law was given by Constantine the Great to the *præses* of Dacia, who for that reason was not the *præses* of Dacia Mediterranea, as I. Gothofredus judged. ^C

Ibid. *Serdica*. That it was the metropolis of Dacia, Theodoret (*H. E.* II, 4) shows. Constantius, he says, *ordered to Serdica* (this is a city of Illyricum, the metropolis of the nation of the Daci) *the bishops from the East and the West to run together*. Where, lest you be offended by this "Illyrian city," observe that it is spoken of in passing because it was under the Praetorian Prefect for Illyricum, which reasoning also moved Jordanes (*R. Goth.* c. 56) to attribute Naissus to Illyricum. See concerning Serdica, *Ant. Itin.* p. 135.

Ibid. *Pantalæa*. It was truly called *Pautalia*, with the titles ΟΥΛΠΙΑΣ ΠΑΥΤΑΛΙΑΣ inscribed on coins, and on the map which separates *Peutalia* from Serdica by 28 miles, according to the indices. The same error was committed thrice in the Excerpts of Malchus from the *Legationes*, translated by Hoeschellus on p. 62, where the most accurate L. Holsteinius well corrected *Pautalian* to *Pautalia*. It was situated not far from the entrance to Thrace; *having ordered*, the words of Malchus are, *to give land to him in Pautalia, which is a province of the Illyrian portion, but not far removed from the invasions of Thrace*. By a not dissimilar error in Procopius (*Ædif. Just.* iv, 4), it is called *Pantalæa*. ^D

Ibid. *Germanē*. Constantine (*1. 11, them.* 9) has *Germanos*. But it is *Germanē*, by which name Procopius (*Ædif. Just.* iv, 1) knows the city in this Dacia. Nor do I think it different from the Germania which he (*B. Vand.* 1, 11) places on the frontiers of Illyricum and Thrace—*between the Thracians and Illyrians*—the fatherland of Belisarius. See N. Alemannus in *Histor. Arcan.* c. 11, and beware of believing the sanctions of the Eastern bishops, as is there confidently asserted in the words of Ortelius, that it is a metropolis: for it was far from that dignity.

Ibid. *Naissos*. Incorrectly so in the manuscripts and Constantine. See Holsteinius on Stephanus, and what is written in *Itiner. H.* p. 566.

Ibid. *Remesiana*. Concerning this city, we discussed it on *Ant. Itin.* p. 135. It is a wonder that in the *Acts of Chalcedon*, p. 323, it is called *Aphroupolis*: Diogenianus, bishop *of Aphroupolis of the Remesiani*, subscribes, who in the old Latin version is called *bishop of the city of the Remissianenses*, and on p. 126 *Remesiana*; in *Dacia* it is correctly said. I would think that the copyists were the founders of *Aphroupolis*, and because there was in the Acts *Diogenianus, bishop of Aphrou*, they added *Diogenianus, bishop of the city of Remesiana*, having neglected the second Diogenianus, and laid the foundations of a new city. *Aphrou episcopos*, to add this, appears as an African bishop in these *Acts of the Councils*, as on p. 402.

Ibid. *Tē para . . . . under the Consularis*. Since Dacia Ripensis is understood, perhaps it will be justly *Dacia Ripensis*; in Procopius (*Ædif.* iv, 5) it is *Ripensia Dacia*. But that it is commanded to be administered by a *consularis*, that is far from being correct: for it was a *præsidialis* province, as we know for certain beyond the *Notit. Imp. Orient.* c. 1 from the cited law in the *Cod. Theod.* *de inoffic. testam.*

Ibid. *Ratiaria*. It ought to have been *Ratiaria*. Theophanes in his *Chronographia*, p. 217, did not pass over this and the two following: *having destroyed, he says, both Ratiaria and Cononia and Acæ and Dorostolon and Zandala and Marcianopolis*. Which, excerpted from Theophylact (*H. M.* 1, 8), will easily receive a sounder coloring from the same source. See *Ant. Itin.* p. 219.

Ibid. *Bononia*. *Bonopia* in the codex of Vulcan. It is *Bononia*, as Henricus Valesius long ago saw in Ammianus xxx1, 11. What follows, *Acoines*, the Latins call *Aquæ*, the Greeks *Acēs*; concerning which matter it has been said elsewhere.

Ibid. *Castra Martis*. Sozomenus (*H. E.* IX, 5) calls *Castra Martis* a city of Moesia, correctly if you look at the name of the city, not so if you look at the province: for these *Castra* were in Dacia, where Procopius (*de Ædif. Just.* iv, 6) recognizes them and removes them from the bank of the Danube; which is surely a wonder, if indeed Gratian, having crossed the Danube, was carried to Bononia, entered Sirmium, and, having stayed there for four days, descended by the same river to *Martis Castra*, according to Ammianus xxx1, 11.

Ibid. *Iscos*. So in the manuscripts, affirming the conjecture of Henricus Valesius. See *Ant. Itin.* p. 221.

Ibid. *Dardanias*. This province was situated at the western side of Macedonia: the codex of the messengers

EXCERPTS CONCERNING EMBASSIES FROM DEXIPPUS THE ATHENIAN, EUNAPIUS THE SARDIAN, PETRUS THE PATRICIAN AND MASTER, PRISCUS THE SOPHIST, MARCUS PHILADELPHENSIS, MENANDER THE PROTECTOR, THEOPHYLACTUS SIMOCATTA, Revised by B. G. Niebuhr, son of C., by command of the print, Bonn, 1828, following the labors of David Höschel and Philippe Labbé.

PREFACE OF THE BONN EDITORS

That the Parisian edition of the Byzantine historians was not initially established with the intention of including the entire corpus of these writers is readily apparent from an inspection of the volumes produced before the protreptic published by Philippe Labbé. Labbé, however, who was magnificently equipped with knowledge of history as well as talent and a sound judgment, as soon as he had applied himself to the execution of the work, formed in his mind an image of a body which subsequently grew little by little, and he conceived a spirited hope for its completion. Led by this hope, he proposed an index of the future syntagma, and assigned a place and number within it to each of the writings that were known at that time.

He composed the first volume in this index, maintaining the series of historical events, in such a way that he made the excerpts concerning embassies, edited by David Höschel, its foundation; for these things, with the exception of Menander, looked toward times earlier than the Emperor Justinian and the historian Procopius. I judge that Menander was retained here by him for the same reasons that convinced me not to remove him: namely, so that the excessive thinness of the volume might be avoided. I believe it came about that, as he applied himself to the task of increasing this, he not only added the excerpts which Photius wrote down from Olympiodorus, Candidus, and Theophanes, but also the Constantinian excerpts concerning embassies from Theophylactus, even though the complete history of this man was being committed to the presses at the same printer at the same time; then also Hesychius' minor work on the origins of Byzantium; and finally, the materials collected from Suida which seemed to pertain to universal Byzantine history, both public and ecclesiastical. When these were compiled, he added annotations of the most diverse character to the excerpts concerning embassies: the admirable ones of Henri de Valois, a man almost unique, and the foolish ones of Cantoclarus; then, regarding those things which were transcribed from Photius, his own commentaries, which were indeed more prolix than necessary, but highly useful and full of good fruit. Moreover, he prefaced the entire collection with what he inscribed a "Protreptic," a very hastily written little work in which, beyond the overview of the work I mentioned above, a catalog of emperors and patriarchs is contained, with the addition of an index arranged in alphabetical order, by which all those are enumerated whose writings pertain to this part of history, or at least whose memory survived.

I myself, since the state of affairs was such that the Bonn edition was to display the excerpts concerning embassies, hesitated not a little as to how I should handle the rest of the material that Labbé attached to them. For I am not unmindful of the promise by which Weber bound himself: that absolutely nothing of those things contained in the Parisian edition would be omitted. This, indeed, did not in the least stand in the way of reserving Hesychius' minor work for a more fitting, or rather, its own proper place; nor did it prevent the omission of the excerpts from Theophylactus, which have no utility at all, except that from them various readings for the criticism of the entire work might be sought. Regarding the rest, one could argue on both sides; however, in the process of surveying Suida, either Labbé or the other person to whom he delegated this labor acted most negligently, so that if one were to truly wish to provide the materials collected there that are stored for Byzantine history, labor would be required, for the bestowal of which I lack the leisure at this time, as do my friends, who are even prepared to undertake an unwelcome task for my sake. Furthermore, of those things which are read in the collection at Labbé's, not a few pertain to ecclesiastical history. Of the remainder, whatever is of greater importance is either expressly brought forward under the name of one of the authors whose remains we are primarily editing, or has long since been referred to one of them, especially by the acumen of Valois; the rest appear to be mostly trivial and of little value. Since these things are so, I will omit entirely those things I mentioned in the first place, lest, while I touch upon ecclesiastical history, the work which is already too ample in itself might grow boundlessly. However, those things which it is apparent Suida took from other titles of the Constantinian excerpts—often in more emended form, with the addition of not a few of the same kind—I have added to the remains of each writer. The rest I do not present at this time, not, however, as if to exclude them forever, but with the intention that if, at some time, there is leisure to accurately examine Suida, I will then present everything at once, enriched with a great increase. The annotations of Cantoclarus, which pertain to the Latin version, sometimes correct errors which Classen removed; sometimes they accumulate them with new ones; those which refer to the Greek, for the most part...

^A 11, if you take its words as though that dignity had only accrued to the Church of Thessalonica after the times of the overthrow of Attila and Sirmium, you would not be able to absolve Tribonian of error; for many years before, as we have indicated above from Theodoret, Eastern Illyricum was subject to that city. See P. de Marca, *Dissert. de Primat.* c. 38, and concerning the Basiani or Bassiani, *Itiner. A.* p. 131.

Ibid. Ὑπ' ἀνθύπατον. In Aristides, vol. 1, p. 611, “ruler of Asia,” and p. 372 and 600, “governor of Asia,” which and in other places when the interpreter has rendered it as praetor or president, it gave the occasion to the great Ussher, in his *Epistola on the Smyrnenses*, p. 46 (ed. Ruinart), to write that the proconsul of the province of Asia properly so-called was then the president; which, however, is well known to be far from the truth. The proconsul’s authority was most extensive, circumscribed within its own limits by the same Aristides, vol. II, p. 501; yet far more accurately, although in his own day it was almost not so, by Eunapius in *Maximus*, p. 101 (ed. Plantin). “But he moved him to a higher office (Valens Clearchus), having appointed him proconsul of what is now called strictly Asia. And this [province], taking its beginning from Pergamum, is cut off towards the overhanging continent as far as Caria, and its mountain Tmolus marks out that part towards Lydia.” ^B It is a most glorious province, and not subject to the prefect of the court. Now, if you observe that for this proconsul, the consular of the Hellespont and the president of the islands were said to be subordinate, you will certainly recognize that a most ample power was enjoined upon him. But as for the claim that this was an example of the power of the praetorian prefect, that—although an appeal from him to the prefect is permitted in *L. 19 Cod. de Appellat.*—you may also learn from the *Notitia imp. Orient.* c. 1; for Asia is not reckoned among the provinces that were under the disposition of the praetorian prefect throughout the East. Moreover, in the words of Eunapius, which did not escape the interpreter, one should read not *τὸ ἁλιγενές* but *τὸ ἁλιτενές*, as in Polybius, book 5, 39, concerning the coast of Pontus: *πᾶν δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἁλιτενές*. A similar error from Strabo, book 11, p. 595, was washed away by Paul Leopardus, *Emendat.* 4, 15.

Ibid. Πόλεις φ'. Formerly five hundred cities of Asia were contributed to the jurisdiction of the proconsul; whence Agrippa says in Josephus, *B. J.* II, 16 § 4: “What of the five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not, without a garrison, worship one ruler and the consular rods?” And at that time it was divided into several assize-districts (*conventus*), concerning which see Pliny, 5, 29. Its amplitude began to be diminished after its own magistrates were imposed upon neighboring provinces, and they were subjected to the rule of another. See Ussher, *de Asia procons.* p. 32 etc.

Ibid. Ἔφεσος. It was the metropolis of the province; and although nearby cities formerly envied it that dignity for the city, yet a necessity was imposed upon the proconsul by the emperor Antoninus to reach it by sea, *καὶ τῶν μητροπόλεων Ἔφεσον* (i.e., among the mother-cities, Ephesus) to be the first to reach, as Ulpian [records]. The emperor preferred Ephesus to Smyrna or Pergamum in such a way that he took away the primacy from the others: he commanded that it should be the first he visited among the metropolises of the province, as Ezechiel Spanheim beautifully demonstrated, *Dissert. 10 de Usu et Præst. Numism.* p. 614. In a later age, at length, it was preferred to the rest, and its bishop was made the exarch of the Asian diocese, and by Patriarchal right indeed, according to Evagrius, *H. E.* III, 6. Add Ussher, *de Asia Procons.* p. 49.

Ibid. Ἐνέα. *Αναία* was truly the surname of the town, which Ptolemy and Stephanus attribute to Caria, and Scylax to Lydia, around Magnesia. Soticus ^C *ἐπίσκοπος Ἀναίας* subscribes among the bishops of Asia at the Council of Chalcedon, p. 675; but at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 666, Joannes, *ἐπίσκοπος Ἀνέων τῆς Ἀσιανῶν ἐπαρχίας* ("bishop of the Aneones of the Asian province"), who on p. 500 is called *τῆς Ἀνεατῶν πόλεως*. Wrongly, therefore, in the Council of Ephesus, p. 465, Modestus is reported *τῆς Ἀνέων πόλεως τῆς Φρυγίας*, or on p. 527 *τῆς Νεατῶν πόλεως* [*Neaton*] prelate. Among Stephanus the gentile name is *Ἀναῖος* and *Ἀναῖος*, to which form those which I have produced can easily be corrected.

Ibid. Μαγνησία Μαιάνδρου. On coins it is *Μαγνησία ἡ πρὸς τῷ Μαιάνδρῳ*; at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 666, *Μαγνήτων ἡ Πρωτομαιανδρούπολις*. It was not far distant from Ephesus. See Ezechiel Spanheim, *Dissert. 12 de Usu et Præst. Numism.* p. 656.

Ibid. Τράλλεις. Nor was this far removed from Ephesus. The oracles which are considered to be received from the Sibyl, book 2: *Τράλλις δ' ἡ γείτων Ἐφέσου σεισμῷ καταλύσει τείχεα*. [*Trallis, neighbor to Ephesus, shall destroy its walls with an earthquake.*] But it is doubtful whether it was built against the Maeander. Stephanus affirms it: Strabo, book XIV, p. 648, sides with those who deny it; to whom Whelrus opposes a coin inscribed with the name TPAAAIANON, bearing the figure of a river, in *Itiner.* p. 288. Yet he will not have proved that it lay upon the river Maeander, both because coins often show a river that washes the territory of a city, like those of the Nicaeans distinguished by the river Sagaris, and especially because the river of its coins could be the Eudon, which, as the Etymologist teaches along with Pliny, flowed around the city of the Trallians.

Ibid. Νύσσα. Nysa according to Strabo and others. In the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 527, subscribes Theodotus, bishop *Μνάσης*, who was *Νύσης*. *Νυσσαέων πόλις* at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 667.

Ibid. Βρίουλλα. It should have been *Βρίουλλα*, as in Strabo, book 14, p. 650, and in the excellent *Thesaur. Britan.*, vol. II, p. 102, on a BPIOYAEITWN coin. The same will have been affirmed by Rufinus, bishop *πόλεως Βριούλων*, at the second Council of Nicaea, 349. Correct therefore, as you will find in the Acts of Ephesus, p. 528, the prelate of the *Βαπτουλιτῶν* [Baptoulitou]. What follows, Mastaura, is often mentioned by Strabo, Stephanus, and the Acts of the Councils.

Ibid. Ἀνίνετα. *Ἀνίνητου* seems to be better, on account of Theodorus, bishop *Ἀνινίτου* in the Ephesine council, p. 466, even though on p. 528 he is wrongly called the prelate of the *Ἀνηνισίων*: for Mamas confirms this with his subscription as *Ἀνινίτου* at the Council of Chalcedon, p. 522, however much on p. 654,

^A exhibit a stupidity joined with incredible ignorance; and I consider it a sin to propagate such outrages on my part. Sometimes, indeed, in this dunghill you may find matters not to be despised, where the vices of the Hoeschelian text have been healed by conjecture or at least plausibly attempted: things which no one will persuade himself that a man of absurd genius invented. Truly, however, to whatever author those are owed, I have accounted for them in the critical scholia in such a way that I might afford honor to Cantoclarus for them. I do not by any means despise Labbe, but whoever brings his *Protrepticon*, long since consigned to oblivion, into the notice of men again, will ill consult the man’s glory: so deficient, and very often full of errors, are those things which he hands down concerning the writers of this history, that they could scarcely be borne in that age, and after Fabricius no one can bear them. Now even boys will be able to seek the chronology of the emperors from books everywhere available, or at least one no less accurate; regarding the patriarchs, if anyone wishes to inquire, he will find more full and accurate information in Banduri, whose *syntagma* we shall not neglect to exhibit in this body of work.

By omitting these, the interests of the buyers were the better served, for our edition has been increased by ample additions. For I have added to Dexippus, Eunapius, and Menander the excerpts on maxims, which the illustrious Mai edited from a Vatican palimpsest: then the fragments, mostly from Suidas, either already collected or at least indicated: then, as Fabricius ordained should be done, the eclogues from Nonnosus; furthermore the panegyrics on Anastasius delivered by Procopius and Priscian; and finally a double index, according to the plan which I followed in editing Agathias. ^B Now, as for how excellent the things in the remains of these six men are that pertain to historical knowledge, the readers of Gibbon know; nor indeed will any man of sound judgment be so uniquely delighted by the Attics that, for example, he would disdain Priscus’s narrative concerning the embassy to Attila. Therefore, for the sake of the honor of the writers, but also to adorn the work to which I have signed my name, I sought whether I could persuade some illustrious artist in critical matters to undertake the duty of reviewing its first part. Then suddenly Bekker occurred to my mind, not less for the friendship by which we are bound, than for the unique force and celerity which he exhibits in reviewing Greek books, joined with the light of erudition and genius. And certainly, no one, I believe, will doubt that the praise with which Politian adorns a learned painter—"that no one could have painted better"—is to be attributed in equal measure to Bekker in our own field of letters. I asked him, therefore, but timidly; for I was not unaware that he had hitherto undertaken to review books only relying on collated codices; but in these excerpts from the embassies, there was no aid from codices: for it is certain that the Munich manuscript was most accurately copied by Hoeschel, and the various readings of the Vatican, brought forth by the illustrious Mai, prove an almost absolute consensus with it; and no one besides these, now that Schott has been removed from the notice of men, seems to survive. ^C But, as I had indeed hoped, Bekker deviated from his custom for my sake; and having received copies of the Hoeschelian and Maian editions, to whose margins I had inscribed conjectures born in my own mind and Valesius’s emendations, he himself dedicated himself to amending all these remains. And regarding those, indeed, he returned a copy of the Paris edition and of the Maian eclogues on maxims, corrected in many places; but in such a way that he left it to my own judgment if I wished to add or change anything. This I used in such a way that I inserted into the order of the discourse very many of Bekker's emendations, which seemed most certain: I added also from time to time what came to mind upon repeated examination: but of these things which I proposed to Bekker—to whose authority in the knowledge of language I attribute everything, to myself almost nothing—and which I saw displeased him, I retracted nothing, except for very few things which had to be judged from history. Yet I deemed it so much my duty to yield to Bekker that, even if I sometimes suspected that the vices of the writers, whose speech was tainted by the corruption of their own age, were being removed rather than the mistakes of the scribes, I would still have seemed impudent to myself if I decided against what he had established. To this genre belongs the fact—to produce examples—that he often substitutes the future for the first aorist, or, where the article is missing in Priscus, Malchus, or Menander—which the laws of reason no less than sound usage surely demand—he inserts it, or he changes the oblique cases of the pronouns *hode* and *houtos* with the same ones which are formed from *tode* and *toutos*. The chronograph, which our edition exhibits in the margin, I had established for the excerpts from the embassies with no small labor.

These things finished, the work could have been delivered to the printer, had not the heavy burden of a Latin version weighed upon me. Since it was not permitted to cast this off, it was apparent that the Cantoclaran version, which it is globally known has no worse predecessor in this entire field of letters, could not be kept intact without the disgrace of the work: ^D but I could find no one to give himself to the thankless labor of correcting it; unless Classen, although involved in constant occupations, had been persuaded by the piety with which he cherishes me in the place of a father. How much weariness had to be exhausted in this business, no one will conceive in his mind unless he has experienced it: but that was most annoying, that with countless vices removed, it was still only possible to achieve that the speech be freed from the foulest filth: not at all that it should become beautiful and pleasing to readers. The same Classen supplied me with several excellently conceived emendations; he added arguments to the remains of each writer, a chronograph to the excerpts on maxims from Eunapius and Menander; and he produced the indices, on which he spent most useful labor; to omit other lighter things which he contributed to this volume. Whoever considers these things, it will be apparent that his labor in adorning it was by far the most laborious.

It remains for me to teach what pertains to the panegyrics delivered to Anastasius, which I added in the last place. I certainly know that I have deserved the gratitude of learned men for joining the oration of Procopius of Gaza to the remaining monuments which exist collected here, for they know that it was published only once in Villoison’s collection of anecdotes: for how few in Germany possess it? My work in its repetition proceeded no further than that I should from time to time recall the reading of the codex changed by the distinguished man Villoison: a Latin version...

^A *episcopus urbis Aniriti* it might appear to be said. Concerning the site, I shall conclude nothing.

[Col. 145] *Hypaepa*. *Ypaipa*, whence Julian was bishop of the city of the *Hypaepeni* at the Council of Chalcedon, p. 665, and Antonius of the city of *Ypaipa* at the Council of Constantinople, tert., p. 500; which name is frequently seen later on coins in Hardouin, Vaillant, and Haym. The town lay near Tmolus. Ovid, *Metamorphoses* XI, 150: *for looking out over the seas, steep Tmolus stands wide, rising high; and extending with slopes on both sides, is bounded here by Sardis, there by small Hypaepa.*

*Ibid.* *Hadrianopolis*. That this is truly *Arcadiopolis*, Alexander of *Arcadiopolis* of Asia at the Council of Ephesus, p. 463 and 528, will testify; if he had provided the name which the city had used before, he would have indicated its location, which we seek in vain, by the same means.

*Ibid.* *Dios Hieron*. Rather *Hierum*, a town of Ionia between Lebedus and Colophon, according to Stephanus: Hardouin possesses coins [reading] ΔΙΟΣ ΙΕΡΙΤΩΝ, which he did not fail to note were from the third Council of Constantinople, p. 500, and belonging to the *Christoupolitans* according to Labbe.

*Ibid.* *Ebalu*. Liberatus Diaconus, *Breviarium* c. XIII: *The matter was also dealt with at the ninth session, where Bassianus, who was ordained bishop for the city of the Evazenses, had even occupied the church of Ephesus.* I do not see the reason why this city was marked with an asterisk in the Labbe edition: for all things are well [as they are]. Bassianus had been imposed, against his will, as bishop upon the city of *Evaza* by Memnon of Ephesus: after Memnon and his successor Basil had met their fate, he was in turn placed in charge of Ephesus; all of which is [treated] more fully in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Vol. IX, p. 7. Lucas Holstenius in *Car. a S. Paulo Geogr. S.* refers this to Basil’s Epistle 251, new edition, inscribed *Εὐαζοῦσι*, and is the author of [the opinion that] it should be read as *Εὐαζουσι*. For my part, with his permission, I hold another opinion. In Basil’s Epistle 278, *Εὐησης* is found near the mountains of Cappadocia, as you may know from the series of the epistle; I believe that letter was sent to its inhabitants, and therefore [I prefer] *Εὐησηνοῖς*, especially because the manuscripts written out by a later hand, though not the earlier ones, seem to agree in the spelling of the word.

*Ibid.* *Colophon*. The manuscripts present *Koloasis*: I would approve of neither, even though I do not yet have absolute certainty as to what the true name was. In both of Jacob Goar’s *Notitiae*, among the prelates of Asia is [an entry for] the *Calonensis*, and Theophanes the bishop of *Calone* subscribes to the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 50, 350, and elsewhere, and on p. 153 [it is] incorrectly [called] *Kalones*. You would therefore say that *Calone* is the proper title of the city, were it not for the fact that Aphobius, who was present at the Council of Ephesus, contradicts this and testifies that he was bishop of *Kolonos*, p. 465, or *Kolonus*, p. 528, or—as the manuscripts give it—*Kolones*; to which last I would defer the others, and I would conjecture, if the fear of straying were absent, that the name came from Lake Coloe, not far from Sardis, according to Strabo, Book XIII, p. 626. However, since most things concerning the name of the city are doubtful, Carolus a S. Paulo cannot excuse his negligence in omitting it.

*Ibid.* *Algilla*. The Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 153, and elsewhere, to which Leo, the bishop of the *Algizens*, appended his name, will confirm this. In the [Acts of the Council of] Chalcedon, p. 96, you will find Proclus of *Arpizes* and on p. 398 [those of] the *Arpizens*. Regarding his location and that of Nicopolis, which I seek in vain, following the Sceptics, I shall conclude nothing.

[Col. 1108] *Ibid.* *Palaia Polis*. Some wish it to be the same as the *Balaia katoikia*, which Strabo, Book XII, p. 614, mentions as being 130 stadia from Andera, but this is a doubtful conjecture: for the prelate of *Palaia* subscribes among the Hellespontians at the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 51, and is distinguished from the *Palaeopolitan*. His bishops are often met with in the Acts of the Councils. See the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 153, and the [Council of] Ephesus, p. 437.

*Ibid.* *Baretta*. Johannes, bishop of *Baretten*, confirms this surname of the town in the Acts of Chalcedon, p. 675. The prelate of *Bareton* is [mentioned] in the Third Council of Constantinople, p. 667, and the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 153.

*Ibid.* *Auliou Kome*. [The] *Thomas of the city of Auliou Kome* is in the Council of Chalcedon, pp. 96 and 675.

*Ibid.* *Neauche*. It ought to have been *Nea Aule* because of the *Philippa Neas Aules* in the Council of Chalcedon, p. 96, which on p. 675 is incorrectly [written as] *Nevaune*; and in the Latin version [as] *Naulochi*, whence Car. a S. Paulo deduced that *Naulochum* was among the cities of Asia of which he was once bishop.

*Ibid.* *Colophon*. Emman. Schelstraten and Ans. Banduri join the word *Metropolis* very tightly to Colophon; for which reason Colophon is created a metropolis, which it was not, and the city of Ionia which is a metropolis is entirely passed over. Therefore, Carolus a S. Paulo better distinguished [between them]. Colophon is distant, if you sail straight, 70 stadia from Ephesus according to Strabo, Book XIV, p. 643, or, as Xenophon of Ephesus writes, Book I, p. 8, 80 stadia.

*Ibid.* *Metropolis*. The coins [reading] MHTROPOLEITON TON EN IONIA and the *Oinos Metropolites* of Strabo, Book XIV, p. 637, and Marcellinus, bishop of *Metropolis*, from the Council of Chalcedon, p. 96, pertain to this. Shortly, *Teos*, the fatherland of the lyric poet Anacreon, will be more important.

*Ibid.* *Satiote*. Unless all things deceive me, *Erythrae* lies hidden in the word: it is the city most appropriate for this place and was transcribed to this province by the Acts of the Councils and the *Notitiae*. A little before, the *Klazomenai* had stood [before us].

*Ibid.* *Magnesiasoupolis*. Thus [it is written in the] manuscripts for *Magnesia ad Sipylum*. Whence the coins [reading] MAGNHTWN SIPYLOY. With a not dissimilar mistake, Basil, bishop of *Magnesia of Sipylum*, subscribes to the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 571.

*Ibid.* *Agan*. This seems to have been born from *Agan*, whose bishop, Constans, is called [bishop] of the city of *Agan* in the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 350. But this [comes] from *Aigan*: whence Cyriacus of *Aigle* is inserted in place of *Aigae* in the Acts of Chalcedon, p. 197; on p. 322 it is *Aigae*, on p. 508 *Aigete*, and on p. 664 *Aiganes polis*. These are understood to be the Aeolic *Aegae*, whose name one would say was forged into another form in a later age, if there were any authority in these monuments; for we are led by them to *Aigian* and *Aigan`. In flourishing Greece they were called not only *Aigai* but also *Aigaiai*; which latter, although it has certain usage, should not for that reason alone be regarded as correct. Suidas [writes] *Polles Aigieus, from the Aigai of Asia. It lies near Magnesia and Smyrna.* Among which I think it better to include [the name of] *Myrrhine*, even though I would not say that *Aegae* were far removed from Smyrna by a very long span of territory; for they were those closest [to it] and for that reason were called *Aigai in Myrrhine* by Stephanus. The same Galen, *De Euchymia*, p. 558, Basil edition, confirms: *Such a one is among us in Aigae and Perperine, the one bordering Myrrhine, the other Pergamum.* And a short time after: *And that in Aigae and Perperine are between these.* Which certainly makes the *Aigai* and our conjecture probable. These can [be compared] with Theod. Laurentius[...

^A and summary was furnished for it by those invited by me, Francis Ritter, Ph.D., who very recently decided to profess his philological services at this university of letters. I have repeated almost in their entirety the editor’s notes—which contribute so much to the explanation of the material of Anastasius that they might suffice in some way even to interpret the Latin Panegyric—out of consideration for the honor due to the work of Villoison; nor was there any other reason standing in the way, both the author and the booksellers at whose expense the *Anecdota* were published having long since passed away. On the other hand, it seemed by no means permissible to incorporate into the adornment of my edition those things which the distinguished Mai added to the *Eclogae*, or the distinguished Endlicher to the Panegyric of Priscian—a work long sought after by philologists, which, once it became known that it existed in the Imperial Library of Vienna, he published last year, annotating it in such a way as to leave nothing that could be added by others. The grammarian’s poem itself, written eruditely and diligently on Bobbio parchments, was expressed by the editor so accurately that there is hardly any place in it for emendations.

The Parisian edition was produced with the same shameful negligence regarding typographical errors as the others after Cantacuzenus, before Du Cange took charge of the work; it was adorned with a useless and deceptive brilliance of type. We have corrected many errors of this kind with the help of the Hoeschelian edition; the entire verse which had been lost was restored, to say nothing of the minor ones; but Bekker forbade mention of these individually. Wherever, therefore, mention of this kind is found, it was done for a certain peculiar reason, which perhaps, however, will not always be apparent. Bekker did not touch what Suidas preserved; in these, too, I have corrected some things. I have presented Photius as it was edited by Bekker, except that in matters which depend upon history, I have adopted the various readings of Labbe, and once or twice my own emendations; I might perhaps have ventured to examine more places, if I were not certain that Photius often erred in writing names, from the correction of which an editor must abstain. I have not often corrected the versions of Portus, and never those of Schottus. ^B With the work of the editors thus known, it is hardly necessary to explain that whatever is distinguished in the critical scholia by the letters B. and N. are emendations which have Bekker and myself as authors, and those to which the two letters *Cl.* are added are by Classen. I have called “vulgate” (vulg.) that reading which has propagated from the Hoeschelian edition through the Parisian and Venetian ones. As often as nothing other than that *vulg.* is written regarding a rejected reading, we signify this: an emendation, whether Bekker found it proposed by me or, as often happens, I forgot to conceive it, yet it appeared so manifest that it ought to have been discovered by anyone not very careless or unlearned. I have placed the signs † and * according to ancient custom, to indicate a corrupt passage for the correction of which I saw no probable conjecture, not suffering from a printer’s error, but quite clearly published that way by Hoeschel. And there are certainly more places than I would wish, even in these *Eclogae*, which an editor, alien to the license of altering, is forced to leave as they are—namely, corrupted—yet I can truly declare this: that it has been achieved by this edition that these most useful remnants of excellent writers, which heretofore obstructed readers on every page with an innumerable multitude of errors, have now in the greatest part become easy and open to understanding. ^C Since, therefore, things that hitherto lay neglected will without doubt become known to many more than before, an opportunity has been offered, not unworthy of distinguished talents, where the power of divination may exercise itself and carry well-begun things further. Of the emendations we have received, many have Hoeschel as their author, proposed in the margin of his edition: these, whether they were approved by us or not, I have designated with the siglum *H*. The same Hoeschel, where he utilized a double codex, the Schottus and the Bavarian, as often as these varied among themselves, indicated the diversity likewise in the margin, with the siglum *al.* prefixed. These variants I have designated *mg. H.*: for which it would certainly have been better to write *var. H.*; yet in so light a matter I hardly fear reproach. It is more serious that sometimes where I had been hindered by domestic cares from inspecting the printer's sheets, *mg. H.* is placed, even when a conjecture ought to have been designated. Written at Bonn, the day after the Nones of October, 1829.

