Excerpts from the Historical Compendium of John Skylitzes

^A the thirty-first of the month of August, of the tenth indiction, Kekaumenos, the Kouropalates, sent by Komnenos with not a few men of noble birth, arrived early in the morning by boat, entered the palace, and took control of it. Towards evening, Komnenos also arrived and entered the palace. The next day, which was the first of the month of September, of the eleventh indiction and the year 6566, he made a public procession to the Great Church, and there, above the ambo, he was girded by the hands of the patriarch with the imperial diadem and proclaimed emperor of the Romans.

NOTES OF XYLANDER AND GOAR

^A The title of "strategos autokrator" is different from that which denotes a prince from a subject, or a king from an army commander. Goar.

[The remaining text by Goar regarding Xylander and Fabrot, and the Editor's Monitum, are editorial remarks and apparatus.]

EXCERPTS FROM THE HISTORICAL BREVIARY OF JOANNES SCYLITZES THE KOUROPALATES

CONTINUING WHERE CEDRENUS ENDS

In the manner which we have described, Komnenos having attained the empire—having already provided an impression of his virtue and a demonstration of his excellence in matters of war,

^Aναίου, αὐτίκα τῷ βασιλικῷ νομίσματι σπαθηφόρος διαχαράττεται, μὴ τῷ Θεῷ τὸ πᾶν ἐπιγράφων, ἀλλὰ τῇ ἰδίᾳ ἰσχύϊ καὶ τῇ περὶ πολέμους ἐμπειρίᾳ· καὶ οἷα αὐτοκράτωρ τῶν τῆς βασιλείας ἀπάρχεται πράξεων, φιλοτίμοις πρότερον τοὺς συναραμένους αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ σπούδασμα κοσμήσας τιμαῖς. Τό γε δημοτικὸν τῆς προσηκούσης ἀξιώσας προνοίας, καὶ φροντιστὰς πολλοὺς τῶν δημοσίων συλλόγων ἀναδείξας. Τῇ τε Μεγάλῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ τὸ οἰκονομεῖσθαι δι' ἑαυτῆς τὰ πράγματα ἀφιεροῖ, ἀλλοτριώσας τούτου παντάπασι τὴν βασιλείαν, ὥστε μήτ' ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκονομίας, μήτ' ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων προνοίας καὶ προστασίας τινὰ παρὰ βασιλέως προχειρίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τῆς τοῦ πατριάρχου ἐξουσίας ἠρτῆσθαι τὸ πᾶν, καὶ τὴν τῶν προσώπων προχείρισιν καὶ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων διοίκησιν.

Ἀγαγόμενος δὲ καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ἀπὸ τοῦ φρουρίου Πημολίσσης Αὐγούσταν ἀναγορεύει, σεβαστήν· Ἰωάννην δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ Κατακαλὼν τὸν Κεκαυμένον κουροπαλάτας, καὶ ἀμφοτέρους τιμᾷ, μέγαν δομέστικον τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφὸν προβαλλόμενος. Σκοπήσας δὲ τὸ τῶν χρημάτων ἀναγκαῖον, ὧν οὐδὲν ἄνευ κατὰ τὸν ῥήτορα περαίνεται, διὰ τὸ τὰ στρατιωτικὰ ἠσθενηκέναι καὶ τέλεον τεταπεινῶσθαι ἐκ τῆς κατεχούσης ἐνδείας τὴν βασιλείαν. ^B Καὶ τὸ πανταχόθεν τῶν Ῥωμαίων πάντας κατεπαίρεσθαι, ὃ πρὸς ἀδοξίαν αὐτῷ ἦν καὶ πάντων βαρύτερον ἐἐλογίζετο, βαρὺς ἐχρημάτισε φορολόγος τοῖς χρεωστοῦσι δημοσίοις· καὶ τὰς τῶν ὀφφικίων δὲ δόσεις αὐτὸς πρῶτος περιέτεμεν. Ἐμέλησε δ' αὐτῷ καὶ φειδωλίας καὶ τοῦ προσθήκην ἀγρῶν τῇ βασιλείᾳ περιποιήσασθαι. Διὸ καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἰδιωτικὰ πρόσωπα πολλῶν ἀπεστέρησε κτήσεων, τὰς χρυσοβούλλους αὐτῶν γραφὰς παριδών· ἐνέσκηψε δὲ καὶ τισι τῶν φροντιστηρίων, καὶ πολλὰς αὐτῶν κτήσεις ἀφελόμενος διὰ λογοποιίας τὸ ἀρκοῦν τοῖς μονάζουσι, τῷ δημοσίῳ τὸ περισσὸν προσαφώρισε, πρᾶγμα μὲν τοῖς ἀκρίτως σκοποῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ προχείρου ἀσεβείας καὶ παρανομίας ἐς ἄγαν πρὸς ἱεροσυλίαν φερόμενον, ἀποτέλεσμα δὲ μηδὲν ἄτοπον φέρον τοῖς ἐμβριθῶς σκοποῦσι καὶ πνευματικῶς, ^C ἅτε εἰς ἀκτημοσύνην ἀπάγον τοὺς ταύτην ἐπαγγειλαμένους, καὶ τὴν Συβαριτικὴν καὶ χλιδῶσαν περικόπτον τρυφήν, καὶ μηδὲ τῶν πρὸς χρείαν ἐπιτηδείων καὶ ἀναγκαίων ἀποστεροῦν, καὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς τῶν μοναχῶν ἀπολυτροῦντα τῆς ἀδικίας. Ὃ καὶ εἴθε εἴη…

εἰς τέλος αὐτῷ κατώρθωτο, οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς σεμνείοις μόνοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς πᾶσιν ἁπλῶς. Οὕτως μὲν οὖν ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ ᾠκονόμηται, καὶ ἡ βασιλὶς τοῦτον εἶχε τῶν πόλεων. Ὁ δὲ πατριάρχης τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπλήστῳ εὐνοίᾳ θαῤῥήσας ἐφρονηματίσατο κατ' αὐτοῦ, οὐκ αἰτήσεσι καὶ παραινέσεσι χρώμενος, εἴ ποτέ τινος δέοιτο καὶ ὑπέρ τινος, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἀποτυγχάνων διὰ τὸ τῶν αἰτήσεων συνεχὲς καὶ φορτικὸν ἀπειλαῖς ἐχρῆτο καὶ ἐπιτιμίοις ἀτόποις, καὶ εἴγε μὴ πείθοιτο, καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἔκπτωσιν ἀπειλούμενος, τὸ δημῶδες τοῦτο καὶ καθημαξευμένον ἐπιλέγων, « Ἐγώ σε ἔκτισα, φοῦρνε· ἐγὼ ἵνα σε χαλάσω. » Ἐπεβάλετο δὲ καὶ κοκκοβαφῆ περιβαλεῖν πέδιλα, τῆς παλαιᾶς ἱερωσύνης φάσκων εἶναι τὸ τοιοῦτον ἔθος, καὶ δεῖν τούτοις κἂν τῇ νέᾳ κεχρῆσθαι τὸν ἀρχιερέα ^B· ἱερωσύνης γὰρ καὶ βασιλείας τὸ διάφορον οὐδὲν ἢ καὶ ὀλίγον εἶναι ἔλεγεν, ἐν δέ γε τοῖς τιμιωτέροις καὶ τὸ πλέον τάχα καὶ ἐρίτιμον. Ταῦτα δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐνωτιζόμενος ὑπ᾽ ὀδόντα λαλούμενα ἔσπευσε μᾶλλον δρᾶσαι ἢ παθεῖν. Ὅθεν τῆς τῶν ἀρχαγγέλων ἐφισταμένης ἑορτῆς ἔξεισι μὲν ὁ πατριάρχης εἰς τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως φιλοτίμως τὰ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐκτελέσαι σπουδάζων· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τὸν καιρὸν ὡς ἕρμαιον ἁρπάσας, ἵνα μὴ θόρυβος καὶ τάραχος γένηται ὑπειδόμενος, στίφος στρατιωτικὸν ἀποστείλας (Παράγγους αὐτοὺς ἡ κοινὴ ὀνομάζει διάλεκτος) ἀνάρπαστον ἐκ τοῦ θρόνου ἀτίμως ἐπαίρουσι, καὶ ἡμιόνῳ καθίσαντες συνήλαυνον ἄχρι τῆς ἐν Βλαχέρναις ἀκτῆς αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἀνεψιοὺς αὐτοῦ, ἐκεῖθεν τε λέμβῳ ἐμβληθέντα εἰς Προικόννησον περιορίζουσι. Κοινολογησάμενος δέ τισι τῶν μητροπολιτῶν ^C καὶ περὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ καθαιρέσεως συνδιασκεψάμενος, τοὺς λογιωτέρους αὐτῶν ἐπιλεξάμενος δηλοῖ δι' αὐτῶν ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, πρὶν ἂν ἀτίμως αὐτὴν ἀποβάληται συνόδῳ καὶ συλλόγῳ τῶν κατ' αὐτοῦ δημοσιευθέντων. Ἀνάλωτος δὲ τούτοις ὀφθεὶς καὶ ἀταπείνωτος, τά γε ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ ἀπεγνώσθη αὐτῷ ἡ καθαίρεσις. Φροντίζοντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ ταύτης διηνεκῶς, ἐν τῷ μέσῳ μεταλλάττει τὸν βίον ὁ πατριάρχης εἰρηνικῶς. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς μετανοίᾳ βληθεὶς τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ εἰσάγει ἐντίμως καὶ τῇ μονῇ αὐτοῦ ἀποτίθεται, ἐκπλαγεὶς ἐπὶ τῷ συμβάντι θαύματι αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ· ἡ γὰρ χεὶρ ἡ δεξιὰ τοῦ πατριάρχου σταυροειδῶς σχηματισθεῖσα, ᾗ ἔθος εὐλογεῖν ^D ἐπιφωνοῦντι.

ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ ΙΑΚΩΒΟΥ ΓΟΑΡΟΥ

τεθέντος. ^A conform to the form, as is the custom for blessing people ^B acclaiming peace, so it remained firm, and was not altered by the death of the body. He is succeeded in his place by Patriarch Constantine Lichudes, the president and protovestiarius, who had previously been elected by the suffrages of the metropolitans, the clergy, and the entire people, a man most distinguished for his royal and civil services from the time of Monomachus until that moment; and who had brought back great glory for his administration of public affairs and the oversight of the Manganon, and had been left as guardian of the laws ^B by the emperor we mentioned. And although he had been elected, he did not obtain the archbishopric and patriarchate without contention, nor without controversy. But the emperor, striving to assert such rights for himself, and thinking this a suitable time for it, forbade the man, having been ordained presbyter, to receive the full unction of the archbishopric, saying, "Until these things which are cast against you are examined synodically and canonically." But Constantine, not being ignorant of how these things were being investigated against him, considering the unexpected disgrace, handed over to the emperor what was being sought. From that time forth, without controversy and without excuse, everything was performed by him that is customary at the ordination of bishops. He was also generous and provident, not only for the affairs of the Church but also for all in general, so that no one was left without his care, nor was there anyone who did not experience his liberality.

When the Hungarians had broken the peace ^C toward the Romans, and the Patzinaks had crawled out of the lairs in which they had been hiding and were ravaging the neighboring country, the emperor, having prepared what was useful for the equipment of the army, went forth with all his forces to Triaditza. Having received an embassy there from the Hungarians, and having confirmed the peace with them as best he could, he set out against the Patzinaks. As they were divided according to nations and tribes, the remaining chiefs submitted themselves to the emperor and embraced peace and friendship; only Selte refused to give his hand to the emperor, relying on the marshes of the Ister, to which he had fled, and the precipitous rock that was there. Trusting in these, he burst forth onto the plain, desiring with a prompt mind to join battle with the emperor. But in a short time he received the rewards of his own madness, for when a small band of the emperor's soldiers resisted them, he fled, and his refuge was captured and destroyed from its very foundations. The emperor, however, after having routed and utterly annihilated him, departed from there and pitched his tents at Lobitzum, at the roots of the mountain. A violent ^D shower of rain fell upon the camp, and an unseasonable snow (for it was the twenty-fourth day of September, on which

JACOB GOAR'S NOTES. The cross is composed from both: the remaining fingers stay extended, and all together signify the initial letters of these words: namely, the little finger straight, the middle [finger] and thumb joined into a cross [make] the Τ and Χ, the middle and index finger slightly apart [make] the Ν. Malaxus and the Thessalonian say these things, regarding which elsewhere. (5) Namely peace, invoked from heaven by the pontiff for those asking for a blessing. (6) Moderns call the right itself and the law; therefore, among them, there is the one who for us is the defender of royal rights, and also the royal procurator.

^A (For it was the twenty-fourth day of September, on which the feast of the holy protomartyr Thecla is celebrated by Christians) it caused great detriment and calamity to the soldiers. For almost the entire cavalry, and most of those who were present, being naked and unprepared, perished from the cold and the rain, and beyond all hope, the necessities for sustenance failed, leaving only those things that had survived the rush of the rivers and the rain. When, however, the rain had moderated somewhat and the snows had ceased, the emperor entered, and having lost many in the river, he took refuge under the shade of a certain tree with a few of his leading men; and a little later, after a sound had been emitted by the oak, the emperor advanced a short distance, just enough so as not to be caught by the length of the tree itself, which, uprooted, fell flat upon the ground. The emperor was struck dumb, considering how great a danger of death he had barely escaped. And this that had happened was not a good omen, but the beginning of the calamity which he was soon to receive, and an exaction and punishment for the sins he had already committed. But giving thanks to God for that event, he built a most beautiful temple in the palace of the Blachernae dedicated to the protomartyr Thecla. And leading the army, he hastened to return quickly to the royal city, thinking about the rebellion he had heard of in the East. Having found this to be false, he began to amuse himself with hunting and other things that are done for the sake of relaxing the mind, ascending through the strait that is before the royal city. ^B But at the hour of lunch, a flashes of light struck those places which are called Neapolis; and a pig, appearing from I know not where, provoked the emperor, whom the emperor pursued as far as the sea and drove away. But when the pig entered the sea and disappeared, the emperor, struck suddenly by a lightning-like flash, was thrown from his horse and rolled upon the ground, foaming at the mouth. Being placed in a small boat, he was carried to the royal palace. Dazed, however, and hardly sensing himself because of the blast, being detained by sickness for several days he awaited death, and therefore, to appease God toward himself, he embraced repentance and willingly laid down the imperial power which he had unjustly seized—doing this, at least, rightly—and dedicated himself to the monastic life, correcting his former pride and delights with voluntary contempt and hardship. And what shows more that he had truly and with his whole heart repented of the things he had committed is that he chose as emperor not John, who was related to him by blood, not his sister's nephew Theodore Docianus, not the husband of his daughter, nor any other who was near to him by consanguinity, ^C but the president Constantine, to whom the surname Ducas had belonged from his ancestors, as a confidant and fellow-combatant and a most abundant provider of money for the preservation of the empire. Comnenus, however, having donned monastic garments, and having waited a little while to see if by any means he might be freed from the disease, when he knew that he was taken by an incurable malady, while still vexed by it himself, he entered the monastery of Studius, with the Augusta Ecaterina much assisting his plan, and in exchange for the loss of the lands of the empire, he sought the joy of heaven.

^A Having reigned for two years and three months, and having survived for a shorter period than this in the monastic habit, he showed all obedience to the leader in the monastery, to the point that he even became a doorkeeper and accepted other lowly offices, on account of his great gentleness and humility. It is said that he became most temperate. For when he was Stratopedarch, they say that he was struck by a nephritic disease, to such an extent that he despaired of his life, being seized by a complete weakness and immobilization of the body. When the doctors, after having tried all other remedies and having been proven to be attempting the impossible, advised him to have intercourse with a woman, he would not comply. And when they said that if he did not try this, it would be necessary to use the cautery, and that he would thereby be deprived of the power to procreate offspring, he said, "Manuel and Maria, who have already been born to me by the grace of God, are enough for me; for it is possible to attain the kingdom of heaven without these, but without continence no one will see the Lord." Furthermore, the Augusta Ecaterina and her daughter Maria, having shorn their hair, were living in the palaces of Myrelaion, carrying out all the monastic duties. ^B When the emperor had ended his life, the burial, being seen to be full of fluid, gave rise to a suspicion in many that it was an act of vengeance and a proof of punishment—that he was being afflicted for the civil war and the slaughter and the things he had committed after usurping the empire, in depriving the senate of the goods that had traditionally been granted to it, and in taking away the funds of the holy temples and sanctuaries, which, as we have said, he did out of concern for their simplicity and self-sufficiency, while bringing a moderate reprieve to the public treasury. Others, however, interpreted the flowing fluid as a sign of sanctity, [arguing] that he had purely and without any doubt repented of what he had done; for there is no sin that surpasses the philanthropy of God. I praise and approve of the opinion of both sides, ^C because the one prohibits future evils, while the other exhorts and calls one away from worse things to better.

When the Augusta Ecaterina—renamed Helena in the monastic life—was performing the annual memorial service for the emperor, and was inviting certain other monks, and indeed all those who were practicing in the monastery of Studius, ^D as she was about to die, she was performing in the usual manner and according to custom the...

JACOB GOAR'S NOTES

^A The Emperor celebrated the annual sacred rites, and ordered that all the customary gifts be granted in double measure. When the hegumen 8 hesitated and approached him quietly to inquire the reason for this doubling, he said: "Because, most venerable father, I do not know if I shall be with you in the coming year, as God may perhaps dispose our affairs otherwise as He wills." And this indeed came to pass; for she died in the interval, and had requested to be buried with the brethren in the cemetery of the Studite monastery. Both of them, the Empress and the Emperor, decorated the all-holy temple of the Forerunner with such offerings that it would be a Herculean labor to enumerate and recount them in detail.

