JOANNIS ZONARAE ANNALIUM LIBER DECIMUS SEXTUS
A Theophilus, then, having died in these circumstances, the authority of the empire was transferred to his son Michael, who was still a child, to whom his father had left as guardians the magister Manuel and the patrician 34 Theoctistus. The administration of affairs was in the hands of the Empress Theodora, and her first concern was the abatement of the persecution of the Orthodox on account of the venerable icons, the patrician Theoctistus also consenting. For Manuel was not agreeable to the destruction of the heresy, and for that reason the matter was deferred. But Providence crushed him with a disease, and the illness was so violent that his life was despaired of. When certain monks came to visit him and asked how he was, he replied in a thin and weak voice that he was already about to fail. The monks said, "If you would agree with the honor of the holy icons and urge the empress to this, not long after you will recover both the strength of your body and the salvation of your soul." B Having received this promise, the disease grew weaker and Manuel regained his strength. Having recovered his health, he approached the empress and spoke about the venerable icons and urged their restoration, as her mother and brothers, who were patricians, were requesting the same. She was, as the saying goes, a razor on the whetstone; and since she had first recalled those exiled by Theophilus, and had released those who were bound in prisons and struggling with other hardships, she later ordered an inquiry to be made regarding the heresy; and when this took place, the multitude of the Orthodox proved superior. But before that inquiry, she removed from the pontifical see the pseudo-patriarch, that sorcerer John—unworthy indeed of that title, which he had nefariously held for six years—and in his place she introduced the holy and divine Methodius 36. And with him presiding over the body of the Orthodox, the inquiry took place, and the holy icons were publicly restored and venerated. Then they say the empress most insistently begged the patriarch and the other bishops and monks to ask of God with common prayers for the salvation of the emperor and her husband, C to speak briefly: since all had changed over to the Orthodox faith, and the storm and tempest had been lulled, and affairs were tranquil, another faction was raised by the pious, and it diverged into two opinions. For some deemed it right to have as fellow-ministers those who had received the dignity of the priesthood from the iconoclasts, as nothing of this sort harmed piety; but others deemed it wholly unholy to entrust holy things to profane hands, in other words, to what is neither pleasing nor acceptable to God; and truly indeed...
A public veneration and restoration of the sacred images took place. They say that the empress, with the utmost fervor, entreated the patriarch and the other bishops and monks to offer a common prayer 38 to God, so that the emperor [Theophilus] and his consort might obtain salvation; and indeed, they prayed to God with the utmost fervor that He might not overlook the petition of His servants, but might deign to grant forgiveness to the emperor Theophilus. These things are celebrated by those who look toward the philanthropy of God, and they are accepted and believed. No one will disbelieve this, unless he thinks the intercessions of the saints to God have little power, or does not know how to measure the goodness of God against human transgressions. Thus, then, did the restoration of the holy icons take place. But the deposed patriarch John, or Jannes, having been confined in a certain monastery, and having found there an icon of Christ the Savior and of her who gave birth to Him without seed, gouged out the eyes of the sacred effigies. B Having learned this, the empress, stirred by a holy zeal, ordered the eyes of that impious man to be cut out; but the command was not carried out, as some mitigated her righteous wrath. She sent, however, a scourge and had him punished, the scourging being extended to a double hundred 39. But even in this state, the impostor and his supporters, and those who had been subjected with him to his deposition, could not keep quiet. They conspired 40 with a wicked plot against the holy Methodius, which was more worthy of their utter recklessness and malice. For they corrupted a certain woman with much gold and persuaded her to accuse that glorious man of having defiled her. The leaders of the Senate were the examiners of this accusation; the woman stood by and said all that she had been taught by those impious calumniators, and indeed she confronted the holy man to his face. He kept silent for a time; but when he saw the congregation of the Church sad, and before the others the great Manuel, he rose up, and before the eyes of all, with his hands, he lifted the hem of his garment and exposed his private parts, which were completely frozen and had withered away, so that it appeared sufficiently that they were useless for the act of carnal delight. This was a cause of joy and amazement to those who judged rightly, but of shame and great despair to the calumniators. C But when the holy man was asked how his private parts had withered, that man, truly worthy of reverence, answered in this way: "I once set out for Rome for the sake of fulfilling certain business; while I was living there, a demon brought upon me an inflammation of the flesh; and the affliction was most vehement, nor did the burning of desire cease, but it was inflamed more vehemently day by day. Therefore, anxious for my sound mind, lest I succumb to the necessity of the flesh, I prayed so much to the princes of the Apostles, Peter and Paul, that they might help me in my danger. Sleeping at night, I saw them standing [by me], and Peter seemed to me to touch my private parts with his fingers, and to say to me: 'Do not be afraid'; but I truly thought my manhood was being consumed by fire, and I was saying, 'I was sent, at one time against...' That holy Methodius, living for God, was troubled, was indignant, was smitten in his heart, almost singing in his ears the great Paul, saying such things as this: 'I could wish to be anathema from Christ for my brethren according to the flesh.' He scourges him with two hundred lashes. He was beaten with sixty strokes of the *manklavia*."
A And from that time these parts of me were dead, nor was any flame of lust troublesome to me. Manuel the *magister*, having seen and heard these things, immediately brought the woman forward and asked her from whom she had been prompted to slander the holy man, threatening that if she did not declare the truth before all, he would soon subject her to those inquiries by which she would be forced to disclose the fabrication clearly. She therefore conceals nothing, but recounts the original inventors of the story, her own imposture, and the gold, partly received and partly promised. And so the wicked men would have suffered the penalties of those who litigate rashly, had not the great Methodius interceded for them; and these things were done in this way.
B II. The prince of the Bulgarians, however, when he learned that the Roman Empire was being governed by a woman and a tender boy, sent some of his own men, threatening that he would break the treaty and bear arms against the Roman realm. The empress writes back to him that she was entirely willing to resist him; and that if, God consenting, she should be the victor, he would be defeated by a woman—and he should consider how ignominious that would be for him; but if she were defeated, that success would be little honorable for him, having overcome a woman. When these things were reported to the barbarian, they checked his impulse, so that he judged it more useful to renew the treaty, and the same was done. C Furthermore, the sister of the prince of Bulgaria, having been captured some time before and living in the palace, had been initiated by holy baptism and educated in letters. Her brother reclaimed her and received her back, having surrendered in her stead an educated man, Theodore Cupharas. After she had returned to Bulgaria, she strove to lead her brother to the Christian religion, constantly discoursing with him about it and celebrating the mysteries of Christ as divine. Although he had heard these same things from Cupharas as well, he did not wish to depart from his ancestral customs until a pestilence and famine led both him and his nation to piety. D When this pressed upon the whole people, and there was no escape from the evil, with very many perishing, the prince, being sick and doubting in his mind for this reason, took refuge in Him who was announced to him by his sister and invoked Him as the repeller of the famine and destruction of the people. Since this invocation was effective when the evils were repelled, having recognized the power of the invoked divinity, he asked that someone be sent to him by whom he might be instructed in the mysteries of the Christian religion and initiated by holy baptism. And this was done by a sent pontiff. When, however, the Bulgarians, because of the desertion of the institutions of their ancestors, were attempting to remove him from their midst through sedition, he, relying on the preceding sign of the cross, having vanquished his adversaries, brought it about that all embraced Christianity. Then, through legates, he requested from the empress that, because his nation
was being cramped for room, some portion of Roman territory should be ceded to him, pledging eternal peace and military alliance with the Romans. The empress A granted his request, and ceded to him the land from the so-called Iron [Gate], which formerly marked the boundary between the Romans and the Bulgarians, up to Develtus; having taken possession of this region, the Bulgarians named it Zagora (41). Henceforth peace was established in the West.
But in the East there was a great multitude of Manichaeans, who are more ignorantly called by the common folk Paulicians, from a name composed of Paul and John; although these men were famous among them, they were not the originators of the heresy nor the authors of the perverse opinion, but rather its followers, students beyond measure, and heralds. The empress, having in mind to draw them away from their heresy to the true religion, sent distinguished men, who, having administered the business with no dexterity and no skill, not only undertook a vain labor, but also compelled the entire population, which numbered many thousands, to revolt; consequently, they joined forces with the Ishmaelites, campaigned with them against the Romans, and brought many disasters upon them.
But the emperor Michael, having passed the years of boyhood and reached adolescence, bore it with an ill will B that the administration of the kingdom was in the hands of others, and at the same time was incited by his uncle Bardas, one of his tutors, with a desire to conduct the principles of government according to his own will. Manuel, however, having at one time had a dispute with Theoctistus, the Logothete of the Course (both of them were fellow tutors of the emperor), abandoned the palace where he was then residing, retreated to his own house, and from there, frequently visiting the palace, took hold of the administration of affairs. This was a subject of singular pleasure for Bardas, and he also studied how to remove Theoctistus; for, burning with the desire for power, he feared that he might be hindered by him. C Furthermore, the emperor had a tutor, a man of base and wicked character, but so pleasing to the youth that he wished to decorate him with a more illustrious dignity, and sought this from his mother. But Theoctistus denied that an honor should be bestowed upon the tutor which would exceed his condition, lest the dignities themselves be affected by indignity. From this, Theoctistus was hateful to the tutor, and this came as a very opportune opening for Bardas to carry out his own desire. Therefore, through the tutor, he instilled various slanders against Theoctistus into the ears of the emperor, stirred up his ease-loving nature against him, and finally became the author of his removal. He maintained that this could not be done in any other way than by killing him, for he argued that if he were left living, he would be protected D by the empress and would prevail by his authority. The murder of the man was decreed. His exit from the empress’s bedchamber was watched, for he used to report to her what had been done and what was to be done. As he was coming out, an assassin was sent in. When he noticed a drawn sword raised against him, he took refuge behind a stool; the assassin plunged the sword into his belly, while Bardas himself also wielded a drawn sword, threatening death to anyone who would bring aid to him as he lay dying.
B Theoctistus, as has been said, was put to death. When the empress learned of what had happened, she rushed weeping from her chamber, railing at her son and her brother, and calling down a similar fate upon them both. Bardas, however, piling evil upon evil and preparing the way to carry out his own plans, persuaded them that the empress Theodora herself must be removed from the palace. When Theodora understood what was being plotted, she decided not to resist, so as to avoid the slaughter of their own kin. Having summoned the council, she said, "I myself am withdrawing from the palace. But so that the emperor cannot say that he found the imperial treasury empty of wealth, for that reason I shall make known to you the stores that have been laid up." She immediately commanded the treasurers to report the number of gold and silver coins. They affirmed that they held one thousand and ninety centenaria of gold and about three thousand centenaria of silver. "Besides these," the empress said, "much other wealth of every kind has been stored up." Having said this, she departed the palace.
C III. Michael, having gained sole power, quickly squandered such vast wealth, wasting it on mimes, flatterers, and charioteers, and, as the saying goes, pouring it out by the cartload. When the treasuries were exhausted and the time approached to distribute money to those who held dignities, and he had no other source from which to provide it, he melted down the golden plane tree, the two lions, the two griffins, and the organs, all of which were fashioned of gold and adorned the palace, and were a cause of wonder to foreign nations; and having melted them down, he ordered coins to be struck from them. He did the same with the imperial robes, some of which were still intact... D
A after the death of the former monarch; Basil, who reigned after him, recovered them, having found only three centenaria from the total amount previously numbered. Furthermore, the Emperor did not allow his mother, Theodora, to rest after she had departed from the palace; but at the instigation of Bardas, he sent and had both her and her sisters tonsured, and confined them in the house of Carianos, 46 and took away whatever property they possessed. Theodora, being wounded in soul by these things, withdrew to the monasteries there, and survived the calamity only a short time. Her daughters, the Emperor’s sisters, endured the evils into which they had been cast until Basil the Macedonian, having gained power over affairs, removed them to the monastery of their maternal grandmother, which is called Gastrion. After the Emperor's mother had departed from the palace, as has been said, the entire administration of the empire fell to Bardas, to whom his nephew conferred the dignity of Curopalates.
After these things, Michael, when his down was first beginning to grow, waged war against the Hagarenes, and undertook to besiege their city of Samosata, which is situated by the Euphrates. The Ishmaelites, having locked the gates of the city with bars, remained inside, giving the enemy the impression that they were afraid, because they were shielding themselves with their walls. This increased the Romans' boldness, so that they pitched their tents incautiously and wandered about fearlessly. But the Hagarenes, having feigned fear for three days, suddenly threw open the gates B and, with a violent onset and great shouting, attacked the Roman camp. Not one of them withstood their attack; but all took to flight, and being hemmed in by the enemy, some were slain and others were captured. The Manichaeans, who were fighting on the side of the Ishmaelites, also sold many of the illustrious commanders who had been taken prisoner for a great sum of money. At that time, the Emperor himself narrowly escaped being taken, and would have been, had he not escaped the enemy by the speed of his horse. The camp was captured, and the imperial tent, and all the equipment for the Emperor’s service, and everything else was plundered. Michael then withdrew. But when he learned that the Hagarenes had again invaded the Roman provinces, he marched against them with a larger force. They, having traversed difficult and short paths, suddenly fell upon the Roman army and put it to flight, and the Emperor himself would have been captured had not Manuel, the Domestic of the Schools, saved him.
When the enemies did not cease from devastating the Roman territories, Petronas, the Emperor’s uncle, was sent against them with Roman forces. He, not daring to join battle and being averse to war, consulted a certain monk living on a mountain, who was renowned for his virtue and his foresight of future events, C as to whether he ought to tempt the fortune of war. When the monk agreed and promised him victory, he engaged the enemy, and the army of the Hagarenes was defeated, and...
Various readings and notes
Publicly decreed to the well-deserving in the senate or elsewhere, were not in reality of solid gold, but of bronze overlaid with gold, as is in the old inscription 353, 4, "illustrious with gold," as in another 370, 3: which Isidore of Pelusium sufficiently intimates elsewhere, lib. I, epist. 395; lib. II, epist. 280, and lib. III, epist. 411. In the Anthology lib. IV, De Statua aurea Aureliani: "A golden Aurelian stands." Which was set up in bronze because of the law concerning adolescents, in the so-called places of Carianos. As Virgil, Eclog. VII: "Now we have made you a marble one for the time; but you, if fortune supplies the flock, be golden." So among Harpocration, regarding a certain Epicrates, that is, he had been gifted with a bronze statue. See the Alexandrian Chronicle, an. Theodosius the Great and an. Theodosius the Younger. See our Constantinople. Christ. 46 In the house of Carianos. Nicholas the Paphlagonian, in what are called the houses of Carianos. See our Constantinople, Christ.
A And the emperor would have perished as well, if the Magister Manuel, who was Domestic of the Schools, had not saved him. The enemy did not cease from harming the Roman lands. Petronas, the emperor's uncle, is therefore sent against them with Roman forces to oppose them. He, however, did not have the courage for the engagement, but dreaded the war. Having learned, therefore, that a certain monk who practiced asceticism on a mountain was famed for his virtue and could foresee future events, he goes to him and asks if he should undertake the war. The monk permits it and promises him victory. Petronas went off and attacked the enemy; the army of the Agarenes was defeated, and their commander, Amer, fell. His son, who was away from the battle (for he happened to have gone off on a plundering expedition), upon learning of the defeat and the destruction of his father, took to flight, but he too was captured in his flight and delivered to the general. It is said that before this battle, Amer asked one of the captives what the place where they were encamped was called, and what the stream flowing by it was called, and by what name that entire region was known. When the man replied that the region was called Lalacaon, the place of the rampart Ptosantes, and the river Gyres, Amer, having taken an omen from these names, said that these words portended an inauspicious outcome for the war. For he interpreted Lalacaon as the "affliction of the people," Ptosantes as "the fall," and from the name of the river he divined that his men were to be surrounded by the enemy. Petronas, having won the victory, returned in triumph to Byzantium, was received with honor, and was appointed Domestic of the Schools. For the Magister Manuel had already died; and not long afterward, he himself paid the debt of nature.
B IV. Bardas, having cast all these men aside, administered all affairs according to his own will. For Michael cared for nothing, but occupied himself only with theaters and chariot races; and it was not others who held the reins, but the Emperor Augustus himself who drove the chariot, competed, and instead of the imperial robe, wore the garb of a charioteer. Nor did the evil stop there, but he even forced men outstanding in rank and honors to stand, some with him and some against him, in the horse races and to drive chariots. Once, therefore, when he himself was wearing the blue color, and the Logothete of the Course the green, and other distinguished men were clothed in other colors, and they were already about to mount the chariots and race, letters were handed to the Logothete of the Course by someone who had just arrived, reporting that the Saracens had pitched camp at the Melangeia—these are what are now less elegantly called Malagina. C The logothete, therefore, with a gloomy look upon receiving the message, approached the emperor, explained the matter, and showed the letters. But he, looking at him with an angry and savage expression, said, "While I am in such a contest, and as I am hastening to drive the one in the middle to the left, you, fool, speak to me of a Saracen incursion?" Such was the illustrious emperor; and thus, regarding public affairs and the empire D
he was anxious. While he was in this state, Bardas A was twisting affairs, leading everything just as he pleased, and he had ascended to the dignity of Caesar, longing for the empire for himself, and seeking an opportunity to attain it. He had achieved no good, save that he took much thought for the promotion of learning. For philosophy lay neglected and was almost entirely extinguished, so that not even a spark of it remained; the ignorance of the emperors had been the cause of this. But this man established schools for every discipline, appointed teachers, and decreed public stipends for each of them; and above all, he installed as a great and common B teacher the philosopher Leo, whose fame for wisdom was great, and who had been held in honor by the emperor Theophilus on the following occasion. Since he had many students, it happened that one of them, traveling in the East, was captured by the Saracens, and, being well versed in geometry, was given over into the servitude of a certain illustrious man among the barbarians. Now the prince of the Agarenes was diligent in listening to learned and philosophical theorems, but was devoted above all to geometric methods. When the master of the captive attended the lecture-hall, the captive sometimes accompanied him, and, having heard the teachers C and seen them tracing out geometric figures, and teaching that the triangle is the principle of every figure—so that every figure is composed from it and resolved back into it—and that the circle is the most capacious of all figures which are contained by an equal perimeter, and other such things, the captive asked his master if he might be permitted to question the teachers about what they were teaching. When he granted this, he asked them to explain to him the reasons for what they had taught. But as they were unable to answer, the prince of the Agarenes sent for the captive and asked him if he could do it himself; and when he affirmed that he knew, he ordered him to bring the explanation forward. The captive then D began from the beginning to explain everything, citing the reasons and setting forth the causes. The listeners, having understood his words, perceived the theorems more keenly, as though their minds had been expanded, and in their admiration for the man they asked if Constantinople had other men like him. He said: "It possesses many who are superior to me, but one who is the teacher of all, a man in philosophical studies altogether incomparable." Having heard these things, the prince of the Agarenes was overcome by love for that teacher and longed to see and hear him; and entrusting the captive, whom he had treated liberally and kindly, with letters in which he urged him to come to him and share his wisdom with him, he sent them to him. But Leo, fearing that he might fall into a charge of treason on account of the letters sent by an enemy, handed the letter over to the logothete of the dromos, bringing the captive also to explain its subject matter. From this it became known to Theophilus, and, being favored with benefits, he was ordered to teach publicly; later he was also appointed bishop of Thessalonica. But after the death of Theophilus, among the other iconoclast bishops, he too was, for the sake of honor—
A actually, for having failed to award proper reverence to the holy icons—also deposed. Bardas, therefore, finding him at leisure, promoted him above the other teachers, and in a short time caused learning to flourish and make progress. He also made the civil laws to flourish again, by frequenting the courts himself, when the knowledge of them had almost completely vanished. Now, while Bardas’s zeal for the sciences and for learning is indeed praise-worthy, his other actions are highly blameworthy and detestable. For after the holy Methodius had guided the Church for four years and had departed to the eternal mansions, the monk Ignatius stood at the head of the Church. He was a grandson of the Emperor Nicephorus—the one who was of the genikoi—and a son of the Emperor Michael Rangabe, who, when that kingdom fell, was castrated by Leo, shaved his head, and for a long time tamed his flesh with the sweats of asceticism; he was raised to the pontifical throne of Constantinople by the Empress Theodora, who was then in power.
This holy Ignatius forbade the Caesar Bardas—who had dismissed his wife without cause and was said to be cohabiting with his daughter-in-law—from entering the sacred precincts. B For this reason, Bardas drove the high priest from the Church, and after subjecting him to many evils, finally enclosed him in a tomb. Later, he took him out of there and banished him to the island of Mitylene. Nor did he treat only this man in such a way, but also many other high priests who were of the same mind as Ignatius—who had been interdicted by him—and he substituted in his place Photius, an illustrious man, a chief secretary, and most renowned for his learning. C But when the legates of the Pope of Rome, who had been sent against the iconoclasts, were present, Bardas persuaded them too to come over to his own opinion. Therefore, having gathered in the church of the Holy Apostles, they brought back the holy Ignatius from exile, only to deprive him of his dignity. And these things happened in approximately this manner.
V. Now the Scythian nation of the Russ, which dwells by the Taurus mountains, having attacked the Euxine Sea with a fleet, themselves…
Various readings and notes.
(48) D *In the urn of Copronymus, etc.*: And not only that, but they even seated him upon the very sarcophagus of Copronymus, and suspending heavy stones from his feet, they pressed him down, and by the extreme sharpness of the stone, they cruelly wounded his seat.
(49) *Regarding the iconoclasts*: Wolf had written this in the margin. The Pope's legates agree with the iconoclasts; indeed, Bardas draws them over to his own opinion regarding the deposition of Ignatius, as the continuator of Theophanis (lib. iv, n. 32) reports, which innovation and ineptitude Leo Allatius rightly criticizes (lib. iii, *De consensu utriusque Ecclesiæ*, cap. 20, n. 14).
(50) *The nation of the Russ, of Scythian stock*: In the manuscript of Symeon Logotheta: The Russ, also called Dromitai, a name derived from some fierce, rushing noise, or from those who used a certain secret or divine invocation, and who were superior to them, have been named. They are called *Dromitai* from the fact that they run swiftly; they are of the race of the Franks.
A His design, however, did not succeed, because it was hindered by divine Providence, which caused them to depart with their objectives unfulfilled, or rather, having experienced the wrath of the Divinity, to withdraw. But the Hagarenes from Crete were also plundering the Cyclades islands and the seacoast. Most violent earthquakes also occurred, the most terrifying of which shook the earth on the day of the Ascension of our Savior. Yet nothing of this led Michael to deviate from equestrian contests or from the zeal he had for them, for he was busy with these equestrian games himself in the location near the Strait B, called that of Saint Mamas.
Hence he also suppressed the beacons 52 which the emperors of old had devised, so that those from the race of Hagar, when they suddenly invaded the Roman territories, might not plunder whatever was at hand and take people prisoner 53. For this reason, they had built a fortress on a high hill in Tarsus, called Lulum, and those inside it would light a beacon when they perceived an incursion of Ishmaelites; C seeing this, those on the Argaeus mountain 54 would raise another, and those near Isamus another; and when those near Aegilus 55 saw this one, another would be raised, and another would be kindled near Mamas 56, and those near Cyzicus 57 would set fire to a different one, and those near Mocyllus 58 would similarly kindle one, and finally, upon the mountain of Saint Auxentius 59, a beacon was raised. Seeing these, the people in the territories would briefly enclose themselves in fortifications and escape the plundering of the barbarians. And from the mountain of Saint Auxentius, knowledge of the enemy's incursion was given to the reigning emperor.
Therefore, in order that the equestrian contests might not be interrupted at the time of— D
A beacon-fires—those proximity-fires in the Royal City—that wonderful man decided. He also condemned those who had reigned before him, because they did not enjoy a modest life, but instead claimed for themselves austerity and royal grandiosity. Whence he himself, thinking to pursue modesty out of simplicity, once met a woman who had just bathed and was returning home; dismounting from his horse, he walked away with the woman along with a few young men who shared in his secrets, and having arrived at her house and shared a meal with her, he departed for the palace on foot. And while he boasted of such things as if he were achieving something great, to others it was judged as foolishness, and they nourished hatred against him. He was not least hated B because of the impious young men whom he nourished and who incited him toward every evil. They even fashioned themselves as chief priests and feigned that they were performing the unbloodied sacrifice, and they held that Michael himself was, in appearance, sacrificing with them; playing at what was truly no game, but6 rather something horrible, they mixed vinegar and mustard in golden and gem-encrusted vessels provided by him, and served this concoction to their fellow-mystics and accomplices. But to recount everything about such a person, and the places where the emperor himself happened to be a fellow-reveller, would be a matter of much chatter and unpleasantness. But the narrative shall now direct itself toward recounting the death of Bardas, and that of his sovereign, and before these, the kinship of Basil the Macedonian with Michael—who was indeed from Macedonia, even if some of those who have written about him invent tales that he was descended from the line of the Arsacids. C When Krum (the chieftain of the Bulgarians, for he was their leader) captured Adrianople, his parents were taken captive and carried off to that region, bringing him along as a newborn and nursing infant. When Krum had died, his successor, having received many defeats from the Romans, made peace with the emperor, and agreed to release the captives whom he held (as that was the agreement); at this time Basil was in the prime of his youth. Yet they say that from infancy many signs appeared presaging his rule, of which one was what I shall now relate. Basil was still a baby, and his parents were occupied with the harvest, and the infant was sleeping under the sun; an eagle, flying low to the ground with wings spread, fashioned a shade for the infant. The mother, when she saw the eagle approaching the child, lifted up her voice and ran to her son, and chased the eagle away with stones. Upon returning to her work, the same eagle was present, performing the same service for the sleeping infant, and the mother, terrified, chased it away again. But when this happened D more often, upon reflection,
she came to realize the truth, and she perceived the event to be a good omen. When he had already passed beyond the age of childhood, his father ended his life, and his mother was hard pressed by the hardships of poverty and the additional evils of widowhood. Being without any means of subsistence, he decided to hire out his labor to someone in return for a wage. He set out, therefore, for the great city, and arriving in the evening, he entered through the gate of the city which is called the Golden A Gate; he lay down near the church of Saint Diomedes and fell asleep. During the night, the martyr appeared in a dream to the verger of the church (for there was not yet a monastery there) and ordered him to bring the emperor inside. The verger went out, and seeing Basil sleeping on the bare ground, he supposed the dream to be idle fancy. When the saint appeared to be giving the same order again, he went out a second time; finding no one but Basil, he returned with the same opinion. Yet a third time the martyr appeared to the verger, and urged him to bring inside the man who was lying out of doors. "For this," he said, "is the emperor." The verger therefore went out, raised Basil, welcomed him into his own living quarters, and shared with him what he had. Now the verger had a brother who was a physician in the service of Theophilitzes. This Theophilitzes was related by blood to the Caesar Bardas and the Emperor Michael; because of his very small stature, he was called by the diminutive form, Theophilitzes. The verger, B therefore, revealed the secret dream to his brother and requested that he recommend this man to one of the officials for service; he accordingly introduced him to his own master. But first, both brothers communicated the prophetic decree about the kingdom to Basil, and bound him with oaths that, once he attained power, he would remember them. Theophilitzes, being pleased with Basil (for he was handsome, tall, brave of hand, and agile, and he wore his hair long and curly), placed him in charge of his own stable-boys; the one who performs this duty is commonly called the "protostrator." The emperor, too, was looking for a brave and skillful stable-boy. For a horse had been brought to the Emperor Michael from somewhere, a horse possessing every virtue befitting a mount, but it was stiff-necked and not easily ridden. When the emperor came to inspect it, he ordered someone to mount it. Though many attempted to do C so, it was fierce and insolent, and it threw them all. This was bothersome to the emperor, who was indignant that he lacked a suitable stable-boy. At that point, Theophilitzes himself said that he had such a person, and that if the emperor wished, he could be present. By his order, therefore, Basil was summoned. He seized the bridle, calmed the horse with a chirping sound and by stroking it, then lightly swinging himself up, he mounted. After initially letting it move a little, then stimulating it with a whip, he rode off at a run. Delighted by this, the emperor enrolled Basil among the imperial stable-boys and, as time progressed, designated him protostrator—a position that is honorable and not alienated from the emperor's familiarity. Moreover, the emperor's benevolence toward him grew day by day, to the extent that he even became a source of envy for the Caesar.
A VII. When the emperor at one time had his mother to dinner, at her request Basilius the protostrator was also summoned. The empress kept looking at him with fixed eyes, and having scrutinized him more curiously, as if inspired by a divine power, she said that he was the plague of her family; and that she knew this from certain signs formerly made known to her by her husband. But Michael considered this nonsense, and allowed nothing to lead him away from his benevolence toward Basilius, and he even appointed him cubicularius. This caused the Caesar's envy toward Basilius to grow, so that he began to plot against the man, and was in turn plotted against by him. When an expedition was proclaimed by Michael against the Agarenes who held Crete, the Caesar went to the temple of the Theotokos, called the Hodegetria, to bid farewell to the Mother of God. And as he was already approaching the sanctuary, for no evident reason his chlamys slipped from his shoulders. This sign seemed inauspicious both to the Caesar and to those who saw it. Since many were blaming the emperor for having surrendered all power to the Caesar, so that he might do whatever he wished and perform many things contrary to duty, through the persistence of these reproaches that dull man seemed at length to awake somewhat from his deep lethargy, and he corrected and rescinded certain things that had been ordained by the Caesar. This was intolerable to Bardas, who bore the diminution of his authority heavily and with an ill spirit. Nevertheless, he accompanied the emperor who had set out on the expedition; Basilius and his associates frequently denounced him to Michael, and the plot against him was already prepared; but those to whom the task had been committed, fearing the wealth and power of the Caesar, held back. It happened one morning that Bardas, having emerged from his own tent with great splendor and a large retinue, approached the emperor, and sitting beside him, conversed with him. Then Basilius, standing behind him, threateningly shook his hand. When the Caesar suddenly looked around for some other reason, and caught sight of the hand of Basilius, and understood what was intended, he threw himself at the feet of the emperor. Those who had conspired against him were hesitant to make the attempt, until Basilius himself was the first to strike him with his sword. For so, the others taking courage, surrounded Bardas D and cut him to pieces, and thus such was the end that befell his life. The emperor, however, abandoning the expedition, returned to Byzantium and betrothed to Basilius Eudocia Ingerina, who had long been his own concubine. Afterwards, he even designated him emperor in the Great Church, and had him crowned with the diadem by the patriarch Photius. To Basilius, a son Leo was born of Eudocia, who was considered to be Michael’s.
Variæ lectiones et notæ. (63) Concerning this word, see the Gloss. med. Graecit. We have spoken at length about the temple of the Hodegetria in our *Constantinopolis*, book IV. (64) Concerning Bardas having been cut to pieces, see Nicetas the Paphlagonian in *Vita Ignatii patr. Constantinopol*. Below: Since Michael was hastening toward Crete, and Bardas himself was marching with him as far as the so-called Gardens, there he paid the ultimate penalty; for the divine wrath overtook him on the pretext that he was plotting against the emperor, and he was miserably cut to pieces, limb by limb, by swords. Then the autokrator returned immediately to the imperial city.
A Relinquishing his expedition, the emperor returned to Byzantium B and joined Eudocia, the daughter of Inger, to Basil—she who had previously been a concubine to him who was then reigning. Then he himself proclaimed this man as emperor, having arrived at the Great Church (65), and through the patriarch Photius, the diadem was placed upon him. A male child, Leo, was born to Basil from Eudocia, although it was said that he was actually the son of Michael (66), as Eudocia was pregnant when she was joined to Basil. C But Michael, always devoting himself to horse racing and symposia, and constantly getting drunk and deranged (67)—a state he was unable to control even when sober—incited Basil to kill him. For after a horse race took place at Saint Mamas, in which he himself and his dignitaries had driven and he had won, he reclined for a banquet, and both Basil and Eudocia reclined with him. A certain Basilinus (68), who had formerly been a rower on an imperial trireme but had been admitted into the emperor’s inner circle for his physical beauty and had become intimate with him, was standing by while the emperor was dining and began to praise him for having driven so skillfully and artfully. D The emperor (for he had already been drinking heavily and his mind was clouded) was pleased by the praises and gave him his purple-red sandals and ordered him to put them on, and proclaimed him emperor. When the man hesitated and looked toward Basil, the emperor became angry. Basil nodded to him to obey and put on the sandals; and he took them and put them on. Then the emperor, angry at Basil, said, “These imperial insignia befit him more than you. Is it not permitted for me to make another, just as I made you emperor?” From this, Basil (68), fearing both for his position and his life, B pondered how to act before he suffered harm, and shared his plan with others. When Michael, having again indulged in heavy drinking at the banquet, was already intoxicated and was being led to his own bedchamber in the palaces at Saint Mamas (69), and had lain down and was overcome by a very deep sleep, Basil, first of all, broke the locks of the imperial bedchamber, lest the door be locked by those attending the imperial bedchamber. Then he arrived with his fellow conspirators. But even as the few who were keeping watch before the bedchamber tried to hinder the attackers, a tumult arose; the emperor was awakened and, with a drawn sword in his hand, stood and raised his hands, which were both cut off, and he retreated toward the others. But Michael, staggering from the wine and hindered by his drunkenness, could not flee and lay there crying out miserably. Another one of the Basilians, seeing that he was still alive, pounced on him and drove his sword into his chest in such a way that, with his belly also pierced, his intestines spilled out.
A Thus did Michael’s life depart, in a manner worthy of his conduct. Basilius immediately arrived at the palace, and having taken control of it, he sent one of the chamberlains to provide for Michael’s funeral. He went, found the wretch wrapped in a horse’s saddle cloth, and, having led him away, buried him in the monastery of Chrysopolis. Michael had reigned with his mother for fourteen years, and had ruled alone for eleven.
Once Basilius had seized the throne and been proclaimed emperor by all, he summoned the leading men of the Senate and opened the imperial treasuries, in which nothing was found but a mere three centenaria of gold. After the matter was deliberated, it was decreed by the consent of all that those who had received money without reasonable cause should return it, or at least half of it. Consequently, as the half was exacted by this decree, no less than three hundred centenaria were brought into the treasury. B When Basilius went to the Great Church on a feast day, wishing to partake of the unbloody sacrifice, he was barred by the patriarch Photius, who called him a murderer. Enraged by this rebuff, he convened a council and expelled Photius from the Church, under the pretext that the holy Ignatius had been removed from the episcopal throne illegally by Bardas Caesar, and that Photius had occupied the divine throne uncanonically while Ignatius was still alive. Using this as a pretext, he restored the holy Ignatius to the apex of the pontificate.
When Basilius had recently taken hold of the scepter, some of the patricians—Georgios and Sabbatios—opposed him; they were discovered and seized, and paid the penalty with their bodies. He adorned his three sons, Constantine, Leo, and Alexander, with imperial crowns. Wishing to make his fourth, the youngest, C Stephen, patriarch, he enrolled him into the ranks of the clergy of the Church of God. He placed his four daughters in the imperial monastery of Saint Euphemia. He campaigned against the Agarenes in Crete and was defeated; many were killed, and he himself would have been captured had he not been rescued by Theophylactus Abastactus, the father of Romanus Lacapenus, who later became emperor. Having returned to the Great City, he sent his relative, Christopher, to Crete against the Agarenes, who, having defeated them in battle, broke their barbaric audacity. The same Basilius also set out against the Eastern Agarenes and Manichaeans, who obeyed a certain Chrysocheir, and having captured certain fortresses and taken booty, he even determined to besiege Tephrica, their metropolis, but when it became clear that it required a long siege and was, furthermore, difficult to storm...
D (70) Lamenting in misery. Gregorius in *The Life of Basil the Younger*, n. 2, regarding Basil: He who also slew Michael, who had reigned before him, and thus held the scepter, whom he even saw while he was dying, accusing him and saying: "What did I do to you, O Basilius, or what wrong did I do to you, that you slaughtered me so mercilessly?" And thus he confessed at the end of his life.
(71) And he expelled Photius from the Church. From then on he was treated very badly and was consigned to prison, with the books he might have occupied himself with in the meantime denied to him, as Photius himself relates in his 97th epistle to the Emperor Basil, and in another to Baanes the praepositus and patrician.
A And many fell; but he himself would have been captured, had not the unshakeable Theophylact (72), the father of Romanus who later reigned, saved him. B Having returned to the Great City, he sent his son-in-law, Christopher, against the Hagarenes to Crete; who, having engaged them and routed them, humbled their insolence. The Emperor Basil also campaigned against the Hagarenes in the eastern region, and against the Manichaeans, whom Chrysochir (73) led. Having plundered their goods, he attempted to besiege Tephrike, their metropolis. But learning that it required a long blockade and was otherwise difficult to take, he departed from there. Finding the Euphrates flowing high, he bridged it with ships and crossed over, having seized many things there and captured other fortresses. Some he made peace with, others who submitted to him he received, and he returned to the queen of cities; and having celebrated a triumph through the middle of the city, he returned to the palace. But Chrysochir, the leader of the Manichaeans, invaded the Roman provinces and was plundering them. The emperor therefore sends the domestic of the schools against him. Because he was not bringing a force sufficient to engage him in a pitched battle, he did not think it best to join combat. But wherever he would linger, by engaging those who were wandering and making raids, he would harass them, so that they could not make their excursions and plunderings without fear. For this reason, even the booty that Chrysochir had already managed to seize, he would bring back as he returned home. The domestic of the schools ordered two generals to accompany him with their regiments, and not to allow the barbarians C to scatter and loot. In the evening, with Chrysochir and his men encamped at the base of a mountain, and the Romans having occupied the higher ground, a dispute arose concerning the primacy and the martial strength of the soldiers of both generals. As each side boasted that they were superior to the others, someone, wishing to resolve the dispute, said: "Why, fellow soldiers, do we boast in vain, when with the enemy near, it is possible to demonstrate who are the brave men not in words, but in deeds?" This advice being approved, they immediately attacked the enemy. Terrified by the sudden aggression, they turned their backs to the attackers, and as the pursuit continued for a long time, the intervening plain was strewn with corpses. Chrysochir himself fell at that time, and many were captured and bound and sent to the emperor, along with the head of Chrysochir. D Ignatius (74) the patriarch having departed to the life beyond, having governed the Church for eleven years, Photius was placed by Basil a second time on the pontifical throne. The plots formed against the emperor were discovered; their leader, Romanus Curcuas, was deprived of his eyes, and the others were scourged and, having had their hair shaved, were banished.
Various readings and notes
(72) Theophylact. I do not know if this is Theophylact, patrician and praetor of the Armeniacs, to whom Photius’s 21st epistle is addressed. (73) Chrysochir. Constantine also narrates the war of Basil against Chrysochir in *Basil*, ch. 30, and in the book *De Thematibus*, ch. 10, besides Scylitzes, Glycas, and others. (74) Ignatius, etc. Ignatius died on October 13, on the day sacred to St. James, as Nicetas writes. Stylianus, Bishop of Neocaesarea on the Euphrates, in an epistle to the Orientals which exists in the *Appendix to the Council of Constantinople*, ch. 4, seems to indicate that Ignatius was removed and extinguished by the evil arts of Photius, a thing which the same Nicetas ignores. He was, however, buried in the monastery of Satyros, founded by him, which S. Michael dedicated, as he hands down the origin of the name; Symeon Logothete in his ms. *Chronicle* on Basil: In the 6th year of his reign, the patriarch Ignatius made the church of Satyros in the name of the chief captain of the Rising [Archistrategus], and then made it also a monastery for men, where he was buried. It is called Satyros because at a small distance from such a monastery the old [palace] is called Satyros. There was a shrine there built by the Greeks to the same Satyros, and from the homonymy, because the aforementioned monastery was nearby, it is called by such a name; from which also the palace of Bryas, which Theophilus the emperor built, having removed the materials, he constructed it. It is called 'Rising' [Anatellon] for such a reason: once when Nicephorus was hunting... [index: entries preserved]
all the steers of the Church, Photius is brought a second time by Basil to the throne of the high priesthood. A plot concocted against the emperor did not escape notice, whence the ringleader of it, Romanos Kourkouas, had his eyes put out; those who had sworn oaths with him were tortured, shorn of their hair, and condemned to exile.