CONCERNING THE HISTORIANS WHOSE REMAINS APPEAR HERE

PUBLIUS HERENNIUS DEXIPPUS, son of Ptolemaeus, of Athens, from the deme Hermus, of the Ceryces clan, attained the highest honors in the city, created king and archon eponymos; he served in the splendid office of agonothetes at the Panathenaic festival; a famous orator and writer of histories; on account of which gifts of fortune and industry he was adorned with the honor of a statue, the base of which stands with an inscription. ^D But he acquired for himself a far more glorious honor, worthy of the memory of the ages, at the time when, with the Heruli pouring into Greece through the straits of the Propontis and having captured Athens, he rallied the citizens with him into trackless mountain defiles, escaping from the destruction of the city; and having been appointed their leader in war, he united with the fleet, over which Cleodamus presided, and took some vengeance upon the Barbarians, three thousand of their number being killed when the opportunity arose. By which act the exceptional man, after five hundred years, recalled the Athenians, unaccustomed to arms, to military glory and affairs: for the unhappy city had not moved its arms in the Mithridatic war by its own will or intent. Since, therefore, the inscription of the statue is silent concerning this glory of Dexippus, it has been believed that it was placed before he had attained that, to which opinion I would easily accede, if the history of the era, which he drew partly from books, partly from life, as the epigram proclaims, could be different from that of all the era of which we have knowledge from Eunapius and Photius. It is now finally possible to establish that version, which Gibbon—who is never to be mentioned without an honorary preface—conceived, from the excerpts concerning sentiments edited by the illustrious Mai.

mentions it; Strabo (bk. 13, p. 567), and from him Stephanus, [supposed it existed, but] the way it differs from the *Blandus* of the councils—a matter about which I would indeed have doubts—is of no help, as they are situated too far from the province of the Hellespont. Therefore, let another lend support to this and to *Skelen-ta*.

Col. 945. *Melis*. Carolus a S. Paulo wrote *Melis* or *Melitopolis* in his edition. *Miletopolitae* and *Metropolitan-tai* are found on coins and in Pliny among the coastal towns of the Hellespont. John also attended, at the third Council of Constantinople (p. 501), as bishop of the city of the *Miletopolitai* of the province of the Hellespont; and at the second Council of Nicaea, Michael of *Melitopolis*, as it is written erroneously on p. 592 and elsewhere. Yet I would not assert this, unless better hand-written codices come closer to the truth.

Ibid. *Gernae*. *Gernes*. Stephanus is the authority that it was not far from Cyzicus; see Holstein on this. Ptolemy [calls it] *Hiera Germe*, whence it is marked solely by the title *HIERAS* on a fine coin; Haym (*Thes. Brit.*, vol. 2, p. 115) thinks it is this; I consider this conjecture to be very uncertain. More on the city can be found in *Antonini Itinerarium* (p. 335).

Ibid. *Apisos*. I seek this and the following in vain; perhaps, however, it might lie hidden in *Kebren*, a city of the Troad, as it is called by Scylax and by Harpocration from Demosthenes in *Against Aristocrates* (p. 428). *Kebrenia* to others, *Kebren* in the *Sibylline Oracles* (bk. 3, p. 243), just as Holstein also noted in Stephanus.

Ibid. *Zagara*. I do not solve this either. Sozomen (*H. E.* 7, 48) reports that *Sangara*, a maritime village in Bithynia, was not far from Helenopolis, differing in its actual site from this. Andreas is bishop of *Sangara* in Chalcedon (p. 574), but he is attributed to Lydia and called more truly *Zotalon* (p. 599); nothing, therefore, will be of help from these. There remains the *Cleodemus Flavianus Zagaraites* from the Reinesian collection (cl. 1, 72), whom it is no unjust suspicion to think [came] from here.

Ibid. *Adrianae Therae*. So it should be: for Hadrian established a town in Mysia, *Hadrianotherae*, 8 miles from Pergamum—unless the *Tabula* errs—because he had hunted there successfully and killed a bear, as Spartianus in *Hadrian* (c. 20) and Dio attest. Aristides mentions the town three times (vol. 1, p. 500), at one point calling it *Adrianou Thera*, a manifest error of the scribes. *Adrianotheron* is bishop at the second Council of Nicaea (p. 352), who on p. 592 is called *Adrianotheron* a little more correctly. The citizens *Adrianothereitai* are found on coins in Hardouin and Vaillant. See Jo. Masson, *Vita Aristidis* (III, 9, 12), where the aberrations of many concerning this city are brought into order.

Ibid. *Heras*. Thucydides (bk. 8, 19) and Strabo (bk. 14, p. 644)—though amended by Palmerius—mention a town *Heras* near Erythrae; the distance between the places prevents us from thinking it is ours. Another, therefore, where it might have been in the province of the Hellespont, and whether it originated from Pliny’s *Tiare* or *Tiaris* (5, 50), will show.

Ibid. *Pionia*. It is in Strabo (bk. 13, p. 610) and *Pionitae* in Pliny. Eulalius *Pionee* and in the list *Pioneiton*, or as the old interpreter [has it], Eulalius of *Pionia* subscribes to the Hellespontine synod of Chalcedon (p. 398).

Ibid. *Konisium*. Is it *Conisium*, which Pliny (5, 30) counts among the towns of this coast?

Ibid. *Agyria*. In the province of Asia we have seen a city which had the name *Agyria*; from which, if the name— ^B —species, this hardly differs much if regarding the site, [but differs] by a great deal [regarding the name]. Pliny (5, 30) joins the *Miletopolitae* of this province to the *Erezii*; if you derive them from here, the name of the city will stick as a defect. Hardouin called them citizens of *Erezo*, a city of Caria, but imprudently: Caria is very far from the coast of the Hellespont, which Pliny describes, and is remote.

Ibid. *Eios Trados*. Schelstraten and Banduri join these most closely, not however Carolus a S. Paulo: which is better, I am in doubt. Nothing that could illuminate the one or the other occurs to me; for although Strabo (bk. 13, p. 607) locates the village *Trarium* near *Perperene*, and *Tragasai*—whence *Tragasaean* salt, regarding which Galen writes excellently in *De simplicium medicamentorum facultatibus* (bk. 2, p. 15)—are mentioned by others, I do not dare refer [our word] to here.

Ibid. *Mandakada*. Hence the Cilician *Mandakadeni* [are placed] among the neighbors of the Hellespont by Pliny (5, 30), from Hardouin's fine emendation.

Ibid. *Ergastion*. A village between Cyzicus and Pergamum, but separated from here by 440 stadia, famous for its mines and called *Ergasteria*, as Ortelius noted; it occurs in Galen, *De simplicium medicamentorum facultatibus* (bk. 9, p. 127). "They are called *Ergasteria*," he says, "a certain village in which there are also mines, between Pergamum and Cyzicus, 440 stadia away from Pergamum." I am certain that it differs in no way from our [town].

Ibid. *Mandrae*. *Neandria* is a town of the Troad, about which Strabo (bk. 14, p. 603 and p. 604) [speaks], where it [was written] *Klear-dria* incorrectly, unless I am mistaken, [which] seemed [true] to me formerly; which opinion, although plausible, I would not press: for what if it has stuck there from a place for the folds of oxen and sheep? As *Mandris* [is] near Byzantium in the description of the Bosporus by Dionysius in Peter Gyllius (12, 4), and *Mandra* in Palestine which Josephus (*Ant.* 13, 9, 7) mentions. And this should be considered as confirmed if there were any authority in John Malalas: for he affirms (vol. 1, p. 114) that Priam had set aside his son Alexander in a field *onoma Mandra*, where he was nourished by milk from some shepherds. There is indeed in Malalas *Amandra*—but that it is correct to follow [that which is in] Cedrenus, *Mandra*, even if corrupt, is shown.

Ibid. *Hippoi*. Strabo (bk. 14, p. 644) near Erythrae, a city of Ionia, has four islands lying before it, called *Hippoi*, which, although they might be further from the Hellespont, could come into the account because the islands were equally subject to the Hellespont and the empire of the proconsul of Asia. It will be safer, however, to conclude nothing, since a village might also exist with a similar name, and the islands [might] be more correctly attributed to proconsular Asia.

Ibid. *O Kisidepon*. It could be produced without much effort as *Okne* or *Akne* from the beginning of the word; which city the *Acts* of the councils insert in the province of the Hellespont. See the *Chalcedon* (p. 673). Then *Sideron*, which remains, must either be retained as [the name of] a village rich in iron mines, or be converted into *Elyston*, which no one is ignorant is a city of the Troad. But these are conjectures, in which I myself put no faith. Therefore, let those more skilled look into it.

Ibid. *Skepsis*. Rather *Skepsis*, about which Strabo (bk. 14, p. 609).

Ibid. *Uad koroulapior*. I greatly fear that this is correct: the *Notitia imperii Orientis* (c. 1) makes this province a consular one, and [it is in] 1. 11 c. Theod. de

August of the year in which it ended; but Syncellus, who was reading this work of Dexippus, reports that the destruction of Athens happened under Gallienus. And unless we suppose that it happened two years later—which Zonaras follows—so that it occurred in that very first year of Claudius, 269, the difficulty is resolved. Thus, one must either imagine that an earlier edition existed, of which no one has handed down anything, or concede that he [Dexippus] neglected to mention the fame of his books in the city’s official records—because the records were tumultuously collected by the assembled multitude—and that he passed over his brave deeds in silence because of his low opinion, when weighing honors, of men’s minds, and because he was elevated by a desire for the glory of his ancestors: a state of affairs which, due to the corruption of that age, is not at all incredible. He carried his Life down to the principate of Probus, although he had already become famous under Valerian.

Dexippus’s works pertaining to history were read by Photius; of these, we must treat each ^B in turn.

I. *Τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον*, contained in four books, from which Photius recites the most well-known division of the satrapies; and he teaches that the writer generally agrees with Arrian. Regarding this Macedonian history, it suffices to have pointed out in one word that what the illustrious Mai found in pages 81, 82, 100, and 101 of the palimpsest codex should be referred to this work, since the speech of Hyperides, whether authentic or fictitious, looks toward the time of the Lamian War. Perhaps someone will say that it should not have been inserted into our collection, as it is alien to Roman, not to say Byzantine, history: I will defend this act, first, by the small bulk of these fragments, which demand a very small place for themselves; yet, even for the reason that they bear the name of Hyperides, they deserve the notice of philologists. Finally, if I had done otherwise, I would not have escaped criticism, since in the Roman edition they adhere to the rest of what survives from Dexippus. For in what way could it be clear to those who had not seen it that I had not willfully provided notice?

II. *Χρονικὴν ἱστορίαν*, or Annals, which Photius calls a *σύντομον ἱστορικόν*, brought down by Olympiads and the lists of archons and consuls from the beginnings of history, omitting, however, the fabulous origins, until the first year of Claudius Gothicus, with special care applied to the reckoning of time. The twelfth book of these is cited by the ethnographer Stephanus; there, the mention of the Heruli most certainly proves that the location in question was not far from the end of the work: it is therefore established that the writer set forth all time in these twelve ^C books. From these annals, I believe that whatever Syncellus has from Dexippus was taken, but the Constantinian excerpts are entirely alien to them; for the brief style of the annals could not have captured the long-winded speeches, which for the most part covered a century per book; hence Trebellius Pollio wrote that Dexippus had covered all things briefly.

III. Therefore, Vossius had already perceived that these selections on embassies belong to the *Σκυθικά*, and their method is the same as those which the illustrious Mai edited from the title on sentiments. I should have translated *Σκυθικά* as "concerning the Scythian war," since that is what is intended, which began under Decius and lasted until the peace of Aurelian. And here, indeed, I have slipped slightly regarding the words; I fear I may have erred more gravely in that I attributed to Dexippus himself the passages from p. 22, l. 20 to p. 26, l. 4, as if it were a speech delivered to his fellow citizens who, by rash counsel, desired to go out from the walls and ^D engage the enemy. I had not attended to the opinion of the illustrious Mai—that it is a letter: to which, that I might add something of my own, I would say that it seems to have been sent by a Roman magistrate; nay, perhaps by the emperor himself, announcing that he would soon be present with his forces (p. 25, l. 17 seqq.) and that it was read in the assembly (p. 22, l. 18). If, by chance, the 324th page of the codex can ever be more fully deciphered from the erasure, it will be clearly established; and perhaps then it will be made clear exactly which town and which citizens are being discussed. Now, my opinion inclines to the belief that these pertain to the first arrival of the Goths under Decius, whose name is visible on that obliterated page; this seems to be confirmed by the fact that mention is made of events conducted at Nicopolis in Moesia (p. 25, l. 22; cf. Syncellus p. 705, l. 42). If this is so, the inhabitants of Philippopolis were besieged by the Barbarians. Yet it must not be left unsaid that also under Claudius Augustus, at Nicopolis, the fight against the Barbarians was successful; at which time, as much as can be gathered in such a confusion of narratives, Thessalonica bravely withstood their assault.

Photius praises the speech and the style of Dexippus with immense laudation, to the point that he says he speaks clearly like Thucydides; which is a marvelous aberration from the truth by a prudent man. For no one will recognize anything in him except the empty rhetorician of a degenerate age, so that it is a wonder that one who pursues such childish things, placed among arduous matters, should have performed great deeds.

The testimonials concerning Dexippus that exist are roughly the following: Inscription in the Corpus of Boeckh, no. 380. According to the inquiry of the Council of the Areopagus and the Council of the 500 and the People of the Athenians, [honoring] him who served as king among the Thesmothetae, and served the eponymous archonship, and served as *panegyriarch* and *agonothetes* of the Great Panathenaea, and hometown sacred priest, Publius...

^A *Keretapa*. Coins of the Keretapians confirm this among Hardouin and Vaillant. Therefore, they ought to be corrected: Theodulus *Chairetapa* of Phrygia among Socrates (H. E. II, 40), and Philetas of the city of Chairetapa (Chalcedon, p. 674), and Michael *Chairetapa* in the Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea (p. 356), and Andreas, bishop of Aerygapa of Pacatiana, in the Third Council of Constantinople (p. 674). *Ibid.* *Themesonios*. The manuscripts are so written, which would have proven *Themisonion* more correct because of the agreement of Strabo, Pausanias, and Stephanus. The Thesaurus Britannicus (vol. I, p. 269) has a coin of the *Themisonians*. Vaillant cites more of the *Themisonians*, if indeed those inhabitants belonged to the same cities, a matter on which we shall inquire elsewhere. *Ibid.* *Ovalentia*. Pantaleon, bishop of Ovalentia, was present at the Second Council of Nicaea (p. 556), and it is perversely said that he was of *Galatia* (p. 597). Carolus a S. Paulo could have enriched his *Geographia Sacra* with this city. *Ibid.* *Zanaos*. Thus also Strabo (XI, p. 576) and the Council of Chalcedon (p. 674), where it says "Antiochus of the city of the Zanaons." *Ibid.* *Coniopolis*. Conua is mentioned both in Ptolemy and Conium among the cities of Phrygia in Pliny (V, 32), but by the emendation of Hardouin: it was before Iconium. Situ-polis, which follows, has not yet been read elsewhere. *Ibid.* *Krasos*. Theophanes in his *Chronographia* (p. 406) mentions in passing the Phrygian city of Crasus, *Krasos* of Phrygia, at which the Emperor Nicephorus was defeated in battle by the Saracens. But what Abr. Ortelius here brought from Galen (*de facultatibus alimentorum*, p. 312) as Crassopolis is very different, as I shall show in its proper place. *Ibid.* *Lounda*. Nicephorus makes it clear that this is correct, an opus *of the city of the Loundoi* in the Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea (p. 574), although on p. 357 he is reported as the prelate of the Loutoi. Nicetas in his *Annals of Manuel* (VI, p. 97) lists the *Louma* among the cities of Phrygia near the Maeander; if these are the same, things will not all be obscure regarding its location. However they may turn out, it was not an unworthy town to adorn the *Geographia Sacra* of Carolus a S. Paulo. *Ibid.* *Melte*. Manuscripts say *Melte*, which if you help it a little, will lead us to the truth. There are the *Peltae*, which Xenophon (Exped. Cyr. I, p. 196) removes about 10 parasangs from Celaenae. Therefore, "Pella" in the Table is wrong, and Georgius, bishop *of the Peltae* in the Council of Chalcedon (p. 574), is more correct, as is *Pempōn* of Pacatiana (p. 356 and Constantinople III, p. 674). *Ibid.* *Eumeneia*. The manuscripts are written *Eumeneia*, and the Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea are no different. The common Table of Ptolemy and Strabo hold it to be authentic. Coins of the *Eumeneians* are almost always inscribed with the names of priests; in which genre the *Thesaurus Britannicus* (vol. II, p. 186) is excellent, where it says: "Of the Eumeneians, Julius Cleon, high priest of Asia." Julius Cleon seems, to illustrate his dignity in passing, to have been the high priest of Asia and of his native city; in the same way, in a Thyatirean inscription in Spon's *Itinerary* (vol. I, p. 594), "M. Aurelius Diadochus, high priest of Asia of the temples in Pergamum and high priest at the same time of his own country," and M. Ulpius Appulius in an Aphrodisian marble, a part of ^B which Jo. Masson transcribed in his *Life of Aristides*, it is said that it was of Smyrna. The priesthood of Asia was very extensive and excelled in great wealth: "But this Stephanus, a man of great wealth and of much money," says Philostratus in *Scopelianus*. They took care of the sacred rites, ceremonies, and games, whence in the Aphrodisian marble Apulius mandates things that concern the games; which thing itself was also enjoined upon the priests of the cities. Concerning the Pergamenians, we are indeed instructed by Galen (*Comment. in Epidem. III*, p. 565) that they were accustomed to present gladiatorial gifts annually: "And especially in summer, at which time always among us in Pergamum the high priests perform the so-called gladiatorial combats," which, although he uses the plural number, yet the sacred rites were under the disposition of a single Pergamenian high priest at the same time. Two were created each year, one under the beginning of autumn, another in the spring, as the same author signifies (*de facultatibus alimentorum*, II, p. 350). But the fact that the *temples of those in Smyrna or the temples of those in Pergamum* are entrusted to their care is perhaps for this reason, because those houses were kept in repair at the common expense of the Asians. This, if I am not mistaken, is what Dio Chrysostomos signifies (Orat. XXXV, p. 434), where he says to the Apameneans: "And indeed there is a share for you in the temples of Asia and in the expense, as much as for those cities in which the shrines are." Now if the *high priest of Asia* was the prince of the college, that is the Asiarchs, as a very learned man has supposed, it is necessary that he should have been chosen in the common council of the ethnic group from the cities of Asia at the will of the delegates; we have seen both the Eumeneian and the Thyatirean, and Philostratus (*V. Soph. I, 21, 2*) offers the Scopelianus and his elders the Clazomenians, and *Acta S. Polycarpi* (c. 21) offers Philippus the Trallian. But these things have not yet been brought to light and require a wider field. See Jo. Masson and Ezech. Spanheim, *Dissertation XI on V. and P. Num.*, p. 416. *Ibid.* *Silba*. In Ptolemy, *Silbion*, whence Pliny has the Silbiani. In the Second Council of Nicaea (p. 574), Johannes *Silbios*, who added his name to the version as Bishop of Silbios, and p. 596 he is called *Soubliou*; but in the Council of Chalcedon (p. 688), Eulalius *of the city of Silbeia*, or, as the old interpreter says, of the city of Silbius, and Nicetas Choniates (*Annals of Manuel*, VI, p. 88) calls him *Soubliou*. *Ibid.* *Netouza*. Epiphanius (*Haeres. 48, 14*) affirms that it was a city of Phrygia, deserted in his own time and razed to the ground. From it the name Pepuzitis comes (*Cod. Theod., de Haeret., XVI, v, 38*); and since Jac. Gothofredus knew them well, you would wonder that *Netouza* of Phrygia among Philostorgius (*H. E. IV, 8*) caused him trouble. Valesius restored its own name. Aristaenetus in his *Commentary on Canon 8 of the Council of Laodicea* (among Beveridge, vol. I, p. 456) calls it "the small town of Phrygia, *Netouza*." *Ibid.* *Briana*. I would have suspected that the gentile name of this should be rendered as Ovidian, if it were a little better known to me, *Metamorphoses* VIII, 719: "He still shows there the Tyaneian inhabitant from the twin-tree trunks." For neither, as Farnabius beautifully notes, can "Tyaneian" be correct. Tyana was in Cappadocia, far removed from Phrygia: in Phrygia, the poet signifies (v. 620) that Philemon and Baucis were turned into trees: "A linden tree, neighbor to an oak, is on the Phrygian hills, surrounded by a small wall." If *Brianeius* were read, the matter would be exempt from difficulties and the poet's praise would stand without error. Col. 148. *Sebaste*. Its bishop, Plato ^C

Herennius Dexippus, son of Ptolemy, an Hermaean orator and historian, for his excellence his children [did honor].

With valor and myths and with councils most powerful, Cecropia brought forth men of noble fame. One of them, Dexippus, who surveyed the long History of the Age, clearly recounted it. And what he himself saw, and what he gathered from books, He found many a path of history. O greatly illustrious man, who from your mind stretching A myriad-eyed vision, learned the deeds of old. Fame is renowned throughout Greece, which the young Eulogy gave to Dexippus for his history. Wherefore His children also, for their noble sire, Placed this fashioned stone in return.

Photius, cod. 82: "There were read the *Events after Alexander* by Dexippus, in four books. There was also read another short history of his, running up to the summary acts of the reign of Claudius. ^B There were also read his *Scythica*, in which are recorded the battles of the Romans and Scythians against one another, and their noteworthy deeds. His style is unadorned and delights in weight and dignity, and, one might say, he is another Thucydides with a certain clarity, especially in the *Scythica*." CONCERNING WHAT EUNAPIUS teaches about the Chronicles of Dexippus, see below p. 56 seqq. THE SAME, in *Life of Porphyry*, near the end: "He happened to conjecture the times (of Porphyry’s life) to Gallienus and Claudius, and Tacitus and Aurelian and Probus; in whose time also lived Dexippus, who wrote the chronological history, a man filled with all learning and logical power." EVAGRIUS, *Hist. eccl.* V, 24: "And Dexippus labored much on these matters, beginning from mythical times and ending at the reign of Claudius, who followed Gallienus; in which work he included what the Carpi and other barbarian nations did while warring throughout Greece and Thrace and Ionia." (He seems to refer here to the *Scythica*, not to a part of the *Chronicles*.) SUIDAS, s. v. Dexippus: "Dexippus, the Herennian, as he was called, an Athenian orator, who lived in the time of Valerian, Gallienus, and Claudius the Second, and Aurelian, the Roman emperors." TREBELLIUS POLLIO, in *Gallieno*, 14: "The Goths ravaged Cyzicus and Asia, and subsequently the whole of Achaia, and were defeated by the Athenians, under the leadership of Dexippus, the writer of these times."

EUNAPIUS, famous of the lives of the sophists, born at Sardis in the year 347, continued the history of Dexippus in such a way that he entitled his own work *Chronological History After Dexippus* (14). It contained 14 books, of which the first embraced events from the passing of Claudius Gothicus to the Emperor Julian, while in the others he copiously narrated the history of this man—whom he himself, being most vehemently animated for the ancient religion, worshipped as a sort of god provided to the human race—and of what followed thereafter (15). That he finished the ^C work at the time when St. John Chrysostom was sent into exile, in the year of Christ 404, Photius teaches (16). The eclogues, in which (p. 96, n. 70) there is discourse regarding the avarice of the Augusta Pulcheria, who did not eventually take possession of the empire until the year 414, seem to contradict this; yet one can by no means conclude from this that Eunapius set forth a history of the ten intervening years in a continuous narrative: rather, it appears he digressed there so as to console himself by recounting how Hierax, having been betrayed through the avarice of the Augusta into the hands of a rival who surpassed even him in wickedness, paid late, but nonetheless paid, the penalties for the murder of Fravitta. Added to this is the fact that he speaks next of Stilicho, who was killed long before the rule of Pulcheria. Since Photius had seen a double edition of the history, as the title of the Constantinian eclogues indicates, the latter were taken from the second, where many places, in which the writer had indulged his rabid and unbridled hatred against the Christians, had been so excised that, in the judgment of Photius, gaping lacunae appeared, and many subsequent passages suffered from obscurity. Photius shifts the blame for this defect onto Eunapius himself; whether he was led by conjecture or evidence is not clear. That the writer would have left his work so mutilated that it labored under this is certainly not probable. And it can certainly happen that it was not the writer himself, but a bookseller, through the work of an unlearned amanuensis, who had taken the notion to liberate the books of those passages that would create danger for the sellers: such are what they call "expurgated" copies, which not infrequently occur in regions where the decrees of the Council of Trent were accepted. ^D The life of Eunapius, written by Hadrian Junius, is read in the edition of the illustrious Boissonade. The man’s insane hatred toward the Christian cause—of which the unfair judgment regarding the great Theodosius published by the illustrious Mai offers a new specimen—and his delirious superstition in the dreams of religion which the followers of the sect to which he was addicted had fashioned for themselves, are most well known: known also is the troublesome and rugged style of diction, of which Photius judges too leniently; whom let us now hear discussing the history of Eunapius (cod. 77).

"There was read the *Chronological History After Dexippus* by Eunapius, of a new edition, in fourteen books. The history begins from the reign of Claudius, where the history of Dexippus ends, and finishes at the reign of Honorius and Arcadius, the sons of Theodosius, making that time the end of the history; during which time, while Arsakius was officiating, having been raised to the hierarchical throne when John, the golden mouth of the Church, had been driven out, the wife of the reigning Emperor Arcadius, while pregnant, miscarried and left this life. This Eunapius was a Sardian by race; for he held Sardis in Lydia as his fatherland."

^A Being impious in his religion (for he honored the customs of the Greeks), he disparaged and slandered in every way and quite openly those who adorned the empire with piety, and especially the great Constantine, while exalting the impious, and more than all others, Julian the Apostate; and almost his entire history was elaborated for the purpose of praising him. His prose is flowery, if one were to strip from his style the cock-like, and switch-like, and snake-like, and hawk-like, and crow-like, and ape-like, and river-like tearful affectations, and such like; for with these he soils and over-decorates his otherwise refined choice of words. He uses metaphors recklessly, which the law of history does not allow, although the force and wit of the language largely removes the cause for annoyance. In his composition and clarity, however, he is suitably and properly oriented toward history. Yet in some places he is more forensic than historical, and he overloads his discourse. He also adopts not a few innovations in sentence structure, yet not to the point of being disagreeable, nor so as to give the methods grounds for criticism.

He wrote two accounts containing the same history, a first and a second. In the first, he sows much blasphemy against our pure Christian faith and elevates Greek superstition, attacking many of the pious emperors. In the second, which he also entitles *The New Edition*, he suppresses much of the insult and profligacy which he had scattered against piety, and by binding together the remaining body of the work, he entitles it *The New Edition*, as we said, though it still reveals much of the madness that was there before. We encountered both editions in ancient books, each specifically compiled in a separate volume; from these same books, we read through them and recognized their difference. It happens, therefore, in the *New Edition*, that many of the passages are presented obscurely because of the deletions made to the sections of the text, even though he is a purveyor of clarity; but in what manner this happens I cannot say, unless by not properly fitting the discourse to the sections in the second edition, he ruins the sense of what is read. In these matters, the work also reaches its end.

^D Petrus, to whom the titles of *magister* and *patricius* are attached, was born in Thessalonica and is called an Illyrian by Procopius; not because he belonged to the Illyrian people (for who would have distinguished the ancient Illyrians from the other peoples who inhabited those regions?), but because the diocese of Macedonia was under the administration of the Praetorian Prefect for Illyricum. Having been occupied at Constantinople with the conducting of cases, and being celebrated for his singular eloquence and power of persuasion, he was sent by the Emperor Justinian in the year 534 as an envoy to Amalasuntha; but because in the meantime Theodahad had seized the kingdom, he stayed at Aulon, and only in the following year did he reach Ravenna with the Emperor’s mandates. Then, however, cunningly using the man’s sloth and fear, he persuaded Theodahad to submit himself to the Emperor’s good faith and to surrender all of Italy. When he had himself reported this to Constantinople, he was sent again to Ravenna with Athanasius, so that through their mediation what the Gothic king had promised might be brought to a conclusion. But the latter, meanwhile, after Mundo had been killed with his army in Dalmatia, spurned the agreements, violated the sanctity of the embassy, and gave them into custody, nor was the opportunity to return granted to them until almost three years later by Vitiges, toward the end of the year 538.

But this inconvenience was compensated for to Petrus with a distinguished honor, the conferral of the dignity of *magister officiorum*. Later, in about the year 550, having already been raised to the rank of *patricius*, he was sent as an envoy to the East to negotiate a truce with Chosroes, from which, however, he returned with the mission unaccomplished. Soon, in the year 552, he was chosen to deal with Pope Vigilius, who was being detained at Chalcedon, concerning the affair of the Three Chapters. Vigilius, where he narrates what happened at that time, calls Petrus an *ex-consul*, *patricius*, and *magister*, soon after a "magnificent man" and *referendarius*. He who was called an *ex-consul* at that time was one whom the Emperor had honored with the documents of the consulship; later, in the Byzantine Empire, as the prestige of the office gradually diminished, they called them *consul* and *hypatos*.

After ten years had elapsed, in the year 562, he undertook the business of peace with the Persians once again, and indeed with a happier outcome—an ignominious peace, it is true, but necessary for the exhausted resources of the empire, settled for fifty years. When, being with the Persian envoy concerning Suania, which Petrus was demanding back, he had been presented with a deceitful hope and referred to King Chosroes, he went to the latter in the following year; but it was in vain. Having returned to Byzantium from that embassy, he died not long after, about 28 years after his first Italian embassy, leaving behind his son Theodore, who already in the year 565 held a position at court such that it could be aptly called in the language of the Britons a "privy counsellor." This degree of dignity was joined with that office in which someone had been otherwise placed; and it is certain that our Petrus remained in his magisterium until his death.

^A he soon became Count of the Sacred Largesses and in the year 576 was sent to the Persians (27). There is no doubt that Peter was a Christian; for upon his Persian embassy he paused to celebrate the birthday of the Lord Christ and the Epiphany (28), and he dealt with Pope Vigilius on matters pertaining to dogma.

^B This Peter flourished among his contemporaries with an incredible measure of praise and glory, the testimonies of which I have set down below. Beyond his eloquence and a unique power of persuasion, they attribute to him a supreme dexterity in handling affairs, tireless diligence, the most accurate knowledge of the laws, and universal erudition; but also a charming wit and a gentle spirit. In this, John Lydus—a client of Peter and the only detractor of his whose words have reached us (29)—agrees, so that it is certain that he was benevolent and free from all arrogance. Even after his death, he is distinguished by Corippus with the surname "Bonus," as King Ancus was of old. Yet these virtues do not prevent Procopius from being able to reproach him, perhaps truly, for having been most rapacious and inflamed by an insatiable desire for wealth (31): for avarice among the peoples of the East, who have fallen into servitude, very often invades the souls of men who are otherwise not evil, whose goodness shines forth only in this, that they do not act cruelly for the sake of money, nor do they violate the law. Such, generally, are those who are called "good men" among the Turks. In this category there was an illustrious example in my memory, Mohammed the elder, satrap of Algiers. Nothing was milder than this man, and nothing more sacred than his sworn faith: yet not only did he practice piracy unless you bought peace from him; and having peace—without his own fault—I believe he was happy; he even delighted in counting his gold pieces every evening. That Peter was certainly very wealthy we gather from the fact that the island of Aconitis, in which the millstone quarries were worked, belonged entirely to him as a fund (32). The same misery of servitude compels even good men to execute the most inhuman commands of a prince as if they were the oracles of a god, as if nothing were left to their own will. Therefore, I would not dare to assert that the report by Procopius, that Theodahad was incited by Peter to the murder of Amalasuntha, is a calumny (33), were it not that the cause he brings forward for why Theodora plotted the destruction of the unfortunate queen is so little credible that I am confident this charge also may be added to the slanders of a mad impudence.

Suidas attributes a History to Peter the Patrician; whence ^D the extant eclogues in both titles concerning embassies: the first of which pertains to the reign of Tiberius, the last to deeds done by Julian, while he was still Caesar, under the auspices of Constantius in Gaul. But if he had progressed further, he who compiled the eclogues would not have neglected the final part of the work in Peter any more than in the others. Therefore, I do not doubt that he finished where Eunapius began to narrate events fully. But the question of what time he fixed for the beginning of his history cannot be resolved with equal certainty: yet I would not believe that he treated the times of the kings and the free Roman people; since, because of the total lack of such eclogues from this time, I do not see what could have impelled a Byzantine man to write things that were commonly to be found, provided anyone sought for them narrated at greater or lesser length. Yet that he did not begin from Tiberius—which would in itself lack all probability—but that he had already treated of Augustus and the time of the triumvirate, is proven by the fragments which I found in the Seguierian book on syntax (34). Of these, a second is read in Dio Cassius in almost identically the same words (35), which Valesius observed upon comparing it with the 4th and 5th fragments, p. 123, ed. B., and with book LII, p. 401 of Ursinus; whence a certain conjecture arises that Peter compiled nothing else than a breviary of Dio as far as that history extended. Now, indeed, since the continuator of Dio, whose eclogues the illustrious Mai found in the title concerning opinions, does not go much below Constantine the Great, as far as the scope permits us to measure, I have persuaded myself, through no rash surmise, that he is not different from Peter: to the confirmation of which it would contribute somewhat if it were ascertained that the names of the emperors, by which those matters are distinguished in the codex as lemmata in Mai, were placed thus: for by the same method that grammarian who wrote on syntax found Peter's work divided into parts: certainly not by book numbers, which, as always elsewhere, he would have placed.