The Emperor was steadfast in his morals, equitable in spirit, acute in mind, energetic in action, prompt in intelligence, most skilled in military matters, terrible to his enemies, but benevolent to his own—though sharp in his speech. Yet, because he had not possessed these morals from the beginning, he used to say that an emperor ought to be terrible to those abroad, but accessible to his own people. He also maintained that those who aspire to tyranny wish to become the freedmen of emperors. And when he was accused of having seized the throne against Michael, he would say: "I was loath to serve a fellow slave, and not receive what was just." He also mocked his wife, saying that she had been a slave, but now had been liberated by him. He further said that kinsmen act as a cross to others, but as an advantage to a tyrant. The Empress Ecaterina, however, affirmed that nothing new had happened to her, since she had merely exchanged one kingdom for another. ^B

^C After the Comnenian, Constantine Ducas the President took possession of the scepter without bloodshed or disturbance of affairs; he addressed the senate and the entire populace of the city with a speech full of equity, and then applied himself to the administration of affairs, departing in no respect from moderation and justice. He honored many senators and plebeians, and restored to their former station those who had been deprived of their rightful honors during the reign of the Comnenian. For the latter had rendered many of the illustrious obscure and many of the glorious ignoble. ^D When the feast of the holy great martyr George arrived, on which his memory is celebrated, the Emperor went as usual to the Mangana to honor the martyr. But after the celebration was finished, certain malicious and wicked men, having devised an evil plan, plotted against the Emperor; however, they accomplished nothing, as God dissolved their impious and depraved scheme. For they had purposed to submerge him into the deep along with all his retinue, since he was to return to the palace by sea. A search and investigation having been held regarding what had happened, many nobles, among whom was also the eparch himself, were convicted of the conspiracy.

^A They fell under the charge of treason, being deprived of their own estates and all their wealth. The emperor coveted and loved, above all else, the increase of public affairs, and was possessed by a special zeal for hearing private lawsuits, in which he expended more care than in administering the empire, being less concerned with other matters—I mean the promotion of generals and the brave deeds of soldiers.

Because of this, the Roman state was shaken and agitated by the calumnies of informers, by sophistic methods, by a swarm of legal problems, and by the complexities of bureaucratic inquiries; so much so that the soldiers themselves, laying aside their arms and abandoning military service, became advocates and patrons of legal questions and matters concerning the laws, having said a long farewell to the martial sound, to warlike exercise, and to the maneuvers of horses. ^B Being as pious as any other man, and a student of monks and the poor, and not very concerned with the cares of the body, he was dull and sluggish in other respects; yet in increasing the public treasury he was very parsimonious and shrewd. He arrogated too much to himself in his judgments, and he often changed them on account of the status of the persons involved, showing himself severe and unbearable to the powerful.

Since he was constantly occupied with such things and had neglected and grown indifferent to military matters, the affairs of the East, and especially the regions at the frontiers of the Roman lands, were carried off and led away by the enemy; everything was plundered and destroyed by the incursion of the Turks, by their strength, and by the violent retreat and terror of the neglected soldiers. Frequent, indeed, were their raids and constant their pillaging, with everything they happened upon being destroyed. ^C For this reason, the prosperous land of Iberia was utterly laid waste and vanished, already being exhausted and weakened, and little by little failing and withering away. The calamity also affected those regions lying nearby: Mesopotamia and Chaldaea, and furthermore Melitene and Colonia, and the places situated along the Euphrates river; indeed, even Armenia and Baaspracania. And had the Barbarians not been checked—often by armies, and at times by the mere rumor of forces—and had certain of their leaders, Chorosalarius and Samuch, not by some good fortune met with defeat in the battles they joined, the adversaries would have overrun even Galatia, Onoriades, and Phrygia itself. For the army that was sent out was ill-equipped, unarmed, and naked, because the better men were always being removed from command for the sake of better pay and higher ranks. ^D These things were not free from blame, since nothing brave or noteworthy was done because of them. The result of these things was that the Romans, rendered weaker, were filled with terror, while the Barbarians, with inflated spirits, were carried away by pride and made their incursions with great confidence; this was even the case when a certain Armenian duke, by name Pancratius, was sent to Ani, having promised that he would manage the affairs relating to the army that was present there to the best of his ability. But when

the sultan ^A approached—though he was not yet ravaging the Roman land—some of those who were with Pancratius sallied forth and began to wound and slay the rear guard of the sultan’s army. ^B Exasperated by these events, the sultan desisted from advancing further and turned back to Ani, and within a few days he had brought both Ani itself and all the neighboring territories under his own power, and having fortified them with a garrison and handed them over to suitable commanders, he deprived the Roman Empire both of the city and of the land itself.

Things were thus in this state, and the Roman territories in Asia and in the entire region of the East were exposed to such harassment. But in the West, around the third indiction, while the magister Basil Apocapes and the magister Nicephorus Botaneiates were in charge of the towns situated along the Ister river, the nation of the Uzes (they too being a Scythian race, nobler and more numerous than the Patzinaks) crossed the Ister ^C with their entire people and their own baggage, using long ships, boats made from hollowed-out logs, and skin bags; they suddenly overwhelmed the soldiers who were preventing their crossing—I mean the Bulgarians and Romans and those who were with them—and led away their leaders, Basil Apocapes and Nicephorus Botaneiates, as captives, and filled all the plain around the Ister; for the nation had grown, as those who saw it gave assurance, to six hundred thousand fighting men and warriors. A not insignificant portion of these branched off and broke through as far as Thessalonica and Greece itself, and ravaged and pillaged everything they encountered, driving off countless booty. But having fallen into a fierce winter when they were returning to their own people, they lost not only the foreign goods but almost everything of their own, and having met with misfortune, they returned to their camp.

The Emperor, however, upon being informed of their multitude, was tormented in spirit and took it hard; yet he hesitated to assemble an army and send suitable forces against them; he was sluggish, as some said, being sparing of expenses—for he was, as we have said, avaricious and prioritized money above all things—but as others said, because he did not trust that he could face them in battle against such great forces; for everyone asserted that the multitude of the adversaries was impregnable, and the ransom of the leaders seemed impossible to everyone, and most were already planning for migration. But the emperor, having sent embassies to their chieftains, attempted to see if it were possible to lead them away and reconcile them to himself, having sent many gifts by which they might be mollified, and indeed he had received ^D some of them with frequent favors. But the nation was very great, and therefore making daily incursions in order to obtain that stipend, it was oppressing many parts of Bulgaria, and now even Thrace and Macedonia themselves. The emperor, however, not bearing the reproaches, because he was openly censured by all as avaricious and sordid

^A, departed from the royal city and pitched his camp at the place called Chorobachi, taking with him no more than one hundred and fifty soldiers; whence it occurred to many to marvel how, with such a small force, he dared to face so great a multitude. But while he was busy with such preparations and consulting about assembling an army, some individuals came running to him and announced the release of the leaders and the destruction of the whole nation, asserting that their leaders had embarked on ships and crossed the Ister, but that the remaining multitude had been wiped out entirely by famine, plague, and by the neighboring Bulgarians and Patzinaks, God having brought that whole work to pass. For it is said that the emperor, despairing of everything, had proclaimed a fast for both the people and himself, and had offered earnest supplications, going himself on foot with tears and a contrite heart. On that day, there was seen by the Uzes, who were ^B encamped in their tents at Tzurolo, a multitude of soldiers appear in mid-air, rushing with speed and hurling frequent missiles against them, so that none of them remained unhurt, but all received a wound. The emperor, having performed a sacrifice to God with thanksgiving, proceeded straight to the royal city, which he found full of admiration and stupor, and rendering vows to God for the salvation received. But all, considering what had happened a divine miracle, attributed it to the emperor’s piety towards God, believing that it was not by the merit or power of the emperor, but by his religion that God Himself had been moved. After a calamity of this kind, some of them betook themselves to the emperor, from whom they received public lands in Macedonia ^C, and they stood with the Romans, and have been their allies and subjects to this day, being deemed worthy of senatorial and illustrious honors. The sixth year of the reign of Ducas was then passing, in the third indiction, in the year 6573 from the creation of the world.

Before this year, in the month of September, in the second indiction, on the twenty-third day of the same month, around the second watch of the night, a tremendous earthquake occurred, more terrifying than any that had ever happened before, starting from the western regions. Its size was such that it overthrew many houses and temples and columns ^D. Similar things to what we have already mentioned occurred at Rhaedestos, Panion, and Myriophyton, so that parts of the walls were razed to their very foundations and very many houses were destroyed, and a great slaughter took place. Furthermore, Cyzicus was not exempt from damage, since the temple of the Greeks, which was there, was shaken and its greatest part collapsed; it was a most magnificent spectacle, both because it was extremely fortified, and because it possessed an admirable order of construction from the most beautiful and largest stone, and indeed because the building appeared, both in height...

and in appropriate size, to endure forever. For up to two years from that time, frequent earthquakes occurred, so immense that the elders did not recall any such ones. Nicaea suffered the same damages, in which the temple dedicated to Holy Sophia and that called the enclosure of the Holy Fathers were shaken, and the walls together with the civic buildings collapsed, and the places of the Dromos also completely fell to ruin. ^A These were both the exact punishments for sins and truly divine [warnings], and they hinted at the coming and the destruction of the aforementioned nation; for in divine portents, not only the present, but also the future is foreseen and signified.

In the month of May, in the fourteenth indiction, a hairy star appeared after the sun had set, having the magnitude of the moon when it is full of light. At that time, it appeared to be emitting smoke and mist, and on the following day it began to display locks, and as much as these extended, the magnitude of the star diminished. ^B It cast its rays toward the East and continued to proceed in that direction for forty days.

Upon the death of the patriarch Constantine, the monk John, by surname Xiphilinus, was chosen. He was born in Trapezous, a man both wise and having reached the pinnacle of learning, and who had become distinguished in public affairs and had diligently pursued virtue, to such an extent that at the beginning of his flourishing age he embraced the monastic life and determined to spend his life in solitude for a not inconsiderable time upon Mount Olympus. ^C Wherefore no one other than him was deemed worthy for the high rank of patriarch, even though, refusing and fleeing, he was compelled to accept that honor. Moreover, after Theodulus, the archbishop of Bulgaria, had died, the emperor chose a certain monk, John, originally from Lampsacus, who had inhabited the same monastery with Xiphilinus.

From the month of October, a grave illness laid hold of the emperor, which afflicted him severely until the following month of May, in which it overcame him and deprived him of life. His funeral rites were not celebrated where he expected, but, having been conveyed by sea, he was laid to rest ^D in the monastery of Saint Nicholas, which is called Molibotou. He lived in the empire for seven years and six months. He had children by the Augusta Eudocia, whom he had married while still a private citizen: three males, Michael, Andronicus, and Constantine—of these, Constantine was porphyrogenitus, and he proclaimed them all emperors—and three females, Anna, Theodora, and Zoe. Since he had chosen his own brother John as Caesar, he admitted him as a partner in secret councils and deliberations. When he was about to die, he requested a written document from all, in which they would promise never to accept another emperor besides his own children; all of them signed it. Furthermore, the empress Eudocia also promised that she herself would never pass on to a second marriage. And having perfected that document, they gave it to the patriarch to keep. Wherefore also

^A she acted in all things toward her husband and emperor, being considered most modest toward her spouse, most diligent in disciplining her children, and most capable in administering public affairs. The emperor also died, aged sixty years and a little more. He was accustomed to say regarding those who plotted against him that he would not deprive them of honor and money, but would treat them as captives bought with silver, not as free men: "I did not take away their freedom," he said, "but the laws which caused them to fall from citizenship did so." Being exceptionally devoted to learning, he used to say, "I wish I were known for these rather than for my empire." And being of a noble spirit, to one who had said he would gladly offer his own body for him in battle, he said, "Speak better, and if you see me fallen, you yourself inflict the wound." To one who studied the laws diligently because he desired to sin, he said, "These laws have destroyed us." ^B The scepter of the empire was held by his spouse and his children. But the Turks, overrunning the East, again lay in wait for those around Mesopotamia, and especially for the Roman troops who had encamped around Melitene. Lacking provisions and deprived of the rations usually supplied to them, they were in need and in a miserable state; moreover, they were angry due to the scarcity, and they were unwilling to join with the local soldiers and cross the Euphrates with them. When the Turks approached, therefore, the Melitenians stood against them alone, and without the others, they were easily harassed and wounded by the barbarians shooting from afar, while they themselves suffered no harm; until, forced to flee to the river, they stood to fight even against their will, and were compelled to turn their backs. ^C When they were routed, many of them fell, and some were taken alive by the barbarians. The rest escaped safely into the city of Melitene. Treating them with contempt as already defeated and weak, the barbarians overran [the region] as far as Caesarea, plundering and destroying everything and setting it on fire. Making an attack also on the great and renowned temple of Saint Basil, they burned everything and plundered the sacred objects; but when they broke into the tomb of the saint himself, they were unable to inflict any harm at all upon his holy relics; for it was diligently fortified, and guarded by strong buildings ^D that required a long time to demolish. They did, however, remove the doors that had been placed over the openings, worked with gold and pearls and precious stones; and having gathered all the ornaments together, they took them from there, having slaughtered many of the Caesareans and defiled the temple. Returning from there, they passed through the narrow defiles leading to Cilicia, with no one having foreseen their arrival. And appearing suddenly, they filled the Cilicians with great terror and caused a great slaughter of those who encountered them. Having lingered for a longer time in that province and harassed it, with the spoils

^A of which they had filled themselves, and with much captivity, they departed for Chalep, led there by a certain deserter named Amertikes, who was hostile to the Romans. Having deserted to the emperor-old Michael, he had obtained great gifts, honors, and rewards; but having been accused before the Emperor Constantine Doukas of intending to kill him with a sword, he was for this reason condemned to perpetual exile. But when he was recalled and sent against the Turks, then, on account of the scarcity of things necessary for sustenance, he had joined the Turks and was vexing the region very badly. The Turks and the Chalepitæ, therefore, having joined forces and entered into a pact with one another, badly harassed the region of Antioch in Syria and its neighboring areas, killing, burning, pillaging, plundering, leading away captives, and perpetrating every kind of evil. For competent armies had even been forced against them, with Nicephorus Botaniates as duke; but avarice and sloth again caused all labor to be in vain, for not the full ration, but only a certain modest part, was given to those soldiers, which was a cause of lethargy; having accepted what had been given to them, each dispersed to his own fatherland. And again the Barbarians burned the region and traversed it without fear. They handed over to the duke of Antioch small forces of youths, who had just come forth from the homes where they had been raised, gathered at small and minimal expense; who indeed desired to perform some deed, serving with youthful boldness, but being unversed in war, without cavalry, and almost unarmed and naked, since they did not even have their daily bread, having suffered many intolerable things ^B they returned to their own land without glory; and Duke Botaniates, with his own bodyguards and certain foreign forces, was easily able to repel them. But when he had been removed from his magistracy, the Barbarians became far more audacious, as a scarcity of provisions and a lack of other things useful for sustenance greatly oppressed the cities.

But since the situation itself necessitated an emperor who might be able to set things right and restore them to an equitable state in such adverse times, Botaniates and many others were considered most suitable; nevertheless, the divine counsel prevailed, and for this reason the bestarches, Romanus Constantine, son of Diogenes, was brought to these things ^D. But in what manner he was brought forward, I shall presently say. Diogenes had been created duke of Sardica. While he was a patrician, he asked the Emperor Constantine Doukas to be honored with this rank, that he might be bestarches. The emperor, however, answering him, "Show works, then demand rewards," sent him away empty-handed and having achieved nothing, not at all consenting to his petition. Diogenes therefore departed, and having reached Sardica and encountered the Patzinaks who had broken out and were plundering the region, he raised a trophy over them, and having sent to the emperor very many of the captives alive and the heads of the slaughtered men, he was honored with the title of bestarches, as...