B IX. Now, as spring burst forth, he campaigns against Syria, having with him one of his sons, Constantine, and he took some of the fortresses; others also surrendered to him, fearing the capture of the rest. Then he attacks Germanicia, and after burning its suburbs, he reached the city of Adana, and was besieging it. As the citizens were acting carelessly regarding the siege, Basil asked them on what they relied that they did not surrender, when the city was already on the verge of being captured. And one of the older men said he knew for certain that it was not fated for the city to be captured by him at that time, but by another who would descend from his loins, by the name of Constantine. When the emperor showed him his son and said that this is Constantine, the old man denied that he was the Constantine by whom their city was to be captured, but [claimed it would be] another of his descendants. Basil, therefore, angered by the old man's predictions, pressed the siege more vigorously. But since it was accomplishing nothing, and the cold that had set in was greatly distressing the army, he raised the siege and planned his return, ordering the captives to be put to death, so that there might be no need for guarding them, and lest they should C seize any opportunity that arose to cause some revolutionary act.
Now, the Agarenes from Tarsus and Melitene were raiding the Roman provinces, against whom the commander Andrew had marched, and was curbing their attacks. When the Emir of Tarsus sent him a letter filled with blasphemy, in which he wrote that if he himself were to attack him, the Son of Mary would be of no help to him, Andrew took the blasphemous letter and hung it upon an icon of the Mother of God, saying, “Lady, repay the arrogance of this man.” Having said this, he marched against the blasphemer; a battle was joined, the enemies were turned to flight, and a great slaughter of them took place, and the Emir himself was cut down, with only a few escaping by flight. But the commander was slandered out of envy, as if he could have captured Tarsus too, but was unwilling. For this reason, the emperor took the command away from him and gave it to Stypiotes, who was promising to sack Tarsus, and boasting with youthful arrogance that he had achieved many other great things; D who not only did not achieve anything of what he boasted, but also fell into disaster out of negligence and ill-considered encampment. For the Barbarians, having learned that his camp was kept without guards, attacked it at night and slew many, and the majority perished by being trampled by one another, and thus the Agarenes were the victors.
In such a state were the affairs of the East; the West was faring even worse. For Italy, which obeyed the Roman emperors, and the greatest part of Sicily, and many other nations, had been made tributary to the Carthaginians under Michael. For the Carthaginian Agarenes, having equipped a fleet and captured many small towns, were besieging Ragusa. When the Ragusans sought aid through envoys, Basil sent one hundred warships to their relief; when the Agarenes learned that these were coming against them, they raised the siege.
Various readings and notes
to the emperor, in the place where the monastery currently is, in the very spot where a deer was caught, where the sanctuary of the monastery is founded, a table was found of old, supported by a column, which read as follows: “This is the holy sanctuary of the commander-in-chief Michael the Rising, which the holy apostle Andrew enthroned.” See our *Constantinopolis*, book IV, page 189.A They invaded Lombardy, and having captured the city of Bari, and making 170 use of it as a secure retreat, they occupied the whole of Lombardy. Other nations also, who were being hard-pressed by the Hagarenes, upon hearing what had happened to the Ragusans, and that the enemies, fearing the Emperor’s reinforcements, had abandoned the siege, sought help themselves, and submitted themselves to the Roman Empire. Basil B [index: entries preserved] ...invaded the western provinces of the Greeks, and especially the greater part of Sicily. Then, when Basil the Macedonian had taken the reins of the empire, having equipped a fleet, he made a landing on the coast of Dalmatia, and after conquering very many towns, laid siege to Ragusa. But when they perceived that aid was being sent to the Ragusans by Basil, and that a hundred *chelandia*—which Zonaras calls warships—under the command of the patrician Nicetas surnamed Oryphas, the *drungarius* of the fleet, were approaching, they crossed into Italy, and having captured the city of Bari, they poured into the mainland of Calabria and Apulia, and became masters of these provinces. Bari was captured around the year 851. Erchempert, in *Hist. Langob.*, c. 20: “At the same time the Hagarenes, settling in Bari, captured it, devastating it root and branch, and began to plunder the whole of Apulia and Calabria, and gradually to lay waste to Salerno and Benevento.” Now, the Saracens were invited by Radelchis, Prince of Benevento, for his own aid against the Capuans, through the mediation of Paudo, the Gastald of Bari, his faithful servant, as Leo Ost. lib. 1, c. 27, the anonymous Casin. c. 8, and the *Chronicle of St. Vincent of the Volturno*, p. 694, record. That they later spilled out into the neighboring provinces and extended their dominion in Italy is described at greater length by the same Erchempert, c. 29, as well as by Leo Ost. lib. 1, c. 32. C But Porphyrogenitus, in *De adm. imp.*, c. 32, narrates the matter thus: “The Saracens, however, learning of the arrival of the fleet of the patrician and *drungarius* of the fleet, fled, leaving behind the fortress of Ragusa, and crossed over into Lombardy, and having besieged the fortress of Bari, they sacked it. Then the Sultan, having built palaces there, held all of Lombardy as far as Rome for forty years.” ...[The text continues discussing the arrival of the Saracens under Saba and Calpho with thirty-six ships]... D ...Thus, oppressed by these evils and fatigued by the frequent incursions of the Saracens, the Lombards sent legates to Basil, asking for help and promising voluntary submission. He accepted these, and not only sent the fleet intended for the Dalmatians to their aid, but also persuaded the Roman Pontiff and the Emperor Louis II by letters to support the wretched Italians with their forces. Thus, indeed, does Porphyrogenitus write in his *Life of Basil*, and the Greek writers after him. But the Latins—namely Erchempert and the author of the *Chronicle of St. Vincent*—report that Louis was summoned by the Capuans and Beneventans; that he entered the borders of Benevento through Sorum, and having captured Capua (whose prince had rebelled), in the following year, supported by many auxiliaries, he marched to Bari and engaged in battle with the army of the aforementioned Sangdan, defeated the Saracens, and then captured Matera and Canosa. Finally, he returned to Benevento; and when the Saracens reached the extremity, he sent an army and captured Bari, taking in it Sangdan (or the savage king) along with others of his retinue. Leo Ostiensis, lib. 1, c. 28, narrates similar things, and attributes the expedition of Louis to the year 866; he says that Bari was besieged by him for four years, but it is reasonable to believe that he joined his land forces to the maritime forces of Basil and besieged Bari together. Indeed, if it is true that Bari was captured by Louis on the third day of February in the year 868, indiction 1, as is found in Lupus Protospatha and the anonymous Barense, then the city itself fell to Basil, but the Sultan fell to Louis as the prize of war, as Porphyrogenitus states explicitly: “And the Emperor of the Romans took the fortress of Bari and all the spoil, but the King of the Franks, Dalouchos, took the Sultan and the remaining Saracens and led them away to the fortress of Benevento.” And indeed the Roman Emperor kept the city of Bari and the whole region and all the loot for himself; but the King of the Franks, Louis, took the Sultan with the rest of the Saracens and brought them to Benevento. But whether these things deserve complete credence is made doubtful by what the same Erchempert, the author of the *Chronicle of St. Vincent*, and Protospatha report: namely, that the Greeks finally entered Bari after the departure of Louis, in order to protect themselves from the Saracens, whose strength was growing daily. Erchempert, c. 29, and the *Chronicle of St. Vincent*: “Those who were residing in Bari, hearing this, brought the Emperor of the Greeks’ *Bajulus*, Gregory, who was then staying in Otranto, with many armies into Bari on account of their fear of the Saracens: and he immediately seized the *Gastald* and his leading men and sent them to Constantinople, to whom he had sworn an oath of good faith.” This, Protospatha and the anonymous Barense relegate to the year 874, indiction 8, therefore after the departure of Louis, who closed his final day at Ravenna on August 13 of the year [875]. That he had obtained his liberty from the Beneventans, Zonaras reports in this place; Porphyrogenitus and Cedrenus likewise mention it. But the addition that the Beneventans closed the gates on Louis when he returned from hunting does not entirely agree with Erchempert’s narrative; for thus he writes in c. 34: “These things being thus accomplished (namely, the capture of Bari), the devil, seeing his own being cast out and all things being restored to Christ, and grieving at the losses of hell, caused the Franks by his instigation to begin to persecute the Beneventans severely and to harass them cruelly. Concerning this matter, Adelgisus, Prince of Benevento, having risen against the Emperor Louis, captured that most holy man—the savior, indeed, of the Beneventan province—who was staying within the walls of Benevento and resting securely, caught him by wicked guile, and gave him over to guards, and plundering his goods, he became enriched, and all his military men...
A having received the embassy, supplications, and that fleet, and through them having brought aid from the King of the Franks: from whom he sought by letters, that he should assist the Roman legions in the Agarenian war, and by them the army of the Agarenes being defeated, their prince, whom they call the sultan, was captured and led by the king to Capua. Where, when he had remained for two years, he was never seen to smile by anyone, so that the king, marveling, said he would give a reward to anyone who would report to him that the Barbarian had smiled. When someone B despoiled him and compelled him to flee. Similar things to these are contained in Leo of Ostia, lib. 1, cap. 38, and the author of the Chronicle of Saint Vincent of Volturno, p. 696. Whence it appears that Louis was consigned to custody by Adelgis, from which, within forty days, with an innumerable army of Saracens arriving from Africa, he was eventually released, says Leo of Ostia. The author of the Annals of the Franks of Metz, an. 871, recites the matter a little differently: Adalgis, seeing the emperor destitute of the strength of his own men, long ago brought forth a conceived iniquity, and with his supporters strives to occupy the palace, in which the emperor was resting at midday. The emperor, aroused by the clamor of the invaders, leaps from his bed, seizes his arms, and with very few of his bodyguards, proceeds in confusion to the door of the house, and blocking the entrance with iron, wards off the enemy from the thresholds. Adalgis, sensing that the doors of the house could not be penetrated without danger, draws back his foot from the entrance, and orders the palace to be consumed by flames. Meanwhile, the emperor seeks that hostages be given him, and earnestly demands peace. To which it was answered that he would not obtain what he sought, unless he first promised by oath that he would never in the days of his life re-enter the borders of Benevento, nor would he ever seek vengeance for the slander he was then suffering. Therefore, the relics of the saints having been brought, constrained by necessity, he swore the oath that was demanded of him, and immediately the next day he departed from Benevento. He then relates how in the following year Louis came to Rome, and having been absolved of the oath by Pope John, he compelled the tyrant Adelgis to flee into Corsica, and finally Louis finished his life in the year 874: at which point he touches upon his piety and other gifts of spirit in a brief eulogy. Leo of Ostia, lib. 1, cap. 38, has similar things concerning the capture of Louis, where he mentions certain things about Capua being besieged by the Saracens, and the Saracens routed there by Louis, but nothing, however, about the legate of Basil sent to the Capuans, about whom Zonaras commemorates. Indeed, that the soldan and his associates, Anosus and Abadelbachus, and the emperor’s treasure were retained for himself by Adelgis, Erchempert, cap. 28, and the author of the Chronicle of Saint Vincent of Volturno clearly state with Zonaras, and they sufficiently imply that Sangdan was granted his freedom. Add, moreover, the Annals of the Frankish Bertinians, ann. 873, Regino, and Hermann the Lame. Furthermore, he was the nephew of Louis the Pious, C whose name is variously stated by Greek writers: for he is titled *Aolixos* by Porphyrogenitus, lib. *De administ. imp.*, cap. 29, and *Beylitza*, *Ayos*, by the same Porphyrogenitus, lib. *De them.*, cap. 11. Truly, so as not to depart from Italy, which I have once entered, upon the death of Radelgis, the son of Adelgis, Radelgis the son is constituted prince, who, reigning scarcely three years, was ejected by the Beneventans, and Ajo, his brother (of Adelgis), was substituted in his place. Thus, indeed, Erchempert and the author of the Chronicle of S. Vincent, p. 698. Concerning Ajo, prince of Benevento, who is called *Ayiwy* by Zonaras, and *Ayaw* by Leo Grammaticus and the author of the Chronicle of the princes of Benevento and Salerno, *Eyiwy* by Scylitzes, and *Eyiwy* by the anonymous Combefisian n. 6. He began his principate in the year 884, and died in the year 890, as it is found in Lupus Protospatha. Ajo, having heard of the death of Basil, asserted for his own empire the remaining cities that were subject to the Greeks in Longobardia, neglecting the treaties he had made with the Greeks, which Scylitzes, p. 595, assigns to the second year of Leo the Philosopher, which is the year of Christ 887, in which same year Charles, by the surname Crassus (the Fat), was ruling the West, whose son-in-law Ajo is said to have been by Zonaras and Scylitzes, or certainly of the king of the Franks, whoever that may have been: *The Duke of Longobardia, being the son-in-law of the King of Francia*. But whether "son-in-law" is taken in this place for the husband of a daughter, or as a kinsman by marriage, as we have shown this word to be used by the Greeks just as by the Latins in the notes to the *Alexiade*, the Frankish authors omitted this affinity. Furthermore, how Ajo rose up against the Greeks, Erchempert recites, cap. 66. The same Ajo initiated a quarrel of rebellion against the Augustal dominion. Shortly after, cap. 71, it commemorates how Ajo, Bari having been snatched from the Greeks, attacked the Greeks who were attacking him. Protospatha notes the year of the capture of Bari: In the year 886, there was a betrayal in Bari in the month of June, when the prince (Ajo) made battle with the strategos of Trapezi and the Greeks. But he who is named Trapezi here, is the patrician Constantine, *Epi tês trapezês*, or prefect of the royal table, whom Leo Augustus sent with Western legions against Ajo; for the dignity of *Epi tês trapezês* among the Byzantines was the same as that of the dapifer and seneschal among us, whom Eginhard calls the "prefect of the royal table" in the *Life of Charles the Great*, the monk of St. Gall calls "master of the royal table", lib. 2, cap. 9, whom, besides Codinus, Porphyrogenitus mentions, *De adm. imp.*, cap. 51. But the disaster which Zonaras, Scylitzes, the anonymous, and Leo Grammaticus report Constantine to have suffered, the Lombard writers completely pass over, unless perhaps it existed in that battle which Ajo initiated with him after Bari was captured, about which Protospatha [speaks]. But also that the Greeks were first overcome by Ajo, and then Ajo himself was so thoroughly defeated by the patrician Constantine that it was with difficulty that he was able to return to Bari, Erchempert recites, cap. 76: Finally, Ajo, having proceeded from Benevento through Sipontum to Bari, finds the courtier and patrician of the Augusti, Constantine, positioned over it, manfully attacking the rebels; against whom said Ajo, supported by the aid of the Ismaelites, and surrounded by a rank of Apulian infantry, boldly rising up, and being victor in the first onset, killed many of the enemy, [but] then, being strongly crushed by Constantine, who was sitting safely in his position with three thousand horsemen, he was barely able to enter the city of Bari with a few, the rest having been given over either to the swords or to captivity. Finally, as the same Erchempert says, cap. 80, Ajo, being besieged within the city by the Greeks, sent his legates to the patrician Constantine, who was residing over the said city, and making peace with him, he surrendered the city, and returned to his own. Thus, therefore, Bari came again into the power of the Greeks, after Ajo was expelled by the patrician Constantine, until it was taken from them by Guiscard, as Leo of Ostia narrates, lib. 2, cap. 44. These things, moreover, we have pursued more fully, because they illustrate in some way Frankish history. (77) *Rhagousion*. Which Constantine Porphyrogenitus calls *Rausa* in *De adm. imp.*, cap. 29.
A The other nations, moreover, who were oppressed by these Agarenes—as has been related regarding what happened at Rhagousion, and how the enemies, fearing the alliance of the Emperor, withdrew from the siege—also sent embassies seeking an alliance and subjecting themselves to the hegemony of the Romans. The Emperor accepted the embassy and assisted the petitioners both by the aforementioned fleet and by the Frankish king. (78) For he sent to him, B to collaborate in the war against the Agarenes with the Roman army, by whom the host of the Agarenes was defeated, and their commander, called the Sultan, was taken, whom the King of the Franks led away to Capua. Having spent two years there, he was never seen by anyone to smile, so that the king [of the Franks] was struck with wonder, and if anyone reported to him that the barbarian was laughing, he would promise to give a reward for the news. Someone therefore said that he had seen the sultan laughing. The king, having summoned the barbarian, asked for the cause of his laughter. He [replied]: "I saw the wheels of a chariot, of which one was pressing against the ground while the other was being lifted on high; then the one that was high went down to the ground, and the one that was low was lifted up. C Having figured that human affairs are also moved and transferred in this way, I laughed, reasoning that it was not impossible that my own affairs might be disposed in this manner, and just as I was brought down from high to low estate, so perhaps I might again be raised from lowliness to a high position and become exalted." These things that man said. The king, having brought the truth of his words into his mind, and pitying the sultan for his change of fortune, made him his intimate and gave him freedom of speech, and, thinking the man to be prudent, he shared his counsels with him. D Having thus forged the signatures of all, he proclaimed and hailed Louis as Emperor and Engelberga as Augusta in the synod he had fabricated for himself; to whom he even wrote an epistle filled with praise, as one deemed worthy of coronation in an ecumenical synod, as he thought, similar to Pulcheria. And he importuned and conspired to persuade her own husband Louis to exclude Pope Nicholas from Rome, as one deposed by an ecumenical and catholic synod, a copy of which he sent to her as well with gifts.
Variæ lectiones et notæ.
(78) *Frankish king*. Fuit is, as I said above, Louis II, Emperor, son of the Emperor Lothair, whose wife was Ingelberga, daughter of the Duke of Spoleto. Nicetas Paphlago mentions both in his *Life of Ignatius*, Patriarch of Constantinople, writing that Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, while Michael, son of Theophilus, was still alive, when he had pronounced anathema against Pope Nicholas, had solicited Louis by sending gifts to have him expelled from his see, and that the emperors promised he would be created at Constantinople if they carried this out: which they immediately embraced with open arms. The same is referred to in the appendix to the Fourth Council of Constantinople, cap. ..., and that in the conciliabulum which he gathered against Ignatius and Pope Nicholas, he acclaimed the Emperor Louis and the Empress Ingelberga: D But since Photius himself was deposed a little while later, the matter came to nothing, with Basil attaining the empire after the death of Michael, whose friendship Louis seems to have cultivated as long as he lived: for not only did he assist the Ragusans with his troops against the Agarenes, at the urging of Basil, as Zonaras writes; but he also sent his legates to Constantinople, when the council against Photius was gathered, who sat in it together with the legates of Michael, King of Bulgaria, as we are taught from the acts of the same council. (79) *The wheels of a chariot*. Something similar is narrated by Theophylact Simocatta, *Hist.* lib. vi, cap. 11, and from him by Theophanes in the year of the same Augustus, concerning a certain king made captive by Sesostris, King of the Egyptians. For when Sesostris had chosen four from the defeated kings to pull the chariot in which he was being carried in triumph, like horses, one of them was seen to delay, while he frequently looked back, contemplating the rotation of the wheel. The king, addressing the one looking back so often, said: "What is it, good man, that you turn your eyes back so often?" To whom he replied: "The movements of the wheels are irregular; the parts of them which are on high presently become in the depths, and conversely, those which are beneath are subsequently lifted up." Hearing these things, they say that Sesostris was corrected to modesty, and commanded that the yokes be removed from the necks of the kings and assigned again to mules.
A He, however, being a meddling man, proceeds against the king with deceit. For when the King had newly acquired the cities of Capua and Beneventum, he was afraid concerning them, lest they should ever assert their freedom. But that Barbarian, having learned this, comes to the King and says: "If you wish for your rule over these cities to be secure, transfer the more influential men in them elsewhere; then the multitude, left to itself, will not cherish any revolutionary thoughts." The King, thinking this counsel beneficial, set his mind to it, and chains were secretly forged. Then that wicked man conversed with the prominent men in the cities, and acting as if he were very friendly, he said to them in secret that the King wished to transport the more notable of the citizens into his own land while in chains. "And," he said, "the proof of my words is the forging of iron chains, shackles, and other bonds." Having found this to be true, they supposed he was well-disposed toward them; and when the King went out for a hunt, they barred the gates of the cities, and no longer admitted him. And he departed to his own place; but the Sultan gained their freedom as a reward from those citizens. Having gone away and re-conquered his former domain, he marched against the aforementioned cities of Capua and Beneventum. They, pressed by the siege, sent to the King begging him earnestly to forgive them and to ally with them; but when he would not accept the petition, saying that he rejoiced at their destruction, they sent another embassy to Emperor Basil, imploring him to assist them in their danger. He promised to do so, and the envoy returned to encourage his fellow citizens. But he was captured by the enemies; and the Sultan, having learned whence he came and what good news he was bringing to the citizens, said to him: "If you wish to live, announce to your people, who are looking down from the wall, that the Emperor has refused the alliance. For if you do not do this, know that you shall die instantly." He agreed to do as he was ordered; and standing before the wall while held in chains, he declared that he had fulfilled his embassy and that the Emperor's aid would arrive immediately. And as he said these things, he was cut to pieces by swords. The Sultan, despairing of the capture of the cities, withdrew. B The Emir of Tarsus, Esman, with large ships—which the people from Hagar call *cumparia*—attacked the city of Euripus, but achieved nothing; indeed, he himself perished, having been struck a mortal blow, along with most of his army. Furthermore, Saet Apochaps, the ruler of Crete, prepared another fleet and placed in command of it a certain energetic man named Photius, who ravaged the coastal regions of the Aegean and the islands. When the Roman fleet, whose commander was the *drungarius* of the fleet, the patrician Nicetas Ooryphas C, encountered them, it reduced many of the enemy ships to ashes along with their crews by means of Greek fire, slew many with the sword, and submerged more. Those who escaped this manifold danger, becoming inured to their shame, were not content with their safety, but, having prepared pirate ships, ravaged the Peloponnese and the islands there. But the aforementioned *drungarius* came upon them again. For having docked at the port of Cenchreae, and having learned that the enemy ships were frequently stationing themselves around Methone, Pylos, and Patras, he quickly moved his triremes across the Isthmus of Corinth by land, and attacked the enemy unexpectedly. D Struck by the surprise assault, he burned the pirate ships, and some he submerged along with the men themselves, the leader of the enemies, Photius, also being killed. And thus the fleet of the Cretans perished.
A 172 X. Further, from Africa, sixty other very large ships set out, and they were ravaging the Roman provinces, and they proceeded as far as Cephalenia and Zacynthus. Therefore, a navy was sent against them, with Narsas commanding as admiral. But since many of those who were toiling at the rowing had deserted, the triremes were half-empty; for which reason the admiral judged it not appropriate to join battle with the enemies in such a state, but reported the occurrence to the emperor, and the deserters, having been sought out, were quickly captured. But in order that he might also instill fear into his navy, and yet might not punish any Christian, he ordered thirty of the captured Agarenes who were being guarded in prisons to be brought out by night, and for their faces to be smeared with soot so that they would not be recognized, then to be scourged and led through the marketplace, and finally to be taken away to the Peloponnesus to be impaled. When this was done, the sailors of the fleet were terrified, and thus they attacked the enemies by night and raised a trophy, with some of the enemy being killed and others being captured. Then they also crossed into Sicily, and they harassed and plundered the cities there that belonged to the Carthaginians.
B But the Arabs from Mesembria, having learned that the Roman navy was idle, sailed with their ships and harassed the coasts of Phoenicia and Syria. For the emperor, intending to expiate the murder of Michael, his predecessor, built new temples in many places of the royal city to Michael, the prince of the heavenly militia; and in the palace itself he built a magnificent and expensive sanctuary to this same Michael, which he called the New Church. Now, while the sailors were occupied with these building works—for their backs were never free from carrying loads, and their hands were occupied with baskets C — the fleet remained idle; for which reason the Agarenes, as has been said, were fearlessly plundering the seacoasts; and they did not only harass these, but they also sacked Syracuse. However, the emperor was exhausting the sailors of the fleet with these building works, and he even built a temple to the prophet Elijah the Thesbit, for he honored this man exceptionally, and hoped that he might one day be taken up by him and carried off into heaven with the chariot of fire. Nevertheless, having learned of the capture and destruction of Syracuse, he sent men to resist the wicked Agarenes; but he accomplished nothing. Then he sent Nicephorus Phocas, the grandfather of that Phocas who reigned afterwards, with adequate forces—a man most brave and most experienced in military affairs, who often routed the Agarenes. And while the Emperor Basil was D still serving with Theophilitzi, as has been mentioned above, he descended to the Peloponnesus and entered the temple of Andrew, in which lived a monk.
A A certain monk who was zealous for virtue, who paid no heed to Theophilitzi but, seeing Basil, rose out of respect and worshipped him.
Regarding the fall of Syracuse
He B describes it in a brilliant oration, as one who, while the city was besieged, suffered the famine itself among others, and when it was captured, endured harsh captivity. This epistle, written solely in the Latin tongue—meanwhile, while the Greek versions are coming forth, some fragments of which are held in the Royal Library—should it be described here, will perhaps not be ungrateful to students of Byzantine affairs, both because it contributes not a little to the illustration of the history of these times, and because Pyrrhus’ Sicily is not accessible to everyone.
“To wish to recount one by one the things that have befallen us, most divine man, would indeed seem to require a longer and more opportune space of time, and the epistle is too short to embrace the whole series of events. Conversely, to remain entirely silent about these things, and to suppress the common sense of grief which almost the whole world felt on account of them (for I easily persuade myself that those to whom even the mere name of Syracuse had become known have sympathized with us), I judged would be a sign of a very astonished mind and one suffering primarily from the disease of apathy. Concerning which matter, one of the prophets spoke as if from the mouth of God: *‘I struck them with scourges, yet they did not grieve.’* And if I set forth the narrative of these things in any way, it will be well provided for both: it will bring forth some speech for me, which I trust will be revealed to those grieving ones by whom I am now sorely tormented. For it is thus established by nature, that if you publish in speech the things that are a trouble to us, they alleviate the soul’s sickness; but to you, a reward will accrue from the source of the ‘flaxen-haired,’ if you follow the narrative by sympathizing with [my] tears.
Finally, we fell into the power of the enemy; we were at last captured, O man perfected in divine honors, nor indeed did the Jerusalem of old experience worse things when it was captured, nor Samaria before the conquest of Jerusalem. We finally endured a plundering such as the islands of Chittim never knew, nor barbaric regions, nor any cities that could be brought forward. Such was this destruction, that on the same day it shattered the bows and quivers with which we had formerly defended ourselves, and laid low our weapons, our sword, and our war; it weakened all our brave men, and our giant defenders (for so shall I call those high-minded men who performed their duty egregiously, who did not hesitate to endure famine beforehand, and to undergo all labors, and to be consumed by almost infinite wounds for the love of Christ, and who after the city was taken were slaughtered by the sword) forced them to yield to the violence of the enemy.
Finally, we fell into the hands of the enemy, although there had long and very often been fighting at the walls, although there had been many engagements even in a naval battle (truly a horrific spectacle, and one engendering consternation to the very eyes of those watching: for the sight is confounded by the atrocity of the things that are often presented). We were conquered after many sieges carried out in the night-time, and after hostile ambushes; after the machines were moved to the walls, by which they were battered during almost the entire day; after that heavy storm of stones against our ramparts; after those city-destroying tortoises and subterranean walls, as they are called. For the men upon whom the care of besieging the city rested—whose desire to take the city had long since inflamed their minds—left nothing untried of those things which were judged suitable for the storming of the city; they fought with the greatest contention of spirit, [each trying] in whatever way he could excel the others, by devising new machines day by day by which the city might be captured and destroyed more easily. Although God, by a most admirable rational counsel, protected us to a certain extent.
But what need is there to recount at greater length, with tragic lamentation, how and in what manner the enemies attempted to heap disasters upon us? What did they leave unsaid or undone, which seemed useful for striking fear into those who were kept besieged, and for confounding their spirits? Time admonishes us to turn our speech to those things which were happening within, and to speak cursorily concerning them. The sword was ravaging outside, and within there was dread, so that I would strongly assert that the ancient oracle predicted our affairs to Moses. For since we had sinned against God just as much as the people of Israel had before us, we drank the same cup of divine wrath that they once drank; we were captured, after we had with difficulty endured a long famine and a diet of herbs; after we were driven by the squalid lack of all things, and thrust them into our mouths.
Nay, we even proceeded to the eating of children (a nefarious thing, and one to be passed over in silence), when previously we had not even abhorred the eating of human flesh (alas, what a horrific spectacle!). But who could tragically deplore these things in accordance with their dignity? We did not refrain from ox-hides and skins, nor from any other things that could be believed to offer any solace to those killed by hunger; not even sparing dry bones, we prepared an unpleasant meal for ourselves. A truly new kind of food, abhorrent to all mortal usage. For many of the Syracusans (what does importunate hunger not compel men to do?) first ground up the bones of beasts, then sprinkled them with a very little water, although the fountain of Arethusa afforded us water in abundance for these uses, and by this discovery, the most miserable men were forced to appease their hunger. For by then a bushel of wheat was for sale at one hundred and fifty gold coins, and the bakers sold it for more, to the tune of two hundred gold [coins], whence it came about that two ounces of bread (O amazing thing!) was sold for a gold coin. Add to this that for three hundred gold coins and more, whatever was edible was sold; and a horse’s head cost fifteen, sometimes even twenty [gold coins]; donkey meat was even held among the luxuries. Now, moreover, the lineage of domestic birds had failed; oil, however, and salted provisions of any kind, or those things which, as Gregory the Theologus says, are wont to be the food of the poor, were already consumed. Eating of cheese, legumes, and peas was totally absent. For the enemies had now taken by force one or the other of the ports that surround Syracuse, although they had previously razed to the ground the arches that were called ‘Brachiolia,’ which prevented the enemies from entering the ports.
But that which happened was by far the most distressing: for a most savage plague (alas, for the sorrow!) followed the famine. A disease called tetanus, because of the contraction of the nerves, also tormented some; whereas apoplexy dried up one-half of the body in others, and forced others to a sudden death. Nor were there wanting those who, seized by the same kind of disease, could only move one-half of their bodies, or were altogether deprived of the faculty of moving their entire body. Others, with bloated bodies like wineskins, presented a horrific spectacle to the eyes of those who saw them, until death, looming over them (for this too obeyed the divine command, and was somewhat delayed by its prescription), finally freed the miserable wretches from their gravest pains. Verily, to those things which we have already mentioned, very many others could be added, which would demand a longer discourse than that which can proceed from a man given over to imprisonment. For what else can I do but touch upon and diminish in a few words matters so great, I who, shut up in prison, have not even the quiet leisure for these things? The very thick darkness of the prison, which hangs before my eyes, dulls and blunts my sight; the tumult of those who are kept together in the same custody agitates and perturbs my mind; the tower which had been built at the greater port on the right angle of the city, by the force of the catapults, by which the enemies [hurled] stones...
was shaken at first, A and soon after it fell partly down; five days after the destruction of this tower, the wall of the rampart, which had previously been joined to the tower, was broken by the same impetus of the catapults: which act cast great fear into the minds of the besieged. Nevertheless, those illustrious and very brave men, under the auspices of the most blessed patrician leader, withstood the oppression of the enemies, and strove to comply with this great struggle, beyond what can be explained in words. For twenty days and as many nights, when the wall had fallen, they fought egregiously and strenuously against those who were attempting an entry from that side, manifesting the nobility inherent in their souls; they also considered it a distinguished honor to receive wounds over their whole body for the defense of the city. For now, if anyone had betaken himself to that rampart of the city, which was accustomed to be spoken of in the language of the common people, there he could see very many mutilated in wondrous and diverse ways. There were those who had their eyes gouged out, to some the noses were cut off, to others the ears were seen to be amputated, the eyelids of some and the jaws of others were red with blood from the blows of darts and arrows, and in some the forehead and the heart itself were wounded in various ways; in others the belly, in others the chest lay open from the wounds received, and to speak concisely, they suffered not in some part only, but in every part. For the enemies besieged the city with all their forces, and they were so superior in number that a hundred of them (which the faith hardly attains) would join battle with one of ours, and they increased the glory of the opponents by the spectacle of an act of extraordinary virtue. Indeed I called it the zeal of athletes, as often as I traveled to that place, in which, acting bravely and gloriously, they won for themselves great glory from their illustrious deeds. B But then the number of our shameful acts grew so great that it inebriated the sword of divine vengeance drawn against us on the twenty-first day of the month of May. But how great was the city, from the day on which the wall fell, reduced into the power of the enemies? It will be worth the trouble to tell the manner in which it was conquered: for it was full of horror. For when the severe judgment of God had scattered hither and thither everyone who was fighting most strenuously against the enemy, and had summoned the noble patrician with his fellow-soldiers from the walls to their own homes to provide for the bodies [of the dead], it impelled the spirits of the Barbarians to renew the siege at that fatal tower of which [I spoke] above, having employed those machines which were in use for the hurling of stones. For those parricides, invading the city, delighted themselves with such a ludicrous spectacle: nor did they proceed with difficult work, with very few thousands guarding that part, because the citizens did not estimate that [as] an opportune time for fighting, and, being secure, the defenders were attempting to betake themselves to all other things rather than to the ramparts. C Therefore, while the enemies were hurling stones into the city in a horrendous manner, and filling up its entire circuit, a certain wooden ladder, through which it was accessible to the defenders, was half-destroyed, and the tower was broken through: upon which a huge rumor arose, and when the patrician heard it, he immediately arose from the table, having not yet dined, very anxious of mind concerning the ladder. But now the Barbarians, as soon as they perceived it shattered (for it had happened near where the stones were hurled), approached the wall with great alacrity: and when only a few had been conspired to be placed in the garrison of the tower, they slaughtered them fighting bravely there, among whom also was the blessed patrician John, which having been done, they ascended into it freely, and finally became masters of it. From there, spreading out in the manner of a river through the whole city, they fluttered in the sight of those who were preparing an array in the hallway of the temple against them to fight, and having slaughtered them to a man, they opened the gates with a great impulse, and entered the temple with drawn swords, breathing fire from their nostrils and eyes with frequent panting. Then indeed every age at that same moment of time fell in the edge of the sword, the princes and all the judges of the earth (as we are accustomed to sing in the Psalms), young men and virgins, old men with the younger, those who professed the monastic life, then those joined in matrimony, priests and the people, bond and free, and those who for a long time now were lying ill in their beds. For not even to these did those executioners learn to show mercy, good God: for a soul thirsty for human blood is not satisfied by the customs of those who, angry at first, run to meet them. It was therefore possible then to see (to use the words of Sophonias) that day, a day of calamity and misery, a day of distress and ruin, a day of darkness and gloom. After these things however (for what is the need to speak at greater length, to recount one by one the things which happened to the primary men of the city, especially when they strike horror into the ears themselves, not to mention the minds?) the illustrious patrician, who had betaken himself into a certain fortress, was captured alive on the following day together with seventy men, and on the eighth day after the city was taken, he was punished with capital punishment. This indeed he bore with such a lofty and brave mind, that he admitted nothing humble, nothing unworthy of his constancy, nor did he show even a slight argument of any timidity, nor is it to be wondered at, since he could not before have been brought by any pact to betray the city for the sake of his own safety, especially since he had very many who were not only disprovers of this plan, but if he had wished, even administrators. He however preferred to meet death with honor, so that he might look to the safety of those who were with him, and to offer his head to the danger for the many in imitation of Christ (although this did not at all move the minds of the murderers to commiseration) rather than to conceive in his mind anything unworthy of his nobility. The magnitude of whose mind, and his alacrity in undergoing the punishment, were a great source of admiration even to Busa Amiras, the son of Chagebis, who was the author of the death. But he himself had prepared such defenses for himself for dying well and happily, because he had spent the whole time of the war in the contemplation of death, and had pointed out through his best exhortations to those who were besieged with him the way which leads to immortality. Whence through these offices of piety he had not at all to fear the departure of life. For to those for whom it is guarded by assiduous meditation, lest they have an unprepared heart to undergo these extremes, to them the transmigration to heaven, when it happens, will not be unpleasant. Furthermore, the Barbarians also invaded those who had been captured with the patrician (they were all those born in the most honorable station in Syracuse), having been led outside the city with certain other captives and arranged in a circle, they invaded them in one onset after the manner of wild dogs, and they put them to death, chasing them most cruelly with stones, others with sticks, others with spears which they had at hand, and certain others with whatever instruments had fortuitously presented themselves, and still raging most savagely in their spirits, they consumed their bodies by burning. Nor will I pass over in silence what examples of barbarous cruelty they exercised against Nicetas. He was a man Tarsian by birth, and most erudite and strenuous in military matters, who during the time of the siege was daily reviling the impious Mahomet, accounted the most eminent of the prophets among that nation, with many curses. These men, having dragged him from the number of those to be killed, reclining him on the ground supine, flayed the man (I implore your clemency, O God) from the breastplate of the chest down to the pubic region, and they tore his viscera out onto the ground with pikes. This heart itself, torn out by hand from the man still breathing, was very...