Moreover, the same Suidas ascribes to Peter the work *On the State of the Republic*, which the illustrious Mai conjectures are those dialogues of an anonymous writer on the republic, of which Photius makes mention in code 37, but which he himself published from a Vatican palimpsest with the title *On Political Science*. For my part, I shall omit the diversity of the title, nor will I deny that it could have pleased Peter to publish books without his name; yet it seems hardly credible that a matter known to Suidas was not known to the learned and curious Photius; or, conversely, that Suidas passed over in silence that work which

1139 ADDENDA. p. 522. I shall add that Wesseling had just cause to think there was missing some reason why Hesychius should change the *Samos* of the phrase "Phyllis or Samos of old" and prefer *Phylas*. Yet Nicander would never have denied his patronage to the Vulgate in his *Alexipharmaca* 149, where the scholiast writes "Phyllis or Samos." Col. 149. *Methymna*. Likewise Scylax, whom Christophorus Cellarius (*Geogr. Ant.* III, 2, p. 15) fears to be without fault since *Methymna* is pleasing to Strabo and Thucydides. I would not condemn it: for *Methymna* is read in the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 349, and the Frederick Treasury, c. v, 29, displays a coin of the *Methymnaeans*. Galen seems to agree in *Methodus Medendi* XII, p. 166: "For of the three cities in Lesbos, the (wine) produced in Mitylene is less fragrant and sweet, but that in Eresus is more fragrant and sweet, and then that in Methymna." Since, however, in *De Antidotis* I, p. 427, he prefers *Methymna*, he leaves it uncertain which he approved. Therefore, let the *Methymnaeans* succeed (the text) apud Athenaeus, Book VIII, last chapter, and Maximus the Philosopher in *Concerning Beginnings* 459: "Or if you wish to place in the jars the vine of Methymna." Now if *methy* gave origin to *Methymnaeum*, as Athenaeus wished, or rather *Methymna*, in any case it will be able to be cleared. P. WESSELING. Ibid. *Aeteios*. Since no one has known an island by this name, Carolus a Sancto Paulo substituted *Astypalaea*, which we saw above under the jurisdiction of the proconsul of Achaea. To me, *Telos*, of which Strabo speaks in Book X, p. 488, seems not poorly able to be constructed from a part of the word, even if one thinks the ulcer lies deeper. The author promised in the catalog that he would review the cities, and only 19 are mentioned: furthermore, Carpathus is missing, which has fame quite celebrated in this province; therefore we hope for help from more reliable manuscripts. Ibid. *Proselene*. This is the island *Pordelene*, which others, avoiding the stench of the word, called *Doproselene*, others *Proselene*. The former is with Stephanus and many others, the latter in the Council of Chalcedon, to which on p. 530 and vol. IX, p. 173, Florentius of Tenedos, Adramyttium, Proselene and the Aigialoi subscribes, and testifies that he was bishop of those islands; which you may conclude were joined and subject to one magistrate from the Ephesian (acts), p. 671: for you will see John of Lesboselene, no doubt placed over Lesbos and Pordoselene. But what things are signified in the Chalcedonian records by the name of *the Aigialoi*? We know *Aigiale*, or *Aigialos*, as Suidas preferred, a city of the island of Amorgos, but cast too far into the Carpathian sea for us to think it subject to the bishop of Lesbos. Therefore would we stray far from the truth if we wrote *and Aioloi*? For it is certain that Lesbos was the prince and metropolis of those islands, from Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes 536. Ibid. *Euros*. Eueos. As the Leiden manuscripts; when Abraham Berkelius suspects that this should wrongly be called by the ancient name *Merone* with Stephanus and that *Merone* should be substituted, he certainly does not attend to the agreement of Pliny with Stephanus IV, 22. Ibid. *Amorgos*. Ptolemy says nothing else; others say *Amorgos*. But what is brought forward from the manuscripts as *Amorgos*, that is born from the latter, just as the Attic poets, plundering the republic, used to call them *amolgous* or *amorgous*. See Kuster on *Amorgous* in Suidas, and regarding the island, Bochart on Phoenician Colonies 1, 14. Ibid. *Astypalaea*. It is a most well-known island, to which Polyenus, *Strategemata* 1, 23, has a city of the same name in Samos, situated, as the Etymologist teaches, by a river *Schession*, which perhaps should be *Chosios*, (since) the scholiast of Nicander's *Alexipharmaca* 154 knows *Chesios* as a promontory of that island, whence the *Chesiade* nymphs of that poet, and Diana *Chesia* in Callimachus' hymn to Diana 228. That *consulary* (office). In the *Notitia of the Orient* c. 1, he has a governor of Caria, apud Sozomen, *H.E.* V, 21: for Julian writes "to the governor of Caria." Ibid. *Militos*. It is *Miletus*, a most noble city, of which Strabo 14, p. 635 (speaks). Ibid. *Heracleia of Ogmos*. The manuscripts join these; but it is *Heracleia of Latmos*, so called because it sat by the mountain Latmos. Indeed, *Latmos* was also the name of the city, where Strabo XIV, p. 655 and the scholiast of Apollonius 1, 57 (mention it). They have warned, which is also significant in Polyenus, *Strategemata* VII, 23 and the Council of Chalcedon p. 581, where Dionysius of *Logos of Caria* (is read) for *Latmos*, who on p. 667 is called *Heracleia of Atalmos* with a graver error. In the Second Council of Nicaea *Heracleia of Latmos* p. 356. Better in the Third Council of Constantinople p. 673 *Heracleia of Latmos of the province of Caria*. Ibid. *Amyntas of Myndos*, of which Strabo XIV p. 658 and Pausanias II, 30 (speak). Wrongly in the Second Council of Nicaea p. 356 *city of Myndos*. Halicarnassus and Cnidus are ennobled and need less style; even if this may be added, that the latter was afterwards called Stadia and is distinguished by that name in the Second Council of Nicaea p. 52. Ibid. *Ceramos*. Neither did Strabo XIV p. 656 pass over this maritime city, whence the name came to the gulf. Galen also mentions it *On the Powers of Foods* p. 517. Hesychius: "Ceramos is a jar and every earthenware vessel, and a prison, and a fortification, and a city of Caria; and in truth it is on a fortification." Thus perhaps the last words should be read. I might think the grammarian borrowed those from the critics' scholia on Homer: for they were accustomed to interpret *Iliad* E. 387, "in a bronze ceramos he was bound," in diverse ways and either to accept it as a prison or the Carian city Ceramos, placed in a fortified location. Eustathius on that verse of the poet p. 425: "Others say in a solid prison, saying that the Cyprians call a prison a *ceramos*. Others say that *Ceramos* is a city of Caria, seeming like bronze and said tropically because of the solidity of the wall." Ibid. *Mylasa*. So also Polybius, *Leg.* 93 and the Coislin ms. of Ptolemy; and the coin of the *Mylasenses*. Athenaeus VI, 18, Dio XLVII p. 425, and others, whom Ch. Cellarius called as witnesses, *G. A.* III, 3, p. 104. There is also in the Frederick Treasury c. XII, 17 a coin bearing the name *Mullasoon*, which if it pertained to this, as seemed to a learned man, would disturb many things. But beware of trusting it, or thinking true those things which were disputed concerning the new dynasts of Caria. The inscription of the coin will teach all other things if it is compared with those which Jo. Masson mentions in the *Life of Aristides* II, 7: for from there it will appear that *Mylasseon* should be read, and that in the corrupted letters of the Frederick Treasury the name *Oabnan* lies hidden; furthermore that *Kai Gennat. Dynastou* is sound, and that *Kai Ennaton Dynasten* cannot be rendered from it. Other things cannot yet be settled, since coins of this kind are almost lacerated and worn. Mylasa was filled more with a multitude of temples than of men; which was the reason why Stratonicus, when

it seems to have presided, as the learned man well says. We noted Pamphylia joined to it a little earlier. Malalas, vol. II, p. 69, affirms that it was once connected to Lycaonia, but was separated from it by Theodosius the Second and made a province, with the city of Myra advanced to the dignity of a metropolis; but if this is true, perhaps in the final years of the emperor Theodosius the First it was attached to Lycaonia: for at that time the heavy stigma was branded upon Lycia, and it was permitted that the provincials be wounded by a contumelious name. Nor, however, will it agree with the truth that Lycia recovered its former rights under Theodosius the Younger, since the emperors Arcadius and Honorius decreed that its previous fame and merit be renewed among the rest in law 1, ix, c. Th. *de indulgent. crimin*. Perhaps Theodosius the Second ordered the same thing by a repeated law, and provided Malalas with an occasion for writing them.

Col. 148. *Cities 18*. Pliny, *N. H.* V, 27, reports that in his time Lycia had 36 towns, and Strabo, XIV, p. 664, reports that the Lycian League, the τὸ Λυκιακὸν σύστημα, was composed of 23 city-states, in which a Lyciarch and other magistrates were created. In this place the number is greater than in the list which will follow shortly.

Ibid. *Phasydes*. Nay rather, *Phaselis*, situated on the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia according to Strabo XIV, p. 667. Regarding Cylabra, whom they worshipped as a hero, see Athenaeus VII, 13. Nothing that pleases emerges from the following. See Cicero, *Verr.* IV, 10.

Ibid. *Gaga*. To Holstenius in Stephanus, *Gaga* seems to be a neuter plural, to which, if there were a similar example, and if this list did not contain so many errors, I would agree. From the city and the nearby stream—which, however, Galen, *De antidot.* IX, p. 123, denies could be found, even if he were to sail the coast of Lycia in a small boat—they wish it to be called *Gagates* stone, regarding which matter see Saracenus in Dioscorides V, 146, and Rhodius in Scribonius Largus, *Composit.* 225, all of which, however, I think are not persuasive. But see what troubles this town, slightly corrupted in Eusebius, *de Martyr. Palæst.* c. IV, caused: *If anyone knows Pagas, not an obscure city of Lycia.* Valesius seems to have preferred *Araxa*, because the manuscripts offered *arapagas* or *aragas*, a name for an unrecorded city in Lycia: Henschenius, vol. I, April, p. 59, prefers *Patara*; Ruinart, *Acta Sincer. M.* p. 320, is in doubt as to which he should adopt. You, with me, write *Gagas*, and you will recognize these compound fruits.

Ibid. *Acalissos*. If you take this and other *Notitiae*, it will be difficult to find.

Ibid. *Edebesos*. It should undoubtedly be read *Edebesos*, which city L. Holstenius and Abr. Berkelius restored from the manuscripts in Stephanus. *Edebssos*, he says, *is a city of Lycia, as Capito (mentions in his) Isaurica, bk. I.* I would not want, however, the conjecture of Hermolaus Barbarus approved by Berkel, who changes *Habessus* to *Edebessus* in Pliny V, 27. He says, *the towns Apyre and Antiphellus, which were formerly Habessus, and in the recess, Phellus.* For it is very well established from this that Antiphellus and Edebessus were different towns of Lycia, as they are distinctly mentioned by Hierocles.

Col. 149. *Limyra*. This is to be preferred over the vulgar reading [*Lymyra*]. The city was situated on the river of the same name according to Strabo 14, p. 666. But they seem to have said τὰ Λίμυρα or τὴν Λιμύραν; indeed Basil the Great, Epist. 218, praises τὸν ἐν Λιμύρᾳ Διάπρον, and he is not unknown from Ovid, *Metamorph.* IX, v. 645: *Already he had left Cragus and Lymira and the waters of Xanthus.*

Ibid. *Arycanda*. The city is well enough known from Strabo, Stephanus, and others, perhaps placed at the Arycandus river (Pliny V, 27). Petrus Diaconus wrongly calls it *Oricandus* in the second Council of Nicaea, p. 52.

Ibid. *Podalia*. Stephanus (writes) *Podaleia, a city of Lydia*, which the learned men rightly corrected from Ptolemy and the *Notitiae*: for it was of Lycia. See the provincial synodal epistle, *Concil.* Labbé, vol. IX, p. 339.

Ibid. *Choma*. Pliny and Ptolemy (say) no differently. Eudoxius, *of the city of Choma, in the province of Lycia*, is mentioned in the Ephesine (acts) p. 536. The one that follows this is unheard of to me, and I fear it is not without error. I was thinking of *Corydalla*, whence the coin of the Corydallians, *Thes. Britan.* vol. II, p. 262, and in *Corydallois* (or rather *Corydallo-) Alexander, one of the monks, a bishop, can be read in Basil the Great, Epist. 218: but that town is far from the common reading, and perhaps it lies hidden in *Comistaros*, with which the index of the cities of Lycia ends.

Ibid. *Myra*. The manuscript, the Council of Chalcedon, and the provincial synodal epistle to Leo, besides Malalas, forbid doubting that it was the metropolis. Basil of Seleucia, *Vit. S. Theclæ* I, p. 272: *It is reported that Paul was at Myra; this is the best and most cheerful city of Lycia.* The ancient Acts of Thecla published by Gabrius, *Spicileg.* I, p. 114, call it *Myra of Lycia*, wrongly, and therefore to be corrected: for a little before it is *at Myra*.

Ibid. *Arnea*. *Arneai*, whence in many *Notitiae* (it is called) *of the Arneans*. Stephanus: *Arneai, a small city of Lycia.* The Cyaneae are in Pliny V, 27.

Ibid. *Aperlae*. Thus the hand-written books. Ptolemy (has) *Aperrai*, the *Notitiae* of Jac. Goar (write) the bishop of *Aperlae*, wrongly.

Ibid. *Phellus*. Strabo XIV, p. 666, and others describe this and the one opposite it, Antiphellus. Basil the Great, Epist. 218, commends the bishop of *Phellos in Lycia*; where, from the Vatican mss., *at Phellos* should have been admitted.

Ibid. *Candyea*. Pliny and Stephanus prove this; Ptolemy (has) *Condyba*, not well. Constantine’s *city of Candybon* in the second Nicene (Council) p. 52 and *Kandibon* p. 353 came from this: and thus this city should have been inserted in the Geography of S.

Ibid. *Eudocias*. The *Notitiae* did not overlook it, and it is the same that Photius noted, the Eudoxatores of the province of the Lycians in the Council of Constantinople under Menna.

Ibid. *Patara*. A shrine of Apollo made this (city) noble, formerly similar in wealth and the trustworthiness of its oracle to the Delphic (shrine). *Beyond is the Xanthus river and the town of Xanthus*, says Mela I, 15. Add Strabo XIV, p. 665.

Ibid. *Comba*. In Ptolemy *Comba*, and perhaps more truly: for the *of the Combeans* is not only in the *Notitiae* of Jac. Goar, but Constantine also subscribed it as *city of the Combeans* in the second Nicene (Council) p. 356: whence you might wonder that it too was neglected in the Geography of S.

*Nisa*. The truth is *Nisa*, or *Nysa*, as the Coislin manuscript says from Ptolemy. *The Nysians* is in the *Notitiae*. To this city presided Bishop George, who is called of the *city of Nisa* in the second Nicene Council, p. 52, and of *Nasas*, p. 355.

Ibid. *Pinara*. The city was situated beyond the Xanthus river, not, as they commonly place it, on this side of the river, if

^A he saw the city, cried out, "Are you not going to, O Mylasa, cry out and speak, for if you do not, you will burst?"

PREFACE.

...by experience of words and distinctness of persuasion, such as he was able to deceive.

IDEM, p. 428, 20: It is somewhat more humble of the words—I have translated it into the more Attic style.

CASSIODORUS, *Variarum* X, 19, in the name of King Theodahad: "The most eloquent man Peter, legate of your serenity, both supreme in doctrine and preeminent in the clarity of his conscience."

*Ibid.* X, 22, in the name of the same: "Through the most eloquent man Peter."

*Ibid.* X, 2, in the name of Queen Gundelina: "Upon the coming of the most wise man Peter."

HERMOLAUS, epitomizer of Stephanus, *De urbibus*, s. v. *Akina*: "Aconitis, an island belonging to the most illustrious patrician and most wise master of offices Peter, situated opposite Chalcedon. It is so called because of the abundance of stones in it shaped for whetstones."

CORIPPUS, *De laudibus Justini*, I, 24, 25:

The successor of the good, and the reborn glory of Peter, Here Theodore is present, master in the gravity of his fatherland.

Panium—whence Priscus, whom others less precisely call a Thracian—is called Panita, a town of Europe, one of the six provinces of the diocese of Thrace, which contained the Chersonese, and was bounded on the shore of the Propontis between Heraclea, formerly Perinthus, the metropolis of the province, and Selymbria. It is uncertain where it extended into the Mediterranean boundaries; it is ascertained that Aenum and the towns lying westward from it pertained to the province of Rhodope. Suidas teaches that Panium itself was situated on the shore of the Propontis near Heraclea (Perinthus), and thus between it and Rhaedestus; I have sought mention of it in vain among the ancient geographers or Ptolemy himself.

Priscus, according to Suidas, wrote eight books concerning the Byzantine history and the affairs of Attila: which words have moved the question whether it was a double or a single work; for my part, I do not doubt it was one. But even if there were two, the extracts on embassies would certainly pertain to both, the inscription of which the Gothic history should have retained: for no one will doubt that the codex of extracts was so inscribed. I suspect, however, that just as different titles were given to parts of the Procopian history, so here: that one was inscribed *The Affairs of Attila*, another *Gothic*, and that this was incorrectly transferred by an ignorant man to the whole work. From what time Priscus began his history cannot be determined; but no mention is brought forth from him of any event that took place before the year 433. The slaughter of Aspar and his sons, which took place in the 15th year of the Emperor Leo, in the year 471, as Evagrius shows, is narrated by Priscus; ^B whence we gather, since Malchus began the start of his history in the year 474, the 17th of Leo, that Priscus remained until his time. Whence it is clear how absurdly Suidas reports that he wrote under Theodosius the Younger.

By far the best of all the historians of the later age; in genius, faith, and wisdom, he is to be placed behind none even of the best times; he also used an elegant and sufficiently pure style, and deservedly obtained praise and glory both among his contemporaries and posterity; he also happened to be praised by Valesius and Gibbon, men of the highest standing. He is called a rhetor, yet the same a sophist; ^C whence we gather that he did not practice as a pleader in Constantinople, but taught the art of rhetoric there. Moreover, we find only this much concerning his life: that he was received into the friendship of Maximinus, a man of the first rank in that age, and that he set out with him to Attila, and afterwards, while Marcian was emperor, to Arabia and Egypt. Since this Maximinus was without doubt a pagan (for a Christian would never have brought himself to concede to the Blemmyes the celebration of sacred rites on the island of Philae, nor to fix a treaty tablet in that temple), the conjecture, already in itself highly probable, that Priscus was also addicted to the ancient rites, is confirmed all the more. Suidas further attributes Declamations and Epistles to this same Priscus.

Testimonies concerning Priscus:

SUIDAS, s. v.: "Priscus, a Panite, a sophist, who lived during the times of Theodosius the Younger; he wrote a *Byzantine History* and *[The] Affairs of Attila* in eight books, as well as rhetorical declamations and epistles."

EVAGRIUS, *Hist. eccl.*, I, 17: "In these times the great war of words was moved by Attila, king of the Scythians—whom Priscus the rhetor describes with curiosity and most learnedly, narrating with much elegance how he campaigned against both the eastern and western parts, and how many cities he captured and razed, and all that he achieved before he passed away."

IDEM, V, 16: "From an embassy of the western Romans, Anthemius is sent as Emperor of the Romans, to whom Marcian, who had previously reigned, betrothed his daughter. Also, Basiliscus, the brother of Leo's wife Verina, is sent as general against Gizericus with an army gathered from the ranks of the best. Which things have been written most accurately by Priscus the rhetor; how Leo, having circumvented them by guile—as if paying a reward for his advancement—slew Aspar, who had conferred the rule upon him, and his sons Ardaburius and Patricius, in..."

the truth was told by Arrian in his *Expedition of Alexander* 1, 25. Although Theodore, bishop of the *Pinnarenses*, acknowledged his title among the Lycians at the second Nicene Council, p. 52, it was surely a city worthy to have its place in the Geography.

^C Col. 149. *Sidyma*. The same, and most truly so, as is evident from Ptolemy and Pliny. I add that Zemarchus, of the city of Sidyma of Lycia, subscribed at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 505, and Nicodemus, of the city of Sidyma, at the second Nicene Council, p. 52. Theophanes, in his *Chronography* p. 89, says: "And having come into Lycia, having fallen ill and been left behind in the city of Sidyma"—where without doubt it should be *Sidyma*, just as the Barberini manuscript writes *Sidyma*. Holstenius was in doubt whether to prefer *Sidyma* or *Adyma*. See under Stephanus for *Didymon* or *Sidyma*.

Ibid. *Tlos*. This might be true from the manuscripts, provided you read it as *Tlos*, which city Strabo (XIV, p. 665) reports as being among the six greatest of Lycia. Andreas, of the city of the Tloënses, was present at Chalcedon, p. 97, and at the Council of Troglon, p. 399; and Constantine of the Tloënses, who should have been called of the Tloënses, was at the second Nicene Council, p. 52.

Ibid. *Telmessus*. It is better to double the sibilant, even though Hesychius calls them the "Telmiseis, a tribe around Lycia," and Clement of Alexandria (*Stromata* 1, p. 361, Oxford ed.) says: "as the Telmiseis are for divination by dreams," and Basil the Great (Epist. 218) mentions "Hilarius, bishop in Telmessus." For most of the ancients are accustomed to approve the latter, among whom is Clement himself (*Protrepticus* p. 40). The city was situated on a precipitous hill near the sea, according to Arrian (*Exped. Alex.* 1, 28), and gave its name to the gulf. Lucan (vIII, 248): "And the great gulfs which the Telmissian waves compensate in the middle of the sea." Thus I would prefer it; for indeed Fr. Oudendorpius found *Themissidos* in a handwritten book. See Cellarius, *G. A.* III, 3, p. 107, and Holstein on Stephanus.

Ibid. *Caunus*. A later age assigned this city of Caria to Lycia. Diodorus Siculus (xx, p. 766) did not overlook its citadels, the Heracleum and the Persicum. The territory around the city was sufficiently rich and fertile, but the air was most pestilential throughout the summer and autumn, according to Strabo (XIV, p. 651), whence, as Mela says, it was a city infamous for the health of its inhabitants: the citizens were everywhere plagued by fevers, and they betrayed their sickness by their pallid countenances—a matter upon which Dio Chrysostom (Orat. 32, p. 390) has excellent remarks besides Strabo. Hesychius, under *Caunus*, says it is a city of Rhodes, because it was subject to the Rhodians. Indeed, the Caunians revolted from them, according to Livy (XLV, 25), but they were reduced to order and eventually subjected to the same by the Romans, as Strabo indicates; they had not yet been freed from this yoke when Dio Chrysostom was speaking to the Rhodians: "For who among the Caunians," he says (p. 349), "has become a noble man? Or who among them has ever done anything good? They who are slaves not only to you, but also to the Romans, having, through an excess of folly and wickedness, fashioned a double slavery for themselves." Wherefore, since they were in such a miserable condition and possessed of such inconsiderate rashness, ^D we should not wonder that by the same orator (p. 526) these "ill-counseling Caunians" are called "Caunians" who consulted their own interests most poorly.

*Araxa*. Stephanus and Ptolemy possess the city. Theodore, bishop of the city of the Araxians of the province of Lycia, or *Araxon*, as it is wrongly written on p. 673 at the third Council of Constantinople, and even worse by Stephanus as of the city of 1138 *Araxon*, is said to have subscribed at the second Nicene Council, p. 356. Bubon is known from Pliny.

Ibid. *Oenoanda*. Oenoanda from Pliny and Stephanus; for Ptolemy’s *Oineanda* is incorrect. The third council of Constantinople (p. 673) wrongly writes George, prelate of *Oio-ando* of the province of Lycia, and on p. 533 *Oiniandorum*, and at the second Nicene Council, p. 326, George is written as of the *Oiniandorum*.

Ibid. *Balbura*. *Balbura*, as in Pliny and Ptolemy, the bishop of which town, Philip of the *Barborenses*, was at the Council of Chalcedon (p. 524), and on p. 666 it is called of the city of the *Balburaeans*, while it is best called of the *Balburenses* on p. 97.

Ibid. *Corydalla*. Nothing of it has become known to me, unless it be Corydalla.

Ibid. *Of the Islands*. Under the Emperor Vespasian it was made a province of the islands, Sextus Rufus says (*Breviarium* c. 10), and subjected to the authority of a president; whence the Emperor Diocletian writes to Diogenes, president of the islands, in book 5 of the Code, where the case is stated; and the Emperors Honorius and Theodosius make mention of the same in law 32 of the *Theodosian Code* concerning ship-masters, where Gothofredus gives more details. The president usually resided at Rhodes, to which place, since the journey was dangerous and often uncertain in winter, the Rhodians complaining in vain, the Emperors Valens, Gratian, and Theodosius issued a different decree (law 8 of the Code concerning the office of a provincial governor). They say the city of the Rhodians has complained of its grievance not so much decently as late. Whence we decree by inviolable observation that, since navigation in the winter season is often dangerous and always uncertain, judges should take turns in those five cities which are claimed to be better than the others, to pass the winter. For it should not be doubted that presidents are included under the name of judges, all the more so because in legal fragments judges also signify presidents, as Cornelius van Bynkershoek (Observat. 1, 2) has taught at length. But take care not to interpret the five cities in which they are commanded to pass the winter in turn as cities of the island of Rhodes, with Guido Panciroli in the *Notitia Imp. Orient.* c. 102: he did not see all those things; it was a tribe formerly proud, whence Pindar (*Olymp.* od. 7) speaks of the "three-city island," but which, according to Strabo (14, p. 655), subsequently coalesced into one, Rhodes, of the same name as the island. The five cities, if I am not mistaken, are just as many in this province, more important than the others: the very constitution of the emperors requires that you admit this. Nor does the usage of speech hinder it: for Virgil also calls Delos the city of Apollo; nor is anything more familiar to the Greeks than to call an island a "city" (*polis*). See Antoninus, *Itinerarium* p. 523.

*Rhodes*. It is called the metropolis of the province of the islands at the Council of Ephesus (p. 453); Jordanis, in his *De Regnorum Successione*, calls "Rhodes a most famous island and the metropolis of all the islands of the Adriatic," whereas he would have written more correctly "of the Aegean Sea or of Asia." It was deprived of its liberty by Vespasian, according to Suetonius (c. 8); whence it is beyond doubt that Dio Chrysostom's *Rhodian Oration* was appropriately recited before the liberty was taken away from the Rhodians, they having been reduced into the form of a province, while their liberty was yet safe (p. 344 D), and the condition of the island was sufficiently blessed, to which there were many tributary cities in Caria and Lycia (p. 341 C); it signifies that they also possessed the right "to be governed by themselves, and to administer the city, and to deliberate, and to judge" (p. 359 B); all of which things surely do not at all fit when they have been transferred into the provinces.

Ibid. *Aca*. Concerning this and those that follow, see Antoninus, *Itinerary*.

^A a manner which, of itself, is of little significance; yet this very event, as observed by me during conversation with Classen, seems to convict him more than any other, for he holds Pamprepius in such evident favor.

Suidas, s. v.: Malchus, a Byzantine sophist. He wrote a history from the reign of Constantine up to that of Anastasius, in which he recounts the events concerning Zeno and Basiliscus, the burning of the public library and the statues of the Augusteum, and other matters with great gravity, lamenting them in the manner of a tragedy.

Photius, cod. 78: The *Byzantia* of the sophist Malchus was read, in seven books. It begins from the time when illness was pressing upon the emperor Leo, which extended to the seventeenth year of his reign. He describes the proclamation of Zeno, the exile of the imperial dignity, the proclamation of Basiliscus, the deposition of the purple, the return of Zeno again to the empire, and the execution of the aforementioned Basiliscus by the sword, in which judgment his wife and children also shared in a lawless verdict. And that Armatus, who brought Zeno back, received such a reward as this, meeting his slaughter at the hands of Onoulph. He also covers the rebellion of Theodoric Strabo, the friendship of Theodoric the Amal, the war against the Theodoric of Strabo, the rebellion against Zeno again, the insurrection of Marcian, and before this, the conspiracy of his mother-in-law Verina, ^B her subsequent perpetual exile, the earlier conspiracy plotted by Verina against Illus, and the deceptive seizure of Epidamnus by Theodoric the Amal. Recounting these, he proceeds to what occurred at Rome, and at the end of the seventh book he makes his subject the death of Nepos, who, having cast Glycerius from power, took upon himself the Roman authority, and by tonsuring him into the form of a cleric, set him up as a high priest instead of an emperor; and by him, being conspired against, he was slain. These seven books of the history also hint that other, preceding books had been prepared by him—and the beginning of the seven in the first book indicates this ^C —but also succeeding ones, if life had permitted the author, as the end of the seventh book demonstrates.

The author is a Philadelphian, excellent if anyone is in the composition of history; pure, unadorned, pellucid, using language that is most flourishing, significant, and raised to a certain dignity; and even his neologisms, such as have an emphatic, well-sounding, and grand quality, are not overlooked, as for instance this word and certain others like it; and altogether he is a canon of historical prose. His profession was that of a sophist, and he had reached the pinnacle of rhetoric, and his religion was not outside the Christian community.

MENANDER, son of Euphrates, of Constantinople, ^D

under what name it was formerly known, since I do not yet have certainty, I am unwilling to conclude definitively anything about its location. Let the same be said of Anastasiopolis, of which some mention—as you will see from Carolus a S. Paulo—is found in the Acts of the Councils.

Col. 149. *xwpa natpipióvia*. I believe this indicates a region that was contributed to the prince’s patrimony. But it is most conveniently joined to Anastasiopolis, since the author of the matter is considered to be the Emperor Anastasius, in the *Gloss. Nomic.*: “Patrimonialia [are] all those things that each emperor acquires for himself from the Emperor Anastasius. For he himself is the one who invented both this name and the beginning of the title of Count of the Patrimony.” Yet whether these are all in good faith may be questioned without guilt; for since patrimonial colonists were well known long before the Emperor Anastasius, as we are taught in l. 4 and 2 c. *de Fugitiv. et Colon.*, and they take their name from the patrimony, the matter itself seems altogether prior to Anastasius. And so that we do not doubt in these things, they make patrimonial possessions through the Asian and Pontic diocese and patrimonial lands through the provinces of Mesopotamia and Osrhoene, of which the emperors Arcadius, Valentinian, and Theodosius reminded [us] in 4, 6, and 8 c. *de Fund. Patrimon.*, and the Sacred Patrimony in l. 43 *de Vectigal.*—which last, even though Th. Reinesius (App. Inscript. XX) has judged so, you might rightly doubt requires a Count of the Sacred Patrimony, and [conclude] that it was already known before Anastasius and under the principate of Theodosius and Valentinian: for there is no mention of it, so far as I know, in the *Notitia* of the East; in which the provisors of the flocks and stables and the procurators of the estates oversee the patrimonial lands under the disposition of the Count of Private Affairs, c. 88. I confess that Fl. Peregrinus Saturnius, the illustrious moderator, is the count of the sacred patrimony on an old stone. I even grant that he seems to be the same person who is called count and procurator in l. xvi c. Th. *de Bon. Proscript.* under the princes Arcadius and Honorius. But he was, as the legislative argument indicates, the count of the Gildonian patrimony, whom the *Notitia* of the West, c. 42, mentions, and was a procurator. Now, as for the fact that the form of this comitiva is in Cassiodorus (ep. vi, 9), that cannot prove that there was a count of the patrimony before Anastasius, since Theoderic could have taken the example of this matter from Anastasius. But this is by the way. Mss. *xwpla лaτpiμóvia*, from which, if you form *zaïp:µoviádia*, you will have the patrimonial lands.

Ibid. *Kl6upa*. This is the great Cibyra, from which the Cibyratic conventus [is named], according to Pliny v, 29, situated on the borders of Phrygia and Caria, and not far from Antioch on the Maeander, as testified by Strabo xiii, p. 630. Therefore, the Cruquian scholiast of Horace is mistaken in Ep. i, 6, 33, writing: “Cibyra, a maritime village in Paphlagonia or Lydia.” There was indeed another town of the same name, but smaller, in Pamphylia, according to the same Strabo, xiv, p. 667, but if he meant that one, he could not excuse the error either. From this smaller Cibyra, Constantine I called the *Thema Cybyrrhaeotarum* (Them. 14); and since this is reported as the fatherland of Anastasius the Miracle-Worker in the *Synaxarium Divionense*, “he was of the region of the Cibyrrhaeotans,” you might rightly wonder at D. Papebrochius (tom. 1 Jun., p. 326) writing: “I could have explained no more easily what S. Athanasius’s fatherland is, for [the name] mentioned in the eulogy of the Cibyrrhoitans was unknown to us by any region.”

1145 Ibid. *Koxτnuaixai*. You have need of another conjecture, to divine the truth; I do not manage anything from this.

Ibid. *ἐπαρχία Ποντικῆς α'*. So the mss.; which appears to be lacerated. I believe it came from the hand of Hierocles as *ἐπαρχία Ποντικῆς διοικήσεως α' Βιθυνία*, "Province of the Pontic diocese I, Bithynia." From this he begins the provinces of the Pontic diocese, which were 11: Bithynia, Honorias, Paphlagonia, Galatia I and II, the two Cappadocias, the two Armenias, Helenopontus, and Pontus Polemoniacus, concerning which, from the *Notitia* of the East, c. 1, which also entrusts Bithynia to a proconsul, we know with certainty.