^A the emperor wrote to him: «This is not my gift, Diogenes, but that of your own virtue and courage.» Remaining there, he wished to rise up against the emperor, but he was afraid to bring his intended plan into the light. However, after the emperor had departed and the empire was left widowed, he communicated the matter to one of his most faithful confidants, and through him held discourse concerning the matter with some neighboring tribes, to whom his virtue was well known, and indeed he gave orders to certain distinct parties. But he was denounced by a certain Armenian, and being seized, he was brought as a prisoner to the royal city. Being convicted and having confessed, and for this reason condemned to death as a traitor, he was sent into exile and expelled from the city, causing grief to all those who had experienced his virtue and bravery. [P. 821] ^B Those who did not know him, meanwhile, hearing of these things from those who did, became of necessity his admirers. And for this reason, it was the prayer of all that the man might be saved from his punishments and be granted to the Roman empire. And because the purpose was one of divine zeal and not of personal love—for the crowd of Christians was daily and miserably tormented and ravaged by the Hagarenes—the wishes of those who offered up prayers were eventually brought to fulfillment. For when he had again been brought to the royal dais, the Augusta Eudocia was moved by immense mercy; for the man was, besides his other qualities, worthy to be looked upon, of tall stature, with a most beautiful chest and shoulders, and excelling all others in the beauty of his eyes, all of which provided relief in the calamity, having a color that was neither entirely white nor entirely black, but preserved a blend of both in equal measure. So, as the senate present was also moved, mercy immediately followed the judgment. And being saved from the danger beyond all hope and expectation, he obtained royal favor; and therefore all embraced him now that he was set free. He departed for Cappadocia, whence he was born, and was again summoned back to the royal city, and on the day of the nativity of the Savior Christ he was honored with the rank of magister and appointed commander-in-chief by the Augusta, ^C who had proceeded in royal fashion with her own children to the great and most famous temple of the Wisdom of God. But since the Augusta feared the senate, the patriarch, and those who had sworn and signed, and therefore did not dare to marry someone more illustrious and declare him emperor, she determined that she should undertake nothing beyond a woman’s capacity, but rather that the patriarch should be circumvented by guile and fraud; and she thought that thus she would attain her wish and repress the attack of the nations as much as then lay in her power. She therefore communicates the matter to a certain eunuch from the women's quarters as being suitable for this purpose. ^D He promises that he will by every means assist her in what is being sought, being, as the saying goes, a razor to the whetstone for such affairs: it was the patriarch's brother, Bardas by name, a man of the greatest lewdness,

^A and so addicted to pleasures that he held all else in his entire life of less account. The eunuch approached the patriarch, and secretly revealed to him the matter, saying that if he but wished, or rather, if he but nodded assent, there would be no danger to fear from that terrible document: his own brother would be wed to the Empress and immediately declared Emperor. ^B And when he had the patriarch entirely baited, and already all but hastening the arrangement, he advised him to consult for this very thing the opinion of the senate as well. Consequently, having summoned them to him one by one, the patriarch confirmed the necessity of the matter, decrying that document as both unlawful and invalid, and as something that had come about through the jealousy of a single man and had not aimed at the common good. "For whose sake, truly," he asked, "will it be better if the Empress Augusta is wed to a noble and spirited man? For the affairs of the Romans, which now seem to be in such a state that we fear they may be quickly worn down and utterly extinguished, will surely flourish once again." And as everyone gave their consent—some through persuasion and flattery, others through the bestowal of money and more generous gifts, and there being no fear in the one who was being led—Diogenes was brought armed into the palace by night and was joined to the ^C Empress, and was immediately declared Emperor on the first day of the month of January, in the sixth indiction, in the year 6576, secretly from all of the Empress's sons. And suddenly a great disturbance arose from the Varangians, because they could not bear that this be announced contrary to the common opinion. But when Michael, the son of the Empress herself, arrived with his brothers, they declared that the deed had been done with their approval; then, suddenly changing, they themselves also proclaimed him Emperor with great and ringing shouts. Thus, as the matter was confirmed, not without reason did many place great hope in him. And so the Augusta, along with her sons, ruled for seven months and a little more.

Romanus Diogenes, having thus obtained the empire, ^D took no less thought for the proper organization and construction of military affairs, even though he had mostly as counselors his stepsons—or, to speak more truly, his conspirators—and John the Caesar, brother of the previous emperor, who were to him from start to finish a hindrance and brought Roman affairs to the wretched state in which they are now seen. But he began to embrace more worthy men, and to converse with the more prudent and experienced of his soldiers, and to attend to the tasks of war, and to prepare envoys, and to block the approach of the enemy from every side. For these reasons, after two months had passed, the care of the East seized him, and his zeal for vengeance and justice overcame the luxury and softness of spirit that existed in the royal city; this indeed struck everyone with amazement—the swift preparation, and order, and the arrangement that was necessarily required for affairs in Antioch and Cilicia, which, as we said above, were exhausted by raids and brought to the extremity of danger. But the Sultan himself, with his entire army, broke into the more northern regions, bringing with him heavy and irresistible forces, and he approached the boundaries of the Romans in the autumn.

^A He intended to winter there, and as soon as spring began, to attack immediately and to overthrow and destroy the Roman state utterly. The emperor, however, leading an army not such as befitted the emperor of the Romans, but such as the present occasion provided—from Macedonians, Bulgarians, Cappadocians, Uzes, and other nations the chance afforded, and in addition from the Franks and Varangians—set out on his journey with great eagerness. At the imperial command, they all gathered in Phrygia, or the Theme of the Anatolics, where one could behold a paradoxical sight: those celebrated front-line soldiers of the Romans, who had brought both East and West into servitude, were now composed of but a few men, and these broken by poverty and hardship and stripped of their full equipment; instead of swords and other military tools—to use the words of Scripture—they carried javelins and scythes that were not for a time of peace, and lacked ^B war-horses and other necessary equipment; for the emperor had not campaigned for a long time, and therefore as being useless and unprofitable, their pay and long-standing rations had been withdrawn (for they appeared cowardly, weak, and fit for no noble purpose). Even the standards themselves responded with silence, looking filthy, as if darkened by the smoke of an extinguished lamp, and having few and impoverished attendants. To those who were present, seeing these things caused much despondency and fear, as they contemplated from what glory the Roman armies had fallen, and again, by what method, with what resources, and in what time they could be restored to their ancient state, when the older and experienced soldiers were without horses and lightly armed, and the young army was untrained in war and unaccustomed to martial struggles. Furthermore, they knew their adversaries to be ^C extremely valiant and daring in facing the perils of war, steady, experienced, and capable. Thus, the emperor, perplexed on all sides, nevertheless decided for the sake of the common interest to draw up his ranks against the enemies as best he could, and to check and curb their great impetus to some degree. For the opponents, being ignorant of the evils which were pressing upon and vexing the emperor at home, were all the more terrified by his sudden effort and arrival, thinking—as we learned later—that this man would take no account of dangers, but being an initiate of spring, would inaugurate changes and make the Roman state blossom again, and repay the enemies with return favors. For these reasons the Sultan beat a retreat, ^D yet having divided a not inconsiderable force of his army into two, he sent one part into Upper Asia, more situated towards the Ister, and commanded the other to move toward the more northern regions. The emperor, however, having encouraged those with him as best he could with all his authority, and having restored their courage with honors and gifts, and having diligently assigned excellent captain-generals and commanders to each regiment, in a short time assembled a respectable army and marched more eagerly with it against the Persians. As for the northern army…

the Northern army of the Emperor ^A favored, Diogenes decided thereafter to invade the southern regions, where those who were plundering Coelesyria and Cilicia and Antioch itself were. And leaving behind the path that leads straight to Colonia and Sebastia, he moved aside towards the theme of Lycandus during the summer season; for in the autumn he planned to invade the Syrian parts, so that the army, not being distressed by the heat, should not fare badly and suffer no small detriment. Meanwhile, the Turks unexpectedly attacked and destroyed Neocaesarea, and became masters of many men and much wealth, carrying off a not inconsiderable burden of spoils. When this event reached the ears of the Emperor, it caused him much anxiety of mind, because although he had set out with an army, the enemies nevertheless ravaged his region while he was looking on. At length, he led back his troops through paths difficult of access, as if pulling in the reins from behind; and when he approached Sebastia, he left there the military baggage and all the infantry with his stepson Andronicus, who was with him, whom he himself had crowned Emperor, holding him as a pledge or a colleague, so that if any sudden event should require it, he might administer affairs. He himself, however, with the more agile troops, pursued the enemies from the rear over many and very lofty hills, and through Tephrice and Argaeus he hastened to attack them from the flank. Wherefore, when he had fallen upon them unexpectedly, and the fame of his arrival had terrified them all, it was immediately the cause that they turned to flight and gave way. There was not much slaughter of them, for the soldiers of the Emperor were already exhausted by the trackless places: but many were taken alive, to whom, however, life was of no benefit, as they were put to the sword. But every age from man even to beast, having been liberated, celebrated the Emperor with one voice, since even to the enemies themselves that deed seemed worthy of admiration, how the Roman Emperor had moved against them in such a way that he could not be hindered, like an unencumbered soldier of outstanding martial prowess. ^C When he had kept the army at Sebastia for only three days for the sake of rest, he took up the road that leads to Syria; and having passed through the defiles of Cucusus into Germanicia, he invaded the region by the name of Teluch, having previously divided a not inconsiderable phalanx with a legionary commander, whom he sent to Melitene with the leader, to guard the East and to resist the invasions of the enemies lingering there, over whom presided a crafty and warlike man by the name of Hapsinalius. For this reason, the Emperor assigned to that very leader the most excellent of his whole army, and the Franks themselves, men rejoicing in slaughter and warlike. But when the leader did not act bravely in the circumstances for fear of being defeated (for he was most prudent and cautious and very wary of the future), a double war almost beset the Emperor, deprived of such forces. For often when the enemies challenged them to come out of the city of the Melitenians and fight, although they saw that they did not even perceive them, but were given to rest and sleep, they advanced through obscure places, and secretly the Emperor's army boldly

^A rushed upon them. Encountering a very small detachment that had gone out to market for provisions, they charged upon it. They, unable to withstand the shock, fled without looking back. And perhaps a not insignificant or contemptible part of the soldiers would have perished, had not the Emperor, appearing, quickly brought them aid and repelled the enemy's attack. If, therefore, anyone ascribes to the commanders in general the nature of the outcomes, whether they turn out for the better or for the worse, he does not seem to me to deviate from a correct and true judgment; and it has been well said by the ancients, "It is better for a lion to rule over deer than for a deer over lions." But the Emperor, having been saved in this way, and having saved the army, pitched camp with his entire force before the region of Chalep. Before dismounting from his horse, he sent both the Scythians and no small number of the Romans to plunder the fields. This was done, and a multitude of men, women, and many animals was brought in. Thence, journeying for three days through enemy territory, he arrives at Hierapolis. ^B Having provided the impression that he wished to attack the military force present there, it did not dare to engage with the Romans in hand-to-hand combat, but they—that is to say, the Arabs, the Turks, and their commander Amertices, who traced his royal lineage back to the Persians—deferred the war with certain skirmishes and sorties (16). Having occupied Hierapolis with earthworks and siege engines and military maneuvers, he dismissed the auxiliary forces of the army, now naked and unarmed, to strike an agreement, with the magister Peter Libellisius acting as mediator in all things—a man most learned in the discipline of both the Assyrians and the Greeks, an alumnus and son of the city of Antioch, and one who held a principate among his own people. The Ameras of Chalep, that is, Berrhoea, having joined ^C with the Arabs and the Turks and having gathered a force of men, decided to join battle with the Emperor and fight. When the Emperor was inside the captured city, and was still struggling in part to take the remaining fragment of the fortress, two battle lines were drawn up in custody to hem in the adversaries. Around Hierapolis are very large plains suitable for the running of horses, in which some Saracens appeared riding, and there is nothing except hills that rises to the height of a mountain. The place is sultry, and the water is lukewarm, participating in the heat and inflammation of the air. The enemy, who were gradually approaching with battle lines drawn up, withdrew again: for the Ameras Machmutius was still away. But having made skirmishes, they forced some of the Romans to ride off, and this they did twice and thrice. In another engagement, they no longer pursued the Romans a little ^D and stood, but having ridden past them, they engaged in hand-to-hand combat with the legion of the commanders, and bypassing the legion of the schools, and having killed many, they forced the rest to flee disgracefully, leaving the right wing of the schools itself, which, seeing the slaughter of the Romans, did not at all recede from its position, indeed, acting as if nothing new had happened,

it stood motionless, as if it feared being discovered standing there, and was contriving in every way to remain hidden. But the enemy soon returned and overcame even this, having slain many, locked the rest in the camp, and strategically stripped them of their standards. They also beheaded many of the soldiers and sent them as a token to those in Aleppo. It was worth wondering that, after such a Roman rout and defeat [P. 827] had occurred, not one of the remaining companies or commanders was stirred to provide defense; rather, all sat inside, as if they were dwelling in a friendly land, bent on their own private concerns, with no care or alacrity at all in their minds. But the emperor, who was in the city, having heard of the incident, was affected with no small grief; quickly returning with the Cappadocians whom he had with him, he attempted to devise a remedy for the setback. For that night held all in uncertain hopes, ^B as the Armenian infantry, passing the night by the rampart, was plotting desertion. Day had not yet dawned, and the enemy surrounded the camp. For the prince of Aleppo, having learned of the incident, came with his entire force to capture the emperor on the spot. But the emperor, inside his tent, having laid out the battle, suddenly went out on horseback around the third hour.

It was then the twentieth day of the month of November, of the seventh indiction. Without any trumpet or horn or other signal being given clearly, but with the standards of the army raised and the troops moving out in formation, they [the enemy] began to gather together into one place, where they saw the Romans charging, and the magnitude of the struggle and the nature of the future outcome were fixed in their souls. ^C When those in the front raised the war cry, the Romans overcame and handled many of the adversaries. When the rest of the multitude rushed in, their flight became irresistible. Those following behind them slew many and took not a few alive. But as they had not pursued them very far, the Romans were cheated of a great and prosperous success, deprived of a most beautiful victory and the greatest glory: for though the Arabian horses were fast-running, they were not high-spirited and could not endure the race; yet the Romans did not want to turn that weakness of theirs into their own strength, but by the emperor’s command, having pulled in the reins, they secured for themselves an imperfect victory, content solely with the flight of the enemies—the emperor considering it a great stroke of fortune that, at that time, the unwarlike had recovered their strength and, so to speak, the dead had come back to life. Having returned to the rampart after the enemies were driven off, the emperor decided to build a fortress at Hierapolis. Having therefore placed in charge that Pharesmanes, son of Beste Apocape, who traced his lineage from the Iberians, he gave the enemies opportunity both to repair their losses and to win a victory over their adversaries. ^D And as the Roman army was stationed there,

NOTES OF JACOBI GOARI

^A Arab forces were quiet, but when the emperor had gathered his army, he began to march straight toward the town of Aza. The Arabs began to emerge from the intervals of the way, attacking in their usual manner and often setting upon the rear guard; they harassed those carrying provisions and injured the Romans, as if making secret raids and ambushes. ^B Having massed his army with archers and shield-bearers, the emperor in arms approached the town of Aza with his full force, thinking it a suitable place to occupy. But upon approaching, he saw that it was most secure and well-fortified, standing on a hill’s summit, encircled by double walls, and constructed with stones seemingly fastened with nails. Finding the ascent to the gate difficult and the water flowing from it sparse—insufficient for so large an army—he moved off and pitched his camp in a place where water flowed more abundantly. ^C Departing from there, he invaded the territory of the Ausonitides, and after burning a very large settlement named Catma, which had long been assigned to the Emir of Aleppo, he withdrew to another village called Tarchola. While the camp was being partitioned, and the emperor was standing on the right side, two Arabs who had been lurking behind the hill spurred their horses and with their spears slew two foot-soldiers. The emperor, seeing this, was the first to order his men to pursue them. The perpetrators, however, by the extreme speed of their horses, fled safely back into their own camp ^D and from there proceeded straight to Artach, which the Saracens held having driven out its own commander. But those who were guarding it fled in turn, and the little town was recovered for the emperor. Having placed a garrison in it and sufficient provisions, he arranged everything necessary for the needs of the time. It was under this emperor that the Romans began to look their enemies in the face, to speak of nobility, and to stand their ground in opposition; for under the emperors who had reigned immediately before him—aside from mere display and the gathering of multitudes—they had not shown themselves brave in any undertaking, so that it is evident that any successful outcome in all matters is primarily the work of the leader himself. When the emperor could not return from there to Antioch (for it was exhausted by famine and great suffering), he crossed mountain passes and certain narrow, nearly impassable defiles, and arrived at a city of Cilicia named Alexandrona. There he pitched his camp, and having crossed the Taurus mountain with his entire army, he invaded the Roman borderland. As they moved from extremely warm and hot regions into cold areas, they felt a massive change, and therefore many men died, and a great number of animals succumbed to the cold. Once the emperor had exited toward a certain narrow place of the Podandos, named Gytarium, he heard that Amorium had been sacked and an infinite number of people slaughtered. He pitched camp at the Chalci inn, yet he did not wish to approach the one who had led the army into Melitene, especially since he had his army gathered in the town of Tzamandos. Affected by grief for these reasons, because

he was unable to assist in the matter, he disposed of the military affairs as well as he could, sent the greater part of the army into winter quarters, and himself traveled toward Byzantium, reaching it at the very end of the month of January. Having spent some time there, and having managed the civil administration as far as possible, and having conferred honors and greetings upon certain of the senators, and having distributed the annual gifts—not even waiting for the Paschal days—he sailed to the house of the Eria, situated on the opposite side of the city. For some other matter occurred that necessarily summoned him to an expedition. ^B A certain Latin man, Crispin by name, having approached the emperor from Italy, had been sent to the eastern parts to winter there. Thinking that he had not been treated with the honor worthy of his rank that he had hoped for, he turned his mind to rebellion; immediately he despoiled and plundered the tax collectors and others who met him, though he killed no Roman, and many who joined battle with him were defeated. But the Vestarch Samuel Aluisianus the Bulgar, the brother of the emperor’s wife, whom he had married while still living as a private citizen, while wintering in the theme of the Armeniacs, suddenly attacked Crispin with five Western regiments on the very day of the Resurrection, that is to say, Easter. When the Franks realized this, the Romans fled, and a great slaughter of them occurred, and they were taken alive in infinite numbers. Nevertheless, he dismissed all of them, having treated them humanely, and indeed he even allowed the wounded to be cared for. When the emperor reached Dorylaeum, he received an embassy from Crispin, which brought an agreement of surrender and an apology for the rebellion, and in general requested oblivion for the evils that he had committed—whether willingly or unwillingly. The emperor consented to these requests ^C and granted everything he had asked for, respecting the man's nobility and his glory in war; for indeed, at the time of the rebellion, when he had fallen in with a very great number of Turks, he had performed great feats of heroism with his own hand. And he met the advancing emperor like a servant. He followed him suddenly as a friend and well-wisher, having brought only a few soldiers with him—for he had left the others in the town of Maurocastrum, which he had occupied in Armenia, situated on a high hill. But a little later, because he had come under suspicion, ^D not knowing what cruel thing he was about to perpetrate against his own tribe because they did not obey his will (for the race of the Franks is perfidious and insatiable, and indeed also ungrateful, and stirs up great crimes with many offenses, and disturbances and seditions, in which it delights as if they were virtues), he was dismissed from the imperial service, not having been truly convicted, but merely accused by a certain illustrious Nemitzos. His companions, however, bearing this with an angry mind, departed from the town, betook themselves into Mesopotamia, and inflicted many damages there upon the inhabitants. But when the emperor arrived with the army at Caesarea, he learned that a vast number of Turks were plundering the region, and a certain part of the army

was sent against them; but finding the situation unchanged, it intercepted them as they fled and set out in hot pursuit. The enemy appeared, occupying the most fortified sites and ridges, before either a trench had been dug or camp set up. ^A Upon a shout being raised, and the emperor not yielding himself to rest but sounding the trumpet, the phalanxes advanced in order; and with their standards raised, many of the enemy advanced. But as the regiments anticipated them, one called that of the Lycaonians and another of the Western numbers, having charged more boldly than was their wont against the enemy, forced them immediately to look to flight. As the emperor moved the rest of the army forward, he forced the remaining multitude of the enemy to flee along with the others. But while the soldiers and the mercenary Scythians—the Uzi, I mean—were coming up, a not insignificant band of Turks fell upon the Romans; those soldiers who had been left to guard the camp, and before all others the Franks, receiving them, engaged them in close combat and, having fought abundantly, routed them; not a single one of the Roman regiments stationed there having lent assistance to the Franks, even to the extent of a simple charge. Meanwhile, the emperor had returned from the pursuit toward evening, for the battle had been joined at the approach of night. ^B On the following day, sitting publicly before the tribunal, he condemned the captured enemy to the final sentence, sparing no one at all, not even their leader, although he promised to redeem himself for a great price. Having tarried for three days in the camp, the emperor, satiated with this successful outcome, afforded the majority of the enemy a free opportunity of escape, so that they did not even refrain from the spoils. Departing thence, he followed in their rear, and at a distance of two days from Melitene, having set up camp, he deliberated on dividing a portion of the army to leave behind as a rampart against the enemy, while he himself, with the entire army, would return toward the imperial capital. Deeming this plan ignoble and disadvantageous, he changed his mind and marched straight to the Euphrates; for the enemy had pitched their tents along its banks, ^C and immediately upon hearing of the emperor’s movement against them, they withdrew. The emperor, marching straight to Romanopolis and intending from there to proceed to Chleat, pitched his camp in a certain place and declared Philaretus (who was of the Brachamii clan) commander with supreme authority; for, having divided the army in two, he assigned the stronger part to him—a man who gloriously professed military prudence but was of a base and dissolute life, ^D and who lived most shamefully, and who had fought in various ways against the Turks but had been defeated in matters of the greatest moment, and on that account was held in contempt; he did not, however, restrain himself from them, but sought military command on account of avarice and the wages of foreign service. The emperor, however, approached the more northern parts, so that he might find there snow and such cold—against which, being of a very hot constitution of body, he could not otherwise temper himself. Having advanced through certain rugged and difficult places, he arrived at a certain spot named Anthias, outstanding for the fertility of its herbs and wheat.