Amanly chewed by their teeth, first of all, and afterwards dashed to the ground and pelted with stones, until finally they left it fully satisfied. But enough of these matters. As for me, who had already reconciled with the bishop and was diligently occupied with him at prayers in the cathedral at the sixth hour, I heard with my own ears that the tower had been taken by the barbarians, just as the end of the canticle had been reached. On receiving this news, no small fear was instilled in the souls of those who heard it. For how could there not be fear, when we were soon and most certainly about to fall into the bloody hands of the enemy? Nevertheless, regaining our composure in some way, while the enemies were still occupied with looting before the threshold of the church, and being naked and ashamed (naturally, having stripped off all other garments except for those we wore which were made of leather), we took refuge at the altar of the church, together with two other clerics. The most blessed Father was accustomed to appease an angry God at this altar and to implore aid for his children, and attain his desires; and in this matter, he had very often proved Him wondrous by experience: although at that time, by the secret counsel of divine judgments, his prayers had been rejected. Since, therefore, we were established in these perils, we asked pardon of one another for any sin that might have been committed, and forgave each other in turn; but thanks were rendered to God, because He had decreed that we should suffer these things. Now, while the bishop was commending his Church to the guardian angel, the enemies suddenly appear with drawn swords, stained with blood, wandering through the entire building, turning now to one side and now to another; one of them, having detached himself from the surrounding crowd, approached the holy altar, and there found us hiding between the seat and the altar, and seized us, yet he did not perform any barbarous act upon us—God surely softening his heart to some extent—and he uttered nothing angry or threatening, his expression settled in terror, even though he was armed with a drawn sword, which was still steaming and dripping with warm blood. He looked at the bishop, and was rightly questioned by him as to who he might be, and was instructed as to how things stood. “Where,” he asked, “are the sacred vessels of the church?” But when he had learned concerning the place, he led the bishop out of the holy church, apart from all disturbance and tumult, and we followed our shepherd like lambs. And when he had reached the small chapel where the sacred vessels were stored under our guidance, he kept us locked inside it, and he himself busied himself to ensure that the older men of the barbarian nation should gather as quickly as possible. This having been done, he began to give them an account of us. Semnoem—for that was the name then bestowed upon him—we later discovered to be born of noble parents. Moved by his speech—or better, I should say, God leading all things to a good outcome—the enemies began to be well-disposed toward us; and on that same day, having looted the sacred objects (and all these things had been completed, amounting to five thousand pounds in weight), they made us leave the city. Overwhelmed by deep grief—to omit other matters—they led us to the Emir, who had taken his station in the old great church. He left us locked in one of the rooms that were found there. It was necessary for our poor bodies to be afflicted with all kinds of inconveniences, for the place was filled with a grave odor, that which arises from natural excrement, and it was also bristling with worms which are accustomed to be bred and swarm by day, as well as mice that lived there as usual, and with a swarm of lice, and bugs, and almost armies of fleas. But as night fell, we were plunged into darkness under a roof that was almost collapsing. The house was also filled with smoke, which happened from an external fire, which both cut off our breathing, poor as we were, and for the most part deprived us of seeing one another. In this room I myself was thrown with the holy bishop and another of the cleric brethren, for those who remained were all slaughtered together in the destruction of the city. We completed thirty days there, for the reason that they wished to spend that time breaking down the fortifications of Syracuse. During the same space of time, those things which were contained within the circuit of the walls were consumed by flames. The spoils taken as booty were so many, and of such great value, that their appraisal was found to be a thousand thousand coins. Not long after, they set out towards Panormus, which we accomplished in an interval of six days, carried on beasts of burden born to carry loads. But the cruel and savage Ethiopians led us away. Finally, harassed by the daytime heat and the nighttime cold, since we had not ceased traveling by day and night, on the seventh day we entered Panormus, a city most celebrated and crowded with citizens; as we entered, the commoners, who had poured out for joy, were singing hymns of victory; and as they saw the victors bringing spoils into the city, they greeted us with paeans and auspicious acclamations. Now, as they withdrew into the city, only then did we find out the multitude of foreigners and citizens, according to rumors of it, and that it was in no way inferior to our expectation. For you would have thought that the entire race of the Saracens had gathered thither from the rising and setting of the sun, from the north and the sea, according to the customary manner of speaking of the most blessed David. Whence, being crowded in such a mass of inhabitants, they began to build houses and reside in the surrounding area, so much so that they placed many adjacent cities, which, if one wished, were not inferior for attacking and defending. When, therefore, as I intended to say, he took possession of the most wicked of all cities, he did not consider the title of Emirlik, that is to say the name of authority, worthy of his own renown until he cast us under the yoke. Indeed, he promises and threatens that he will do this: to bring under his own power those placed far from him, and even men of the imperial city itself... With things being in this state, after the fifth day we were introduced to the greater Emir. He, sitting proudly on a throne on a dais, was greatly pleased with himself due to his tyrannical power; and he was observed by all as if suspended in our midst, and to serve as a sort of footstool. The ministers present the bishop: then he, through an interpreter, says: "Do you hold our manner of prayer?" "By no means," says the most wise prelate. He indeed says: "For what reason?" The bishop replies: "Because I am the high priest of Christ, and the mystagogue of the servants of Christ, of whom the prophets and the righteous once prophesied." "There are not," says the Emir, "genuine prophets among you, but there are by name: for you would not have become alienated from those [prophets] because of your doctrines, nor would you have turned aside from the true faith, for they walk in circuits among us. Why do you assail our prophet with blasphemies?" "We do not blaspheme the prophets at all." The bishop rejoins: "Because we have learned not to inveigh against the prophets, but to speak for them and to think of them magnificently; but this one who is worshipped among you, we do not know." Astonished by these replies, he immediately orders us to be thrust into prison. Led on, we walked through the middle of the city square in the sight of the crowds: a great many Christians followed, wailing not obscurely for our misery, and also men of the opposing sect, excited by the zeal to watch, had crowded around us and were inquiring who that most famous archbishop of Sicily might be. We escaped this crowd in this manner; finally we were thrown into the *demosterion* [v]; it is a pit depressed by fourteen steps, having a floor, so that a small opening served as a window for it. Here there were sheer and palpable shadows, illuminated only to some extent, even by day, by the light of a lamp. It is not at all allowed to see the dawn-rising star lucifer in this prison, nor the moon emitting rays. Our poor bodies, struck here by the heat of summer (for it was heat)
A and the state of those cohabiting with us, are, moreover, made wretched by bugs and lice and public swarms, and other things similar to these little beasts crawling along this dark pavement. There are also others locked in the same prison, making, along with you, a trade of these miseries: Ethiopians, Tarsians, Hebrews, Lombards, and then our own Christians who have set out from various places, among whom was also the most holy [Manas, or Menas (see Pyrrhus, vol. II, p. 592)], the Bishop of Malta, with his feet bound in two sets of fetters. Then the bishops embraced one another and, having kissed each other with a holy kiss, wept a little for what had happened to them; soon, giving thanks to the Lord for the same matter, they resisted the sense of pain with arguments drawn from our philosophy. While we are occupied in these things, that detestable day D of their sacrifice recurs among them; on this day they boast that they are commemorating that holy sacrifice which Abraham once performed, when he offered to God the ram given as a victim in place of a rational being. They call this "Pascha" out of ignorance; and not without reason do they designate the day thus: for their crossing is not from the Egypt of this world into the land of promise, according to the ancient nomenclature of the Pasch; nor is it from this earth into the heavenly one, or from death to life, as the Christian faith teaches us to use this term; but it is from life to death, and from this bodily destruction, and from that which falls under the senses, to that eternal conflagration, and to that which shall never be wanting its end. On this feast D (what singular madness!) a plan is made to burn the archbishop, and to offer the most holy bishop of Christ as a victim to evil demons. For someone among those who presided over the people, having a mouth breathing like an open grave, said, turning to those standing around, "It is right, O citizens, to lay hands on this prelate of the Christians for our safety, both so that we may celebrate our feast of Pascha more festively than at any other time; for I trust that thus our affairs will turn out prosperously for us, and that it will bring about greater growth." This said he. But some old men, having white hair just as they were seniors, and very honorable in their toga, held a counsel to the people and disapproved of the deed. For they said that these things were not enough; they thought the celebration of that day should be honored by the notable vigil of the destruction of the city of Syracuse. And so the evil counselors were dissipated, God willing, regarding the archbishop. From that time even until this day, we have persisted, held by many hardships, and daily awaiting death itself, which always hangs over us captives. But you, O beloved and venerable head, be always mindful of your Theodosius, and render God placated and propitious, so that He may calm these waves of ours, steady and quell them, and turn our captivity as a torrent in the south, according to the Prophet-King and parent of God. Amen. Following these are poems written in Latin from the Greek. Accept the fruits of my labors, Father, For they are indeed full of groans and wet with tears— Accept, Father, the commands, accept in these letters The destructions which the fierce enemy has brought upon us. Entreat God, that He may stretch out His friendly hands. Already, already, to this dear funeral of yours A that is drawing near. And since he had seen Basil, and stood, and did obeisance, he received him kindly. A certain widow, chancing to be in that country, and the foremost of the natives, and abounding in much wealth, being familiar with the monk, and having learned what happened, sent for him and asked how she had deigned neither to greet nor to welcome the lord Theophilitzes, who was illustrious and kin to the emperors by birth, while she had both addressed and bestowed honor upon that servant there, which did not correspond to his station, but was even far exceeding it; for she conjectured, knowing the monk, that he had not done what was done without reason. But he said, "I saw Theophilitzes as a private citizen, but Basil as emperor, and for this reason I have honored him as emperor. For know that that man has been marked out by God as emperor." Having heard these things, the woman, since she understood that Basil had been left behind there, and having been sent by her lord, took him into her house and deemed him worthy of care, and when he had recovered, she persuaded him to become an adopted brother to her son, and provided money; then she even foretold the empire to him, and asked that when he should obtain the rule, he not forget her child, nor her, if she were still numbered among the living. Basil went away upon these conditions. But she, when Basil had just begun to reign, arrived at the queen of cities with her son, bringing gifts both opulent and many; B which the emperor received honorably, and her son, whom he had gained as a spiritual brother, he adorned with the dignity of protospatharios. He restored sacred buildings collapsed by various earthquakes, and also held fast and strengthened the great arch of the temple of Holy Sophia, which was broken and threatening ruin, with the machines of artisans. By providing and promising money, he persuaded many Jews to become Christians. Peace having been made with the Russian people, he brought it about that they should arrive at the knowledge of our mysteries; and when they promised that they wished to be baptized, he sent a bishop to them. But being about to pass from their religion to ours, they were stalling and doubting: "Unless we see a miracle," they said to the bishop, "such as you teach many were done by Christ, we will never embrace your doctrine." Then he said: "Ask what you wish." But they said: "The book which teaches about Christ is to be cast into the fire: whoever..."
if it remains unconsumed, this shall be to us proof that the God preached by you is truly God." The bishop agreed to do this; a fire was kindled, and the bishop, raising his hands and eyes to heaven, said: "Glorify thy name, Christ our God." He placed the holy Gospel in the fire, and it remained for a long time in the flame, yet it remained unharmed. The Barbarians were astonished at the preaching, and urged that they be initiated by holy baptism. And these things happened in this way. B
XI. But one of the emperor's sons, Constantine, who was dearer to him than the others, fell ill and died; and the emperor bore his death heavily, and was inconsolable, and sought to have him appear to him alive. Now there was a certain monk, Theodore, by surname Santabarenus; this man had endeared himself to the emperor, who was persuaded of his extreme virtue, to the point of believing that he could even work miracles. This Santabarenus, who had also served as bishop C of the metropolis of the Euchaita, is said to have shown his dead son to the emperor as if alive. For in a certain thicket, he caused him to imagine that Constantine appeared to his father on horseback, whom the emperor thought he embraced and kissed, but then saw no more. By doing other similar things, Santabarenus brought the emperor into amazement, and he brought him entirely under his influence, so that he placed his trust in him and distrusted him in nothing. The emperor, therefore, was thus disposed toward Santabarenus. But Leo, his second son, already grown to young manhood, and having taken as his wife the D daughter of Martinacius, and having been proclaimed emperor by his father, was not pleased with Santabarenus, but called him a poisoner, a sorcerer, and a deceiver of the emperor. Struck by these accusations as if by some mirrors, he rose up in vengeance, and with simulated benevolence toward Leo: "Since you are," he said, "a young man...
O Emperor, and ride to the hunt with your father and join him in the pursuit, you ought also to carry a small dagger so that you might use it against wild beasts when necessary, or perhaps occasionally give it to your father, or even defend him should anyone plot against him." Leo, not detecting the trap, was persuaded by this advice to carry a small blade inside his shoe. A With this very dagger, Santabarenus executed his vengeance against Leo. He said to the Emperor, "Your son is plotting against you; the proof of this is that when he goes hunting with you, he carries a concealed dagger." Basil went out to hunt, and Leo accompanied his father; the dagger was found concealed beneath Leo’s sandal. The accuser appeared to have spoken the truth. The defense offered by the accused was not accepted, and the father burned with rage against his son. He imprisoned him in one of the imperial chambers, and stripped him of the insignia of his power. As some historians record, he even contemplated blinding his son, being incited to this by Santabarenus; and the plot would have been carried out had not the patriarch and the leading members of the senate, with many entreaties, deterred the Emperor from his purpose. B For a time the anger persisted, and Leo remained under guard. A long period passed, until the Emperor attended a banquet with certain senators, a thing which was done at certain times by an ancient custom. In the house where the banquet was being held, a parrot was suspended in a cage. As that species of bird is prone to imitation, having continually heard someone lamenting and calling for Leo, it imitated the voice and would repeatedly cry out, "Leo, Leo." The guests, seizing upon this opportunity afforded by the bird's voice to intercede for Leo, stood up from the banquet, and filled with tears, said: "Will not this bird accuse us, O Emperor, when it calls for its own master, while we, enjoying the banquet of your majesty, forget him who has been imprisoned for such a long time? Relinquish, Lord, your anger against him. Remove his confinement, and look upon him with a placid and, rather, a fatherly countenance." By these words, the Emperor's anger was mitigated, and he returned to favor with his son, restoring him to his former dignity. C Afterward, when he had gone out to hunt, he came upon a stag of unusual size, carrying its antlers aloft. Following it, he caught up to it, and as he was about to strike it with a drawn sword, the beast defended itself; catching the Emperor’s belt on one of the branches of its antlers, it lifted him—suspended high—upon its horns. He might perhaps have perished in this way, had he not been rescued by someone who cut through the belt with a sword. The man received from him a "noble" reward for his own salvation: decapitation. A specious reason was contrived: that he had brandished a sword against the Emperor; nor did he consider that, instead of... D
A branding a sword against the Emperor, the man had wielded it on the Emperor's behalf, and was more worthy of reward and royal gifts. Thus did he profit from his zeal for the Emperor. As for the man who was struck, his internal organs were twisted by the horn; he survived indeed, but not for long, and soon died, having reigned jointly with Michael for one year and ruled alone for nineteen, leaving the empire to his son Leo, the eldest of his surviving sons.
XII. Once Leo had become Emperor B (91*), he immediately thought of taking vengeance on Santabarenus. But since he feared that he might be defended by the Patriarch Photius, who was favorably disposed toward him, he fabricated charges against the Patriarch. He expelled him from the Church and restricted him to the monastery of the Armenians, and designated his own blood relative, Stephanus, as patriarch (95); and because he was not the hierarch of Heraclea, he was consecrated by the protothronos. He ordered that Santabarenus be brought from Euchaita, for he presided over the Church there. C He also sent to the monastery of Philippicus in Chrysopolis, where the Emperor Michael was buried, and took his body out of the coffin, and with a great procession and royal honor, placed it in a marble sarcophagus in the church of the Holy Apostles, his brothers, Alexander and the Patriarch Stephanus, being present at the procession. As for Stylianus Zautzes (96), he debauched his daughter while his own wife, Theophano, was still alive, and honored her father with the title of magister and logothete of the dromos, and later bestowed on him the title of basileopator, a name he himself devised. After the fire, he restored among other things the church of the holy apostle Thomas. D Having already brought Santabarenus to the palace at Pegara, he held him in custody, and having had him pitilessly beaten with scourges, he relegated him to Athens, and not long after ordered his eyes to be gouged out. But after many years had passed, [he recalled] the man from exile.
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Variæ lectiones et notæ. (94) If not... refer to Symeon the logothete in [the notes on] Basil n. 3 and Leo the Grammarian. (94*) "Leo the Philosopher." Added in the margin in manuscript codices. Allatius denies that the Emperor Leo is called "the Philosopher," and says this epithet applies only to Leo the Deacon, of whom Byzantine writers speak in [the Life of] Theophilus, [and maintain that] he was so called. Certainly Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the son of [Leo], in the Life of his grandfather, n. 48 and 76 and 89 in the Combesis edition, always calls him Leo. But he is indiscriminately designated as such in Balsamon. Moreover, in an Alexius Comnenus Novella in the same Balsamon ad Nomocanen Photius n. 140, 142, ed. 1. He is called "the Most Philosophical." In the Royal codex, in which the 11 books concerning the themes are described, this title is preferred: "A work of Constantine, son of the Emperor Leo the Wise." (95) He was designated [Patriarch] of Constantinople, a man who excelled in every virtue; though he served in that office for a short time, and having received frequent purgings from the physicians of the children, on account of the burning (i.e., fever) which troubled him, by which, being poorly cooled in the stomach, he fell into a difficult disease and died. (96) Stylianus, the first of the secretis, iambics of Symeon the logothete and master, commonly called Metaphrastes; and described by Allatius in his Dissertation on the writings of the Symeons. This Stylianus, of whom Zonaras writes, died during the reign of Leo, as is found in the anonymous Combefisianus n. 14.
C Hagio, the duke of Longobardia, a kinsman of the king of the Franks, upon hearing the news of Basil’s death, terminated the treaty with the Romans and claimed the entire province for himself. Wherefore, the emperor sent the prefect of the table D with the Western legions against him; but he, being defeated in battle and having lost almost all those he had brought with him, escaped with difficulty by flight. Upon the death of the patriarch Stephen, Antonius, surnamed Cauleas, succeeded him. Since the Bulgarians were at peace and maintained commerce with the Romans, and those in charge of the customs duties were exacting unjust tolls from them, this proved sufficient grounds for their prince, Symeon, who had long been seeking an occasion to wage war against the Romans. And truly, he did wage it. A Roman army that had armed itself against him was defeated, and many of the Romans, including the commander himself, fell; many others were captured, whose noses Symeon cut off before allowing them to return to Byzantium. Irritated by this disgrace, the emperor bribed with gifts the Turks who dwell along the Ister, who are also called Hungarians, that they might take vengeance upon the Bulgarians and afflict them with all their might. He himself also prepared to bring war upon them by land and by sea, committing the war against them to the patrician Nicephorus Phocas, whom he appointed Domestic of the Schools. But before the war, the emperor sent a quaestor as an envoy to Symeon concerning peace. But the barbarian, suspecting that he had come with treachery, cast the man into chains and imprisoned him, and offered resistance to Phocas. While he was occupied in this war, the Hungarians ravaged his territory. Wherefore Phocas, leaving that aside, set out against them and, entering into battle array, was defeated, many Bulgarians being killed and more captured. Symeon himself barely escaped to Dorostolum, which is Dristra. The emperor bought the captured Bulgarians from the Hungarians, and to him Symeon sent envoys regarding peace, in whose words Leo, having placed his trust, sent Chærosphartes to establish peace. But the barbarian, having detained and chained him, attacked the Turks, and putting them to flight and devastating their lands, wrote to Leo that he would not make peace with him unless he received the captured Bulgarians; and when he had received them, he still did not make peace. Therefore, the emperor, having gathered into one place both the Oriental and Occidental legions, launched them against the Bulgarians; yet they, having engaged with Symeon, were defeated. Afterwards, as he was consorting in certain fields with Zoe, the daughter of Zautzis, he was attacked by certain men in an ambush; having perceived these from the murmuring, Zoe awakened the emperor, who was sleeping, and he immediately returned to the palace and escaped; and shortly after the death of the empress Thephanonis, he named the same Zoe Augusta and took her, who had long been his concubine, as his lawful wife. But that happiness was brief. For when she had lived in the empire for one year and eight months, she died. There were other plots as well, reported to the emperor, which Zautzis’ cousin, Basilius Pectes, was concocting. He communicated the secret to the eunuch Samonas, having first bound him by oath,
A that he would keep the things said unrevealed. Now Samonas was an Agarene, and having learned the plot against the ruler, he immediately revealed the mystery to him. Basilius and the accomplices to the plot were arrested, and Samonas B was honored with the rank of protospatharios and made intimate with the emperor.
XIII. Leo also took a third wife, named Eudoxia, of the Opiscian clan, who was of excellent form. But she did not live long with him. For while she was pregnant, she died in labor along with the child to which she had given birth. But the emperor, being desirous of producing an heir, especially since it had been predicted C to him by seers (for he was a lover of learning of every kind, and indeed of that secret kind which divines the future through incantations; he was also versed in the science concerning the movements of the stars and their effects, in which he found that he would have a son as a successor to the empire), he took a fourth wife, Zoe Carbonopsina. He did not, however, immediately grant her the honors of the imperial rank, but for a long time kept her without a diadem, until she had given birth to a young son, who was initiated D into sacred baptism by the patriarch Nicholas. For when Antonius had departed, having governed the Constantinopolitan throne for [1] years, the patriarch Nicholas, named Mysticus, was designated. After the birth of his son, to whom the emperor gave the name Constantine, he also proclaimed his consort Augusta. But because of this fourth marriage, Leo was censured by the patriarch with an ecclesiastical penalty. And in honor of his first wife, the blessed Theophano, he erected a temple in her name, very close to the church of the Holy Apostles, in which he also deposited her body. And he built another temple in the name of the holy Lazarus, in which he stored her sacred body brought from Cyprus, and indeed also that of Mary Magdalen. But when the sailors were impeded in their building and the fleet was idle, the fleet of the Agarenes devastated Tauromenium and occupied the island of Lemnos, in which many mortals perished. The emperor, however, during Pentecost at the church of Saint Mocius...
A, as was the custom, also made his procession; and as he was already approaching the cancelli of the sanctuary, someone emerged from the ambo holding a very heavy staff in his hands and struck the emperor upon his head. He would have crushed it completely, had the staff not struck a hanging lamp, thereby losing its greatest force. The nobles, seeing the blood flowing from the emperor’s head, were greatly disturbed; and because his brother Alexander was not present, a suspicion prevailed among many that he had been an accomplice to the plot. But the man who had dared to commit this crime, after being put to the question and naming no accomplice, had his hands and feet amputated, and was finally given over to the fire.
The monk Mark, who had composed the *Tetraodion* for Great Saturday, being present, said to the emperor: "This was foretold by David, who said: 'What thy B enemy hath done wickedly in thy holy place, and they that hate thee have boasted in the midst of thy solemnity' (Ps. LXXIII, 3-4). Know therefore, O emperor, that from this time you will reign for ten years." And the word became deed; for Leo died ten years later, on the very same day that he had been struck on the head.
Samonas, whom we mentioned above, having great influence with the emperor and having amassed abundant wealth, took this and fled toward the Agarenes, from whence he had originated. But he was caught while crossing the Halys; and although he claimed he was making a pilgrimage to fulfill a vow to the Sirichan cross, he was nonetheless brought back to Byzantium by Constantine, the son of Andronicus the Doux. The emperor, preserving his former affection for Samonas, commanded the Doux C that, when interrogated before the senate, he should not say that he had fled, but that he had traveled to the Sirichan cross. When, however, on the following day, the emperor asked Constantine, while the senate was present and under oath, whether Samonas had fled, he, fearing to commit perjury, said that he had gone to his own homeland, Melitene. The emperor sent Constantine away in anger.
Samonas, moreover, beyond his long-standing close relationship, being also adorned with the dignity of patrician and appointed cubicularius, often pushed the emperor to step down from his office. One such occasion was when he forced the patriarch to withdraw and retire from his oversight: having summoned him and being unable to persuade him by that reasoning, they immediately saw to it that he was transported by D ship from the palace to Iria, and from there by an overland journey to the monastery of Galacrenae, which he himself had built, after he had presided over the Church for eleven years. In his place, the syncellus Euthymius, a holy man, was designated patriarch, who resisted with all his might that a law be promulgated by the emperor.
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plo cuivis liceret secundum, tertiam et quartam etiam uxorem ducere.
A Samonas, moreover, was thereafter promoted by him to earlier intimacy, and then was honored as patrician, and appointed parakoimomenos; he pushed the emperor toward many things that were not appropriate, among which was the compulsion to force the patriarch to accept him and to release him from excommunication. The emperor, therefore, having summoned the high priest, begged him to receive him. But as the latter was inexorable, he was immediately transported from the palace to Hiera [(5)], and from there they led him on foot to the monastery in Galakrenai, which he himself had built, after he had presided over the Church for eleven years. Euthymius, the synkellos, a holy man, was appointed patriarch, who also, when the emperor wished to enact by law that anyone who wished might take two, three, or even four wives, prevented it with all diligence.
B XIV. When the Hagarenes [(6)] were plundering the Roman provinces with their ships, the emperor appointed Himerius, the logothete of the dromos [(7)], as commander of the fleet and sent him against those from Hagar, ordering him also to take along the Doux Andronicus. But the wily Samonas, harboring an implacable hatred against the Ducal family, suborned one of Andronicus’s friends to warn him not to sail with Himerius, as the latter was intending—by order of the emperor—to gouge out his eyes. Therefore, Andronicus did not consent to join Himerius; hence it happened that Himerius, fighting the naval battle alone, was victorious and overcame the enemy’s fleet. From that point, Andronicus, in despair, taking with him his kinsmen and servants, seized Kabala, a fortified stronghold situated not very far from Iconium. But Samonas did not cease to provoke the emperor and to incite him to anger against the man. When the latter learned of this, and also of the expulsion of the patriarch Nicholas from the Church, he despaired of all things and went over to the Hagarenes with his whole family. The emperor, upon learning this, was grieved beyond measure, fearing that he would have as an enemy the man whom he had used as a defender. He wrote a letter, therefore, by which amnesty for his actions was provided to Andronicus, and a return was permitted, and the gift of many good things was promised. Having placed this letter into wax molded like a candle, and having shaped the wax [(8)] with a flame, they handed it over to a Saracen, one of the captives who had been released from prison, to be delivered to Andronicus. C Samonas, having summoned him, said secretly: "Do you know that you are carrying the destruction of all of Syria in your hands? In order, therefore, that you may save your country and your people, deliver this wax to Uzer." For this was the name of Andronicus’s host. He did as he had been ordered. The Hagarenes
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D [index: entries preserved]
upon learning the content of the writing, cast Andronicus and all who were with him into chains. Andronicus departed this life in bonds. Some of those with him, unable to endure the hardship of the prison, abjured their faith. But Constantine and some of those with him escaped from prison and made their way to the Roman borders, and, having bravely routed the Hagarenes who were pursuing them, they were saved. The emperor received him with great joy, welcomed him magnificently, and distinguished him with exquisite honors. A Then he also said to him: "Do not let the name, Constantine, deceive you, nor think that because a Constantine is to rule over the Romans, you will possess the empire; for know precisely that this one is my son. If you adorn your own Sparta, it will be well with you; but if you desire new things and attempt tyranny, do not doubt that through this gate"—pointing out to him the western gate of the Golden Triclinium—"your head will pass apart from the rest of your body." This is what indeed happened later.
When the father of Samonas had come from Melitene with some others, the emperor received them with honor, though he improperly introduced them, being unfaithful, into the Great Church. But the father of Samonas, seeing the honor his son enjoyed in the palace and the wealth with which he was surrounded, wished to live with him. He was prevented by his son, who advised him to preserve his own religion and return to his homeland, saying that he himself would eventually do the same when an opportunity arose. B At the feast of Pentecost, Leo crowned his son and proclaimed him emperor.
Now the loathsome Samonas had a castrated servant named Constantine, a native of Paphlagonia, whom he had given to the mistress for service. Since Constantine was very dear to both the empress and the ruler himself, the profane Samonas was stirred to jealousy and slandered him to the emperor, as if he were an object of the empress’s love. Leo, therefore, moved by jealousy, ordered him to be shorn as a monk. Not long after, he recalled him, ordered him to strip off his monastic habit and put on secular clothing, and treated him even more familiarly than before. This appeared intolerable to Samonas. C He therefore arranged for a document full of insults to be written by one of his own men, and cast it where the emperor was to pass. When the emperor found and read it, he was distressed and sought its author. One of those who was privy to the matter indicated that Samonas was the author of the writing.
Now, since there had been an eclipse of the moon at that time, the emperor summoned the Metropolitan of Synada to inquire about it. When Samonas asked him about it privately, he replied, "This affection of the moon portends your misfortune. But if the thirteenth day of July passes before your calamity, you will avoid the misfortune." Then, when the Bishop of Synada was also questioned by the emperor, he replied that this evil would fall upon the person who was closest to him. The emperor, for his part, judged the closest person to be his brother Alexander, but falsely; for it was fitting that the wicked man should eventually fare ill. D Leo, therefore, when he acknowledged him to be the author of the infamous document, cast him out of the palace, and...
he was tonsured and confined within strictly defined boundaries. A And this came to pass even before the thirteenth of July had slipped away. Constantine, who was envied and plotted against by Samonas, was appointed *parakoimomenos* in his stead, and the emperor built a monastery in the Nossiai. But Leo, having fallen ill with an intestinal disease, had his strength so exhausted that he could not even deliver the customary address to the Senate regarding the Fast, which is called the Silention. Nevertheless, he did speak a few words, and begged the Conscript Fathers to be mindful of him, and to keep their faith to his wife and son. Although he said that he was now addressing them for the last time, he did not die immediately, but survived until May. Then, at the point of death, he left the sovereign power to his brother Alexander, and having handed over his son, requested that he look after him, and having educated him in a royal manner, leave the empire to him. Seeing him coming toward him when he was already expiring, it is said that he remarked: "Behold the ill-fated time, after thirteen months." Leo reigned for twenty-five years and three months.
XV. Alexander, once he had firmly established his rule, C immediately brought back the Patriarch Nicholas from the Galacrenai to the throne of Constantinople, having driven Euthymius into exile and stripped him of his dignity from the *ambon*, while the followers of Nicholas heaped many insults upon the man. Once in power, he did nothing worthy of an emperor, but [abandoned himself] to pleasures, hunting, drunkenness, and revelling.
Various readings and notes
(10) For "the thirteenth of July," *Leo Grammaticus*, the *Anonymous Combetisianus* (no. 31), *Scylitzes*, and *Glycas* read [in the same manner]. (11) In the *Nossiai*, it is omitted by others; see Symeon Logotheta in the manuscript *Chronicle*. It is worth saying a few words as to the manner in which the monastery of the Nossiai was built. This Constantine had a pious father who feared God, and who possessed a very small estate near the sea, in the very place of the Nossiai, where he had built a cistern and provided refreshment for travelers by pouring water into it. D It happened that a soldier passed by this water, and after refreshing himself, he pulled out some coins from a rightful source—and they were counted as being three in number—and then, as happens, he arose and, having mounted his horse, went on his way, leaving the gold at that spot. Therefore, as was the old man's custom, he went out to the cistern and, finding the gold, he was saddened by the grief of the one who had lost it; yet, keeping it by him, he did not cease, night after night, to pray to God that this person might return and receive his own property. The soldier, however, passed through the gates and, remembering [what had happened], although he could do nothing, he went on his way grieving. After three years, he came back to the place of the Nossiai, and dismounting from his horse, he watered it, and sitting down himself, he was pensive and sighed, saying that in this place I lost my livelihood. The venerable old man, hearing this, asked him, "What, then, is the matter, my master?" And he said, "In this place I lost fifty [coins]." And immediately he pointed out the spot, the signs of the purse, and the amount he was speaking of. And the man of God immediately draws it out from his bosom and says, "Do you recognize this?" And he, being struck speechless for a long time, nevertheless said, "It is that which I lost." And he says, "Take it, assured that I have not opened it, nor do I know what is inside." The man, having taken this, urged him to take whatever he wished from it, but he did not wish to at all, whence the soldier goes on his way, rejoicing and giving thanks to God. On that very night, he sees in a dream Christ coming and saying to him: "In return for what you did for the soldier, behold, tomorrow you shall hear that your son has become *parakoimomenos*, and that this estate shall become a great monastery for the glorification of my name; and you yourself shall receive the reward for these things." When morning came, the message arrived, and after a few days, by the will of the emperor and by his departure, as has been said, the monastery was built and he was enthroned.
A addicted to his wife. He entrusted the affairs of the empire and the state to vagabonds and men from the crossroads, whom he had previously had as accomplices in his clandestine crimes before his reign—one of whom, called Basilitzes, he intended to appoint as successor to the scepter. For he wished both to relegate his nephew Constantine to private life and to deprive him of his procreative organs. And if his life had not quickly come to an end, and his plans had not been overturned by divine Providence, then, as far as it depended upon him, this might well have come to pass in reality. When he inquired of sorcerers whether he would live long, he heard from them that he would have a long life if he would add teeth and genitals to the bronze boar in the theater. "For this," they said, "is your element, because you stood against your brother Leo." And they judged nothing else correctly, except that they compared this man—who was enslaved to gluttony and banquets and constantly flowing in luxury—to the boar. The man, more senseless than the swine, believed their words and added those parts to the bronze work. B When the ruler of the Bulgarians, Symeon, asked through envoys sent by him whether he would maintain the peace, Alexander received them contemptuously, spoke to them haughtily, and threatened them arrogantly. Symeon, impatient of this insult, armed himself against the Romans. Alexander, however, perpetually indulging in banquets and drunkenness, having once dined after a bath, and having used his hollow stomach, and having gorged himself insatiably, set out to play ball; and from the exertion of the riding and the contortions of the ball game, he suffered a rupture, and after discharging much blood through his nose and his genitals, he expired after one day. He had by document appointed as guardians for his nephew and administrators of the empire: the Patriarch Nicholas, the Magister Stephen, the Magister John Eladas, the Rector John, and two others whom he had summoned from the public circles and raised to senatorial and patrician dignity, Basilitzes and Gabrielopolus. C XVI. When Alexander, having trifled with his imperial rule for one year and one month, had departed, the power devolved to Constantine, the son of Leo, who was still a very young boy; for he was in his seventh year. Indeed, Constantine, the son of Andronicus Ducas, the domestic of the legions, upon hearing of Alexander’s death (for D the son of Andronicus Ducas, who [index: entries preserved]
was at that time away from the city), A partly uncovering and fanning into a flame, as it were, the sparks of desire for imperial rule that he kept hidden beneath the ashes—and partly also being incited to this by others, one of whom is said to be the patriarch Nicolaus (for since Alexander's will had not yet been read, he did not know that he himself had also been left as a guardian)—attempted a usurpation. Having taken up the elite of the troops, he arrived at Byzantium, and having entered by a certain postern gate at night, he seized the gate of the Hippodrome with torches, and having won over certain senators, and with a great crowd of the populace having gathered, who also cheered and proclaimed him emperor. B But since those within would not open the gates, the Protos-strator of Constantine, trusting in his hands, and trying more boldly to strike and throw down the gates, was pierced by a spear by one of those inside through a small opening, and he was immediately dead. But Constantine went from there into the race-course theater, then came to the place called the Chalké, and proceeded as far as the station of the Excubitors. But one of the guardians, the magister John Eladas, having gathered some from the guilds and the naval forces, sent them to resist the tyrant. And a battle having taken place, many fell on both sides; and Gregoras, the son of Ducas, was slaughtered, as well as his cousin Michael, and Curticius the Armenian. Grieved at these losses, and wishing to strengthen his own regiment, Constantine drove his horse, desiring to join those in front; but as the ground was paved with slabs, the horse slipped and fell and threw its rider, and someone immediately rushed up to him and cut off his head C and brought it to the emperor Constantine, having entered through the western gate of the Chrysotriclinium, just as the emperor Leo had prophesied.
That Constantine Ducas would not obtain the empire was known elsewhere to those around the emperor as well. For there was a certain tax-collector, Nicolaus, who, being encumbered by large debts to the public treasury, took refuge with the Ishmaelites, abjured his religion, and practiced astrology. He had sent a missive to the logothete of the drome, the summary of which was this: "Do not fear Ducas: for he will rashly attempt a revolution, and will immediately be utterly destroyed." Now, the rebellion having been suppressed, the seditious magister Gregoras, the father-in-law, and Leo Chrærosphactes betook themselves to the Great Church: these the guardians drove out from there and tonsured, so that they might be monks in the monastery of Studios. Others they beat with lashes and led around in a triumph; from some they gouged out their eyes, some they beheaded, and others they fastened to beams from Chrysopolis as far as Leucate. D And many more would have perished from their license, had not some among the judges held them back from that rashness of punishing, with words of this sort: "Why do you..."
do these things without a command from the emperor, since the emperor is a child and does not consent to what is being done?" A Then the guardians tonsured Constantine’s wife, and having castrated his son Stephen, they sent them off to their house in Paphlagonia. The emperor’s guardians—both the patriarch and the others—managing affairs according to their own will, did many things contrary to what was fitting, and they did not agree among themselves; some were abrogating what others had decided, so that the government was not of one, but of many.
But Symeon the Bulgar, B thinking that because there was no emperor, he would easily take the Royal City, attacked Byzantium with massive forces, and having pitched camp outside its walls, meditated an assault. But when he saw the strength of the walls, and the multitude of those defending them, and the abundance of engines on the ramparts, as if struck with vertigo, he retreated to the Hebdomon, seeking to make terms. The patriarch and the rest of the guardians, therefore, took the emperor and went to the palace at Blachernae, where Symeon also arrived; hostages having been given and received, he bowed his head to the patriarch and received his blessing, and dined with the emperor. But since the conditions of peace were displeasing to him, he departed without an agreement, though he and his children were gifted with presents.
Now, because the emperor was constantly calling for his mother, and lamenting her absence—for Alexander had previously C removed her from the palace—the guardians were compelled to bring her back. Upon her return, she took charge of affairs, having taken on as assistants both Constantine the Parakoimomenos and both the brothers of the Gongylios family; and first she removed the patriarch from the palace, then she expelled the attendants of Alexander—the rector Basilitzes and Gabrielopolus, as well as the others. Constantine the Parakoimomenos, however, had full power.
But the Bulgar Symeon was overrunning and plundering Thrace, and having raised an embankment, he trusted that he would take Adrianople. When he saw that he was being frustrated in this attempt, he attacked the matter by another path, and having corrupted certain of the garrison with money, he laid waste to the city, which had been betrayed; the empress’s zeal, however, recovered it for the Roman Empire. And since she could not bear the frequent incursions of Symeon into Thrace, she made peace with the Ismaelites and, having gathered the legions from both the East and the West, D she committed the war against Symeon to the Magister Leo Phocas, the Domestic of the Schools, who, having joined battle, overcame the Bulgars with a signal victory, many of them being slain. But from fatigue and sweat, he was barely master of himself; he dismounted his horse and refreshed himself at a certain spring. Meanwhile, the horse escaped from the hands of the attendant and was galloping across the plain of the camp without a rider. Being a remarkable animal, it struck such terror into the armies—for they supposed the Domestic had fallen—that both the battle and the pursuit
ceased. A When Symeon saw this from a certain vantage point, he encouraged those with him, and set out against the Romans. Attacking them while they were in disarray, he put them all to flight in a body. The Bulgarians pursued and slaughtered some, while others perished trampling one another. The Domestic of the Schools was able to escape to Mesembria with difficulty, and many of the generals and commanders of units were destroyed at that time.
XVII. John, known as Bogas, was sent to bring the Patzinaks into an alliance against the Bulgarians. And the patrician Romanos Lekapenos, being then Drungarios of the Fleet, was ordered to sail along the coast with the fleet, at once to provide assistance to the Domestic of the Schools and to transport the allies once they had been brought by Bogas. Bogas therefore arrived with the allies. But when a quarrel broke out between him and Lekapenos, the Patzinaks, seeing them bickering with one another and being neglectful regarding their transport, returned to their own lands. B Some therefore relate these matters thus, and state that the lack of aid from the allies was the cause of the Roman defeat. Others relate it differently; for they say that when Phocas had defeated the Barbarians and was pursuing them, a rumor arose that the Drungarios of the Fleet was departing with the fleet to seize the throne. When the Domestic heard this, he was so disturbed that he both desisted from the pursuit and returned to the camp to verify the rumor more certainly; and thus, the fortune of battle having shifted, the Romans fled, interpreting the return of the Domestic to the camp as a flight. The Bulgarians, however, [c] realizing the state of affairs, were emboldened and, launching a counter-attack, forced the Romans to retreat in panic D and were thus the cause of the slaughter.
A That the domestic [of the schools] returned to the camp was caused by the ambition for imperial power; for he was aflame with it, and if the rumor about the Drungary were true, he was eager to anticipate him and secure the authority for himself. When Lacapenus and Bogas had returned from the slaughter, and a judgment had been rendered regarding their dispute, Romanus was condemned to have his eyes gouged out, as he was the cause of the defeat, having acted either through malice or through negligence. But some—those possessing great influence with the Empress—rescued him B from that sentence.
Bulgar Symeon, elated by his victory, advanced against the Queen of Cities. Once again, Phocas, the Domestic of the Schools, stood against him, and after a battle was engaged at Calasyrtes, the Barbarians were defeated. Many prominent men were consumed by a desire for the Empire, but none burned more fiercely with this love than Leo Phocas, the Domestic of the Schools. He was confident in himself, both on account of his lineage and his strength, and not least because of the Parakoimomenos, Constantine the Eunuch, who at that time possessed all power at the palace, and whose sister he had taken as his wife.
When the tutor of the Emperor Constantine saw these things C and feared for him, he persuaded him to win over Romanus, the aforementioned Drungary of the fleet, and to take him on as a guardian. The Emperor therefore wrote a letter in his own hand and sent it to the Drungary. Having received it, the man promised that he would—if it were possible—overthrow the power of the Parakoimomenos. Once, when the Parakoimomenos arrived where the fleet was moored and was urging him to set sail, the Drungary met him in a servile manner, spoke with submission, and gradually led the man toward the triremes. As he approached the flagship, having many brave men ready whom he had kept with him, he said, "Seize him." They grabbed him and placed him on the trireme, while those who were with him were immediately D scattered. The news of this deed alarmed both the Empress and the nobles; and when they had sent to the Drungary to inquire what he meant by this, they were repelled with stones by the sailors. The next day, the Emperor, having summoned the Patriarch and the Magister Stephen, sent men to lead his mother from the palace. But, overcome by pity as she clung to him with tears and embraces, he left her behind, and having transferred the power to himself, he appointed John Garidas as Magister and Domestic of the Legions. The Drungary Lacapenus, meanwhile, having prepared his fleet just as if for battle, that day...
A of the Annunciation anchored at the palace in the Bucoleon. The patriarch and the magister Stephen straightway departed from the palace. Romanus, however, having previously sworn most fearful oaths that he would never plot against the emperor nor desire the empire, ascended to the palace. Entering the temple of the Pharos with Constantine, and having given and received pledges, he was appointed Grand Hetaireiarch. B The emperor, for his part, commanded Phocas to be of good heart and not to abandon hope, but to wait a little while, for his case would be considered shortly thereafter. Helena, the daughter of Romanus, was betrothed to the emperor Constantine, and on the third day of Easter the marriage was celebrated, while the patriarch Nicholas performed the holy rites. Immediately, therefore, Romanus, the father of the emperor, was appointed father-in-law to the emperor, and his son, Christopher, was appointed Grand Hetaireiarch. Learning of these things, Phocas resorted to tyranny. Taking with him Constantine the parakoimomenos and other officials, he asserted that he was acting on behalf of the emperor Constantine in doing what he was doing. Romanus, having written a letter containing an overthrow of Phocas's pretext—and having confirmed this with the emperor's signature and the golden seal—sent it to the army with Phocas by the hand of a certain brave member of the hetaireia. That army, upon seeing the hidden letter with the golden seal, was caused by it to abandon Phocas in great numbers and to cross over to the emperor. Phocas, having reached Chrysopolis and being abandoned by the multitude that was with him, which had gone over to the emperor, turned to flight and, reaching a certain village which from ancient times had been called Goeleon by the locals, was captured, blinded, and brought to the queen of cities; and this was the end of his tyranny. C But indeed, another plot against the emperor was also brought about; for some youths were hired to lie in wait for him while he was hunting, so that they might attack him during the hunt. But the scheme was discovered, and the ringleaders were punished. The emperor's mother, Zoe, was also cast out of the palace on the pretext that she was plotting against the emperor's father-in-law, and she was shorn in the monastery of Saint Euphemia. On the twenty-fourth day of the month of September, Romanus was raised to the dignity of Caesar, and in December he was crowned with the imperial diadem by the patriarch Nicholas, by the permission of Constantine, supposedly. D XVIII. And thus Romanus Lacapenus, with those honors...
