Annaean Glossary

and hollow them out to the very bottom, and empty them out most greedily. But an end must eventually be made; lest I spoil the delight of History, promised by the very name and profession of the work, by indulging in sorrow beyond measure, and putting an end to the work.

Alexius Comnenus ended his life there, And his noble daughter likewise ended the Alexiad.

ANNAEAN GLOSSARY

A. Agouroi. The passage exists in book VII, p. 205: Having summoned Taticius, he ordered him to take with him also those who are called the "Agouroi" (the brave ones). As I was thinking about the Latin translation of this passage, and those things which Meursius noted in his Glossary regarding it were not very satisfactory to me, I had to consult the oracle that never fails, the Reverend Father Dionysius Petavius. He immediately resolved the matter in one word. For he advised in a brief letter: that *Agouroi* seem to be those who, having appeared among the honorary ephebes in the service of the emperor, being already by age mature for military service, were enrolled by him into a trustworthy cohort of chosen soldiers and commended as exceptional. The entire scope of the passage and the sequence of the sentence support this notion uniquely. He indicated as the foundation of his opinion the testimony of Eustathius in his commentary on the *Odyssey* towards the end. In that place, that most learned grammarian, referring to the Greek names by which the different stages of human age are designated from the *Alexiad*, and having arrived in a long catalog at those who are pubescent, writes thus: "In Cyrene they call the youths *Trikadioi*, but in Crete, *Apodromoi*, because they do not yet participate in the common courses. The Achaeans call them *Kouroi*. The Thracians, *Agouroi*; likewise the Attici." As for *Agouroi*—no longer *omphakes* (sour grapes), but pubescent boys; and that is the custom nowadays, with the name derived from the *paedagogium* (school for boys), which our people call "pages," for those who are honorary ministers of princes. Those who write in Latin today usually use the Greek word in Latin letters for "ephebes." Hence, I am confident that my translation of the words described at the beginning will be approved by the fair reader, conceived in these words: "Having summoned Taticius, he gave the order that he should take with him from the royal *paedagogium* the boys, now mature for war (the cohort had acquired its name from the fact that they were called ephebes as they reached the strength of manhood), etc." For indeed, that Alexius Augustus was accustomed to have a select cohort of those whom he had approved for domestic service from boyhood, Anna indicates in many other places of this History; then particularly in the one which I shall describe as a specimen from book XI, p. 333, where he speaks in this manner: "He sent Butumites. . . [and] he sent out many men with Butumites, most warlike men. And Bardas himself, and the chief cupbearer Michael, flourishing in age and with their first beard just showing; the emperor, having taken them from infancy and trained them in military affairs, handing them over to Butumites as more loyal than others." To which passage I shall also add my own translation here: "He ordered Butumites to go to Cilicia with the most select troops, and indeed with the very flower of the Roman military, men all most brave, and of proven virtue by great trials. Among them were Bardas and the prince of cupbearers, Michael, young men flourishing in age, marking their cheeks with the first down, whom the emperor, having nourished them with himself from their first age, had deemed worthy to instill with the rudiments of the military art, being more charmed by the heroic disposition and zeal of the youths and their greater loyalty toward himself, etc." See what we are about to say at the word *Archontopouloi*.

*Agraria*. Truly, in Anna, it is a kind of covered boat. Concerning which, since I have nothing to add to Meursius—whom it is not my intention to compile or rewrite, unless where it might be necessary—let this suffice for now. For as to the etymology, what conjectures occurred to me are not worth pursuing.

*Aer*. Book XV, p. 463: "He seized the air itself of those so-called Malagna." *Malagna* is the proper name of a mountain; who might be said to be in this place, must be guessed. Phavorinus describes the air thus: "Where all movements according to place exist, up, down, inside, outside, to the right, to the left, and circular motion." From this meaning accepted from the common sense, it happened that the word for "air" denotes not so much the nature of the element as the place.

^A It might sometimes signify a location. This is observed in that passage of Virgil (II Georg.): *Aut quos Oceano propior verit India lucos,* *Extremi sinus orbis; ubi nera vincere summum* *Arboris aut ullæ jactu potuere sagittæ.* *Et gens illa quidem sumptis non tarda pharetris.*

The "air" of a tree is the extreme tip of its branches and leaves, rising most highly above the rest of the forest. And to one drawing a conjecture about the place in question from these things, it could appear that the "air" of a mountain is its highest peak. But there intervenes against this suspicion the sequence of the place itself and the sense of the reasoning, which requires the "air" of the Malani ^B to be not the highest part of that mountain, but that which is very near the sea, and looming over it opportunely—a sort of promontory or headland for the arrival and departure of ships. For immediately it is added that as soon as the Emperor reached this "air," he sent the Empress, who was dwelling in the maritime fort, to call him: Ὁ βασιλεύς, ἅμα τῷ τὸν ἀέρα καταλαβεῖν, διὰ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ μονήρους μεταπέμπεται τὴν Αὐγούσταν. Nay, as it appears, the Emperor had settled upon this place with that very intention and hope of completing this deportation: so that from then on it is sufficiently likely that the "air" is called the head of a promontory extending into the sea, being port-like on all sides and easy of access. Thus Ausonius, in the *Mosella*, calls the "air" of a temple not just any intermediate space between the ceiling and the floor of a shrine, but specifically a knot or navel of the middle vault protruding prominently, formed from a magnet stone into the appearance of a Mantis wind-vane; to which was opposed an iron statue of Arsinoe, drawn aloft by the innate power of the Herculean stone, and suspended, it kept the minds and admiration of the spectators in suspense, because this solid sign of heavy material, moved by a secret power to the middle of the canopy of the vault covering the shrine above, remained there without any support, presenting such an appearance to those looking up as if the girl were hanging from that core of the vault by a hair alone, of fitting size. The verses of Ausonius are as follows:

*Conditor hic forsan fuerit Ptolemaidos aulæ* *Dinochares, quadro cui in fastigia cono* *Surgit, et ipsa suas consumit Pyramis umbras,* *Jussus ob incesti qui quondam fœdus amoris* *Arsinoen Pharii suspendit in aere templi.* *Spirat enim tecti testudine Corus Achates:* *Aflatamque trahit ferrato crine puellam.*

So regarding the *skiadion*—the "shade" cap of the despot—about which Codinus (cap. 3, num. 1, page 45, royal edition) speaks: the knot of the girdle is called the "air," showing the name of the despot himself inscribed in a very precious texture of most clear gems to those looking up at it. For that knot was (our Gretser not incorrectly translates it as a "boss," because of a certain resemblance to the navel of shields)—it was, I say, [a knot] of a precious and gold-studded diadem by which the cap of the despot was crowned, just like that buckle, and a most shining emblem, made of gathered pearls, turned toward the front part and thus gleaming from the top of the brow. Another usage of the name "air" does not apply here, according to which the veil with which holy things are covered at the altar is also called the "air." Meursius gathers the testimonies. To which I add:

^C that one might see indicated by this word either the delicacy of the thin and precious cloth of which such veils were made, in which manner ingenious writers are accustomed to call the thinnest fabrics "textile winds" or "cohering mists"; or else the name *aer* is applied here insofar as it signifies gloom and darkness, to designate that, by the dark of the veil covering the august object, a kind of gloom is cast over the mysteries, and the sacred darkness by which they are popularly commended for veneration.