Ibid. *Xalxndŵr*. Although it is placed in the first rank among the cities of Bithynia and John, the bishop of the metropolis of Chalcedon of Bithynia, subscribes to the Third Council of Constantinople (p. 495), yet it was a metropolis in name only, saving the rights and privileges of Nicomedia, as Marcian, to whom it owes this honorary title, decrees in the Council of Chalcedon, p. 681: “We have decreed that the city of the Chalcedonians, in which the council of the holy faith was held, should have the rank of a metropolis, honoring it by name alone, while the rights of its own dignity are preserved for the metropolis of the Nicomedians.” And since he calls the city *Καλχηδόνα*, it is not far from the coins of the *Καλχηδονίων*: for at one time it was called *Καλχ῅δων*. Because this name and *Καρκηδών* (Carthage) differ little in sound, there has often been an opportunity for scribes to confuse the two cities, such as when they attribute to Apsyrtus (Hippiatr. c. xxxiii, p. 113): “And this has been found from the *Geoponica* of Mago the Chalcedonian,” and in Hierocles, p. 116: “Mago the Chalcedonian in the *Geoponica*.” For Mago was not a Chalcedonian, but a Carthaginian, whose books on *R. R.*, written in the Punic language, Cassius Dionysius of Utica translated into the Greek language, according to Varro, *R. R.* i, 1. And I strongly suspect that the name of this Mago lies hidden in these words of Stephanus: “*Ὁ πολίτης Καρχηδόνιος — Καρχηδόνιος ἦν σοφὸς μέγας καὶ Κλειτόμαχος ὁ Διογνήτου*.” Thus Menagius (on Diogenes Laertius iv, 67) and Berkel accounted for the fragmented text before this passage—rightly, if I see it correctly; and if they had also corrected it to *σοφὸς Μάγων* (for the alternative is not tolerable), they would have perfectly healed the passage, in my judgment. But, so that we do not stray too far from our purpose, it seems to me that the same error was made in these words of Strabo, xi, p. 609, where, concerning Metrodorus of Scepsis, [it says:] “*διὰ δὲ τὴν δόξαν ἐν Καρχηδόνι γάμου λαμπροῦ πένης ὢν ἔτυχε καὶ ἐχρημάτιζε Καρxηδόνιος*.” These things do not seem to refer to the true Carthage, since it did not exist in the age of Metrodorus, having long since been leveled by Scipio. You could say that Metrodorus extended his time and lived until the city was rebuilt by Caesar, according to Pliny (xxxv, 6), corrected by Scaliger: “For this is Mamurra, criticized in the poems of Catullus of Verona, whom Metrodorus of Scepsis said had more clearly than Catullus, whatever Comata Gaul had possessed.” But Strabo stands in the way, who reported that Metrodorus was killed by order of Mithridates before Tigranes was defeated, nor does Plutarch disagree (in *Lucullus* p. 580). Therefore, since Is. Vossius found in the Plinian mss. on Catullus (p. 71), and after him Harduinus, “whom both his property and his house possessed more clearly than Catullus,” I have also approved this, the subject itself as often indicating the subject matter.

Ibid. *Nixoµńdeta*. I shall only say of this most noble metropolis that the "Amuni" [sic] was added, which Themistius (Orat. xxiv, p. 305) calls the Nicomedian

625 PREFACE. 626

In his youth he had devoted himself to the study of the laws; but because his mind recoiled from the duties of a pleader, he fell into idleness and squandered his patrimony on the circus and the madness of the factions. At length, however, compelled by necessity to seek better things, when he saw that learned men were being adorned with splendid rewards by the Emperor Maurice, he decided to try his hand in this field. Therefore, he proposed to himself to continue the history of Agathias, which he completed from the arrival of the Cotrigur Huns in Thrace, whom Belisarius repressed, in the year 558, down to the passing of the Emperor Tiberius in the year 582. He dealt with the events of the year 575 (48) in the eighth book. He is said to have been a Protector by title, by which he is distinguished from the illustrious poet Atticus (49); although in that age, just as the scholarii, they exercised a merely nominal military service (50). In his style of writing, he is an absolute ape of Agathias; he is to be laughed at whenever he desires to show off with the sharpness of his maxims or the elegance of his words. Nevertheless, he is a good author in reporting historical events; he is quite curious about the customs of peoples, the location of distant lands, and the journeys of travelers, and worthy of credence. In imitation of the same Agathias, he also attempted to compose epigrams. All that I have said above concerning his origin and youth, he himself had recorded in the proem of his history, which Suidas preserved.

It will not be irrelevant to the proem of this volume, the far greater part of which consists of them, to explain the reason why it pleased the grammarians, to whom the care of the matter was entrusted by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, to inscribe the excerpts concerning embassies *Peri Presbeon*, and not *Peri Chrysodion*; nor will it be idle, since, by some chance, it has not been fully perceived by anyone, as far as I have become aware. Hoeschel published these excerpts from two codices: the Schottian, which I said above is now nowhere to be found, and the Bavarian, which he calls the *Boicus*, which exists in the royal library at Munich, and was used by the distinguished Schweighäuser for Appian and Polybius. The relationship between them was such that while the Schottian contained everything, the preface and those things which the editor professes in the index he placed after the dedication to have given only from the Schottian codex were absent from the Bavarian. Moreover, those are not in the place of additions—so that you might believe the Bavarian codex was mutilated by the laziness of scribes by so many chapters—but are separated from those which it has, and proceed in the same order from the beginning of the book to its end. They differ from each other in that those which exist in the Bavarian deal with embassies sent to the Romans, while those which are absent from it deal with those which the Romans sent to the Barbarians. For this reason, that codex is inscribed *Concerning the Embassies of Nations (or Gentiles) to the Romans* (51), while the preface which looks to those things which the Schottian codex alone provided, exhibits the title XXVII and its rubric *Concerning the Embassies of the Romans to Nations*. And in the index which is placed under it, concerning the writers from whose books Hoeschel published the eclogues on embassies, he omits Dexippus and Eunapius. Clearly, nothing from these had been brought into the volume of eclogues concerning the embassies of the Romans to the nations.

These things having been set forth, it will not be necessary to prove with more words that there was a double title of eclogues concerning embassies, of which one, XXVII in the order of numbers, exists complete with its preface, while the preface of the other is missing, and its number is unknown, though reason compels it to have been either XXVI or XXVIII. Finally, what remains of both existed joined together in the Schottian codex. Now, indeed, it is perceived for what reason it happened that even in the Polybian [excerpts] very many eclogues from the number of those which Ursinus published are absent from the Bavarian (52); for it deals there with embassies which the Romans had sent; and the same, if anyone should inquire about the eclogues of Dio and Appian, he must necessarily find. Therefore, the great Casaubon is freed from criticism, who, when he wrote that the first volume of these eclogues existed in the library of Thuanus, in which, however, only a part of those which were taken from Polybius was contained (53), was not in the least mistaken. And it may be that while others have handed down that Theodosius the Younger, but Ursinus that John of Constantinople, compiled this collection, the embassies to the Romans were attributed to the labor of the former, and title XXVI to the latter in the codices. I fear, however, that there is an error concerning that Theodosius, since *Theodosios ho mikros* signifies to the Byzantine Greeks the Emperor Theodosius the Younger. So that every occasion for erring in the future may be removed, I have distinguished each collection, divided by individual authors, with its own inscribed title. Therefore, we have not three, but four titles from the collections of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, after A. Mai, by bringing to light the greater part of the title concerning maxims, added a heap to his immortal merits regarding the public literary cause.

(48) Menand, p. 397, 20 in his edition by Brisson. (49) See Heineccius s.v. Protectores. (50) Procop. Anecd. 24, p. 71. (51) Schweigh. pref. to vol. II of Polybius, p. xvi. (52) Schweigh. provides a list of them, p. xxvii. (53) Ibid. p. xx.

p. 585, as having been earned, though I do not know if unjustly; for unless I am mistaken, Dio will defend him in *Orat.* XLII, p. 511. "For you know well," he says to the Prusians, "that though it is not the greatest of cities, nor inhabited for the longest time, it is better known than many." For if Prusa was not inhabited for a very long time in the age of Dio, its beginning will certainly be more truly referred to Prusias, the friend of Hannibal, than to any earlier person. Dio, to be sure, if he had thought it to have been built in the age of Cyrus, would not have gone on to say that it had been cultivated and frequented by citizens for a "very long time." Strabo, book xii, p. 563, departs into other views and affirms that it was stirred up by Prusias, who had a war with Croesus, or, as Stephanus reads, with Cyrus; which is only an indication that opinions about the origin of the city have been varied. Indeed, if you follow the opinion of Palmerius and read in Strabo and Stephanus *those who warred against Kieros*, it will agree perfectly with Strabo and Pliny; for Prusias the Lame, whom Memnon, c. xxix, reports to have occupied Kieros and called it Prusias, received Hannibal into his hospitality. If you do not wish this, as I for one certainly will reject it—for it is not credible that a geographer would wish to signify Prusa and distinguish it from others by a war waged with an obscure town, and one which was in another's domain, and of which he makes no mention anywhere else. Add to this that Prusa, who fought Croesus in the war, is very clearly distinguished by Strabo from that Prusias who embraced Hannibal in friendship; from whom he will not be different, if the conjecture of a learned man is worth anything. But there were no kings of Bithynia in the time of Croesus: for Herodotus and Xenophon are silent. Although I acknowledge their silence, I fear, however, that it is not correctly concluded from that that there were no kings in Bithynia at that time: for what Memnon, c. xxi, reports about Dydalsus and Botira seems to me to be able to ascend to the age of Xenophon; and since it is not certain that they were the first kings of the nation, what prevents admitting others earlier than them? And to confirm these, I would invoke Appian, *Mithridat.*, p. 297, were it not that he, changed into another form by that same Palmerius, *Exercit.*, p. 156, would demand a broader field. Therefore, it would be better to profess that the diverging opinions of Pliny and Strabo concerning the origin of Prusa were even contradictory to themselves. ^A

*Col.* 149. *Caesarea*. In the *Life of Nicetas the Abbot*, c. 1, "Caesarea of Bithynia." It was a city not very large in the vicinity of Prusa. Dio Chrysostom, *Orat.* XLVII, p. 526, after he had spoken about the Nicomedians and the Nicaeans, who are not far removed from Prusa, says of the Caesareans: "These are noble men and very much Greeks, but they dwell in a much smaller city." ^B

*Ibid. Apollonias*. Write *Apollonia*. The city of this name near the Rhyndacus is meant, which is called "the city of the Apolloniatae near the Rhyndacus" on inscription LVIII, which Fr. Hesselius published in the *Appendix to the Guidian Inscriptions*. Add Plutarch in *Lucullus*, p. 498, and Tournefort, *Epist.* xxii, p. 192. There is at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 502, "Anastasius, bishop of the City of the Theotocians, or of Apollonias of the province of the Bithynians," who testifies that this was also in common use. Add the second Council of Nicaea, p. 353. ^C

*Ibid. Dascylion*. Dascylus in Mela 1, 18, with the others nearly consenting with ours. Most wish it called from Dascylus; Is. Vossius from the nature of the place, whom see. The memory of Dascylus has been preserved, as Holstenius advised, in an epigram of Alexander Aetolus, which is read much more correctly than in Plutarch, which Salmasius published in *Solinus*, p. 580. Thus indeed Alcman: "And I learned of the Heliconian Muses, who placed me above Dascylus and Gyges of the tyrants." ^D However, the mention of Dascylus will be inconvenient here if the observation of the most learned Bentley on Horace, *Od.* ii, 47, is valid: for he says one ought not to have been a tyrant, Dascylus, father of Gyges, but a private citizen, and therefore, if you do not prefer to charge the author rather than the scribes with the error, he wrote, or at least certainly should have written, *Candaules*. But what if Alexander did not follow the account of Herodotus concerning Gyges, but that of Plutarch in the *Hellenica*? Which certainly bears a greater shadow of truth. What if he also considered another Dascylus than the father of Gyges? Stephanus mentions a Dascylus of Periander, from whom Dascylium was called, and the scholiast on Apollonius ii, 725 and 754, mentions a son of Tantalus of the same name. ^A

*Ibid. Neocaesarea*. Its bishop is called "of the Neocaesareans of Bithynia" at the third Council of Constantinople, p. 668. Afterwards it was called Ariste, as the Acts of the second Council of Nicaea, p. 353, intimate. ^B

*Ibid. Adriani*. Coins show that the "Adriani near Olympus" sat by Mount Olympus; which Jo. Masson, in his *Life of Aristides*, iii, 3, etc., examined with great diligence as the fatherland of Aristides, having sent the passages of ancient writers into council. The bishop of the town is often called in the second Council of Nicaea *episcopus Adrianorum*, as on p. 51 and 572, more correctly David *Adrianorum* at the Council of Chalcedon, tom. ix, p. 176. ^C

*Ibid. Regeontios*. This and what follows, *Regeodris* (for I think that the true name), we have profusely illustrated in *Itin. Hieros.*, p. 573. It remains that we seek what *regeon* means. Both mansions are called a "mutation" in *l. 119 Th. de Decurion.*, and the other is called a station in the *Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum*: from which you may gather that the beginning of both names denotes a station or village. Which will appear more clearly if you notice that it is truncated from *regeon*, by which word they are accustomed to signify villages and places which are smaller and inferior to a city in the *Notitia*, like that of Jac. Goar, p. 365. Anastasius, the Nicaean bishop, will undoubtedly make the same thing plain, having said this in the Council of Chalcedon, tom. ix, p. 98, concerning Tattaio and Doris: "Just as Tattaio and Doris are *regeones* under Nicaea, so was Basiliupolis before this under Nicaea." He calls both a *regeon* or village; and since shortly after it is said of Basiliupolis, "and that which was formerly a *regeon* again after this became a city," he most openly signifies that by that word he understands a place much smaller in size and dignity than a city. Moreover, the said regions seem to be of Nicaea because the power of dispensing law and coercing there belonged to its magistrates: "We call regions," says Siculus Flaccus in *de Agr. condition.*, p. 1, "within the borders of which there is free power of dispensing law and coercing for the magistrates of individual colonies or municipalities." ^D

*Ibid. Province of Honorias*. This province was made and severed from Bithynia by Theodosius the Second and endowed with the surname of his uncle. Jo. Malala, tom. ii, p. 69: "He also made another province, having separated it from Bithynia, which he called Honoriade, in the name of the same, his uncle Honorius, giving the right of a metropolis and a ruler to Heraclea, a city of Pontus." Who nevertheless is mistaken when he affirms that Heraclea was created a metropolis; for Claudiopolis was distinguished by that dignity, as the Emperor Leo mentioned in an Epistle in *Concil.* tom. ix, p. 267 and Justinian in *Novella* 21.

^A Since the name of Honorias was abolished, this province is most closely connected with Paphlagonia, as they have taught.

*Col.* 149. *Claudiopolis.* It is generally attributed to Bithynia by Ptolemy, Galen, and others; the reason why this is an invention is easily seen. See *Ant. Itin.* p. 200. Mantinium was not far distant from this city; and because the compilers of the great *Work of the Saints* (the *Acta Sanctorum*) asserted that they could never find it, we shall confirm it from the *History of the Martyr Tition* in Lambecius, *Biblioth. Cæsar.* vii, p. 212: "The holy martyr Tition was from Mantinium, which was a dependency of Claudiopolis, the metropolis." Add Socrates, *H. E.* ii, 38.

*Ibid. Prusias.* In the manuscripts it is correctly rendered as Prusias, near the Hypius river, whose citizens are called in the Donian inscription, *Class.* v, 177, ΠΡΟΥΣΕΙΣ ΑΠΟ ΥΠΙΟ. Memnon, c. 49, indicates that it was once called Cierus after the river flowing past it: I agree with Palmerius and Holstenius that he alluded to this Prusias, not the one that is also called Cius. In c. 29 he calls it both the city of the Heracleotes and Tium, and says that, having brought both under his power, King Prusias "circumscribed Heraclea from sea to sea," encircling Heraclea entirely at the sea; this cannot be true of the Prusias on the Cianus bay, but it fits this one excellently. This city was situated to the west of Heraclea, and Tius to the east; and thus, having mastered both, Prusias saw the Heracleans completely hemmed in. Although these things seem to have a good basis, I will not deny that Memnon confused the two Prusiases: for as for what he reports about the Argonauts in c. xliii, as if they landed at Cierus and lost Hylas in its vicinity, others constantly affirm that this happened near Cium. See Apollonius i, 1178, Orpheus 635, and Valerius Flaccus, iii, 484.

*Ibid. Heraclea.* It was a colony of the Megarians on the river Sounautes, as witnesses and critics in Apollonius ii, 748, testify; having garnered for itself great power and wealth, it was oppressed by a most grievous calamity by Triarius, in the time of the Mithridatic war, in Memnon, c. 53.

*Ibid. Tios.* The city was placed on the Billæus river, as the scholia of Apollonius, corrected by Holstenius in Stephanus, 791, show. Add Ezechiel Spanheim, *Epist. ad Morellium*.

*Ibid. Crateia.* Concerning this, see *Ant. Itin.* p. 200. It seems corrupted in these lines of Galen *de alimentorum facultatibus* i, p. 312, when Nicaea, Prusa, Crassus, Claudiopolis, Juliopolis, and finally Dorylaeum, which is indeed the furthest city of Asian Phrygia, are located in the coldest tract of Bithynia: for "Crassus," even if you add the word "city" from the following, is nothing: for where is Crassopolis read or written? You will not succeed any better if you read "Crasus" with Abr. Ortelius and understand it as a city of Phrygia, since it is outside those borders of Bithynia. But if, as I think, it were written "Crateia," the matter would be clear: it is in Bithynia and near Claudiopolis, and not far from Juliopolis, and for that reason it is correctly joined to them.

*Ibid. Hadrianopolis.* The Emperor mentions it in *Novella* 29 and the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 52. Whence it ought to have had a place in the Geography of the *Synecdemus*.

*Ibid. οὐ κορρέκτορα.* He understands "Corrector," to whom the *Notitia of the Roman Empire*, c. 1, also entrusts Paphlagonia. He was in a middle position between a consular and a praeses, if you look at his dignity and amplitude, as you will know from *l. viii C. Th. de Cohort.* In Italy, of the correctors, about whom Ursatus *de Notit. Roman.* p. 641, edited by Grævius, makes the most ancient mention: outside of Italy they occur more rarely, and only in two provinces, Paphlagonia and Augustamnica, both of which—besides Hierocles and the *Notitia of the Roman Empire*—are assigned this magistrate. Synesius, in Epistle 109, calls Marcianus the philosopher, who held the government of these Paphlagonians, by the general term "corrector." Add Pancirolus, *Notit. imp. Orient.* c. 156.

*Ibid. Gangra.* The manuscripts of the Council of Ephesus, p. 532, rightly show Bosphorius subscribing as "of Gangra, the metropolis of the province of Pamphylia," mistakenly for "Paphlagonia," as in Sozomen, *H. E.* iii, 14: "Gangra, the metropolis of the Paphlagonians." That the ancients said *ta Gangra*, *tas Gangras*, and *tên Gangran*, according to Stephanus, is a very well-known matter. Add Ch. Cellarius, *G. A.* iii, 8, p. 318.

*Ibid. Pompeiopolis.* It was founded by Pompey, according to Strabo xii, p. 562. Therefore, Constantine ^B in *Them.* i, 7, plays on the word, when he says "for they are a spectacle and a reproach and a rejection of the human race," simultaneously indicating that the city was in a very lowly condition in his time.

*Ibid. Sora.* Thus in the Second Council of Nicaea, p. 52. In the Council of Chalcedon, p. 664, it is "Soura," in Constantine *Them.* i, 7, "Sôra," in Justinian *Novella* 29. Where I have already shown the "cumuli" or "tumuli" were poorly translated in my *Probabil.* c. xiii, which L. Holstenius, having since been instructed, agrees with me in his *Ortelii Sora*. There remains in the same words of the *Novella* something else that might cause hesitation; hence, it must be given space here. "We say of Germanicopolis and those towards Gangra and the citizens of Pompeiopolis and Dadybra and Sora of Amastris and even of Ionopolis." Thus Holoander published it, and hence the "tumuli of Amastris" were born. Hombergius, in his notes from the manuscripts, brings forward, I think: "we say of Germanicopolis towards Gangra, Pompeiopolis, Dadybra and Sora and Amastris and even of Ionopolis," which is, in my judgment, much more correct. It is difficult, however, for the emperor to have called these six cities of Paphlagonia when he seems to enumerate plainly seven: Germanicopolis, Gangra, Pompeiopolis, Dadybra, Sora, Amastris, and Ionopolis; nor can the suspicion of corrupted numbers arise, if indeed precisely 12 cities are subjected to the dominion of the governor of Paphlagonia in what follows, six in Honorias and as many in Paphlagonia. To me, so that the meaning of the *Novella* may stand, Germanicopolis seems to have been contributed to Gangra on account of its proximity and therefore is counted as one. The metropolis of the province, Gangra, could not be passed over, as it surpassed the others in dignity; the emperor openly makes Germanicopolis neighbor to it, calling it "Germanicopolis towards Gangra." And hence it also seems to be derived why Hierocles and other *Notitia* ignored it, and why there is no mention of it in the Acts of the Councils.

*Ibid. Amastris.* Amastris in Lucian and everywhere else, and in the Council of Chalcedon, p. 96. In the Second Council of Nicaea, "Amastra," for the Emperor Constantine, and likewise in Nicetas Paphlagon’s oration on Saint Hyacinthus, July 17, in the great *Work of the Saints*, who calls it the eye of Paphlagonia or perhaps of the world, into whose port the inhabitants of the Euxine Pontus come together as if to a common market: "Amastra, the eye, one might almost say, of Paphlagonia, or rather of the world."

^A *Trocnada* or *Petrocnada* Holstenius, in his *Geography of S.*, advises we prefer as the reading in the copied manuscript, which is undoubtedly more correct: for Cyriacus, p. 663, subscribes as *Trocnadon* of Chalcedon, and Theodore, p. 672, as *Trocnadon* of the third province of the Galatians for Constantinople, and Leo, p. 355, as *Trocnadon* at the Second Nicene. But since Cyriacus, whom I have mentioned, is called *Trocnadon* in Chalcedon, pp. 125 and 309, perhaps *Trocna-da* would be better, so that the name derives from the Trocmi, a Galatian people.

Col. 119. *Eudoxias*. That it was not far removed from the city of Germia appears from the *Life of Theodore of Syceon*, chap. viii. Its bishop, Aquilas, is at Chalcedon, p. 663, so that it is wrong that no account of it was taken in the Geography of S. Ibid. *Myrian-gelorum*. The manuscripts give this; nor has anything about the city come to my attention, although the *Notitia* of Jac. Goar does not entirely condemn it. Ibid. *Germia*. *Germocolonia* in the *Notitia* of J. Goar, p. 344, which is not wrong, as you will see at *Itin. Ant.*, p. 201. In a later age, this colony was famous under the name of Myriangelon. Theophanes, p. 203: "The Emperor Justinian, for the sake of a vow, [was] in Myriangelon, that is, in Germia, a city of Galatia." For J. Goar is mistaken when he thinks the *Pythia* thermal baths, about which Procopius *De Aedif. Justin.* v, 3, speaks, should be understood [as Germia]: those were in Bithynia; Germia is 16 miles from Pessinus. Ibid. *Under a Consularis*. Vespasian added legions to Cappadocia because of the constant incursions of the barbarians, and imposed a consular governor in place of a Roman knight, according to Suetonius, chap. viii. Under Constantine, it obeyed a *praeses*, who is mentioned in l. 41, c. *de libral. caus.*; nor does it seem to have had any other magistrate in the time of Basil the Great or Chrysostom. The former calls him *archonta tes eparchias* (ruler of the province) in epistles 78 and 94, and *hegemon* (governor) in epistle 86; the latter calls him *hegemon* in epistle 4, p. 596 of the new edition. It was again entrusted to a *consularis* by Theodosius the Younger, for which fact the authority for me is Firmus, Bishop of Caesarea, in the epistles which A. Muratori published in *Anecdota Graeca*. For thus in epistle xvii to Soterichus: "And make the ruler for us greater, not by name alone, but also in power": for if the governor of the province, whom we have seen as a *praeses*, has been gifted with a more excellent title, he shall certainly be considered to have been raised to the dignity of *consularis*. And epistle xvi to Thalassius hints at this more clearly: "And the ruler, whom you have made more illustrious for us by your zeal, grace with affairs, as is fitting for him to be known." Firmus requests that the *consularis* of the first Cappadocia receive a broader field where his virtue and prudence can range, and that the cities which had been taken away by the Emperor Valens and subjected to the *praeses* of the second Cappadocia should return to him. That is the meaning of the words at which a most learned man seemed to stumble: "And grant that the province also may be prospered by the addition of cities, so that your fatherland may be illustrious to you through all things." Rightly, therefore, did Hierocles give a *consularis* to this Cappadocia; nor will the *Notit. imp. Orient.* c. 1, where it is committed to a *praeses*, stand against it, provided you remember that it is earlier than Theodosius the Younger and Bishop Firmus. Ibid. *Caesarea*. It was once the metropolis of all Cappadocia, but the cities of Tyana seem to have envied it this dignity when the province was cut into two by the Emperor Valens. That the dispute was quieted under Theodosius the Younger and the old dignity of Caesarea restored, Firmus indicates in epistle 17. ^B Everyone knows it was situated at Mount Argaeus, but not likewise because of a most ample lake that flowed into the Halys; it would therefore be worth the effort to linger a little on this matter, and search out which places the Halys flows past. There is a distinct mention of the lake in Strabo xi, p. 538, and an uncertain author of an epistle, which is among the Basilian letters of the newest edition, had narrated that it poured into it: "So," he says, "upon the thaw occurring, waters were moved in indescribable ways, mingling in the perennial river, the Halys, which is also a narrow [river]": that is, upon the snow suddenly melting, incredible surges arose, mixed with the Halys, which rushes in a continuous and narrow channel. These [waters], although Cotelerius, *Monum. Græc.* vol. ii, p. 97, and the recent editor did not wish to see it, do not remove the Halys much from Caesarea. Nor is there, I think, any other *geitōn potamos* (neighboring river) which Firmus mentions in epistle 35; unless you prefer it to be the Melas, which Strabo xii, p. 538, reported to spring from 40 stadia from the city. Whatever follows, the people of Caesarea will not allow the Halys to be snatched from their territory, even if it is often highly inconvenient. It flowed down hither from Sebastia, having risen in the dominion of the Armenians: "This river," says the writer of the epistle, "which lies in our neighborhood, welling up from the land of the Armenians, and being introduced into the most holy lake of the Sebastians, etc." And this agrees well enough with Strabo xii, p. 546; for he derives the Halys from Greater Cappadocia around Cambysene, which was contributed to Armenia. Nor will Herodotus i, 72, be far from the truth, if he understood "the Armenian mountain" to be a mountain of Armenia. The author of the epistle agrees most excellently with Gregory of Nyssa, who says in *Orat. 1 on the 40 Martyrs of Sebastia*, p. 501: "I speak of this neighboring river, which, due to its size, being numbered among the famous rivers of the world, starting from our own [land], in time passes by the city." He does not indeed name the Halys; but neither do these things he predicates of the river fit the Iris nor the Lycus: for neither flowed so broadly and amply that it could be compared with the most noble rivers of the world. No one will deny that it fits the Halys. Not to mention that it is clear from no one's authority that Sebastia was situated by the Lycus; Sebastopolis sat by its springs, if Ptolemy does not err, from which Sebastia was distant more than 40 miles toward the interior of Armenia. Therefore, if we have reasoned correctly, I do not see how Pliny can be excused (vi, 2), sending the river Halys through Cataonia into Cappadocia: for it would have to flow down from regions situated far beyond the Taurus, if indeed Cataonia was extended from Commagene. Much less will the recent geographers defend themselves, letting this river out from inner Asia, looking toward the south, contrary to the warnings of Arrian in *Peripl. Pont. Euxin.* p. 16, ed. Oxon., and not attaching the cities which I mentioned to it. Moreover, what I had almost neglected, in the words of Gregory of Nyssa, it should be written *en chrō* (skimming/past) and not *en chronō* (in time), as our friend beautifully [noted]. Ibid. *Nyssa*. Isaac Casaubon, in the epistle of Gregory of Nyssa to Eustathia, p. 116, conjectured that this was a metropolis, but with the title only, without the reality, which Spanheim, *Dissert. 9 de Usu et Præst. Num.* p. 599, denied, not without justice, although the noble man is wrong,

Britan.* p. 252. Strabo most accurately described the site of the city, p. 651 152 [16wpa]. The correct spelling is *16wpa*, and in the 3rd oration of Gregory of Nyssa on the 40 Martyrs, p. 212, where he calls it *modlyvny*, it is most evident; the same appears from the Life of Eutyches c. 11, and Novella 28. It was a town situated on the Euxine Sea according to Sozomen, *H. E.* VI, 30, even though it is spelled incorrectly there and in Palladius as *'16ń pwy This*: for it is from here that Evagrius is said to have come, concerning whom those duumviri, Jerome in his epistle to Ctesiphon, signify. Commonly, indeed, it is called Hyperboria there, which Valesius in his notes on Sozomen and Rosweidus in Palladius rightly changed, since even the Corbeiensis manuscript shows Hiberita for Hiborita. Photius, in the third Council of Constantinople, p. 670, says *mólew; '16wpwv¸ñs Eldonovaly napyla;* instead of *'Elevonotυιwy*. Ibid. *Zna*. It was not far from Amasia. The Life of Eutyches, c. 6: *Πολίχνη τίς ἐστι, Ζῆλα προσαγορευο- μένη, γειτνιάζει δὲ τῇ μητροπόλει 'Αμασείᾳ.* Plutarch, *Caesar*, p. 731 calls it *πόν Ζήλα*, and since the old editions of Hirtius on the Alexandrian War, c. 72, and the Norwich manuscript show *Zela*, that should have been defended by Davis, and *Zina* should not have been foisted upon Plutarch and Dio. Stephanus [calls it] *Ποντική Ζηλα*. Ibid. *Σάλτος Ζαλίχης*. Thus the manuscripts, and correctly, provided it is corrected to *Σάλτος Ζαλίχης*. I would think the city was surrounded by woods (saltus), and for that reason *Saltum* is prefixed. In the second Council of Nicaea, Andronicus the presbyter subscribes on behalf of John the bishop of *Zahiɣwv* p. 355, who, since he is called presbyter of *Asovtonólews* p. 163 – *Za-díxov*, is a certain index to us that it is none other than this Leontopolis, which the emperor mentions in Novella 28. That name is often corrupted in the Life of Eutyches, c. 11, where [it reads] the bishop subject to Amazeno *τῆς τῶν Λαζιχηνῶν πόλεως οἱ Λαζίχων προεδρία εἰ τοῦ Λαζίχου ἐπισκοπή*. Perhaps the oration which is attributed to Basil the Great, vol. II, p. 587, should also be referred here, *ἐν Λαζιζ*; however that may be, the city should not have been neglected in the Geography of S. Ibid. *'Aropaκα*. Its bishop Paralius *'Αν- δράτων τῆς 'Ελλησπόντου* (instead of *'E*..., which did not escape L. Holstein in his notes to the Geography of S.) is mentioned in the Council of Ephesus, p. 438. Add concerning the city the Acts of Hesychius the Thaumaturge from the Greek Synaxarion of March 6 of the *Acta Sanctorum*, where there is more. Ibid. *'Ajuσός*. Constantine 1. 1, *Them.* 2 [*calls it*] *'Aµlvooς*, as does Suidas, but not entirely correctly. Amisus was 900 stades distant from Synope, as Stephanus reported from Strabo XII, p. 547. Ibid. *Σινόπη*. *Σινώπη*, as in the Leiden manuscript. Strabo XII, p. 545 describes this noble city, situated on a peninsula, and Tournefort, *epist.* XV, p. 91. Concerning its founders, see the scholiast of Apollonius II, 948. Ibid. *Πόντου Πολεμωνιακού*. That the name came from Polemon, king of this Pontus, is indicated by Justinian in Novella 28, c. 1. It began to be numbered among the provinces under Nero, who reduced the kingdom of Pontus, with the consent of Polemon, into the form of a province, according to Suetonius, c. 18. It is likewise entrusted to the governor in the *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1. Ibid. *Neokaισαρεία*. *KOINON. NEOKAI. MHTPO.* Holstenius saw this on a Medicean coin, for which the British *Thesauri*, vol. II, p. 236 has a twin. Gregory of Nyssa (in the Life of the Thaumaturge of the same name, p. 537) reports that [Neocaesarea] was considered by the common consensus of the nation the *κορυφήν πάσης τῆς περιοικίδος*, and that it was endowed with a new name by the Caesar of the Romans, who was captivated by the pleasantness of the place. Pliny, VI, 3, affirms that the Lycus river flows past the city; whether this is altogether true you might doubt, especially if you understand it as flowing past Neocaesarea. For it is gathered manifesty from the same Life of the Thaumaturge, p. 557, that it flows through the territory of the city. The reasons for doubting are that Gregory of Nyssa, in describing the city and its situation, mentions nothing about the Lycus. Furthermore, Gregory’s brother Basil, in his 210th epistle, testifies that he spent a great deal of time among the Neocaesareans in his grandmother’s house and later in a monastery; yet that monastery was near the Iris river, according to the same epistle 223 and Gregory in the *Life of Macrina*, p. 182. Add to these that Neocaesarea and Comana of Amasia, which sat upon the Iris, are said to be neighbors in the Acts of Eutyches, c. 7. Perhaps, therefore, it will be more correctly placed between the Iris and the Lycus. Ibid. *Κουανα*. They were situated on the Iris river according to Strabo XII, p. 547, and not far from Neocaesarea; whence Gregory of Nyssa calls it *πόλιν ἀστυγείτονα* in the *Life of the Thaumaturge*, p. 561, and in his oration *De Baptismo*, p. 220, he calls it *τὴν Κομαναίων ταύτην ἀστυγείτονα πόλιν*. But that Christopher Cellarius, *G. A. 1, 8* p. 327, gathers from Strabo that Comana is a short distance from the sources of the Iris, this will not be supported by the same Gregory in the *Life of Macrina*, p. 182, where the river is said to have originated from deepest Armenia and to have run down through this Pontus. Ibid. *Πολεμόνιον*. The correct form is *Πολεμόνιον*, which obtained the status of a town situated between the Thermodon and Cotyora according to Arrian in the *Periplus*, p. 17. Concerning Cerasus, a maritime town, see Xenophon, *Expedition of Cyrus* V, p. 273 and Tournefort, *epist.* XVI, p. 98. Ibid. *Τραπελοῦς*. Around the time of the second Council of Nicaea, Phasis and Trapezus seem to have obeyed one bishop; whence Christopher subscribes as *τοῦ Φάσιδος ἤτοι Τραπεζοῦντος* p. 345. See the *Antonine Itinerary*, p. 216. Ibid. *Τὰ εὐχάϊτα*. Thus the manuscripts, with which not only the *Notitia Imperii Orientis* c. 1, which makes this a governor's seat, but also Basil the Great in his 112th epistle agrees. For it is not obscurely gathered from the mention of Sebastia in that letter that the *hyemóνα* (governor) Andronicus, to whom those letters are sent, had ruled over First Armenia. Furthermore, the same Basil calls this First Armenia "Lesser Armenia" in his 195th and 263rd epistles. Ibid. *Σαβαστεία*. It is the metropolis of the province in Theodoret, *H. E.* II, 25, and Novella 31. It was situated in a pleasant place, and besides the Halys, which grazed the walls of the city, another river, which soon buried itself in a nearby lake, cut through its middle, according to Gregory of Nyssa in the *1st Oration on the 40 Martyrs*, p. 501, and *Oration 2*, p. 510. See the *Antonine Itinerary*, p. 177. Ibid. *Νικόπολις*. It was not located far from Colonia, with which it had shared sacred Christian matters; whence Basil, in epistle 227, addressed to the Colonians, calls it *τὴν μητέρα ὑμῶν τὴν ἐν Νικοπόλει ἐκκλησίαν*; and you will find similar things in the three following epistles. The Lycus river flowed at a distance of 6 miles from the city, if faith is to be placed in the *Acts of the 40 Martyrs*, tom. 1 July, p. 46. More in the *Antonine Itinerary*, p. 182. Ibid. *Κολωνία*. *Κολωνία* or *Κολωνεία*. Liberatus, *Breviarium*, c. 6, transcribes it as [part of] Second Cappadocia, with the Council of Chalcedon agreeing, p. 557; but Basil, in epistle CCXXVII, [says it is] *ἐν τῇ ἐσχατιά τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας*, and in epistle...

CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO THE GENTILES

HOW THE GENTILES HAVE RECEIVED THE EMBASSIES OF THE EMPERORS OF THE ROMANS, IN WHAT FORM THEY RECEIVED THEM, AND WITH WHAT RECEPTION.

PROOEMIUM ^A

1 Whoever of the kings or private individuals of old did not have their minds led astray by pleasures or softened, but maintained the innate power of their intellect unstained and reserved it entire for virtue—they, I say, they underwent labors and devoted study and effort to the art of discourse; and they, coming into existence as lovers of doctrine and of those who spent their remaining life in letters, wrote more accurately, some one thing and others another, partly desiring to leave to posterity an illustrious monument of their own varied and complex erudition, and partly that, having attained the fame of their name among their own contemporaries, they might enjoy immortal glory. But after, in the long lapse of years, infinite events occurred and were comprehended in writing, the texture of history was also extended and dilated to an extent so immense that it could scarcely be grasped. But it was necessary for the nature of men in later ages to change more readily for the worse. And so, since they considered what is honorable as nothing, and having set aside the investigation of the truth, it was more likely that they would be negligent than that they would comprehend in writing the things that were done excellently. Whence it came about, in part by a scarcity of useful books, and in part because men shuddered at and turned away from the prolix and vast mass of writers, that the investigation of history, because it was vague and uncertain, lay in darkness. Wherefore Constantine Porphyrogenitus, prince of all who held the empire before him, most Christian and most orthodox, as he applied himself more accurately to the knowledge of honorable things, being a man of prompt and sharp intellect, judged it to be best, and useful for the public benefit, and profitable and convenient even for human life, first of all indeed to collect by diligent perquisition books of every kind filled with all manner of science from all parts of the entire world. Then, since the vast and confused ^B mass of words

congeries, quæ auditum fatigabat, multis gravis et molesta videretur, existimavit oportere historiæ commentarios in breviores partes contrahere, et sine ulla invidia in commune percipiendam eam, quæ ex his libris oritur, utilitatem proponere. Ad hæc, ut ex hac collectione attentius et facilius præstantissimi loci inveniri iisque elegantia orationis subtilius excoli posset, ingeniose et solerter eos in varia argumenta digerenda esse censebat, in quinquaginta nempe et tria, quibus tota historiæ moles continetur. Neque ulla materia est quæ effugiat harum classium et hypotheseon dispositionem. Neque omnino ista per communes notiones et locos facta distinctio quidquam de perpetuo operis tenore et continuatione detrahit: sed integram eam conservat et suo quodque argumento attribuit hæc non tam dividendi, quam in propriam sedem redigendi ratio. ^A Inter istorum locorum communium et hypotheseon capitula caput inscriptum: *De legatis Romanorum ad ethnicos* erat ordine vicesimum septimum; primum vero: *De imperatorum proclamatione*. Declarat autem hoc proœmium, quos patres et auctores hi sermones habeant et laudent, et unde isti partus editi in lucem prodierint, ne sint ulla capita istarum hypothesium, nullo citato auctore, non genuina, sed fictitia et supposititia. Sunt vero desumpta ex his chronicis, quæ subjiciuntur. 1. ex Petro Patricio et magistro; 2. ex Chronico Georgii monachi; 3. ex Joanne Antiocheno; 4. ex Dionysio Halicarnassensi *De antiquitatibus Romanis*; 5 et 6. ex Polybio Megalopolitano et Appiano; 7. ex Zosimo Ascalonita; 8. ex Josepho *De antiquitate Judaica*; 9. ex Diodoro Siculo; 10. ex Dione Cocceiano; 11. ex Procopio Cæsariensi; 12. ex Prisco Rhetore; 13. ex Malcho Sophista; 14. ex Menandro Protectore; 15. ex Theophylacto exconsule et contrascriba Simocatta. ^B

Quomodo oportet legatos admittere aut legatos mittere

^C Legati aut a nobis, aut ad nos mittuntur. Quando igitur ad nos mittuntur, oportet eos honorifice et liberaliter excipere. Omnes enim ipsos honorant. Cum eorum ministris tute cauteque agere, ne quid ab ullo interrogantes discant. Et si gentium longo a nobis intervallo distantium legati sint, ^D ita ut inter nos et ipsos sint aliæ gentes, his nostrorum quæ et qualia videbitur, ostendere licet. Idem quoque de his, qui nobis vicini sunt, modo viribus et potentia sint inferiores. Sin autem longo nobis præstant sive multitudine hominum, sive virtute: non oportet illis ostentare neque opes, neque nostrarum mulierum pulchritudinem: sed hominum abundantiam et armorum pulchre constitutum apparatum et murorum propugnacula. Si a nobis legati mittuntur, oportet viros esse probos, pietate ia-

Indeed, although he in some way supports the opinion of the most learned Sandas, Damalis stands against it, which, joined with Sanda, forms Dalisandos, and by contraction Dalisandos: not to mention that Basil, when he mentions Tarsus, always adds titles of honor, as in Vita Theclae 1, p. 275, "Tarsus the beautiful," 2, 10, "the great," and 13, "glorious and fortunate in beauty and size." Moreover, the founder of the city according to Basil was Sandas, son of Hercules, whereas according to Ammianus, Sandan came from Ethiopia, and thus he appears as a man of wealth and nobility, and of a different origin. Yet this I should not wish to press, since the ancients often disagree among themselves regarding the lineage of heroes; certainly, I would not praise the attempt of Valesius, who, because some manuscripts write "from Echio," corrected it to "from Chios," nor that of Gronovius, correcting it to "Metachio" or "Metachoio." For Sandes, whether he was Hercules or the son of Hercules, was a foreigner, and he invaded Cilicia from the furthest reaches of India—a region known to be often confused with Ethiopia. We are taught this by Nonnus 34, 196, when he relates that Morrheus, son-in-law of the king of the Indians and commander of their forces, had conquered Cilicia and was called Sandas there: "Whence in the land of the Cilicians, Sandes is still called Heracles by the Morrheans," where there had been no need for anything to be changed by the most learned Cunaeus, just as there was no need for Hardouin in Pliny 6, 20: for the river Indus, called Sandus by the inhabitants, seems deservedly to have lent its name to this Indian Hercules. Nor was Sandes held in honor only among the Indians, but also among the Persians, whom Agathias—to whom my friend Hemsterhuis directed me—testifies (2, p. 62) to call Hercules "Sandes." Therefore, if Dalisandos is derived from Damalis and Sanda, I can hardly be persuaded that the city was called Adalisanda, even though Stephanus cites Capito (book 1 of the Isaurica) as having ever used that name. I know what Victorinus the Grammarian (p. 2470) and others have written about the interchange of A and A; but the case here is different and widely disparate: for it is not credible that they said Damalis and Lamalis. I think instead that in the Isaurica of Capito the scribes made a mistake in the formation of the letters A and A, and for that reason Dalisandos was born.

Col. 152. Germanopolis. Constantine, book 1, theme 13, locates it among the inland cities of Isauria. [Germanopolis of Isauria] c. Chalcedon, p. 659. Ibid. Irenopolis. This must be distinguished from the city of the same name in Cilicia Secunda, as is done carefully in the second Constantinopolitan [council], pp. 670 and 671: for both Paulus, [bishop] of Irenopolis of the second province of the Cilicians, and Georgius, [bishop] of Irenopolis of the province of the Isaurians, subscribe, and Basil, in Miracles of St. Thecla 2, 48, calls it "the Irenopolis near us," to distinguish it from the Cilician city. Ibid. Philadelphia. It is in Ptolemy and the Council of Chalcedon, p. 659; I do not recall reading the following one. Stephanus has "Monodas," an Isaurian city, from Capito, which I would not define as ours. Ibid. Adrasos. I think Carolus a S. Paulo corrected it rightly as "Adrasos." Stephanus [writes] "of the city of Adrasos of the province of the Isaurians." That city, wrongly neglected in the Geographia S., is sought by the Council of Constantinople, test. p. 671. Ibid. Zede. "Zidio" in other Notitiae, "Bide" in the Synod of Chalcedon, p. 674. Ibid. Neapolis. Of this I shall say nothing, except that Suidas has preserved the memory of it for us under "Indos."

^B Ibid. Dalisandos. Thus Constantine, book 1, theme 13, where he affirms it to have been in the inland regions of Isauria. Ibid. Under a consularis. It is inscribed thus, in Chrysostom, epist. 139, "To Theodorus, consularis of Syria." See also Jac. Gothofredus in lib. 11, c. Th. de Cohortal. Ibid. Antioch. All acknowledge it as the metropolis of Coele Syria. See Spanheim, Dissert. 1 on the use and excellence of coins, p. 586. Hence it is [called] by Eunapius in Libanius "the first of the cities of the region called Hollow Syria," which dignity Theodosius the First, on account of the stirred-up sedition, just as Emperor Severus once did, took away and transferred to Laodicea, according to Theodoret H. E. 5, 20, to which John Chrysostom, in Homily 17 to the Antiochenes, p. 175 of the new edition, will bring excellent light. Ibid. Seleucia. The author of 1 Maccabees, ch. 11, 8, calls it "Seleucia by the sea," the position of which Polybius (5, 59) described most accurately. Libanius calls it "of Seleucus," which because the interpreter did not notice, he slipped shamefully in the Antiochicos, p. 363, turning "the tyrant from Seleucia" (for so Libanius wrote) into "the tyrant from Seleucus." Eugenius is understood, who, when Diocletian held the empire, had usurped tyranny at Seleucia; regarding whom Henr. Valesius speaks expertly, as is his habit, in Eusebius H. E. 8, 6. And many coins of the Seleucians survive, among which this one from Gaza-Wilde is to be noted: AYTOKP. .... NEP. TPAIA-NOC. APICT. CEB. TEPM. AAK. and on the other side ΣΕΛΕΥΚΕΩΝ. ΠΙΕΡΙΑΣ. B. with a temple supported by four columns, in the middle of which is a mountain, beneath which is ZEYC KAZIOC. You will find one similar to this in Thes. Frider. c. IX, 11 with A and in the Num. Impp. Græc. of Vaillant, p. 30 with the mark of a six; which letters denote neither the years of Trajan (for the titles Dacicus and Optimus stand in the way) nor a new era, the beginning of which would have to be traced from Trajan's piety, which he proved to Zeus Casius in those parts, which is the opinion of the illustrious Liebe: the coins of the Beroeans, inscribed with the same titles of Trajan, forbid this, among the Wildians, of whom one [shows] BEPOIAION. B, another F, the third, which the distinguished man published in Select. Numis. tab. XVII, prefers H, and [the coins] of the Chalcidians in Vaillant with the signs A and A. For I do not think the learned man will judge that this era spread to all the cities of Syria, and that the Syrians everywhere counted the years of Zeus after the cult of Casius among the Seleucians. Perhaps it is truer to believe them to be mint marks unknown to us now. It has been spoken of elsewhere regarding Laodicea. Ibid. Gabala. "A city of the first Syria," [per] Jo. Malalas, tom. II, p. 88. By Theodoret, "a small and most charming city," Histor. Religios. c. 28. See Ant. Itin. p. 148. Ibid. Paltos. It was 20 miles from Laodicea. See Ant. Itin. p. 147. Justinian [transferred] this, Laodicea, and Gabala, having in some way taken them from Antioch, to a new province, to which he had given the name of Theodoriadis, and he also added Balaneas from Syria Secunda, according to Jo. Malalas, tom. II, p. 183. Ibid. Beroea. We have discussed this and Chalcis in the same Itin. p. 193. Incidentally, here let us offer aid to Socrates 7, 16. "In Inmestar," he says, "in a place so called, which lies between Chalcis and Antioch in Syria, the Jews customarily performed certain games for themselves." For it is shamefully corrupted as "vici" [of a village].

^Agnoscendos, et qui nullo publicorum judiciorum crimine damnati fuerint; prudentes indole, qui carissimam rem publicam habeant, ut pro ea capitis fortunarumque suarum periculum adire non recusent, sicut Regulus; qui prompto animo legationem obeant, non inviti, sicut Aegyptius medicus. Horum primus, cum apud Carthaginienses captivus esset et ad Romanos legatus pro pace missus, juravit se reversurum, si Romani pacem nollent. Ubi ad Romanos venit, pacem dehortatur tanquam eorum commodis contrariam, et juramento servato suadet, ut se ad Carthaginienses remittant. Alter vero, cum Persarum regem in Aegypti regem concitaret, res Aegyptiorum pessumdedit.

Oportet autem legatos, ubi ad eos, ad quos mittuntur, venerint, sese humanos et benignos exhibere, magnanimos et liberales, quantum eorum facultates ferre possunt, aeque sua et hostium laudare, neque eorum, apud quos legati sunt, res parvi pendere. Oportet etiam legatos res cum summa moderatione administrare et temporibus servire, neque vi imperata perficere, nisi forte quibusvis modis ad finem pervenire jussi sint. Ut videlicet, si est aliquis missus ad dona ferenda vicinis, tanquam amicis, et eos deprehendit ^B hostilia facientes: munera cum litteris retinuit, sermones benevolos pro donis protulit. Dicet aliquis, neque id immerito, oportuisse legatum magis dona tradere, quibus inimicorum hostilem animum placaret et leniret: vel pretiosiora quidem retinere, alia vero dare, sed non omnia in sua potestate penes se retinere debuisse, cum hoc temperamento, ut velit quidem hostium malevolentiam compescere et resecare, sed non eos auctiores et validiores opibus reddere. Probatur vero legatus ^C antequam mittatur, si illi proponantur capita legationis et interrogetur, quomodo singula sit gesturus, an ita, an aliter, prout res illi acciderint.

Sibabarech as not being any other than that which is mentioned by the Syrians, and of which there is no obscure mention in the *Bibliotheca Orientalis*, vol. II, p. 361; the interpreter of the Acts of Febronia, however, read Sibacarech and therefore rendered it Σιβάρ[α]βιν: for in Syriac, *barach* or *berach* signifies a town, and it stands very close to the location of the city of Sibabarech, whence the path to error is easy. The city was situated within Mesopotamia, as those Acts show; which matter appeared doubtful and uncertain to Assemani in his *Dissertation on the Monophysites*, vol. II of the *Bibliotheca Orientalis*. Thus much by the way; now let us return to our path. ^A

Col. 153. Φοινίκης [of Phoenice]. This is the Maritime Phoenice, as it is called in Evagrius 3.35 and John Malalas vol. II, p. 73. That it was subject to a consular person is testified by the *Code of Theodosius* 1. 52, "concerning decurions," and by the *Notitia Imperii Orientis* ch. 1. It was made a province, but one much larger and including the Second Phoenice, by Hadrian, according to Spartianus ch. 14. ^B

Ibid. Τύρος [Tyre]. It was the metropolis of the province, a title by which it was distinguished on coins even before Hadrian; yet, with Phoenice separated from Syria, it was placed as the head of the province, as Suidas signifies in the entry *Paulus Tyrius*. See Noris, *Dissertatio de Epochis* 5, p. 396, and Spanheim, *Dissertatio* IX *de Usu et Praestantia Numismatum*, p. 588. ^C

Ibid. Βηρυτός [Berytus]. Theodosius the Younger had adorned the city of Berytus with the name and dignity of a metropolis, *Code of Theodosius*, book 1, title "concerning the metropolis of Berytus"; for which reason Eustathius, the prelate of that city, claimed that the cities of Phoenice—Byblus, Botrys, Tripoli, Orthosias, Arcas, and Antaradus—should be subjected to him, as if to a new metropolis. On the other hand, Photius, the prelate of the Tyrians, came and complained to the Fathers at Chalcedon about the injury inflicted upon him by Eustathius, and that the fourth canon of the first Council of Nicaea had been insolently trampled upon. The Fathers, according to Photius, gave judgment for the case and ordered Tyre to be the metropolis, and that Berytus should take nothing for itself beyond the other cities of the province, p. 622. Add Balsamon on canon 29 of the Council of Chalcedon, in Beveridge, vol. I, p. 148. More in *Itinerarium Antonini*.

Ibid. Βόστρυς [Bostrus]. Read Βότρυς [Botrys] and Βύβλος [Byblus], even if it is spelled Βίβλος in the Acts of Chalcedon p. 618, and Βόστρυς in the *Chronography* of Theophanes p. 193.

Ibid. Ἀρκάς [Arcas]. Correctly mss., as we have said elsewhere. Aurelius Victor asserts that it had a double name, Arcas and Caesarea, in the time of Alexander Severus; and since the city was near Lebanon, as the *Gesta Tancredi* ch. 105 indicate, the conjecture of N. Haym seems not to be dismissed, by which he attributes a coin of "Caesarea of Libanus" to it, *Thesaurus Britannicus*, vol. II, p. 252.

Ibid. Ὀρθοσιάς [Orthosias]. Orthosias is near the river Eleutherus according to Strabo 16, p. 753. See Noris, *Epochs* diss. II, p. 103.

Ibid. Ἄραδος [Aradus]. The Acts of the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon forbid us to doubt that Aradus and Antaradus were subject to one bishop; yet Hardouin’s animadversion on this account is not just. In the *Notitia*, he says in *Numismata Antiqua Illustrata*, that Hierocles calls Aradus and Antaradus two different towns, distinguished by episcopal dignity, in the province of Maritime Phoenice; I believe this is inaccurate, since we have reason to suspect that there was one bishop for both towns, from the 13th letter of the Orientals in the appendix to Theodoret, p. 1174, all the towns which are included in the *Synecdemus* had their own bishops. More in *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 148.

Ibid. Κωνσταντία [Constantia]. I find it nowhere, and I fear that something has been neglected here by the scribes. If one were to read *Antaradus or Constantia*, the matter would be safe; for Constantius bestowed the restored city in his own name. Theophanes, *Chronography* p. 31: "He built a city in Phoenice, which he has named Constantia, formerly called Antaradus." And hence Atticus, bishop of Aradia, subscribes to the letter of the provincials to the Emperor Leo, vol IX of the *Councils*, p. 312, as we have already said above.

Ibid. Πωγωνᾶς [Pogon]. *Codex Leidensis* [has] *Pogonas*, a town by which name I am ignorant of on this coast. If it is correct, the place might have been called so for a similar reason as the port of Troezen, the *Pogon*, concerning which Suidas speaks. Perhaps, however, the Saltus Gonaticus, which the *Notitiae* recognize elsewhere in this province, and the possession of which lies under the cover of Emperor Zeno. See Jac. Rhenferd, *Dissertatio de Angulo Arabico* p. 821, yet do not believe that the Saltus Gonaticus is that deep angle arising from the meeting of Libanus and Antilibanus, of which Strabo speaks, as he says: for you will find nothing of this in Strabo. Bonfrerius has, without [authority, attributed] these things about the Antilibanus to Jerome, and Rhenferdius [derived] them from him, [quoting] these from Strabo book XVI: "There are two mountains that form it, which is called the Concave Angle, as if equal to each other, Libanus and Antilibanus, starting a little beyond the sea." If you look at book XV, p. 754, you will find Coele-Syria, but you will never find that angle.

Ibid. Πανεάς [Paneas]. Vitiously *Spanias* in the *Life of St. Sabas*, which Cotelerius inserted, written by Cyril, in *Monumenta Graeca* vol. III, p. 252. Much worse in the *Acts of Procopius*, or rather, the fable, when it is confused with the metropolis of Palestine Caesarea or the Tower of Straton, ch. 3: "We call this Caesarea, which we are accustomed to call [that] of Philip. This was formerly called the Tower of Straton; but they refer to it as [the] Paneas of Phoenice, having taken the designation from the gate to it, Mount Paneas." The author of the *Life of Epiphanius* erred in the same way, when in ch. 44 he narrates that he had sailed from Cyprus to Caesarea Philippi: "Having departed from Cyprus, we sailed to Caesarea Philippi." For he could not have arrived at Paneas or Caesarea Philippi.

Ibid. Φοινίκης Λιβανησίας [Lebanese Phoenice]. This province was joined to the former, until it was distracted from it by Theodosius the Great and received its own governor. H. Noris saw this from the Acts of the Councils, *Dissertatio* IV *de Epochis* p. 356, although he erroneously attributed the origin of this province to Arcadius: for John Malalas vol. II, p. 39, shows clearly that Theodosius was the author. "The same king," he says, "separated also the Lebanese Phoenice from the Maritime, and made a province [of it], giving the rights of a metropolis and an ordinary ruler to the city of Emesa." Although what he adds about Emesa strays from the truth: for it was not the metropolis of the province, but Damascus was. Nor will you aid the man if you say that it was made a civil metropolis, since the rights and privileges of civil dignity carried ecclesiastical [rights] with them. Thus, when Valens contributed metropolitan right to Tyana, the prelate of the city immediately arrogated to himself the ecclesiastical rights; which same thing Eustathius of Berytus,

DEXIPPUS THE ATHENIAN FROM THE SCYTHICA SELECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

FROM THE BOOKS OF DEXIPPUS THE ATHENIAN ON THE SCYTHIAN WARS SELECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF NATIONS TO THE ROMANS

ARGUMENT.—The ambassadors of the Juthungi Scythians, seeking a treaty and tribute from the Emperor Aurelian, return having accomplished nothing. A peace and treaty are concluded with the Vandals.

^AThat Aurelian, having defeated the Juthungi Scythians with force, and having slain many of them at the crossing of the Ister during their retreat, the remainder came to negotiate and sent an embassy. They thought that their request for peace should not be made with excessive fear and being struck by their defeat—as if the receipt of the moneys previously provided by the Romans should be granted to them, while they were not being placed in a position of complete unconcern for the enemies. And the Roman Emperor Aurelian, when he learned that the embassy of the Juthungi had arrived, having said that he would deliberate on the following day concerning what they had heard, ordered the soldiers as if for battle, for the sake of terrifying the enemies. And when the arrangement was well planned for him, he climbed upon a high platform, wearing the purple, and he put the whole order of the array in a crescent shape around himself. ^B Those in authority who had been entrusted with certain commands also stood by, all on horseback. Behind the Emperor were the standards of the select army. These were golden eagles, and imperial images, and registers of the camps indicated in golden letters; all of which were displayed raised on silver-plated spears. When they were thus arranged, he ordered the Juthungi to approach. It happened that they were astonished upon seeing this, and for a long time they kept silent. When the opportunity to speak was given to them by the Emperor, they spoke through an interpreter as follows: "Neither are we, having been struck by the misfortune which happened to us at this time beyond what is expected, nor being lacking in power or of wars

was transferred by J. Malalas in his work addressed to John of Damascus, orat. 3, p. 568, where he speaks of John the Baptist: "And Herod the toparch beheaded him in the royal palace of the province of Trachonitis, in the city of Sebaste." Somewhat better, though not without error, in the Chilmead edition, vol. I, p. 305, it reads: "Herod the king, son of Philip, the toparch or rather king of Trachonitis"; for Herod did not preside over Trachonitis, as a learned man has rightly observed; and to what purpose are "the king, the toparch, or rather the king" heaped together? Perhaps, following Damascus, all of it should be left as: "Herod the toparch or rather king of Trachonitis, etc."; by which phrasing, indeed, John is not absolved of error, yet he is relieved of a graver one.

1177 Anthedon. It was twenty stadia from Gaza, according to Sozomen, *H. E.* V, 9, and situated near the sea. Of Diocletianopolis, if you exclude the *Notitiae* and the Acts of the Councils, there is rare mention. See H. Reland, *Palæst.* III, p. 736.

Ibid. Sycamazon. It is *Eucomazon* in the *Notitia* of Jac. Goar, *Estomason* in the *Notitia* which is joined to William of Tyre, *Ascozamon* in Gervase of Tilbury, vol. II, *Script. Brunsvic.* p. 760. Our reading is correct, even if its location is unknown.

Ibid. Onous. It is believed to be Uno, of which mention is made in 1 Chron. 8:12. Stephanus has the following entry, although he says nothing about the location it occupied.

Ibid. Gaza. We have discussed at the *Itinerary of Antoninus*, p. 151, that there were once two Gazas, the older of which had been overthrown and deserted in the age of the apostles. Jerome, in *de Loc. Sacr.*, is of the same mind as I am: "It is asked," he says, "how it is said in a certain prophet that Gaza will be a heap forever?" This is solved as follows: the site of the ancient city hardly offers traces of its foundations; but the one which is now seen was built in a different place, instead of the one that fell. To this eyewitness, who in this part agrees with others, why should we deny faith? The city was sacred in the age of the emperor Gordian, self-governing, and quite splendid, as we are taught by this excellent epigram among the Doniana, Class. III, 45: "With good fortune, for the Emperor Caesar M. Antoninus Gordian, pious, fortunate, Augustus, ruler of the world, the city of the Gazaeans, sacred and inviolable and autonomous, faithful, pious, brilliant and great, by the inspiration of the ancestral god, [honors] its own benefactor, through Tib. Cl. Papeirus, curator of the temple." I marvel at the learned man who made the Latin inscription, that he found in it a god *Enclyseus*: he in fact took the middle [part] from the ancestral *Enclysco* [which was] nobody, and received its birth from the corrupt word ΕΝΚΕΛΥΣΕΩΣ. It was on the marble ΕΝΚΕΛΕΥΣΕΩΣ, as it certainly ought to have been; which denotes "by order," as is often the case in these monuments, *κατὰ κέλευσιν Θεοῦ*; in a similar matter, see the *Thesaurus*, p. 21, 1. But the ancestral god of the Gazaeans is Marnas, by whose order the stone was dedicated. See Noris, *Dissert. Epoch. V*, p. 494.

Ibid. Ariza. If I am not mistaken, it is Gardira or Gazara, which city or village the *Notitiae* in *Palæstina Prima* acknowledge not far from Azotus; on which see Reland, *Palæst.* II, p. 679. What follows, Bitule, whether it is Bethel or Betulia, is in doubt. In other *Notitiae* it is called *Bitelios*.

Ibid. Palaestina II. Proclus ^B Diadochus in his *Paraphrasis* of Ptolemy’s *Tetrabiblos*, p. 95, asserts that the inhabitants of this and the previous province, and of all Coele-Syria, are bold, godless, and treacherous: "For the most part they are bold, godless, and treacherous." The same anonymous scholiast, published at Basel, in the same *Tetrabiblos*, p. 62, but with words strangely confused, admits: "For he," he says, "who is joined to Ares by Aphrodite makes such men (and indeed the Jews are godless), he says, *because* the Jews are from this position; hence, by the designation, let there be a sign for you of the abundance of the land; for the star of Zeus was called productive in things that have passed." For various scholia are conflated into one, which you can easily distinguish if you observe that *καὶ ἀθέους* are the words of Ptolemy, and that they are explained by the shorter scholium *ἀμέλει Ἰουδαίους*; soon another person interprets the same thing with a few more words. But what is added, *ὅθεν κατὰ τὴν προσηγορίαν*, etc., does not refer to Judea, but to *Arabia felix*, whose title they quite clearly respect. See Proclus, p. 95, and you will not deny that I am wrong. This belief was born among the pagans because the Jews differed from all others in the worship of the supreme Deity. Hence also Lucan, II, 593: "And Judea dedicated to the rites of an uncertain God." And Aristides, vol. III, p. 514: "Similar in their ways to the impious in Palestine; and for them, too, this is a symbol of impiety, that they do not acknowledge their superiors." In which place, however, if you wish to note the Christians as well, with Jebb, I shall not object. Moreover, the *Notitia* of the Eastern Empire, ch. I, also imposes a president on this province.

Ibid. Scythopolis. It was the metropolis of the province; whence came Cyril (in *Vita S. Sabae* c. 80): "A certain woman," he says, "originating from our metropolis," and c. 75: "And when he had come to Scythopolis, the metropolitan Theodosius went out with all the people to meet him." Aristides, vol. III, p. 595, *Scython polis*, regarding which name see *Itin. H.*, p. 586.

Ibid. Sella. Rather Pella. Which name it received from the Macedonians, who were accustomed, as Appian (*Syriac.* p. 201) says, to make conquered cities homonymous with the towns of their own country. *Pella* from *pelas*, which in the Macedonian tongue means stones, as the Macedonians called stones *pellas*, and it is said to be named so, as Spanheim, in *Diss. I de Usu et P. N.* p. 654, has shown from Ulpian in Demosthenes (*Orat. de Legat. Fals.* p. 254). Therefore, it is wrongly that I know not who derives the name Pella from Stephanus, and Ti. Hemsterhuis rightly restrains the lust for changing these things of those who intended to correct the Hesychian *Pella lithos*. The city held a seat in Peraea, famous for the stay of Christians who had departed from Jerusalem.

Ibid. Gadara. Not far from the city flowed the river Hieramax, which for that reason Cyril in *Vita S. Sabae* c. 33 calls "the river called of Gadara," and Antoninus Martyr in his *Itinerarium* calls "the hot river which is called Gadara." Concerning the following, see Reland and myself elsewhere.

Ibid. Hippos. It was 30 stadia from Tiberias. Josephus, *Vita sua* c. 65: "But my fatherland, O Justus, lying on the Sea of Gennesaret, and being distant thirty stadia from Hippos, sixty from Gadara, and one hundred and twenty from Scythopolis."

Ibid. Elenou polis. It owes this name to the mother of the Great Constantine, according to Sozomen *H. E.* II, 2. If its original name, which it used before, were more widely known, we might perhaps have something more certain about its location, which is most obscure.