and provided no small recreation for those who stopped there; it was, as it were, the navel of that land. From there he crossed the Taurus mountain, called Munzarum in the local tongue, and arrived at the region named Celzene, crossing for the second time the Euphrates river, which flows past and divides the mountain and Celzene as if it were a boundary.

The soldiers who had been left behind with Philaretos, filled with terror at the appearance of the enemy and shaken in their souls, marched behind the emperor, abandoning the places they had been entrusted to guard, until they arrived at the aforementioned Anthias. There, too, when the enemy appeared from the rear, they chose a shameful flight even before a battle, and fled to the emperor in Celzene neck and neck. The adversaries gained possession of their baggage. These reports, once brought to the emperor, troubled him greatly; he bore both the slaughter of his own men and the victory of the enemy with ^B great distress. And had not the fame of the emperor himself filled them with terror and checked their momentum in some degree, nothing would have prevented them from plundering and utterly destroying all that land. Therefore, turning back, they hurried toward the theme of Cappadocia in their customary wild manner, plundering whatever they fell upon during their march, and invading with their whole army the republic of Iconium, which excelled in the multitude of its men, its houses, and its abundance of other necessities.

The emperor, however, in Celzene, having received those who had fled in disorder, so that they might not perish in the wilderness at the hands of the Armenians, appointed a general to lead them from the rear; for he had divided his own army in two and was returning from the enemy. He also held a judgment between the leader and those with him, but he did not assign the victory in the dispute to any side, since he had determined this one thing accurately: that there was nothing else that could provide the Romans with the war, except that the majority of the army was exhausted beforehand, and that the leaders, even for slight and incidental successes, wished to secure the greatest honors and rewards for themselves and their kinsmen, ^C because of which others became unwilling to perform brave and manly deeds; which, indeed, could not happen while the emperor was present, as he himself, being present at affairs and seeing everything daily, would reward those who labored in proportion to their toils.

The emperor then traveled with his army through the colony and the region of the Armenians as far as Sebaste; where, having learned that the Turks were approaching Pisidia and Lycaonia with the intent of attacking Iconium, he himself also pursued their rear guard and reached the place called Herculis Comopolis. When he learned there that they had moved on after sacking Iconium, fearing that he might pursue them, he sent a portion of his legions into Cilicia so that they might join with Katatourios, the duke of Antioch, a generous man who had previously given many proofs of his virtue, so that, having received them at the first possible opportunity near Mopsuestia ^D.

^B (for it was expected that the Turks would pass through that area), he might await them there and do them harm in every way. Consequently, as they passed through the mountains of Seleucia to the plain of Tarsus, they were struck down by javelins; there, caught by the Armenians, they lost almost all their booty. The enemy, having learned of the Roman encampment at Mopsuestia, did not linger even a little, but after resting themselves as best they could at Baltolibade, they departed by night, crossed the Sarbadicus mountain, and with great haste withdrew to the borders of Aleppo, having only with difficulty avoided danger. ^C Distress seized the emperor because those who were at Mopsuestia had remained idle. When he had traveled straight to Claudiopolis in Seleucia and learned of their flight, he despaired of the situation and returned to Byzantium—moving with speed, because autumn was already approaching—having left another force behind, because other Turks were also dividing themselves into tribes and bands and ravaging the Roman land after the fashion of robbers and plunderers, destroying and stealing everything they encountered. For this reason, it was difficult to restrain them, as they were lying in wait on every road, and the armies, being left alone by themselves, could not resist them, and the emperor’s own army could not be divided but was only present in one place. When he himself had entered the imperial city, the remaining army also returned home, in the eighth indiction, in the year 6578, when also the great sanctuary of Blachernae was burnt to the ground. ^D When spring began to appear, the emperor considered coming to the imperial city. He chose Manuel Comnenus, the first proedros, and having honored him with the rank of curopalates, he appointed him general and leader of the army. From then on, difficult, arduous, and painful events befell the Roman empire. The man who had been selected for this office, having gone out, although he happened to be young in age, did not appear to be acting in any misguided or juvenile way, but rather took great account of what was appropriate; for having gathered his forces with all his might, he marched toward Caesarea, carefully considering not only fairness but also the people appropriately, and visiting due punishments upon the offending soldiers; and when they happened into certain engagements, he emerged victorious. And he was already striving to expand his glory. When the emperor heard these things, he seemed to rejoice, but he concealed his envy. Nevertheless, in order to quickly break the siege of Hierapolis and relieve the lack of supplies, he ordered no small part of the army to depart into Syria. In this way, he defrauded the leader of that power which followed from it; for when he had departed with the forces left to him and had pitched camp near the city, a certain band of Turks, against whom the curopalates had gone out, approached; and when the enemies had provided a pretense of flight as if by arrangement, once the Romans were scattered in pursuit of them, they suddenly turned and secured the victory for themselves, and for this reason, many having been taken captive, more were also put to the sword. And along with others, the curopalates was also captured, and the entire camp was stormed and taken.

^A And had not the nearby city preserved many, the entire Roman host that had gathered for this war would have perished utterly. When this report reached the emperor, it afflicted him with deep sorrow. Scarcely had this been heard when another report, faster and far more piercing, was brought, announcing that the Turks had occupied the city of Chonae and the very temple of the Prince of the Heavenly Host, so celebrated for miracles and votive offerings, and had filled everything there with slaughter and blood; that they had committed many outrages against the temple, running riot in it; that they had made the most venerable temple a stable for horses; and, what was most unworthy, that even the chasms and underground channels—where the rivers flowing past, diverted there by the ancient arrival of the Prince of the Heavenly Host and his divine miracle, have a downward flow as if headlong, such that they cannot stand ^B or resist but rush forward with great speed—could not save those who had fled thither and avoid the danger. Nay, what had never happened before, the water had swelled so greatly that, as if it had swallowed up the rivers, it had utterly overwhelmed all who had fled there with a flood and inundation, and submerged them under the earth. These tidings, added to the others, brought us great anguish and torment of soul, as we considered that what had happened was a divine portent and the wrath and indignation of God, seeing that not only our enemies but the elements themselves were fighting against us. For the gathering and agitation of so many nations before, and the defection of those living under the Romans, had indeed come about as divine wrath, but against the heretics who inhabit Iberia and Mesopotamia as far as Licandus and Melitene and the neighboring Armenia, and who practice the Jewish heresy ^C of Nestorius and the Acephali. For these regions are full of such perverted opinion. But when disaster overtook the orthodox as well, all who were devoted to the Roman rite knew not where to turn, considering that their measure also had been filled, just as the measure of the Amorites of old had been, and then believing that not only right faith is required, but also a life corresponding to the faith. Wherefore, both—namely, those who erred in faith and those who stumbled and halted in their life—were afflicted with the same punishment; for he who has done and taught, this man is considered blessed. Upon hearing these things, the emperor, in great...

JACOBI GOARI NOTES

^D concerning the Chonae: what the Greeks recount in the Thesaurus, that is, in the lectionaries publicly read in their churches, lest the text of the author remain obscure and unexplained, I briefly relate. They say that in the city of Chonae in Phrygia, there was preserved water blessed by the hand and prayers of the Apostle John, which, when sprinkled, was never lacking in celestial and angelic power for the performing of miracles. Archippus, a certain man of Hierapolis, moved by the frequency of these signs, built a church at the water dedicated in the name of Michael, the Prince of the Heavenly Host, which the Gentiles, hostile to the Christian religion and name, attempted to destroy by diverting the Chryso river through it. Celestial power frustrated their attempt and expectation, and drove the course of the river in the opposite direction. They, despising the miracle, persisted more stubbornly in their undertaking, and having led the Cuphus and Lycocus rivers from elsewhere... had it fallen into the flood, it would have been destroyed, had not Michael, the leader of the heavenly hosts, appearing as he was equipped with a lance, struck the rock and excavated in it a huge chasm capable of absorbing such a mass of waters. Therefore they go under into the subterranean caves, the headlong and low vortices of the rivers, and far steeper than the foundations of the church, as if terrified by the religion of the place; then, having been given a channel, they emerge into the neighboring fields and glide toward the sea in an unimpeded course. They write that the miracle gave the name to the place of Chonae (as if one were to say, of the funnel), a place previously called Colossae. They teach that the monastery built over the chasm still exists, and that the name was imposed on the city of Michael by those who have viewed both with their own eyes.

^A and to cause to swirl and rise up and totally overwhelm those who had fled for refuge, and to cause them to be drowned upon the dry land. These things, then, having been reported to us, cast us into great dejection, as we reasoned that what had occurred was a divine sign, and the wrath and indignation of God, in that not only the enemy but the very elements were fighting against us. For previously, such an onslaught and swelling of the nations and slaughter of those who lived under Roman rule were indeed the wrath of God against the heretics who inhabit Iberia and Mesopotamia as far as Lycandus and Melitene and the surrounding Armenia, and who worship the Jewish heresy of Nestorius and the Acephali; for these regions abound in such wickedness. But when the evil also touched the orthodox, all those who worship in the Roman manner were at their wits' end, judging that their measure had been filled, like unto that of the Amorites, and believing at that time that not only is a right faith required, but also a life that stands firm for the faith. Therefore, both alike—the one who stumbles in regard to faith, and the one who stumbles and limps in regard to conduct—are set to undergo equal punishment; for he who has done and taught is praised and blessed. Having heard these things, the emperor had a readiness to set out immediately and assist his own country, but he was restrained by his advisors and by his ignorance of the size of the enemy’s forces. ^B There were the Proedros Nicephorus Palaeologus, and the chief of the philosophers, Constantine Psellus, and above all the Caesar, a kinsman of the one who had reigned before him; these men, as far as it depended on them, did not even wish for him to live (for he was oppressive to them and was viewed by those who hated him bitterly as a man noble and spirited, and one who possessed the reserves of the empire—I mean the sons of Ducas), yet nevertheless they were openly ashamed to advise him in ways that were not to his advantage.

Some days later, the Curopalates Manuel also came, bringing with him the Turk who had held him, not against his will but willingly choosing the servitude under the emperor. But since the Sultan was hostile toward him for certain reasons, he had sent an army against him under a certain commander, striving in every way to capture him, and out of fear of this he had fled to the emperor and was immediately honored with the rank of Proedros. He was young in appearance, but almost a dwarf in stature, and his face was Scythian and ungracious. The emperor chose him, hoping that he would fight against the Turks and against the opposing army. Having finished the recruitment of the soldiers, at the approach of spring he crossed over to the palaces of the ^C Herii and arrived on the very day of Orthodoxy; on the day before, he had distributed the annual donative to the army and the senate, filling what was lacking not with gold, but with silk fabrics. As he was crossing over, a dove, not entirely white, but showing for the most part a black color, flying from somewhere, hovered around the trireme that was carrying the emperor until, reaching him, it descended into his hands; he sent it to the Empress, who was staying in the palace contrary to custom, on account of certain feminine delights and dissimulations. And thus the dove was seen as a symbol of no good outcome, both for him who had caught it and for her to whom it was sent. But the Augusta, when she had sated herself with delights beyond measure, finally moved by repentance, came to the emperor so that, having offered prayers, he might send her ahead to lead out the army. Departing from there, the emperor did not hold his fleet at anchor in Neocomus or in certain imperial locations, but at Elenopolis, which the locals call by the rustic name Eleinopolim; this too was seen as a not very good omen. ^D Also something else happened, I know not what: for the largest ship, which contained the imperial tent, broke and immediately caused it to collapse. Yet not even at one of these things did their folly—and, if I may so say, the depravity of their minds and the importunate and useless stubbornness of unbelief—wish to take notice, with fate hindering them and taking away all perception from him upon whom all these things were to come. The emperor therefore advanced, and was proceeding further into the region of the Orient, until he arrived at the prefecture of the Orient, being strangely frugal toward everyone, beyond what was proper; and understanding, as is likely,

that the sequence of signs which had occurred were aimed at himself, he made his encampment not in a tent or in the plains, but on hills and in rooms. There, indeed, what happened was no less a sign of misfortune; for fire, brought from somewhere, set the houses ablaze, and therein were burned up the imperial horses, and their trappings, and bridles, far superior to others, and they became completely the prey of the fire. The horses, seen half-scorched by the army, presented a piteous spectacle. ^B Having crossed the Sangarius, where these things happened, by the bridge called of Zompus, he began to assemble his forces, which had been scattered by the incursion of the Barbarians. ^C When he had assembled as many of them as he wished, he sent away the rest of the soldiers and the leaders of the companies—the soldiers because they were worn out by the previous defeats, and the leaders because he feared to take them with him, as they were adhering to the party of the conspirators. Would that he had done the same regarding everyone, and—if the divine boundary could not be crossed, nor the mixed cup avoided—he would thus have seemed to look to his own safety. But having cast out Nicephorus Botaneiates and certain men of that sort, he hastened to take with him those who were filled with all guile and wicked habits, as the ensuing narrative will declare. He himself, however, proceeding thus, neither foreseeing the evils impending over him, crossed the river Halys, although he stopped in a certain town recently constructed, whose buildings were cared for by him, and there he pitched his tent. Then, when he had crossed, he marked out the division of his own possessions, and passing by Caesarea he arrived at the spring named Crya, a place which was suitable for receiving an army, abounding in all things necessary for use, and known to the townspeople and villagers, because they frequently resorted there. But when the region was being vexed and devastated by the soldiers, he showed himself more hostile to certain men from the legion of the Nemitzoi, who, having been rebuked and injured, rebelled. ^D Having learned of this, the emperor, when he had mounted his horse and summoned the soldiers, terrified his own hosts, and again, by imposing conditions, compelled even the unwilling to himself, defining this one punishment: that those who were in the vanguard and were the guards of his own person should be placed in the rearmost part of the army. From there he set out for Sebasteia, striving to arrive in Iberia, where he was also a spectator of those who had fallen with Manuel the Curopalates Comnenus. And from there, advancing slowly and gradually, he betook himself to Theodosiopolis, which had previously been neglected, but which, ever since Artze was captured, had been restored and fortified. Thence he ordered each of the two

months' rations to be carried by each man, as they were about to march through a wasteland and desolate region. When everyone had done as ordered, he sent the mercenaries, the Uzes and the Franks, with Roussel—a man valiant and warlike—to Chliat to forage, just as he had done before. ^B He himself, following behind, arrived at Manzikert, a Roman city, but one which had been subjected by the sultan and was occupied by Turks. Disdainful of them as being few in number, he detached another, not insignificant, portion of the army and handed it over to the magistros Joseph Tarchaneiotes, adding a by no means despicable cohort of infantry, and indeed also of select cavalry, who were most warlike and were always the first to face dangers among the enemy and fight in the vanguard. Tarchaneiotes then set out for Chliat, to bring aid to the Uzes, the Franks, and the entire mercenary army; for the emperor had heard that a multitude of infinite numbers was marching against them. The emperor had divided the army, hoping that he would himself quickly bring Manzikert into his power—which indeed happened—and that he would [then] arrive where they were at Chliat, or if some necessity pressed, he would immediately recall them, since the armies would have been encamped nearby. For they heard that the sultan was zealously contending against them. And truly, this division of affairs and strategies was not devoid of reason, nor was it foreign to a most experienced general, had not fate—or rather, a divine wrath or reason most remote from us—diverted the outcome of events in the opposite direction, and on the very day of the final event and the junction of the army, joined the sultan also to the Turks without a herald, and prevented the decrees from being brought to their end. For when the emperor had occupied Manzikert, the Turks being struck with panic at his arrival, and finding that they had received the pledge they had requested (at which time it also happened that a certain Roman, for the sake of an oath, was deprived of his nose because he had sworn to them, the emperor having seized a Turkish donkey while invoking the Mother of God, Christ, and all the holy intercessors), while the emperor was occupied with these matters, a Turkish band attacked the Roman soldiers who had gone out to forage. The emperor, therefore, believing that the sultan’s general had arrived with certain forces to restrain the stragglers of the royal army, sent against him the magistros Nikephoros Bryennios with a suitable force, who, having engaged with him, did not yield; but many were wounded with him, and not a few of them were killed. And because they were accustomed to fighting more strongly from an encounter just a little earlier, they pressed forward more boldly with their weapons and resisted at close quarters. Wherefore, moved by fear, he asked the emperor for troops. The emperor, however, condemning his cowardice (for he was ignorant of the truth of the matter), forced to a parley, held an oration concerning those things which pertained to the war. In the midst of the oration, he began to use more severe words, and in the meantime, the priest...