*Amphirykos*. Lib. VII and lib. XIV: A kind of ship, without a doubt. It might seem that *amphirykos* should be corrected to *amphiremis*, a word that Thucydides has used; but if I were not sufficiently experienced in Anna using new vocabulary quite often, I would have thought the critical hand should be tempered. Indeed, the *amphiremis* of Thucydides does not altogether fit the sense of this passage. For here the matter requires this word to be understood as a ship open on all sides, for the free observation of the banks of a river, similar to what Suidas teaches are called *amphiblogotai*: as if you were to say that, with the barriers broken on all sides, they give the passengers the power to see everything around them. If I remember correctly, Livy called them *speculatoria*, in book II of the first decade. The Greeks, however, as Plutarch in *Cato*, call them *kataskopika ploia*: which term, rendered into Latin, we have from Hirtius, lib. V, and indeed from Tully, lib. V of his letters *ad Atticum*. However, if anyone should contend more ambitiously for the former notion of *ambiremis* instead of *amphrykos*, I would not find it difficult to grant that both significations are included here in the one word, so that *amphirykoi* ships are both open and ships driven by two oars on either side.

*Anthropōs*. In a peculiar and legal sense, this name is used by Anna, especially in book XIII, most often to signify an *upocheirion doulon* (a subject slave) who has professed subjection to a certain prince by reason of a fief received from him. See the word *Lixos*, later in its own place.

*Antilēpsis*. In the instrument of peace concluded between Bohemond and Alexius Augustus (lib. XIII), it denotes a liberal favor and a clement and beneficial concession.

*Apokreō* or *Apostas*. Since I have nothing to add to the things which very learned men have noted about these words, there is no reason to linger here.

*Apostoleus*. He who is in charge of a fleet. See Suidas; it is used in lib. XIII in the *Pacification of Bohemond*.

*Aristērion*. Lib. XIV, page 415: Ἡ δὲ Αὐγούστα περιχαρής γεγονυῖα ἐδέξατο τοῦτον ἔξω τῆς τοῦ κοιτῶνος θύρας, ἀριστήριον τοῦτο πάλαι ὀνομαζόμενον. One may suspect from the notation of the word that this was a chamber of the palace gynaeceum in which the empresses were accustomed to take food. So that it is *aristērion* from *aristein* (to dine). But if this is so, it would be unlikely that the *aristērion* is the same as the "House of Ares" which Procopius mentions in lib. I of the *Persian War*, where he speaks of the burning of the city and palace: Καὶ τῆς, he says, βασιλέως αὐλῆς τὰ ἐκ τῶν προπυλαίων ἄχρι ἐς τὸν Ἄρεως λεγόμενον οἶκον, καυθέντα ἐφθάρη.

*Archontopōloi*. The sons of veteran soldiers enrolled in one unit so named; lib. VI, page 204. By the name of *archontōn*, or military magistrates, ^D

it indicates centurions, tribunes, and the like; as if they were sons not of common soldiers, but of soldiers approved by having held a magistracy: or it is taken in the same sense in which the term *principes* is used in the Roman military. Where *principes*, *hastati*, and *triarii* are types of soldiers, even those not holding military command. The termination -*pōlon* is a diminutive in modern Greek. Since learned men have sufficiently taught this, it would be tedious and superfluous to try to prove it with new authorities, which would be easy. I will only add that it can also refer to the word *Agourōn* explained above and to a cohort, or clearly that a select cohort of three hundred belonged to this class, described at the beginning of Book XI; or at least that it was an institution of a similar kind. The words of the cited passage are as follows: “Having chosen the new army from the entire organization, and those whom he himself had rather raised and trained in military matters (these clearly pertain to the class of *Agouroi*), he established them as commanders of armies. There were three hundred of these in all, all young and tall, with bodies full of vigor, and each of them having a beard just beginning to grow,” etc. A little further down, toward the middle of the same book XIII, is mentioned the slaughter of a certain Caras who seems to have belonged to the cohort of the *Agouroi*. For Anna says: “Many of the Romans fall at that time. And this Caras himself, having been taken and enrolled from childhood by the emperor among the genuine ones.”

*Autokratōrissa*. Empress, lib. XIV.

B. *Bestiaritai*. Lib. IV, page 109, “of those more familiar, whom custom calls *bestiaritai*.” I for one hardly believe that all these were custodians of imperial garments (for this is how learned men explain the name *bestiaritai*). For how could these be so many that a numerous cohort of combatants in battle line could follow Alexius from among them? Or that they alone from all the courtiers and domestics would be chosen for battle? It seems, rather, from the words of Anna, that those called *bestiaritai* were generally in the common language all the house-servants of the imperial household who, performing fixed duties in the palace, were reckoned as part of the imperial family. Perhaps certainly distinguished from others by some color or style of clothing (as is customary to happen today), they derived their name thence.

*Blattia*. Anna relates, lib. II, pages 93 and 94, a letter from Alexius Augustus to Henry, king of Germany, in which, among other things, the emperor testifies that he has sent the king, by agreement, one hundred and forty-three thousand coins and one hundred *Blattia*, *hekaton blattia*. What these *Blattia* are, I have indeed investigated for a long time: I will set forth here, humbly and tentatively, that to which the suspicion of one inquiring into all things has most firmly settled. I think they were rolls of holoserican cloth dyed in an ostrine color—a hundred pieces of crimson velvet or satin—so that the nature of the material and the kind of color are joined together by the emphasis of one word, by a unique custom of the Greeks of the following age. First of all, that *blatta* is called purple, *ostrum*, murex, and kermes (for one brilliant red color, in common use, is designated by so many names differing among themselves)—*blatta*, I say, is called any purple dye whatsoever, as Andreas Resendius most learnedly demonstrates, *Lib. I Antiquitatum Lusitanum*, having adduced both other testimonies of the ancients and these verses of Sidonius, *Lib. XI, Epist. ad Tonantium*:

Bring the rutilant *blattae* Which the Meliboean wave colors By simmering in a bronze cauldron, So that it may enrich the absorbent fleece With a pure color, etc.

The same [scholar], by the authority of Vopiscus, Capitolinus, Eutropius, Paulus Diaconus, Isidorus, Venantius Fortunatus, and others, is supported by our Gretser, *Lib. II Observationum in Codinum*, more solidly, if I am not mistaken, than that it would have been sufficient for the learned writer of the *Notae posteriores* on Cedrenus to object in three words to the contrary: that there is naught but trifles and comments of no moment which Gretser occasionally utters in *Codinus* concerning the *blattean* color, that is, rose or purple, and the Greek *blattion*, as if from the Delphic tripod by the allusion of names. In which, besides, (which I would like to say by the peace of that learned and religious man) I seek that kindness of his toward a man who has been well-deserving regarding religion and letters. A manifest testimony of Cassiodorus on this same opinion is also usually brought forward. But the matter, by no means doubtful, does not need testimonies. We know that *blatta*, a species of worm of a wheat-colored and rusty hue, was used long ago for a tiny worm of a most brilliantly flaming color and a vibrant, deep redness, which arises from the grains of a shrub called by the Arabs *Kermes*: from which is the name of an antidote famous among pharmacies (they call it the *confection of Alkermes*) because the berries of this shrub have a chief place in it: from the name of which also that name for a deep purple has become common for us, which is customarily called *rouge cramoisi*, as if it were called *red Kermes*. Hence, because the purple dye with which garments are dyed is expressed from these grains, the grains themselves are called *purpura* by the Portuguese: and indeed also by the Greeks *kokkos*, which is a generic name, no less than "worm," but dedicated to this species in usage. Now because these grains, by the industry of insects, are spread out in a certain manner and for a space of time in barns, and subsequently sprinkled with sour wine or beer, they turn into tiny worms shining with the blood of a most flourishing color, with which garments are dyed most pleasingly; it has prevailed that it is called *purpura*, *vermis*, and *vermiculus*, in Greek *skōlēx* or *skōlēkion*, whence the name *scarlata* is thought to have emanated into vulgar languages; the French say *escarlate*. They also generally use *vermillon* for a very red dye. Nor did this begin *chthēs kai prōēn* (yesterday and the day before), since the most ancient language of all, the holy one, in most places, even that of the first and most ancient writer, Moses, uses the word which denotes a worm for purple, as can be seen in Exod. xxv, 4; xxxv, 35; xxxix, 3; Leviticus xiv, 4 and 6. Then, besides, Job xxv, 6; Isa. i, 13; xiv, 11; xli, 14; Thren. iv, 5; Jonah iv, 7; Nahum ii, 3.