[index: entries preserved]
A content, shortly after graced his own wife Theodora with a diadem. Then he did the same for his son, Christopher, by the will, as he wished to appear, of Constantine, but in reality while Constantine was unwilling and complaining to those whom he trusted, and loathing those actions, although he did not dare to resist. The plots which the sacellarius Anastasius, the leader of the conspiracy, had prepared for the defense of Constantine, having been detected, the accomplices were punished at the judgment of Romanus, the sacellarius was tonsured, and that was an occasion for Romanus to place Constantine beneath himself, since until then he had held the first place in proclamations and salutations. And when Symeon had sent an army against the city, Romanus also opposed soldiers to him, so that the suburban amenities might not be ravaged by the enemy. When the Bulgarians had attacked them, many also of the leaders fell, and the soldiers, partly hurrying to climb into the triremes sailing B along the side, slipped into the sea and were carried by the waves, partly perished at the hands of the enemies, and some were captured alive. With the Roman army having been thus dealt with at Pegas, the Bulgarians burned the palace of that place, and the rest that was on that shore across from the city, with the channel lying between. With the death of Romanus’s wife, Theodora Augusta, Sophia, the wife of the emperor Christopher, received the name of Augusta. The leader of the Bulgarians, Symeon, attacked Adrianople again and was laying siege to it. But he would have accomplished nothing if hunger had not forced the citizens, destitute of provisions, to surrender both themselves and the city to the enemy. Then also Leo of Tripoli invaded the Romans with naval forces; but the Roman triremes having gone to meet them near the island of Lemnos, killed almost all the Agarenes C and sank their ships, with the Tripolitan having with difficulty escaped by flight. Symeon, however, having devastated Macedonia and Thrace with a huge army, proceeded to the city, and having pitched camp near the Blachernae, requested a colloquy with the Roman emperor, who, since he did not shrink from it, went with the fleet to the shore of Cosmidium, and Symeon came to the same place with his own forces; and they spoke with one another. But although Romanus had given magnificent gifts to Symeon, they departed with nothing accomplished, which a pair of eagles seemed to signify, which they say flew above them and, clashing with a clangor among themselves, immediately separated, one flying towards the city, the other heading into Thrace. Romanus, insatiable in the power of the empire, and as if having forgotten the oath by which he had bound himself, not content with the diadem of himself and his eldest son, also crowned the other two sons, and his grandson by Christopher, D with the Roman empire, which until then had been accustomed to be in the hands of one, being distributed into many heads. He made his youngest son, Theophylact, whom he was canvassing for the pontificate of the imperial city, a cleric by tonsuring his hair, and from the patriarch he even requested the Syncellus.
Variæ lectiones et notæ. (29) Of Augusta Theodora. This was the first of the other empresses; for the second wife of her father Romanus, Theodora, had died; or Sophia, the wife of that Christopher, after he died, was brought down from the empire.
A After the death of Nicholas, who, having been restored, held the see of Constantinople for thirteen years, Stephen, metropolitan of Amasea, was designated patriarch. But the prince of the Bulgarians, Symeon, a man of blood and impatient of rest, brought war upon the race of the Croats, but being defeated by them, he lost his army in the mountain passes. Meanwhile, someone announced to the emperor that a statue placed at the top of the arch of the Xerolophos, facing the west, had been turned toward the fate of Symeon the Bulgarian, and that if the head of this statue were cut off, the death of Symeon would follow. This having been done a little later, at the same hour Symeon departed from life due to pain in his stomach, as was signified to the emperor afterward when he examined the time of his death with diligence. B Symeon having been removed from human affairs, the principate of the Bulgarians came to Peter, his son by a second wife, who, since his nation was pressed by famine and feared the arms of bordering nations, and especially of the Romans, sent envoys to the emperor about peace and, if it were agreeable, about entering into an affinity. Since both were to his liking, Peter himself came to Byzantium and, peace having been made, took as wife the granddaughter of the emperor, the daughter of his eldest son, Christopher.
19. Romanus, moreover, not content to have placed Constantine below him, sought an occasion to prefer even Christopher to him. Therefore, having instructed the Bulgarian throng to demand through a sedition that Christopher be named before Constantine, he acceded to their requests, as if, on account of that disturbance, it were necessary to yield to necessity. C Then, fearing neither God, by whose divine power the pacts had been invoked and strengthened, nor deterred by the shame of his subjects, he ordered his two remaining sons also to be acclaimed before Constantine; and the first became the fifth, and a younger Romanus would also have been placed over him, had he not died beforehand. Thus the native emperor, to whom the empire belonged by hereditary right, was like an enrolled dependent. But vengeance, having not forgotten its duty, even if it proceeded with a slow step, nonetheless came at last; but this shall be narrated in another place.
D Variæ lectiones et notæ. (30) Concerning Peter. Regarding the statement, "For the time between is not long, and Symeon, that wanderer and cause of many Christian deaths, departs from human affairs; and Peter, his son, succeeds to his rule, not appearing as an heir of his glory and wealth, nor of his cruelty and misanthropy, but rather being very far from them."
A Stephen of Amasea, having occupied the see of the capital city for three years, died; and a certain monk, Tryphon, was ordained on the condition that after a specified time he would willingly yield the throne to Theophylact, the son of the Emperor, for he was still a boy. During this time, there was a most severe winter, a greatest famine, and a most horrific conflagration. At that time, too, the Emperor Christopher passed away. When the promised time had already elapsed, the patriarch Tryphon did not wish to yield the pontifical throne as had been agreed, but endeavored to retain it with both hands and feet. B The Emperor, however, taking it ill that the promise given to him had been broken, the Bishop of Caesarea, in order to curry favor with the Emperor, tricked the patriarch’s simplicity with craft; assuming the guise of a friend, he said to him: "The Emperor is indeed vehemently attacking you, but he lacks charges by which you could be removed from your position, and already those who stand against you have been brought to the point that they say you are completely illiterate. But make haste so that you may also snatch this calumny from your accusers, which you will easily repel if, taking a sheet of paper before many, you write your name and the dignity of the pontificate; this writing having been brought to the Emperor, there will no longer be anything for which they may accuse you." He obeyed this counsel, and in the presence of many wrote these words on a clean sheet of paper: "Tryphon, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of New Rome and Ecumenical Patriarch." The Bishop of Caesarea took this paper and went off to present it to the Emperor; C thus a document of resignation was woven into it above the patriarch’s signature, and as one who had resigned, he was cast out of the Church, and the Emperor’s son was designated patriarch. After this, a Russian fleet is said to have attacked the city, not with one thousand, but with fifteen thousand ships. Against them the Roman fleet stood in battle array near the Pharos, and, suddenly attacking, routed the Barbarians, burning many of their ships with Greek fire. The rest set out towards the east and fell in with the patrician Bardas Phocas, who was in command of the army; he destroyed many who had gone ashore to acquire provisions. The Domestic of the Schools, Curcuas, did the same, and many were both killed and captured. Thus, being ill-treated by land and by sea, they kept themselves on their ships until, destitute of supplies, they decided to return to their own lands. But when they had set sail, the Roman triremes again attacked them and defeated them in two naval battles. D A few of the Barbarian ships, having escaped destruction, returned to their own people, messengers of evils and of the defeat they had suffered. The Russians, therefore, having received more evils than they had hoped for, refrained from provoking the Romans.
A XX. But the Agarenes were also often defeated and humbled by the Domestic of the Schools, John Kourkouas—the grandfather of that John who later obtained the empire—and his brother Theophilus, and they were deprived of not a few of the cities which they held. The Emperor Romanus, perhaps having come to a realization of his perjury and of the violation of the agreement he had made with Emperor Constantine, hastened to appease God through acts of bounty. He made other distributions B and also paid off the debts owed by many to creditors, releasing the debtors from the weight of their obligation; he took the documents and consumed them with fire in the middle of the forum, the sum of these debts having reached nineteen centenaria. He also provided the rent for those living in rented houses in the Great City. These things indeed benefited the debtors, but to Romanus, I think, they brought little or no advantage: for the things he was giving away belonged to others—since they were public funds—and because he was enjoying the empire which he held through seizure, and while he was defrauding him to whom it belonged, and was possessing the whole of it with imperial prosperity, he was distributing a very small portion as bounty. Doing such a thing is as if someone were to steal a neighbor’s ox and sacrifice it, and then distribute the mere trotters C to the poor while he himself feasted on the whole body; or as if one were to steal his neighbor’s wife and abuse her, disregarding her lawful husband, and then distribute alms to the poor from that man’s own money, so that, perhaps, for the sake of his charity, the charge of adultery might be forgiven him. But these things are according to human judgment. If, however, one were to look toward divine goodness, perhaps one might even say these things were not without effect. While he held the scepter, the icon of the Savior Christ, not made by hands, the divine [δ] (napkin or) *cheiromaktron*, was brought to the preeminent of cities. For Edessa had held it for a long time; but when it was in danger of destruction by the Romans who were besieging it, held as it was by the Agarenes, in order that the Edessenes might escape pillage, they provided the divine icon as a ransom for the city. At that time, there arrived from Armenia the two adolescents who were joined together; when one died and physicians severed the connection, the other, too, helped nothing by this, did not long survive his brother, and died. How Romanus claimed the empire for himself without any just title, and adorned his own children with imperial honor and name, and, having occupied the leading position with his own, placed the natural successor to the empire, Constantine, in almost no account, below all the others, has already been set forth by me. Now the rest must be followed, so as to show that, even if D
providence perhaps reaches the unjust somewhat slowly, granting space for repentance, yet if they do not depart from their malice, she follows them with a slow foot and exacts penalties. Romanus indeed was then reigning for the twenty-sixth year. But Constantine, in order to recover the empire for himself, kept turning it over in his mind, and that he might accomplish what he desired, he incited the sons B against their father through others, or rather the one, namely Stephen. For Constantine, happening to have a more stable mind, did not accept the solicitation. The other, however, having called upon associates, set upon his father, and seized him and confined him on the island of Prote, and ordered him to be shorn; and he himself, along with his brother-in-law and his brother, performed the imperial duties. But it was not possible for the three to be of one mind. For they disagreed in certain matters and spoke against one another; and from this they grew suspicious of one another, and Stephen made it his concern to pull down his brother-in-law Constantine from the empire, and Constantine likewise [sought to do the same to] Stephen. But Constantine was much quicker than he in this work, and his wife Helena was urging him on. Having therefore taken some of the military commanders, he seized both brothers who were dining with him, and immediately sent one away to the island [called] Panormus, or also Antigonia, and the other to [the place] called Terebinthus, and ordered both to be shorn as clerics. And then, when they were about to be transferred, they asked to come into the sight of their father, whom when he saw, he said: "I begat sons and raised them up, but they themselves have set me at naught." From there, therefore, Stephen was confined in Proconnesus, and from there he was transferred to Rhodes, and from that place to Mitylene, while to Constantine Samothrace was assigned as a bounded limit from which it was not lawful to depart. Having attempted to flee many times, and for this reason having removed the chief of his guards by poison, he was put to death by the others. But Stephen died in Lesbos, having spent nineteen years there. Their father passed his life on the island of Prote. Thus, each of them paid the penalty for their crimes.
Various readings and notes
(37) How Romanus usurped the empire which in no way belonged to him, and how he deemed his own children worthy of imperial honor and title, and how he deemed both himself and his children worthy of the highest offices, while he relegated the true-born successor to the empire, Constantine, to the very last of all, has already been narrated by me.
(38) By others he stirs up the sons against the father. But Liutprandus, in book v, cap. 9, writes that the son's conspiracy against the father was done without the knowledge of Constantine. "For with these four reigning, Stephen and Constantine the brothers, without the knowledge of Constantine the son of Leo the emperor, were plotting certain guileful things against their father Romanus. For it irked them that, with their father’s severity in the way, they were not free to do whatever they wished." Thus they complained of their father's severity, which soon he repeats again: "Not bearing their father’s just severity."
(39) And his wife. But especially of a certain Diabolini, by whom he was warned of the conspiracy instigated against him.
(40) And some of the military commanders. Liutprandus, in lib. v, cap. 10, writes that these were Macedonians.
(41) They asked to come into the sight of their father. How they were received by their father with very witty language, Liutprandus describes beautifully, cap. 11.
(42) That his body was brought into the city, and buried in the monastery of Myrelaion built by him himself, others write, as we have noted in *Constantinopolis Christiana*, where we showed from Codinus that two monasteries of the same name existed in the city, of which the other
A Constantinus, having at last obtained the monarchy, placed the diadem upon his son Romanus. To those who had helped him in the removal of the reigning emperors he rendered rewards; he honored Phocas Bardas with the rank of *magister* and appointed him Domestic of the Schools of the East. Of the two sons of Bardas, he designated Nicephorus, who later reigned, as commander of the Eastern forces, and gave the other, Leo, the governorship of Cappadocia, and rewarded the others in various ways. He castrated Romanus, the son of the emperor Stephen, and likewise Basil, the illegitimate son of the elder Romanus, whom he had fathered upon a slave-woman with whom he had lain. He tonsured Michael, the son of Christophorus, as a cleric. Now Constantine was pious toward God and devoted to letters, as one can discern from his writings, but also indeed from his letters, which, even if they were not polished according to the art of rhetoric, were nonetheless variegated with its figures and certain ideas. He also busied himself with rhythms and meters of every kind. One might know this from the verses in which he lamented his late spouse. He also turned his attention to philosophy, which had already almost fallen into oblivion, and to other disciplines, which he revived when they were failing by appointing teachers. And such were his virtues. In the administration of the realm, however, he was B still a child in the hands of others, and though Constantine had scarcely reached his seventh year, Romanus, having been granted the dignity of *basileopator*, had immediately seized the reins of power, having usurped the imperial title and bestowed it upon his own sons, to whom he at last also subordinated Constantine, so that for as long as he lived he was held in almost no regard. Being in such a situation, whether compelled by necessity or disguising the rivalry he bore toward the tyrant—even if his father-in-law—he gave himself over entirely to the reading of books, the study of the sciences, and to writing. This is testified to in the first place by Liutprand (Book III, ch. 9), where he commends his piety and studies: "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, thus free both for prayer and for reading, and commending himself to the Lord, sought for himself by the labor of his hands." Indeed, he practiced *geographia*—that is, painting—most beautifully; and in Book V, ch. 10, where [he speaks] of a certain Diabolinos, he describes Constantine as being so intent upon his books that he might, for instance, forestall the treasons of his wife's brothers. Finally, having become master of his own power, and the administration of the empire having returned to him alone, he so restored the studies of philosophy and rhetoric, and of all other arts and sciences, which had almost perished, that the primary city of the empire began to abound with learned men whom he summoned from the entire empire. He even collected from everywhere copies of the best authors in every kind of learning, and the Palatine library was furnished with these, which were dedicated not so much for his own use as for the public use of all. But because he thought that such a great and immense mass of books might deter most people from reading them, he himself—as became a prince—caring for the utility of individuals, took care that all authors who had treated of the same subject should be C bound together into one corpus, with superfluous parts cut away and select passages from each writer gathered as each had treated them most elegantly. Such are the *Geoponica* books collected by him, as the title and argument of the books declare. Some people hold that this collection was not made by Constantine himself, but by the order of the same Augustus—a collection which Nicolaus Guibertus, in his *Assertio de Murrhinis* (p. 23), ascribes to I know not what Dionysius of Utica, while others, such as Jacobus Maussacus in his notes on Plutarch’s *De fluminibus* (p. 194), contend that the name of the author is entirely unknown. Thus, most people hold that the *Iatrika* books were gathered by the same man. But also Nonus the physician, in the proem to his book *On the Curing of Diseases*, testifies that he collected all the medical precepts from various writers (though suppressing their names) by the order of Constantine. There exists a book of a similar subject—that is, medicine—by an anonymous author in the Royal Library, *On the Faculties of Foods*, whose author in the Preface professes that he undertook the work by his [Constantine's] precept. But these, even if any other books of this kind have not come to our notice, are far surpassed in the magnitude and utility of the work by the historical collections comprised in fifty-three titles, or commonplaces, by the same Constantine or by his order, of which only two have reached us: those *On Embassies*, namely, and *On Virtues and Vices*. The books, however, which he himself composed are held to have been published in greater numbers, a few of which Johannes Meursius collected into one volume; for several others are published separately, and in the first place the *Life of Basil*, the emperor's grandfather, published first by Leo Allatius, then by Combefis, who also published his narrative *On the Image of Edessa*, just as he also published the anonymous history in four books, by Michael the son of Theophilus, at whom the *Chronicle of Theophanes* ends, reaching up to Michael Methystes—which record he testifies, in the title and proem of the book, was written by the order of that very Constantine, in which he also testifies that the *Life of Basil the Macedonian* was written by his own grandson, Constantine, with marvelous elegance of speech. Moreover, he is praised by Allatius in his *Syntagma* concerning the Symeons, in the discourse on the relation
A of the masters of the sciences, having restored those which were failing. And these things belonged to the better portion [of his character]. But as for the administration of the empire, he was inclined to be more sluggish, irascible (14), and heavy-handed toward those who stumbled, and an inexorable punisher, and he was more addicted to wine than was sufficient. And in appointing magistrates, he did not set the worthy over the command of armies or the offices of the state, but rather the more depraved and untested men—those whom the empress and the *parakoimomenos* Basil (45) introduced, treating the offices as venal things. But in this way the affairs of the empire, even if not well managed in all respects, were administered. B Plots (46) were nevertheless hatched against the ruler, the one by the *parakoimomenos* Theophanes, who had many others as accomplices, and desired to bring Romanus back from the island of Prote to the imperial palace; the other by others, who conspired to take Stephanus from Lesbos and restore him to the empire. But Constantine uncovered both plots, and punished the conspirators, while keeping those aspiring to the throne under safer guard. It so happened that the Turks (the Hungarians, as we have said above, are so called) who were accustomed to raiding the Roman provinces, were quiet for a time. For their leader, called Bologudes, and another, Gylas, also a ruler of a part, approached the emperor; and each of them was deemed worthy of the divine C bath of regeneration and was initiated into the mystery of our faith, and each was honored with the rank of *patrikios* and loaded with money, and thus they returned to their own lands, having taken with them an archbishop, through whom many were brought to the knowledge of God. But Gylas both remained in the faith and kept the peace. The other, however, having broken the covenants he had made with God, again took up arms against the Romans, and having attempted to do the same against the Franks, he was captured and impaled. And the wife of the leader of the *Ros* (47) who had sailed against the Romans, Helga, after her consort had died, approached the emperor, and having been baptized and treated with the honor that was proper, D she returned home. The emperor, however, now that his daughter-in-law, the daughter of Hugo, king of the Franks, had died, desiring to pledge another wife to his son Romanus, gave him a girl of humble and, one might say, base birth (for it was said she was born of tavern-keepers), but endowed with most elegant beauty and a kind of miracle of nature; she was called Anastasia, but her name was changed to Theophano.
XXII. In the twelfth year of the autocracy of Constantine, the patriarch Theophylact died, having held the pontificate for twenty-three years. For, contrary to the custom of the ancients, he had held the priesthood for sixteen years while his father was reigning, having been ordained…
was still under tutors: but after their yoke was shaken off, he did many things unbecoming, or (to speak more accurately) against his duty. For he was possessed by a manic passion for horses and dogs and hunting and similar pursuits, and he acted in ways consistent with these. He also had a very strong love for horses, and kept very many mares. Now, one of them, more notable than the rest, having become pregnant, happened to give birth on the sacred day of Great Thursday, and while the patriarch was then performing the liturgy, someone came bringing him word of the mare’s delivery; he was overjoyed, and having cut short the divine liturgy, he rushed in haste to the Cosmidion (for there his horses were stabled), and having seen the newborn foal, he returned to the church and performed the festival of the holy Passion of the Savior. His death was caused by riding, for as he was accustomed to ride most audaciously, once, having been dashed against a certain seaside wall, he brought up blood through his mouth; and from this, having been ill for two years, he then died from dropsy. B He was succeeded by the monk Polyeuctus, a eunuch, eminent in both eloquence and virtue, who had been consecrated by the bishop of Caesarea. For the [metropolitan] of Heraclea, having offended the Emperor, could not usurp his right, a fact which provided a pretext for detractors to accuse the patriarch. But when he had been proclaimed, he met with the Emperor, and having accused the relatives of the elder Romanus, he advised him to restrain their avarice. This the Emperor did not hear without annoyance, and the Empress Helena, at the instigation of the eunuch Basil—who later became chamberlain—incited her husband against the patriarch, seeking an excuse by which she might strip him of his pontificate. At that time, the venerable hand of the Forerunner was translated from Antioch to Byzantium by a certain deacon, Job. Furthermore, as the Cretan Agarenes were ravaging the maritime coast of the Romans, the Emperor sent a very large fleet of warships against them. But it failed due to the inexperience and negligence of the admiral; the greatest part of the naval forces was either captured or killed, with very few escaping; and the admiral himself would have been captured, had not his guards stood around him in a body, and having repulsed the Agarenes, offered him the means of boarding the praetorian trireme and escaping. However, Bardas Phocas, the Domestic of the legions, conducted the matter differently against the Oriental Agarenes, for as he administered the war with expertise and military skill, he took many cities from the enemy and plundered whatever he encountered. But the Emperor’s son, Romanus, now turned from a beardless youth into a man, out of a desire to draw authority to himself, conspired against his father’s life, with the help of his wife, by means of a purgative medicine, which D
Various readings and notes.
[regarding the claim that a pope] constituted the patriarch: and since he was not unaware of Alberic’s greed, he effected with quite large gifts sent to him that [letters] be sent in the name of the pope to the patriarch, by whose authority both he himself and his successors might be adorned with palls without the permission of the popes. From which disgraceful trade a blameworthy custom arose, so that not only the patriarchs, but even the bishops of Greece use palls. As to whether this last is entirely true, we investigate in the *Glossarium med. Græc.* under the word *Ωμοφόριον*. [...] Concerning this, the following is narrated beyond others by Symeon Magister and Logothete in his manuscript *Chronicle* in [the volume on] Porphyrogenitus: The aforementioned Polyeuctus, an honorable and most holy man, at that time also gathered up the apostolic vestments, which had been hidden in a corner of the city and were revealed to the Emperor, with all honor and doxology, and stored them in the great church of the Holy Apostles, as well as the relics of Gregory the Theologian; which, being divided, were placed in part in the sanctuary of the Holy Apostles, and in part in the church of the holy martyr Anastasia.A Yet the emperor himself would have been undone by the poison, had not the greater part of it been spilled—whether by divine providence or by accident—at the moment it was to be offered to him, so that only a small amount was swallowed. Though he was afflicted with no small pains and terror of dangers, he survived the peril to his life, albeit with difficulty. B In the fifteenth year of his reign, he went out to Mount Olympus, under the pretext of arming himself through the prayers of the monks against the Hagarenes, although it is said he truly went to meet Theodore of Cyzicus, and to deliberate with him on how he might expel Polyeuctus from the Church. Having returned from there in poor health, he shortly thereafter ended his life, whether from bodily ill-health or from repeated plots by his son. He lived fifty-four years and two months. He reigned with his father Leo, his uncle Alexander, and his mother for thirteen years; with the tyrant Lacapenus for twenty-six years; and finally, as sole ruler for fifteen years. Toward his death, he anxiousy pondered the deposition of the high priest Polyeuctus. It is said that a few days before his death, many stones were heard crashing against the imperial chambers at night with a great roar. As this happened for several nights, the emperor concluded they were thrown by human hands and stationed many guards around the palace to watch; but no one was ever seen throwing them, whence it was thought that the event was not brought about by men.
XXIII. C When Constantine had died in this manner, his son Romanus assumed the empire. He was called "the Boy," not because he attained the throne at a boyish age (for he was now a man), but to distinguish him from his maternal grandfather, Romanus, a man of advanced age. If, however, one thinks he was called "the Boy" because he lived his life in a childish manner, this is also entirely consistent with his character. Having just received the scepter, he adorned his son Basil with the diadem and the imperial title. He also had another son, born to him, to whom he gave the name of his grandfather, Constantine. Romanus himself abandoned himself to luxuries and delights and lived a debauched life with corrupt and pestilential men, entrusting the administration of affairs to Joseph Bringas, the prefect of the bedchamber. Nicephorus Phocas, the master and domestic of the legions, was sent with suitable forces D against the Saracens of Crete, and seven
A months later, having frequently engaged the Barbarians and brought every siege engine to bear against their cities, he brought them under his own control; he then pillaged their metropolis, Chandax, and captured the leader of the Saracens in Crete, called Kouroupes, and the one next in command to him, named Anemas. And if, because of the prevailing rumor that the Roman who was to drive the Saracens from Crete would by all means seize the Roman scepter, Phocas had not been recalled from there, perhaps the island would have been completely restored to the Romans and the Saracens driven out of it. Romanus also sent Leo Phocas, the brother of Nicephorus, with an army against Hamdan, who ruled over Aleppo; and he, joining battle with the Barbarian, defeated him soundly, so that a large part of his army fell in the battle, the rest were captured, and the commander himself barely managed to escape with a few men. Leo, having returned, was received magnificently and honored with a celebratory triumph. Certain designs against the emperor were discovered, and those who had plotted this, along with their accomplices, were detained, though they were not punished cruelly. B Master Nicephorus Phocas, having been recalled from Crete, was not allowed to return to Byzantium, but was ordered to march to Syria with his entire army, for it was expected that Hamdan would again march against the Romans. Being then in Syria, C he engaged the enemy, overcame them with a brilliant victory, and after ravaging Berroea, with the exception of its citadel, he obtained immense wealth and countless captives, and liberated many Christians who were in chains. It is said that Romanus, at the beginning of his reign, while the Agarenes were ravaging all the provinces, being agitated in his spirit, asked Nicephorus Phocas how it happened that the Roman state was perishing in such a way. To which he replied with great freedom: "It happens because you are in command, and my father leads the army. For you administer the empire badly, and he is greedy for money. But if you were to wish it, both their spirits and the affairs of the Romans would be changed." However, do not desire such a transformation... D
A to happen suddenly. The emperor, hearing these things, permitted him to manage the affair as he wished; and he himself immediately turned his attention to the heavy-armed infantry, both organizing those who were already there and enrolling others, and drilling them in every military exercise. And having thus filled up the ranks, and armed the diggers—and applying the prophetic saying to them, by beating their pruning hooks into swords and their plowshares into spears—he easily established those celebrated victories with them.
Having mismanaged the empire for three years and a little more, Romanus departed from this life, either by a poisonous drug, according to some, or by having exhausted the strength of his body through pleasures and lusts, leaving the empire to his two sons and their mother, Theophano. Upon his death, Nicephorus Phocas, summoned by the empress to Byzantium, celebrated B a triumph over the spoils taken from Beroea, from whence he also brought back a certain portion of the venerable garment of John the Baptist.
He deceived Bringas, by whom he was suspected of desiring the empire, in this way: Having entered his house in the evening with one servant, and having led him into a secret place, he confirmed with an oath and dire imprecations that he had for a long time desired a solitary life, and would have embraced it long before, had he not been held back by the benevolence of the emperors. Therefore, he should not be suspected in vain of desiring the kingdom, for he was about to relinquish the administration of affairs. He confirmed these words by showing a cloak woven of hair, which he wore on his naked body under his other clothes. By this speech and that cloak, he caused the chamberlain to fall at his feet and ask for pardon.
Moreover, the emperor Stephen, son of Lacapenus, who was kept in custody at Methymna on Lesbos, and who was himself suspected, died suddenly and without cause; it was believed he was C removed by the empress Theophano. But Peter, the prince of the Bulgarians, his wife having died, in order to renew the treaty, sent his sons Boris and Romanus to Byzantium as hostages; after his death, they were permitted to return to their own country and [to claim] their ancestral [throne].
Various readings and notes
(53*) *Victor*, so called, as we are taught by Symeon Logothetes in [the life of] Alexander, no. 1, and by the Anonymous Combefisianus in the same Alexander, no. 1; in [the life of] Lacapenus, no. 44, and in [the life of] Porphyrogenitus, no. 41; in Scylitzes, p. 643.
(54) [He] relates that Nicephorus Phocas had brought [the garment] to Constantinople. But the writer of the Life of Nilus the Younger, who is close to these times, page 122, seems to imply that the garment of Saint John was found on the island of Crete, in the house of a certain presbyter, during the time of a certain centurion, from whom he later redeemed it after paying a price of five hundred gold pieces. For he says D that the centurion offered it to the holy Nilus and furthermore confirmed with an oath that "these things are not mine from any injustice, but from my own sword. For when we captured Crete, we found [it] with a certain presbyter."
A He cunningly deceived [Bringas], who was suspicious of him as one desiring the imperial power, in this way: He arrived at his residence in the evening with one of his servants and, having taken Bringas aside, he confirmed by oaths and most solemn imprecations that he had long desired for himself the monastic life. "I would have hurried toward this," he said, "had not the kind disposition of the emperors toward me held me back. Therefore, do not vainly suspect me of turning my heart toward the empire; for I am already as much as finished with the affairs of the world." He gave proof to his words by showing him a hair shirt that he wore against his skin, hidden by his outer garment. With these words, and with the hair vestment, he ensnared the chamberlain; Phocas kept him rolling at his feet, asking for forgiveness.
The emperor Stephen, the son of Lakapenos, who was being kept in Lesbos near Methymna, was under suspicion, and having died suddenly and for no apparent reason, he gave rise to the suspicion that he had been made away with by the empress Theophano. However, Peter, the leader of the Bulgarians, after his wife died, renewed his treaties with the Romans, and gave as hostages his two own sons, Boris and Romanos. And although the one died, his sons were allowed to depart to their own land and to gain the paternal authority. For four sons of one of the counts among the Bulgarians—David, and Moses, and Aaron, and Samuel—having revolted, were inciting the Bulgarians. B When Nikephoros Phocas had traveled to his house in Cappadocia, the chamberlain felt regret that he had yielded to him for his departure to his house; and he was anxious that he had sent the man away too easily. He wrote, therefore, to John Tzimiskes the magister, a brave man and renowned for his martial exploits, who was at that time commanding the theme of the Anatolikon, and to the magister Romanos Kourkouas, who was distinguished in matters of generalship and was at that time commanding the forces of the East, that if they should seize Phocas, and either tonsure him as a monk or otherwise remove him from the midst, John would receive the command of the legions of the East and would be domestic of the Eastern forces, and Romanos would be designated domestic of the West. When the letters arrived for both of them, they both showed them to Phocas and incited the man toward rebellion. To him, hesitating at the enterprise—whether he was pretending this or was sincere—they drew their swords and threatened to kill him if he did not comply. And he, being overcome at last by this compulsion, accepted the acclamation and was acclaimed as emperor of the Romans by all the Eastern regiments. It is said that he lusted for not only the empire, but not least for Theophano, and that he had been involved with her while living in the great city.
XXIV. Phocas’ affairs in the city being newly reported.
C Joseph the chamberlain was in distress. The father of the one who was acting the tyrant, Phocas Bardas, had fled for refuge to the Great Church of God. The kinsman of Nikephoros, Leo, managed to escape and join his brother. This placed the chamberlain into great perplexity; and, being hard to approach, he was hateful to all, whence everyone rejoiced if the affairs of the empire should fall to another and this man be removed from the midst; wherefore everyone ran together to the great temple of God. D When Bringas learned of this, when he ought to have appeased the impulse of the multitude with gentle words, he exasperated it all the more with threats and cruelty, saying that he would suppress that movement, and that he had ordered that—each one of them should carry the price of the grain they were buying in his own garment. When this was heard, the multitude was enraged. A Basil, the former chamberlain, being hostile to Bringas and having a large retinue around himself, when evening fell, armed his servants and sent them into different parts of the city. They, joining the urban multitude, destroyed the houses of their opponents and of Bringas himself, and many persons were slain. They did these things, and at the same time everywhere proclaimed Nicephorus emperor. From then on, the fortunes of Bardas Phocas and Bringas were reversed; for the former, having recovered his courage, went out from the church, while the latter entered it as a pitiable suppliant. B But the chamberlain Basil and those around him, having prepared triremes, and bringing with them the imperial ship itself, set out for Chrysopolis. From there they brought Nicephorus to the Hebdomon, and from there, with a public procession, they arrived at the Great Church, where he was crowned by the patriarch Polyeuctus. The empress Theophano was immediately driven from the palace and taken to the Petrium, and the chamberlain Joseph was relegated to Paphlagonia, where he died two years later. Bardas, the father of Nicephorus, was honored with the title of Caesar. A few days later, the emperor married Theophano, and he who had abstained from meat since the time when his son Bardas had been killed during a game when struck by a spear by his cousin Pleus, began to eat it again. C When the patriarch was performing the holy nuptial rites in the new church of the palace and the emperor was approaching the chancel at the entrance to the sanctuary, the patriarch did not allow him to enter with him as was customary, saying that he ought not to be so bold as to enter the sanctuary unless he first underwent penance for a second marriage. The emperor took this ill and was angry with the patriarch. But later, a rumor having spread that he had also received the children of Theophano from holy baptism, he was also prohibited from the very thresholds of the church, with the demand that he either divorce her or keep far away from the holy rites. But he did not abstain from Theophano, his love still burning, but he referred the question to the supreme priests and the heads of the senate, who replied that the canon, which had been established by the impious man Copronymus, ought not to have force, and they ratified his marriage in writing. But the patriarch pressed his own resolve, D and after this, a discourse took place regarding why the patriarch did not allow him even to set foot at all upon the holy floor, for it was said that he had become a godfather...
Various readings and notes.
(57) [Notes regarding the sanctuary and the emperor's entry: omitted, as per instructions for scholarly apparatus.] [index: entries preserved] (58) [Note regarding the godfather status: omitted, as per instructions for scholarly apparatus.]A until the emperor's father, Bardas Caesar, swore an oath denying that Theophano's children had been received by him at the baptismal font, and Stylianus, the Protopapas of the palace, who was said to have first circulated the rumor, swore in a council that he neither knew anything about the matter nor had said anything to anyone. These things finally having been done, the patriarch received Nicephorus.
When, however, the Cilician Saracens demanded the tribute from the Romans according to ancient treaties, Nicephorus, thinking it unendurable that the Romans should be tributary to them while he was emperor, sent against them the patrician Manuel, the illegitimate son of his father's brother, Leo—that same Leo who, when domestic of the scholai under the elder Romanos, had been blinded for attempting to seize the throne. This Manuel, having put in at Sicily with a distinguished fleet, not only achieved nothing of note but even failed miserably due to inexperience and youthful arrogance, or rather, recklessness. For he himself perished, along with all the military force that was with him; and thus did matters in Sicily turn out. B Against Cilicia, however—which the Agarenes also held—the emperor sent the magistros John Tzimiskes, who had been appointed domestic of the East. Having arrived at Adana, he engaged the Agarenes there and set up a trophy against them. From that time on, fame proclaimed him an even greater commander than he had been before.
C XXV. Now, as Nicephorus was finishing the second year of his reign, he himself went out against Cilicia with a heavy force, bringing Theophano along with her children. He left her before Cilicia at Drizibion (this is a fortress), while he himself, attacking Cilicia, captured Anabarza, Rosos, and Adana (these are cities of the Cilicians), and indeed several other fortresses as well. But he did not resolve to attack Tarsos and Mopsuestia, D either on account of the winter or because his love for Theophano drew him away toward her, for he departed with her to Cappadocia. And from there, when spring had arrived, he returned again to Cilicia. He himself besieged Mopsuestia, and he set his brother Leo over Tarsos. Since Mopsuestia is divided by the river Saros, with one part in the mid...
-A dle being besieged, the Hagarenes who were inside it shifted toward the remainder, setting fire to what had been left behind. Then he captured the other part as well, and no one escaped from there. When those in Tarsos learned of the desolation of Mopsuestia, they called upon the Emperor and surrendered the city. Three days passed, and a fleet from Egypt sailed down to bring aid to Tarsos, but it was not permitted to put in at the shore; wherefore it sailed away again, and having encountered violent gusts of wind and Roman triremes, the greater part of it perished. The Emperor returned to Constantinople, bringing with him the gates of Tarsos and Mopsuestia, which were made of bronze and exhibited the precision of high art. Having embellished these further, he fitted some to the wall by the Acropolis B and others to the western wall. And, as a kind of first-fruits of his campaign, he dedicated to God the venerable crosses which the Barbarians had taken when the Stypeiotes, being Domestic of the Schools and besieging Tarsos, had met with disaster through imprudence, depositing them in the divine temple of the Sophia of the Word of God. He also restored to the Roman Empire Cyprus, which was held by the Hagarenes. Then he invaded Syria and, after having stormed cities and captured regions lying near Lebanon and the seacoast, he came to Antioch. But because the Antiochenes resisted more fiercely, and with a shortage of supplies occurring, and the ground being flooded by rains, he abandoned the siege and returned to the imperial city, having brought with him the sacred and divine image of the Savior Christ, which he had found in a jar at Hierapolis in Syria, and a lock of the hair of John the Baptist clotted with blood. C In military matters, therefore, such was this Emperor, and he had extended the borders of the Romans for a long distance and spread out the boundaries of their dominion. But for certain reasons, he became hateful to all. These reasons were: that when the soldiers who had been his confederates in his insurrection were plundering everything in their path, he did not concern himself with those who had caused the damages; and, when many homes of illustrious men and commoners had been looted, he acted as if no evil had occurred. Rather, he even delighted in the injuries with which the citizens were burdened, although it was by their aid that he had attained the empire. Furthermore, under the pretext of continual wars, he oppressed his subjects with new taxes, by increasing the old ones, and with exactions of every kind, for the soldiers acted no more mercifully toward those subjects wherever they went than they did toward the enemies. D In addition, on account of frequent expeditions, by alleging a lack of money, he in part curtailed the imperial largesses customarily given to the senate, and completely abolished the annual gifts long since attributed by ancient times to temples and other pious houses. He also issued an imperial decree that the lands of the churches should not be increased, because (as he himself asserted) those riches were not being conferred by the priests for the utility of the churches. Furthermore, a contention having arisen between the patriarch and the bishops concerning suffrages—with the latter claiming for themselves the authority to decide and the power to approve, and the former criticizing the suffrages as being rendered neither without partiality nor with right judgment, and endeavoring that he himself be admitted into the counsel of those who were to make the judgment—the Emperor, having seized this occasion and having claimed for himself all authority for the appointing of bishops, issued an edict that no one should be sent to any church without his order. Therefore, when a bishop died, he would send one of his own ministers into the vacant church, who, by managing the necessary expenses sparingly, would claim the remainder for himself. Nor, indeed, while he was reigning, was there in any of the provinces
A did those appointed to record, inspect, and serve as army officers and protonotaries cease their activities; they reduced the subjects, oppressed by every kind of evil, to utter destitution, without even taking the most needy into account. For they transferred those who had previously been in the dromōn armies into naval service; those in the naval forces into the infantry; the infantry into the cavalry squadrons; the cavalry into the cataphracts: assigning to each a more burdensome military duty. For he reduced everything to a single military purpose, and he was known for managing all things in a military fashion B. Whence, as far as it lay in his power, he decreed by edict that soldiers killed in wars should be honored equally with the martyrs and should be celebrated with similar hymns and veneration. And had not the patriarch and certain of the leading bishops, together with the princes of the senate, valiantly resisted and asked how those who in wars both kill and are killed could be judged to be martyrs, or equal to the martyrs, whom the censure of the sacred canons [(62)] stigmatizes, barring them from that awesome and holy communion for three years, perhaps that extraordinary decree would have been confirmed.