Ibid. Diekesta. Read *Diocaesarea*, which in the

^A in the abundance of our forces to reach peace; rather, we have such an abundance of wealth and strength in these wars that,

ON THE EMBASSIES OF THE GENTILES TO THE ROMANS

territory of Galilee is situated (as Josephus mentions in his *Life*, c. 65) and was once called *Sepphoris*. Jerome in *De Locis Sacris*: "Moreover, another village named Araba, in the borders of Diocaesarea, which was once called Sephorine." See Palladius, *Historia Lausiaca*, p. 563, and on Maximianopolis, *Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum*, p. 586. ^A

Col. 153. *Faba*. From here was Anastasius, who is called the minister [or "high priest"] of the *Faba* or Gabeni in the Council of Jerusalem. The city was 16 miles from Caesarea, as Eusebius and Jerome noted in the *Onomasticon*. See Noris, *Dissertatio IV*, p. 460. ^B

Ibid. *Palestinae III*. Once this was Arabia, but after Palestine was divided into several provinces, it began to be reckoned among them. Procopius, *De Aedificiis*, V, 8: "In what was formerly Arabia, but is now called the Third Palestine, the region is for the most part desert." The *Notitia Imperii Orientis* calls it *Palestina Salutaris*, subject to a governor. ^C

Ibid. *Petra*. "Hadrian Petra, metropolis" appears on coins. Evagrius, *H. E.* I, 32, calls it "Petra, situated at the furthest limits of the Palestinians," because it was at the uttermost boundaries of Palestine. Sozomen places the *Petraei* and *Areopolitai* (*H. E.* VII, 15) in Arabia, to which they once belonged. Others frequently place it in Third Palestine, as does Stephanus. See Renferdius, *Dissertatio IV* in Eusebius' *Onomasticon*, and Reland, *Palaestina*, III, p. 927. ^D

Ibid. *Augustopolis*. Joannes of Augustopolis subscribed to the Council of Ephesus, p. 526. ^A

Ibid. *Arindela*. Stephanus calls it Arindela of Third Palestine, the name of which L. Holstenius noted was variously corrupted in the Acts of the Councils. See *Ephesin.*, p. 487 and 530. ^B

Ibid. *Charagmouda*. An illustrious city in the 4th chapter of the Acts of St. Sabas the Sabaite, *Tom. III Jul.*, p. 545: For they mention "John of the renowned and glorious city of Charagmouda." Add Stephanus on *Charagmouda*. ^C

Ibid. *Areopolis*. It was formerly called Ar and Moab, as Eusebius in the *Onomasticon* and Jerome in *Isaiah*, c. 15, testify. Polychronius of Areopolis subscribed to the rescript of John of Jerusalem, *Tom. XI Concil. Labb.*, p. 376. ^D

Ibid. *Zoora*. It is the Hebrew *Zoar*, situated at the Dead Sea. Cyril, in *Vita S. Sabae*, c. 22: "And traveling by the Dead Sea toward Zoora..." See H. Reland, *Palaestina*, I, p. 1065. ^A

Ibid. *Mamphsis*. In other *Notitiae* it is *Mamphis*, by which name Ptolemy recognizes a city of Idumea to the west of the Jordan, though writing it *Mapsis*. ^B

Ibid. *Bitarous*. In the *Notitiae* of J. Goar, *Berosamon* and *Biosabon* are reckoned in this province; which is equally obscure to me. Perhaps our *Bitarous* is the *Bethora* of the *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 145, which, under the disposition of the Duke of Arabia, has the prefecture of the Fourth Martian Legion—to which Gothofredus refers with an elegant conjecture in his *De Erogat. militari*, c. 15—or certainly the Idumean village *Betaris* in Josephus, *B. Jud.* 4, 8 § 1; and I would prefer this, even though Rufinus seems to have read it otherwise: nor indeed does it happen contrary to custom. ^C

Ibid. *Elousa*. It was situated in parts of the ancient Moabitis, according to Jerome in *Isaiah*, c. 15; the city's bishops are often found in the councils and have been listed by H. Reland. ^D

Ibid. *Saltus*. Something is missing: it is customary to add titles for the saltus that are in the provinces, so that they may be recognized. The *Notitia* of J. Goar calls it *Saltum Hieraticum*, which seems true. ^A

Ibid. *Under the Consularis*. Arabia was under a governor (*praesidialis*) in the time of the Emperor Constantius, as appears from *L. 3 C. Th. de Poenis*: it had, besides, a *Dux* who administered military affairs. But as he depended on the governor, the administration of Arabia was finally committed solely to the *Dux*. We are taught this by Justinian, *Nov.* 102. For he says the man who held the civil magistracy was endowed with such thin power that he was enslaved, as it were, to the one who commanded the arms, and his safety depended on the latter's whim, or else this magistracy did not exist at all: whence it has been a long time since that office ceased, and the military [officer] conducts those affairs that concern the civil magistracy. The same *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1, mentions the *Dux* of Arabia, but never a *Praeses* or *Consularis*, except in c. 145, where it confirms that the *Dux* and *Praeses*—who was previously only *Dux*—are mentioned. So there can be no doubt that this is an error, and the *Dux* ought to succeed in the place of the *Consularis*. ^B

Ibid. *Bostra*. It was the metropolis of the province. Eusebius in *Bosor*: "This is Bostra, the present metropolis of Arabia." Add *Concil. Chalcedon.*, p. 676. Isidorus (in Photius, p. 1006) is the author who notes that *Bostra* is "the steer of an ox," as if the conversion of *lo* into a heifer gave the city its name, but he errs; for it is *Bozrah* [תצרב], by which the Hebrews and neighboring peoples describe a fortified place. ^C

Ibid. *Netachome*. It is unknown to me: I had considered *Nea Kome*, which is seen in J. Goar's *Notitia* and the *Concil. Chalcedon.*, p. 676; or whether *Pentacomia* or *Neean Kome*, whose bishop is in the same council, would be better; perhaps the latter suspicion will not be far from the truth. I do not wish to pass over this: in the same place, John of the city of *Erre* professes his name among the Arabs, and protects the station of the *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 196, *Are*, or, as is read in the Vatican manuscript, *Ere*. ^D

Ibid. *Adra*. So Ptolemy also [calls it]. The *Tabulae Peutingerianae* [record] *Adraha* at 24 miles from Bostra; Eusebius in the *Onomasticon* [writes] *Adara*, saying "about the city of Esdrai, and now it is *Adara*, an illustrious city of Arabia, distant 24 miles from Bostra" (as it stands). Jerome translates: "Now, however, it is Adara, an illustrious city of Arabia, at the twenty-fourth milestone from Bostra." ^A

Ibid. *Dia*. Isidorus in the *Vita Damascii* (in Photius, *Biblioth.*, p. 1061) calls it "Dia, the desert city," adding that near the city is a field in which Stygian water bubbles up; perhaps therefore the epigram in Stephanus pertains here, which he himself transferred to Dium of Syria—if it is indeed a different one from ours—by which the Diensian water is reported to be sweet to drink, but also deadly: "Drink the sweet draft, if you drink this, You end your thirst, but immediately your life as well." ^B

Ibid. *Hexacomia*. It is also found in J. Goar's *Notitia*. Its name comes from six villages, just as *Pentacomia*, which the same [work] recognizes, comes from five. ^C

Ibid. *Medaba*. It is Medeba in the portion of the tribe of Reuben. *Jos.* c. XIII, 16. Cyril in *Vita S. Sabae*, c. 45: "Medaba is a city beyond the Jordan to the east, belonging to Arabia." Eusebius mentions it under *Kariathaim* or *Jassa*, where for "between Medam" (*metaxu Medamon*), which the Martian edition offers, one should read *Medabon*. ^D

Ibid. *Gerasa*. An illustrious city of Arabia. Eu-

that you understand the benefits of concord and entrust the business of war to us so that, bolstered by our alliance, you may have the advantage against those who attack you. If you should decide to act in this way, it is just for us that all that previously flowed from you to us, in gifts of uncoined and stamped gold and silver, should continue for the confirmation of friendship; for, should you refuse this, we shall treat you as enemies and, as far as lies in our power, pursue you with war." To this, the Emperor of the Romans replied as follows: "Had you disclosed your intentions concerning why you have come as ambassadors openly and clearly, you would not have rendered the answer troublesome for us who received your message. But since what has been said is constructed for the sake of appearance, while in deed it is the opposite—at one moment mentioning peace, and at another again threatening war, and you seem to entangle and confound each with the other—it becomes ambiguous for us as to what we should first answer so as not to stumble. Something must also be considered from the present circumstances; for it is necessary, having divided this twofold argument, to respond to both parts. For if you were purely proposing peace, why is there a need to mention the request for money? Although, even in this, the deliberation for the victors is not focused on either refusal or acceptance. But if you think you are pursuing the agreement for your own advantage and for the profits of war, and you come demanding from us what you are owed as if as conquerors, believing that we are, in every respect, pursuing the pleasure of the ease that peace bestows, you maintain a challenge ^B similar to that which went before, and you do not even propose the resolution of war as a matter of kindness, but are asking for a reward for your concessions, making the current invitation to friendship something purchased and not voluntary. For you will not terrify us, who are not inexperienced in wars, by the multitude of a force so greatly boasted of by you; nor will you return home unpunished, laden with the spoils of Italian wealth. Your infantry forces are known to us, and your cavalry are not unknown, against which we shall stand in whatever way is possible. For we dare ^C with security and retreat with foresight, using reason as a guide in all things—which provides the strongest power—and we possess a superior experience in military affairs. You, however, advance with impetuosity, and, missing the mark of the tasks because you do not consider beforehand what you must achieve, you carry the injury of your rashness and repent through experience. For those who are swept into actions by fervor are necessarily missing what is best. Your efforts are swift, but your regrets come shortly after. And all in all, as is expected, it is ^D devoid of wonder.

ADDENDA

Phacusa is indicated to have been in Augustamnica Prima and very far removed from here. It is true that Kovrat, whence Cusis in the Antonine Itinerary, p. 157, which supports Col. 156. Auxwr. If Si mehes be added, it will be good: otherwise Aux is accustomed to be said in the manner of the Egyptians, as in Palladius, *Historia Lausiaca*, c. XLI, and Cassian, *De Institutis Renuntiantium*, v, 13: "The first abbot John, who is commemorated near Lyco, which is a town of the Thebaid," and *Conferences* 1, c. 21. Add the canon of Theophilus in Beveridge, vol. II, p. 573, and what Balsamon says there. Cusis M. P. 36 of the Antonine Itinerary dissociates them. ^A Ibid. Yynań. This book, written by hand, which is in Leiden in the Netherlands, proves this. As in Athanasius, *Apologia contra Arianos*, p. 185, *Hypseliton polis*; in Epiphanius, *Panarion*, LXVI c. 2, *Yinth mode; outo kaloumenes peri ten Thebaida*. See Ch. Cellarius, *Geographia Antiqua* 4 1, p. 70, and regarding the following, *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 158. Ibid. 'Artkov. For 'Antaiou, in the manner solemn to more recent writers, as we saw at Antonine Itinerary. Diodorus 1, p. 18 signifies the cause of the name and the site of the place, saying that the battle took place near the river, near the village now called Antaea, "Which they say lies in the part corresponding to Arabia, and has its name from Antaeus, who was punished by Hercules, and lived in the time of Osiris." Rhodomanus, by translating "village" as a part of Arabia, did not at all attend to the fact that the matter was conducted in Egypt. The city or village was situated to the east of the Nile, as Ptolemy also teaches; they make this tract adjacent to Arabia. See *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 164, and regarding Panopolis (for so correctly the Leiden manuscript has it) city, p. 166.

Ibid. "Oasis Megale. *Oasis megale*, as it is called in Socrates, *Historia Ecclesiastica* II, 18, is the "upper Oasis," *Historia Ariana*, p. 387, and "Great Oasis," *Apologia ad Constantium*, p. 316. That it was arid and famous for exiles, Diodorus of Tarsus among others teaches in Photius, *Bibliotheca*, cod. 223, p. 671. Zonaras, who says in the reign of Theodosius II that the Oasis was a region of Arabia, will not be able to excuse his error. Ibid. *Hypo douka*. Egypt under the emperor Constantius had one duke who took care of military matters. Athanasius, *Historia Ariana*, p. 394, calls him sometimes "most illustrious duke," sometimes *stratélates*, as in *Apologia ad Constantium*, p. 318; later two were appointed, one of the Thebaid, the other of Libya, both of whom the *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1 and the last law concerning various offices, mentions. Justinian then, by Edict XIII, c. 22, committed two Thebaids to one duke, and ordered the governors of each province to obey him. Ibid. *Ptolemais*. This is Ptolemais Hermiou, according to not only Ptolemy, but also Theodorus Meliteniotes in his Proem to Astronomy, vol. IX of Fabricius' *Bibliotheca Graeca*, p. 212. In Zosimus, "Ptolemais in the Thebaid," 1, 71; the author of 3 Maccabees, c. vii, 17, has Ptolemais, which from the character of the place was called *odophoros*: whether it be ours or a different Ptolemais station in the Ausinoite nome, I will not rashly say. Concerning Diospolis, *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 159. Ibid. *Tentrym*. Read *Tentyra*. See ibid. Ibid. *Maximianoupolis*. The name seems to have been obtained from the emperor Maximianus Herculius. In Meletius' *Breviarium*, p. 187, it is erroneously called *Maximianoupolis*. Add *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 143. Ibid. *Koptos*. ^B Xenophon of Ephesus IV, p. 56, calls it "Coptos near Ethiopia," and says it is famous for the frequency of merchants crossing into Ethiopia or India. *Statio Thebaidos* 1, 265, "Mareotic Coptos," a rather bold figure of speech. What is noted there by Lactantius concerning Isis, the scholiast of Lucian, vol. II, p. 35, explains more fully. Ibid. *Pikai*. It is correct as *Plat*, concerning which see *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 164. Ibid. *Diokletianoupolis*. It is also in other *Notitiae*. It seems to have been founded when Diocletian was moving his arms against Achilleus and forcing the Egyptians into order: for then he built various fortresses throughout this province, of which John Malalas, vol. I, p. 409, speaks. Ibid. *Eresandros*. I fear greatly that this can hold itself up. Nowhere, as far as I know, have I found a city by that name in the Thebaid; and unless all things escape me, it will be *Hermoupolis*, regarding which see *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 160. Ibid. *Latton*. *Laton*, although *Latton* also in *Vita S. Pachomii*, c. VII § 52. It is Latopolis, as the *Itinerarium Antonini* sufficiently illustrates. Ibid. *Apollonias*. *Apollonos*, as other *Notitiae* prefer: in Ptolemy it is the great city of Apollo, *Itinerarium Antonini* says Apollonos Superioris, and *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 143. Soon read *Oasit*. Ibid. *Libye tes ano*. "Upper Libya" in *Notitia Imperii Orientis*, c. 1, where it also has a governor, a fact also obvious in the *Acts of St. Lucius* in Lambecius, vol. IV, p. 206, *Bibliotheca Vindobonensis*, and Athanasius, *Apologia contra Arianos*, vol. I, p. 174. Ibid. *Sozousa*. The bishop of this place, Zosimus of Sozousa, subscribed at the second Council of Ephesus among the *Acta Chalcedonensia*, p. 127. "Sozousa of the Pentapolis" is said in Epiphanius, *Panarion* LXXII, c. 26, quite correctly: for Upper Libya encompasses the Pentapolis. Ibid. *Kyrene*. Once a most noble city, in the age of Synesius it was to be lamented in its condition, wholly neglected and falling into ruin; whence in the *Oratio de Regno*, p. 2, he deservedly implores the help of the emperor: "Hellenic," he says, "an ancient name and in the song of ten thousand of the wise of old, now poor and downcast and a great ruin, and needing a king if it is to do anything worthy of its archaeology." More in *Itinerarium Antonini*, p. 68. It used the harbor of Phycuntes, regarding which, besides Ptolemy, the same Synesius says in *Epistle* 51: "Arriving from Phycuntes starting from Eve, in the late evening we put in at the Gulf of Erythra." Where D. Petavius thought ill of the Red Sea, which perhaps he corrected in the other edition. One must write *Erythron*, by which name Ptolemy has a maritime place in the Pentapolis, and Synesius himself in *Epistle* 67. Add *Epistle* 100. Ibid. *Ptolemais*. It is the metropolis of the province according to Synesius in *Epistle* 67 and Nilus Doxopatrius, p. 223. Not far away was Barce, which grips the hand of one in haste. I think it was in the mind and eyes of the ancient writers who described the passing of James the Great; that this may be clear, let us hear them themselves. Isidore, or whatever other author, in the book *De Vita et Obitu Sanctorum*, says, "Here he was slain by Herod the tetrarch, executed by the sword, and buried in the fortress of Marmaria." The Jesuit manuscript of Antwerp offers thus, as they themselves profess, vol. VI of July, p. 85. Other codices, which Mariana inspected in the *Disputatio De Adventu S. Jacobi in Hispaniam*, c. 7, edit "in the fortress or chest of Carmarica, Marmarica, Marmorica, Achimarmarica"; *Martyrologium Vetus*, vol. II *Anecdota* ed. Martene, p. 1519 in

which are composed of fear, as to how you might mask your own terror. Why must you ^A be received, well existing as you are, blocked on all sides from the journey home, and caught, as it were, inside the gates, to be used well or ill, according to the opinion we have of you?" These words being spoken by the emperor, the Iuthungi were struck with terror; and as nothing was happening for them according to their hopes, and being seized with an utter despair of peace, they departed to their own people.

2. ^B That under Aurelian the Vandals, having been defeated by the Romans, made an embassy to the Romans concerning the dissolution of the war and a truce. And when much had been said between one another, by the emperor and the barbarians, the assembly was dissolved, but on the next day the multitude of the Roman soldiers was gathered again; and the emperor having asked what seemed better to them concerning present matters, they, judging it right to preserve the good fortune that existed by means of foresight for the safety of their current position, and signifying their will by a shout, all together proceeded to the ending of the war. And they indeed came to an agreement in this opinion; but the kings and chiefs of the Barbarians, having arrived as had been told them beforehand, gave hostages of their own selves, not of secondary status and fortune. For both of the kings gave their own sons into hostage-ship, having hesitated about nothing, and others together with them of no slight status. And upon these terms they proceeded to a contract, and the truce was made. And from this time, two thousand Vandal horsemen fought alongside the Romans, some of whom were chosen from the multitude to be enrolled in the alliance, and others who of their own will undertook the army. The rest of the Vandal ^C host, preserved safe and sound, returned home, the Roman emperor providing them with the necessities of life as far as the Ister. But whoever strayed farther from the army, having violated the treaties, for the sake of plundering and performing rapines—all were killed and destroyed by the leader of the foreign troops (there were, however, not fewer than five hundred). For these, elated by the appearance of friendship and the confidence of the peace made with the Romans, and keeping no order, having obtained leave from their own leader, had burst into certain sudden incursions and laid waste not a few places of the regions by which they had traveled, and caused damage. And the one who had committed such a deed was killed by javelins by their own king. The rest of the Vandals were dispersed and ^D returned to their homes. The Roman emperor, however, [sent] most of the infantry force and...

he sends forth from Italy. And having paused not for many days, taking with him the companion-order, all the bodyguards of the ruler, and as many of the allies as were Vandals, as well as the boys who had been given to him as hostages, he himself marched in haste toward Italy on account of the Juthungi's renewed arrival. ^A And the general, having sent ahead the larger part of his forces, whether foot or horse, followed them at no long interval, detaining a cohort of auxiliaries, such as performed his guard, and together with the Vandals, as many of those auxiliaries as were present, and the boys who had been given to him as hostages, he hastened with great speed into Italy, into which the Juthungi had again broken.

OF EUNAPIUS OF SARDIS HISTORY A NEW EDITION OF THAT WHICH FOLLOWS DEXIPPUS COLLECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

FROM THE NEW EDITION OF THE HISTORY OF EUNAPIUS OF SARDIS WHICH CONTINUES DEXIPPUS EXCERPTS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF GENTILES TO THE ROMANS.

ARGUMENT. — 1. Julian makes peace with the defeated Chamavi, with the king's captive son retained as a hostage. 2. Badomarius, prince of the Germans, refuses to restore the Roman prisoners to Julian. 3. Eunapius the rhetor, envoy of the Lydians, kindly received by the emperor. 4. Valentinian hailed as emperor in Bithynia. 5. Beginnings of the Gothic War under Valens. 6. Goths admitted into Roman territory by Valentinian's order, break treaties, and widely ravage Thrace. 7. Conspiracy of the Gothic princes suppressed by Fravitta under Theodosius.

^B 1. (A. C. 358, ind. 1. Const. I. 22, Julian. C. 1) When Julian had broken into enemy territory, and the Chamavi were supplicating that he spare their people as though it were his own, Julian assented, and commanded their king to come forward. When he did come forward and saw him standing on the bank, he boarded a ship, and the ship—being out of arrow-shot—he had an interpreter, and conversed with the Barbarians. Since they were prepared to do everything, and he saw that peace was both becoming and necessary for him (for if the Chamavi were unwilling, it is impossible for grain supplies from the island of Britain to be sent to the Roman fortresses), being swayed by the need, he granted peace and asked to receive hostages for the sake of good faith. When they claimed that those who had been captured in war were sufficient, he replied that those had been handed over to him by war, and not taken by agreement; but now— 15 Cum Julianus in terram hostilem irrupisset, et Chamavi supplicarent, ut genti, tanquam quæ sua esset, parceret, assensus est, et eorum regem ad se venire jussit. Ut venit et eum ad ripam stantem vidit, navem ascendens (erat autem navis extra teli jactum), per interpretem cum Barbaris disseruit : cum vero illi parati essent imperata facere, et videret pacem peropportunam esse et necessariam, (etenim Chamavis invitis, e Britannia insula Romanis coloniis commeatus immitti nequeunt), utilitate abductus, pacem indulsit, et fidei firmandæ gratia obsides petiit. Cum dicerent, idoneos esse eos, qui in bello capti erant : hos bellum dixit sibi tradidisse, ex foedere minime sumpsisse; nunc autem nobilio-

Cibyrrhaeotae thema, quas urbes continet, quibusque circumscribitur, 15, 16. Cibyrrhaeotae thema, res novas frequenter moliti, 16.

Civita Nova, Italian city built near Beneventum by the Lombards, 83. Civita Nova, Venetian city, once the seat of a duchy, 86. Climata, cities of, where they are, 113. Clissa, Dalmatian city, ^A how it was captured by the Avars, 87. Clonimerus, son of Stroemer, killed while seizing the principality of Serbia from his cousin Peter, 101. Clusura, 136. Cuenus, leader of the Bulgarian army, 102. Coenobia of the holy Fathers Euthymius and Theodosius, devastated by the Arabs, 76. Colonea, theme, the beginning of Lesser Armenia, 12; by what boundaries it is circumscribed, 12. Comes, 2. Commerciarius of Challis, 118. Condura, a type of ship, 98. Constans, sent by Diocletian against the Bosporians, wages war against them unsuccessfully, 141; but with the help of the Chersonites, he compels them to sue for peace, 146; later emperor, 137. Constans, protospatharios and mandator under Romanus, patrician and drungarios of the fleet under Porphyrogenitus, 126 and foll. Constantia, bishop, his see transferred to Cyzicus by the decree of the synod in Trullo, and he presides over the bishops of the Hellespont, 129, 130. Constantinople, besieged in vain by the Saracen leader Mavia, 72. Constantine, in what manner he divided the empire among his three sons, 27. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Golden Bull or treaty with the Iberians, 124. Constantine, patrician and accubitor under Leo, and under Porphyrogenitus, 138, 142. Constantine, son of Libis, protospatharios and domestic of the lower ministers of the imperial palace at Constantinople under Leo, 138; under Porphyrogenitus proconsul, patrician, and great hetaireiarches, 138, 139. Constantine Loricatus, protocarabus, and Phiales, protospatharios under Romanus, 143; who also assigns to him the agrarian [taxes] of the Augusta, 143. Cortelini, 10. Cotys, king of the Thracians, 8. Cotys, king of the Bosporians, 30. Cotzilis, leader of the Franks, killed in battle by the Chrobati, 95. Crainas, son of Bela Zupan, marries the daughter of Blastemer, prince of Serbia, and is declared the first prince of Terbunia, 103. Crasemere, king of the Chrobati, son of Terpemere, 98. Cricoricias, prince of Taron, favors the Saracens against the Romans, 114; captures the sons of Arcaice, and at the request of Emperor Leo, allows the children to depart, 114 and 115; is declared magister of Constantinople and praetor of Taron, 115; receives many things from the Emperor of Constantinople, and later loses them, 115, 116, 117. Cricoricius, or Gregory, patrician, 114. Crinitas [the] Protospatharios, his embassies to Tornicius, son of Aganemes, 118, 119. Crinites Arotras, protospatharios and praetor of the Peloponnese under Romanus, 133; suppresses the rebelling Sclavi and imposes new tributes on them, 134; later, praetor of Greece, 134. ^B Criscon, prince of the Bosporians, devastates Lazica and Pontic territory under Diocletian, but after the Bosporus is captured by the Chersonites, he is forced to seek peace, 144, 145, 146. Clenas, cleric, and domestic of the New Church, buys the dignity of protospatharios from Emperor Leo, 138, 139. Curcenius, son of Pancratius the magister, nephew of Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. Curcenius, the other, marries the daughter of Asotius Ciscase the patrician, and takes the city of Adranutzium from him, 125, 126; made magister by Emperor Romanus, 126, 127, 128. Cusarus, son of Mundar, 68. Cyclades, islands, why so called, 18. Cyprus, island, whence it is so called, 17; whose power it was once in, 17; made a province by the Romans, then captured and devastated by the Saracens, ibid.; yet later, in the reign of Rhinotmetus, it began to be inhabited, 170; how many cities are in it, 17. Cyzicus, bishop, by whom he ought to be ordained, 130.

D Dalmatians, Romans, why so called, 86; tributaries of the Sclavi, 96. Dalmatia, region of Italy, 27; increased with new cities by Diocletian, 86; in what manner it was occupied by the Avars, 90, 91; then it came under the power of the Chrobati, 95, 97; borders of Dalmatia, 93. Damianus, patrician and accubitor under Michael, 137, 138. Danapris, river, where it is, 113; how far it is distant from the Danaster and the Danube, 113. David, the Iberians boast that King David is their forefather, 121. David the Iberian, father, migrates from Jerusalem to Persia, 121, 122. David, son of Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. David, son of Adranase Curopalates, prince of Iberia, 127, 128, 129. Decapolis, where it is, and what cities it contains, 15. Decatera, site of the city, 92. Demonicus, king of Cyprus, 12. Diadora, city, why so called, 92; a brief description of some of its temples, 93. Dialects of the Greek language, how many there are, and which peoples used them, 18. Dioclea, city founded by Diocletian, 86, 104. Dioclea, region, where it is, 93; occupied by the Avars, then conceded to the Serbs for [them] to inhabit, 104; its cities, 104. Diocletianus, born at Salona, 27; increased Dalmatia with new cities, 86. Diogenes, protector of Cherson under Constantine, defeats the rebelling Scythians, and for this is honored with many things by the emperor, 147, 148. Dolonchi, people of Thrace, whence they were so called, 21. ^C Domnus (St.), where his body is preserved, 92. Dromonium, imperial, when it began to be in use, 139 and 140. Dyrrachium, formerly Epidamnos, a Macedonian city, 26; now the head of a theme, 26; what cities and prefectures are in that theme, 26.

E Epicurus, son of Neocles, Samian, 17. Epidaurus, city captured by the Sclavi, 91. Etzboelias, leader of the Bulgarian army, 102. Eudocia, grandmother of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 82. Eudocia, sister of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 82. Eudocia, wife of Romanus Porphyrogenitus, 82. See Bertha. Euphemius, grammarian under Romanus, 25. Eustathius, patrician, and drungarios of the fleet under Leo, 141. Eustathius, praetor of the Charsian theme under Leo, 156. Eustathius, protospatharios, asecretis, and vicar of the Cibyrrhaeote theme, conducts enmities with Stauracius Paty, and slanders him to Emperor Leo, 137. Eustratius (St.), martyr, of Arabracene, 12. Ezelech, son of Jelech, grandson of Arpad, 110. Ezeritae, Sclavi rebelling under Theophilus and Michael, are condemned to pay tribute, 133; those tributes are increased under Romanus when they prepare for defection, and not long after are diminished, 134.

F Rivers, Sarcel between [it] and the Danube, 112. Fountains which cause ulcers in the mouth, where [they are], 136. Franks lose the lord of the Dalmatian Chrobati, 95.

G Gabriel, cleric, envoy to the Turks, 58. Galata, colonies of the Franks, 11. Georgius, magister and prince of Abasgia, 126. Gepedes, a Gothic race, in what region they dwelled, 78. Gezericus, prince of the Vandals, occupies western Libya, and defeats the Roman commanders Aspar and Boniface, 79. Gogidisclus, prince of the Vandals, 79. Goinicus, son of Blastemer, prince of Serbia, captured by his brother Muntimer and sent to Bulgaria, 100. Gottharus, prince of the Vandals, occupies western Libya, 79. Goths, under Arcadius and Honorius, place their seats in the lands of the Romans, 78; first they inhabit Pannonia, then Thrace, and finally western Libya, 79. Greek fire, when it was invented, 61, 131. Greek language, affected when the Roman Empire was failing, 2. Gregory (St.) Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neocaesarea, Cappadocian, 7. Gregory (St.) Nazianzen, Cappadocian, 7; buried in the church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople, 7. Gregory (St.), brother of Basil the Great, 7. Gregory, patrician, 114. Gycia, daughter of Lamachus, married to the son of Asander, prince of the Bosporus, 150; celebrates the memory ^D of her father annually, 150; [her] fatherland

nobiliores ab eis postulare, nisi doli quiddam in pace convenienda ^A excogitarent. Cum supplices orarent et eum obtestarentur, ut palam faceret, quos vellet, iterum cum his sermone congrediens, ipsorum regis filium petit, quem captivum in sua potestate habebat, simulans quasi non haberet. Ad quæ Barbarorum rex et Barbari, ad pedes jacentes, fletu largo et ejulatu usi, precibus contenderunt, ne quid imperaret, quod præstare nequirent. Nec enim se posse eos, qui periissent, in vitam revocare, et eos, qui mortui essent, obsides dare. Silentio facto, Barbarorum rex voce quam maxima potuit exclamavit : « Utinam viveret filius meus, ut tibi traditus obses, o Caesar, feliciorem regno meo apud te servitutem serviret. Sed tuis armis cecidit, fortasse etiam a vobis non cognitus. Belli enim periculis suum corpus juvenis objecit, quem idoneum pacis vadem censes et tu nunc eum, o imperator, tanquam vivat, exposcis. Ego vero miser nunc primum lamentari incipio, quandoquidem qualem non habeam, nunc demum intelligo. Filium enim unicum lugens, et pacem communem una cum filio perdidi. Si meas miserias tantas esse, quantæ sunt, credideris, id consolationis habebit dolor, quod pro omnium salute hunc casum subierim : sin fidem abrogaris, et pater infelix, et rex conspiciar. Nam non solum aliis mea mala commiserationem non movebunt, quæ omnibus debetur ejusmodi doloribus afflictis; sed accedent etiam publicæ calamitates: neque cæteros a miseriis defendam, sed communicabo meas cum multis, in hoc tantum regia potestate fruens quod mihi soli non licet infelicem esse. » Hæc ubi imperator audivit, apud animum suum summo mærore est affectus, et eorum, quæ dicta erant, commiseratione punctus tenere ^B illacrymavit. Et quemadmodum in comoediis, quando res involutæ et perplexæ, ad ambigia et explicatu difficilia vergunt, deus qui vocatur ex machina in medium trahitur, qui omnia componit et tristia lætis mutat : ita Julianus, ubi res in magna difficultate versabantur, cum omnes cum fletu pacem peterent, neque obsidem, quem peteret, se habere testarentur, in medium adolescentem adductum omnium conspectui atque oculis subjecit, regie apud se educatum. Cumque eum disserere cum patre quæ volebat jussisset, ad ea, quæ deinceps agenda erant, advertit. Quæ sunt consecuta, his consentanea fuerunt. Non protulit sol diem qualis illa fuit, quam tunc videre et intueri his, qui aderant, licuit. Barbari enim a mærore et lamentis stupore et admiratione correpti immobiles et fixi steterunt, tanquam Julianus illis exhibuisset non adolescentem, sed falsam imaginem adolescentis. At imperator, ubi silentium altius, quam in mysteriis solitum, factum erat, graviter in medio loquens : « Hunc, ^C inquit, vestrum, ut vos existimatis, bellum perdidit: at Deus fortasse Romanorum humanitatem servavit. Habeo autem eum obsidem, non a vobis secundum

Porphyrogenitus is so designated, and afterwards patrician and magister, 136. Melissus the Samian philosopher, 17. Menander the historian under Justinian, 5. Menippus the geographer, 5. Mesopotamia, first among the themes to be considered under Leo, 12, 136. Romanus extends its borders, 136. Michael Boroses, prince of Bulgaria, provokes the Croats in war to no effect, 98. Defeated by the Serbs, 100. Michael Busebutze, son of the prince of the Zachlumi, patrician and proconsul, 101, 103. Michael, protospatharios and commercial official of Chaldia, 118. Michael, protospatharios Phia'ae under Porphyrogenitus, 111, 112. Michael Barcales, protocarabus of the imperial dromon, 111, 112. The Milengi Slavs, rebelling under Theophilus and Michael, are condemned to pay tribute, 131. These tributes are increased under Romanus as they prepare for rebellion, and shortly after are diminished, 131. Mirosthlabus, king of the Croats, killed by the ban Pribunia, 98. The Monastery of the Great Field (Magni Agri) constructed by Theophanes, 76. The Turks invade Moravia, having seized an opportunity during the civil war that arose between the princes, 62, 111. Mosoch, father of the Cappadocians, 7. Mudaphar, son of Prince Manuel Teces, 135, 136. Where the Muta (Mardi) first arose, 11. Mundarus, son of Zenar, 68. Muntimerus, prince of Serbia, captures his brothers and sends them into Bulgaria, 100.

N Narses defeats the Frankish duke Butelin, 28. Betrays Italy to the Lombards, 82, 83. Nasar, patrician and drungarios of the fleet, 140. Naucratius, brother of St. Basil, 7. Nicetas Oryphas, patrician and drungarios of the fleet under Basil the Macedonian, 88. Nicetas, protospatharios and praetor of the Cibyrrhaeots under Alexander, 137. Nicetas bestows his daughter Sophia in marriage upon Christophorus, son of the Emperor Romanus, 25. Nicolaus Damascenus, the historian, scribe to Herod, 8. Nicopolis, why the city is so named, 25. Capital of the theme of Old Epirus Phocensis, 25. The Numeri cohort, designated for the protection of the palace of Constantinople, 140.

O The Obsequium theme, whence so named, 9. By what peoples it is bounded, 9. Its cities and peoples, 9. The Optimaton theme, why so named, 10. Of what peoples and cities it consists, 10. Orestes Charsianites, praetor of Mesopotamia under Leo, 136. Orus the Bosporian, 144. The Oxianus (Oxian) Fish, 113.