And elsewhere. But I cannot omit an excellent passage from Ps. xxi, 7, where, according to our Vulgate: *I am a worm and no man; the reproach of men, and the outcast of the people.* Christ speaks in that psalm, and prophetically announces the most minute parts and circumstances of His passion, which it is most delightful to recognize by attentive comparison in the narration of the historical event. Furthermore, by the words we have described, that reproach is singularly designated which Christ suffered most grievously, when, having been torn by scourges and, besides being bloodied over His entire body, even crowned with thorns, He was brought forth to the Jews by Pilate; so deformed that He could scarcely be recognized as a man, unless—as the crude attempts of painters in a simple age were aided by an added inscription that would teach Him to be the man that they had intended to represent—Pilate had admonished them by word that He was that man: *Jesus came forth, wearing the crown of thorns, and the purple garment; and he said to them* (that is, to the Jews, Pilate): *Behold the Man* (John xix, 5). But these are of another place. Suffice it to have read hence, incidentally, to the present purpose, that there in the name of "worm" there is an allusion, pointedly and quite elegantly, to the purple garment with which Christ was then covered for mockery. Although in the Hebrew, *twl* (tola), there is also another notable allusion to the impending crucifixion from the paronomasia of a word that sounds like hanging from wood and crucifying. So far we have the notion of the purple color in *blatta*; but to me that is not enough, as I believe the term *Blattium* also designates a kind of silk weave and mulberry-colored material, so that *Blattia* are not just any purple cloths, but silk ones. First, I observe that these are often mentioned together by writers. Aelius Lampridius in *Heliogabalus*: "He had prepared ropes twisted from *blatta* and silk and scarlet, with which, if it were necessary, he might end his life with a noose." Regarding these words, someone might deservedly ask: what material is *blatta*, distinct from silk and scarlet? And perhaps one might not poorly suspect that the former is to be taken expositorily, in this sense: "He had prepared ropes of *blatta*, that is, twisted from silk and scarlet, or from silk threads of a scarlet color," etc. Flavius Vopiscus in *Aurelian*: "When his wife asked of him that she might use a single *blatteum* silk mantle, he replied: 'Far be it that threads should be weighed against gold; for a pound of gold was then a pound of silk'." These are the words in which I wish it to be noted; when a "pound of silk" is spoken of, not just any silk cloth is understood, but a *blatteum* one as well—that is, a purple one—just as also when threads are said to be weighed against gold, silk threads dyed with scarlet are to be thought of; so much do these, by their use and price, joined together, serve in turn for mutual designation. Thus also, a little before, when the same Vopiscus said: "Neither did he himself have a garment of all-silk (*holosericam*) in his wardrobe, nor did he give it to another to wear," he did not mean just any one perhaps, but a purple one, so that what he immediately introduces about the *blatteum* mantle denied to his wife follows all the more coherently—namely, one made of purple all-silk. But let us proceed to give examples of the joined mention of color and texture. In the *Theodosian Code*, book 10, title 18, De Murilegulis, where it is written: *Since nearly three hundred pounds of blatta silk by clandestine dyeing*, etc. In the *Code of Justinian*, it is read as one word, *sericoblatta*. And elsewhere, similar things are often to be seen; for we are already longer than is fair here. Hence it happened that by the mere mention of the purple color, the species of silk material was indicated by tacit usage. Behold, Suetonius narrates concerning Nero: "Fishing with a golden net and ropes woven with purple and scarlet." Who understands here anything other than ropes twisted with silk threads of purple? Eutropius, in relating the same matter, most appropriately called them *blatteos* for our purpose, subjecting the one word to the signification of silk texture and scarlet dye. What of the Greeks? (I mean these more recent writers who handle Byzantine affairs.) How many examples of this custom do they provide? Nicetas alone should suffice. The testimonies of others will occur of their own accord to those who read. He, where in *Alexius Comnenus the Younger*, book III, in most manuscripts contains ἄνευ τῶν βλαττίων, another reading (which, however it may be thought a marginal annotation, is certainly that of an old grammarian; and as in such a matter, regarding the notion of the word used in his time, it has authority)—I say, another reading has πλὴν τῶν σηρικῶν νημάτων. Elsewhere Nicetas has βλαττία πολλὰ χρυσᾶ. Concerning which words, the paraphrase of a learned grammarian is as follows: σηρικά διαπλεχθέντα χρυσῷ. Other things I omit. For these are abundantly sufficient so that it may rightly seem that Salmasius, in his *Notes to the History of the Augustan Writers*, page 391, has generally established that the more recent Greeks used *blattion* not for *blatta* or purple alone, but for purple silk thread. In which I think the Greeks had some rationale for the origin of silk threads which are produced from a worm—that is, *blatta* (for *blatta* is sometimes a common name for a worm), commonly called *bombyx*. Whence the thread itself and the webs woven from it are called *bombyx*. Nay, even the very common name for silk is not derived from the Seres people or their country, as they commonly think—if indeed we believe Hesychius—but from the *ser* worm or *blatta*. For thus Hesychius: *Sēr: a worm producing the silk*. Therefore, a silk garment made by a peculiar method is called *blattea* or *blattia*. Furthermore, I would admonish that, since there is a double spelling of the name *blattion*—one with a double *t* and the other with that single letter which we have said until now only agrees with *blattō*—in the way that both our Anna and Cedrenus write in *Tiberius III*, where he mentions *stolas sōlēnatas apo blattiou*. From which perhaps both the passages of Nicetas and those of Codinus which write *blattion* with a *t* (*tau*) ought to be corrected. But what the rationale of the sentence somewhere requires—that *blattion* be a volume/roll—can seem to have arisen from the fact that silk cloths of this kind, before they were cut into pieces and sewn into garments, were folded into rolls, commonly called *blattia*. Finally, I will not omit to caution that the passage of Codinus, chap. 4, no. 20, where there is mention of *leukou blattiou* (white *blattion*), is not contrary to the matter and our established opinion. For, to omit...

the fact that I claim the right to assert that the term *purpura* is sometimes applied to the brilliance of a color that is resplendent in its own kind, as happens when we find mention of "purple snows"—in this specific instance, I say that because Codinus, wishing to signify the headgear of the Logothete as being of resplendent white silk, called it *leukon blattion*, he sufficiently indicated that *blattion* by itself is purple silk. This opinion of ours we submit to the judgment of the fair-minded reader.