proclaimed the reading of the Gospel. The Gospel contained—to omit other things—these words: "If they have persecuted me, they will also persecute you; if they have kept my word, they will keep yours also," down to that verse, "that he will think that he doeth God service." When even the wiser men noted this, they considered the saying a divine oracle. ^B While the war was raging, the emperor also sent Nicephorus the magister and Basilacius, the duke of Theodosiopolis, with the native troops; when Bryennius joined him, there was an equal and undecided battle up to a certain light skirmish. But when the soldiers decided to follow the generals, he [Basilacius] promised to sustain the first part of the battle, and quickly making an attack, he pursued the enemies, who had turned their backs. When, however, Bryennius had ordered his men to hold their reins, Basilacius alone, pursuing in ignorance of the fact, when he reached the enemy's rampart, fell to the ground after his horse was struck, and being weighed down by the burden of his armor, the surrounding enemies captured him alive and led him, bound, to the sultan. Brought into his presence, he did not submit himself to the sultan, now acting neither as a servant nor as one led as a captive. But neither did the sultan treat him as a servant or a captive; instead, frequently summoning him, he questioned him about the emperor and displayed his own power to him, that he might strike fear and terror into him. Basilacius, however, praising and extolling all that belonged to the sultan, advised him that to do battle against the Roman emperor was useless for him. ^C But he [Basilacius] continued in these matters. The emperor, however, compelled, went out with the rest of the army to see the state of affairs; and standing until evening upon certain hills, where he saw no one to resist and oppose him, he returned to the camp. And immediately the surrounding Turks, with arrows and cavalry, struck no small terror into the army, driving them within the rampart. It was a moonless night when these things were being done, and it could not be discerned whether those fleeing and those pursuing were strangers or known men and friends, but the whole night long the army resounded with dark howls, so that everyone passed the night with eyes open and watchful. And when it was already dawn, a certain part of the Uzes, with a leader named Tame, and the army commanded by Tornicius Cotertzes, flowed over to the enemies; which caused no small anxiety to the Romans, who suspected that the remaining nations were hostile to them. But indeed, the foot soldiers went out to kill the Turks with missiles that are thrown from a distance, and with weapons with which one fights at close quarters, and they forced them to come out of the camp. The emperor, however, having sent forward scouts to the Chiliarchs, summoned the leaders who were there to himself with the forces they had, wanting immediately to contend in a battle regarding the sum of all things; expecting whose aid, he wasted time in vain: for they were men who had mostly meditated upon the Pyrrhic dance. But as he despaired of their aid, suspecting that they were hindered by some cause, he decided with his companions to engage in battle the next day. He was unaware, of course, that Tarchaniotes also, with Ruselius joined to him, who at [the]

^A the first sign of the Sultan’s arrival and his advance against the Emperor, had taken all his men and had retreated ingloriously through Mesopotamia into the Roman lands, having no regard for his master nor indeed for what was fitting; the wretch did this without a second thought. The Emperor, as arranged, having readied the preparations for war for the morrow, was still sitting inside the royal tent when he confirmed the loyalty of the Scythians who were with him—the Uzes, I mean—by the customary oath of their own religion, to rid himself of fear.

While these things were being done, and the soldiers were standing under arms by ranks and companies upon their horses, envoys arrived from the Sultan to announce peace to both sides. The Emperor received them and granted them an audience according to the laws of embassy, yet he did not treat them with much kindness or humanity. Nevertheless, since they had consented, he handed them a cross, by the showing of which they might return safe and unharmed, bringing back the Sultan's response. For he hoped, elated by an unexpected message, that the Sultan would leave his own camp site and move further away to pitch his camp, and that he himself would construct a rampart in the very place where the Sultan had formerly been, and then proceed to reach an agreement for himself and to strike a peace treaty. He did not perceive that in his elation of mind he was yielding the victory to his enemies—as those who examine such things carefully are accustomed to conclude—when he had sent to him the weapon that most contributes to victory and is its symbol, namely the cross.

He had not yet finished, nor had the arrival of the envoys been awaited, when certain of those who were most familiar with the Emperor persuaded him to neglect the peace, as if it were a matter that, not being free of deceit, would bring injury rather than any utility. For they suspected that the Sultan was afraid because he did not have adequate forces, but was waiting for those who were following from the rear, and that under the pretext of peace he was merely delaying for time. Those, therefore, who were with the Sultan, having returned on their own accord, discussed peace with the envoys, and were eager for it to be brought to a completely successful conclusion.

The Emperor, however, not having proclaimed war by a herald, raised a shout rashly when the signal was sounded. When the rumor of this reached the enemy, it struck them with great fear. They, therefore, having drawn up their useless multitude, marched on with arms. In the rear of the battle line, they provided the appearance of a force drawn up for battle. But they were, in fact, driven more to flee, because they saw the Roman phalanxes marching in order, prepared for battle. And they indeed retreated. The Emperor, however, with his whole army, pursued them from the rear until the twilight of night arrived. When the Emperor found no adversaries, and none who stood against him to fight back, and when he found the camp empty of soldiers and guards—because he did not have enough men to be able to leave garrisons there—he decided that there should be no further pursuit, lest the Turk attack him in disarray. ^{B C D}

And he was also considering that if he were to be delayed much longer, night would fall upon him, and at that moment the Turks, being accomplished archers, would launch their retreat. For these reasons he turned the royal standard and ordered the retreat to be sounded. But the soldiers who were far off, seeing the standards turned backward, suspected that a defeat had been suffered by the emperor. ^B Indeed, one of those who was close to him, Andronicus, the son of the Caesar and cousin to the emperors, who had an intrigue premeditated, himself spread such a report, and taking up the soldiers who were with him, he quickly hastened to the camp. The rest, imitating him, all fled to a man. The emperor, however, having observed this ill-considered action, attempted to recall them to stop the flight of his men, as was the custom, but no one was obedient.

The adversaries, meanwhile, standing on the mounds, when they saw that which was happening without cause, quickly reported the Romans’ misfortune to the Sultan and urged him to return, for he himself was already fleeing and was far from his own camp. Immediately, therefore, a fierce battle was ignited with the emperor. And though he ordered his men not to yield nor to behave with weakness, but to show themselves as strenuous and brave men, he stood his ground bravely for a time. But as others meanwhile were fleeing outside the fortifications, the truth of the report was heard less, because some announced one thing—these a defeat, those a victory—and were declaring matters to be dark and uncertain; which meant that some even of the Cappadocians began to depart by tribes and units, and many of the king's grooms were returning with the horses themselves, not wishing to see the emperor struggling. And it was a matter of unimaginable chaos, mourning, and fear, with the Turks gathering on all sides. ^C Wherefore each sought safety for himself as best he could. The pursuing enemies were killing some, taking others alive, and trampling others underfoot. The affair was most worthy of pity, surpassing all lamentation and all sorrow.

When, however, the enemies had surrounded the emperor, they did not capture him immediately, for, being skilled in military affairs and warlike and having experienced many dangers, he defended himself strenuously; and after many were killed, in the end he was struck by a sword in his hand, and his horse having been transfixed by a javelin, he fought on foot. Nevertheless, exhausted toward evening, he was captured; and once captured—O, the incredible calamity!—the most illustrious emperor of the Romans slept that night just like many others, lying on the ground, without any honor, with much pity, oppressed by infinite waves of misfortune.

But the next day, when it was reported to the Sultan that the emperor had been captured, he was filled with an insatiable joy, nor could he be brought to believe that it had happened, considering with himself how great a matter it was, after vanquishing such a great army, to receive the emperor himself as a captive and subject to him. Yet, regarding the event with humanity and bearing the victory with an even mind, he considered the prosperous success rather as an occasion to gather [to himself...].

^D

JACOBI GOARI NOTE.

^A to appear as good men, he defended himself vigorously for a long time. In the meantime, however, since the flight of the others had caused the camp to be overwhelmed, no clear account could be heard, as different people reported different things—some announcing a rout and others a victory—and were recounting unclear and confused tales, until some of the Cappadocians themselves began to desert, separating into factions and bands. Many of the imperial grooms also returned with their horses, unsettled and unable to see the Emperor. There was a trembling ^B of soul, and lamentation, and inescapable fear, and the Turks poured in from every side. Whence each man, depending on his own impulse, sought to secure his own safety. The enemy, while pursuing, were killing some, taking others captive, and trampling others down. The matter was truly full of pain, surpassing all wailing and beating of the breast. The enemy, having surrounded the Emperor, did not have him easily within their grasp at first; but, as one skilled in military and martial arts and accustomed to many dangers, he defended himself stubbornly, and after killing many, he was finally wounded in the hand by a sword; and when his horse was shot down, he fought on foot. ^C But falling toward evening, the renowned Emperor of the Romans becomes vulnerable (alas for the calamity!) and a captive. And on that night he slept upon the ground, in the same way as the many, dishonorably and in great pain, overwhelmed by a thousand waves of grief. But on the morrow, when the news of the capture of the Emperor was announced to the Sultan, an insatiable joy and disbelief took hold of him, imagining—as was indeed the case—that after the victory over such a great and mighty army, he had also taken the Emperor himself in a vulnerable state and under his power. ^D Yet, considering the event humanly, and having borne the victory with moderation, and deeming what had happened to be a stroke of good fortune, a cause for restraint and a demonstration of a good soul and manners full of nobility, he attributed everything to God, as having accomplished the trophy beyond his own strength. For this reason, when the captured Emperor of the Romans was brought before the Sultan in plain military garb, he was in doubt and sought confirmation regarding this. But when he was assured by the envoys and by Basilakes, who had fallen at his feet and uttered something pitiful and sorrowful, he immediately, as if inspired, sprang from his throne and stood upright. [E] Having trodden upon him, therefore, as he lay before his feet—as is the custom (26)—and having raised him up and embraced him, "Do not fear, O Emperor," he said, "but be of good hope above all, for you will meet with no bodily danger, and you shall be honored as benefits the excellence of your majesty. For the man who does not account the foreseeable calamities as [the work of] providence is a fool."

[P. 842] Thinking it a sign of a good mind and of manners endowed with all probity, he attributed that whole thing to God, for having erected a trophy greater than his own strength. Therefore, the Emperor of the Romans having been brought to Asan Sultan, dressed in a base, military garment, he was in doubt about him and demanded testimony. But when he was made certain by the envoys and by Basilakes, who had fallen at his feet weeping miserably, he immediately leaped from his throne as if seized by a frenzy, and standing upright, he trampled upon him as he lay at his feet according to custom. And when he had commanded him to rise and had embraced him, "Do not fear, O Emperor," he said, "but be of good hope above all, for you will suffer no danger to your person, but you will be in honor with me, in accordance with the dignity of your empire; for he appears to me a foolish man who does not, on the contrary, reason about adverse fortune, or provide for and fear its inconveniences." When, therefore, he had ordered a tent to be set up for him, and commanded that he be cared for diligently, as was proper, he wished him to be his dinner companion and associate from that time, not ordering him to sit below, but placing him at the same table as a colleague of exceptional rank, and treating him with equal honor. Meeting and conversing with him twice a day, and refreshing him with his encouragement, for eight days he used the same words and broke bread with him, insulting him not even with the smallest word, but admonishing him regarding certain errors which seemed to him to have been committed by him in leading the army. But when, on a certain day, the Sultan asked the Emperor: "What would you have done to me, had you held me in your power?" the Emperor replied simply and without adulation: "Know that I would have mortified your body with many stripes." "But I," said the Sultan, "will not imitate your severity or cruelty. Nevertheless, I hear that your Christ commands you to have peace, an oblivion of evils, and to grant grace to the humble, while resisting the proud." Therefore, having then initiated a treaty, and having made perpetual peace, and having taken into account his children and the matters pertaining to the rights of both empires, they confirmed the ancient treaties, so that there might be mutual friendship, and that the affairs of the Roman empire would no longer be permitted to be pillaged by any of the Turks, but that all who had been sent against the Romans should return, and all captives, especially the princes and the distinguished men of the Romans, should be released, with the Sultan promising that he would always treat the Emperor kindly. Slain at that time were Leo, who was in charge of petitions, and the magister Eustathius, and the first of the secretaries. Taken also was Basil the protovestiarius Maleses. After these things were thus done and agreed upon between them, he dismissed [him].

the Sultan embraced the Emperor much, and ordered him to be escorted by his envoys with great honor. Now Matzicier was held by the Romans. But when the Emperor, having been released, returned by another way, those who had been left in the town fled by night, and as they fell into the hands of the enemy, they encountered dangers. The Emperor, however, when he reached Theodosiopolis wearing the Turkish Sultanic garment, was received liberally. He stayed there for some days while he tended to his hand and, recovering his strength as best he could, felt better. Departing from there, he traveled through the Iberian villages together with the Sultan's envoys who were with him, and from there he proceeded as far as Colonia itself. When he had arrived at Melissopetrium, Paul, the governor of Upper Edessa, abandoned him by night and fled to Constantinople, having learned what had been arranged there. ^B For John Caesar and his sons, and whoever among the senators followed his party, sent the Empress into exile to a monastery founded by her named Piperudum, tonsuring her even against her will, and having declared Michael emperor, they wrote to all parts that the returning Emperor was not to be received nor revered as emperor. The prince and author of this declaration was the preeminent philosopher Psellus, just as he himself also boasts in a certain writing. It is said, moreover, that the Empress was a participant in the same plan, so that it might not receive Diogenes back. But through premature haste, these things became known; Diogenes, having been made certain and informed by the common herald that he had been deposed from the empire, occupied a certain town named Docea, and there he pitched his camp. Caesar, however, as it seemed to him, having obtained the empire in the best manner, sent the governor Constantine, the youngest of his sons, with frequent troops against Diogenes; he, even though joined with him at Docea, feared war. But Diogenes, seeing himself superior to Constantine, set out from there and arrived in Cappadocia. Meanwhile, a multitude of Franks flocked to Constantine, and Crispinus himself with his kinsmen, whom Diogenes, upon returning, had previously banished to Abydos. He therefore sent against them Theodore Alyates, a man noble and illustrious, and in stature and appearance most admirable. And as those who were with Constantine opposed them bravely in battle, the soldiers of Alyates were defeated, and he himself was captured, and once captured, his eyes were gouged out with the iron used for pinning down the tents. Diogenes, however, grieving deeply over what had happened, entered Cappadocia, summoning an army from all sides. He himself was staying in Tyropeum. This town was very fortified and quite steep. Therefore Constantine, having summoned...

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the Duke of Antioch, Chachaturius, to be his ally against Diogenes, did not find him obedient, for he had joined Diogenes. Taking him along, he arrived in Cilicia, where he remained, waiting for help from the Sultan; at once passing the winter there—for he knew Cilicia to be more temperate—and busying himself again with the collection of an army.

Constantine, after Diogenes had withdrawn, returned to Byzantium. In his place, the *proedros* Andronicus, son of the Caesar, was sent against Diogenes. Having distributed provisions to the soldiers, he arrived in Cilicia through the pass of Podandus, where he was met by Chachaturius, whom the soldiers of Andronicus killed after a brief skirmish. When the others had fled to Adana, where Diogenes was also staying, Andronicus besieged the city. A treaty having been made, on the condition that Diogenes should lay down his empire and, having had his hair tonsured, live as a private citizen, he left the fortress dressed in black clothes and lamenting his own misfortunes.

Andronicus immediately spoke of the return, and drawing Diogenes along with him, dressed in mourning clothes and riding a cheap mule, he traveled through those villages and regions by which he had formerly been known as a man equal to God. When he had traveled sorrowfully as far as Cotyæum (for he was suffering from a disease of the bowels caused by hemlock, which had been guilefully administered to him earlier), he was detained there until it might be determined by the emperor what was to be done with him. But a few days later, the sentence of the emperor arrived against him—the poor man who was afflicted in vain—which decreed that his eyes should be gouged out. And immediately his eyes were gouged out, as the archbishops who had been sent to provide a defense as to why he should not suffer anything had brought him no help. These were the Archbishop of Chalcedon and those of Heraclea and Cologne, Theophilus, to whom he also called to mind the oath and the just indignation of God. Though they had intended to help, they could do so only with difficulty and poorly, since cruel and impious men had seized him and gouged out his eyes without any pity and without any humanity.