It is also apparent that he was contaminated by the filth of avarice. C For whereas until his time every coin weighed a full weight, he invented the *tetarteron*, having diminished its weight, and performed the exactions with the heavier [coinage], while making distributions and all expenditures with the clipped coin. Now, since it had been accepted from of old that every old *stater* bearing the imperial image was worth the same as one newly struck by the reigning emperor, he ordered his own currency to be held of higher value. To what end? That only it being sought by merchants, he might derive much profit for himself from the premium of the exchange, which he demanded to be large. When the citizens were vexed by these things, the *aediles* of saleable goods took no account of matters, but each merchant set the price at his own discretion. Whence those who were buying necessary goods became poorer day by day.
XVI.
These and many other things (for it would be difficult to recount everything) D inflamed everyone with bitter hatred against Nicephorus, so that all prayed to be delivered from his tyranny. This, however, most of all troubled men...A him, in that he enclosed the palace with a wall. For having received an oracle that he was destined to be killed within the palace, he thought to procure safety for himself through the wall, though he ought to have reasoned that if the oracle were true, it would be fated—or, to use such language, ordained by God—and thus inevitable and immutable; but if it could be prevented by some artifice, it was not strictly true, and the artifice was superfluous. But he, considering none of these things, surrounded the palace with the wall that is seen even now, at great expense, which the citizens judged to be an Acropolis and a tyrannical fortress built against them. When, therefore, he had completed the fortification, and thought he had secured his safety, then he learned that his invention had been of no avail to him, since he suffered his destruction within it. But let this be passed over for the present, and let the narrative recount his deeds.
As the emperor was returning from the Antioch on the Orontes, he built a fort on Mount Taurus—which the common people now call the Black Mountain—in which he left Michael Burzes, whom he had honored with the rank of patrician and appointed duke of the Black Mountain, commissioning him to harass the Antiochenes. He also left behind a certain Peter, one of his own attendants—a eunuch, indeed, but a vigorous and steady man, skilled in commanding soldiers—having designated him stratopedarch, that he might provide a place for the army to winter in Cilicia. When the emperor had returned to Byzantium, Burzes, by frequent incursions, harassed the Agarenes in Antioch, assiduously contemplating the possibility of capturing the city and gaining glory for himself. B Therefore, at a certain time, having secretly measured the height of one of the towers and prepared ladders proportional to that height, he approached the walls of the city in silence on a winter night that was moonless and snowy. Having set the ladders against it, he ascended with three hundred men (for he had brought so many, and no one had perceived them), slew the guards of that tower and any others he encountered, and immediately sent word to the stratopedarch of what had happened, urging him to bring aid. But he hesitated; for it was said that the emperor had commanded him not to attack Antioch, because there was a common rumor that the capture of that city would be followed by the emperor's own death. When the Antiochenes realized that the towers had been occupied, they gathered there eagerly, intent on driving out the Romans. The stratopedarch, therefore, his judgment caught between two conflicting concerns—the imperial command and the death of Burzes and the three hundred men with him—decided that he must not allow so many men to perish. Bringing along all his forces, he attacked Antioch, and the enemy immediately lost both their strength and their resolve. C Burzes, who with his men had already despaired of salvation, took heart; and having cut through the doors with an axe, he provided the stratopedarch with an open entry. With such ease did the illustrious Antioch come into the power of the Romans. This, when reported to the emperor, brought him more grief than joy; and, angered at the stratopedarch and Burzes, he received the glorious feat with insults and
threats, stripped him of his command, and ordered him to remain confined to his house.
B XXVII. Another incident occurred which exasperated the people against the emperor, and the emperor against the people. According to an ancient custom, on one of the feasts of the Lord, the emperor went in procession to the divine church at the Spring [Pega]; and as it happened, a quarrel broke out between the Armenians and the sailors, which resulted in a great commotion, much noise, and the death of men on both sides. The news of what had happened reached those in the city before the emperor’s return, and the unruly members of the populace, dividing into bands in various places, went out to meet the Armenians as they were returning and beat them with clubs. As the emperor had reached the market of the Bread-sellers, they began to heap insults upon him; a tumult arose, with shouting and jostling, and some threw stones at the emperor, while others threw dust at him and reviled him as far as the forum which is paved with slabs, where the round porphyry column stands. And had not some of the more honorable citizens there received the emperor and restrained and driven off those who were pursuing him, hurling insults and rioting in disorder—escorting him instead with a circle of men and acclaiming him as they conducted him to the palace—a great disaster might have resulted from that sedition. From this, a rumor spread that the emperor, nursing his anger against the people, intended to take revenge upon them at the horse races. Some time later, when a horse race was held, the emperor brought armed soldiers into the middle of the theater, either to provide the people with a pleasant spectacle of a battle, or perhaps to strike fear into them. When the soldiers drew their swords, the people in the theater, thinking this was the very thing that had long been bruited about in men’s talk, rushed to flee from the theater; and as they were crowded together at the exits, many were trampled by one another and perished in no small numbers. And the danger might have spread much further, had they not seen the emperor remaining unmoved upon his seat, upon which they ceased their flight. But the relatives of the dead, mourning their own, publicly mocked the emperor with jeers; and because he knew that he was for this reason hated by the citizens, he surrounded the palace with a wall. When this was completed and the keys were brought to him, that which he feared befell him regardless, and the fortification he had devised was of no use at all. As for the Turks, the Hungarians C
Various readings and notes
(64) That a procession was held according to an ancient custom, Leo the Deacon indicates, in his Hist. lib. iv: etc. Moreover, Luitprand mentions this imperial departure in his *Legatio*, whose apparatus and pomp he describes thus: "Therefore, for these three weeks Nicephorus had his *metastasis*—that is, his station—outside Constantinople, in a place called... that is, at the Springs, and he ordered me to come to the same place." But whether this is the one Zonaras mentions here is not entirely certain. See our *Constantinopolis*, lib. iv, where we treat of this temple.A knowing that he was hated by the citizens, he surrounded the palaces with a wall; but when this was completed, and the keys to the gates were carried off, then the fear he had dreaded came upon him, and he derived no benefit from the security he had devised for himself. While the Turks, that is to say the Hungarians, were ravaging Thrace, the Emperor Nicephorus wrote to the prince of Bulgaria not to allow them to cross the Ister and harass the Roman provinces. But he did not obey, saying: "When they were warring against us, you, when requested to aid us, were unwilling. And now, when we have been forced to make a truce with them, do you deem us worthy to break the treaty, to take up arms against them, and to stir up an unprovoked war?" Repulsed, therefore, by this, he sent an embassy to the prince of Russia, Sphendosthlavus, inciting him against the Bulgarians; for this reason he also sent the son of the one presiding in Cherson, Calocyrus, to Russia. A Russian force therefore took the field against the Bulgarians, and plundered a great part of their land, and carried off booty beyond count; and in the following year the Rus afflicted the Bulgarians no less than before.
B XXVIII. During the reign of Phocas there was a most terrifying earthquake, which, although completely harmless in Constantinople, nevertheless did great damage to other cities. In the month of May, winds blew by which the crops were ruined, and a severe famine occurred, which Nicephorus turned to his own profit, hoarding wheat in granaries and selling it at a high price to those suffering from hunger; he did not reflect that he was cursed by the public, as Solomon says in the Proverbs, but rather boasted that he was a benefactor to his subjects, because he sold two *medimni* for a *nomisma*. And he did this while having as an example Basil the Macedonian, who, in such a shortage not long before, had behaved in a magnificent manner. For when that emperor was once going as was his custom in procession to the church of the Holy Apostles, and had caught sight of certain citizens of bearing and gravity who appeared sorrowful, he asked the cause of their sadness. They answered: "Lord, how can we not be sorrowful, seeing death hanging over us, when two *medimni* of grain must be bought for a gold *nomisma*?" Hearing this, he groaned, and with money he dispelled their sadness, and he insulted and cursed the civil magistrates because they had not informed him of the scarcity, and he immediately ordered the imperial granaries to be opened. And he indeed acted as it befits an emperor; but this man behaved like an innkeeper, who, to a people suffering from lack of provisions, C [alt-version omitted]
A offered no assistance, but even insulted them in their calamities, inhumanely tearing open the wounds of those whom hunger had injured. His brother Leo, too, by trafficking in the same way, oppressed both the city populace and the provincials. Since they behaved in such a way toward the afflicted, they were in turn pelted with sarcastic remarks by the people. For when the emperor was once reviewing newly recruited soldiers and saw a certain old man among the others, he asked, "Why, man, would an old person enlist for military service?" He immediately and wittily replied, "I am much stronger now, Master, than when I was in my prime. For then I could not have shouldered even half an aureus worth of grain, but now I will carry the grain of two aurei more easily." The emperor understood the irony, but, bearing it calmly, moved on to another.
Although Nicephorus had previously been vehemently enamored of Theophano, he subsequently refrained from carnal relations with her, either from satiety or from continence; for even in his youth he had not been much inclined toward lust. But she, abhorring her husband either on account of this alienation or being anxious about her sons (for there were some whispering that Nicephorus wished to castrate the royal boys and transfer the empire to his brother Leo), spoke secretly with Tzimiskes, either because she was captivated by the man's love (for he was preeminent in beauty and exuded the graces of his form) or because she judged him to be an adversary of equal standing to Nicephorus. Some even recount that she had consorted with him and, having incited him against Nicephorus, opportunely pushed the cart, as the proverb has it. For John was otherwise angry with the emperor, because, being suspected due to the envy and calumnies of the emperor's brother, he had been transferred from military command to a civil one and designated logothete of the dromos, which he judged to be not a position of power, but a heavy punishment. Added to these evils was the fact that he had been ordered to remain at home while dwelling in the Theme. B For these reasons, John was angry. And when he found that wanton woman egging him on—she who had already brought about his return by imperial order—he set himself against the tyranny, having her as a collaborator, and, taking the empress and the most powerful of the [nobles]
C as his accomplices, he revealed the secret to his associates. Embarking upon the crime, he arrived at the palace in the dead of the night with them in a skiff, at the place where it is washed by the southern sea. That spot is called the Bucoleon, because a stone lion is carved there, which, as it sits upon a bull of the same material, grips it almost by the left horn and twists its neck. When they had arrived there, he saw a basket let down, and in it he and his men were drawn up by the servants of Theophano. He had with him Michael Bourtzes, who was hostile to the emperor on account of that ill-considered rage of his, and Leo Abalantes. D
A Having revealed the secret along with those whom he was burying, he set to work, and taking them with him, in the dead of the night, he boarded a skiff and arrived at the southern coast of the palace. The place is called Boukoleon 71, because a stone lion is carved there, standing upon a bull of similar size, and with its left paw it grips the bull’s horn, and twists the neck of the bull. Having reached this spot, he espied a basket hanging from above, and by means of it, he and those with him were hauled up by the servants of Theophano. These were Michael Bourtzes—who was also embittered against the emperor because of his, as has been said, unreasoning rage—and Leo Abalantes, and the swarthy Theodore, whom they called Atzypotheodoros ["Black-a-moor Theodore"] because of the darkness of his appearance, as well as two others.
Having crept into the imperial bedchamber in silence (for Theophano had managed even this for them), they B found Nicephorus sleeping on the floor, and someone leaped upon him, insulted him, and roused him from sleep. When, awakened, he raised his head, he immediately received a mortal wound upon it, which shook both his body and his soul. Then Tzimiskes sat upon the imperial couch, and they brought Phocas to him, already failing and supported from both sides. He asked him the reasons for which he had been harmed by him; but as he answered nothing, but only kept saying, "Lord, have mercy" 73, he ordered those around him to shatter his jaws by striking them with the hilts of their swords, or to knock out his teeth. Then someone from behind pierced him in the back with a spear, and the spear emerged through his chest 73.
As a clamor had arisen from those stationed nearby (for they had already become aware of the conspiracy), and he had just breathed his last, his head was cut off and shown to the bodyguards through a window, and thus their frenzy was quelled. It is said that a few days earlier Nicephorus had found a document in his bedchamber, revealing the conspiracy. Leo, the own brother of the Emperor Nicephorus, having learned of what had happened, took refuge in the Great Church with his son Nicephorus. The murdered emperor was fifty-seven years old, of which he had held the Roman scepter for six years and as many months 74 75. C
[alt-version omitted]
Variæ lectiones et notæ.
71 Boukoleon. I have collected many things regarding this in my Notes on Villehardouin and in *Constantinopoli Christiana*; I only add that it can be gathered from the continuator of Theophanes, lib. III, n. 34, that marble statues of lions and bulls were accustomed to be placed at the gates of cities of this kind.
72 Lord, have mercy. A formula of supplication, or also adjuration, very familiar to the Greeks. St. Athanasius in *Apologia ad Constantium Aug.*: [...] As the *Apophthegmata Patrum* in Macarius, n. 19: [...] The same Scylitzes, p. 781, testifies that it was shouted in battles. Sometimes they also invoked the Mother of God, with this formula, as in Scylitzes: Theophanes in the year of Copronymus, p. 325: [...] But regarding both formulas see what we note in *Dissert. de inferioris ævi numismatibus*, n. 28 et 30.
73 Emerge. Anonymus Salernitanus, part vii: But while these things were being done, Pandulfus, regarding whom we spoke before, a prince while he was held captive at Constantinople, and the aforesaid Emperor Nicephorus himself occurred. For since he was just and an observer of the law, his most cruel wife Theophana, because of the madness of her greed, together with John Simulchi (Tzimiskes)—he who at that time held the duchy—cruelly killed him, and John himself took the empire.
74 But since the six years and as many months. Liutprand writes in his *Legatio*, in those Sibylline books of the Greeks, in which it was written how many years each emperor was to live, or to rule, it was foretold that Nicephorus would live only for seven years.
75 Of the Romans. Liutprand in his *Legatio* depicts the stature and form of [Nicephorus] Phocas thus: "I was led before Nicephorus, a man quite monstrous, a dwarf, fat-headed, and like a mole in the smallness of his eyes, soiled by a short, broad, and half-gray beard, disfigured by a neck as thick as a finger, in the lushness and density of his hair like an Ethiopian, whom you would not want to meet in the middle of the night, extended in belly, dry in buttocks, very long in the hips to the very measure, short in the legs, and equal in his heels and feet," etc., which indeed I know not whether they agree with Leo the Deacon, lib. II, where he depicts Phocas thus: D
BOOK SEVENTEENTH
A 1. And he thus paid the debt. But Tzimiskes, having gained mastery of the empire, made the children of Romanos partners in the government [(76)], though they were still children. He took up the chamberlain Basil—whom Phokas had honored with the title of president, though that title had not existed long before—and, as he was well-versed in the administration of public affairs, entrusted the whole management of them to him. And he removed from his path those who were related to Nikephoros, or who were suspected of still harboring goodwill toward him, banishing the curopalates Leo and his son Nikephoros to Lesbos, setting the city of Amaseia as a fixed boundary for the other son of Leo, Bardas, and dealing with others in various ways. He brought back those who had been exiled by Nikephoros, among whom were numbered bishops who had refused to subscribe to the decree by which it was ordained that no bishop should be appointed without his own B consent. Later, John went to the Great Church to be adorned with the diadem. But Polyeuktos [(77)] did not allow him to enter the church, as he was polluted by murder. Tzimiskes bore the rebuke with a steady mind and, in his defense, declared that he had not committed the murder with his own hands, but that Abalantes and the Atzyptheodorus of Theophano had slain Nikephoros at her command. The patriarch then demanded that Theophano be driven from the palace and banished, that the slayers of Nikephoros be sent into exile, that the decree we mentioned be torn up, and that John himself submit to penance. He promised that he would do everything, and immediately sent guards to bring the empress out of the palace, tore up the decree that had been brought to him, and promised to distribute to the poor the wealth he had possessed while a private citizen. When these things had been accomplished, on the feast of the Nativity of our Savior and God, he was admitted into the Church and simultaneously adorned with the diadem, while Theophano was banished to Prokonnesos. C Having thus been proclaimed emperor, since the Great Antioch lacked a bishop, he appointed a certain monk, Theodorus, who had prophesied the empire to him and had bidden him not to hasten or seize it, but to await the appointment of the Divine. Having accepted the bishopric, he requested from him that the Manichaeans, who by their foul sect were contaminating many, should be transferred from the East to the West. He complied with his requests and the nation...
Various readings and notes
D (76) ...those whom Nikephoros Phokas had previously placed far within himself, as we gather from Liudprand in Legation: The two boy emperors, once his masters, now subjects, sat to the left, not in the same line, but far below.
(77) By Polyeuktos. Balsamon thus recounts this on can. 12 of the Ancyran synod: The patriarch Polyeuktos first drove out the emperor Lord John Tzimiskes from the sacred precincts of the most holy Great Church of God, as one who had murdered the emperor Lord Nikephoros Phokas, but later he received him. For he said, along with the holy synod, in the synodical act performed at that time and stored in the Chartophylakeion, that the baptism of holy water wipes away sins committed before it, whatever and how many they may be; and by all means the anointing of the empire also wiped away the murder committed by Tzimiskes before it. It was decided that those who had sacrificed before baptism, and were baptized after these things, should be advanced in rank, as having been washed clean.
A He designates a certain monk, Theodore, who had prophesied to him that he would attain the empire, and urged him not to be hasty or to seize it, but to await the appointment from God. When he had accepted the priesthood, he made a petition to the emperor John to relocate the Manichaeans from the East to the West, as they were corrupting many with their filthy heresy. Fulfilling this request, he moved the Manichaean race to Philippopolis. The patriarch Polyeuctus, having survived for thirty-five days after the accession of Tzimiskes, departed this life, and the monk Basil Scamandrenus was introduced into the episcopal throne of the Queen of Cities. But the Hagarites, B thinking it intolerable to be deprived of the cities they had already lost, gathered together from everywhere and, having made a pact of alliance, and entrusting the leadership to the Carthaginians, campaigned against Antioch by Daphne, and began to besiege it. As the citizens within the city resisted them with great fortitude, the uprising of the nations was reported to the emperor. He commanded the commander of Mesopotamia to bring aid to the besieged, and upon a battle being joined against the Hagarenes, the barbarians, although far superior in number to the Romans, were routed and scattered. As for the Rus, having brought the Bulgarian nation and their country under their own control, and having set aside the leaders of that nation, Boris and Romanus, they no longer remembered their own homes, but desired to remain there, occupying the land; and Calocyrus incited them to this. For he said, "If I am proclaimed Emperor of the Romans by you, I will cede the land of the Bulgarians to you, and I will establish a perpetual peace with you, and I will provide much more than what was promised." They, C being charmed by the excellence of the lands and puffed up by the words of Calocyrus, did not obey the emperor's letter, in which he affirmed that he would fulfill all that Nicephorus had promised them, and they treated the ambassadors with arrogance. For this reason, he was compelled to take up arms against them, and having appointed as army commander the magistros Bardas Sclerus — who was the brother of his recently deceased wife — he ordered him to set out against the Rus. The barbarian leader Sphendosthlavus, having learned of this, armed the Bulgarians and, having taken on as allies the Scythian Patzinaks and also the Turks who inhabit Pannonia, gathered an army of about three hundred thousand men and began plundering all of Thrace. Sclerus, not daring to engage in battle against such a multitude, since he was far inferior in forces, overcame the barbarians with military cunning. For first, having set up ambushes and attacking only the Patzinaks, he skillfully lured them into the ambushes; some he destroyed, and some he took alive. D Then he fought on equal terms for a time against the rest. But as a certain Scythian, who seemed superior to all his countrymen in bulk of body and vigor of spirit, saw Sclerus riding on horseback among his own ranks and inciting them to valor, he spurred his horse and struck with his sword at the man’s head; however, due to the strength and smoothness of the helmet, it did not penetrate. Sclerus in turn struck the enemy on the head with such vehemence that the barbarian was severed into two parts, and his middle parts fell to either side of the horse. Terror-stricken by this deed, the barbarians turned to flight, and the Romans, pursuing them from the rear, killed many and took many captive. The falling of night brought an end to the pursuit of the remnants of the barbarians, who were indeed already suffering from wounds.
B II. While these things were being conducted against the Russians, Bardas Phocas, the son of Leo, having fled from Amaseia where he was living in exile, occupied Caesarea in Cappadocia and, relying on the resources of factional men, laid claim to the tyranny, having assumed the imperial insignia. His father, Leo, together with his other son, Nicephorus, also planned to cross from Lesbos to Thrace, with the Archbishop of Abydos assisting them. But when this plan became known, he was condemned, together with his son Nicephorus, to have his eyes put out; however, it is said that the emperor secretly commanded the ministers to pretend to perform the blinding, but to preserve their sight unharmed. When these things had been accomplished and the Scythians—as the Russians were recently called—had been routed, letters were brought to Sclerus from the emperor, instructing him to take his army into the East and crush Bardas Phocas. When he had arrived at Caesarea, Phocas was deserted by his own faction (for everyone was flocking to Sclerus) and proceeded alone with his attendants to the castle of Tyropaeon. When he was not far from the aforementioned fortress, the horsemen sent by Sclerus caught up with him. One of them, Constantine Charon, being more audacious than the rest, outstripped his fellow soldiers and, charging with a more violent and persistent impetus at Phocas—who was bringing up the rear of his own company—harassed the man with insults and reproaches. To him he replied: "It does not befit you, I say, to insult a man struggling with such a calamity." But as Charon meanwhile came closer and was about to throw a weapon at him, he raised his mace and struck Constantine upon his helmet, shattering it together with the man's head, so that falling from that single blow, he spewed forth his life's blood. Those who were following behind, seeing him lying there, ceased their pursuit, and Phocas entered the fortress. Afterward, Sclerus also arrived and persuaded him to surrender himself to the emperor's good faith; and, upon his approach, he became a cleric and was relegated to Chios, while Sclerus was recalled to the West. The emperor, through the zeal of Basil the chamberlain, took as his wife Theodora, daughter of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, C and in the second year of his reign, during the spring, he waged war against the Russians with many armies and a notable fleet. As he was departing, Scythian scouts, who were sent to explore the strength of the Romans, met him under the guise of an embassy. The emperor, not unaware of why they were there, ordered them to be led around through all the camps and, having inspected them, to be sent away. When they had departed, he himself, followed by five thousand light-armed troops and four thousand cavalry, arrived unexpectedly at Great Persthlava and fortified his camp; this event brought terror to the Tauroscythians. Calocyrus, however, who...
was the prime mover of these evils, being present there at the time and learning of the emperor’s arrival, fled to the camp of the Rus; having learned from him of the emperor’s presence, they were troubled, yet they nonetheless drew up their military camp against the Romans. Those with the emperor, having come to the city of Persthlava, as has been said, found about eight thousand men training outside, and they engaged with them. They held their ground for a short while, then turned their backs and fled. Those inside, arming themselves as best they could, went out to aid their countrymen and marched toward them in disorder. The Romans, meeting them, slaughtered many, while others retreated into the city. But when some Roman cavalry rode out and blocked the path leading into the city, the Barbarians were scattered on the ground outside the city, where some were taken captive and others were killed, and those in the city, having shut the gates, were besieged. On the following day, when Basil the chamberlain arrived with the entire army, the emperor pressed the siege more vigorously; some, having scaled the wall using ladders, slew the Barbarians they caught there, opened the gates, and afforded the entire Roman army an easy entry. In this way the city of Persthlava became subject to the Romans, and there the Bulgarian king, Boris, was also captured, whom and all the Bulgarians the emperor treated kindly, setting them free and saying that he had not taken up arms against the Bulgarians, but against the Rus. Since many Scythians had fled into a certain fortification, the emperor ordered that it too should be taken. The soldiers, however, were reluctant due to the difficulty of the location. C John, perceiving this, went ahead of the others on foot toward the fortification, and in this way shamed the soldiers so that he had them following him; the fort was taken, and of those within, some were destroyed while others became captives to the Romans. Having established a sufficient garrison in this city, the emperor departed for Dorostolum, which is also called Dristra; having captured some cities along the way and razed their forts, he reached Dorostolum. The leader of the Rus, Sphendosthlavus, was camped before this city. When the armies saw one another, they immediately engaged in battle, and for the greater part of the day
they fought with equal fortune. Towards late evening, the Rus, being exhausted, inclined toward flight, and the Romans pursued them. Most of the Barbarians were destroyed, and no fewer were taken prisoner, but others returned to Dorostolon. A The Emperor set up a camp in front of the city and waited for the triremes guarding the Ister, so that the Rus might not escape. Sphendosthlavus, fearing that the Bulgarians he held—who were twenty thousand in number, as is said—might revolt against him or go over to the Emperor, placed them all in chains. When the fleet also arrived, the Emperor besieged the city. Ambassadors came to the Emperor from Constantia and other forts, asking for pardon and surrendering themselves and the forts to him. The Romans took possession of these. The siege of Dorostolon lasted for many days, with the Barbarians struggling bravely. But as many had become wounded from the constant fighting, and their vital supplies had already failed them, their spirits began to break. However, Sphendosthlavus, waiting for a moonless and stormy night, embarked about two thousand men in monoxyla (dugout canoes). Having boarded them himself, he went away to gather provisions, and having collected what was needed, they returned to Dorostolon. Seeing some of the Roman servants scattered about the river on various errands, they landed from their boats, killed some of them, and secretly returned to Dorostolon. This greatly vexed the Emperor, who was angry with the commanders of the fleet and threatened them with death as their punishment if the Barbarians were ever to escape by sailing off again. Having besieged the city for sixty full days without yet having taken it, the Emperor decided to overcome those inside by famine, and he sat around the city, keeping a close watch so that no supplies could be brought to them from anywhere. The Barbarians often made sallies but were defeated. Since they were pressed by famine and had no hope of supplies or of allies, some advised fleeing by night, others suggested trusting themselves to the Romans and thus returning to their own lands, while others proposed something else.
III. Sphendosthlavus, however, encouraged his men to try the gamble of war once more, and either to prevail and be saved or to prefer an honorable death over a wretched life. This sentiment was approved by the crowd, and on the next day, not refusing to die, they engaged with the Romans. B For a long time, sometimes the Romans and sometimes the Barbarians prevailed. But when the Emperor noticed that the narrowness of the place was to the advantage of the enemy, and that the Romans could not rush against them in a mass, he advised the generals to lead the battalions slowly back into the plain by retreating step by step. When this was done, the Barbarians, thinking the Romans were fleeing out of fear, followed them with shouts. When they had reached a wider field, the Emperor gave the signal to the Romans to turn about; they did so, and attacked the Barbarians, and the battle became terrible. The Emperor sent the Magistros Bardas Sclerus with the battalions under him to block the Barbarians' path back to the city. While the victory was for a long time uncertain, the Romans are said to have been aided by divine power. C For a storm, it is said, beat against the faces of the Scythians, and a certain horseman was seen by many, who defended the Romans and threw the Barbarians' phalanxes into confusion. On that day, the memory of the holy master of soldiers, Theodore, the glorious martyr, was being celebrated. The Scythians were therefore put to flight and sought for the city, but since they could not enter it, being blocked by Sclerus, they were scattered into the suburbs, where they were slaughtered, and—trampled and crushed by one another—the number of the slain could not easily be reckoned. All the rest were afflicted with wounds. That the master of soldiers, Theodore, was an aid to the Romans against the Barbarians was known from the fact that a certain Byzantine woman, reli-
religious and modest, on the day before that battle, were seen in a dream to behold the holy Theotokos proceeding with a great retinue, and to hear the Mother of God saying to one of those who were walking ahead of her: "Lord Theodore, my John and yours is enduring heavy struggles; hasten, therefore, and bring him aid." The woman revealed the dream to some people. They noted the day, and it was the one before the final battle. The emperor, in return for the help, built a most beautiful church for the martyr at Euchania—or Euchaita—having torn down the old one, in which his body, which had finished many struggles, had been deposited, and he renamed the city, the old name having been abolished, Theodoropolis. B But the barbarian Sphendosthlabos, being in despair from every side, sent envoys to the emperor, seeking pardon and requesting the opportunity to return home, and a station among the federates of the Romans, and free trade for the Tauroscythians in the Roman provinces. When the emperor had granted all things, Sphendosthlabos himself approached him, beseeching him to treat with the Patzinaks so that they might grant passage through their territory to the Russians returning home. The emperor, having asked for this, and for an alliance in war, and also that they might not cross the Ister to devastate Bulgaria, requested this of them; the Patzinaks agreed to the other things, but refused only the passage of the Russians.
IV. The war against the Russians having been finished in this manner, C the emperor returned to Byzantium and was received brilliantly by the entire state. For the patriarch went out to meet him with all the clergy, along with the senate and the people, offering crowns and a four-horse chariot, and they requested that, having mounted it, he should triumph. But he accepted the crowns and triumphed on a single white horse, and he placed the royal robes of the Bulgarian kings on the chariot, and set an image of the Mother of God above them, and the chariot went before him. When he reached the so-called Placotian forum, he stripped Boris of the signs of the Bulgarian kingship and honored him with the dignity of master. Sphendosthlabos, however, while returning home with his Russians, was caught in an ambush by the Patzinaks and they were all destroyed at once. This emperor built a magnificent church of Christ the Savior at the Chalke. D Patriarch Basil Scamandrenus, having been removed from his position by a council four years after his designation due to certain crimes brought against him, Anthony Studites was designated patriarch. The emperor, meanwhile...
A seeing that the cities which had been acquired for the Romans in the East were looking toward rebellion and had shaken off the yoke of servitude and shattered the bonds of Roman rule, campaigned against them. Some he brought back to the yoke of Roman rule without conflict, while others he forced with iron and great might. Returning from there, and arriving at Anabarza and Podandos, and seeing there and in many other regions villages that were populous and fertile in every respect, he inquired whose they were. And learning that they belonged to the *parakoimomenos* Basil—some having been acquired for the empire and gifted to him by the emperor Nicephorus Phocas, some by himself while he was *domestikos* of the schools, and others by others—he was aggrieved and said it was unjust that a single eunuch should enjoy public holdings acquired by the sweat and blood of many excellent men. B These words, reported to the *parakoimomenos*, incited him to plot against the emperor. Having prepared a poisonous drug—not one that was active or quick-acting, but mild and working over time upon the one who drank—and having approached with gifts the one accustomed to serving wine to the emperor, he poured it into the sovereign's cup. Once consumed, it gradually weakened the constitution of the drinker's body, until it brought the emperor to his death. Thus, John Tzimiskes having departed from here, he left the empire to its heirs, namely Basil C and Constantine, the sons of Romanus, having reigned for six years and as many months.
Now, I must relate a matter that had almost escaped me. For how the *kuropalates* Leo Phocas and his son Nicephorus, though sentenced to blinding, were not deprived of their sight—the emperor having secretly ordered that they be spared—I have already recorded. But not content with this generosity, they aspired to the throne again, having reconciled many of the citizens and courtiers to themselves. And having been discovered in this scheme, betrayed by one of the conspirators, they met their end, both of their happiness and of their ambition, when their eyes were gouged out without any mercy.
Various readings and notes
D (81) That the emperor Nicephorus found the sandals of our Savior Christ and the venerated hair of the Forerunner in Membij, and placed the former in the church of the Blachernae and the latter in the church of the Chalke, which he himself had erected from the foundations: Concerning this fortress, which is called *Membe* in the Syriac tongue, which he attacked with war and all manner of engines, having found the sandals of our Savior Christ there, he took them as a divine gift, and the hair of the venerable Forerunner and Herald. He deposited the former as a kind of precious treasure in the famous temple of the Mother of God, which was built at the imperial residence; and the latter in the temple of the Savior, which he himself raised from the foundations. The emperor himself, most glorious and lofty, presided in the so-called Chalke prison, together with it the divine temple, which the great among kings, John who followed Nicephorus Phocas, built.
(82) Basil, who is called the Younger: "King of the whole earth, sun of the purple, Basil, the offspring of the imperial robe, mightiest of both in trophies and words," and he is also called *Porphyrogenitus* by Michael Psellus at the end of his *Synopsis of Laws*.
A V. Thus the Roman empire was restored to those to whom it belonged by hereditary right, Basil and Constantine, of whom the former was in his twentieth year of age, and the latter in his seventeenth. Although they bore the insignia of the empire, all authority lay with the president Basil; and Basil, not yet trusting in himself, endured this, hearkening to the master of the bedchamber as if to a tutor, and conforming himself to the latter's handling and administration of the commonwealth, so that he, too, when time required, might follow the same method in military enrollments and in maintaining civil equity. For he was of a lively and stimulated temperament, not dissolute or enslaved by sloth, as his brother was.
When these first obtained control of affairs, the president recalled their mother from exile and restored her to her sons; and because he held Bardas Sclerus, the *magister militum* to whom all the Eastern forces were obedient, in suspicion, he stripped him of that dignity and designated him Duke of Mesopotamia. Sclerus, bearing this with a most heavy heart—and being otherwise ablaze with a desire for the kingdom—was incited to defection. Through that office, and having secretly communicated with many, he held almost all the soldiers obedient to his word, because he was most favored among them for his brave deeds. He called for his son Romanus, who was living in the royal city, secretly through a certain individual; and having summoned him, he immediately affected the kingdom, having taken the diadem and purple shoes.
Having been saluted as Emperor, he zealously sought out funds and recruited as allies the Emir of Amida (which is also called Emet) and the Emir of Martyropolis (which is called Miephercim), and indeed also the Arabs. Joined by these, he hastened B toward [the city of] Constantine, buoyed by good hope, which was further increased by the dream of a certain monk, a man devoted to virtue, who seemed to himself to see a certain woman sitting on a high watchtower and offering him an imperial lash. Although that lash, in any event, signified the wrath of God and the destruction of the Romans through intestine wars, Sclerus, estimating the vision according to his own desire as an omen of empire, interpreted it [favorably].
When the report of Sclerus’s tyranny reached the city, the emperors gathered whatever soldiers remained and prepared to resist, in the meantime sending the bishop of Nicomedia to him, who, although he proposed many conditions for peace that were not to be despised, obtained nothing. For Sclerus, pointing to his crimson shoe, said that it was not possible for one who had once put it on to cast it off rashly. That answer having been received, necessity was laid upon the emperors to contend by war, with the eunuch Peter, son of Phocas (of whom mention has also been made above), as leader of the forces.
The armies met at Lipara, C which is also called Licandus; the imperial forces resisted vigorously for a time, but were finally routed, with many slain and their camp plundered. Tzamandus, a very populous city, also made submission to Sclerus, from which he collected a great sum of money. Thus, with the emperors' forces overcome, he drew many to himself, as the wealth and safety of those [others] were already despaired of; and not only obscure soldiers, but many also of the illustrious men
C as well, flocked to him. When these things were reported to the praepositus of the bedchamber, Leo the protovestiarius was sent again with supreme power and authority, having received the license to conduct everything by his own judgment just as if he were the emperor—a power which the Latins call a dictatorship. Having joined the stratopedarches, and having tried in vain to sound out the spirits of the soldiers with promises and honors,1 he passed by Sclerus under cover of night and attacked him. For this reason it happened that the soldiers, fearing for their own loved ones, abandoned Sclerus and betook themselves to him. Sclerus, terrified, sent the magister Michael Burzes, who had followed his side, and the patrician Romanus Taronites with an army against the protovestiarius; being defeated in battle, D the protovestiarius himself attacked them with all his forces, conquered them, and captured the man, while the stratopedarches Peter was slain. This victory greatly increased the resources of Sclerus, just as it brought the cause of the emperors to despair, especially since the tyrant also held dominion over the sea. Wherefore the praepositus of the bedchamber sent a fleet, and having joined in battle with the ships of Sclerus, he defeated and dispersed his fleet. Once the sea was pacified, having undertaken the care of the provinces, he sent Eroticus to Nicaea, the metropolis of Bithynia, to defend it. Sclerus tried in vain to take it by force, and thinking it could be forced to surrender by famine through treachery, he drew out the siege. Eroticus, however, decided to circumvent the enemy by a ruse; having brought sand into the granaries and having thrown grain on top of it, so that the whole heap appeared to be grain, he showed the captives the half-full granaries and ordered them to report to Sclerus that, although he was in no danger from famine, yet if it were permitted for him to depart safely with certain men, he would surrender the city and join his party. Rejoicing at this news, Sclerus pledged his faith; whereupon he departed for Constantinople with the greater part of the citizens and his own soldiers. But when Sclerus entered Nicaea, he understood that he had been circumvented by a ruse. As for the praepositus of the bedchamber, once Sclerus had departed from there and was approaching the city, although he hesitated in his mind, he changed his opinion, recalled Bardas Phocas from exile, and having bound him by a most holy oath that he would never aspire to the kingdom or enter into counsel against the emperors, he appointed him magister, placed him in charge of the remnant of the forces, and, having liberally supplied him with money, sent him against Sclerus. When he learned of this, reckoning that at last he would have an equal adversary, he moved out from there, and a battle having been joined near Amorium, he emerged victorious, having routed his adversaries. On the following day, the leaders of the armies decided to engage in single combat and to decide the sum of affairs there. Sclerus was the first, as some relate, to strike his club against the head of Phocas; but others say he brandished his sword at him, which, when Phocas had dodged the blow, sliced off the ear of his horse with the tip of the blade. But Phocas, on the contrary, struck his club against the head of Sclerus in such a way that, with dizziness ensuing, he slumped onto the neck of his horse and was bloodied, so that his guards snatched him away, and, stripped of his strength, he was taken down from his horse, his blood was wiped away, and they refreshed him at a fountain. Meanwhile, his horse, while they were occupied with this care, escaped from the hands of the man by whom it was held and, without a rider, [fled] into the c-
A pranced about the camp, its mane drenched in blood. When the army of Sclerus caught sight of it (for the horse was famous, being called "Egyptian") and thought that their commander had fallen, they rushed headlong into flight. Phocas, observing what was happening, attacked the fugitives while encouraging his own men; many of the enemy were slain, many were captured, and still more perished, being trampled by one another. From there, Sclerus, finding himself in straits, fled with the small number that remained to Chosroes the Babylonian. Upon learning this, the Emperor sent to Chosroes, requesting that he not receive the man who had played the tyrant and risen against his own master, lest he provide an evil precedent to his own detriment. The envoy also brought letters for Sclerus and those with him, confirmed by the imperial hand, offering them amnesty for their actions if they would cease from their undertaking and submit to the Emperor. When the Babylonian learned of these royal letters addressed to Sclerus and his companions, he imprisoned both the envoy himself, and Sclerus, and the soldiers with him. Thus, then, did the insurrection of Sclerus come to an end. B
VI. Now when the patriarch Anthony had renounced the priesthood, which he had held for six years, and died a short time later, the Church remained widowed of its high priest for four and a half years, after which Nicolaus Chrysoberges was appointed. C Meanwhile, the affairs of the Bulgarians were again in motion; for when the death of Tzimiskes was reported, they entrusted their authority to four brothers: David, Moses, Aaron, and Samuel, who were called the Comitopuli, because they were sons of one of the distinguished men among them, as they are called counts. For the royal line had failed amongst them, with only one of the sons of Peter surviving—namely Romanus, who was a eunuch. Of these four, David soon died, and Moses [fell] in the siege of Serra D
A by a stone blow, and died immediately. Samuel, meanwhile, removed his brother Aaron from life, along with his entire family, with the exception of one of his sons who was called by the double name of John-Sphandosthlavus; either because he wanted the supreme power for himself alone, or because he seemed to be favoring the Romans—for both are reported. And the principality of Bulgaria devolved upon Samuel alone, who, finding the Roman armies occupied with civil wars, went about all their Western provinces with impunity: and he did not merely ravage them, but even made the regions and cities subject to his own rule.
When, as has been recounted, the emperor had cast off the tyranny of Sclerus, he burned with a desire to avenge himself upon the barbarian, and resolved to wage war against him under his own auspices. He therefore set out on his own initiative, without communicating about the matter with the Magister Bardas Phocas, despite his being the Domestic of the Schools of the East, nor with any other of the commanders of the Eastern forces. B Having already entered the borders of the Bulgarians, he ordered the Magister Leo Melissenus to follow behind to guard the mountain passes: he himself, meanwhile, prepared to lay siege to Sardica, which is also called Triaditza (83).
But Contostephanus, the Domestic of the Western regiments, thinking that if the emperor were successful in his military campaign he would never cease to conduct his wars personally under his own leadership—and that he himself and the rest of the commanders would no longer be considered of any great account—devised a scheme to undermine his undertaking and retard his advance. Coming to him, therefore, he falsely alleged that Melissenus was attempting a tyranny and was departing with haste for Byzantium to seize the throne, and he urged that one must not delay, but should turn the army back without hesitation. This perturbed the emperor to such an extent that he gave the signal for the host to retreat.