*Blachoi*. Lib. VIII, p. 227: "And as many as chose the nomadic life (these common parlance calls *Vlachs*)." And yet *Blachoi* is the name for the peoples inhabiting Upper Moesia, who are today called *Valachi*, perhaps originally nomads from the Scythians and wandering wagon-dwellers—those who finally settled in those lands. Hence it came about that a name which was formerly for a certain way of life and custom later clung to the nation itself. Nor is it rare for pursuits to be transferred into the name of a race in similar cases. There appear for instance the *Corsi*, or inhabitants of the island of Corsica, who, because they were once lured by the accessibility of the shores and seas to studiously practice piracy—whence we say *piratas corsaires* in the common tongue; just as we call thieves *brigands* because the *Brigantes*, a people of Great Britain, were once notorious for their infamy in robbery—to say nothing of the name of the *Chaldaeans*, which more often designated the study of astrology than the place of origin. To this, a parallel is what the interpreters of the Sacred Scriptures note concerning those words in Prov. xxxi, 25: "She has made and sold a linen garment and delivered a girdle to the Chanaanite," meaning that *Chanaanite* is used to mean "merchant." But there would be no end if I were to take care to gather all the examples of this. I will add one on which it was worth my while to advise. John Cinnamus, whose books of History, beginning from the same point at which our Anna’s *Alexiad* ceases, we are publishing in a Latin version which will soon appear, mentions in the second book the plundering of the *Mysians* which was being carried out between the borders of Cilicia and Antioch of Syria. Where, however, do these *Mysians* come from in such a place? Clearly, he understands the *Mysians* to be vile persons and slaves, and signifies that a great number of rustic and base individuals were captured and consigned to servitude. That this arose from that origin, one may rightly suspect, since the *Mysian* race, being despicable and born for servitude, formerly gave rise to the proverb *eschatos Mysōn* ("the lowest of the Mysians"), whenever the utter vileness of somebody was to be exaggerated with hyperbole. Cicero, *pro Flacco*, sect. 65: "Furthermore, what is so hackneyed and celebrated in Greek speech as the way that, if anyone is held in contempt, he is said to be the lowest of the Mysians, etc.?" Therefore, just as the *Mysians* were called slaves, or as those captured in war and held in harsh and cruel servitude were called *Sclavi* or *Slavi*; so too, *Blachoi*, when it was the proper name of a wandering race, later designated appellatively the Barbarians who had chosen the nomadic life and who followed a way of life that had no fixed domicile.

*Brachionion*. Of the Blachernae, lib. II. It is, I believe, a wall or outer circuit surrounded by the Constantinopolitan suburb called *Blachernae*.

*Brevia*. Catalogs of sacred vessels and possessions of the Church, lib. VI, p. 157; taken from the ancient usage of the Latin Church. For Optatus, in book I, testifies that a chart in which ecclesiastical goods were inscribed was properly called a *breve*.

*Brysis*. Lib. XV, not long from the beginning: "and he encamps by the *brysis* (spring) called that of Karykes." There is no doubt that *brysis* is a spring. The etymology itself cries this out. For it is from *bryō*, to gush forth. Beyond those authorities which Meursius cites in an inappropriate place (if I am not mistaken), namely under the word *bryseion*, which is of a different origin and meaning, I think that the word *bryseōs* is used to designate specifically the very place of a spring from which one draws immediately, as opposed to those *pēgai* and *krēnai* which were channeled by engineering works into cities—of the sort which was the *Enneakrounos* at Athens. But the sources of these springs needed to be in a higher location, from where they could be led by a downward slope where it was necessary. But *brysis* seems to be used for a lower spring, such as the one Juvenal desired (Sat. III) for the bailiff of a cultivated garden—a short well, that is, not deep, and not to be moved in an awkward way, but one from which it was possible to draw with a bucket lowered by hand alone. Although Codinus, *De Officiis*, ch. 7, no. 16, p. 91, edit. Reg., does not exclude *brysis* when he has this: "According to the ancient custom, outside the city, the *Pikernes* (cupbearer) used to follow the Emperor carrying a goblet with a chain, so that in case there were need, the Emperor might drink from a *brysou* (i.e., *brysēs*, perhaps *brysēōs*, or a river)," and this (perhaps it is better to read *toutō* and not drink). The chain there has mention not so much of the cup being suspended for easier carrying as for the convenience of drawing water. I do not deny, however, that *pēgē* and *brysis* are synonyms. For the place which the continuator of Cedrenus calls the *brysis* of Basilacius, where the eyes of the Augustal Botaneiates were gouged out on the order of Basilacius, our Anna, relating the entire history of the Basilacian war and disaster more diligently, calls the *pēgē* (spring) of Basilacius. It is not—as a learned man recently taught in new notes to Codinus, p. 95, edit. Regiae—that springs of blood had gushed from the gouged-out eyes of Basilacius (in which there was nothing peculiar to the blinded Basilacius); to say nothing of the fact that at that time, such blinding was usually performed by the application of a heating iron, it would seem, without the shedding of blood; but rather that it happened that Basilacius was blinded near the spring, which was thereafter named from this event. You may see Anna towards the middle of book I. Correct here, in passing, a corrupt reading, and the incorrect translation born from it, of the passage of the Curopalates in *Botaneiates*, p. 866 of the Royal edition: "And from that time the place has been called *brysis* of Basilacius." Which the interpreter renders thus: "And from that time that place was called the trembling (fremitus) of Basilacius." To read

bryxis* rather than *brysis* is preferred, contrary to the faith of the codices; he having little certainty, as is easy to suspect, as to what that word might be.

*Buxanê*. Book XI, before the middle; elsewhere *buxina*, buckina. Thus *mechanê* is machine, *trytanê* is balance.

Γ. *Genousios*. Book XI; *Genousios stolos*, Genoese fleet. *Gêpeda*. Book XV, after the middle. Eustathius explains this word at *Iliad* 8, with these words: "*Gêpedon*, however, is the space of a house lying in the city, such as a garden." This is that a *gêpedon* is called a plot or a space of clear ground within the city adjacent to dwellings, of which kind a garden is. *Glôssa* (Tongue). Beside the most common meaning of this word known to everyone, our Anna adds another, in my opinion very singular one, while she writes thus in Book XIII, below the middle, page 594: "He sent spies into various places, to observe matters concerning Bohemond, and to bring him a *glôttan* (tongue) from there." In these [words] it sufficiently appears that *glôttan* is said of a certain and proven messenger from the enemy. The usage is either of French origin, or brought from Greece during the holy expeditions to Gaul by the Gauls themselves; certainly it is even today most vigorous. For thus we commonly say: *Prendre langue des ennemis* (To take [the] tongue of the enemies). It is used also elsewhere by Anna with the name *glôttês* for a tract of land projecting into the sea, or rather running into the sea. An allegory not unfamiliar to our own people, who call such promontories *langues de terre* (tongues of land). The passage is in Book XII, after the middle: "I left a scout along that *glôssan*." Unless *glôssa* here sounds rather like a strait or a passage. *Gonatos*. Book XI, page 311. Name of a Nicene tower.

Δ. *Dialalia*. Edict, admonition, public cry; Book VIII, after the middle. *Diakratêsis*. Possession; Book XIII, in the instrument of peace between Bohemond and Alexius. *Doukaton*. Book XIII; a duchy, *le duché*.