Brought on a common pack animal as far as the Propontis, like a putrid corpse whose eyes had been gouged out, his head and mouth swollen, full of worms and stench, having survived but a few days, he miserably departed this life before his death, smelling foul, and laid his dust on the island of Prota. There he had built a new monastery, and he was sumptuously cared for and buried by his wife, the Augusta, leaving behind a memory of miseries and calamities which he endured, and of misfortunes surpassing all that had ever been heard of before. In such and so many evils, he uttered no curse, nor did he speak anything wicked, but persisted in giving thanks to God and bore his fate with a composed mind. It is said, however, that the things which were done against him were done without the knowledge and against the will of the Emperor Michael, as he himself later asserted with the use of an oath, while the Caesar was administering and accomplishing these things secretly and in hiding. This emperor raised the bishopric of Nazianzus to metropolitan rights.

He reigned until his capture for three years and eight months.

^A Michael, having attained the empire in this way, seemed moderate, and an old man among the young, because of his feebleness, submissiveness, and softness. For this reason, he had attached to himself John, the metropolitan of Side, to manage public affairs—a eunuch by nature, but energetic and skillful, occupying the position of chief president of the protosyncelli, a man adorned with all virtues. Through him, the emperor’s vice, which was attributed to a dissolute lifestyle and a softness—so to speak, feminine—in governing public affairs, and the inactivity of his character, were adorned and corrected by this man’s deftness and zeal. But tares were mixed with this wheat. There was a certain eunuch named Nicephorus, whom they called by the diminutive form Nicephoritzes, ^B who was of Bucellarian origin, skilled and learned in devising disturbances, sewing together deceits, and raising up storms and tempests in times of calm. Having served as a secretary to the father of Michael, when he was discovered to be openly seditious, a slanderer, and an excellent mentor of evils—who had whispered the charge of adultery to the emperor against the empress, while envy also aided him—he was appointed Duke of Antioch and once and a second time ^C of ten thousand annoyances and disturbances to Syria was the cause. However, being accused, and captured there, by the act of...

the theme's guard he was delivered up; and the man who was formerly well-known as illustrious was held in custody for some time. Having been released ^A by the proclamation of Diogenes and banished to a certain island, by the promise of money he was appointed judge of Hellas and the Peloponnese, and was administering matters regarding that region. To the detriment of the Romans, the Emperor Michael summoned him and established him in the administration of public affairs, appointing him logothete. The emperor became captivated by his impostures and sorceries, as he was not blessed with a manly and stable spirit; and for this reason the prefect of Side was expelled, and he himself drew everything to himself, as Michael was giving his attention to trifles and childish play, the most excellent of philosophers, Constantine Psellus, having rendered him useless and unfit for every task. He also removed the emperor's uncle, John the Caesar, ^B and made him suspect to his nephew and the emperor. And he slandered all the emperor's closest associates as being his greatest enemies, and deprived everyone of the emperor's goodwill, and subjected the entire young king to himself. And that was considered by all to be an imperial edict, whatever seemed right to this plotter. Hence there were accusations and demands [for money] from innocent and uncondemned men, and payments of non-existent debts, and judgment dispensed more to the will of the rabble than to justice, from which followed total and partial confiscations and frequent accusations and immediate thoughtless faith, and the miserable lamentation of those who were suffering, and the unbearable and tearful wailing of those who were being despoiled. But while these were being stripped in this way, a certain divinely sent wrath overtook the East. For since the peace treaties with Diogenes ^C had remained idle and ineffectual, the Turks were seized with anger, because those whom they themselves had taken as an enemy and, once he was in their power, had deemed worthy of every care and honor and had restored to his own empire, his own kin had treated madly as an implacable foe, and had committed against him what he ought to have suffered at their hands, [but] his acquaintances and relatives, even while living in peace, had perpetrated [this] and had delivered him to a miserable and mournful death (for even foreigners grieved greatly for him because of the multitude of his calamities and his scarcely consolable misfortune); having risen from Persia in great numbers, as if there were no one to hinder them, they campaigned against the Roman themes, and devastated them—not arriving in scattered parties as before, and as fugitives, but rather as masters ^D taking possession of whatever they happened upon. Hearing these things, the emperor, having gathered an adequate army, set over it as general Isaac Comnenus. He appointed as his colleague Ruselius the Latin with a Frankish contingent, amounting to four hundred Franks. When the entire army had reached Iconium, a certain contention having arisen, Ruselius openly rebelled at that time, and taking the Franks with him, turned in another direction, and allowed his men to go wherever they wished. [P. 847] And having gone up to Melitene, the Turk

^A suddenly attacking them, escaped superior, and directed the rest of his army towards Caesarea. Comnenus, also, having planned to make a sudden attack on the enemies by night, because he might fall upon them unprepared, met with the opposite of his own plan; for he encountered them prepared and ready. He was compelled, though unwilling, to engage with them, and was immediately defeated and at once became a prisoner. All things that were within the camp were also seized, many Romans being killed, and some taken alive; the majority, however, sought salvation for themselves in flight. When the report reached the Emperor, he appeared quite sad and affected by grief. Nevertheless, he did not refrain at all from committing injuries against the citizens or from wicked deeds, because he followed the advice of Nicephorus. For since he was of such a nature that he could not easily discern, nor was he of a mind to be ^B vigilant, he used to do everything that was ordered by Nicephorus like a slave. From that time, therefore, having found an opportunity, the Agarenes, coursing through the region of the Orient, did not cease to harass and lay it waste. But when Isaacius had ransomed himself with much money and a full purse, the highest commander, John the Caesar, was immediately declared; who, having passed as far as Dorylaeum, set out from there and progressed further, and arrived as far as the bridge of Zompus. But before he crossed the Sangarius, Ruselius arrived from the Armeniac theme with great haste and pitched his camp there. And the Caesar, having sent envoys as to one who had offended and done wrong, promised pardon and oblivion of evils if, changing his counsel, he would acknowledge his proper master. But the barbarian, roaring as one who trusted in his own hands and war, and relying on the multitude of those with him, the embassy returned having achieved nothing and empty. For that reason he decided that it must be fought out by a battle for the highest stakes. Therefore, the Caesar, when he had crossed the river, and his colleague Nicephorus Botaniates with the rest of the ^C army, immediately engaged in battle with Ruselius. But as the Romans did not withstand the attack of the Franks, the whole army was turned to flight, and the Caesar was taken by Ruselius, and many others; only Botaniates fled with some few men. From that time the great and famous Ruselius became celebrated by the magnitude of his prosperous success, and proceeding straight to Byzantium, he held the Caesar in chains, afflicted with many evils and tossed by waves of calamities succeeding one another. When this domestic misfortune also was announced to the Emperor, and the arrival of the Franks terrified everyone, a huge solicitude and care occupied the minds of all, and of the Emperor himself. Therefore, Ruselius, having set out from there and brought with him the Caesar and Basil Malese, who had recently been liberated from captivity with Diogenes, pitched his tent in Chrysopolis, and set on fire the buildings that were there. By this act, he excited a huge clamor and mourning among the natives. The Emperor, however, desiring to soften the boldness of the barbarian, promised him the honor of curopalates, and in addition sent to him his wife and children. But secretly against him the Turks ^D

^A he also summoned, persuading Roussel with many promises to fight him. But Roussel, seeing himself weak against such a multitude, released the Caesar from his chains and proclaimed him emperor, establishing the power for him with magnificent and ringing acclamations. And while the rumor of the Caesar’s proclamation had not yet spread or become widespread, and because of this no soldiers had joined him, suddenly a Turkish force of five or six thousand appeared around Mount Sophon. And immediately Roussel prepared for battle. But the Caesar and some of the more distinguished men restrained his impulse, so that they might first discern how great the number of the appearing enemy was. Unable to bear it, and regarding it as the height of ignominy if he should delay the battle against six or ten thousand, Roussel charged the enemy with great force with the Franks. Many of the Turks therefore fell, as not one of the Franks had an empty spear, and the rest turned to flight. But since the pursuit went on for a long time, contrary to his custom, and that through inaccessible and impassable ^B mountains, he did not notice that he had left most of his men behind. Having been left with only a few, and with the Caesar having grown exhausted among the horses from the continuous and prolonged pursuit of the enemy, he fell into the calamity which we shall describe directly. For while he was thus laboring, another boundless force of Turks, estimated at one hundred thousand, attacked him. Surrounded therefore on all sides, even against his will he engaged with the enemy with the very few who were around him. The Turks did indeed stand their ground, but many of them fell even then. Nevertheless, being surrounded by such a multitude by missiles launched from afar, having lost their horses and being left all on foot, they thus yielded. Yet many fall, and ten times as many Turks. The Caesar and Roussel, and those with him, were captured. ^C Those of the Franks who had been left behind fled into the fortress of Metaboles with the wife of Roussel, who showed care for his safe-keeping and preservation. The Turks, having secured Roussel in foot-shackles, kept the Caesar unbound and held him in his own honor. And when the price of the captives was demanded, the emperor strove to redeem him; for a little before, Maleses, having also been released by the Caesar, was immediately sent into exile with his goods confiscated, exchanging the captivity of Roussel with the captivity of Diogenes and the confiscation and exile of these men. But the wife of Roussel, with great diligence, redeemed him. Wherefore those sent by the emperor returned having redeemed only the Caesar. And when he had reached the Propontis, fearing lest by chance, as a rebel and a suspect, he should suffer some evil of such a kind that no remedy could be applied to it, he laid aside his customary clothing and shaved his hair, assumed the habit of a monk, and in such vile attire betook himself to the capital; from all of which men of sound mind reasoned the divine wrath, and how God had become an enemy to them on account of the violation and contempt of the divine commandments and precepts, of which they were conscious to themselves ^D

^A when they were affected by some base and irreparable misfortune, they cast off their worldly clothing, had their hair shorn, and put on the garb of monks, and in such humble guise they presented themselves to the emperor. From all these things, those of sound mind inferred the divine visitation and understood how the Divine had been turned into an enemy against them on account of their neglect and rejection of the divine commandments and precepts—commandments which, even while they were conscious of them, they brought Roman forces into great wars and dangers without first propitiating God, and though they suffered badly and were defeated, they felt no sense of the divine retribution. The Romans of old, however, did not act in this way, and thus they succeeded in those terrible and celebrated campaigns, dedicating themselves to virtue and justice, love and truth, and simply pursuing every good and noble thing as far as possible. For this reason, the Divine was present with them, and in every way they defeated their adversaries. ^B

When the Caesar had entered, the sovereign thought he had accomplished everything, but he was tormented by the failure of Roussel. For he considered the destruction of his own kin, the loss of his authority, the slaughter of Christians, the burning of villages, and the devastation of regions as secondary matters. Roussel, having set out from the fortress of Metabole with the remaining Frankish soldiers, his wife and children, and his possessions, marched steadily through the middle of the region without fear; and when he had reached the region of the Armeniacs, he returned to his former strongholds, and from there, making incursions against the Turks, he kept them from invading that region any further. The emperor, hearing these things, thought it better that the Turks should hold Roman lands than to allow Roussel to remain in any place, being spurred and stimulated to this by Nicephorus. ^C He therefore sent one of the nobles, a young man in age but otherwise energetic and prudent, the *proedros* Alexius Comnenus, who, having arrived at the city of Amaseia, awaited the outcome of events. Roussel, having established a pact and friendship with the Turkish chieftain, met with him without troops, as was his custom. But one day, while dining with them, he was captured and bound; for among the Turks, it is a customary and pardonable thing, worthy of no blame, to deceive Romans even if an oath has been interposed; there is no one who would accuse such perjury. The *proedros* Alexius, having purchased him for a great price, brought him in chains to the emperor. The emperor, having handed him over to the torturers, racked him with relentless scourging by means of ox-hide thongs, as if he were some runaway slave, and having locked him in one of the darkest towers, kept him in neglect, bound in chains. ^D

The Logothete, who was very powerful, as has been said, at the emperor’s court, and who managed everything according to his own will, asked that the monastery of the Hebdomon be given to him as a gift, and he strove to claim for it all the estates and almost every region that the sun beholds, and to expand it with abundant income, thinking to make the emperor his friend through his wickedness and to profit most greatly from his simplicity, and to acquire enormous wealth in the name of the monastery. Being as fit for gain as anyone else due to his craftiness, and for the sake of lucrative

^A infamy, he set up a *phoundax* in Rhaedestos and a monopoly, prohibiting and restraining all other sellers; he contrived that the imperial market should be the only one. From this he became the primary cause of a famine, and of the most inhuman sort that men have ever remembered, so much so that the emperor obtained from this a nickname, by which he is known to posterity more than by the name of his ancestors: for if one says "Michael," and does not add "Parapinakios" to it, he would not be quickly recognized, because at that time a *modios* was sold for a *pinakion* of coinage — a *pinakion* being a quarter of a *medimnos*.

In the first year of his reign, ^B the eleventh indiction, the nation of the Serbs, whom they also call the Croats, went out to bring Bulgaria into slavery. I shall recount the manner of this, taking it up from further back. For when the emperor Basil reduced Bulgaria, he did not wish to innovate anything in their customs, but determined that they should be governed by their own princes and live according to their own traditions, just as they had been under Samuel, who had been their leader. Already, even before this, the nation had been disturbed, not bearing the avarice of the orphanotrophos, when they proclaimed Dolean their king, matters which have been set forth in detail above; and now again, they turned their eyes toward rebellion. For they did not bear the avarice of Nicephorus, and the things he had contrived against everyone, while the emperor took no notice, but was occupied ^C only with childish games. The princes of Bulgaria made a request to Michael, who was their prefect, to bring them aid and support, and to surrender his son to them, so that they might proclaim him king of Bulgaria and be liberated from the tyranny and harshness of the Romans. He willingly obeyed them, and having chosen three hundred of his own men and entrusted them to his own son Constantine, who was also called Bodino, he sent him into Bulgaria.

He went, therefore, to Prisdiana, where the leading men who were in Scopia—the chief of whom was George Boitachus, descended from the Comchani—gathered, and they proclaimed him king of the Bulgarians, changing his name from Constantine to Peter. When Nicephorus Carantonus, who was administering the command of the duke in Scopia, heard of this, he took the commanders under him and went to Prisdiana with the Bulgarian forces. While he was preparing for war, his successor, Damian Dalassenus, arrived. Having joined with Carantonus, he heaped many insults upon him, and raved quite excessively against his soldiers in the presence of each of his commanders, mocking them as if they were unwarlike; he immediately drew up the line of battle and joined combat with the Serbs. A horrific battle ensued, and a ^D slaughter of the Romans more horrific still; for many of the Romans and Bulgarians fell, and very many were taken alive, among whom was the duke Damian Dalassenus himself, and he who was called Probatas, and Longibar-

Longibardopulus, and many others with them. ^A The entire camp was also captured, and all that was in it was plundered. Henceforth the Bulgarians openly proclaimed Bodinus king, as has been said, renaming him Peter. Dividing themselves into two parts, some went with Bodinus to Nysos, while others took as their leader a certain Petrilus, who held the primary rank under Bodinus, and set out against the Romans who were in Kastoria. For there, as has been said, those who favored the Roman cause—the commander of Achris, Marianus, and the patrician and anthypatos of Diabolis, Theognostus Burtzes, along with the commander in Kastoria—had fortified the city with a wall. With them were also Borises David and many others, who, fearing the threats of the indigenous Bulgarians, had fled to Kastoria as to a place of refuge. When Petrilus therefore reached Kastoria with an innumerable multitude of Bulgarians, he made preparations for war. The Romans themselves also sortied against them, and engaging them with great impetus, they routed Petrilus and forced him to flee over trackless mountains to his master, Michael. They also killed many of the Bulgarians; ^B they captured the man who held the second rank after Petrilus in Chrobati, and brought him in chains to the emperor.

Bodinus, meanwhile, having reached Nysos, began to conduct himself as if he were already emperor of Bulgarian affairs, plundering everything in his path, and harassing and mistreating those who would not receive him or submit to his rule. When the emperor heard of this—of the defeat of the duke, that is, and his declaration—he sent Saronites against him, hastening to extinguish the evil before it should be fanned into a great flame. He also sent with him a considerable army, composed of Macedonians, Romans, and Franks. But Saronites, making his advance toward the city of Skopia, paid no heed to those who were in Nysos. Having arrived there, and having given his word to George Boitachos, to whom the city was entrusted, that he would suffer no harm, he took the city of Skopia, ^C pitched his camp there, and consulted and meditated on what was to be done about those in Nysos. But Boitachos, having already repented of having been good for so long and of having followed the Roman cause, secretly signaled to those who were dwelling in Nysos to come to him as quickly as possible, and that they should cruelly slaughter to a man those who were with Saronites, as they were living ignobly and sluggishly. Having received the message, they set out from Nysos and made for Skopia, the earth being covered with snow—for it was winter, in the month of December. When those who were with Saronites perceived this, they sallied out against them with all their forces, and having caught them on the road at a certain place called Taunion, they slew almost all of them. ^D Bodinus was also captured. Longibardopulus, as has been said, having been led to Michael, gave and received pledges, and took his daughter as his wife. To him was entrusted a huge army, composed of Longobardi and Serbs; with this he was sent to the aid of Bodinus and fought against the Romans again.