But Samuel, who was lurking on the mountain peaks (for he did not dare to fight in open battle), seeing the sudden withdrawal, attacked the Romans, whom he assumed were acting out of fear, and put them to flight with an unexpected assault; and he seized not only the camp, but also the imperial tent and imperial regalia. The emperor, with difficulty, escaped to Philippopolis, where he found Melissenus, and being enraged against Contostephanus, he cast insults at the man. The latter, finding it hard to bear, grew sharp in return, and the emperor, his bile surging with anger, sprang from his throne, and catching Contostephanus by the hair and beard, dashed the man to the ground. D From this, the leaders of the Roman forces, angered at the emperor—Phocas, because he saw his hopes frustrated and his affairs proceeding, as the proverb says, like those of Mandrabolus; others, because they thought themselves despised, having not been consulted in the planning; others for other reasons—gathered in Charsianon, and invested Bardas Phocas with the diadem, proclaiming him emperor, having managed their defection, as they thought, quite properly. Sclerus, however, who was being held in Babylon, was released from custody beyond all expectation. For the empire of the Persians having been overthrown by the Saracens, a certain Persian named Inargus incited the populace with his words, persuading them to break the yoke of servitude and take up arms against the Saracens under his leadership. Chosroes, moreover, although he had often fought against them...
B was defeated as many times as he engaged them, and in despair fled for refuge to the Romans who were held in confinement. He released them from their prison and consulted with Sclerus about the war, asking him not to hold the past ill-treatment against him. Though Sclerus at first declined the war, upon the insistence of the Babylonian he gave his consent, but on the condition that he lead only Romans into battle. The prisons were therefore searched, and as many as three thousand Romans were found; these were brought out and armed. Having conquered the Persians under the leadership and auspices of Sclerus, neither they nor he decided to return to Chosroes, fearing that they would again be cast into prison by the barbarian, especially after having given such a specimen of their valor. Chosroes, indeed, while they were intent on flight, sent a great crowd to pursue them; and these, although far superior in number, once battle was joined, escaped in smaller numbers than those they were pursuing, the others being killed there by Roman hands.
C VII. Sclerus, therefore, with his men, had returned to the Roman borders. Having learned that Phocas was already aspiring to the kingship and had begun a tyranny, he inclined toward Phocas, desiring to be a partner in both the war and the empire itself. Phocas accepted the partnership, and if they should attain their desires, he reserved for himself the queen of cities and the lordship of the greater part of the nations and territories; to Sclerus he assigned Antioch, Celesyria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Mesopotamia, and Egypt, and he confirmed these agreements with oaths. Relying on this, Sclerus approached Phocas. But the latter, having caught him within his net, stripped him of his royal apparel, threw him into prison, and placed a guard over him. D Having brought the army that was with him under his own command, he held his tyrannical position more firmly. Sclerus, however, providing for himself some salvation against future failure, before he was seized by Phocas, had arranged for his son Romanus to flee secretly, so that he might defect to the emperor; he was received with great joy by the ruler and was immediately appointed magister. Phocas, meanwhile, having placed a portion of the army under the patrician Delphinas, sent him to Chrysopolis, which lies opposite the queen of cities, while he himself set out with the rest of the army for Abydos. But as for Delphinas, who had encamped at Chrysopolis, the emperor suddenly attacked him with a Russian army (for he had formed an affinity with Vladimirus, their leader, by taking his sister Anna to wife, and had summoned auxiliary forces from there), and having easily overcome the enemies,
A he captured Delphinas himself and impaled him on a stake.
Then he proceeded to Abydus with his brother Constantine. When the opposing armies stood in battle array, and Phocas was positioned at the head of his own troops, while Emperor Basil rode around on horseback encouraging his own legions, Phocas, seeing him, drove his horse toward him, having given the horse its head, judging that if he could strike him down, he would have won the battle. But before he had gone far from his own troops, some say he was thrown from his horse, while others say he turned aside to a hill, dismounted, and fell to the ground, where he immediately yielded up his spirit. Some claimed the man had been struck by a blow in a vital spot. Emperor Constantine, for his part, attributed the man's death to himself—but this was mere talk, for nowhere was any wound found on his body. Others conjectured B that he had been done away with by a poisonous drug, which indeed seemed more plausible. The drug, however, had been prepared by Basil, and was offered to Phocas by his cupbearer, who had been suborned by the Emperor's bribes.
When Bardas had fallen, his army was scattered; some were killed as they were caught, while others were taken alive and, having been seized, were punished according to the Emperor's will. C He became more savage than before; for he had grown haughty, base in character, suspicious of everyone, and inexorable in his anger. Nor did he show this arrogance only to others, but also to his own *parakoimomenos* (chamberlain). He grew to hate the man and hastened to transfer the administration of affairs to himself; and indeed, he even removed him from the management of public business, ordering him to remain at home and not to go out. A little later, he sent him into exile; and having scrutinized each of the things he had done, he judged most of his actions to be idle. He stripped him of most of the monastery D (85) he had built, and he seized not only his fields, lands, and houses, but also his votive offerings, marble slabs, and costly columns. Whereupon that man, overcome by such a cloud of despondency, became paralyzed in his limbs, and appearing as a living corpse, after a short while, he miserably departed this life.
It was then—and only then—that Basil truly became autocrat, and having learned how great were the cares required by the administration of the empire, he spurned royal delights, abstained from splendid clothes, and repudiated every luxury—though he had not lived in such a manner before, but had previously indulged in love affairs, banquets, and pleasures, and delighted in royal luxury. Now, having claimed for himself all authority, he afforded his brother nothing but the name and the distinguished insignia of power; he was kept under guard, albeit a light and far from magnificent one. Since he was a man of a more relaxed and softer nature, a voluptuary who delighted in hunting and the company of his peers, he bore this state of things and did not oppose his brother. Such, then, was their situation. Sclerus, however, upon the death of Bardas, was released from his chains, by...
[index: entries preserved]
A and again took up his former undertaking, nor did he delay in rebelling once more. The emperor, by letters inscribed to him, exhorted the man to cease at last from his folly and not to wish eternally to be the cause of wars among his own kin, nor to stain the earth with the blood of Christians. But being already worn out by old age and feeling dizzy at the thought of the future, he made terms and approached the sovereign. The latter was seated in the imperial tent, and Sclerus was walking toward the tent, supported on either side—partly from old age, and partly from the bulk of his body (for he was large)—at which time it is said that the emperor Basil uttered that celebrated phrase: "He whom I feared is being led to me by others guiding him." Others say that Sclerus had lost his sight upon approaching the emperor, and that this was why he had to be guided. B When the man had approached the tent, the emperor noticed that he was wearing crimson shoes on his feet (for Sclerus had cast off the other insignia of royalty, but had not removed the shoes; whether he had forgotten or did so from thoughtlessness, he did not remove them). He immediately turned away his eyes and would not endure to speak with him unless he were in the attire of a private citizen. When, therefore, he had cast off those invidious shoes before the tent, the emperor arose upon his entering, reached out his right hand, conversed with him, and both used the same table and drank from the same chalice. In this way the tyranny of Sclerus was put to rest, and he was appointed curopalates; and each of those who had assisted him was permitted to retain whatever degree of dignity and power, or whatever possessions, he had received from him during his rule. The emperor, relieved of the cares of the defections, went off to Thrace and visited Thessalonica to give thanks to the celebrated martyr. C Having left behind there a man of distinction as commander, with a large force, to restrain the incursions of Samuel, he returned to Byzantium. From there he set out for Iberia, having been left as heir by the curopalates David, who had died, to the realm which he had held. Having reached that place and taken possession of the country left to him—and having induced George, the brother of David and ruler of inner Iberia, to remain quiet and be content with his own domains, and having taken his son as a hostage—he marched upon Phoenicia. He restrained the rulers of Tripoli, Damascus, Tyre, and Berytus—who had formed a conspiracy and were ravaging the territory of Antioch near Daphne—and compelled them to serve the Romans; and having received hostages from them also, he returned home. And these matters did indeed turn out in this way.
Various readings and notes
(86) ‘ἢ γὰρ λάθετ’ ἢ οὐκ ἐνόησεν.’ Homers’s hemistich in Iliad 1, verse 533.A VIII. When Nicolaus Chrysoberges had adorned the pontificate for twelve years and eight months and had departed this life, Sisinnius the magister, a man reared in letters from his early youth, was appointed patriarch. When he, too, had governed the Church for three years and died, Sergius was chosen patriarch; he had been in command of the monastery of Manuel and happened to be a relative of the patriarch Photius by lineage. B Now, since Samuel, prince of the Bulgarians, was plundering not only Thrace and Macedonia, but also Greece and even the Peloponnesus, the emperor sent forth the magister Nicephorus Uranus, the praetor of the West, who, when Samuel had pitched his tents by the Spercheius river, set up camp on the opposite bank. Because the river could not be crossed on account of frequent rains, Samuel feared the aggression of the Romans not at all. But when Uranus had discovered a ford at a certain place by night, he led his army across in silence and suddenly attacked those around Samuel. The barbarians, stunned by the unexpected event, fell without even raising their arms to strike back. Samuel himself was wounded along with his son, and both would have been captured had they not hidden among the corpses and thus escaped unnoticed. C Thereafter, the emperor himself waged war against the Bulgarians and, having destroyed some of the fortresses in Sardica, returned to Mosynopolis. He also captured the Great and Little Persth-lava and Pliscova through his generals. Berroa was also handed over to him by Dobromerus, who had gone over to the Romans. Servia, however, was taken by siege, and Nicolaus—whom they called Nicolitzas as a diminutive because of his short stature—to whom the guardianship of these places had been entrusted, was captured; although he had been honored with the dignity of patrician, he nevertheless fled and returned to Samuel. Then the emperor again waged war against Bidina and took the city. While the emperor was besieging it, Samuel suddenly attacked Adrianople; as the celebration of a fair was being held outside the walls, he plundered the merchandise and, having taken a multitude of captives, withdrew. D When the emperor had brought Bidina under his control and was returning, he discovered Samuel encamped by the Axius river (which was formerly known as the Bardarius). As the river was in flood, the barbarians were guarding their camp carelessly, for they did not at all think that the Roman army would be able to cross the river. But once a ford was discovered by the emperor, he led the army across, and with many of the Bulgarians slain, Samuel’s tent and the entirety of his camp were plundered; Samuel himself fled. The emperor also received the city of Scopia, which had been handed over by Romanus, the son of Peter, formerly prince of the Bulgarians, to whom its guardianship had been entrusted by Samuel. Afterward, having returned to Constantinople, he decreed that the tax of the poor, who had perished, should be exacted from the rich, which was called *allelengyon*. And although many, including the patriarch Sergius himself, pleaded that this unjust and unusual exaction should be abolished, nevertheless...
the emperor was not to be persuaded. For by the length of time and his victories over all, he had become puffed up, and showed himself disdainful towards everyone; he wished not for the good will of his subjects, but for their fear—both the military and the civil classes alike. He did not wish to carry on affairs according to the established custom (which lawgivers pronounce to have the force of law), but according to his own judgment and will. Thus, he paid no heed to learned men, and even considered rhetoric to be something superfluous and useless. Consequently, he chose men for himself who were distinguished neither by their birth nor by their erudition, and to them he entrusted the imperial correspondence and shared his councils; to them also he would dictate his compositions in a simple manner, just as it occurred to him. Furthermore, having blocked the exits of the treasuries, he filled them with money. It is said, indeed, that two hundred thousand talents of gold were stored up in his treasuries. For no one could calculate the rest of his wealth; since, when his treasuries were full, he stored the remainder under the ground, having dug labyrinthine passages. There were also caskets filled with precious stones—in addition to others, those white ones which are called by the specific name of pearls B. But he did not use them, except for a few to adorn the ensigns of the purple, which he wore when he went out in procession, or when he gave audiences to ambassadors, or when he was celebrating some other public festival; the rest lay in the rooms as a useless burden. In times of war, his temperament was varied and multifaceted, but in times of tranquility and peace, he was more severe. He would dissimulate his anger, keeping it suppressed within himself, only to bring it forth when the opportunity arose to exact retribution upon those who had offended; and since he was of a stubborn nature, he did not easily change his decrees. Wherefore, if he was angry with anyone, he was not easily soothed. And let these things be said to characterize the morals of the emperor. Now let our narrative return to recount in order the events which took place under him.
IX. The ruler of Egypt, having broken his treaty with the Romans, destroyed the temple in Jerusalem, in which is the tomb of Christ, as well as the monasteries of that place.
But the emperor, constantly attacking Bulgaria, was laying it waste and burning it. And when Samuel, since he could not resist the Roman army in open battle, was endeavoring to block the entrances to his kingdom, and was occupying the mountain passes with forts and garrisons. The emperor, however, having returned, and having attempted to penetrate with a great force, although he was repulsed by the valor of the garrison troops, nevertheless did not desist from his undertaking, but persisted. He kept attempting the D fort, sending one of the generals with his legion to see if he could open an entrance somewhere else by taking a roundabout way. He, having deceived the Bulgarians through the mountains and many difficulties, forced his way in and fell upon the garrison troops from the rear; they, being terrified by the sudden event, did not...striving not for the defense of the fortification, but for the avoidance of total destruction. A There the Roman army, with no one to stop it, passed through the broken fortification, and pursuing the enemy, killed many and took more captive. Samuel having scarcely escaped, the Emperor gouged out the eyes of all the captives, who numbered about fifteen thousand, leaving to every hundred men one with a single eye to act as a guide for them, and in this way he ordered them to depart to their own leader. Seeing them, and unable to bear the catastrophe, Samuel became dizzy and collapsed to the ground, and having recovered only a little, he suffered a heart seizure and died (90). The leadership of the Bulgarians passed to his son Gabriel, who was also called Romanus. Not yet had he reigned a year when his cousin, Uladisthlavus Joannes, son of Aaron (for he too was known by two names), killed him.
The Emperor, having passed the fortification in the narrow pass, as has been said, overcame other strongholds and the Bulgarians within them, and arrived at Mosynopolis, where news of Samuel’s death was reported to him. B Straightaway, therefore, he attacked Bulgaria, and captured both its cities and fortifications. Now the son of Samuel, Romanus—or Gabriel (for he had not yet been killed)—having sent to the Emperor, promised obedience. But after some time had passed, a minister of Joannes Uladisthlavus arrived, reporting the murder of Gabriel by his master, and many others among the illustrious Bulgarians flocked to the Emperor. Realizing, however, that Uladisthlavus was not planning according to his promises, the Emperor made an incursion into Bulgaria again, having carried out pillaging far and wide, and having captured the royal city of the Bulgarians, Achrida, and taken other castles through his generals, he returned to Constantinople. C But finding war again brought against the Barbarians, he killed many of the Bulgarians and captured others, while taking some alive. The Bulgarian ruler, Joannes Uladisthlavus, meanwhile, launched an attack against Dyrrhachium, and while laying siege to it, he fell, having ruled the nation for two years and five months. Learning of this, the Emperor immediately set out, and as he reached Adrianople, certain illustrious Bulgarians approached him, surrendering to him Pernikos and thirty-five other fortifications; many other of these Barbarians also flocked to him. Maria, the wife of Joannes Uladisthlavus, also arrived shortly after, having been sent with letters to him by David, the Archbishop of Bulgaria, promising to surrender Bulgaria to him if she could obtain what she wished; she came with three sons and six daughters. D There are also three other sons of hers, Prusianus with two brothers, who had fled into the mountains; finding the fortifications occupied, they were compelled to entrust themselves to the Emperor’s loyalty. Of these, he made Prusianus a *magistros* and the others patricians. With the whole of Bulgaria subdued, and some castles razed and others fortified and put under just garrisons, he set out for Athens to fulfill vows to the Mother of God; and after dedicating many precious gifts in her temple, he returned to the imperial city and led a triumph, adorned with a straight tiara, which the common people call a *tupha*.
a name I suppose derived from the pride it breeds, as it causes those who are bound by it to become arrogant. In this manner, he arrived at the Church of the Word of God, B and therein offered his thanks to the Lord. The patriarch, who was present there, entreated him at great length to abolish the *allelengyon*, but he could not obtain his request, even though the emperor had promised he would do so if he were to overcome the Bulgarians. This Patriarch Sergius, having shepherded the Church for twenty years, departed this life, and Eustathius, who had presided over the priests of the palace church, was appointed prelate of the Church of Constantinople. C Upon the subjugation of Bulgaria, the nations of the Croatians also submitted to the Roman sovereignty, as did Sirmium. Then the emperor set out on an expedition against Abasgia, because its prince had violated their pacts. When he reached that place, Xiphias and Nicephorus, the son of Bardas Phocas, both patricians, revolted behind his back; but their rebellion was quickly extinguished, for Xiphias killed Phocas, and then was himself seized and led away in chains to the Queen of Cities. Having just rid himself of the anxieties surrounding this tyranny, the emperor clashed with the Abasgians, D and a fierce battle ensued in which many fell on both sides and the struggle was evenly matched. Then, when the war broke out again, the Romans were victorious, and the prince of the Abasgians, George, fled into the deeper parts of Iberia. Shortly after, having sued for terms, he yielded to the emperor as much territory as the sovereign desired, providing his son Pancratius as a hostage. Having accomplished these things, the emperor returned. He had also been contemplating an expedition to Sicily, but his plan did not come to pass, for his life was already nearing its end.
Shortly before he passed away, the patriarch Eustathios died, having presided over the Church of the Orthodox for eight years 97. As the emperor was lying ill, Alexios, who at that time held the administration of the monastery of Stoudios, came to the emperor, bringing with him the sacred head of the Honorable Forerunner. The emperor immediately appointed him patriarch, and that very evening he departed this life, having lived and reigned for seventy-two years, and having ruled alone for fifty of those years; for the rest of the time he had reigned jointly with his father, then with Phokas, and after him with Tzimiskes 98.
X. A Since Basil has now died in his old age, his kinsman immediately seized the power—Constantine, I mean—who was but a little younger than him in age. Being of an indolent and relaxed disposition, or perhaps having arrived at a lifestyle given to ease and idleness (for his kinsman had never shared any imperial business with him), even after taking control of affairs he maintained the same standard of life. He handed over the administration of public affairs to others, and not to those who had already demonstrated their worth, but to men who were not only low-born, but not even of free condition, foreigners who were unable to speak correctly, but spoke exactly like barbarians. He gave himself over to B luxuries, for he was conquered by his belly and by sensual pleasures, and he was mad about dice and the theaters, and indeed also about hunting. He was tall in the bulk of his body and very noble in strength, but cowardly in his soul’s disposition; hence, he did not decide to appease the assaults of the barbarians through warfare, but rather through gifts and dignities. He punished his subjects even on the basis of mere suspicion, and he easily lent an ear to calumnies; he was quick to anger, yet not so tenacious in his wrath as his brother, and was more placable, feeling remorse if he had treated someone badly. Many of those he punished he deprived of light, cutting out their eyes; he deemed this punishment milder than others, and used it more often, as it rendered those condemned to it incapable of action. As a young man, he took as his wife Helena 99, the daughter of Alypios, a man who at that time was among the most prominent, and from her he had three daughters.
Others among the ancient emperors Prepared for themselves foreign tombs. But I, Basil, born of the purple, Enter a tomb in the midst of the land of the Hebdomon, And I grant a Sabbath rest to the immeasurable toils Which I endured in battles, which I bore with constancy. For from the time God called me to be emperor, No one has seen my spear at rest, And of this the Scythians and Persians bear witness, Along with the Ishmaelite, the Abasgian, the Iberian, and the Arab.
A He had children from her, and though he lost the mother who bore them to death, the daughters were raised in the palace. The eldest, Eudokia, having had her beauty marred by a pestilential disease, was consecrated to God by His will; the rest, however, remained with their father, who had become sole ruler, and he considered nothing regarding them that befitted a father. He was generous with his hand to those around him, yet he did not rightly apply this virtue, whence he fell into opposing vices. For to those around him, the barbarians were slaves whom he himself had acquired and castrated, and he possessed chamberlains and eunuchs, whom he honored and deemed worthy of the highest offices, bestowing upon them whole wagons of money, while to others he extended his hand very sparingly. Such, then, were the sentiments of this emperor. Let the discourse now relate the external events that occurred.
The Patzinaks (these are Scythians, as has been said before), having crossed the Ister, caused no small damage to the region of Bulgaria. But Constantine Diogenes, who governed Sirmium and was also called the Duke of Bulgaria, went out against them, B routed them, and compelled them to remain quiet, having forced them back across the Ister. When Emperor Basil died (for he had granted the tribute-paying subjects a respite, as taxes were owed for two years), this man exacted the taxes of the preceding years and those for the three years of his own reign without mercy, and this at a time when a great drought occurred during the entire period of his reign, whence the poor were utterly destroyed.
The strategy commander of Samos defeated a fleet of Hagarenes that had sailed against the so-called Cyclades islands, capturing twelve ships together with their crews and scattering the rest. Now, the emperor, having already reached an advanced old age, and being afflicted by another disease in addition to the wasting of senility, was deliberating about who should succeed to the empire. He decided, therefore, to make the patrician Constantine Dalassenos his son-in-law by one of his daughters and his successor as emperor, and he sent men to summon him from the Armeniac province, where he was living. But before his arrival, Constantine changed his mind and chose as successor to the empire and as husband to his daughter a certain leading man, sprung from a noble lineage and elevated to the rank of prefect. But since the matter was difficult, because that illustrious man, Romanus Argyrus, had a wife, what did he contrive? He feigned a most grievous and sudden anger against the man and sent satellites to lead him to punishment, and to have his wife’s hair shorn and to transfer her to another mode of life. She, ignorant of the pretense, accepted the change with a ready mind, and having had her hair cut, she assumed black garments. But he, having been brought to the palace, married the other daughter of the emperor; for it was said that the third daughter refused to marry him because his previous wife had been unwillingly separated from him. Thus, having been declared Caesar, he married Zoe. Constantine, however, three days after the wedding, paid the debt of nature, being over seventy years old, having held the empire for three years, less one month.
A XI. Romanus, subsequently, who was called Argyropolus, seized the scepter, and at once utterly extirpated the *allelengyon* tax; and for the chanters of God assigned to the Great Church, he increased the imperial distribution of gold coins usually granted from the treasury, knowing that the allowance provided to them was insufficient, since he had once been a great administrator (*oikonomos*) of the Church of the Word of God, before he had been permitted by the emperor to appoint the administrators of that same church. Those who were bound by public or private debt he liberated—the public ones by abolition, the private ones by paying them off. On behalf of his father-in-law, the Emperor Constantine, he distributed a great sum of money; he ransomed very many captives; he refreshed the bishops who had been driven to penury by the *allelengyon* tax; and he comforted those who had been afflicted by the late emperor, whether by bodily mutilation, confiscation of property, or other means.
But Prusianos the *magistros*, a Bulgarian, having been suspected of secretly plotting with Theodora, the sister of Augusta Zoe, and coveting the kingdom, was seized and held in custody, and afterwards blinded; Theodora was relegated to Petrion; and Constantine Diogenes, the husband of the emperor’s niece (the daughter of his sister), having been accused of meditating tyranny, was bound and cast into a tower.
However, George, the prince of Abasgia, having died, his widow sought a renewal of the treaty and a wife for her son. The emperor renewed the treaty and sent Helen, the child of his brother Basil, to Abasgia as a bride, having honored her bridegroom, Pancratius, with the title of Curopalates. C The emperor also desired and prepared to launch an attack against Chalep, which is also called Berroia. For although the emperors Nicephorus and John had subjected many cities of Phoenicia and Syria to the Roman empire, Basil, who succeeded them, being occupied with the Bulgarian wars, had no leisure to secure these cities. Yet, as long as he lived, they did not dare to openly cast off the yoke of servitude. But when Constantine had obtained the scepter and was governing the empire in a relaxed manner, the descendants of Hagar, thinking this was a convenient time to carry out what they had been planning, attacked the garrisons of the cities and dealt with them. D Indeed, the prince of Chalep, by frequent raids and pillaging, was harassing Antioch itself and other neighboring peoples of Syria under Roman rule; from whom the Duke of Antioch, while Constantine was still alive, had been shamefully defeated, and having lost most of his men, had barely escaped; to whom Romanus, having appointed a successor, went himself to war. But when, on the march, the envoys from Chalep met him with many gifts, seeking peace and the renewal of servitude, he gave them his daughter Zoe as a wife.
A. But the leaders of the cities themselves became masters.
The chief of Chalep, making continuous raids, pillaged Antioch itself and all the nations neighboring the land of the Syrians and subject to the Romans. The Duke of Antioch, having drawn up a line of battle against him while the Emperor Constantine was still living, was shamefully defeated; and having lost most of those with him, he was barely able to flee. Romanos, stripping him of his command, appointed another. But he, too, set out, and as he was leaving, envoys sent by the Chalepian approached with expensive gifts, asking to obtain pardon, to renew their servitude, and to pay the tributes that had happened to be late, and to pay these annually with gratitude in the future.
The Emperor, although many men distinguished in military strategy advised him against moving forward as unprofitable and counseled him to make a treaty, was not deterred from his impulse, but imagined it would be easy to overcome the Agarenes, thinking that by succeeding in this he would gain for himself a great and overweening reputation. He went into Syria B and pitched his camp. But the Arabs, men of little equipment, daring riders on swift horses, and unarmored, lay in ambush on both sides of the camp; and if any went out to forage or fetch water, they would make an attack and slay or capture them, so that the soldiers and their horses were exhausted by thirst. Then, having become more accustomed to these incursions and condemning the Romans for cowardice, the Arabs suddenly rushed down from the heights, raised a barbarian shout, and, by scattering, created the impression of a great multitude, for they did not run in a dense line but loosely, and they invaded the camp without any order, terrified the entire army, and put it to flight. The Emperor himself would have been captured, abandoned without guards by his panicked bodyguard, had not someone lifted him onto a horse and urged him to flee, as he was almost dead with fear.
The Romans, therefore, fled in disorder, running as each chanced to go. But the Barbarians, stunned by the unexpected flight, did not pursue the fugitives, but ran against the camp, captured a few of the more prominent men, plundered the royal tent—which was full of wealth of every kind and royal luxuries—and, loading the rest of the baggage onto their horses, they returned.
C XII. The Emperor was taken safely to Antioch by the efforts of his men, and from there he ran back to Constantinople, no longer showing the same disposition of soul, but changed for the worse. For in order to balance what had been lost, he became an exactor instead of an emperor, and a bitter accountant, demanding from the children the old debts of their fathers, and lighting fires against his subjects that the long passage of time had already extinguished or buried under ashes. From this, many were driven from their ancestral homes and lands, and, despoiled of their former wealth, were driven to utter poverty. Yet when these things were done, nothing was brought into the public treasury, but he consumed that money—and even that taken from the fisc—on a magnificent monastery and a temple built in honor of the Mother of God, while, as he says, he relentlessly demanded what was owed and expended what was due. From this point, conversing with base opinions and living with evil-minded thoughts, he changed in soul and turned his judgment toward actions that were not good.
A He tore down, he built up, he changed squares into rounds. He supplied expenses for monks—not those suited for that way of life, but ones suited for delicate and voluptuous men—sanctifying to them, from public funds, entire provinces and cities, and those the richest and most fertile. But enough of these matters.
Amer, the son of the Chalepite, having entered the royal city, renewed the peace obtained from the emperor by means of many gifts. The empress Zoe, having set out for the Petrium, tonsured her sister Theodora as a nun. After the emperor had departed from the city, Constantine Diogenes, aspiring to the throne and intending to flee to Illyricum, was captured; and being interrogated, he threw himself down and chose to die rather than be forced by violence to betray his accomplices. At these times the Arabs invaded Mesopotamia, the Patzinaks invaded Bulgaria, and the Agarenes invaded the seacoast of Illyricum. The Roman fleet, engaging these alone, set fire to and burned most of their ships; those who had escaped from the battle perished in the Sicilian sea due to a storm.
Again, about a thousand ships set sail from Africa, and they ravaged many islands and certain maritime places. But Roman triremes, encountering a portion of them, destroyed many and captured five hundred alive, who were sent to the emperor in chains. Georgius Maniaces, the protospatharius, being commander of the cities along the Euphrates, captured Edessa, where he found the letter of our God and Savior Jesus Christ written by His own hand, which he sent to the emperor.
Furthermore, as famine pressed upon Cappadocia, Armenia, and Paphlagonia, and as locusts were infesting almost the whole East, many were compelled to leave their native land and seek new homes; the emperor, having relieved them with distributions of gold, persuaded them to return again to their own lands. When earthquakes occurred, the hospitals and buildings in Byzantium, which had long been assigned as a place of refuge for those whose bodies were afflicted by the sacred disease or infected with leprosy, were ruined; the emperor restored these, and also repaired the aqueduct of the city that had been fractured. B C
Variæ lectiones et notæ (4) To the Mother of God, [named] the Peribleptos. Michael Psellus, lib. iii, Hist. ms., mentioning that he wished to adorn the Mother of God more beautifully than others, and [naming it] incorrectly, named it in a more human fashion; though the name is "Peribleptos" (well-respected), as "Peribleptos" truly is. To these, another addition had occurred, and the temple became a monastery. (5) The Petrium. We have explained what the Petrium is in the Notes to the Alexiad, p. 249. It was, of course, a place outside the city towards the Ceratine gulf, in which various buildings and monasteries were constructed, in which he [the emperor] would immerse himself in the church of the holy protomartyr Stephen, called the Petrian. (6) Georgius Maniaces. I have both seen and admired this man; nature had bestowed upon him as much as is appropriate for one who is to lead an army. For he had risen to ten feet in height; and those looking at him gazed upward as if at a hill or the peak of a mountain. D
XIII. The manner of his death
A His life was now drawing to a close, and it must be related how he died. Having recently attained the empire, he promised himself long periods of both life and rule, although he was already sixty years old, and he dreamed that he would leave a successor to the empire sprung from his own loins; nor did he consider that the empress whom he had in marriage, being fifty years of age, was, with a worn-out womb, unsuited for receiving seed for conception. At the beginning he engaged with great intensity in sexual intercourse, using certain ointments and hanging small stones upon his wife that were thought to aid in conception; she bore all this, not even abhorring spells and incantations. But when he perceived that all was in vain and that he could not become master of his desire, he was not affected towards his wife as before; he visited her more rarely, being by nature quite sluggish and soft regarding intercourse, and then, too, B his ability was dulled by age. Thus, when several years of his reign had passed, he turned away from the empress; and she, stung by both contempt for herself and by lust, was moved to hatred of her husband. There was, moreover, a eunuch who had been a servant to Romanos while he was still a private citizen, whose brother, Michael, had been endowed by nature with exquisite beauty; he, once commended to the emperor by his brother, had been admitted among the ministers of the bedchamber. The empress, captivated by love for him, burned in her soul, and her daily sight of his beauty fanned that flame. Although she had formerly hated that eunuch, she now began to call for him, and judged him worthy of more familiar conversation, and then began to inquire of him about his brother Michael. When this happened frequently, the sharp-witted man grasped the love at work and advised his brother that he should meet the empress, and if he were tempted by her, he should not be bashful, but should touch her, and kiss her, and embrace her. C Why say more? Their love advanced even to the point of coitus, and the matter at length reached such a state that the woman’s affection for Michael broke out openly, and it was whispered about not only in the palace but also in the public squares, unknown only to the emperor, who, while lying in the same bed with the empress, ordered Michael to rub his feet. Indeed, who would not believe that he also touched the feet of the woman? Thus the emperor became practically a pimp and roommate for both. But when his sister Pulcheria and others made the story known to him and warned him to be on his guard, he did nothing else than summon the one suspected by him to ask if he was loved by the empress? And when he bound him with an oath as he denied and disclaimed it, he thought the words of the others were calumny because the man had perjured himself. D As for Michael, it is said that an atrocious illness took hold of him on account of that perjury; for, as some relate, at certain intervals he was both alienated in mind, and he distorted his eyes, and was seized by tremors, and fell to the ground; then he came to himself.
This he underwent many times even in the presence of the emperor; but he, pitying Michael for his affliction, thought the reports even more false, and believed that he was neither in love with her nor was she with him, since he was in such a state. There are some, however, who say that the emperor was not ignorant of the love, but knowing that the empress was lustful and deranged in matters of desire, he endured her inclination toward Michael, feigning ignorance, so that she might not have affairs with many. While things were in such a state, the autocrat fell ill, and his face was swollen, and his breathing was continuous, and his appearance resembled a dead man, and the greater part of his head was bald, for the hairs had fallen off. It is said, indeed, that the man was worked upon by poisonous drugs. B Being in such a condition, he went away to a bath in the palace to wash, and he went away neither supported by hands, nor expected to die immediately. When he had cleansed his body, he entered into the swimming pool there, where they say the whole drama was consummated: for they say that certain persons pressed his head down into the water for a long time, and that he was pulled out from there almost lifeless, and laid upon a bed. A rumor having arisen concerning this, the empress also approached, lamenting, as it were, for that misfortune, and having been assured of the death of the emperor, she departed immediately. He, having survived for a short time speechless, then bringing up something rather black through his mouth, gave up the ghost, having reigned for five years and a half; educated in literature, and having partaken of Greek learning, and not ignorant of the laws of the state, but he believed and boasted that he knew more than he truly did.
XIV.
Having met with this end of life, the empress was entirely intent on seating Michael on the throne of the empire, and although those around her, that is to say her paternal attendants, advised her to give delay to the matter and to deliberate, she did not tolerate it, being hurried toward the fulfillment of the task, and also by the eunuch John, the brother of Michael, who had whispered to her secretly that we shall all perish immediately if any delay is interposed in the business. Therefore, having immediately taken Michael, and having clothed him in royal attire, and having herself bound his head with the diadem, and having seated him on the royal chair, and sitting beside him herself, she exhorted all who were then present both to acclaim and to worship him. Some, however, have recorded that the sacred marriage ceremony also took place for them D that very night, with the patriarch Alexius having been summoned to the palace, who found Romanus dead and Michael already conducting the auspices of the empire. Indeed, this deed having been bruited abroad outside as well, the whole city acknowledged the new emperor.A Partying, some did so to gratify him, while others rejoiced because they were freed from the hatred of the deceased. The empress, however, thinking that she had taken the best measures for herself and that, with all authority transferred to her, she would have Michael merely in the role of a minister, was deceived in her expectation. For at first, indeed, he feigned his former love, mollifying the woman with obsequiousness and doing those things which were grateful and pleasant to her. But when he could not prolong this simulation for very long, having changed his character, he began to hold her in suspicion; and fearing for himself, he removed from the palace her eunuchs—those familiar attendants of hers—and separating her usual handmaidens from her, he substituted others to attend to her. Furthermore, he sealed off the women’s apartments from her, placed a guard around them, and allowed no one to approach her unless they had explained to the prefect of the guards from where and for what purpose they had come. For he was afraid, having within himself the provocations for fear. Michael is said to have been driven to these things all the more by his brother, B John the eunuch. For that man was sharp and keen, of an obscure disposition, mercurial toward those with whom he dealt, quick, tireless in the mass of his cares, and neither given to banquets nor to wine. Consequently, he never slackened in his zeal for managing public affairs. Such was the state of the empress. As for Michael, having taken up the care of common affairs, while his disease grew heavier—which some interpreted as the vengeance of the Divinity, having fallen upon him for his perjury, and which throttled the man just as Saul was once troubled, while others called it madness and derangement—the entire governance of the empire fell to the eunuch John, although he had long since put on the monastic habit, yet professing that manner of life only in his attire. C But Constantine Dalassenus, the patrician, residing at home, and having heard about the new emperor, was indignant that the supreme power (*summa rerum*) had devolved upon such a man. Therefore, Michael, together with his own, was fiercely perturbed, fearing lest Dalassenus attempt to seize the kingdom. Accordingly, John dispatched a certain man to confirm to him with an oath that he would be in fear of nothing harmful, and to persuade the man to come and meet the emperor. Having come, he was kindly received by the emperor, increased in gifts and dignity, and ordered to reside in the city. But Nicetas, the emperor’s brother, who had been appointed as Duke of Antioch at Daphne, was not admitted into the city by the Antiochenes. For having killed a certain collector of public taxes, because they thought they had been treated too harshly by him, and fearing lest they pay the penalties for this crime, they had closed the gates against him; nor did they admit him until he had confirmed with an oath that that murder would not be to their detriment. However, in no way deterred by that oath, he killed many, and having bound certain distinguished citizens and sent them to the great city, he wrote to his brother John that he had been excluded by the Antiochenes because of their benevolence toward Dalassenus. D Hence, Dalassenus was relegated to the island of Plate, and Constantine Ducas, his son-in-law, complaining of the injustice and not concealing the perjury, was shut up in a certain tower. Afterward, Dalassenus also was transferred from Plate and confined in a tower. At that time, the Agarenes captured Myra; the Patzinacae carried out raids throughout the Roman provinces. The Antiochene duke, Nicetas,
having ended his life, Constantine, who was also a brother of the emperor, succeeded him in Antioch, and his other brother was appointed protovestiarius. However, a fleet of Agarenes sailing out from Africa and Sicily was harassing the islands and the coastal regions. But a Roman fleet sailing against them sank many of their ships with their crews, and took many alive; some of these were sent to the emperor, while others were impaled along the shore. B Pancratius, the prince of Abasgia—to whom the emperor Romanus had betrothed his own niece—dissolved the peace treaty with the Romans and reclaimed the strongholds and cities he had previously yielded to the Romans, perhaps to avenge the insult offered by the Romans to the emperor, the uncle of his wife. The Patzinacae often crossed the Ister and treated the provinces cruelly, putting all captives to death. The Arabs besieged Edessa and would have taken the city, had not Constantine, the duke of Antioch and brother of the emperor, brought them aid; the emperor rewarded his diligence by appointing him Domestic of the Eastern legions.
XV. C When the prince who ruled Egypt, Amere, died, his widow, who was a Christian, sought to make peace with the Romans along with her son; and the emperor ratified a thirty-year truce with them. Two Saracen brothers, who were ruling over Sicily, had a falling out between themselves, and one of them fled to the Roman emperor, asking for an alliance. Accordingly, the patrician George Maniaces was sent to his aid, having been appointed strategos of Longobardia. But before Maniaces could reach Sicily, the rulers of that place were reconciled to one another, and, attempting to bar Maniaces from entering the island, they summoned reinforcements from Carthage. D Yet, when battle was joined, the Roman army prevailed, and after a great slaughter of the Carthaginians was carried out, Maniaces first sacked thirteen cities; then, by advancing little by little, he restored the whole of Sicily to the Roman Empire. Edessa, however, was nearly taken by the Arabs through a ruse. For twelve of their princes brought five hundred camels to Edessa, each bearing two chests, and each of the chests contained an armed man. They claimed they were going to the emperor to present gifts, but if they had been admitted, they intended to draw their weapons by night and seize the city. The praetor honorably received the princes who entered to see him, while their servants remained outside the city with the camels. But when a certain Armenian beggar, who was skilled in the Arabic language, [was] near...
Variæ lectiones et notæ. (10) Καὶ τοῖς Πατζινάκαις λεία γέγονε τῶν Μυσῶν. Notum proverbium, de quo in notis ad Alexiadem quædam attigimus. In Alexii Comneni Novella apud Balsamomen ad Nomocan. p. 140, 1 edit. Τὰ Φρυγῶν καὶ Μυσῶν, ἡ παροιμία.
παροιμία. A They wished, if they were permitted to bring the chests inside, to lead out the armed men within them by night and capture the city. When the leaders entered to the general of the city, he received them hospitably. Those serving them, however, were still outside the city with the camels. A certain Armenian beggar, who also knew the Arabs’ dialect, approached the Arabs bivouacking outside, intending to beg; he heard one asking from a chest where they were. He went into the city and reported this drama to the general. The latter left the Arab leaders feasting in the city, but went out himself with his attendants and, breaking open the chests, killed all the armed men inside them; then, returning again into the city, he struck down the remaining leaders with the sword. One, however, he mutilated by cutting off his hands, ears, and nose, so that he might report the disaster to those back home.
When the Carthaginian learned of the destruction of the troops he had sent into Sicily, he himself campaigned to the island with a larger force. Maniakes encamped against the Agarenes, and instructed the commander of the fleet, the patrician Stephen—the emperor’s brother-in-law (for he too had been sent along with the fleet)—to guard the coastline diligently, so that the Carthaginian, if defeated, might not be able to escape. When battle was joined, a multitude of Africans perished, almost greater than could be expressed by number, but their leader escaped from the battle, boarded a small boat, and, deceiving the sailors, escaped back home. Maniakes took this very hard and insulted the commander of the fleet. B Being confident in his relationship to the emperor, however, Stephen took these insults with an ill temper and retorted something in turn; Maniakes, inflamed with anger, struck him. Stephen immediately wrote to his brother-in-law, the eunuch John, the so-called Orphanotrophos, slandering Maniakes as attempting a rebellion. For that reason, Maniakes was put in chains, led to the city, and committed to custody, with all authority transferred to Stephen.