Ε. *Earinos kairos*. The campaign, all the time during which war can be waged under the open sky, from spring to autumn. Book IX, at the beginning. *Exorchêta*. Said of stones brought from abroad for a structure, not taken from the same place where it is built; Book III. The port at Constantinople called Bucoleon is said to have been ornamented long ago with *exorchêgôn* and marbles. In Book XI, shortly before the end, a fortress built at Laodicea is said to be *exorchêgou*, surely from material brought from far away by ships. For the meaning of the place so demands it, and whoever attends to it will understand that a fortress built in hostile soil and in sand with fear could not have been built otherwise than from material brought from elsewhere. *Ethnikon*. The *ethnikon*. Militia of auxiliary nations; Book IV. Sometimes I doubted whether this word was not used there ecclesiastically for the infidels who served in large numbers under Alexius; at least the Turks. It is repeated again in Book VI. *Ekeise*. Used by Anna with a peculiar notion for *epekeina*, beyond, to designate places across the border. Thus the same [author] elsewhere, *"ekeise tou Danoucheôs rheonta,"* of a certain river beyond the Danube. And at the beginning of Book XV, *ekeise* is said of Asia; as being situated beyond the strait. Anna was writing, namely, at Constantinople, on this side of the Hellespont. *Emperibolos*. Book V, at the end; Anna spends this adverb in explaining the character of an Italian sophist to whom she attributes *stryphotêta* (austerity) and *to emperibolon*. What this might be was not the task of this work to explain, having only undertaken to set forth new words; unless common Lexicons performed the task undertaken here with little success (Henr. Stephanus, vol. 1 *Thesaurus*, col. 696; Constantine, word *emperibolos*). For they say that *logon emperibolon* is a speech [that is] ornate and elegant, though not exactly, if I am not mistaken, nor sufficiently to the mind of him from whom Budaeus drew [the meaning] *to pan* (the whole), who explains the notion of this word quite subtly and learnedly, page 467 of his *Commentaries*, Paris edition, year 1548; and he concludes, all things having been examined, *ton emperibolon logon apostênai tôi katharôi* (to depart from pure speech) and mode: from which the opinion of our Anna does not differ much; who teaches that the Italian speech was masked, anxious, forewarned with cautions, and therefore by no means pure and simple. For she attributes to it no elegance at all, so that she perceives it to have flowed muddy with barbarisms and *stribiliginibus* (crude jargon). *Exisôtês*, page 250. Judge, praetor, inspector present and arranger of affairs sent into a province with authority. See Suidas and *Notes Post.* on Cedrenus, at page 591. *Exippazesthai*. Book IV, after the middle: [for] cavalry to leave their horses and suddenly to go as infantry against the enemy. *Exkoubitai*. From the singular nominative, *exkoubitês*. Thus it is clearly to be read in Book IV, about the middle, where our codex has *exousitôn*, without a doubt [the error] for *exkoubitôn*. Furthermore, *exkoubitês* [is] the same as *exkoubitôr*, which word, since both Meursius and Carolus Annibal Fabrotus have diligently explained in their Glossaries, I will add no word. *Exkousatos*. Name of a ship. Book X, after the middle: "He sent the one called second count with his own *katergon*, called *exkousatos* by the sailors." This second [person] here perhaps was [the same as] or similar to him whom our people call a contramiral; whose ship was accustomed to be called by the sailors *Excusuta*, from the second praetorian [ship]. *Exousiastês*. Book XI, after the middle; prince, toparcha, dynast. *Exousiokratôr*. Book XII, under the middle: "The *exousiokratôra* (exousiokratōr) Romisken holding the right wing." This is a name of a military magistracy. *Exôpolon*. Perhaps better *exôpylon*, Book V, page 180, the exterior circuit of the walls.

*Episkunion*

*Episkopê*. Book XIV. This seems to be the episcopal house or palace at Tripolis, in which, as in a sacred place, money belonging to the emperor was deposited by his legate.

Z.

*Zatrikion*. I accept and approve of Meursius' conjecture that *zatrikion* is the game of latrunculi, commonly [called] chess. The testimonies which he cites from Achmet and an anonymous author on the Persian art sufficiently persuade this. Nor does Anna disagree: whose narrative demands that this game of Indu [chess] be one which could be practiced by those sitting, or even reclining: since she says that she entertained her father, who was suffering from the tedium of a sleepless night, while he was—as he was—still reclining, even before daybreak, with this kind of diversion, which no one fails to see squares aptly with the game of chess. I marvel at one thing, that Meursius, less than he might wish to favor himself on this point, excludes the scholiast on Theocritus, as if he rather applied the name *zatrikion* to the game of draughts. Behold the entire passage of the scholiast, which Meursius described in a very mutilated state. Thus he annotates on the 5th idyll: ^D "And moves the stone from the line." And so on, called king [thus]. These are his words. I shall render them in Latin, indeed, so that even those who are better versed in the art of playing than in the Greek language may recognize the craftsmanship of their chess-play in *zatrikion*: "When the poet says: 'And moves the stone from the line,' he transfers the diction from the custom of those playing the game which they commonly call *zatrikion*. For these men, after they have exhausted all the moves and feel they cannot otherwise win the victory from their opponent, move at the end the stone from the first line, namely, that one which is called the king." So he says. The experts in chess-technique have replied that they recognize these words, and that they would easily displace the draughts-players if they should attempt to claim them, with one exception: that in former times the pieces were pebbles, whereas today they are more frequently carved from ivory or boxwood. But let those people see to that. The point of our treatise is to investigate the origin of the word *zatrikion*, whether it is Greek or barbarian. There are those who contend strongly that the word is Persian; for even today the game of latrunculi, or chess, is called *xatrang* or *xatreng* by the Persians. Plinianus, *Exercitator* (p. 1130), on the contrary, contends that the word *zatrikion* is purely Greek, and that it went from Greece into Persia. For who, he says, does not know that the invention of this game is owed to the Greeks? Therefore, the thing itself, along with its name, passed from the Greeks to the Persians. So he says: in which he has by no means our Anna concurring, as one may see on page 360, where, mention of *zatrikion* having been made, she adds: "This is a pastime invented from the luxury of the Assyrians, and from there it came to us." Yet the Greek grammarians consistently—whose reasoning it might seem not unmerited to consider—vindicate the word for a Greek origin, from *zêteion*, or *zatreion*, from which *zatrikion* is extended by a diminutive epenthesis: *zêteion* is the prison for slaves, that is, the mill, or *dêtreion*, from *deô* [to bind] and *treô* [to fear]. For the punishment of the head was the inconvenience of bonds, by which the wretches were bound to the block, and were allowed to languish there through long delays. Whence even that very block was properly called *zêteion*, if we believe Moscopulus: "The *zêteion* being where the slaves were bound." Either the same, or a similar thing was that wooden instrument, of which Propertius [speaks], Book IV, eleg. VII.

H. ^A *Hops*. In many places, not a nail, but the point and iron of a spear, which pierced the side of Christ the Lord. *Hemilochitai*. Book X, near the end: "But to hold the middle of the *hemilochitai*." This is a new word. It seems the *hemilochitai* were, as it were, *Triarii*: those who might sit back while others fought, keeping themselves for the uncertainties of war, so that if their own [men] were routed—if that should happen—and broken, they might engage in battle fresh. They are not pure *lochitai* (ambushers). But they have something similar to them, hence *hemilochitai*.

K. *Kaballaroi*. Book X, near the end: "Not only horsemen, but also men-at-arms," as Anna herself explains it there: signifying that soldiers of heavy armor are counted under the name of *kaballaroi*, even though they are foot soldiers; a fact not noted by the Greco-Barbaric glossators, and therefore it is worthy of note. *Kathetop*. Book X, toward the middle: "So that you might keep these *kathetous* (vertical/downcast) men unharmed." *Kathetos* here means cast into danger or certain destruction. That is indeed elegant, but not commonly used; and therefore to be noted here. I think Anna had in mind the *amnon katheton* (cast-down lamb), concerning which Harpocration [writes] under the word *kathetos*, which he explains as: "the lamb cast into the sea," which, of course, was cast into the middle of the flood to perish. *Kaminos*. Commonly furnace. But Anna uses it for a pyre, Book XI. *Kanikleion*. Book XI, near the end: "Having appointed [him] to the office of the *kanikleion*, [as] great drungary of the fleet." See Meursius and the glossary of Cedrenus. *Kapanai*. For it should be rewritten *kapanais* instead of *kapanois*. Now *kapane* is in the Thessalian dialect the same as *apene* (a vehicle or carriage). Eustathius on the *Iliad*, Book XI, page 799 of the Froben edition, where he enumerated certain words to which an adventitious letter is prefixed, such as *chliaron, peganon, smilax, smuraina*—which are said without the epenthesis as *liaron, eganon, milax*, and *muraina*—he adds our *kapane* to this class, thus immediately subjoining: "And the *kapane* [is] *apene*, which is a carriage. For the Thessalians, as it is carried in the [works] of Athenaeus, used to call carriages *kapana*, whence also among them *kapanika* [means] wagon-loads. As, he says, Aristophanes shows in the *Lydian Feasts* and the *Thessalians*, of which the Thessalian [wagons] are much more *kapanikotera* (carriage-like)." These are his words, which are ample for declaring the notion of *kapane*; from which, however, Pollux seems to depart, Book I, chapter 10, where, giving a nomenclature of the various parts of a chariot, he asserts the middle rod of the chariot is properly called *kapane*: "And the middle rod is the *kapane*." *Kastellion*. As if you would say "little castle," namely a small fortification of slight circuit, Book XI. *Katalusis*. Book VI, after the middle: "But the assistance [was] from then on, according to the mind of the Emperor, turned toward the overthrow (*katalusis*) of Apelchatem." ^D

*Katalusis* [is] set down there for *apolusis*, liberation.