^A And Bodinus was sent by the emperor in chains. Having been confined in the monastery of Saint Sergius, he was shortly thereafter handed over to Isaac Komnenos, who had already been proclaimed duke of Antioch, and was led away to Antioch. When his father Michael heard of this, having hired some Venetians for a large sum of money—whose task it was to navigate the sea—he stole him away from there and brought him back to his own country, ^B and restored the rule to him; he, even in our own times, completed his reign after the death of his father. Boitachos, having been severely tortured while returning to the emperor, died, unable to bear the agony of his wounds. However, the Alamanni and the Franks (these are western nations), having been sent into the region, destroyed the abandoned palace of the Bulgarians in Prespa and plundered the temple established and dedicated there to saint Achillios, sparing none of the sacred things that were in it; of these, some were later saved, but the rest the army divided and converted to its own use. Therefore, one of the soldiers of the Macedonian phalanx, ^C being asked to return the sacred object he had taken, and since he could not be persuaded to do so, his shoulders were consumed by coals, and he died; divine justice did not hesitate, as is its custom, to inflict punishment, but punished him as an example to future generations. In the maritime cities, the soldiers having been neglected, inasmuch as they received nothing from the spoils, Nestor, the bestarches, was sent—who had been a servant of the emperor’s father—and was named duke of those peoples who dwell along the Ister. Having formed an alliance with Tatos, as a man of the same opinion, they armed many Patzinaks and set out for the royal city. ^D When ordered to lay down his arms, he said he would do nothing of the sort unless they removed the logothete Nicephorus from the midst as a common enemy and deadly foe, who had committed not a few wrongs against him and had confiscated his property. But the emperor did not listen, having once given himself over to his deceptions and wiles. Nestor, however, against whom plots had been prepared by his own men, departed from there and plundered Macedonia, Thrace, and the areas bordering Bulgaria, and retreated to the region of the Patzinaks. A portion of the Macedonian soldiers, having been deprived, approached the emperor, lamenting what had occurred. By imperial order, therefore, they were beaten and, having been treated with contumely, were driven away, no consideration being given to them. But they, having returned to their own lands, filled with no small grief, no longer wished to remain of the same mind, but planned in every way to take vengeance on their enemies. When he had sent to the Frank who held Longobardia, named Robert, his daughter

JACOBI GOARI NOTAE.

^A He brought his daughter to his son Constantine as a wife, having changed her name to Helena. Lombardy was occupied by Robert in the following manner. Georgius Maniaces, having been sent by Empress Zoe to settle affairs in Italy and having been decorated with the rank of Master, had won over many Franks to himself. Day by day, he also caused those who had been vexed by the Docianus to keep the peace in certain parts of Italy, for they feared him, having experienced his courage in battles. But when he had risen against Monomachus and was defeated, those who had passed over with him—having been reduced to servitude to the emperor—were called Maniacares and remained in the city of the Romans, while the rest were left in Italy. Now there was someone among them, Robert by name, the son of the brother of Ardoinus, who had been scourged by the Docianus; he was a grave and hot-tempered man, endowed with a tyrannical mind. ^B He openly meditated on driving the Romans out of Italy, but he hesitated to attack the province and kept putting it off, seeing himself as weak and fearing to oppose himself to the emperor's power. But when his wife, whom he had brought from Francia—Gaita by name, the daughter of a prince to whom no mean region was subject—was with him, he migrated to those cities which served his wife, of which the first and greatest is named Salerno. From there, therefore, like a thief and a robber, he would sally forth and plunder the places subject to the Roman Empire, partly enslaving Calabria and partly reducing Italy to servitude. As for the prisoners whom he captured, some he deprived of their hands, others he maimed in the extremities of their feet, others in both, and some he even sold for a great sum of money, threatening that if they did not surrender their cities and submit themselves to him, they would suffer not only these things, but even worse. ^C When private affairs of the empire were struggling in the palace, no account was taken of those things that were happening in Italy. For after the life of Monomachus had ended shortly thereafter, and Theodora the Augusta had held the empire for about a year, and Michael had been declared emperor, and Comnenus had been incited against him, and the armies were occupied with internal wars—and there was no one to hinder the efforts of Robert—he became great and illustrious as a result of this; for he gathered a suitable army and took possession of horses, money, and weapons, since those who had been appointed by the emperor as leaders of the cities could not sally forth against him due to the fewness of their own men and their moderate valor. ^D When Comnenus had obtained the empire, the nation of the Turks pressed upon the East, while the Patzinaks pressed upon the West. Therefore, Thrymbus, who happened to be the commander of the army there, withdraws from Calabria, having openly dared to commit a crime against the Scribonas; for when he saw that what had been done was by no means pleasing to the locals, he departs as an exile to the emperor. Therefore, the commander of Italy, Abulchar, is sent. But Robert, when he saw that the Calabrians were exasperated on account of the slaughter of the Scribonas, and meditating rebellion for this cause as well, did not depart with the intention of returning.

Instead, he hastened and captured Rhegium, a great and illustrious city, where the Duke of Italy was accustomed to reside; for there were magnificent dwellings there and an abundance of all necessities. ^A Abulchare, having taken Dyrrachium and crossed over from there to Bari, upon learning that Rhegium had been captured, remained in Bari, and from there he held onto the cities that were still loyal to the Romans insofar as he was able, appointing commanders and sending troops to guard those places. For Bari, Hydrus, Callipolis, Tarentum, Brundusium, and Hora, along with many other small towns and the entire region, were still in Roman hands. Meanwhile, Perenus was proclaimed Duke of Italy. ^B However, since he could not cross over into Longobardia on account of Robert’s power, he remained in Dyrrachium, being called the Duke of Dyrrachium. Nicephorus Carantenus, as Robert made incursions and harassed the Italians with countless evils, was indeed fearful, yet he continued to wait for reinforcements from the Emperor. All the Italian cities therefore submitted to him and received garrisons; some, however, not accepting garrisons, became tributaries. When matters reached this stage, Carantenus also decided to flee, seeing the Franks increasing every day. But considering the ignominy of such a course, he remained in the province, keeping Brundusium in fidelity and service to the Emperor, while attacking the neighboring Franks with fraud and guile. ^C Having secretly conferred with them, and having both made and received promises regarding the betrayal of the city, he admitted the Franks as they climbed up by a ladder. He slaughtered the incoming men one by one—up to the number of one hundred—and throwing their heads into a ship, he sailed to Dyrrachium, a messenger going from there to the Emperor to report what had happened. Perenus therefore remained in Dyrrachium, while the Empire was oppressed by internal evils, and the East was afflicted by the Turks with woes that increased every day and found no respite or end. ^D When the Duke Constantine the Emperor had died, and the Empress Eudocia had held the throne for a short time, once the scepters of the Empire passed to Diogenes, no common fear was injected into Robert and those with him, lest they be driven from their own holdings and deprived of their possessions, having already experienced his prowess. From those places and towns that looked to the Roman Empire, they withdrew by every means. But as he himself was occupied in expeditions against the Turks and concentrated all his concern where it was most urgent, they no longer acted as lords, but like marauders and pirates they brought the regions of Italy under their own power. When, during the reign of Diogenes, as has been described above, affairs had been managed and conducted, under Michael the Empire was administered so negligently and childishly that [the Normans], established lords, subdued for themselves everything from sea to sea, including Longobardia and Calabria; and, having distributed these and divided the towns, they called themselves counts, and Robert they called Duke. Michael, however, not only did not retain the region that belonged to him, as has been said, but

he thought it necessary—in order to drive back the Turks from the East—to make a treaty with them, and by their help and in union with them, to repel the senseless onrush of the barbarians against Romania. Hence, he contracted a bond of affinity with Robert, and betrothed his daughter, Helen, to his own son, Constantine. The emperor desired this, but he was prevented by God from seeing it brought to an end, for God had long ago decreed the utter destruction and ruin of the East. ^B In his reign there appeared in Constantinople a three-footed bird, and a child having one eye on its forehead and goat's feet. Two of the immortal soldiers were also struck by lightning. This monstrous child, in the public entry at the Diaconissa, let out a wail resembling a child’s cry. Furthermore, many long-haired stars (comets) appeared frequently. Since the barbarians were plundering the affairs of the East, and the multitude was being partly slaughtered and partly fleeing for refuge to Constantinople, the time called for a wise, aged, and noble mind to govern affairs. But he was so miserly and petty-minded that he was unwilling to spend even an obol, nor would he provide anything to anyone, whoever he might be; nor would he make provision for the arrival of grain ^C to be brought in by supply ships, but was continuously occupied with a vain and fruitless zeal for rhetoric, and with composing iambics and anapaests—even though he had not even tasted the art superficially, but was deceived and deluded by the chief of the philosophers—and he ruined, so to speak, the whole world. For a mighty famine arose, followed by pestilence and death, which are bred together and are sisters to the destruction of men. People died in great numbers daily, so that the living could not even carry out the dead, and they lay neglected in the places called the Septa, and many were carried away together in one bed, when often five or six corpses were placed upon it. Calamities flowed together from every side, and the imperial city was filled with every kind of dejection. Moreover, no relief from the daily injustices, the unlawful judgments, and the exactions was conceived by those who were in power. But as if no foreign war were at all troubling the Romans, ^D and as if neither divine wrath nor the want and life-sustaining stresses afflicting men were present, they proceeded without fear to commit such things as were worthy of divine hatred and were tyrannical. And every royal decree and intention was directed toward wronging and cheating their own subjects, and hunting down their livelihoods and the very means of life, so that even up to the sacred monuments

^A his avarice extended, and their sacred treasures and furnishings were carried off.

When affairs were thus being administered, both internal and external being exhausted by rapine and plunder through the worst counsel and the sloth of those in power, the leading men in the East, Alexander and Cabasilas Synadenus, Gudelius, Straboramus, and the rest of the chosen men of the senatorial order, brought to fruition the rebellion they had long been harboring. They joined together and declared the Curopalates Nicephorus Botaniates emperor, in the month of October, in the first indiction. When this reached the ears of the Emperor, it disturbed him not a little; for it had been predicted by many that one day N would overcome M. And he immediately wrote to the Turks as though they were kin and close relations, promising to give them gifts if only they would capture him and those with him and send them to him. ^B Botaniates was one of the nobility, originating from the Phocas lineage, tracing his descent in various ways from the illustrious Fabii, who traced their origin from the famous and older Rome, as the ancient tradition concerning them holds.

On the third day of the month of October, when the emperor's tent was about to be pitched, a dense light appeared in the air around the first watch of the night, reaching as far as Chalcedon and Chrysopolis and the royal palaces at Blachernae; this was seen by all as a good omen, so that some prophesied that through the splendor of the morning star a torch had come to the palace.

While he was proceeding to Byzantium, another evil-plotted rebellion agitated the West. For Nicephorus Bryennius, who was administering the ducal office of Dyrrachium, having been dismissed from this, laid claim to the name of emperor for himself. ^C Employing the soldiers who were there as his followers and confederates, he departed from there and hastened toward Adrianople; for his own full brother had organized certain of the Western forces for the expected conspiracy, and brought together a large multitude of Varangians and Franks to conspire with his brother, along with the governor of that same city, who was joined to him by kin; and before he arrived at Adrianople, he wrote that he had already been celebrated and declared emperor.

The Emperor, however, being more soft and sluggish in attending to matters—for had he not been such, he could easily have defeated Bryennius, possessing his own army, those whom they call the Immortals, ^D and another army, not ignoble, composed of gathered men—could easily have attacked all of his enemies, first those who were at Adrianople, and then Bryennius himself. But, as it has been said, by showing himself more sluggish, he both exalted the man and made a great one out of a small one, and brought trouble upon himself. For the royal governor and successor who had been sent, having engaged with him at Thessalonica, if he had decently...

^A managed his affairs, would easily have defeated him at the very beginning of the revolt. ^B Having arrived at Trajanopolis, he there met with his brother John and the Franks and Macedonians who were at Adrianople, as well as the rest of the army that was of his mind, where he was also invested with the imperial regalia. Having secured all things with oaths and terrible covenants, he thus received the imperial acclamations with much praise and a large retinue, and, bearing himself in the manner of an emperor, he returned to Adrianople with great honor and respect, as his tribes came out to meet him, for they cherished and respected him from the heart. Now the governor Constantine Theodorocanus, having set out against some of Bryennius's men, was captured and led to him as a prisoner—a man renowned and remarkable for the eminence of his birth and the brilliance of his life. Yet he was neglected as if he were someone ignoble and born of an obscure place, and he suffered no corporal punishment, although he was expected to endure it on account of previous animosities and capital conflicts. Being sent into exile in a certain Macedonian city, not long after he paid the debt of nature. ^C But that Bryennius had been invested with the royal regalia in Trajanopolis, and had allowed himself to be proclaimed and celebrated there, the wiser and more prudent men did not consider a good omen. For this Trajanopolis was not founded in the name of the Emperor Trajan, but in the name of a certain one of Trajan's grandees called Trajan, a man of that time who was noble both in hand and in spirit, whom the Emperor Trajan, because of some offense, had deprived of his sight. While traveling to the Persians, he first caught sight of him there, and, being quite pained by the spectacle, and remembering his expeditions and valor, he ordered a city to be built in that very place for the indelible memory of the man. For this reason, then, prudent men considered the event not a good omen. Nevertheless, Bryennius, ignorant of the decree (for the outcome of future events is blind), proceeded with his affairs. Rhaedestus also thought the same, with the help of his kinsman city, Batatzene; for the Rhaedestini, having set out against Panium, forced it also to proclaim Bryennius. Having honored his own brother with the title of Curopalates and all others in accordance with their proper dignity, he judged that he would be formidable to the royal city upon the arrival of his brother whom he had sent. ^D For, having handed over to him a not insignificant army, he hoped that, since the citizens hated the emperor and the logothete and were behaving strenuously against them, they would be of one mind with himself, and would receive them into the city under some condition, and that he would thus arrive at them without fear with royal pageantry. But he strayed far from his proposed plan: for even though he had burned Heraclea and killed many of those who were there (because the governor Alexius Comnenus, who was staying at Selymbria, had retreated a little before), nevertheless the inhabitants of the royal city were by no means deterred by the arrival of Bryennius; for as they approached the wall of the Blachernae they engaged in some light skirmishes, and, having been repulsed, they crossed the bridge of Saint Panteleemon, and what was there

they utterly destroyed with fire, and having achieved nothing of note they returned from there. He himself took two regiments and moved to Athyras, while he sent the rest of the army into winter quarters. ^A In these great evils, the emperor remembered with difficulty Ruselios, who was still being held in custody and in chains, and who had attempted to defect to Botaneiates. Having therefore brought him out of prison and honored him with all manner of status and relief, and having used many persuasive and alluring words, he incited him to battle against Bryennios and urged him to converse from the walls with the Franks who were with Bryennios. But as he did not succeed in convincing them, he set off against the brother of Bryennios who was staying at Athyras with an army, with the ^B leader of the army, the praedor Alexios Komnenos, in command of the soldiers who were in the imperial city, having first pledged his loyalty with sacred oaths, and at the same time having sent Roxolanian ships, while the infantry hurried on foot to Athyras. But they, having learned of this, escaped by fleeing. And when those around Ruselios and Komnenos wished to pursue them and strike down many of the enemy, they could not get the soldiers to obey, as they were fearful of the outcome. Many of the Macedonians fell, and not a few were captured alive, and much plunder was taken, including the green carriage that belonged to the curopalates; who also fled and arrived at Rhaedestos. The Patzinaks, with a force of no small size, appeared at Adrianople, and laying siege to it, they sent some into the countryside and ravaged its finest places, killing men, driving off infinite flocks of animals, and omitting no ^C kind of harassment. But Bryennios, seeking by treaties, gifts of gold, and textiles to make them depart, demanded silver from his own men, in every way determined not to fail in his intended plan. His brother John, having been sent to the Chersonese of Cyzicus, tried to bring the locals over to his side. But Ruselios encountered him and put them to flight by force, at the beginning of the month of March, in the first indiction.

When the patriarch John Xiphilinos was buried and relocated to the eternal mansions, the emperor chose another, not from the senatorial order, nor from the Church, nor any other of the Byzantines who were famous and celebrated for their learning and ^D deeds, but a certain monk, Kosmas, who had come from the holy city, and who was held in the highest honor by the emperor because of the virtue with which he was endowed. For even though he was devoid of external wisdom and had not tasted its mysteries, nevertheless, he flourished with various virtues; therefore, neglecting all others, he placed him at the helm of the Church.

Botaneiates, having ordered his own affairs well, and being prepared for the task he had set for himself, summoned all those who had ever practiced the military profession, and from these he gathered legions.

bestowing upon them also both money and badges of rank, he made even the negligent ready and eager for the task at hand. Upon hearing this, those who had been sent by the emperor to guard Nicaea defected to him with all their forces and surrendered the city without a fight. He also assembled a considerable Turkish army, whose leader was the famous Cutlumus with his five sons. He won them over to his side, as they were related to the sultan and were striving to claim the entire Persian empire for themselves, but were unable to fight against him and had therefore come to Roman territory so that they might acquire a power equal to resisting him. But in truth, if one must speak the truth, they had joined battle against the sultan to contend for the whole empire at the place called Rheas, and as the armies were already on the verge of clashing, the matter reached the ears of the caliph, who is honored among them with a reverence equal to God. He, immediately casting aside all pride and custom (for he was not allowed to go out beyond his own quarters), rode quickly and arrived at Rheas. Standing in the midst of the, by now, about-to-engage battle lines, he exhorted them to peace for the benefit of the Persians and their empire, but to the detriment of the power and authority of the Romans: for after various discussions held back and forth, he finally prevailed with what he considered useful and agreeable, namely, that the sultan should rule over Persia, whose master his father had also been, while those with Cutlumus, having received forces and aid from the sultan, should bring the Roman territory under their own power and hold it as their own region, authority, and kingdom, so that they might in no way insult one another. By such admonition and persuasion of the caliph ^A the battle is dissolved, the army withdraws, all contention is pushed aside, and they began to subject the Roman lands to their servitude. Having therefore attached these men to himself, he hastened with a suitable army according to the treaty made with them, and having begun the journey, he marched toward Nicaea. A huge number, moreover, from the Great City flowed to him daily. And what is incredible to say, not even the Turks were an obstacle to him, but rather they accompanied him with a certain reverence and respect; and so too did the Queen of Cities, and all her princes, and those who held magistracies, and those who were in the suburbs and villages. ^B Indeed, even the princes of the Church, having gathered together at the most celebrated temple of the Word of God, Sophia, just as the feast of the Annunciation of the Theotokos was approaching, ^C declared Botaniates emperor, with the patriarch of the great city of God, Antioch, by name Emiliano, leading the way.