Not long after, the island returned under the power of the Agarenes due to the commander’s inexperience, negligence, and especially his avarice; only Messana (which is also a city of Sicily) was preserved for the Romans through the valor of the prefect Catacalon Kekaumenos, who also slaughtered many thousands of the enemy. The emperor’s brother, the eunuch John, harboring a burning desire to manage the affairs of the Church, C won over some of the high priests, who promised him they would remove Patriarch Alexius, on the grounds that he had not been appointed by common suffrage but by imperial authority. The latter, however, retorted: "If you assert that I have become patriarch against the canons, then let those also who were ordained by me be removed." This reply caused the other priests to desert the patriarch's accusers, and the Orphanotrophos was left without his desire.
Since he was most clever at devising schemes of gain and harassed his subjects with many unusual exactions, it happened that his sister Maria, the mother of Michael Cataphates who later became emperor, returned from Ephesus after fulfilling her vows and told him how miserably the subjects were being treated by those new exactions, and begged that the burden be lightened. D The Orphanotrophos replied to her with a laugh, saying that she felt this way because she was a woman and did not know how much money the empire required. Zoe, the empress, is said to have laid a trap for him: she persuaded the physician, who was about to give him a purgative potion, with gifts and promises to offer poison instead of a salutary medicine; but he, having observed the trap, perished.
the danger. A Thus were the public affairs administered by John the Orphanotrophos. His brothers, however, were no less harassing to everyone, being most unjust and greedy men; although the emperor hated them for this reason, the elder brother, the eunuch John, would not allow them to be restrained, sometimes offering excuses for them, at other times covering their crimes so that they might not come to the emperor's attention.
XVI. B But as the disease grew, and fits of mental derangement began to afflict him frequently, the emperor neither appeared in public often, nor did he use royal processions, nor did he answer petitions while seated openly upon the imperial throne; instead, curtains were hung around him, and certain men appointed to watch him would stand around, and whenever they saw some sign of the mental derangement (for many things gave him advance warning of this), they would immediately draw the curtains C around him, and, shielding the sufferer with these, would command the bystanders to withdraw. As the affliction seized him suddenly, so it also departed suddenly. In this state, Michael gradually refrained from the sight and approach of the Empress, whether out of shame that he repaid such great benefits with such a return; or because he was ashamed to be seen by her in the state of suffering into which he was so often and so suddenly snatched; or because his body’s condition had wasted away and he was now unfit for conjugal relations. D Some, indeed, say that having confessed the sins of adultery and the murder of the emperor to certain spiritual men, he received from them other commands, as well as the mandate to abstain from sensual pleasures; for this reason he also distributed much money, built sacred houses, and travelled to Thessalonica, beseeching the glorious martyr Demetrius that he might find some remedy for his condition. Furthermore, a dropsy was added to his illness. When his brother John saw him thus, fearing that if the emperor were suddenly to perish, the empire would revert to Zoe by hereditary right, and he himself along with his whole family would be wiped out, he persuaded the emperor with plausible arguments to name his nephew Michael, the son of his sister, Caesar and successor to the empire; and because Zoe was the heir to this, as has been said, he also dealt with her by guile. Thus they pretended that the noble matron was the mother of the ignoble boy. For both brothers spoke with her concerning this matter, [urging that] Michael [be named] her son
She, neither daring to gainsay their wishes—being naturally compliant and easily led in her judgment—agreed. The senate and those who filled the roles of the imperial retinue (14) were summoned by proclamation to the divine temple in Blachernae; the empress was then brought forward, stepped inside the chancel rails of the altar, and there formally adopted Michael, embracing him as her son. The emperor immediately appointed him Caesar, and the assembly acclaimed him. John believed he had now accomplished everything and had secured the empire for his own family, but in that very act he brought about the utter ruin of himself and all his kin, as the narrative will show in due course.
XVII. As for the Bulgarians, who, as has been recounted, had been subjugated by the Emperor Basil and their own kingdom dismantled, they bore the yoke of slavery for a time. B Eventually, however, while they were pondering how to shake it off and refusing to obey orders, they lacked a leader and mastermind. A man named Dolianus, obscure of birth but full of guile and craftiness, having fled, it is said, from Byzantium, claimed he was the natural, though not legitimate, son of Aaron (who was the brother of Samuel, the prince of the Bulgarians), and was chosen king by the Barbarians. From that time on, the nation openly defected and turned to brigandage. A general was therefore sent with an army to check the incursions of the raiders. But because he treated his own soldiers badly, he provoked them against himself and would have perished had he not fled by night. The army under him, fearing punishment, defected and chose from among their own number a man named Tichomerus, of Bulgarian birth, as their leader, C and named him King of Bulgaria. Thus the affairs of the Bulgarians were divided, with some flocking to Dolianus and others to Tichomerus. But Dolianus attacked his rival with treachery, summoning him to a partnership in the leadership and in the war against the Romans, and he agreed. When the two leaders had thus united and the multitude of the Bulgarians had gathered, Dolianus spoke to those assembled, saying that the Bulgarian nation would never be safe while governed by two leaders, and that if they wished for their own safety, they must remove one of them from the midst. "If you know me to be of the lineage of Samuel," he said, "remove Tichomerus. But if not, obey him and remove me." At this, a clamor was raised, D and he was acclaimed king by all. Tichomerus was overwhelmed with stones. Having thus gained power, Dolianus captured Dyrrachium, attacked Greece, and took Nicopolis with the surrounding countryside, the citizens having voluntarily surrendered because they could no longer endure the insatiable rapacity of the Orphanotrophos; and, as the proverb has it, he made the Roman territories a prey for the Mysians. The emperor, upon being notified of the revolt, was incited to capture its author, declaring it unjust that a man who had contributed nothing to the empire should suffer any part of it to be seized by anyone. But because his [the emperor's] own safety was now despaired of.
A (for the dropsy had already mastered him, and his body was swollen), his kinsmen restrained him from the campaign with their entreaties, and the leading men of the senate did not approve of his plan. But he, strengthened by zeal and opposing the weakness of his body with the force of his spirit, set out against the rebels, and the event was a thing of wonder. For while he was distressed by his disease at night, and was not expected to rise on the morrow, at the first light of day he was seen on horseback, and he preceded the army. As he had arrived in the borders of the Bulgarians, he prepared for a pitched battle. Thus, as the battalions were engaged with one another, a certain event B quickly granted the victory to the emperor without any effort. For the son of that Aaron, the patrician Alusianus, who was among the Romans and had offended the sovereign in some way, had been condemned to remain at home and neither to frequent the royal palace nor to enter Byzantium at all, unless he were granted permission to enter. He was, therefore, despondent on account of these things; but when he learned of the defection of the nation and the election of Dolianus to rule over it, he escaped from his house and changed his attire, putting on the garb of an Armenian and pretending to be a servant of Theodorocanus. Making his way to the camp, he reached the Bulgarians. But he did not immediately reveal himself; while conversing with some, he reminded them of Aaron, and said: "If any of his children were present, would C the legitimate son seem to you preferable for the leadership of the nation to the bastard?" When all would have prayed for it to be ruled by a legitimate son of Aaron, and for their kingdom to be restored again to a man of undisputed standing who belonged clearly to the ancient royal lineage, he disclosed the secret to one of those to whom the family of Aaron was better known. He, having searched his features with his eyes more curiously, and then also knowing of a certain sign present on him that was indubitable, sought to see this as well. That sign was D on his right elbow, a certain black spot, surrounded by thick hair. When he had seen this, with every doubt now removed, he prostrated himself, embraced the man's feet, and taught the others also that a man of royal blood was present. Many, therefore, torn away from that ambiguous leader, betook themselves to the legitimate one. But as they judged that the kingdom could not possibly stand while the empire was divided and the princes were in disagreement with one another, they made a pact between themselves to administer the state by common counsel, although each was nonetheless suspicious of and plotting against the other. In truth, Alusianus, being readier for treachery, forestalled the trickery of Dolianus. For having prepared a banquet and invited his colleague, he seized the wretched man during their drinking and blinded him. Having now gained sole possession of the rule of the Scythian nation, he ordered it to be secretly announced to the emperor that he would surrender to him, if he were received mercifully, and—oh, the judgments of God!—the emperor, even while ignoring all that is wont to enervate the body, neither counting the double exhaustion of his frame, nor the length of the road, nor the hopelessness of the war, nor anything else, sets out from the city and campaigns against the nation that has revolted; he is arrayed for battle, and rides on his horse a corpse.
A Having seen this also, and no longer being able to hesitate, he throws himself down before the man, and embraces his feet; he also instructs the others who had come to them in the imperial line. And many, breaking away from the doubters, attached themselves to the true heir, and the authority was divided. But as the kingdom would not entirely be secured for them if the leaders were at odds with one another, they act in common and make a treaty; yet they also suspected and laid traps for one another. But Alousianos was found to be sharper regarding the plot, and he forestalled the treachery of Dolianos. Having prepared a drinking party, and having taken his co-ruler as a guest, he attacks him as they are drinking, and gouges out the wretch’s eyes; and from then on, the Scythian matter subsides into a single authority. Then, through secret messages, he signifies to the emperor that he wishes to go over to his side, if he might receive his favor, and will not lack commensurate rewards. He accepted the petition and promised to reward him worthily. And he immediately came, and was honored with the rank of magister. The emperor at once goes against the nation; and it, being leaderless and scattered, was not with difficulty overcome, and again submitted to the Roman government, and the emperor returned to Byzantium, and led a triumph, having brought many captives into it, and Dolianos himself, deprived of his sight.
Now the emperor was in poor health, and already he approached the dissolution of his physical frame. He therefore disdains the authority, and departs from the palaces, and goes to the monastery which he himself had established before the walls B of the city, which he named after the call of the wonder-working Anargyroi. Having come there, he puts off the purple and all other signs of the imperial office, and is shorn of his hair, and undergoes the sacred rite, and puts on the cloak of humility in Christ, and girds himself with the divine skin, the symbol of voluntary dying, as one already dead against his will. When, therefore, the fact was reported to the empress, she goes out on foot from the palaces, and arrived at that place. But he bars the gates to her, and denies her entrance to him, I do not know if out of shame for what he had shown toward her, or because he was entirely given over to repentance, and did not wish to come into the memory of his old disposition toward her. She, then, not having met with Michael, returned. He, having survived his change of life for a short time, transferred his life to the eternal dwellings, until his final breath lamenting the crime committed by him against the emperor Romanos. He had been a kind and gentle emperor, as far as it depended on him, but his brothers sprinkled a stain of disgrace upon his goodness. He is said by some to have held the Roman scepter for seven years, and by others for something more.
XVIII. The Roman Empire comes to the Caesar, through the efforts of his maternal uncle.
For Michael...annaling. The emperor had indeed named him Caesar, as A we have written above, but as if repenting of the deed, he did not maintain his goodwill toward him. Whence his lodging was fixed outside the city, and he was not permitted to approach the emperor unless he were summoned. But when the emperor had departed from the palace, as has been said, his brothers forged letters in the emperor's name, by which access to the palace was permitted to him.
When he had come, the Orphanotrophus advised that he should undertake no business without the consent of the empress. Therefore they go to her, and with the Caesar prostrated at her feet, they remind her of the adoption, and, pledging their faith, they swear most sacredly that Michael would be emperor in name only, but that all authority should be hers, and that she might use them just as if they were slaves bought with copper and scales [i.e., absolute property]. With these things they deluded and charmed her—a woman who was otherwise easily led—so that they brought her to their own will. B And the scepter is placed in Michael’s hand, and he is crowned with the imperial diadem, being unworthy of it, not so much on account of his base and obscure lineage (for his father was accustomed to caulk ships), as for the depravity of his character. He was, in truth, of a deceitful disposition, of an iniquitous and ungrateful spirit, respecting neither the laws of kinship nor friendship; his tongue, moreover, was in disagreement and discord with the sentiments of his mind, accustomed to hide one thing and say another. Added to these things was a singular envy. In difficult times he was servile and ignoble, irascible and fickle: yet in such a way that he inclined more easily from benevolence to malevolence for any reason, than from anger to clemency. Although he was such, he ascended to the helm of the empire, to the ruin and destruction of his uncle the Orphanotrophus, and of his whole family. Nor for long did he maintain his feigned and simulated manners, but after a very few days he called his uncle Despot, C deigning to have him sit with him, and he referred all things to him. Then gradually he withdrew some of the honor: afterwards in most affairs he rendered his authority as nothing, and did now one thing and now another, which would vex him. Although he condemned the zeal he had shown for his nephew, nevertheless he did not know what to do at the present: but secretly, pondering I know not what in his mind, he approached the emperor more rarely. For a controversy arose between him and his brother Constantine, to whom alone of all his kin the emperor adhered and had granted the title of Nobbelissimos; since the emperor had not punished him, on account of John having been upbraided more harshly in his presence: John, exacerbated by the pain of the insult, withdrew further from the city. Having learned this, he drew a great part of the senate to himself, not because he pursued him with such goodwill— D
A—or to gather his benevolence. The emperor, however, fearing the gathering of many to him, wrote him a letter reproaching him for his pride and demanding that he come to him. But when he went, not having awaited the arrival of his uncle, he had betaken himself to the theater for the Circensian games. Finding him not there, and still burning with rage at the insult, the Orphanotrophus departed. Then indeed the emperor broke out into open enmity; he sent a ship and ordered him to appear, that he might give an account of his pride; and to the ship sailing toward the palace, from a higher location, giving the signal known to those by whom he was carried, he forbade entry and immediately, having dispatched a trireme, banished the man: in this way he rewarded him whose beneficiary he had been first in being designated Caesar, and later even emperor. Having disposed of him, he went on to his kinsmen, and men—not only by the natural meaning of the term, but also by that which signifies those who have married and reached the age of manhood, and have even become fathers of children—he deprived of their procreative organs, and practiced emasculation.
XIX. When he had thus triumphed over his own blood, B thinking one more Herculean labor remained for him, namely the expulsion of the empress, he prepared for this also, by the persuasion and impulse of his uncle Constantine. The most ignoble son, therefore, spread rumors against his most noble mother, and concocted crimes, and called her innocent as she was a poisoner, and complained that she plotted against his life. And why should I go through the details? He thrust her out of the palace, and confined her to the island called Principis; and finally he sheared his benefactress, and made her change her attire, and instead of the purple that became her by ancestry, he put a coarse tunic upon her. C When he had done this, as if all matters were settled, he was joyous and insolent, and surrendered himself to games and delights. But justice, not slumbering, quickly overtook the wicked and ungrateful man. For when that deed was made known in the city, all were to be seen sad and grief-stricken, and affected no differently than if it had been their own calamity. At length they even began to cast insults at the tyrant. The crowds lamented for the woman, and called her empress. Finally, the whole city erupted into open sedition. And in order to avenge his audacity, disregarding their own lives, D arming their hands with whatever was at hand, they ran to the palace. Him, indeed, the beginning of the people's agitation did not much move, but when he saw the populace raging, and—
A forming into companies, and the people streaming in, while he perceived that those around him were of doubtful mind (for they too had come to loathe the crime committed against the empress), he became fearful and anxious. Yet the Nobilissimus somewhat relieved his anxiety. For having learned of the sedition, he armed his many retainers (for he kept a great number) and, passing through the midst of the forum, went into the palace; and immediately they sent to bring back the empress, and opposed the rioters with certain men who, from hidden places, shot missiles at them and [hurled] stones from slings, whereby not a few were killed. And having already brought back the empress, they placed her on a high platform in the theater, to show her to the rioters, so that, as they supposed, their fury might be calmed by the recall of their own mistress. But this only inflamed their anger all the more and kindled their wrath. For when they saw her in a changed habit, they were goaded further into war, and in their hatred of the one who was exercising tyrannical malignity, they abandoned the empress Zoe and turned toward her sister, Theodora, who, as the narrative has already explained, had also been compelled B by her sister to adopt the monastic habit. Having taken with them one of her father’s servants, they arrived at her residence, brought her out, and, surrounding her as if with a shield-wall, led her to the great temple of God the Word, the Sophia; and there, by the consent of all—the senate, the people, and the clergy themselves—Theodora was proclaimed Augusta and empress. This extinguished every hope of Michael and those around him, and fearing for his life, he departed from the palace, boarded a ship with the Nobilissimus, and went to the famous monastery of Stoudios, having laid aside the imperial insignia and assumed the monastic habit. When this became known to the people, they could not contain their joy and ran toward him. As the day was now drawing to a close, those around Theodora, fearing lest the empress Zoe might again recall the one who had cast her out, so that the sister would not be forced to share the empire with her, sent men to gouge out the eyes of both. C And so they were dragged out from the very sanctuary of the monastery of Stoudios and led away. The multitude that had flocked around them mocked and insulted them, and composing songs, chanted them in a tragic manner, until, in the place called Sigma (for that is the name of this place), their eyes were gouged out, Constantine bearing the calamity bravely, while Michael wailed and lamented. When this was done, the ministers of the punishment returned to Theodora, who was still staying in the church. But it did not please Zoe, who had returned to the palace—as she was most ambitious—to admit her sister to a share of power. However, the senate, revering both, persuaded the elder by birth to admit her sister as a colleague, regarding the one as their empress of long standing, and the other as one lately designated and the cause of the overthrow of the tyranny. Theodora, therefore, entered the palace and shared power equally with Zoe; the blinded ones were punished with exile, their rule having been terminated in four months and five days; would that they had lost it sooner. D
XX. The Roman Empire devolved upon the gynaeceum.
A Since the Roman authority had descended to the gynaeceum, no one initiated any revolution against these women; rather, all submitted to them, both the leaders of the senate and the most prominent men of the military establishment. Both women sat upon the tribunal, all royal ceremonies were performed before them, while the customary guard was deployed, and the primary senators and magistrates stood around them in a state of veneration. Furthermore, judicial inquiries, the resolution of public disputes, the reception of embassies, elections, and all other business pertaining to the empire took place before them. B Yet whether it was out of fear that the sister [Theodora] alone might control the state (for it was whispered among some that the authority fit her better, since she had been the cause of the tyrant's removal), or whether Zoe was driven by a desire for a husband and the pleasures of conjugal union, she deliberated on summoning an emperor and husband to the palace. Constantine Dalassenus was therefore brought, as if summoned for some other reason. But because he spoke quite harshly, and his character appeared stubborn and intractable, he was rejected.Then she inclined toward another man, who was not distinguished by nobility, by high dignities, or by having held illustrious magistracies, but who was worthy of the empire on account of his appearance—a man whose soul was not given over to luxury and who could entice [her] into love. The empress set full sail toward him, but her hopes were interrupted by a disease that suddenly snatched the man from life. His wife was not free from suspicion, as one who had destroyed him with a poisonous concoction out of jealousy, in order that she might not be deprived of her husband while he was still alive and see another lying beside him. Thus, he was cheated of his hopes, and the empress of her wish.
However, her calculations inclined toward Constantine Monomachos, a man of noble birth and illustrious standing, endowed with excellent form, who, after his first wife had died—she was not, however, the sister of the emperor Romanus—had obtained nothing magnificent from him. Nevertheless, since he was moving about the court on account of his affinity, he had become dear and familiar to the empress, and she—being of a liberal hand and royal spirit—had bestowed upon him gifts of many talents. C Whence, the suspicious and the malevolent seized an opportunity to speak ill of them; and Michael, the successor of Romanus, because he also had heard these things, seized power and relegated the man to Lesbos on certain trumped-up charges, when the only true cause was jealousy. In that exile he remained during the entire time of Michael’s reign, nor was he...
treated with more kindness by the second Michael. But when the power returned to Zoe, the man was released from exile and was brought to the queen of cities; and when he had drawn near, he was told to stop, and a messenger sent from the palace, meeting him by the temple of the archstrategos at Damocrania, invested him with an imperial robe, and having set out from there with an imperial escort, he entered the imperial city. The marriage ceremony for the sovereigns is performed by one of the priests; for Patriarch Alexios, because of the third marriage 27, was cautious about officiating the ceremony of the union for them himself. But on the following day he performed the ceremony of the coronation, and Monomachos was crowned and the imperial scepter was delivered to him.
B XXI. From that point, the power of the sisters, which had lasted for a third month, came to an end, and the administration of public affairs passed to Monomachos. And he immediately, without reason or any prudent management, bestowed neither honors for positions of rank, nor disbursements of money; but he dispensed honors indiscriminately, and granted them to those to whom they did not belong, and it occurred that the imperial treasuries were emptied in a single day, and he thought nothing of it. To those, however, whom he had offended while he was a private citizen, he forgave all grievances, and held a grudge against no one. He gave himself over to pleasures and luxuries, partly in an attempt to cast from his mind the wretchedness brought on by the storm of calamities, having just arrived at what he deemed a calm port of imperial power, and partly to gratify the empresses 28 and to make himself agreeable, for they were of a fickle temperament. He devoted attention to learning, or rather to men renowned for learning, although he himself had barely, as they say, tasted of doctrine with the very tips of his lips. While this was the state of affairs at the palace, the situation outside did not fare well for the Romans. For a certain Scythian man from Byzantium, a fugitive named Boisthlavos, having gathered a band, settled in the Illyrian mountains, inhabiting them like a wild beast, and harassed with plundering the peoples adjacent to those mountains who were under Roman rule, such as the Triballi, the Serbs, and other peoples of that kind. Upon this news, the emperor wrote to the prefect of Dyrrachium that he should join battle with Stephanos—for Boisthlavos also had that name—who having engaged in battle rashly (for he lacked the emperor’s skill in the art of war)
A became the cause of a great calamity for those serving with him; for he himself barely escaped with a few, while the rest of the entire army was destroyed there, being unable to use their hands or avenge themselves upon their killers. Such were the events in Illyricum.
But let our account now return to the private affairs of Monomachos. After his second wife had died, he did not consider contracting a third marriage, but he began [to have] intimacy with the cousin of his former wife, a widow, at first secretly, but later without concealment. She was in the bloom of youth, exceptionally beautiful, and of noble lineage, for she was a scion of the Skleros family. They were so bound together and so inflamed with such ardor of love that, unless they were together, they deemed life more bitter than death. Therefore, when he was sentenced to exile—as mentioned above—the woman herself voluntarily left everything behind and followed him, so that she might see the one who loved her and whom she loved in return, and not be exiled away from him. Thus, she accompanied the man, assuaged his misfortune with every service as best she could, and relieved his calamity to the extent of her ability, providing for his expenses from her own means so that he would not be pressed by poverty in addition to his other distresses. For she too relied upon the vain hope of principate at that time.
But when he was raised to the pinnacle of the empire, the emperor did not forget that woman in his prosperity; rather, he opened discussions with the empress regarding her, requesting that the woman be recalled and that she might receive some degree of comfort. She, however, did not refuse; for time had carried away her jealousy, as she was now advanced in years, and the temptations that had befallen her had made her more moderate. Sclerena was therefore brought back from Mitylene, B and at first, no glorious dwelling or delicate ministry was prepared for her, but as time went on, an imperial bodyguard was assigned to her, and her house was transformed into a palace. For Monomachos pretended that he was building a private house in the place where she lived, so that, under the guise of inspecting the construction, he might visit her frequently. For a time, he hid his love—as it were—behind a veil, and seemed to blush at what was happening. Then, however, he cast aside both shame and dissimulation, and treated the woman not as a concubine or a half-wife, but plainly as a spouse. Thus, C imperial treasures flowed toward her like a river, and veins of gold were opened to her, the emperor associating with her openly; and, thinking it intolerable for himself if he did not enjoy her constant company, he communicated the matter first with the empress and, having obtained her consent, brought Sclerena into the palace. Indeed, it is said that a pact of friendship was struck between the women at the emperor's suggestion, and the woman attained the honor of an Augusta, in both dignity and title, being elevated to the first rank and called "Lady." The empress took all this neither in anger nor with vexation. But since her husband lived between herself and the Augusta, the empress was not accustomed to meet with him until she had carefully inquired whether his beloved was with him—a matter D that he…
A had, however, made secure. But deeming it a terrible thing if he did not live with her and dwell with her continuously, he brought the woman from there into the palace, having first deliberated about this with the empress and persuaded her not to be displeased at what was happening. It is even said that oaths of friendship were performed between the two women at the emperor’s request. The woman was honored as *sebaste*, that dignity and title having been first conferred upon her, and she was called *despoina*. The empress did not grow angry at these things, nor was she vexed, but when the emperor resided in the middle, the empress and the *sebaste* dwelt on either side alternately. And the Augusta never approached B the emperor without having verified that he was separated from his beloved; but, having remained thus, and having been raised to such great prosperity, and cherishing greater hopes within herself, she was suddenly seized by sickness and died, leaving great grief to the emperor.
XXII. And she having departed, civil war came upon the emperor. For George Maniakes C (31), a man most brave in soul and most noble in strength of hand, and most skilled in the command of armies, having been sent to Italy when those women were in charge of the affairs of the empire, was warring against those who were encroaching upon it, and those who had made some parts of it their own, setting out to recover these for the Roman empire, and he stood against the adversaries of the Romans. But when the axis of the empire had rolled over to Monomachus, Romanos Skleros (for this man was a brother D of the emperor’s beloved)—who had great power through his kinswoman, and had been honored with the rank of *magistros* and *protostrator*—since he lived in the house of Maniakes in the theme of the Anatolikon, he managed the man’s affairs poorly, harboring a grudge because he had been defeated by him in a previous dispute. It is also said that he had violated the bed of Maniakes. These things, being reported to the man, stirred him to anger and caused him great distress; then he was even deprived of his command, and that was brought about by Romanos. Considering, therefore, that if he should return to Constantinople, the one who ruled would not be well-disposed toward him because of Skleros, he attempted a tyranny. And many of the military, as if to the most eminent of generals and a martial man, attached themselves to him. The latter, having embarked his army on ships from Italy to the continent opposite, arrived. This threw the emperor into turmoil, and he inscribed a letter to Maniakes, absolving him of all fear if he would lay down his arms, and promising better things; but as he had once cast the die, he no longer let go of his arms, and the emperor also campaigned against him. Yet the emperor did not set over the army any of the noble men, or those experienced in generalship, fearing that such a one might himself dare...
to seize the throne. A Nevertheless, while he was riding along the battle lines, dispersing the phalanxes, and those whom he addressed immediately broke ranks and fled, he received a lethal wound. A great flow of blood caused a darkness to descend upon his eyes; the reins slipped from his hand, he slid from his saddle, and died where he fell, not far from the field where the battle was engaged. The imperial troops, however, did not dare to attack him until his soldiers, learning of their leader’s death, were terrified and scattered. Only then did the wretched men bring the severed head to their own commander, who immediately dispatched it to the Emperor. He hung it high in the theater, and when the eunuch, who had seemed to have brought the war to a successful conclusion, returned with the army, a triumph was celebrated. The Emperor presided with great majesty in the porch of the Savior’s temple in the Chalkē, which faces the forum, sitting between the empresses. B Such was the end of Maniakes.
But another tyranny arose, fostered by Theophilos Erotikos. Having learned of the end of Michael II — who was the grandson of the first [Michael] — and aware that the empire was entrusted to women, he won over the Cypriots (for he was at that time their governor) and attempted a revolt. However, Monomachos did not need much time to put him down. He sent a fleet, by which he captured Erotikos and easily brought the island back into servitude.
Upon the death of Patriarch Alexios, who had held that see in peace for eighteen years, Michael, surnamed Keroularios, was appointed in his place. Monomachos, in truth, took twenty-five centenaries of gold from the monastery of the Patriarch Alexios, which had been stored there by that patriarch. C Furthermore, the eunuch John, who had been Orphanotrophos and was the own brother of the late Emperor Michael the Paphlagonian, was transferred to Mytilene during the reign of Monomachos. There he was blinded, whether by the order of Theodora without the emperor’s knowledge, or by the mandate of the emperor himself, who was angry with him on account of his undeserved and lengthy exile. He survived the blinding for only a few days before he ended his life.
XXIII. But another tyranny, more terrible than the former, arose against Monomachos, with Leo Tornikios as its author, who was his kinsman through his mother. He lived in Orestiades (for thus was the city of the emperor D of old called, after Orestes, the son of Agamemnon), and he held sway over the Macedonians who obeyed his word...
as if he were someone superior. A For the man was not inferior in appearance nor in spirit. He had, moreover, something else by which he attracted the majority to himself. For rumor prophesied about him—as it is vainly said about others—that he would one day be master of the Roman scepters. The emperor was not only not disposed toward him as a kinsman, but he even persecuted the man with hatred. Euprepia, the sister of the ruler, B however, was friendly to him and welcomed him; she was a noble matron and of most steadfast character, having been raised to the brilliance of fortune and to a surplus of wealth. She was not devoted to her brother, and he was cautious of her because of the surplus of her prudence. She, receiving nothing of consequence from him, neither approached him frequently, and when she did come, she behaved toward him haughtily, reproving and rebuking him, and regarding his consequent anger with contemptuous silence. The emperor, therefore, bearing heavily and with annoyance this sincere affection of his sister toward Tornikios, in order to separate them by a great distance, placed Tornikios over the Iberians of the Roman domain, veiling this exile with a specious title. C When, therefore, he departed, and rumor did not cease to follow him with the hope of great fortune, certain men seized upon this as a handle to calumniate him to the emperor. Moved by their words, the emperor shears the hair of Tornikios, thinking that he would shave away his hope along with it, and he clothes him in a black cloak, thinking thereby to cast shadows upon the splendor of the fortune he expected. And when he returned, he not only did not pity him, but he even sent him away with a mocking laugh. But the Macedonians, being, as was said, already devoted to him and cherishing good hopes regarding him, D took him by night from the queen of cities and led him to their own metropolis, Adrianopolis; and either by the zeal of those attached to him, most of the armies quickly gathered there, or else by their hatred toward the emperor. For, for certain reasons, he had not treated the soldiers well, but rather nurtured suspicions against them, and they were, on account of these things, stirred up to hatred against him. When, therefore, they had gathered, they immediately deemed him worthy of royal acclamation and proclamation. Together with them, he immediately busied himself with the task, and suddenly swarms upon the imperial city. Many, both soldiers and citizens, flocked to him as he approached, and he was buoyed by hopes, as if no one would stand against him, but rather that the citizens would easily open to him the gates of the city, both because the Eastern armies were preoccupied with wars there, and because...
B the people of the city were angry at the Emperor, as if he were not acting according to their wishes. Buoyed by such hopes, he encamped before the city, intending to lay siege to it if it did not receive him most readily. At dawn, therefore, having drawn up his lines and arrived near the city fortifications about the Blachernae, he demanded that those inside open the gates to him, encouraging them toward this action with brilliant promises. When they did not even show him regard, but rather mocked him and jeered at him, he attempted an assault. But the Emperor also drew up his line, with a few soldiers and the town rabble and some other men, servants of certain of the senators, not even amounting in all to a full thousand; and having stationed these before the city fortifications face-to-face with the tyrant’s men, he thought that by this means he would strike terror into his adversary. The Emperor himself sat in royal fashion in one of the imperial chambers that projected beyond the others and looked out over the plain before the city, so that he might see his enemies and be seen by them. Now the Macedonians, accustomed to ribaldry, on seeing the Emperor, some openly abused him, while others, forming choruses and improvising comic songs, danced and sang these things, beating the earth with their feet. Then, when a portion of the enemy advanced upon those stationed outside the wall, some rushed toward the gates, while others fell into the moat and perished; and such fear overcame everyone that even those standing upon the walls threw themselves down and fled, and those guarding the city entrances became useless at once, not even bolting the gates. If, therefore, that war had possessed a man who knew how to use victory,1 nothing would have prevented Tornicius from gaining entry to the city and bringing his undertaking to an end. But this, since it had not been ordained by the Providence above, escaped the tyrant. Yet the Emperor was near danger; for one of the enemies aimed at him and let fly an arrow; but it missed the Emperor and struck a youth among the chamber servants. However, the wound from the arrow was not fatal to him either. But those around the Emperor, being afraid, immediately shifted positions, and he himself was moved elsewhere with his seat. C In the manner that has been told, the good fortune escaped Tornicius, and affairs turned against him. For the city had again been secured by guards, and when the tyrant attacked again at dawn and was repulsed, he almost perished. For when stones weighing a talent were being hurled from an engine at the enemy, one was directed at the tyrant himself; it missed him, but it struck fear into him and those with him, and having broken off the engagement, they returned to their own camp, and no longer attempted the siege. The tyrant waited there for a few days, but when he saw that some of his own men were deserting to the Emperor, and others were being scattered and fleeing, he departed from his blockade of the city and went away, thinking he would easily take the Thracian fortresses, but he was repulsed. Meanwhile, the Eastern forces were recalled and arrived, and were sent against the tyrant. When his allies learned of this defection, fearing for themselves, and since the commander of the Eastern forces, having encamped near them, had persuaded some by conversation and others by letters to defect to the Emperor, almost everyone deserted and joined the imperial forces; and these were not only rank-and-file soldiers, but D also illustrious men, commanders, and magistrates. Only one of the more notable men, Batatzes, remained with him. Tornicius, therefore, abandoned by all, with no hope of escape left, fled with Batatzes into a certain temple. From there, having been put in shackles, they were led to Monomachus, and, their eyes having been gouged out, they were blinded, and the sedition was completely crushed.
XXIV. So far we have narrated civil wars; now let our discourse turn to external wars, and let the expedition of the Rus be recounted first.
This nation had frequently attacked the Romans in the past, and had been defeated. Finally, a treaty was struck and a marriage alliance formed, as they sought to bind both peoples together, and they began to trade with one another. When, therefore, many Tauroscythians were selling their wares at Constantinople and our own people were trading with them, it happened that a dispute arose between some of them and some Romans; this progressed from fighting to wounds, and from wounds to killings, and among those who fell was one of the notables among them. The prince of that land seized this as a pretext for an uprising against us, and immediately assembled a great number of boats—which they call "monoxyla"—and, having embarked a multitude that exceeded almost any number, he launched an undeclared war against the Romans and entered the Propontis.When the sovereign learned of their approach, he sent envoys to them to lay down their arms, professing his readiness to provide satisfaction if any grievance had occurred to them. But the Barbarian received the envoys arrogantly, and, having spewed forth insolent and offensive words, dismissed them with ignominy. The sovereign, therefore, despairing of peace, prepared himself for a naval battle; and because the fleet was very far away, occupied in guarding the provinces, he prepared other triremes and cargo ships, loaded them with an abundance of liquid fire, and arrayed them against the Barbarian fleet, while he himself remained present, sitting up above the harbor.
When the better part of the day had passed and the Barbarians remained still, yet did not break their formation, the emperor ordered Theodorocanus to take three triremes and harass the Barbarians, so as to draw them into battle. He did not, however, begin with skirmishing but with a full naval engagement, and he burned some of the Barbarian vessels with the liquid fire, sank others along with their crews, and captured one, onto which he leaped himself, having cut down some and terrified others, who were as if paralyzed by fear. With these deeds having been successfully accomplished by the three triremes, at a signal from the emperor, more cargo ships set sail. When the Barbarians caught sight of them, they became unmindful of the battle, broke their line, and turned to flight, gradually retreating; the Romans were also assisted in that battle by divine providence, for suddenly an East wind arose, and, as huge waves were rolled toward the west into the Barbarian ships, it submerged many and smashed many more against rocks and hidden reefs; those on board the waves partly engulfed.
A And as the assault against the enemy had thus been successful with the three triremes, and the emperor had provided the signal to the other merchant ships, more set sail. When the Barbarians saw them approaching, they no longer recalled the battle but, breaking their formation, they reversed their sterns and rushed into flight. At that time, a certain impetus from above also fought alongside the Romans; for a strong wind suddenly blew from the East toward the West, and, stirring up a tempest, it was brought against the vessels of the Barbarians; it submerged many and delivered them to the depths, and many it dashed against underwater rocks and reefs, smashing them to pieces. As for their crews, the water covered some, while others were destroyed by the military formation lying in wait on the shores as they were cast up by the swell. Thus, the multitude of the Barbarians having been vanquished, the emperor, bearing trophies, returned to the palace.
XXV. One barbarian war has thus been described; let another movement of a nation be mentioned, which at that time took hold of the East and even to this day preys upon it: I speak of the Turks. These people are a Hunnish race, B very numerous and free, inhabiting the northern side of the Caucasian mountains. For when the Persians, while the Macedonians were contending among themselves, had recovered their kingdom, as I have related before, they were again defeated and oppressed by the Saracens, and lost it once more. The Saracens, however, were not obedient to one ruler, but, discord having arisen among them, they were divided into factions and attacked one another. Muchumetus, therefore, the son of Imbrael, prince of Persia, Chorasmians, Media, and certain other peoples, in the times of Basil Porphyrogenitus, having succumbed in a war undertaken against the Indians and Babylonians, summoned the Turks as allies. And there was a commander of those who came for the alliance with Muchumet, namely Tangrolipix Mucalet, with C whom Muchumet, having attacked his adversaries, routed them. And having marched back to his own lands, he did not allow the Turks to return to their own [territory], but wished to hold them back so that he might use them as allies against others as well. They, being unable to return to their own land unless the bridge of the Araxes were yielded to them (this is a river which cannot be crossed except by the bridge, and the bridge was towered on both sides, and guards stood at the towers), revolted; and, having fled to the mountains (for they were confident that they were three thousand, and did not dare to fight against many myriads in a pitched battle), they would sally forth from there and plunder the property of the Saracens. Muchumet, therefore, sends against them an army of about twenty thousand, entrusting the leadership of them to ten commanders of his own race. The Turks, having attacked them at night, D easily slaughtered most of them. The survivors, together with their commanders, returned to Muchumet. He blinded those ten commanders of the army, and threatened the surviving soldiers with the most terrible things. Fearing this, they joined the Turks. Already, others also—many slaves and criminals who delighted in plunder—flocking to them, a numerous army was formed, and in a battle joined with Muchumet near Apascham, they slew many Saracens, and among others, Muchumet himself also fell. Tangrolipix, therefore, having received the empire of all the nations that had obeyed Muchumet by the consensus of the armies, tore down the towers of the bridge of the Araxes. The crossing of the river thus being opened, a great multitude of Turks
the barbarians A flowed down to Tangrolipix, and the leader of the Turks, having gathered a heavy force from these, began everywhere to strip the Saracens of their power, and distributed it to himself and those of his own race, and made those from Hagar his subjects. Then he himself gained the Babylonians in battle, and sent his nephew Cutlumus with an army against the Arabs. But he, being defeated, returned, and sent an embassy to the prince of Media (for so Vaspurakan was called of old), requesting to be allowed to pass through his country. He, however, having been appointed by the Emperor to rule that land, not only did not grant him passage, but actually drew up in battle array against him; and having engaged, he was defeated, and while he lost many of his own men, he himself was captured. Cutlumus, therefore, having returned to Tangrolipix, narrated the events of the war in Media, and praised the great fertility of the land, adding that it was easily captured, being enjoyed by women—for so he called those against whom he had fought. B Tangrolipix, however, was angry with him for his defeat, while he [Cutlumus] went off against the Arabs. And Cutlumus, fearing, fled with those of his company, and having seized Pasare (which is a city of the Chorasmians), he defected from the sultan (for thus was Tangrolipix named) and for a long time resisted his uncle, who was besieging him; yet the latter laboured in vain on account of the strength of the city. While the sultan was occupied with the siege of Pasare, he sent Asan with a competent force against Media. But he, having attacked the country and engaged with the Romans, fell himself, and his army with him was defeated, and with the exception of a very few, the whole was destroyed. The sultan, having learned this, was dejected, but hastened to retrieve the failure, and having entrusted an army numbering about one hundred thousand to his half-brother Alimus Abramius, he sent him against the Romans. The general of Vaspurakan informed the Emperor of these matters by letter, asking for C an alliance. And he sent to Liparites, who held the rank of dynast of part of Iberia, that he should join the Romans and assist against the Turks. But the Turks having already arrived, the Romans did not decide to fight them unless they were united according to the imperial command with the Iberians as well. While the soldiers were keeping quiet, Alimus, being unable to engage them as they were stationed in a fortification, moved against D the town of Arzen (for this was a small city); a multitude dwelt in it, if I may so speak, of merchants almost innumerable, and men of great wealth. Thinking he would capture it at the first onset, he was frustrated in his hope when he invaded it. For the inhabitants obstructed the approaches with logs, and destroyed many by hurling missiles from the houses. This having been done for six days, when the leader of the Turks saw that the Arzenoi were defending themselves most courageously, and that it could not be easily taken by siege, he set out to overcome them with fire; having cast this into the houses, as the conflagration raged on all sides and the citizens turned to flight, the barbarians occupied the town and found much gold and other wealth which the flame had not consumed. Then they hastened again against the Roman army. When Liparites with the Iberians was already present, a battle having been joined towards evening at Bulytum, Alimus and Chrosanes, another leader of the barbarians, turned and fled with their own men, the Romans pursuing them until late at night. But Liparites, while fighting on the other wing, had been captured by the enemies, and while the Romans, having returned to the camp, were waiting for him for a long time in ignorance of his fate, someone announced that he had been captured by
his captors were departing in haste. The Romans, upon hearing this, were in low spirits, B while the barbarians carried Liparites to the sultan. The emperor, however, learning of the capture of Liparites, sent to the sultan seeking that Liparites be deemed worthy of freedom, and he sent many ransoms for him, and also gifts to the sultan, and proposed that a treaty be made between the Romans and the Turks. The sultan returned Liparites to him as a gift, and gave back all the money that had been sent for his redemption, and exhorted him never again to take up arms against the Turks. He also sent an ambassador to the emperor, whom they called a *serif*. This man among them holds the same position that in former times the person called a *syncellus* held among us; for just as the *syncellus* took the place of a dead patriarch, so too the *serif*, upon the death of the caliph, succeeded the deceased. Therefore, the *serif* entered the great city and, having come to speak with the emperor, behaved arrogantly and demanded that tribute be paid to the sultan; and thus he was dismissed. For this reason the sultan, enraged, himself attacked the Romans; and at that time the Turkish race, advancing further, subdued the whole Orient and arrived at the continent facing Byzantium. And thus matters concerning the Turks transpired.