*Katepano*, 94. I translate *katepano ton axiomaton* as "Prefect over the dignities." I think it derives from *epano* with the *kata* preposition prefixed. It is found twice in the third book of the letters of Alexius to Henry. Because Meursius, in explaining this word, translates it as "redeemer of taxes," he assigns a name of a species to a genus. For it seems that *hoi katepanoi*, or as it is better written in this place, *hoi katepano*, were called prefects of any matter whatsoever, as here [prefects] of the dignities, *les surintendants*. Therefore, I believe this word to be of Greek origin and analogy, clearly different from the other purely barbarian [word], common in the usage of later Greek, *kapetanos* or *kapetanis*, or even *kapetanios* [captain], concerning which the glossographers [have said] enough.

*Katergon*. Trireme. See the glossaries of Meursius and Fabrot on Nicetas, Book X, after the middle: "He sent the one called the second count with his own *katergon*."

*Kaukion*. A cup (caucium). Book I, in the letter of Alexius to Henry, I have rightly, I think, retained in my translation the very sound of the barbarian word, which is also polysemous. For it signifies both a jar, and a cup, and a coin. Of which meanings the second fits this place most especially; and perhaps the suspicion is not vain if one were to understand here a sacred cup for the use of the sacrifice, made of solid gem of sardonyx. See Meursius.

*Kella*. Book XV, a monk's cell.

*Klerikoi*. Clerics, attendants of the bishops, Book XII, in the Instrument of peace: "The most God-beloved bishops, Maurus of Amalfi, and Renard of Taranto, and the clerics with him."

*Komites*. This word is more common in the usage of later Greek than that anything more distinct should be noted here, especially since Meursius is abundant in this, whom one may consult. I add only that, besides that most well-known notion of a dignity, this word is sometimes used more simply so that it may correspond to the ancient Latin word *comes*, and signifies an attendant or a traveling companion. Book XIV, near the middle, concerning the Frankish (Gallic) princes coming to the Emperor with a great retinue: "As many as each of the counts (*komiton*) wished to take along, he entered." Yet the discourse there is ambiguous, and if the word *komiton* is referred to *hekastos* [each], as it rightly can be, nothing will be changed in its meaning, but only if it is referred to *hoposous* [as many as].

*Komitoura*. Book XI. Militias proper to each count. For when all the troops of the Latins were joined for the siege of the city of Nicaea, each one of the counts or princes had his own troops, assigned to a certain place for each, under peculiar standards. These parts of the camp and of the entire army, each one of which was under the prefecture of its own count, Anna calls *komitoura*.

*Konostaulos*. Besides what was annotated by Meursius, *Konostaulos* is a name of a dignity not, as today, singular and unique in the whole kingdom, but which admitted of multiplication: so that many could be Constables at the same time, just as today [there are] marshals, whom they call [by that name]. Anna indicates this, Book XIII, near the middle, when she says that Baimond, disturbed by the accusations of some of his men against him, anxiously deliberated: "Whom should he make Constables (*Konostaulous*) in their place?"

*Kortina*. A circuit of walls. *La courtine*, Book XI, where [she speaks] of the siege of Nicaea, *ton metaxu kortinon*, but not, as Meursius cites from the Hoeschelian excerpts, [in] Book VIII.

*Koukoulion*. A covering of the head proper to monks, Book XV.

*Koula*. A citadel placed over a city. Book XI, near the end: "The citadel, however, which custom now is accustomed to call *koula*, the Kelts still held." In the same book the citadel of Antioch is called *koula*.

*Kupellon*. Pollux, Book VI, chapter 16, recognizes this as a common word for all drinking vessels, but poetic: "For *depas* and *kupellon* are poetic." Yet Anna seems to use it for a certain kind and form of cup, while in Book XV, near the end, she writes thus: "He offered water through the *kupellon*, not to drink from some [open] drinking vessel, so that it might not often happen to him [that it be] difficult regarding the swallowing, the palate and the tongue itself being inflamed," etc. I have divined the meaning and expressed it as I could, because the same thing happened in almost this whole description of the sickness and death of Alexius, where the codex gapes with innumerable lacunae throughout, and exhibits those things which it relates continuously [as] most incorrect.

*Kuros*. A formula of honorific address, derived from *kurios* just as among the Latins *domnus* from *dominus*. Book XII, the emperor and his son, as it were properly and not conveniently by address to private [individuals], are called *kuros*; whence perhaps our *Sire*; *kuros* is also called Augustus a second and third time. Yet this word was not always preserved for the supreme power, but was previously accustomed to be attributed indiscriminately to honored persons. Saint Maximus in his dissertation with Pyrrhus makes him speak to him thus: "What evil have we done to you, *kuri abba Maxime*?" It is also to be considered whether the same word serves for a religious appellation of the heavenly ones, just as *kuros Georgios* mentioned by Anna, [meaning] Saint George, as we say.

*A. Lizios*. *Anthropos lizios*, the liege man, *hupocheirios doulos*, bound to someone as if to a prince by the oath which they call [the oath] of fidelity, and a client liable by feudal right. See Meursius and the Glossary on Nicetas. To which many things can be added from a reading of the writers of the latest antiquity, everywhere obvious to anyone.

*Longribardia*. If anyone today takes this name in the common notion for subalpine Italy, which the Romans once called Cisalpine Gaul, he will be greatly mistaken in the History of Anna; for in it, it is more often Calabria or Campania that is designated by this name. Consider the first book, where she speaks of the beginnings of Robert, Duke of Calabria, to whom she says a city was granted by his father-in-law, situated in *Longribardia*, called a fortress (*phrourion*). However, a fortress is a city so called not far from Capua, concerning which something will be said in the Notes to that place. Which

occasion, moreover, among the Byzantine Greeks this custom of calling Italy thus prevailed, is learnedly taught by a man equally religious and learned, whom I mention for the sake of honor, the Reverend Father Goar, in his later Notes to Cedrenus, on page 577, which I highly recommend you consult. It was fitting to mention this here, lest anyone be surprised when they see me sometimes translate *Longobardia* as Italy, and at other times as Calabria; and indeed, I have sometimes used "Longobardia" itself in Latin, in the same sense in which the Greeks take that name.

*Logchagia*. Book X, toward the end: "I warn you neither to stand by the rear-guard (*ouragia*) nor by the spearmen (*logchagia*) of the phalanx." Alexius advises Thraso, who is about to encounter more enemies than he would wish, not to desire to fight in the front or the rear line, but in the middle, so that he may be safe, protected on all sides by the number of his own men. I have read *ouragian* for the rear-guard in Xenophon in the *Anabasis*, but nowhere *logchagian*. It seems to be a new word. Therefore, another codex has *lochagian*, which word does not fit here. For one seeks the opposite of *ouragia*, which *lochagia* cannot be. Rightly, therefore, *logchagia* [is used], the counter-array or front of the army, where the spear-points are thrust forward. I do not, however, conceal the mention of *lochagoi* (captains) which follows shortly in the third or fourth verse, making the reading *lochagias* probable.