P The Pagani, a Serb tribe, why so named, 104. Also called Arentani, 104. Their cities and islands, 96, 101, 105. The location of the region of Pagania, 96. Its Zupanias, 96. Where the Palus Maeotis is, 113. Where the body of St. Pancratius is preserved, 92. Pancratius, son of Cricoricus the Taronite, made patrician and praetor of Taron, 117. He takes the daughter of Magister Theophylact as his wife, 117. Pancratius, magister, son of Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. Pancratius, magister, son of the curopalate Adranase, 126, 127. Pancratius, magister, returns to the Theodosiopolitans the city of Mastatum committed to his charge, 125. Pancratius, son of David of Iberia, 122. Pancratucas, son of Prince Manuel Teces, 12, 135. Hicanatus and praetor of the bucellarii under Leo, 135, 136. Where the region of Papagia is, 113. By what borders the theme of the Paphlagonians is bounded, 11. The city of Patrae, besieged by the Slavs of the Peloponnese, is liberated by St. Andrew, 131, 132. The location of Patzinacia, 106, 112. What monuments are in it, 112. The Patzinacitae, ejected by the Uzi and Chazars, invade the region of the Turks, 103. By what they are feared, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61. Where they spend the summer, 59. Their leaders are called kankars, 106. In what order their princes succeed one another, 106. Certain of the Patzinacitae lived with the Uzi, but differed from them in dress, 106. Paulus, prince of Serbia, captures Zacharias who was invading the princedom, and hands him over to the Bulgarians, 101. By that same person, with Bulgarian aid, he is cast out, 101. Paulus Magistrianus, envoy to the Saracens, 74. Pausanias of Damascus, the writer, 5. The Pechus of Chazaria, 112. The Peloponnesians obtain exemption from military service from the Roman Emperor by paying an extraordinary tribute, 143, 144. The Peloponnese, formerly called Apia, then Pelagia and Argos, 24. It was also named Achaia, 24. After the empire of the Heraclidae and Macedonians, it became a province of the Roman empire, 24. What its chief cities are, 24. Persians defeated by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, 24. Petronas Camaterus, by order of Theophilus, founds the city of Sarcel, and is appointed protospatharios and the first praetor of Cherson, 112. Petronas Boilas, captain of Nicopolis, 124. Petrus, brother of St. Basil, 7. Petrus, son of Goinicus, casts his cousins out of the Serbian princedom, 100. He captures Branus who was taking up arms and blinds him, 101. He kills the one who was attempting to invade, 101. Deceived by the Bulgarians, he is captured, 101. Petrus the Bulgarian takes the niece of the Emperor Romanus as his wife, 65. Phaedimus of Amasea, a Cappadocian, 7. Phalambertus kills Berengarius, king of Italy, 81. Phalitzis, son of Jurotza, grandson of Arpad, and prince of the Turks, 110. Phangumes, the Cypriot envoy to the Saracens under Rhinotmetus, 150. Pharnacus, the proteuon of Cherson, defeats the prince of the Sauromatae and Bosporians in single combat, and punishes the Bosporians by taking a portion of their region, 119, 150. Phasianum, which the Saracens had invaded, Leo and after him Romanus devastate, and finally recover, 122 and seqq. Porphyrogenitus donates a part of it to the Iberians, 125. The Phatemitae, peoples of Arabia, 68. The Phatemitae, peoples of Libya, 69. Phatime (Fatima), daughter of Mahomet, 68. Phineus the Egyptian, father of the Paphlagonians, 11. Pipinus, king of Italy, besieges the Venetians for a long time, 85. Podaron, protospatharios of Phiala and afterwards vicar of the Fleet, 141. Finally, praetor of the Cibyrrhaeots, 112. Polycrates, tyrant of the island of Samos, 17. Porga, the first Christian king of the Croats, 97. Presiam, prince of Bulgaria, defeated by the Serbs, 100. Pribesthlabus, prince of Serbia, is cast out by his cousin Petrus, 100. Princes, 4. Prince Principium, over which region he held sway, 118. Procopius the historian under Justinian, 5. Prosegoes, prince of the Serbs, 100. Protelates, 141, 142. Proteuon of Cherson, 112. Protocarabus, 141, 142. The dress and salary (roga) of the protospatharioi, 138. The protospatharios of Phiala, why so named, 140. Who are under his authority, 140 et seqq. The provinces of the West obtain exemption from military service from the Emperor Leo by paying an extraordinary tribute, 143. The inscription of Publius, proconsul of Asia Minor, 3. Pucricas the Armenian, 12. Pythagoras, son of Mnesarchus the Samian, 17.

R The Ragusaei, formerly called Lausaei, 91. Their origin, 91. The tribute which they pay for their vineyards, 96. Ragusium, the metropolis city of Dalmatia, 29. Besieged by the Saracens, it is liberated by Basil the Macedonian, 88. In it the body of St. Pancratius is preserved, 92. Its location, 96. Rhabias, son of Zenar, 68. The island of Rhodes, colony of the Dorians, 16. By whom its Colossus was made, 71. Destroyed by Mavia, the Arab leader, 71. Rodosthlabus, prince of the Serbs, 109. Rodulphus drives Berengarius from the kingdom of Italy, and afterwards, having been defeated, shares the kingdom with him, 81. With the people rebelling, he withdraws into Burgundy, 82. The prince of Rome, the legitimate pope, 27. The Emperor Romanus gave his niece as a wife to Petrus the Bulgarian, 65. With whom the Romans can contract marriages, 65, 66, 67. The Roman empire began to be dismembered while Heraclius was reigning, 2.

ex conventione, sed a bello ipso, contentus vicisse, et illum quidem amplissima quæque non deficient, dum mea consuetudine fruitur. Quod si conabimini a fœdere discedere, omnium jacturam facietis. Hoc dico, non quod sæviam in obsidem, quem apud me habeo, non tanquam pignus pacis, sed meæ erga vos virtutis documentum. Est enim impium et minime Deo gratum, eos qui nihil commeruerunt, pro his qui deliquerunt morsu appetere et laniare, ut feræ bestiæ, quidquid occurrit et obvium est, si quis eos persequitur. Sed primum quia a vobis initium injuriæ faciendæ orietur, qua re nulla est capitalior pestis perniciesque hominibus etiam si videantur ad breve tempus, et quantum ad præsens attinet ad optata pervenire. Deinde, quia vobis res est cum Romanis et mecum qui sum eorum imperator, quem neque bellum gerentes, neque pacem facientes unquam superavistis. » Procubuerunt his dictis omnes et post fausta feliciaque omnia sunt precati. ^B Pacem igitur Barbari fœdus approbantes statim dederunt. His confectis, autumno ad finem vergente, et hieme (jam enim frigebat) ineunte, profectus est.

β'. ^C Quod Vidomarius quidam Germanorum potentia et auctoritate excelluit, quæ res eum ad tantam superbiam extulit, ut, proprio filio, dum captivos redderet, quos per excursiones ceperat, obside dato, cum minime captivos restitueret, nihilominus obsidem sibi restitui postulavit, multa mala minatus, si non reciperet. Hunc vero Julianus ad ipsum remisit, hoc adjiciens, unum adolescentem non esse idoneum apud se pro multis nobilioribus obsidem. Sed aut captivos, qui ad tria millia in ejus potestate erant, eum restituere oportere, aut injuriæ pœnas se soluturum esse sciret. Hæc scripsit et legationem misit, quem non multo post ipse subsecutus est, a Nemetibus ad Rhenum movens, jam enim apud Rauracos erat, quæ est Romanorum colonia.

γ'. ^D Quod post Juliani ad imperium evectionem honorificæ ad eum legationes convenerunt, et coronas aureas a barbaris attulerunt. Ioniam habitantes ab eo et magna et parva, quæ petebant, sunt consecuti. Lydi quoque, Eunapio rhetore, eorum legato, pro his verba faciente, nullo ampliora, quam precibus suis complexi fuerant, obtinuerunt. Quæ legatio tam prospere legato successit, ut legatum quoque imperator juberet causam quamdam valde intricatam agere. Qua in lite et ipse superior evasit, et Piso quidam Clazomenius magna cum laude verba fecit.

VARIE LECTIONES.

^A Romans: why called Dalmatians, 86. Almost destroyed by the Avars whom they had provoked, 86 and 87. The Russians fear the Pechenegs most of all, 56. Their journey into Romania, and superstitions, 39 et seqq.

S Sabas or Samanus, leader of the African Saracens, 29, 89. Sagenæ, a type of ship, 98. Salmutzes, a leader of the Turks, 108. Salona, the capital of Dalmatia, 93. Recommended for its most sweet drinking water, 27. By what means captured by the Avars, 87, 91. The inhabitants of Samaria, where they were transported by the Assyrians, 12. Samonas, a patrician and chamberlain under Leo, 138. Samos, 17. Samos, an island and themas, why so called, 17. Which cities and military divisions are in that theme, 18. The river Sangarius, bridged by Justinian, 10. An epigram upon it, 10. Saracens: when they departed from their region, 69. They besiege Ragusa in vain, 29, 88. The same capture Bari, and after a few years are expelled by the Greeks and Franks, and lose it, 122 et seqq. Their fleet burned at Cyzicus under Pogonatus, 131. Sarcel, a town of the Khazars on the Don, when and by whom built, 112. Sauromatus, leader of the Bosporians, defeated by the Chersonites, 118. Another Sauromatus, defeated by Pharnacus, the *proteuon* of Cherson, in single combat, 149. The Household of the Schools (Scholae), appointed with a cohort of the regiment for the protection of the palace, 140. Scholasticius, a door-keeper and chamberlain under Theophilus, 138. The Sclabesiani invade the Peloponnese under Romanus, 134.

^B The Slavs of Dalmatia withdraw themselves from Roman rule, 87, 88. They receive baptism during the reign of Basil, and submit themselves to him, 87, 88. Their leaders are [called] Zupani, 87. The Slavs of the Peloponnese besiege Patras under Nicephorus, […], celebrated for the temple of the Father, 132, 133. See also Ezeritae, Milengi.

Scriniarii, 4. Scylax of Caryanda, a writer, 5. The Scythians, rebelling, are compelled to surrender by the Chersonites under Constantine, 147. Rhinotmetus [Justinian II] settles them in the mountains of the Strymon, 23. Sebaste, a theme from Lesser Armenia, 13. Whence so called, 13. Seleucia, a theme; of which cities it consists, 14, 15. When it began to be counted among the themes, 15. Serbula, 99. Serbuliani, 99. White Serbs, where, 99. A part of the Serbs flees to the Emperor Heraclius, and sets up dwellings first in the theme of Thessalonica, then in Dalmatia, 99. They receive baptism, 100. They frequently repel the Bulgarians, 99 et seq. Finally, they are deceived by them and led off into Bulgaria, 102. But with the help of the Greeks, they recover their region and submit themselves to the Emperor of CP, 102. The location of Serbia, 96. Its cities, 102. Sicardus, prince of Lombardy, 83. Sicily, once Sicania, the greatest of the islands of the Mediterranean Sea, 27, 28. Once under kings, later it came into the power of the Romans, 28. Why it was subject to the Emperor of CP, 27. Almost entirely captured by the Saracens, 28. Its principal cities, 28. Sico, prince of Lombardy, 83. Sinutes, a eunuch, chartulary of the public post under Leo, and envoy to Adranase, 115. Smyrna, the praetorium of the theme of Samos, 18. Soldanus, leader of the African Saracens, besieges Ragusa in vain, 29, 88. Thence he captures Bari and holds Lombardy for some time, 29, 88. Thence driven out, and captured by Louis, King of France, he incites the princes of Capua and Beneventum against him, 89, 90. Having returned to his homeland, he comes to lay siege to Capua and Beneventum, but in vain, 90, 91. Sophia, daughter of Nicetas, married to Christophorus, son of the Emperor Romanus, 25. Sophianus, grandfather of Mavia, 74. Sophronius, Bishop of Jerusalem, protects the churches of Palestine through a pact entered into with the Arabs, 70. Spandiates, an Iberian, invulnerable in his whole body except his heart, 121. Spatharocandidatus, 112. ^C Sphendoplocus, prince of Moravia, 62, 109, 110; divides the region among his three sons, 110, 111.

Sphendosthlabus, prince of Russia, 59. Spiridion (St.), from the city of Trimythous on the island of Cyprus, 17. The Sporades, the principal islands, 18. Stauracius Platys, captain of the Mardaites of Attalia, exercises enmity with Eustathius, the vicar of the Cibyrrhaeots, and is recalled by the Emperor Leo, 137. Stenite, rowers of the imperial grain-ships, 139. Stephanus, prince of Serbia, is expelled by his cousin, 100. Strabo, the geographer of Cappadocia, from Amasea, 5. Stroemerus, son of Blastemerus, captured by his brother Muntimer, is sent into Bulgaria, 100. The theme of the Strymon, where, 23. In it, Scythians are settled by Rhinotmetus, 25. Suleemanus, leader of the Saracens, defeated by the Greeks, 74, 75. Supolichus, a Chersonite, 148. Symbatius, prince of princes, 114, 118, 119. Killed by the Amera (Emir) of Persia, Aposata, 118, 119. Symbatius the Great, prince of Iberia, 125. Symbatius, son of David, and grandson of Symbatius the Great, takes a wife from the daughter of Asotius the Ciscast, 126. Symeon, prince of Bulgaria, throws Petrus, prince of Serbia, into chains and substitutes Paulus for him, 101. The same expels Paulus and declares Zacharias prince of Serbia, and abducts him, 102. Symeon, *asecretis* and patrician under Romanus, 127. Symposium, where the Clusura is, 156. Captured by the Melitinians, but again occupied by Melias, and becomes a *turma*, 136.

T Tarcatzus, first son of Arpad, 110. The region of Taron, into whom divided, 118. Tase, grandson of Arpad, 110. Taurica, a part of Cappadocia, 5. Taurus, Proconsul of Thrace under Constantine, 20. Tautucas, an Armenian, 12. Taxis, son of Zeltas, grandson of Arpad, 110. Tebele, son of Tarcatzus, grandson of Arpad, 110. The location of the region of Terbunia, 95. Terbuniatae, a part of the Serbs, once under Zupani, later under princes, 103. Why so called, 103. Their cities, 101. Termatzus, great-grandson of Arpad, 110. Terpemere, prince of the Croats, 98. Tetrangurium, a city, why so called, 92. Its location, 92. What a theme is, 2. Whence so called, 2. Names of the themes, some ancient, some recent, 1. When the themes were constituted, 2. Their mutations under Leo and Romanus, 135, 136. Themistus, *proteuon* of Cherson, compels the Bosporians to seek peace from Diocletian, 144 et seqq. Theoctistus, of the Broni, praetor of the Peloponnese under Michael, the son of Theophilus, compels the rebelling Slavs to pay tribute, 133. The shield of St. Theodore the Martyr, where, 15. Theodorus Sigritzes, general of the Bulgarian army, killed by the Serbs in war, 101, 102. Theodorus, interpreter of the Armenians under Leo, 115. Theodosiopolis, captured by the Greeks after a long war, 122 et seqq. Theodosius, *protovestiarius* under Leo, is killed fighting against the Bulgarians, 13. Theodotus, *protocarabus* of the imperial dromon under Porphyrogenitus, 142. Romanus condemns him, beaten and tonsured, to perpetual exile, 143. Theophanes, founder of the monastery of the Great Field/Agros, uncle of Porphyrogenitus, 76. Theophanes, patrician and chamberlain under Romanus, 138. Theophilus, patrician and praetor of Chaldia under Romanus, devastates Phasiane, 112. Theophilus, patrician and praetor of Theodosiopolis under Porphyrogenitus, 124. Theophylactus Bimbilides, *protospatharius* of the Phiala under Leo and Porphyrogenitus, 142. Theophylactus, *protospatharius* and Domestic of the Table of the Augusta under Romanus, 143. Well-disposed towards Porphyrogenitus, 143. Theophylactus, *magister* under Porphyrogenitus, 142. Theuderichus, patrician, consul and prince of the Goths, occupies Western Libya, 79. Thessalonica, a city of Macedonia, whence so called, 23. Now the capital of the theme, 23. How far it is distant from the Danube, 111. Thomas, of Lycandus, a *procecus*, what gifts he offered to Justinian, 14. Thracesii, inhabitants of Asia Minor, 8. The theme of Thracesium, whence so called, 8. Its cities, 8.

^A 4. That Valentinian’s proclamation as emperor takes place in Nicaea of Bithynia; also that the embassies which had arrived for this purpose, bearing golden crowns, were presented to him. He gave no definite answer to any of them, passing them over lightly and briefly, but promised all of them that he would act very soon.

^B 5. That while King Valens was resting from domestic and foreign wars, it is reported that the picked army of the Scythians—whom Procopius had summoned from the Scythian king as an alliance—was already nearby. They said that those who were approaching had haughty spirits and were disdainful of those they saw, and were neglectful of temperance, and full of insolence, and fierce and hot-tempered in all things. But the king, quickly cutting them off from their return to Scythia, held them within his toils, and ordered them to surrender their arms. They gave them up, showing their arrogance of mind even by the shaking of their hair. Having scattered them among the cities, he held them in ungoverned custody, and brought contempt upon them among those who saw their bodies growing to an immense height, yet heavier than their feet could bear, and pinched in at the middle, much like what Aristotle calls insects. But when the inhabitants of the cities admitted the Scythians into their homes and learned of the weakness of their strength, they were forced to laugh at their own deception. The Scythian king demanded these "brave" men back. The matter was bitter and not easily resolved by the dictates of justice. For the one claimed to have sent them to the emperor for alliance and under oath; but the other denied that he was the emperor to whom they had been sent, and that he himself had sworn no oath. When the other added the name of Julian, and claimed that he had given them because of his kinship with him, and added the status of the ambassadors, the king replied that the ambassadors should stand trial, and that those present should be held as enemies, since they had come as enemies to provide an alliance. From these pretexts the Scythian war arose, which, because of the status of the nations coming together and the magnitude of the preparations, was expected to progress greatly and proceed to many-turned calamities and unpredictable fortune, but through the keenness and providence of the king it was brought to a firm and safer conclusion.

^C 6. That after the Scythians were defeated and slaughtered by the Huns and perished utterly, those who were caught with their wives and children were destroyed, and there was no sparing in the cruelty regarding the slaughters. But the crowd that had gathered and rushed to flee, lacking not much of two hundred thousand, came together, having been in their prime for battle. Having been moved, and standing upon the banks...

INDEX GEOGRAPHICUS

^AAlabanda, 8. Alania, 62, 106, 111, 113. Alani, 62, 79, 114. Alba, 106. Albunus, 96. Albus fluv., 61. Alenidus, 26. Alinda, 8. Almatæ fluv., 112. Almopia, 23. Aloép, 93. Alpes, 27. Alizice, 119, 120, 121. Amalphis, 82, 83, 84. Amanitæ, 68. Amantia, 26. Amasca, 5, 6, 7. Amastra, 11, 12. Amathus, 17. Aminsus, 7, 11, 157. Amolgus, ins., 19. Amorium, 3. Amphipolis, 23. Amphissa, 24. Anatolicum thema, 5, 133. Anchialus, 21. Ancyra, 11. Anemolichos, 16. Andanii, 15. Andrapa, 7. Anemurium, 16. Antania, 23. Antibaris, 95, 96. Antiochia, 75, 80. Antiochia Minor, 16. Antiquus, portus, 16. Apachune, 118, 119, 120. Apamea, 9. Apate, 23. Aphrasia, 135. Aphrodisia, 21. Aphrodisias, 15. Apia, 24. Apollonia, 23, 26. Apros, 21. Apsanum, 81. Aquileia, 81, 85. Arabes, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 79. Arabia Felix, 80. Arabia Petræa, 73. Aradus ins., 71. Aralus, 23. Arbe, 87, 93, 96. Arcadiopolis, 21. Arenta, 104. Arentani, 87, 88, 104. Argivi, 16. Argos, 21. Argus, 23. Ariarathea lacus, 6. Armenia, 74, 118, 119, 120, 123, 126. Armenia Minor, 5, 12, 13. Armenia Quarta, 75. Armeniacum thema, 5, 122, 135, 137. Armenii, 5, 6, 12, 14, 115, 136. Arsinoe, 17. Artemisia, 15. Arzes, 118, 119, 120, 121, 126. Asia, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8. Asmosatum, 133. Aspalathus, 86, 87, 92, 95, 96, 97. Asponas, 133. Aspron, 106. Assyrii, 12. Astacenus sinus, 9. Astacus, 10. Atech ins., 113. Atel fluv., 103. Atelcusu, 107. Athenienses, 21, 25. Atramyttium, 18. Attalia, 3, 16, 157, 158. Atzara, fluv., 126. Aulon, 26. Aureum littus, 113. Ausones, 27. Axiopolis, 21. ^B Bætica Hispania, 77. Bætis, fluv., 77. Bagdad, 79, 80, 130. Bagibarea, 95. Bal, fl., 113. Balbadonos, 135. Baretas, 135. Bargala, 23. Bargylia, 15. Bargyliacus sinus, 15. Baris, 29, 83, 89. Bartzus, ins., 96. Baruch, fluv., 108. Baruphorus, 140. Basilæum, 11. Basparacaca, 116. Basparacanita, 123. Becla, 27, 93, 96. Belegrada, 109, 111. Belitzin, 98. Beneventum, 82, 83, 89, 90, 91, 93. Belochrobati, 95. Belogradum, 98, 99. Berbiani, 61. Berinopolis, 155. Beroe, 21. Berpe, 23. Berrhoea, 23. Berullia, 101. Berutze, 60. Billæus, fl., 11. Biniola, 84. Bislas, fluv., 103. Bitelzebe, 59. Bithynia, 4. Bithyni, 5, 9, 10, 11. Bizya, 21. Booti, 21. Boes, 84. Bogu, fluv., 112. Boici, 99. Bona, 103. Borotalmat, 106. Bosona, 103. Bosporus Byzantius, 50. Bosporus Cimmerius, 30, 106, 111, 112, 113, 145, 147, 148, 150. Bosporiani, 30, 144, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155. Bothrenotus, 28. Bragylus, 25. Bratzes, ins., 105. Brebera, 95. Britannia, 78. Bronium, 84. Brundus, 84. Brutus fluv., 108. Buccellariorum th., 3, 6, 10, 11, 133, 136, 157. Bulatzospon, 106. Bulgaria, 20, 61, 96, 98, 100, 101, 102, 106, 113, 141. Bulgaria Nigra, 62, 113. Bulgari, 20, 21, 57, 58, 75, 98, 100, 101, 102, 110, 111. Bullis, 26. Bulnephrac, 60. Buraminsius, 93. Burat, 113. Burgundia, 81, 82. Burlic fluv., 113. Busegrade, 59. Butoba, 29, 88. Byzantii, 18. Byzantium, 3, 20, 21, 79, 147. ^C Cabari, 108, 109. Cabertzentza, 84. Cæsarea, 15, 23, 135. Cæsarea Cappadocia, 5, 6, 7. Calabria, 28, 29, 82, 83, 85, 135. Callatis, 21. Callipolis, 21, 83. Calpiani, 76. Camacha, 135, 136. Camirus, 16. Canale, 104. Canalitæ, 87, 88, 99, 103. Cancar, 106, 107. Capante, 81. Capha, 148, 149, 150. Capidava, 21. Cappadoces, 7, 135. Cappadocia, 3, 11, 135. Cappadocia Armeniaca, 6, 7. Cappadocia Cataonia, 5. Cappadocia Charsiana, 6. Cappadocia Major, 4, 5. Cappadocia Mediterranea, 5, 6. Cappadocia Minor, 4, 5, 6. Cappadocia Taurica, 3. Cappadocia montes, 3. Capre, 81. Capua, 82, 83, 84, 89, 90, 91, 93. Caratia lacus, 6. Care, 109. Cares, 5, 8. Caria, 3. Carpasium, 17. Carpus, 21. Cars, 118. Carthago, 27. Carthago Nova, 77. Case, 109, 135. Castalius, fons, 26. Castellium, mons, 16. Casulinus fluv., 28. Cataonia, 5. Catautrebeno, 93. Catera, 105. Caucasus mons, 113. Cazachia, 111, 113. Celanidium, 23. Celle, 25. Celtzene, 12, 116, 117, 135, 136. Cephallenia, 25, 135. Ceræopyrgus, 23. Ceramicus sinus, 15. Cermia, 17. Celzeum, 123. Chabuxingyla, 106. Chader fluv., 113. Chæronea, 24. Chalcis ins., 24. Chaldæi, 12, 122, 127, 135. Chaldææ thema, 12, 115, 122, 127, 135. Chalep, 80. Chaliat, 118, 119. Chalis ins., 24. Chamuch, 156. Chanzit, 135, 136. Charan, 80. Charca, 119, 120. Charoboe, 105, 106. Charzianum, 6, 135, 136. Chazaria, 57, 62, 63, 64, 106, 107, 113. Chazari, 62, 63, 105, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112. Chelandia, 107. Chemps, 80. Cherronesus, 24. Chersonis thema, 30, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 75, 106, 111, 112, 113, 148, 151, 157. Chersonitæ, 57, 60, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 155, 156, 157. Chert, 118, 119. Chidmas fl., 107. Chiangyins fluv., 107. Chius ins., 18. Chlebena, 96, 98. Chlebiana, 95. Chliat, 118, 119, 120, 121. Chlum, 103. Chlumus mons, 103. Choara ins., 105. Chonæ, 8. Chopon, 105. Choracul fluv., 113. Chorosan vel Chorossan, 76, 80. Chozani thema, 135. Chrobatia, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104. Chrobatia Alba, 99. Chrobati, 62, 87, 88, 95, 96, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 110, 111. Chrobati Albi, 97. Chrysopolis, 30. Ciabus, 61. Cianus sinus, 19. Cibyrrha, 16. Cibyrrhæotæ, 15, 130, 137, 142. Cibyrrhoticum thema, 3, 15, 16. Cicer ins., 104. Cilicia, 6, 7, 14. Cilicia montes, 14. Cimmerius sinus, 30. Cioba fluv., 59. Citium, 17. Civita Nova, 83, 86. Claboca, 98. Claudiopolis, 11, 15. Clausura Strymonis, 23. Clazomene, 18. Clima, 21. Climato, 55, 62, 113. Clissa, 86. Clugia, 84. Cnidus, 15. Colia, 21. Cogradus, 84. Coloneæ thema, 5, 6, 12, 122, 135. Colophon, 8, 18. Coloris, 126. Colossæ, 8. Commata, 135. Comodromus, 135. Comopolis Domateri, 7. Comopolis Meri, 3, 9. Comopolis Modreuæ, 10. Concordia, 81. Conopa, 61. Constantia, 17, 61. Constantiana, 21. Constantiensium urbs, 150. Constantinopolis, 20, 21, 27, 59, 71, 72, 74, 82, 90, 102, 115, 129. Corcyra, 25. Corcyræi, 26. Core, 119, 120. Cori, 98. Corinthus, 24, 131, 144. Corus, 7. Corycus, 15. Corycium antrum, 15. Cotyæum, 9. Cracnacala, 106. Crarium, 60. Cratia, 11. Creta ins., 7, 28, 75. Cribasa, 95. Cribeteni, 59. Cribitzæ, 61. Crisus fluv., 110. Crociferum pratum, 15. Cromna, 11. Croto, 28. Crucis (S.) vicariatus, 133. Cuartzitzur, 106. Cubu fl., 108.

^A from afar they stretched out their hands with weeping and clamor, and offered petitions, beseeching that their crossing be permitted, and lamenting their own calamity, and promising that they would provide an addition to the alliance. But the Romans who were set over the banks said they would do nothing without the judgment of the Emperor. From there the matter was referred to the Emperor, and much debate having arisen, and many opinions having been spoken on either side in the imperial council, it pleased the Emperor. For out of jealousy toward those who shared the empire with him—for the children were his brother’s (and it has been written so before), and they thought that the empire had been divided among themselves, not having carried the partition to their uncle—for these reasons, and because as a great addition it would increase the Roman state, he orders the men to be received, provided they laid down their arms.

Before the crossing ^B was permitted by the Emperor, the most audacious and stubborn of the Scythians decided to force the passage, and being violent, they were cut down. Now those who destroyed this detachment were stripped of their command and risked their lives, because they had slaughtered the enemy. But those who held power alongside the Emperor and were most influential mocked their martial spirit and generalship, and said they were not statesmen. For the Emperor from Antioch had commanded them first to receive the useless age-group and send them into Roman territory, and to securely hold them as hostages; and to stand firm at the banks ^C and not previously to receive the fighting men crossing, nor to provide vessels for the passage, unless they laid down their arms and crossed naked.

But those who received these orders, one was inflamed by the love of a certain boy, white and graceful in appearance, of those who had crossed; another felt pity for a beautiful wife of the captives; and another was captivated by a beautiful virgin; others, the size of the gifts captured, both the linen fabrics and the bed-covers with fringe on both sides. And each of them simply expected both to fill his house with servants and his farms with cattle and his erotic madness with the authority over these things. ^D Having been conquered by these with a most shameful and lawless victory, they received them, as if some ancient benefactors and saviors, together with their arms.

And they, having achieved such a thing without a struggle, and having been successful in the calamity they had suffered at home—seeing that in place of the Scythian wilderness and the abyss they were taking possession of the Roman Empire—immediately showed much that was barbarous in their breach of treaties and treachery. For the useless age-group, having been received beforehand during the crossing with deep zeal and care by those who had counseled these things, was settled and scattered among the nations. But the servants and women and children of those, some having imperial regalia, and others were more magnificent to behold than befit a captive. And their children and servants began to run up to the mildness of the climates...

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE BOOKS ON THE THEMES AND ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE EMPIRE

^A Mundraga, 109. Mura, 84. Murgule, 128. Musel, 80. Mylassa, 15. Myndus, 15. Myra, 16. Myrina, 8, 18. Myriocephalum, 135. Myrlea, 9. Mysia, 8, 21. Mysii, 9.

N Naisus, 26. Napresi, 60. Naupactum, 24. Nazianzus, 7. Neapolis, 15, 23, 28, 82, 83. Neaset, 60. Nece, 109. Necropylæ, 111, 113. Nemevus, 17. Nemogarda, 59. Neocæsarea, 5, 7, 12. Neocastrum, 81. Nicæa, 9. Nicedes, 23. Nicomedia, 10, 126, 127, 140, 117. Nicopolis, 12, 23, 25, 124, 156. Nicopsis fluv., 113, 114. Niger mons, 71. Nina, 93. Nona, 95, 98. Nova Patræ, 23. Noviodunum, 21. Nugrade, 101. Nunum, 84. Nyssa, 8, 135.

O Obsequium thema, 3, 9. Oceanus Occiduus, 27, 79. OEdemus sinus, 15. OEniades, 16. Olympus, 9, 140. Olympus Mysius, 9. Onogunduri, 21. Opsara, 87, 93, 96. Optimum thema, 9, 10. Orni, 21. Orontius fluv., 96. Ostrobuniprach, 60. Ostroc, 101.

P Pagani, 87, 88, 96, 104, 105. Pagania, 96, 98, 99, 101. Page, 156. Palæstina, 27, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 80. Pamphylia, 3. Pamphyli, 4, 5. Pamphylius sinus, 17. Panion, 21. Pannonia, 26, 79, 95. Pantalia, 26. Panticapeus, 30. Papagia, 111, 113, 156. Paphlagones, 5. Paphlagonia, 11, 112, 157. Paphlagonum thema, 112. Paphus, 17. Papia, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85. Paracladium Danubii, 61. Parathalassia, 95. Parius, 9, 19. Parnasus, 7. Parthenius fluv., 10, 11. Parthenopolis, 10. Parthicopolis, 21. Patræ, 21, 131, 132, 114. Patara, 16. Patræ Novæ, 23. Patzati Suburbium, 116. Patzinacia, 105, 106, 111, 112. Patzinacitæ, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 99, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 113, 157. Pelagia ins., 15. Pelagonia, 23. Pelasgia, 24. Pelle, 23. Peloponnesii, 143. Peloponnesus, 16, 21, 131, 133, 134, 143, 144. Pentadactylus mons, 133. Peparethus ins., 25. Percri, 118, 119, 120, 121. Pergamus, 8, 18. Perge, 16. Persæ, 4, 12, 121, 122. Persia, 71, 76, 80, 107, 108, 118, 119, 121, 128. Persthlabus, 109. Pesenta, 95. Phæaces, 25. Phalacrus mons, 12. Phanagorium, 30. Phara ins., 105. Pharsalus, 25. Pharus ins., 96. Phasiane, 122, 125. Phasilis, 16. Phasis fluv., 124, 125. Phateme, 68. Phatemitæ, 86, 89. Phatilanus mons, 135. Philadelphia, 8. Phileta, 16. Philippi, 21. Philippopolis, 21. Philistiim, 80. Phines, 81. Phocensis Epirus, 25. Phoenice, 72. Phoenix fluv. et urbs, 16. Phosaon, 81. Phosphorium, 30. Phryges, 4, 5, 9, 10. Phrygia, 3. Phrygia Capatianes, 3. Phrygia Minor, 3. Phrygia Salutaris, 3. Phtiotis, 23, 24. Pinetæ, 84. Pisidæ, 4. Pisidia, 3. Pisuch, 93. Pisya, 16. Placentia, 80. Pleba, 25. Plutinopolis, 21. Podalia, 16. Podendus, 6. Pompeiopolis, 12, 15. Pontica, 144. Ponticum Mare, 5. Pontus, 19, 20, 111, 113. Prænetus, 10. Pribana, 23. Priene, 8. Pristena, 84. Proconnesus, 9, 19. Propontis, 18, 19. Prusa, 139. Prusias, 11. Pteleæ, 114. Pulcheriopolis, 26. Pylæ, 9. Pyrchanus, 28. Pyrenæi montes, 76, 77. Pyrotima, 93. Pythia, 140.