JACOBI GOARI NOTAE.

(41) Cedrenus in *Monomacho* p. 775 calls him a *seriphum* after the caliph, as his successor in dignity: but Leunclavius in the *Onomasticon* interprets *calipham* or *halife* as vicar, locum tenens, heir, and successor. *Halife Lullahe*, he says, is vicar of God, holding the place of God on earth. *Halife Muhamedum*, heir of Mahomet, successor of Mahomet. Thus the ancient kings of the Agarenes called themselves. Thus Scachus Ismail strove to be called. Finally, the princes of the Turks adorn themselves with the same title. (42) I explain: Those who flocked from the common people or the various quarters and parts, for it is said in Cedrenus that these signify the popular/common classes. (43) *Epiteteria*, the dedication of works, the beginnings, and also happy auspices are said to be ^D

^A parts, for they proclaim Botaniates emperor, with the patriarch of the great city of God, Antioch, named Aemilianus, and the metropolitan of Iconium, presiding over them. All the clergy, the senate, and almost the entire city concur with them. Dividing themselves according to the factions of the state, they designate commanders of cohorts and form illustrious companies. They take possession of the palaces by a sudden assault and station soldiers, driving out the soldiers of the Emperor Michael and defeating the mercenaries in battle. They also remove the reigning Emperor Michael, who had fled to the palaces at Blachernae with the Augusta Maria of the Alans and his son, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, forcing him to exchange his life for the monastic one, sending him to the Studite monastery on a humble beast of burden; he had reigned for six years. This occurred on the very Saturday ^B (44) on which the miracle of Lazarus is celebrated by the faithful. They also appoint authorities to govern the mainland, and furthermore they appoint a drungarius for the fleet.

While matters in the city were proceeding in this way, contrary to all expectation, and the emperor had been deposed, Botaniates moved toward Byzantium, full of confidence, as if he were to receive supreme imperial power without bloodshed, even though he himself was prepared for battles and wars and held together the military forces under his command. But the logothete Nicephorus and David, who shared his character, set out towards evening and came upon Roussel, who was staying in Heraclea and offering sacrifices to God in thanksgiving for the victory over the enemies. ^C The citizens, having guarded the palaces without an emperor for three days, urged Botaniates by letter to come as quickly as possible. Having reached Praenetus with speed, he sent one of the men with him, a noble and energetic man in practical affairs, his own servant Borilus, who occupied the palaces, and shortly thereafter he himself enters them on the great third day (46), and he is crowned with the imperial diadem by the hands of the patriarch. Having rewarded all those with him with gifts, estates, and honors, and having treated the Turks who were encamped at Chrysopolis with kindness, he set his hand to the other affairs of the empire. He cut away all public debts from the root, not tied to any specified time, but taking all ^D years together, so that neither the name nor the memory of them could be found or recalled. But when Bryennius, being abroad, was troubling and shaking the affairs of the West, an imperial embassy was sent to him to announce that he should desist from his rash undertaking, accept the fortune of Caesar, and abandon his desire.

to suppress the greed for rank, and confirm the honors of those who had defected with him. ^A But when he could not be persuaded, and remained in his purpose, and being arrogant would in no way yield the empire, nor the principate of which he was by no means in possession, a second embassy was sent to him, which likewise returned without success. Upon this, a third embassy went to him, Romanos the Proto-Proedros and Great Hetaireiarch, nicknamed Straboromanos, being sent. He did not accept this one either; rather, he received the man ignominiously, not as if sent by an emperor, but as if by some commander, even though the body of an ambassador is considered sacrosanct, even among infidels themselves, as a mediator of peace, a reconciler of those fighting, and one who drives away the crises of war. ^B At that time, Bryennios's tent also fell down of its own accord, its roof being overturned by invisible hands. A lunar eclipse also occurred, which presaged him, since such things are usually accustomed to signify the overthrow of tyrants, just as those who busy themselves with the idle vanity of the stars declare and prophesy. Therefore, when Straboromanos returned having accomplished nothing, the emperor applied himself to military matters, drew up his army against him, and, full of confidence, predicted his destruction; for the celebrated ^C element N was seen by the diviners as simple only and not double. And furthermore, having appointed as commander one of the nobility, the nobilissimus Alexios Komnenos, and declaring him Great Domestic—he who had previously ingeniously subdued Roussel—he sent him against Bryennios, a man revered for his prudence and the stability of his mind, and firm and intrepid before the dangers of war. Upon setting out against Bryennios with his troops, and having ordered his army to rest at a certain place called Kalabrye, he learned from scouts that Bryennios had departed from Mesene and was approaching with his whole army. At once, the nobilissimus ordered the Turks he had selected to set out as far as Bryennios, and only to make a show [of force] and immediately return to him. He himself, having placed ambushes in suitable locations and having drawn up the army as best he thought, awaited the arrival of Bryennios. ^D When the banners of both armies appeared, and both sides had sounded the signal with a clamor, a fierce battle began. And when Bryennios perceived the slaughter of his legions, their confusion, and the danger, having taken to himself the best forces, he personally sustained the struggle for the whole cause, and vigorously performed his duty; but the emperor’s soldiers repulsed his attempt. And when both sides contended ambitiously for victory, a horrible [clash ensued].

^A Komnenos, having given the signal to those in the ambuscades to sally forth and attack the enemy with violent impetus, caused the utter rout of Bryennios. Bryennios was indeed captured alive; many of his men fell, and no fewer were taken prisoner, including those who stood out above the others. Bryennios, once captured, underwent the penalty for such great madness by the loss of his eyes, lamenting much and bemoaning his own bad judgment. Upon receiving news of this, the emperor offered thanks to God and His Mother.

His brother is also killed in Byzantium by the Varangians. For when Bryennios had revolted and those Varangians who were outside joined in the conspiracy with him, the Varangians in the palace selected one of their own to send to their fellow countrymen, asking them to abandon the rebel and return to favor with the emperor. He was recognized, seized, and severely interrogated, and revealed the whole plan as it had been imparted to him. John, offended by this, cut off his nose; through which injury he was disfigured by John. Wherefore, not bearing with equanimity the insult he had suffered, ^B the Barbarian killed John as he was leaving the palace, striking him down with a foreign sword. The Varangians also rose up against the emperor and were eager to dispose of him. But when the emperor's soldiers arrayed themselves against them, they turned to entreaties and, having appeased the emperor, obtained pardon.

The emperor, his wife Berdena—who had been proclaimed queen along with him—having died, took another. For many were betrothed to him: Zoe, daughter of the emperor Doukas, a virgin and of beautiful form, but also many daughters of the senators, now of marriageable age. But he sought one of two women: either Eudokia, wife of the doux and formerly of Diogenes, or Maria from the Alans, wife of Michael who had recently reigned. He sent, therefore, for ^C Eudokia, who followed with great joy. Upon learning this, the monk who at the time lived with the highest virtue, and whom everyone called "all-holy" (48) in place of any other name, strove by every means to prevent this absurd crime, bringing to her mind many things that could restrain her from this desire. The emperor then, all modesty cast aside, took Maria and was joined to her in sacrilege; and the priest was immediately deposed for the open adultery committed. ^D As for Michael, having shorn his hair by the decree of the patriarch and the metropolitans, he was elected archbishop of Ephesus. He visited that city only once, however, and returning, remained in the monastery of Manuel, working with his own hands. He was honored especially by Alexios Komnenos, who later reigned, under whose rule he eventually died, his wife Maria...

who had become a nun after the deposition of Botaneiates, being granted compassion for the wrongs she had committed against her at the time of her death.

Nicephorus Basilacius, the protospatharios, having reached Dyrrachium, was gathering an army from all the surrounding regions and also summoned Franks from Italy through Theodosius, the bishop of Diabolis, whom he had won over with gifts and honors to act against Bryennios. Having collected a significant army of Franks, Bulgarians, Romans, and Albanians, he set out from there, pressing on toward Thessalonica. ^B Upon arriving at Achrida, he wished to be proclaimed emperor there, but was prevented by the zeal and diligence of the archbishop then presiding there. Once he arrived in Thessalonica, he was informed of the proclamation of Botaneiates, and sent messages of submission to him, while secretly plotting against him, having taken as his accomplices in this a certain man named Gymnos, and Gregory Mesemeros, and Tessaracontapechys. He also invited the Patzinaks to join his alliance. The Emperor, however, when he learned of his intent and purpose, sent one of his intimates ^C to him with a golden bull to divert him from this undertaking, relieving him of all fear and promising him the dignity of *nobilissimus*. But he, having scorned the benefits that were readily at hand, later lamented in vain. Thus, the *nobilissimus* Alexios, who had been honored with the title of Augustus, was sent against him with a suitable and capable army. Having discovered that the garrison of Basilacius, which had Gymnos as its commander, was in the Peritheorion, he seized it from him in battle, and moving his army on toward ^D Thessalonica, he reached it unharmed by any evils. Having established a camp at a certain distance beyond the river known as the Bardarios, he planned to allow the army to rest there. But Basilacius, striving to snatch victory, conceived a plan to attack him by night with an ambush, to capture him by force, and to destroy his entire army and utterly annihilate them. But since Gemistus had revealed the plot to the Augustus, he took precautions, both he and those with him. Basilacius, therefore, having traveled throughout the entire night, unexpectedly and unknown to him, as he thought, fell into a fierce battle. Being utterly defeated, and having lost most of his men, especially his Franks, and having been engaged in battle with the Domestic and overcome by him, he fled into the citadel of Thessalonica, thinking that he would ward off the assault of the Augustus with the protection of its fortifications. The Augustus, without delay, encouraged those with him to carry out the capture of the fortress with speed; and they, having made energetic assaults, and with the Thessalonians in agreement with them, quickly got the better of it and took possession of the citadel. Basilacius himself was captured, cast into iron chains, and sent bound to the Emperor. When the news of this reached the Emperor, by his command his eyes were put out near Chrysopolis, and from that time that place was called the Wailing.

^A of Basilacius; and when this had occurred, he was carried, a miserable burden and an unhappy spectacle, upon the carriage.

Meanwhile, while the armies were occupied in the expedition against Basilacius, the Patzinaks, joined by the Comans, invaded Adrianople, angry because some of their number had been killed by Bryennius. Having therefore kindled pyres, they burned many of the houses there, and having achieved nothing noteworthy, they returned.

In this year also, Philaretus, the curapalates Brachamius, professed his faith and servitude to the Emperor. For ^B dwelling in certain strong places fortified by walls and situated in the valleys, and having gathered a multitude of Armenians and stray men, he had never wished to be subjected to Michael, who had formerly reigned, and had vindicated the royal power for himself. But when Botaniates had attained the empire, he of his own accord became his servant.

A certain Lecas, having originated from the Paulicians of Philippopolis, deserted from Epigambria to the Patzinaks, and agreeing with them, he threatened the Romans with the most terrible things; and there was also a certain Dobromiris who was stirring up trouble in Mesembria. And both, contemplating rising against the Emperor, but becoming fearful and having been taught by the misfortunes of others, before they could even attempt it, bowed their necks to the servile yoke and came to him of their own accord as suppliants. Then indeed Lecas killed the ^C bishop of Sardica, Michael, who was well-disposed toward the Emperor and who was urging the city to do that very thing, even though he was arrayed in his sacred and priestly vestments.

The Emperor also took great care for Eudocia, who had been Augusta before him. But when the Turks had recently been overrunning the East, he gathered a suitable army and appointed as its leader Constantine, the son of Constantine Ducas; who, immediately having crossed over, revolted against the Emperor, and was straightway proclaimed emperor by the military multitude that was with him at Chrysopolis. And when the Emperor wished to determine something regarding him—though he was not heard—he conciliated some with gifts and promises of honors, and lured others away from their undertaking by other means, and received him without bloodshed, betrayed by those who had declared him emperor. He therefore tonsured him as a monk and relegated him to a certain island. It is even said that he was raised to the rank of presbyter.

In the month of October, in the thirteenth indiction, a lightning bolt struck the column of the ^D great Constantine, above which his statue stood, which had previously been an image of Apollo, but was later renamed in his honor; it split a part of it, and burned the three binders, which were of iron within and bronze without. And upon the death of John, the Archbishop of Bulgaria, in the passage of Basilacius, another [was appointed].

by the emperor, also called John, but nicknamed "Aoinos" [the abstainers], because he partook of wine not at all. Likewise, after the Patriarch of Antioch fell asleep, the emperor appointed a certain Nicephorus, bearing the surname "Maurus." Alexander Cabasilas was chosen as Duke of Skopje. Leo Diabatenus, sent to Mesembria, was managing affairs there and concluded agreements and truces with the Patzinaks and Comans. The emperor also gave his niece, the Synadene, daughter of Theodulus Synadenus, to the Kral of Hungary as wife; upon his death, she returned again to Byzantium. Many ordinations of metropolitans and other holy men also took place during his reign, which were not free from reproach. The emperor, accustomed to frugality and simplicity, departed in no way from his own character. He was most prompt in bestowing gifts and most liberal, and inclined toward everyone with readiness. He had two servants, Borilus and Germanus, who did not obey him as servants, but ^B performed whatever they pleased without contradiction; because of them, he was hateful to the leaders of the Senate, who took offense at their crimes against everyone. But when, as the narrative has already related, the logothete fled to Ruselius and was staying with him, and was kept in custody by him after being tonsured, he killed Ruselius with poison. But being led to Botaneiates by the relatives of Ruselius, he was kept under guard on the island of Prote. And since those who were with him knew full well that if the emperor only saw him, he would obtain pardon, seeing that he was endowed with experience in many things, and the emperor himself was rather dull at conducting affairs, those who were with the emperor, judging that it would not be to their advantage (for they suspected that he would be an obstacle to them), sent the Great Hetairiarch Straboromanus and killed him; although he had had this one mandate from the emperor, that he should only question him concerning the funds that belonged to the Queen City, and not trouble him further in matters. But he, as soon as he arrived, ordered him to be bound and tortured severely, so that he gave up his soul under the very tortures, even though he promised, if he were not tortured, that he would confess and return the money itself. But, as I said, it was not so much the royal treasuries that were the concern of those men, as it was to ensure that he was taken out of the way before he arrived in the sight of the emperor and spoke to him. And matters concerning the killing of the logothete had this end. ^C

JACOBI GOARI NOTES. (51) Note that if they do not prove that the logothete was the treasurer, it must be sought out elsewhere at another time.

YEAR OF OUR LORD MLXXII MICHAEL PSELLUS LEONIS ALLATII ON THE PSELLOI AND THEIR WRITINGS DISSERTATION.

Fabricius reprinted this Diatriba after the Roman edition of 1634 in volume V of his *Bibliotheca Graeca*. We provide it in its entirety because the author, while discussing our Michael Psellus himself (from § XXI onwards), repeatedly refers to others whom he has already discussed or is about to discuss; thus, the writers examined by him become joined by a certain connection.

SYLLABUS OF THE PSELLOI Concerning whom Allatius discourses in this Diatriba.

I. Michael Psellus, or the Emperor Psellos (the Stammerer), from A.D. 820 to 829. § 1. ^A II. Michael Psellus, disciple of Photius, famous circa A.D. 870. § 2-20. III. Michael Psellus, tutor to the Emperor Michael Ducas, famous circa A.D. 1050. § 21-33. His published writings, § 34, 52, and 78; unpublished, § 53-77. Also belonging to him are those chapters on universal doctrine, which I have here edited for the first time with Allatius. Michael Ephesius distinct from Psellus. § 31. Perhaps Michael Ducas the Emperor himself was a disciple of Psellus. § 32. IV. Michael Psellus, physician, under Constantine Porphyrogenitus. § 71. V. Michael Psellus, a military man, under Theodore Lascaris. § 79. VI. Joannes Psellus. § 49, 56, 80. VII. Constantinus Psellus. § 50 and 80.

I. Michael Psellus, or the Emperor Psellos.

[1] I. Let the first of all (a) be Michael the Amorite (b), who, after Leo the Armenian, was Emperor of Constantinople; others have called him *Traulos*, that is, Stammerer. We shall call him *Psellos* (for it will be the same, whatever others may say). Suidas says: *Psellos: obscure, inarticulate speaker, stammerer*. But, lest we seem to change surnames—which must be preserved with the utmost care, even regarding religion—into other words of the same meaning, although there is no lack of precedent for this, behold a witness greater than any exception, writing near those times: Nicetas, who was also called David the Paphlagonian, in the *Life of Saint Ignatius the Patriarch*, who distinguishes said Emperor by no other surname than Psellus. For he says: *Michael, whom they call Psellos, being domesticus of the excubitors, and accused of conspiring for the throne, was confined by his accomplices.* For indeed Michael, whom they name Psellus, (then domesticus of the excubitors), having been denounced for aspiring to the kingdom, was put under guard by his fellow soldiers and associates in the conspiracy, etc. Yet he becomes known in later historians under the name *Traulos* (Stammerer). Regarding the dogmas of the Christian faith, ecclesiastical matters, and especially the adoration ^B of holy images, he was truly *Psellos* in word and deed, that is, lisping; truly *traulos*, that is, stammering.

II. Michael Psellus, disciple of Photius, circa A.D. 870.

[2] II. Another Michael Psellus was, as a man of learning, established in his study of knowing and teaching the best arts and disciplines; he was commended by many names, but chiefly for the fact that he alone, while all others in a most wretched Greece were wasting away in sleep and luxury, did not neglect the dead Muses, but cultivated them more accurately and opened the fountains of philosophy to those who desired them. From him Leo the Byzantine, nephew of the Patriarch of Constantinople Joannes, of the line of the Morocharzani, surnamed the Philosopher, drew the elements of liberal arts after his boyhood studies, as Joannes Scylitza relates in his *Oriental History*, and Cedrenus from Scylitza in the *Synopsis*. *Ta men*...

NOTES.