M'.

*Maniakatai*. There was one who suspected I know not what regarding the "torquated" Gauls. I remember reading in Polybius of a *maniaken* (collar) or torque. But now was not the place for this, nor can it be for anyone doubting that *maniakkatai* in Anna, Book VI, page 210, are the remnants of the forces of Maniakes, formerly a famous commander of the Greeks in Italy, as Anna herself teaches, Book I, page 11. Curopalates in *Diogenes*: "Autarandos, along with the single combatant and those who had fought with him (perhaps 'with him'), having crossed over and been enslaved by the Emperor, were named Maniakatai, and remained in the great [city] of the Romans."

*Maroule*. Book XV. A candelabrum usually carried before the emperor, perhaps so named from a handle (*manubrium*), from the Latin word *manus*. See Meursius and other glossographers.

*Markeson*. I doubt whether this is a proper name of a person, or rather of that dignity now most well known, which we call a marchioness (or marquisate), so that Tancred is called a marquis by Anna. Writers of the sacred expeditions constantly call this Tancred the son of the Marquis: and perhaps here Anna joined the father's name to the son, according to that ancient custom by which Socrates is wont to be called son of Sophroniscus, and Thucydides son of Olorus.

*Michailatos*. Or *Romanatos* designate certain types of coins stamped with the images of certain emperors, namely Michael or Romanus Diogenes. As regards Michael, Book XIII, toward the end: mention of "Michaelato coinage," that is, money stamped with the image of Michael Ducas Augustus. For thus speaks Baimundus a little later: "I am bound to receive the annual payment from the royal treasuries two hundred talents of the aforementioned Lord Michael, bearing [the proper] quality and stamp." Where it is to be noted that *poiotēs* (quality) and *charagē* (stamp) are distinguished. *Palloy* (payment) and *coin*, and in Romaniato only *poiotētos* (quality) is mentioned, not equally the type; perhaps Baimundus desired to be paid his annual pension in such money because that Emperor Michael Ducas had been his relative, as is recorded in Book I. Moreover, *poiotēs* and *charagē* were of different considerations; for any emperor could, at his own discretion, prescribe a certain degree and measure of metal purity. This was the *poiotēs*, which nothing prevents from being the same [quality] under a different stamp.

*Moliskos*. Book VI. It seems to be a narrow tract of land dividing waters like a dam, a mass strengthened by construction and embankment, such as are wont to be thrown up against marshes and rivers. In French, besides the fact that we retain the Latin word *mole* at times in naming these things, we more frequently call them *digues*. The word *moliskos* has a diminutive form, so that it seems to be formed from the Latin *moles* by Anna or the Greeks of her age. [See Du Cange on Anna, p. 153.]

*Moulsoumanoi* or rather *Mousoulmanoi*. Book IV: "Confessing at the same time for a long time the peace between the Mousoulmanoi and the Romans to be observed." The first to be called Musulmanni were the followers of the Muhammadan superstition, because when Mohammed propagated his dogma with armed and violent raids, slaughtering all those who would not accept it, those who did accept it were said to be *soui os* (saved), that is, preserved and brought to safety, in that they were delivered from death. From this origin the name prevailed to designate the Turks and Saracens, the followers of Muhammad; because, however, it is not a name of a nation, but of a religion, they are not called Musulmanni unless they are circumcised, if they are males, or if women, unless they have performed the profession of Muhammadanism by a solemn formula. But they transfer the primary meaning of bodily safety and preservation from death to the salvation which they miserably hope for from Muhammad; so that the Musulmanni are those to whom the felicity of the Muhammadan paradise is certainly promised.

N.

*Nazaraioi*. Book XV, after the middle: "On the royal throne therefore after him he sat. Many were present at that time from the senate and the holy synod, and of the Nazaraioi themselves, as many as were partakers of speech." The professors of the religious life are called by the Greek Christians *Nazaraioi*, a name translated from the ancient Nazarenes. St. Nilus, whose epistles not yet edited I was describing lately from an excellent codex of the Medicean library, epistle 145: "All these, whether they be clerics or laymen, whether they be Nazaraioi and those who have renounced [the world], etc."

*Nouismata*. Book II, after the middle in the Letter of Alexius to Henry, coins.

*Nobelissimos*. Book XIII, toward the middle; a title of dignity in the Byzantine court or rather republic.

Evloksiaai* [Wood-cuttings]. Book XIII, toward the middle: *All things impassible through the so-called wood-cuttings* (again, for the Celts, he trenched). He serves by means of the instrument; so that he may desire for paths closed off by *wood-cuttings*. Therefore, *wood-cutting* is one of two things: either the rash heaping up of felled timber (Tacitus would call it *concædes*), or hurdles placed in a lattice formation: either is suitable for the sense of the passage.

*O epi trapezēs* [He who is at the table]. Book XIII, pages 377 and 378. The name of an office or ministry, as it appears, in the imperial household. However, this duty appears not to have been purely human or political, but religious; for a monk would perform it, watching at the nocturnal hymnody at stated hours. Perhaps it was his function to pray well over the food placed on the table, and afterward, the supper being finished, to lead the formal song of thanksgiving. See Curopalates.

*Oimatias* [Proud]. Book XII. Suidas says *oimatias*, *epērmenos* [puffed up]. Proud, confident, swollen in his own opinion, and despising others in comparison to himself.

*Oryktides chelōnai* [Excavated tortoises]. Book XIII, before the middle, tortoises or mantelets for protecting those who undermine walls, or who excavate underground passages by moving and carrying out earth.

*Ovetōnes*. Book XIV, page 370. These are certainly not the Vetones whom ancient geographers locate in Hispania. Regarding whom, Andreas Resendius gathers many things in his usual scholarly fashion; for Anna clearly marks by this name a people of the Italian race, though whether or not her *mnēmonikon sphalma* [mnemonic error] is to be acknowledged here, I would not rashly define. In the previous book, in the description of the Adriatic gulf, by the word *Everōnym* she seems to have designated the Venetians. But since, as far as Anna remembers, the Venetians never armed fleets against the Emperor Alexius, it seems that in this place, by the word *Ovetōnōn*, she understood the Italians, or even all Westerners and Latins universally, unless she hinted more precisely at the Pisans, the Genoese, and the Calabrians, whose naval expeditions against her father she described. But we shall discuss these more fully in the notes.

Π.

*Patroklos prophasis* [Patroclus as a pretext]. Often Anna, especially in Book III and Book X, expresses a plausible pretext with this mode of speech. A proverbial expression from Homer, Iliad, line τ':

*Ὦς ἔφατο κλαίουσ', ἐπὶ δὲ στενάχοντο γυναῖκες / Πάτροκλον πρόφασιν, σφῶν δ' αὐτῶν κήδε' ἑκάστη.* (So she spoke weeping, and the women lamented / With Patroclus as a pretext, but each for her own troubles.)

Regarding this passage, Eustathius notes as follows: "The phrase 'Patroclus as a pretext' later fell into a proverb, because it has an agreeable conciseness and persuasiveness; and it is said of those who pretend to be doing something for this or that reason, while in reality they are doing it for another. See, furthermore, the notes of Hoeschel and the glossary of Meursius."

*Pelegrimēr*. Page 106. As if you were to say: A port in the middle of the sea. This was a certain peculiar industry of leading armed fleets of many ships across vast seas, so that in harbourless places they might make a certain port for the purpose of battle or an unexpected landing in some location. Leo calls this in *Tact. Const.* 20, cited by Meursius, the *stratēgēma* of a naval fleet. Where he also describes the thing itself at length. We shall diligently compare his words with the words of our Anna in the notes, and, God granting, we shall accurately declare what all this is.