R Ragusini, 88, 89, 96. Ragusium, 29, 87, 88, 91, 93, 96. Rastotza, 96. Rhamble, 80. Rhegedora, 7. Rhegepodandus, 7. Rhegium, 28. Rhegii pons, 159. Rhemesiana, 26. Rhenus fl., 79. Rhibalenses, 84. Rhibantus, 84. Rhisena, 104. Rhodanus, 76. Rhodopes præfectura, 21. Rhodus ins., 115, 116, 70, 71, 79. Rhomatina, 84. Rhusium, 23. Rhyndacus fl., 9, 19. Rhynea, 19. Rizonicus, 26. Rodentus, 6. Roma, 27, 29, 81, 82, 85, 86, 97, 100, 103, 144, 146, 147. Romani, 55, 56, 65, 67, 72, 76, 79, 83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 109, 112, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 128, 129, 131, 136, 144, 145, 146. Romania, 61, 121, 126, 128, 130, 157. Romanopolis, 135, 136. Rusianum, 85. Russi, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 112, 113. Russia, 57, 59, 60, 106, 111.

S Sabartaspholi, 107. Sal as fluv., 111. Sacacata, 106. Sagalassus, 16. Salamas, 118, 119. Salenes, 105. Salernum, 82, 83. Salmacata, 106. Salona, 27, 86, 87, 91, 93, 97. Saltice, 21. Saltus, 23. Samaria, 12. Sambatas fluv., 59. Samothrace ins., 21. Samus ins., 17. Sangarius fluv., 10. Saniana, 11, 133. Sapaxi, 156. Sapiciun, 156. Saraceni, 28, 29, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 88, 89, 111, 122, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131, 136, 137. Sarat, 113. Sarcel, 62, 111, 112, 113. Sardiani, 8. Sardinia, 26, 28. Sardis, 8. Sarmatæ, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150. Savada, 21. Saxonia, 95. Scampta, 26. Scarphia, 24. Scepila ins., 23. Scerda, 93. Sceupton, 26. Scirdacissa, 93. Sclabesian, 131. Sclavi, 59, 60, 61, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 103, 104, 106, 131, 133, 134. Sclavonia, 8. Scordona, 98. Scyrus ins., 19. Scythæ, 21, 25, 111, 117. Sebasteæ th., 13, 136, 137. Sebastopolis, 23. Selbo, 93. Seleucia, 15, 16. Seleucia Th., 14, 15. Selga, 16. Selinas fluv., 61. Selinus urbs et fluv., 16. Selymbria, 20. Seretus fluv., 108. Serræ, 21. Servia, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104. Servii, 61, 87, 88, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104. Servii Albi, 99. Sesamus, 11. Severinæ (S.) urbs, 28. Sicania, 27. Siceliotæ, 28. Sicilia ins., 27, 7, 82, 84, 135. Siculi, 28. Sicyon, 24. Side, 16. Sidraga, 95. Sigrianæ montes, 9. Singidon, 79. Sinope, 7, 11. Sipendus, 83. Sirmium, 79, 109. Smyrna, 18, 71. Soli, 15, 17. Sora, 12. Soteriopolis, 11, 14. Spania, 76. Sparta, 14. Sporades ins., 18, 27. Srechiabarax, 136. Stenit, 139, 141. Stenum, 130, 131. Stoli, 23. Stolpon, 98. Stratonicia, 8, 16. Strobelus, 15. Strobilus, 84. Strubun, 60. Strymonis thema, 23. Surrentum, 83, 84. Susa, 150, 151, 152. Syce, 16. Sylæum, 16. Syme ins., 18. Symposium, 136. Syngul fluv., 113. Syracuse, 28. Syri, 6. Syria, 27, 71, 72, 73, 75, 113, 114, 126, 130. Syrucalpee, 106. Sysperites, 12.

T Tabia, 135. Talmat, 105. Tamasus, 17. Tamatarcha, 113, 136. Tanais fluv., 112, 113. Tariani, 109. Tarrhaconcesa, 77. Taro, 114, 115, 117, 118. Taronitæ, 116, 117. Tarsia, 3. Tarsus, 15. Tartessii, 76. Taurica, 5. Tauropolis, 16. Taurus mons, 3, 14, 16. Tece, 135. Teium, 11. Teliutza, 59. Telmissus, 16. Tenen, 98. Teos, 8, 18. Tephrice, 12. Terbunia, 95, 96, 97, 99, 103, 104. Teuromenium, 28. Tetrangurium, 87, 92, 96.

^A and because their stature was growing, they were a bellicose race. Now the myths of old say regarding Boeotia and Colchis that men were sown from dragons’ teeth and armed at the same time: but our own age has brought this myth to light and fact; for it gathered them and compelled them to be seen. For the Scythian race was like teeth sown upon the Roman empire, and it was full of ^B fury and madness and slaughter, and when they reached an age fit for war, they acted - indeed, they dared things far more terrible and tragic than what they suffered. For all Thrace and the continuous country of Macedon and Thessaly were such and so populous that not one man was able to record it; and the Scythians’ incredible and irrational uprising suddenly and immediately overturned the passage, and so swelled that it overwhelmed them with disasters, ^C so that to prove them gold is a proverbial relief. It seemed right to them to stir up sedition, and because no forces were present for defense, they appeared - to the unarmed and unguarded multitude - most destructive, and they slaughtered every man with the most murderous intent. The trouble then surrounded them, and the Scythians of the Huns gave no name even to the Romans for Scythians. For just a few cities and a few were saved, owing to walls and buildings; but the country was destroyed and is uninhabitable and inaccessible ^D because of the war. But the Emperor, having learned of these unjust evils, having made a necessary peace with the Persians, and having himself fought, and after repenting of the reception, and with anger beyond measure, and putting his own mind toward the war, sent out the Saracen cavalry to withstand the Barbarians. For they were already overrunning the city of Constantinople, sitting around it, and doing nothing hostile in open battle, and having let their minds slide into every outrage, they clearly decided it was best to act as generals at that time and opportunity.

7. (A. D. 392, ind. 5, Theodos. imp. 14.) Under Theodosius in the first years of his reign, the Scythian nation, driven from its own lands by the Huns, along with the leaders of their own tribes and others, were who, by dignity and birth, were preeminent.

^A in their pride and, looking only to their own interests, they stirred up no small sedition among themselves. Some counseled that they should love and accept their present prosperity, while others urged them to keep the oath they had sworn at home and not to violate those treaties. These treaties, however, were most impious; they perverted the barbarian character toward cruelty, and through every method they sought to plot against the Romans and by every device and fraud—even if they were to suffer the greatest things at their hands—to treat those who had received them unjustly, that they might become masters of their entire country.

It was concerning this that they had their sedition, and being divided, they broke apart; some proposed the worse course of action, while others the more pious, though both factions used the same pretext for their anger. And the emperor did not cease to honor them, but even had them as table-companions and tent-mates, and he showed them great generosity; for in no way did he reveal or expose the matters of their dissension. ^B Now, the leader of the god-fearing and divine faction was Fravitta, a man young in age, but in virtue and truth the most excellent of all men. For he confessed that he honored the gods according to the ancient custom, and he endured no pretense for the sake of deception or concealment, but revealed his soul concerning life as naked and pure, considering as an enemy ^C of the gates of the underworld him who "hid one thing in his heart, but spoke another."

He immediately asked for a Roman wife, so that he might not be compelled to be abusive due to the necessities of the body. The emperor granted the marriage, and the father of the girl—for she was being raised under her father—also marveled at the affair, considering himself blessed if he should have such a son-in-law. Thus it came about that some of his countrymen—though very few—reverencing the piety and virtue of the young man, joined themselves to his cause, but the majority and the more powerful held fast to what had been decided from the beginning, and, suffering the pangs of their conspiracy, they fell into a frenzy. Their leader was Eriulfus, a man half-mad and wilder than the others.

When a more abundant and luxurious banquet was set before them by the emperor, ^D they proved the proverb to be true which says, "Wine and truth," as Dionysus then broke open for them the sedition they had been concealing in their cups. The banquet was dissolved in disorder, and they went out through the doors in a state of tumult and agitation. But Fravitta, because of the excess of his virtue, thinking that the honorable and the just would appear both more beautiful and more pleasing to God if he applied speed—not waiting for another time—drew his sword and drove it through the side of Eriulfus. And he indeed lay fallen, having dreamed of his unjust conspiracy; but the others...

EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORY OF PETRUS PATRICIUS AND MAGISTER: SELECTIONS CONCERNING THE EMBASSIES OF THE ROMANS TO FOREIGN NATIONS.

ARGUMENTUM.—Tiridates, established in the Parthian kingdom by Tiberius, is expelled by Artabanus (1). Cotys is made king of the Iberians in place of his brother Mithridates (2). The pride of Decebalus, king of the Dacians (3). The same, as a suppliant, sends envoys to Trajan (4). A new embassy of the same to Trajan (5). The Longobardi, having crossed the Ister, sue for peace (6). Peace is granted to the Quadi by Marcus Antoninus (7). The Astingi come to the aid of the Romans (8). Menophilus, governor of Moesia, rejects the Carpi who were arrogantly demanding tribute (9). Sapor, king of the Persians, returns to his own kingdom after an unsuccessful engagement against Odenathus (10). The Vandals obtain peace from Aurelian (11). Apharban, an envoy sent by the defeated Narseus to Galerius (12). Mestrianus, an envoy of Licinius to Constantine (13). An embassy sent by Magnentius to Constantine concerning peace (14). A Persian embassy to Constantius (15). Julian negotiates for peace with the Chamavi (16).

^A 1. (A.D. 35, 22nd year of Tiberius). The Parthians petitioned Tiberius to give them a king from among the hostages, and he gave them Phraates, the son of Phraates. But when he had exchanged life for death on the journey, Tiberius sent Tiridates, who was of the royal line. And in order that he might take over the kingdom more easily, he wrote to Mithridates, the king of the Iberians, to make an incursion into Armenia, so that Artabanus, in order to assist his son, might depart from his own territory. Tiridates entered and seized the kingdom. Yet he did not reign long; for Artabanus, having taken the Scythians into his employ, easily drove him out. And these are the matters concerning the Parthians.

2. (A.D. 47, 8th year of Claudius). Mithridates, the king of the Iberians, revolted and prepared for war against the Romans. His mother opposed this, and since she was unable to persuade him, she wished to flee. But he, ^B even though he was in a state of preparation, wished to conceal what he had undertaken. Therefore, he sent his brother Cotys as an envoy to Claudius, to convey friendly messages. But he, acting as an envoy while secretly plotting against his brother, revealed everything he had planned, and the king of Iberia is established in place of Mithridates.

3. (A.D. 86, 6th year of Domitian). Decebalus, king of the Dacians, sent an embassy to Domitian (5) for the sake of peace, promising terms. Upon this, Domitian sent Fuscus with a great force. When Decebalus learned of this, he sent to him again.

^A in mockery, stating that if each of the Romans chose to pay two obols a year to Decebalus, a peace could be established with him; otherwise, if he should not choose this, he would wage war and inflict great evils upon them.

4. ^A That Decebalus sent to Trajan legates who wore felt caps (*pileati*); for these are more honored among them. Previously, he had sent the long-haired ones (*comati*), who are considered of lower rank among them. When they came to Trajan, they cast down their arms, and with their hands bound behind their backs like prisoners, they begged Trajan to come to terms with Decebalus.

5. That again Decebalus sent an embassy to Trajan, bringing along a truce for the present circumstances, and he promised to surrender all weapons and siege engines to Trajan, and any Roman machine-makers and deserters who were with him, and to raze all the fortifications he had constructed. He promised also to cede the land which Trajan had conquered, and to consider the enemies of Trajan ^B and the Romans as his own enemies; to receive no more deserters, and to keep no Roman soldier near him. Trajan, therefore, accepted the embassy on these conditions. Decebalus threw down his arms before him, and falling to the ground, he paid him homage, and sent envoys to Rome, who likewise had their hands bound as in the manner of prisoners.

6. That six thousand of the Longobardi and the Obii crossed the Ister; against them advanced the horsemen of Vindex, and the infantry under Candidus, and they put the Barbarians to total flight. The Barbarians, being seized with fear at this first encounter, sent envoys to Aelius Bassus, who was governing the province of Pannonia—Ballomarus, the king of the Marcomanni, and ten others, having chosen one from each tribe. And having confirmed the peace with oaths, the legates returned home.

7. That the Quadi sent envoys to Marcus ^C asking for peace, and they obtained it. They gave many horses and many cattle, and at that time released ten thousand and three thousand prisoners, and afterwards many others as well.

8. That the Astingi and the Lacringi also came to the aid of Marcus.

9. That the nation of the Carpi, jealous of the stipend that the Goths received from the Romans each year, sent an embassy to Tullius Menophilus haughtily demanding money. Now he was the Duke of Moesia, and he used to exercise his army every day; and having learned beforehand of their arrogance, for many days he did not receive them, though he gave them ^D leave to watch the soldiers as they exercised. And in order to break their spirit through this delay, having sat upon a high tribunal and stationed his…

^A Scarcely aware that he is doing unjust things, 17. Scamanes in ambush, 115. Royal scepters, 188. To be placed at the head of two scholia, it is in the conditions of peace, 96. The nation of the Sclaveni, unknown, more depraved and crafty, 118. Nearly one hundred thousand of the Sclaveni burst into Thrace, 121. Scotta, 35. That the scribes had any rescript regarding it, by which the plans of the Caesar might be more secret and hidden, 123. The army of the Scythians advances with great haughtiness and arrogance, 18. Scythians are deformed, 18. Scythians slaughtered by the Huns, 19. Scythians lay down their arms, 19. The barbarian nature of the Scythians is perfidious, 20. Scythians dared things more grievous and atrocious than what they had suffered, 20. They were crucified by their own fellow-tribe Scythians as punishment for flight, 48. Scythians use dry reeds for fire, 56. Nobody among the Scythians speaks Greek easily, 59. A Scythian with his head shaved in a circle, 59. Those who dwell among the Scythians, having endured the labor of wars, pass their lives without any anxiety, 60. Among the Scythians the cupbearers offer a cup before the feast, so that they may perform vows, 66. Scythians recite verses of Attila, 67. The whole Scythian race is perfidious and changeable, 107. Scythians captured Bigila, who was carrying money to Edeco, 70. ^B By sedition the statues of Zeno were thrown down, 78. Instrument of security, 137. A senatusconsultum approved by the suffrage of the emperor, 47. A senator, although he had obtained the name of envoy, did not, however, dare anything, etc.; dignity does not take away fear, 48. Senate of old Rome, 93. The Senate warned Maurice, 180. Old age is compelled to rest, 67. In old age, while the body is exhausted, men exchange the strength of spirit and virtue greedy for war for sloth and idleness, 100. 21. Senior Rome, 124. To go into an opinion of ending the war, 12. In delivering opinions, some are more rigid, others more lenient, 21. Serdica is distant from Constantinople thirteen days' journey for a man lightly equipped, 49. It is harmful to have signified it too late, 159. Discourses full of affability and humanity, and removed from all insolence, 168. To soothe with discourses and gifts, 168. Seventeen thousand two hundred captives, 190. Those coming from the North, 89. Sesostris, king of the Egyptians, more savage in prosperous circumstances, 138. A story in which the mind of a proud and excessively exalted conqueror is crushed, 179. It is not permitted among the Romans to put slaves to death, 61. A slave is not called the slave of a slave among the Romans, 146. Severus is chosen as envoy from the Senate, a man who was thought to excel in modesty, temperance, and justice, 87. Severus, as envoy, set sail for Sicily and came to Carthage, 87. Severus exposed his movable goods for sale publicly through a herald, so that he might redeem captives from the price, 87. The life of Severus was frugal and modest, 87. Sethus, prefect at Singidunum, 127. If he should lay on even one finger, 117. Whether by right of war, or by that justice, 144. If anyone speaks aptly and elegantly, he prevails by speaking, 144. If they were once destitute of prudence, it is not to be used or drawn into a custom, nor is it to be presumed from that that they will always be imprudent, 155. Sicorius, an upright notarius of the memory, 49. Sidimunthus thinks well of Roman affairs, 80. Sidimunthus came to Epidamnus and, walking around privately to each of the citizens, 80. Sidimunthus was spreading new rumors daily in Epidamnus, 81. Sigibert, duke of the Franks, 110. The standards of the united army were golden eagles, 8. ^C Sincere mind of him who feels friendly and benevolently toward one who is far from him, does not depart from his duty, nor is he more estranged; while it is uncertain whether any change of will has intervened, 163. Sirmium, a town, the domestic and private property of the duke of the Avars, 114. The Chagan contends that he makes the Sirmian island, with its inhabitants placed in it, his own, 130. ^D Sogdites, later subjects of the Turks, of the Ephthalites, 106. Solachus, sent as envoy by the Chagan, 130. Lying on the grassy ground, 52. To represent by a single solution, 121. Sondin, a steep and precipitous mountain, 89. Sophene, 30. Sorosgi, 48. Poking their heads through a peephole, 112. By hoping, men gain this, that they do not despond in spirit, nor succumb to a burden, 11. Hope of better success holds minds in suspense, 9. So that soldiers might be raised to great hope, the emperor does not allow bravery to be fruitless, 86. To involve something in hopes, 124. Spontaneous things are to be preferred to violent ones, 134. Suania, a part of Lazica, 139. Suanian forms of war, 145. Suanian duchy, Suanian duke, rector, 146. Suanians are robbers, rustlers of plunder, perpetrators of crimes, 145. Subrumi, little boys, 184. More fortunate success brings inevitable evil to those who are slower, 178. They cannot moderate themselves upon success, 184. The space of two or three months is sufficient for him who institutes to guard peace in good faith, 168. Estimation of expenses, 41. To be consumed by expenses, 46. Expenses made in a lawsuit, 61. It is not at all fitting for him who is of no use in the affairs of the world to be proud, 118. For a Persian man to go outside the purpose and run into superfluous verbosity is insolent, 135. Superiores Nubae, 189. Merited punishment, 71. Suspended and undecided, 158. Surenas, 139. Slaughter of Surina, 115. Nothing of suspicion to be left, 95. Sylvanus, prefect of the Roman table of Armius, 57. To use syllables, 115. To express the force and sense of syllables with equally powerful words that signify the same thing, 142. To utter syllables, 169. Synagomeum, a place at the root of a mountain, at Aretum, 159. Syrian money, 25. T Tabernacle of the envoys destroyed, 117. Tachodrou, 157. Tagma, an envoy in the place of Maniach, 154. Talas, the name of a place, 153. Tamchosroes, 184. Carpets in which were figures, from which, however, they depart in custom, 153. Tardou, kinsman of Turxanthus, 164. Targitius performs an embassy, 114. The emperor eluded and despised the insolent words of Targitius, full of pride, and used words befitting imperial majesty, 114. Targites, 154. Tatianus undertakes an embassy to the Vandals, 43. Tatianus enrolled into the number of Patricians, 74. Those who enter into battle rashly and imprudently are affected by evil, 10. Temperate thought, 144. Proud spirits are broken and blunted by the passage of time, 25. It is time to fulfill the expectation which you have aroused, Teratis, a city, 178. So many plows turn the earth; that is, the region is so wide and full of so many inhabitants, 20. From terror, silence, 8. Textile adorned with jewels like a roof (a dais), 131. Theodoric of Triarius, 80. Colloquy of Theodoric and Adamantius, 83. Theodoric accuses the Romans of treachery, 83. Theodoric, king of the Franks, 189. Theodosius fell from nobility received from his father, 39. Theodorus, (at length) looking to what was in the public interest, allowed the good man to go outside the city, 112. Theodorus, duke of the stipendiary soldiers: then count of the treasures, or count of the largesses, 120. Theodorus, son of Bacchus, 159. Theodorus, by nature made an elegant and most prudent man, 178. Theodulus, duke of the garrison soldiers of Thrace, 36. Theognis refuses to enter a treaty, 131. Theognis was laboring under a paucity of soldiers, 175. Theophylactus, scripture-writer, 176, in the title. Fire is brought near the praetorium at Thessalonica, 78. Keys of Thessalonica received from the prefect and handed over to the archbishop, 79. Theuderic the bold, 81. Theuderic was thought to have amputated the hands of those who drove the chariots, etc., 94. Tiberius elevated to the power of the Caesars, 161.

^A chief men of the entire army around him, he received the Carpi, and, taking no notice of them in the midst of the soldiers while they presented their embassy, he spoke with others as though he had more important affairs to attend to. But they, having become terrified, said nothing other than, "Why do the Goths receive so much money from you, and we do not?" He said, "The Emperor is master of much money, and he bestows it upon thosewho seek it from him." They replied, "Let him hold us too among those who seek it, and give us equal amounts; for we are better than they." And Menophilus, laughing, said, "I must report these things to the Emperor. Come back to this same place after four months, and receive your answer." And he went away from there, and again began to exercise the soldiers. And the Carpi returned after four months, and he, making ^B the same display to them, found another excuse for three months. Again he received them in a different camp in the same manner, and he gave them the answer that, "The Emperor will give you nothing at all by way of promise. But if you desire support, go away, throw yourselves down prone, and entreat him; and it is likely that you will be supported." They departed in indignation, and for the three years that Menophilus was in the province with authority, they remained quiet.

10. (c. A.C. 261, Gallien. 9.) Sapor, king of the Persians, having crossed the Euphrates with his own army ^C ... they embraced one another and rejoiced that they had escaped an impending danger. And he sent to the soldiers in Edessa, promising to give them all the Syrian coin that he had with him, so that they would allow him to pass by unmolested, and not choose a danger that would bring them into uncertainty and cause him bother and delay. For he said that he was not offering them this as if he feared them, but because he was hurrying to celebrate the festival in his own land, and did not wish for there to be any dragging out or postponement of his journey. And the soldiers chose to receive the gold without danger and to allow them to pass.

11. (c. A.C. 270, Aurel. 1.) That the Vandals, having been defeated, sent an embassy to Aurelian, asking for peace. Aurelian received them gladly, and having made a pact of peace with them, he returned. ^D

12. (A.C. 297, Diocl. 14.) Apharban, being a most intimate friend to Narseh, the king of the Persians, having been sent on an embassy, met Galerius with a supplication. Having received permission to speak, he said, "It is manifest to the race of men that the Roman and Persian empires are as it were two lamps; and it is fitting that one should be adorned by the light and splendor of the other, just as eyes are."

ORDO RERUM QUÆ IN HOC TOMO CONTINENTUR.

ORDER OF SUBJECTS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME

IMPERATOR CONSTANTINUS PORPHYROGENITUS. 9 Prefaces of various authors. Theod. Luc. Frid. Tafel, Dissertation which excellently illustrates the book *On the Themes*. 15

DE THEMATIBUS ORIENTIS ET OCCIDENTIS LIBRI DUO. 63 LIBRUM PRIMUM. — On the Themes of the Eastern Empire. 63 Theme I, called Anatolicum. 66 Theme II, called Armeniacum. 72 Theme III, called Thracesiorum. 79 Theme IV, called Obsequium. 83 Theme V, called Optimatum. 86 Theme VI, called Buccellariorum. 87 Theme VII, called Paphlagonum. 90 Theme VIII, called Chaldia. 91 Theme IX, Mesopotamia. 91 Theme X, Colonea. 91 Theme XI, Sebasteæ. 91 Theme XII, called Lycandi. 91 Theme XIII, Seleucia. 98 Theme XIV, called Cibyrræotarum. 99 Theme XV, called the Prefecture of Cyprus. 103 Theme XVI, the island of Samos. 106 Theme XVII, Aegean Sea. 106

LIBER SECUNDUS. — On the Themes of the Western Empire. 110 Theme I, of Thrace, or Europe. 110 Theme II, of Macedonia. 115 Theme III, of Strymon. 119 Theme IV, Thessalonica. 119 Theme V, Europe, Hellas. 122 Theme VI, Peloponnese. 123 Theme VII, Cephalonia. 126 Theme VIII, Nicopolis. 126 Theme IX, Dyrrachium. 127 Theme X, Sicily. 134 Theme XI, Longobardia. 135 Theme XII, Cherson. 138 Synecdemus of the grammarian Hierocles. 142

LIBER DE ADMINISTRANDO IMPERIO 158 Proemium. 158 Chapter I. — On the Patzinacites, and how much they benefit the Roman Emperor if he has peace with them. 159 Cap. II. — On the Patzinacites and the Russians. 162 Cap. III. — On the Patzinacites and the Turks. 163 Cap. IV. — On the Patzinacites, Russians, and Turks. 163 Cap. V. — On the Patzinacites and the Bulgarians. 163 Cap. VI. — On the Patzinacites and the Chersonites. 166 Cap. VII. — On the Caesarerians sent from Cherson to the Patzinacites. 167 Cap. VIII. — On the Caesarerians sent from the God-guarded city to the Patzinacites with *chelandia* by way of the rivers Danube, Dnieper, and Dniester. 167 Cap. IX. — On the Russians and Russia coming to Constantinople in boats. 170 Cap. X. — On the Chazaria, and from whom it is fitting to attack them in war. 178 Cap. XI. — Of the castle of Cherson and the castle of Bosporus. 178 Cap. XII. — On Black Bulgaria and Chazaria. 179 Cap. XIII. — On the nations bordering the Turks. 179 Cap. XIV. — On the genealogy of Mahomet. 190 Cap. XV. — On the race of the Fatimids. 191 Cap. XVI. — From the canon which Stephen the mathematician set out by prophesying from the stars, regarding the Saracen expedition, and in what year from the foundation of the world it occurred, and under which Roman emperor. 195 Cap. XVII. — From the Chronicle of blessed Theophanes. 195 Cap. XVIII. — The second Arab prince, Abubachar, for three years. 198 Cap. XIX. — The third Arab prince, Omar. 199 Cap. XX. — The fourth Arab prince, Othman. 199 Cap. XXI. — From the chronicle of Theophanes, in the year from the foundation of the world 6171. 202 Cap. XXII. — Excerpt from blessed Theophanes the chronographer concerning the same: and concerning Mavia, and of her lineage, and how she moved into Spain. Justinian Rhinotmetus, Emperor of the Romans. 210 Cap. XXIII. — On Iberia and Spain. 218 Cap. XXIV. — On Spain. 222 Cap. XXV. — From the history of Saint Theophanes of Sigriane. 223 Cap. XXVI. — Genealogy of the famous King Hugo. 227 Cap. XXVII. — On the theme of Longobardia, and its principalities and duchies. 234 Cap. XXVIII. — Narrative of how those that are now called Venice were founded. 242 Cap. XXIX. — On Dalmatia, and the peoples adjacent to it. 247 Cap. XXX. — Narrative on the theme of Dalmatia. 271 Cap. XXXI. — On the Chrobati, and the land which they now inhabit. 282 Cap. XXXII. — On the Servii, and the region which they now inhabit. 287 Cap. XXXIII. — On the Zachlumi, and the region which they now inhabit. 299 Cap. XXXIV. — On the Terbuniatis and Kanalitis, and the region which they now inhabit. 299 Cap. XXXV. — On the Diocletians, and the region which they now inhabit. 302 Cap. XXXVI. — On the Pagani, who are also called Aretani, and the region which they now inhabit. 303 Cap. XXXVII. — On the nation of the Patzinacites. 311 Cap. XXXVIII. — On the genealogy of the Turkish people, and whence that people derives its origin. 318 Cap. XXXIX. — On the race of the Cabiri. 322 Cap. XL. — On the Cabiri and Turks. 322 Cap. XLI. — On the region of Moravia. 326 Cap. XLII. — Description of the tract from Thessalonica as far as the river Danube, and the city of Belgrade; and of Turkey, and Patzinacia as far as the Chazar city of Sarkel, and Russia, and the Necropylae, which are at the Pontus, near the river Dnieper; also of Cherson, and Bosporus where the cities of the climates or regions are: then as far as the Maeotian marsh, which is called a sea because of its size; and to the city called Matarcha. Furthermore, also of Zichia, Papagia, Cazachia, Alania, and Abasgia, as far as Soteriopolis. 326 Cap. XLIII. — On the region of Taro. 334 Cap. XLIV. — On the land of Apachunes, and the towns of Maniziciert, and Percri, and Chliat, and Challal, and Arzes, and Tibe, and Chert, and Salamas, and Tzermatzu. 343 Cap. XLV. — On the Iberi. 347 Cap. XLVI. — On the genealogy of the Iberi, and of the town of Adranutzio. 358 Cap. XLVII. — The history holds thus regarding the migration of the Cypriots. 366 Cap. XLVIII. — Chapter XXXIX of the holy Sixth Synod, held in the Trullo of the great palace. 366 Cap. XLIX. — Whoever wishes to know how the Slavs of the church of Patras were subjected, let him learn from here. 370 Cap. L. — On the Slavs of the Peloponnesian theme, the Milengi, the Ezerites, and the tributes they pay. Also on the inhabitants of the city of Maines, and the tributes they owe. 371 Cap. LI. — On the imperial dromon, how it was made, and of its *protocarabis*; also of the *protospatharios* of the phiala. 386 Cap. LII. — The levy of horses, which was made in the Peloponnesian theme under the Emperor Romanus, as has been said. 395 Cap. LIII. — History of the castle of Cherson. 395 NARRATIO DE IMAGINE EDESSENA. 422

DELECTUS LEGUM COMPENDIARIUS LEONIS ET CONSTANTINI. 454 Preface. 454 Title I. — On laws and justice. 459 Title II. — On the prince. 459 Title III. — On the patriarch. 463 Title IV. — On the office of the prefect of the city. 466

^A to be illuminated, and not to be hostile to one another to the point of extinction and destruction. For this is considered not so much virtue, but rather levity and weakness; for those who think that those who come after them cannot help themselves are eager to destroy those arrayed against them. However, it is not right to consider Narses weaker than all other kings, but rather that Galerius was so far superior to other kings that Narses was justly defeated by him alone—even though Narses himself was not lacking in the virtue of his own ancestors. In addition to these points, the envoy ^B Apharban said that he had been instructed by Narses that, since they possessed moderation, he should entrust the justice of his own kingdom to the humanity of the Romans. Therefore, he should not even bring the terms upon which peace should be made, but should leave the whole matter to the judgment of the Emperor. Yet, he requested that only his children and wives be returned to him; by the restoration of these, he said he would be more bound by benefits than by the force of arms—not that he could even now render thanks as worthily as he ought, for they had not experienced any mistreatment in captivity, but had been treated in such a way that they expected to be restored to their former nobility at the first opportunity. In these words, the Persian envoy also called to mind the instability of human affairs. Galerius, appearing to be angered by this, moving his whole body, answered saying that the Persians were not right to remind others of the changeableness and inconsistency of human affairs, since they themselves, when they happen to meet with success, do not cease to press upon the calamities of men. ^C "For you yourselves kept the measure of victory quite well against Valerian, whom you captured by deceiving him with bribes, and you did not release him until his extreme old age and his disgraceful and foul death; and even after his death, by preserving his skin with an abominable art, you inflicted immortal insult upon a mortal body." Having reasoned through these things, the Emperor said that he had not been swayed by the points the Persians had raised in their embassy—as if it were necessary to look to the instability of human lives (for on this account, if one were to look toward the things the Persians have done, one should rather be moved to anger)—but that he was following in the footsteps of his own ancestors, whose custom it was to spare the subject but to vanquish those who resisted. He ordered the man acting as envoy to report to his own king the Roman kindness, of which he had experienced the virtue, and that before long he might hope that those who would arrive with him would do so according to the wish of the Emperor. ^D

13. That Licinius sends a legate to Constantine, Mestrianus the Count. When Mestrianus arrived, the Emperor delayed him for a time. But after this, looking toward the uncertainty of the war, and at the same time because the men of Licinius, using a stealthy attack, had intercepted his baggage train along with the royal furnishings as they were being brought to him, he received him. He [was received by him] at the two...

Title V. — On the quaestor. 467 Title VI. — On provincial governors in general. 471 Title VII. — That governors should not allow themselves to be corrupted by gifts, nor should anyone accept money for rendering judgment, nor allow such to be given to his subordinates. 474 Title VIII. — On bishops, their ordination, and all ecclesiastical appointments. 478 Title IX. — On the office of bishops, presbyters, deacons, and in general of all ecclesiastics and monks. 483 Title X. — On the order of trials and judgments. 490 Title XI. — On contracting and dissolving betrothals, and concerning wards contracting betrothals, and subsequently of penitents. 491 Title XII. — On marriages permitted and prohibited, first and second, concluded with or without a written instrument. 494 Title XIII. — On the dissolution of marriage. 502 Title XIV. — On the dowry, written and uncounted, and on the right of dowry. 503 Title XV. — On simple donations, that is, when the use and ownership of things, or only their ownership, is granted immediately; or when they are left to someone after death: and concerning the causes for which donations of this kind may be rescinded. 505 Title XVI. — On persons prohibited from making a will, and on wills made both in writing and without writing. 506 Title XVII. — On acquired goods, from which one may or is prohibited from making a will. 507 Title XVIII. — On successions by intestacy, and on legacies; and concerning those who lose these through ingratitude. 511 Title XIX. — On curators. 514 Title XX. — On freedmen. 515 Title XXI. — On purchase and sale. 518 Title XXII. — On loans, pledges, and partnership. 522 Title XXIII. — On deposits. 526 Title XXIV. — On emphyteusis. 527 Title XXV. — On leases and hirings. 530 Title XXVI. — On witnesses. 531 Title XXVII. — On transactions. 533 Title XXVIII. — On criminal penalties. 535 Other titles are mentioned. 546

NOVELLA CONSTITUTIONS OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS

EXCERPTS ON EMBASSIES

ST. NICON THE MONK IN CRETE

THEODOSIUS THE DEACON