*Peregrinos* [Pilgrim]. Undertaking a religious pilgrimage to the sepulcher of Christ.

*Pinkernēs* [Cupbearer]. Pincerna. See Meursius and Curopalates.

*Praitōrion*. Book XIII: *Opposite the ducal seat, which had been titled "Praitorion."*

*Prebentzē*. Province. So, properly, is called a part of Gaul, a famous county whose count is called by Anna *Komēs Prebentzēs*, page 289.

*Prodromata tōn pedilōn*, Book V, past the middle, which hinder the Gauls, unseated from their horses, in their stance and gait: what are they, I ask? Are they spurs? Or another part of equestrian armor used in those times? Or something of modern custom as well?

*Prosōpon*. Beyond its common meaning, this is a word with use in civil agreements, as can be seen in the Instrument of Pacification transacted between Alexius and Bohemond, Book XIII.

*Pollachos*. Book XV, the opposite of *monachō* [solitary]; plural, not solitary.

*Portē*. Gate. See Meursius.

P.

*Rebennikon*. Book V, omitting *debennikon*. It seems *rebennikon* is what we call in French *ravelin*, a barrier, or something similar.

*Rhētos*. Book X, toward the middle: *rhētoi gar ēsan* [for they were *rhētoi*]. Is it used for *rarus* [rare] by a barbarous notion? Or has it not departed from the propriety of Greek origin? Certainly, the logic of the sentence demands that *rhētoi* be called few here. That Greek word comes from the verb meaning "to speak." *Rhētoi*, therefore, perhaps are those whom one might easily count by speaking and numbering; for they are not many, but contained in a certain and not excessively large number.

*Rhoga*. Book I, after the middle: *Rhoga of the twenty honors given.* A stipend owed to dignities, called *axiōmatikon*. See Meursius.

*Romphaiai*. Book I. Certain swords accustomed to be carried around the emperor by his certain guards, just as formerly the *fasces* and axes were carried by lictors before the consuls.

*Rōmanaton*. Book III, page 94: *Of wrought silver and "Rōmanaton" of old quality.* I think it is likely that this word indicates a certain type of coin struck by order, or impressed with the effigy of the Emperor Romanus Diogenes. See above at the word *Michaēlatos*.

Σ.

*Satana*. Book XV, after the middle, page 489, Satan, Devil.

^A *Sékreta*. Although it is a Latin word, it has received a new meaning among the more recent Greeks, unknown to the ancients. For it signifies, if I am not mistaken, records, or what we commonly call archives: cabinets and coffers prepared for the safe-keeping of authentic documents. It also signifies the assembly of reading men to whom the knowledge of matters pertaining thereto has been entrusted. It is used thus, if I judge correctly, in Book III, page 84.

*Sergéntios*. Book XIII, *sergent*; a French word derived from the Latin *serviens*, as some will have it, while others derive it from the Caesars.

*Sérmōnes*. A type of vessel, Book III, below the middle; perhaps from *seirō* (to draw), because they are towed by a tow-rope.

*Siáous*. Book VI, page 170, a messenger or envoy of the Sultan. A word used even today in Turkish. For thus embassies are commonly called which the Emperor of the Turks sends to other princes.

*Stýra*. Certain figures marked by the motion of the pen in documents of agreements, by those men who, when they did not know how to write, placed such signs in place of a subscription. This word is used thus in Book XIII, page 416.

*Skálai*. Book VI. Certain locations of the city of Constantinople. See Meursius.

*Soultankíon*. Page 95 and elsewhere. This word, in Anna, signifies two things: the place or palace and court of the Sultan, the supreme prince of the Turks, and that very dignity itself. It is evident from many places which the reader will easily note in the reading itself.

*Spoúdergos*. Book XV, after the middle; an elegantly coined word to signify the diligent and energetic person.

*Stratēgís* denotes a certain quality or right of a city to which such a designation is attached, as is evident from the end of Book XIII. Similarly, *stratēgáton*. It implies some right of garrison or privilege spoken of a fortress, perhaps such as those in France and Belgium which are called *Castellaniae*.

*Stratopedárchēs*. It seems to be a certain peculiar dignity; Book XII, concerning *aspiele*: "having honored the *Stratopedarch*"; and a little earlier: "He had deemed him worthy of the *Stratopedarchate* of all the East," etc.

*Synétheia*. Book II, in the Golden Bull, a kind of tax so called. William of Tyre, Book I: "So that from the sight of the city of Constantinople, he had his agents who would collect customs from those passing through." See Justinian’s Novel LXII, where it says "Concerning the easing of *synetheia*." There are still in some places in France certain tolls which are called *consuetudines* (customs).

*Sympátheiai*. Book III and Book IX, are clearly the remissions of punishment which we call in French *grâces*, when the punishment of a convicted crime is pardoned by the full authority of the prince. *Venia*, remission, or *remissa*, as the author of the commentary on Paul to the Romans 8:14 speaks of the tribute assigned to Ambrose. The same word in Anna often signifies the forgiving of tributes or the relaxation of debts, ^B of public debts: likewise *sympátheiai* of the so-called *synétheiai*.

*Symphōnein*. In a peculiar sense, to profess fidelity to someone and to become his *homo ligius* (liege man). In the text of the Treaty of Bohemond, near the end, Book XIII.

*Sphaerízein*. Book IX, after the middle: "If any one saw this man playing at ball." Who might doubt that here *sphaerízein* is to play at ball? She continues: "If he were riding, or performing knightly exercises." Therefore *sphaerízein* and *hippázein* are distinct exercises. But a little later Anna has it thus: "For when the Emperor was once playing at ball in the horse-course in the Great Palace (what does *hippēlásion* have to do with a ball?)." She continues: "A certain barbarian man, born of the Armenians and Turks, carrying a sword within his garments, when he saw the Emperor, while the others were playing at ball, seize the bridle and dismount to refresh his gasping horse, etc." Behold an equestrian ball game. But what is it? I see images of war waged with arms, which the ancients called *sphaeromachia*. For from Pollux, Book II: "And the weapons are balls; from which also come *sphaeromachein* and *sphaeromachia*." It therefore seems that there can be no doubt that *sphaerízein* is intended sometimes in Anna as to break in a horse and urge it in a circle, or to run an equestrian game.

*Schideumós*. Book III, in the Golden Bull: "I consider *schideumoí* and *aposchideumoí* to be the splits and rescissions of judgments given, or of contracts, after they have been confirmed by the solemn formulas of law: which power the Emperor there communicates to his mother, proper to the supreme leadership."

*Sōa pístis*. It seems, Book XIV, to be that obligation which those who subject themselves to their power and become their men, profess to the Emperor or king by a sworn oath.

Τ.

*Témpē*. *Témpes* in the singular number is called a valley by Anna, singularly, as it seems. For in others it is usually called by the plural word *tà Témpē*. The place is in Book XIII, after the middle: "whence the Celts, having fallen into the *Témpē*."

*Tília*. Book XI: "With whom also three *tília*." Certain fortresses or places so called.

*Topotērētēs*. Book II, after the middle, is used differently than it is usually accustomed to be taken for a vicar taking upon himself the parts and place of someone. For there it clearly sounds like the governor of some fortified city.

*Tyreía*. Book IX, page 251: "Being ignorant of the *tyreía* constructed by the Emperor against him." *Tyreía* is a cunning and crafty machination. Eustathius on *Iliad* E': "But *tyreuein* and *tyreía* are used only in the sense of baseness."

*Tyrophágos*. Page 51: The week ending on that Sunday which we call Quinquagesima; that week is called *tyrophágos* because during it it was permitted to eat cheese. For the Greeks begin the solemn abstinence of the spring fast eleven days earlier than we do. But in that, certain degrees are used... [next page starts]