XXVI. On the Patzinaks
C The nation of the Patzinaks was moving about in the European region. It is a Scythian and populous nation, inhabiting the area beyond the Ister. At that time, Tyrach governed the nation; he was a man noble in lineage, but sluggish in character. Another man, however, named Cegenes—although obscure as far as genealogical reference goes—was a man of action and energetic, and because of many excellent deeds performed in wars, he was beloved by the nation. For this reason, he was stalked by Tyrach, who sought to kill him. Having noticed this, he gained the friendship of two of the tribes—there being thirteen in all—and with them he crossed the Ister and came to the Roman borders, claiming that he had come as a defector to the emperor and that he would not be useless to him. These things were reported to Monomachus, and the governor of the region was commanded to receive the Scythians. Cegenes, having traveled to the queen of cities, came into the sight of the emperor, and having received the saving baptism, D he was honored as a patrician. He also persuaded the Scythians with him to be cleansed by that divine bath. But when he held a permanent encampment on the banks of the Ister, and having suddenly crossed the river, he harassed the territory of Tyrach with slaughters and plunderings; Tyrach, through legates
A complained to the emperor that he had received an apostate from his nation, and threatened that, unless he ceased to harm the nation by harboring the fugitive, he would have the entire nation as his enemy. To this, the emperor replied that he would neither betray the one who had fled to him, nor forbid him from defending himself against those who had plotted against him. When these messages were delivered to Tyrach, the winter season arrived, and the Ister, frozen by the cold from one bank to the other, had become solid like crystal, so that he crossed the river on foot with his whole nation; and having seized the Roman territory, he laid waste to everything before him. The emperor, upon learning this, immediately sent an army to assist the governor of the province and Cegenes. B However, the Patzinaks, finding an abundance of food, and wine, and other beverages prepared from honey, gorged themselves greedily on these and fell into a bowel disease. When Cegenes the deserter learned of this, he persuaded the Roman forces to attack the enemy. When the Barbarians saw the Roman advance against them, being exhausted by their illness, they became dizzy, and losing heart, they cast aside their weapons and became suppliants, surrendering themselves to the enemy. Those who fell into the hands of Cegenes were partly slaughtered by the sword and partly sold into slavery for gold. The rest of the multitude were deemed useful to the Romans if, after being disarmed, they were settled in the Bulgarian territory, which—because that nation had been destroyed not long before—was for the most part desolate: a plan which was carried out by the emperor’s order. Tyrach himself, along with the nobles of his nation, was brought to the emperor, and having been deemed worthy of divine baptism, was honored with brilliant dignities.
When, at that time, there were wars for the Romans against the Turks in the East, the emperor selected fifteen thousand Patzinaks, armed them, provided them with horses, and appointed commanders for them from their own people; he ferried them across to Chrysopolis and ordered them to go into Iberia, C adding a guide for the journey. When they arrived near Damatris, they stopped and would not go any further, but turning back and reaching the strait, they crossed the sea with their horses near the monastery of Saint Tarasius, and marched continuously until they joined their fellow countrymen. Having done this, they fixed their tents in the camps on the banks of the Ister and made incursions into Thrace, being repeatedly superior to the imperial forces sent against them, so that they wandered with impunity throughout all of Thrace and Macedonia, plundering everything, not only in remote areas but also those adjacent to the city. Finally, they concluded a thirty-year truce with the Romans, and thus the war of the Patzinaks ended.
XXVII.
The Sultan, however, did not cease to harass the Roman cities and provinces, plundering some, devastating others, and annexing others to his own kingdom. At that time, the emperor discovered a plot made against him [by Romanus the Boilas... DA This was an obscure man, having a half-mute tongue, and destitute of the power of articulate speech, partly through a defect of nature, and partly through simulation and affectation, by which he aggravated this inherent defect. The emperor took more pleasure in this man than in any other, and preferred his trifles—spoken incorrectly and confusedly—to all other pleasures; whence he became so familiar to him that he dared to approach and address him at any hour. The women's quarters were no less open to him than the emperor’s private chamber, whenever he wished, and wealth flowed to him from both sides, so that although he had been raised from the crossroads to the senatorial summit, he was not content with that prosperity, but coveted the kingdom, and strove to claim it for himself by killing the emperor.
He therefore revealed the secret to those whom he knew to be ill-disposed toward the emperor; and if they approved of his speech, he confirmed them in the crime by holding out great hopes. But if any rejected the attempt, he would say that he had spoken for the purpose of testing them, in order to explore their loyalty toward the emperor, and, having praised their integrity, would solemnly affirm that he would testify to their goodwill before the emperor. Managing many in this way, the conspirators thought that his design could most easily be accomplished. For not only was the path to the emperor’s bedchamber open to him, even when the emperor was sleeping or lying with the empress, but the keys to the secret entrances had been entrusted to him. B Therefore, he would have fully executed his design, had he not been denounced by one of the accomplices and caught in the manifest crime, still holding the very sword with which he was about to strike the emperor. However, he himself paid no penalty due to the man’s stupidity, only the accomplices in the plot being subjected to punishment.
This emperor, wishing to be accounted benign and liberal, but possessing neither the skill nor the measure to do so, slid from the virtue of magnificence into the vice of prodigality. For he distributed public money in such a way that he observed neither to whom, nor how much, nor when it should be bestowed. For when he was building the monastery of the Mangana C (it is said that he began the structure because of his beloved, I mean Scleraina, so that by this pretext he might more frequently visit her, as she was then living in the Cynegesium), the fisc and public treasuries were exhausted, and being reduced to a shortage of money, he did not abstain from illicit gains. But since certain provinces were exempt, which, because of the narrowness of their regions, defended themselves against all taxes and barred the barbarians from access to Roman territories, he abolished the guards and imposed tributes on those provinces; whence they lay open to the barbarians without any struggle. That, indeed, if one truly considers it, can be laid to his account, that the East was subjected by Barbarian warfare. D He also built a new prytaneum, calling it a poorhouse, and from it released a great stream of gold to those who chose to practice asceticism.
Various readings and notes
(40) That Monomachus exhausted the imperial treasuries for the monastery of St. George at the Mangana, and what the nature and magnificence of its structure was, Michael Psellus recounts above others in lib. V of his History (manuscript), and not only in that, but also in building other houses dedicated to God or the saints: [index: entries preserved]continuously, who at the time occupied the house of Cynegius, using as a pretext [the need for] the construction of the sanctuary, he exhausted the imperial or public treasuries; and being in need of funds, he did not abstain from forbidden sources of revenue. Furthermore, even from the regions that contributed no taxes to the public treasury for the emperors, but instead of all taxation guarded the difficult terrain and walled off for the barbarians the passage into lands subject to the Romans, he imposed taxes upon those regions and abandoned the garrisons. And from this, the passage into the Roman lands became easy for the barbarians. That man, therefore, will be judged by those who calculate dispassionately to be responsible for the eastern part falling prey to the barbarian spear.
B [XXVIII.] C When Empress Zoe had died in advanced old age (for her life had been prolonged beyond seventy years), he did not mourn her passing in a manly fashion, but rather in a boyish way. It is said that he even compared her to the angels, because a fungus had sprouted from a certain dampness on her tomb, and he called this a sign orchestrated from above, so that it might not be unknown that the empress had been received into the choir of the intelligent powers. But he, still burning with the fire of passion, introduced into the palace a certain young girl, the daughter of an Alan prince, who had been given to the Romans as a hostage, and, naming her Augusta, assigned her a royal retinue and most lavish provision of wealth. And if he had not stood in awe of the empress, I mean Theodora, or rather, if he had not been ashamed of the disgrace and impiety of a fourth marriage, he would have proclaimed this mistress of his an empress and adorned her with a diadem. But that happiness of the Augusta did not last long; for after the death of the emperor, she returned to her former condition of being a hostage.
Now I must speak of the end of this emperor. Not much time had passed since he had become master of the Roman government when an articular disease attacked him, with humors flowing down at first to his feet, so that he was unable either to stand or to walk. When, however, it was necessary for him to move, he would either walk with difficulty, supported by others, or he would be carried. But as time went on, the fluxions settled upon his hands as well, then vexed his shoulders, and finally infested and relaxed his whole body, insinuating themselves into the cavities of his joints. To these was added another evil, a stitch D in the side from his breathing, which made it so that neither he himself had hope of a longer life, nor his grandees, the chief of whom was the logothete John—a castrated little man, born of an obscure and most ignoble family, and most inept at handling affairs, yet so versed in the art of grammar that he could neither speak properly in his affectation of Atticism, nor write without error. To him the emperor committed the summit of affairs; him the senate designated as prince. For before this, the administration of the republic had been in the hands of a man entirely unlike this one in birth, eloquence, and knowledge of the governance of the state; who, when the emperor ordered something otherwise than was fitting, did not immediately lean toward his will, but resisted and deterred him. When this happened frequently, he, with grave and inequitable spirit, liberated—
grew resentful of that man’s freedom, and in order to unburden himself of this opposition, he removed him from the administration of public affairs (this was Lichoudes), and introduced John in his place, entrusting the governance of political matters to him, so that he might not be deterred by anyone in those things he intended to pursue. This John, therefore, and others, who also had great influence with the Emperor—having despaired of his surviving—persuaded the ailing man to be concerned about a successor, and suggested to him that the Proteuōn A was suitable for the throne. He, however, was girded with the government of Bulgaria and was away from the Queen of Cities. One was therefore sent to summon the man; but the plan was kept hidden from the Empress Theodora. But the design did not remain hidden from the Empress to the end. Having realized that the dying man was not settling the power upon her, she left him struggling with death in the palace of the Manganes, and she herself, with the haste of those attending her, having boarded a ship, sailed to the great palace. There the imperial bodyguard and the elite of the senate immediately flocked to her, and she was hailed as Empress by all, as the empire belonged to her by hereditary right. When this became known to Monomachos, it added to his pain, and after breathing only for a short time, just enough to lament the events that had occurred and to fall into despair, he expired, having reigned twelve years and eight months, and was laid to rest in the monastery of the Manganes built by him.
XXIX. The Empress Theodora
Theodora, having obtained the sole rule, though already advanced in age, did not wish to place an Emperor over affairs, but, delighting in the empire as long as she lived, kept everything in her own power, having been encouraged in this also by her attendants, whom she placed in the highest magistracies. She entrusted the administration of civil affairs to the syncellus B Leo, who was surnamed Paraspondylos, and who had formerly served the Emperor Michael. She herself sat in judgment upon the tribunal, responded to legates, created magistrates, delivered justice, cast votes, and interposed her own judgment in private and public matters. And her government was fortunate. For no one raised a hand against her, nor did her subjects neglect her decrees, nor did any nation then wage war against the Romans; indeed, the seasons had their proper temperate character, and the earth brought forth abundant fruits. Although C she had attained the scepter at an advanced age, as has been said, she still anticipated a long time of life for herself, as she was of a sturdier body, one not easily broken by labors. But when fate also pressed upon her (even though certain monks promised her I know not how many ages of life) and her intimate friends, due to a most grave illness which physicians call iliac—
and this, too, was urged onwards by fate (even if some monks had promised her many more years of life) and she had fallen into a severe illness, which the Asclepiads call ileus, and when those around her despaired of her recovery, they gathered together and deliberated on whom they should introduce to the principate to preserve for them their prosperity and good fortune. A It seemed to them that Michael Stratioticus was suitable for this—a man by birth a Byzantine, but one who, because of natural sluggishness and simplicity, and also because of the great length of age which had extended over his life, was entirely unfitted for the management of affairs, and that, too, of such a principacy. For he was not just an old man, as he was called by the common crowd, but truly decrepit. They therefore persuade Theodora to place him in the empire; and she immediately encircles Michael with the imperial diadem, having first bound him with terrible oaths that he would decree nothing in the affairs of the administration of the empire without their consent. After these things were accomplished, the empress breathed her last, having reigned for one year and nine months.
BOOK EIGHTEENTH
B I. In the manner described, the old man Michael having been proclaimed emperor, he treated the senators and the plebeian multitude with the greatest kindness, advancing each of them to grades of rank and bestowing honors upon most of them that exceeded their capacity. But with the military rolls, and especially with those who excelled the others and had long been leaders of armies and wings, he acted quite differently. For upon those having recently entered the city, he bestowed no honor, nor did he soothe them with gentle words. C The leaders among these were two men, both of them magistroi, both of illustrious birth, and having achieved that splendor even more by imperial skill, strength of hands, and boldness of soul: one was Isaac Comnenus, the other was Catacalo the Ambustus, whose fatherland was Colonea. As soon as Michael had been designated emperor, he deprived the latter of the duchy of Antioch and immediately declared his own cousin, Michael, magister and duke of Antioch, adding the surname of Ouranos to him so that he might appear to trace his lineage back to that ancient Ouranos. This Catacalo, therefore, as if he had performed the duties of his office poorly, had diminished the military forces, and was burdensome to everyone he met, he scolded sharply and did not refrain even from reproaches and insults; and when other most illustrious men, his colleagues, were about to defend the man, he did not moderate his tongue even against them, nor did he revere the Comnenus himself.
A This cast the soldiers into despondency, for while they saw Michael being most generous to others, he would not show them any kindness even in his words; nevertheless, they refrained from any revolutionary action and resolved to make a second attempt. But the narrative must now relate another insurrection against the emperor, and thus it will return to these men. The first cousin of the emperor Constantine Monomachus, the A *proedros* Theodosius, having been deeply vexed by the proclamation of Michael, took his own attendants—and certain others who suffered from the same levity of mind as himself—and, surrounded by these satellites at twilight, he processed through the middle of the forum, claiming that the empire belonged to him by reason of his kinship with Monomachus, and crying out that he was being wronged. When he reached the public prison, which is called the Praetorium, he broke down the bars and provided an exit to those imprisoned there. He did the same in that place of confinement which is at Chalce, hoping by their agency to achieve his desire. But when he learned that military forces were being collected around the palace against him and were about to arrive, he turned toward the Great Church, and being abandoned there alone with his son—his followers having slipped away—he was led out and banished. B This being the outcome of his attempt, the plebeian multitude sang this ditty about him in mockery:
*The foolish Monomachus, what he conceived, he did.*
And these things turned out in such a way.
II. But the Eastern commanders, having been affected by insults and being about to risk their fortune again, approached Leo, the *protosyncellus* who was managing public affairs, and through him they attempted to entreat the emperor not to be the only ones neglected, when all others had perceived some fruit of his liberality, and especially when others were living pleasantly, while they themselves were standing in the battle line and fighting for the Roman empire. But he, being no more skilled than the emperor in handling aggrieved men and in repressing the swelling arising from their pain, not only did not soften the asperity of the men's words, but even exacerbated it, disparaging each one and sending them all away without honor. C Angered by this second rebuff, they decided they should delay no longer, but each exhorted his neighbor, and they hastened to reveal the deed they were meditating. It seemed good to them, therefore, to hold Bryennius also as a confidant and an accomplice in the undertaking, being a man of distinction and D leader of the Macedonian forces, and holding the command of Cappadocia, who had himself causes of resentment against the emperor.
A When they discovered that he too was ready to join their conspiracy, they began to seek who among them should be emperor, and by the votes of all, Comnenus was preferred over the rest. These matters being settled, they all returned home, having made their departure known to the emperor. Bryennius also departed with his legions; and when he had arrived in the Eastern province along with the patrician John Opsaras, who carried the gold, he administered the distribution of the military stipends. When this had already begun, he was apportioning grain to the individual soldiers and increasing the sum of money. But the aforementioned quaestor of the gold denied that he had any such instruction from the emperor. B Bryennius ordered him to be silent and to do what he was commanded more promptly. As Opsaras still did not obey, but even openly defied him with greater insolence, Bryennius, seized with anger, sprang up from his seat, and grabbing the man by the hair of his head and his beard, dashed him to the ground and threw him into chains. When the commander of the Pisidians and Lycaonians, who had his camp nearby, learned of this, judging the deed to be the beginning of a revolt, he suddenly attacked the tent of Bryennius with his own legions, and having released Opsaras, he handed Bryennius over to him; he immediately put out the eyes of the man, and thus sent him to the emperor, sending letters with him of all that he had dared to do.
Things having fallen out thus, Comnenus and those who had conspired with him met and set to work, as the military rosters flowed to them from here and there. For in all the military, there was a desire that a soldier should be girded with the imperial authority. C For they were chafing under the rule of the civil faction, but did not dare to bring their longing into the open, hiding their love and laboring in the intention concerning this. But when they learned that Comnenus had attempted a revolt, and that he himself was the leader of the drama, and that the best of the families were co-operating with him in the enterprise—believing this to be what they themselves had been planning—they seized the opportunity, and each hastened to outstrip his neighbor. Hence, a heavy force gathered for Comnenus; he then sent out across all of the East, and collected taxes, having appointed receivers of these, and clerks for what was brought in. Then he set out for Nicaea, already proclaimed emperor by all the soldiers with him, wishing to become master of it, so that he might have the city as a base of operations or a shelter, in whatever direction fortune might turn for him; and he took it, and having established a sufficient garrison in it, he encamped twelve stadia from it.
But the emperor Michael, having raised his Western forces, and whatever ones of the Eastern ones had not departed from their allegiance, appointed as commander of the empire in the East the domestic of the East, Theodore the eunuch, D the minister of the empress Theodora, having added as his colleague the master Aaron, the brother of Comnenus’ wife. They, having pitched their camp against the enemy, engaged in battle in a place which the inhabitants call Orcus. There, the right wing of the Comnenians was routed by the left wing of the imperial forces, and the one who was in command of it, Romanus Sclerus, was taken alive. But the enemy’s left wing, which Ambustus commanded, having put the right wing of the imperial forces to flight, penetrated even into the camp and tore down and overturned the tents. This occurrence greatly emboldened the spirits of the Comnenians, and so dejected the imperial forces that they gave themselves over to flight, in which many were slain, and not merely common soldiers.
Furthermore, a large number were taken prisoner, and victory now openly smiled upon Comnenus. A
III. Having learned this, the Emperor Michael despaired of the war and wished to lay down his authority, but his intimates did not approve of this counsel, and therefore he was not permitted to carry his wish into effect. Men were then sent to Comnenus as envoys, chosen from the upper ranks of the Senate: these were the Proedros Constantine Lichudes, the Proedros Leo Alopus, and Michael Psellus, the wisest of philosophers, who held the rank of Prince of the Philosophers. B The sum of what they were to announce from him was that Comnenus should be adopted by the Emperor and designated Caesar, with pardon and oblivion granted for the crimes of those who had assisted in his usurpation. When these things were announced to Comnenus in the hearing of the army, the soldiers grew tumultuous, declaring that they would not suffer their commander to be seen in a different habit, nor could they endure that he should be stripped of the imperial vestment with which he was already clothed. These words were uttered by many more out of obsequiousness than from the heart.
When the assembly was dissolved, Comnenus took the envoys aside and said: "If you will promise to convey certain secrets to the Emperor, I will explain to you what I keep hidden in my mind." When they had pledged their faith to secrecy, he said that he was now content with the rank of Caesar and did not seek the empire; but he demanded that the Emperor confirm C that he would never hand over the empire to any other, that he would not snatch away the rewards he had granted to his own men, and that he would impart to him some portion of the imperial power, so that he might be permitted to adorn some with lesser dignities and raise others to military commands. If he obtained these, he would make peace and come to the city; and because these things would be displeasing to his own men, he would write two separate letters, one of which would satisfy the soldiers, while to the other he would entrust his secrets. Furthermore, he demanded that the person who currently mismanaged public affairs—and who was ill-disposed toward him and his own men—should be removed from office. D Having said these things and delivered the letters, he urged the envoys to depart.
The aged Michael, having received the letters and heard the secret mandates, was delighted and agreed to all of his demands, and he added: just as Comnenus had signified certain private matters to him through them, so he would announce even more secret things to him through the same men, namely, that they should confirm with an oath that not much time would pass before he would accept him as a colleague in the empire; but that for the present, for certain reasons, he was delaying this. Comnenus eagerly accepted what was thus announced by the envoys, and the others did not unwillingly accept it either, especially because the power of the administrator of public affairs was to be removed, and it had already been decreed by all that they should lay down their arms and refrain from usurpation. But the aged Emperor, before he would deal with Comnenus, in order to confirm—as he supposed—the goodwill of the senators toward himself,
had drawn up a certain written document, binding every man with oaths and curses so that they should neither call Comnenus emperor nor offer him imperial honor. By distributing money to some of the senators, bestowing dignities upon others, and using various allurements with others still, he persuaded them to affix their signatures to the document and to guarantee its contents. But when they heard that Comnenus was coming and would enter the city the following day, some factious men of the senatorial rank went early in the morning to the shrine of the divine Word, the Sophia, B where they were joined by the leaders of the guilds, and with loud cries they demanded the presence of the Patriarch. He, having locked the doors on all sides, sent out his nephews to inquire what they wanted. But they, having grown in number by the arrival of a crowd, seized them and threatened to treat them ill unless the Patriarch immediately came out. It is said, however, that these things were feigned and simulated, so that the Patriarch might appear to be going out to the seditious against his will. When, therefore, he had descended from the upper stories, dressed in his priestly robes, he began to denounce those present—as if, forsooth, violence were being done to him. The bolder among the seditious, or rather those by whom the sedition was organized, surrounded him C and demanded that he act as their envoy to the Emperor so that the document which they had been forced to sign might be returned to them, since he had now made peace with Comnenus. He agreed to fulfill their request; but these things were all a pretense. For a short time later they openly proclaimed Comnenus emperor and autocrat, with the Patriarch himself consenting and cooperating—he who had sent word to Comnenus not to delay, had demanded a reward for his suffrage, and had insolently ordered the previous emperor to vacate the palace. Upon receiving this message from the leading priests, the elderly Michael asked, "What reward will you give me in return for the empire?" And when they replied, "The kingdom of heaven," he immediately cast off the imperial insignia and departed from the palace. Comnenus, for his part, having honored Kekaumenos with the title of Curopalates, sent the man with a force to take possession of the palace, the people of the city having poured out to meet the new emperor, making his entry into the imperial city most glorious.
IV. D The elderly Michael, therefore, having ruled for one year, fell from the throne, and after living for not long in a private state, paid the debt [of nature]. But Comnenus, having secured the empire,
A attributed his success to himself and not to God; and this is evident from the fact that he inscribed himself on the coin holding a drawn sword, all but crying out that this, and nothing else, had procured the kingdom for him. He rewarded those who had assisted him most generously, and he hastened to give everyone their rewards so that they might all return home, lest they cause some disturbance or rise up against the people by strolling about the city. He held the patriarch in great reverence, and for his sake he honored the patriarch’s nephews with great honors and set them over haughty magistracies. B Furthermore, to please the patriarch, he assigned to the Church the administration of ecclesiastical affairs; for whereas up to that time both the great oeconomus and the sacristan were usually appointed by the emperor, he subjected both of these offices to the authority of the patriarch, removing public control over them. Then, he proclaimed his consort Augusta, and he honored his brother John with the title of curopalates and named him grand domestic. Since all the emperors before him who had held the empire after that Porphyrogenitus, Basil, had not used the imperial and public property well, but had either squandered it upon their own pleasures and the construction of monasteries, or had gifted it away to whomever they happened to choose C as they saw fit, the imperial treasuries were exhausted and the public treasury was empty of money. Desiring to correct this vice, Comnenus did not undertake the reform slowly or by degrees, but just as he had had himself depicted on the stater with a hand raised holding a naked sword, so he applied himself to affairs, prepared to cut away the tumors at once, without employing medicines to soften and soothe the ulcerated parts. Therefore, from the moment he exchanged his tyranny for legitimate rule, he abrogated the acts of his predecessor without distinction; if that man had gifted anything to anyone, he snatched it away. But he also overturned and abrogated many of the acts of earlier emperors; and in this he spared neither the senate D nor even the vulgus. Finally, as time went on, he turned against sacred property; he cut away much that had been contributed to the monasteries that had been constructed by them, and rather subjected the monks to the public tax rolls, leaving them only necessary expenses while attributing the rest to the fisc. As he thus introduced innovations day by day, he incurred the hatred of all—of the senators, of the common people, and even of the military, for he did not spare them either, but diminished their resources, and this more than toward all others, toward those who spent their lives in monasteries. But nothing—neither entreaty, nor fear, nor hatred, nor reproach—led him away from his purpose; to such a degree had he lifted up his spirits and puffed up his soul. V. But neither did the patriarch yield to his pride, for
he wished to issue commands to him, and if at any time he failed to obtain what he had requested, he was annoyed, rebuked him, and threatened him, and then, as though he himself had bestowed the empire upon him, he threatened that he would take it away from him again. Such treatment that emperor could not endure with equanimity, and therefore he wisely took measures to act before he suffered anything.
Thus, when the patriarch had gone away to his own monastery, the festival of the heavenly Hosts who were honored there being already at hand, in order that he might celebrate that feast more brilliantly, the sovereign sent a body of soldiers there (for he did not wish to drag the man away from the Church of the Wisdom of the Word of God, lest a disturbance arise among either the clergy or the populace) and banished both him and his nephews who were with him. B Thereafter he set his mind on subjecting him to deposition, and he used certain of the high priests as collaborators for this, and also Psellus, the collector of many and weird accusations, which he had gathered and written down in a discourse against him; and he indicated to the man through certain persons that he should renounce the pastoral office, so that he might seem to resign it willingly, as if, should he not do this, he would be deprived of it against his will, with the accusations brought against him being exposed to all. But since the man would not yield to the emperor's will, the sovereign was concerned about his deposition.
But death hastened to resolve the patriarch's anxiety. For after a short time the patriarch departed from this life, and someone brought the news of his death to Comnenus, as though it were freeing him from his worries. But he at once changed his mind and lamented, and having brought his corpse back from exile with an honorable funeral procession, he laid it to rest in the monastery he had founded, and restored his nephews to their former honors. C In the Church he replaced him with the president and protovestiarius, Constantine Lichoudes, a man who had long shone in the administration of public affairs and who had remained blameless, to whom Monomachos had also entrusted the oversight of the Mangana, and the documents concerning their freedom.
Wishing to make these under his own control, Comnenus devises a scheme full of wickedness and the offspring of a malevolent mind. For since Lichoudes had been elected and designated, and had already been ordained a priest, he informed him secretly that certain things were being said against him, which barred him from his priestly functions, and that if these were not spoken of and resolved synodically, it would be impossible for him to receive the anointing of the high priesthood. "But," he said, "if you give me the rights of the Mangana, I will overlook what is being said and allow you to be anointed." D Lichoudes, therefore, perceiving that it was no longer possible for him to return to his former state, and that to remain in such a condition was shameful, promptly brought what was requested, and with no one hindering him, he was initiated with the pontifical rite.
VI. And Comnenus, having set out on an expedition against the Hungarians and the Scythians, who are called Patzinacae,
A he granted peace to the Hungarians when they requested it. But against the Scythians, as he advanced, the others submitted and made peace (for they were not all ordered under one leader); but one of them, Seltes, being bolder, encountered a division of the Roman forces, was defeated, and having lost many of his own men, fled with the survivors. The emperor then moved his camp and, toward the end of the month of September, withdrew to Lobitzum, where, due to a violent downpour and untimely snow, most of the horses perished, and many of the soldiers were endangered by the cold; and when the overflowing and stagnant rivers suddenly cut off supplies, both the men and his pack animals suffered from a shortage of necessities.
However, once the rain and snow had abated slightly, the emperor stepped out of his tent and withdrew to a certain large oak tree nearby, with some of the nobles standing around him. But a loud noise having arisen in that place, he and his attendants withdrew from it, and the tree was immediately torn up by the roots and fell. Therefore, having returned to the great city, in order to render thanks to God for the safety he had received, he built a church within the palace grounds in honor of the protomartyress Saint Thecla, because on the very day on which her memory is celebrated, he had escaped that danger from the oak—but it was such a structure as to argue for his great pusillanimity; this, his nephew (the son of his brother), the emperor John, son of Alexius, restored most magnificently in the name of our Savior B Jesus Christ.
VII. Now it must be told how this Isaac resigned the empire, although writers do not agree on the matter. For the most learned and eloquent Psellus relates that he was addicted to hunting, and as he often struck bears and boars with his spear, C his side was struck by a cold wind, and from this a fever arose from within and flared up. The next day, when he was pressed by pains in the side and was breathing with difficulty, with uncertain hope of life—or rather, with life completely despaired of—he handed over the empire to Constantine Ducas and embraced a better way of life. The Thracesian, however, reports that while he was hunting near Neapolis, a boar of horrible appearance was seen, and while he was pursuing it with loose reins, D while he was repeatedly aiming his spear at bears and boars, he was struck in the side by a cold wind, and then, not long after, the wound became evident; on the following day shivering set in, followed by a fever.
It was judged not a boar, but some sort of diabolical apparition; and meanwhile the emperor was struck by a flash like lightning, thrown from his horse in terror, and collapsed on the ground to the astonishment of all, frothing at the mouth and senseless. Put into a small boat from there, he was conveyed to the palace, and having been ill for a short time and then given up for dead, he had his hair shorn, put on a rough cloak in place of the purple, nominated Constantine Doukas as B emperor, and thus sailed to the Studion monastery, where, having recovered his health, he spent the rest of his life. He reigned for two years and three months. He was a vigorous man, arrogant in disposition, very quick in transacting business, and highly skilled in warfare. He was not himself learned in letters, but he was a lover of learning and a patron of scholars; he was so chaste in his marriage that, when he once fell ill while abroad and was advised by his doctors to relieve his illness through the practice of intercourse with a woman, he refused to have relations with anyone other than his own wife. When he was accused of aspiring to the throne, he replied that he could not endure the rule of a fellow slave by whom just rewards were denied to him. A And so, having escaped [the danger], he vanished, having supposedly been submerged in the sea, as most judged.
VIII. Constantine Doukas, having obtained the empire without labor, as has been said, raised many of the senatorial order and of the plebeian station to higher degrees of dignity; and those whom Comnenus had despoiled of their own honors—who were many—he restored to their original status. But he was very nearly drowned through a conspiracy. For when he was at the Mangana palace, the conspirators had devised a plan that, if a tumult were reported to him in the marketplace of the city, he would immediately cross by sea to the great palace; they had ensured that the imperial trireme and its pilots, who are commonly called *protocarabi* and had been brought into the conspiracy, would be absent. The emperor, hearing of the tumult, decided he must go straight to the palace. But as the imperial trireme was not to be found there, he boarded the nearest small boat. While he was sailing, however, the imperial ship appeared, which, cutting through the waves with frequent rowing and vehement impetuosity, was directed by the pilots straight toward the small boat, with the intention of sinking it and sending the emperor to the bottom. But those who were sailing with him shouted and cried out more boldly for them to check their oars and turn the rudders; the pilots, as if thunderstruck, by the will of God complied. Thus, with the danger avoided, he learned how and by whom the conspiracy was prepared, and he punished the guilty by merely confiscating their property. Even though he boasted of being descended from the family of the ancient Doukai—Andronikos, Pantherios, and Constantine—that family, when Constantine (as mentioned above) had aspired to the throne while Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the son of the Emperor Leo the Philosopher, was reigning, and because of his immature age was still under the...
supervision of guardians. But that family had long since been utterly exterminated, root and branch, at the time when Constantine had attempted to seize power (as has been stated earlier). Since no male of that line remained, it is said that his ancestors descended from a certain woman; hence he was not considered a pure Ducas, but a mixed one, and one who possessed a corrupted kinship with the Ducas family. For this reason, most people did not call him Ducas, but used the diminutive form, Ducitzes 56. B The man was, however, pious toward God, gentle in character, and a lover of justice, but in his reasoning he was slow and dull. While he took pleasure in those whose integrity had been proven, he loved money beyond measure and devised means by which he might amass many treasures. Therefore, he devoted great effort to two things. One was to increase the public revenues; for this reason, he sold the offices designated for fiscal administration to anyone who wished to purchase them, and he entrusted the collection of taxes to publicans with an agreement for added profits. This, then, was his first concern. The second was the hearing of lawsuits and the issuing of decrees. But in administering the law, he did not always observe the prescriptions of the statutes; rather, in some places his will stood in place of reason, and he would change the calculations, taking account of the persons involved in his judgments. Being parsimonious and stingy, he resolved within himself not to engage in battles with foreign nations, but to bind them to him with gifts and other tokens of favor, and to reconcile them to the Roman Empire. By this course of action, he sought two advantages: first, that he would not waste money on expeditions, and second, that he himself might remain at peace and spend his time almost entirely in the gathering of wealth. Therefore, he neglected the military registers, or rather, he struck many of the bravest men from the rolls because of their high pay. The result was that the barbarian element became bolder, while the Roman legions became more timid and inferior, and the Roman hegemony diminished. For many of the Eastern provinces were at that time partly plundered and ravaged, and partly occupied by the enemy.
IX. Nor did things stand in a very good state in the Occident, because of both the scarcity and the cowardice of the soldiers. For the nation of the Uzes (this is also a Scythian tribe, which is preferred to the Patzinacs in those regions for both the excellence of its lineage and the magnitude of its numbers) crossed the Ister with their wives and children. C The governors of the neighboring cities—these were the magister Nicephorus Botaniates and the magister Basilius Apocapes—tried in vain to prevent their crossing; but having been defeated, they were both captured and led away by the barbarians, who, having crossed the Danube, filled its entire tract. D For the majority agree that those among them able to bear arms numbered over sixty thousand. Advancing thence from Macedonia,
they plundered, and proceeded as far as Greece. These things brought despair to the Emperor, yet he hesitated to levy forces and kept postponing it, so as not to spend a single obol. He kept saying that the nation was invincible. Having sent envoys with gifts to those who led them, he attempted to persuade them to make peace with the barbarian. But since he was being openly reviled by all for not marching against the barbarians out of stinginess, he departed from the city and encamped at Chorobacchos, taking with him, as it is said, not more than one hundred and fifty soldiers. B While he was anxious about the gathering of an army, the destruction of that nation was announced to him. For a most severe pestilence having attacked it, and it having been greatly weakened thereby, the Patzinakoi and their neighbors, the Bulgarians, attacked them in their weakened state and utterly destroyed them, with only a few of the leaders barely managing to cross the Ister. Now the entire conduct of this affair was the work of divine power; for the Emperor, having despaired on all sides, fled to the Divine with tears, begging for His help with a contrite heart and calling upon the guidance from above. These things were done in the sixth year of the reign of this emperor. C Before this, a great earthquake occurred on the twenty-third of the month of September, by which temples and houses were ruined in many places. At that time, the Hellenic temple at Cyzicus collapsed—a most beautiful work and worthy of admiration—and the great and renowned temple of the holy Fathers in Nicaea was shaken. And in the month of May, in the fourth indiction, a hairy star appeared, following the sun as it set. At first it was equal in magnitude to the full moon, then, as if growing a mane, it diminished, and decreased by as much as it had once grown. It was seen for forty days, with its rays turned towards the East. D When, however, Patriarch Constantine Lichudes—having governed the Church for four years and six months—had passed to the other life, John Xiphilinus was raised to the pontifical see of Constantinople; he was by birth of Trapezus, but erudite in every kind of learning, and had been ranked among the principal senators. He, having of his own accord left all things behind and having shaved his head, frequented the Olympic monasteries
A and there, having spent a considerable time, was judged worthy of the patriarchal throne. But the emperor, having been seized by a disease, and suffering and being afflicted by it for a long duration, and having now been brought low, and knowing that his death was inevitable, left his empire to his three sons, whom his spouse Eudocia bore to him; two of these, Michael and Andronicus, were still private individuals, but Constantine was already emperor, having been proclaimed Augustus himself. Whence he alone was Porphyrogenitus, whom he immediately, and before the others, adorned with the imperial insignia. Then B he also proclaimed the others as emperors. These he set over the rule, but their mother he left as empress and nurse, and, to sum it up in a few words, as mistress, entrusting her with the administration of the empire, as it seemed moderate to him, and no less apt for the treatment of affairs than she was clever at educating children. But first he exacted a written oath from her, by which she promised that she would refrain from a second marriage. That document, signed by her, was handed over to the patriarch to be kept. But the senators also, all compelled by an oath, promised in writing that they would create no one else emperor but his own children. Having finished these things, he died. He reigned seven years and a half; he lived sixty years and more. Moreover, while alive he had called his own brother Caesar, and had had him as a counselor. C D
[alt-version omitted]
Various readings and notes
(63) John Xiphilinus. See what we observe concerning him in Anna Comnena, p. 267. (64) Psellus in his History writes that Constantine Ducas had three sons and two daughters before he obtained the empire, of whom the second son died while his father was reigning; another, Michael, was later emperor; the third, however, was Andronicus. The first of the daughters embraced the monastic life and was still alive when the same Psellus was writing; the other married a husband, perhaps Domenico Silvio, the Doge of the Venetians, as we have shown in Fam. Byzant.; for Psellus is silent about the spouse's family. But after Constantine obtained the empire, the Porphyrogenitus son was born, whom the same writer calls Constantios in two places, and Constantius elsewhere. (65) His spouse Eudocia. Psellus, in his History not yet published, reports that Constantine Ducas entered into marriage twice while still a private citizen: first with one born of noble lineage, as he hints using the words of the Dalassenos family: hence we previously wrote incorrectly in our Byzantine Families that the daughter of Constantine Dalassenos, who lived under Michael the Paphlagonian—whose daughter Constantine Ducas is said to be the son-in-law by Scylitzes and Zonaras—was the other wife of Ducas; and indeed, since the same writers are silent about these first nuptials, we wrongly wrote in our Byzantine Families that Eudocia was the other wife of Ducas and the daughter of Dalassenos. But Psellus does not reveal the lineage and family of Eudocia; but we have shown that she was called Macrembolitissa in our Byzantine August Families, with additions, and that she was of singular erudition, which is testified to by the works of hers preserved in libraries, in which it happened that I read that vast work from the Colbertine collection, which she inscribed and dedicated to the emperor Romanos Diogenes, her other husband, with this prefixed epigraph:
Ionians, a collection of gods, heroes, and heroic genealogies...
, etc. This is a work, I say, filled with a multifarious variety of matters and which testifies to the immense erudition of the princess, and her assiduous reading of books, both, as she herself says, from her own library, and those purchased elsewhere at great expense. Then she adds that this work should be joined to others she had hitherto completed: Where, in the margin, these things are written: Moreover, in the Ionians there are some things which she transcribed from Suidas in those places where he deals with writers, since he lived under John Tzimiskes, which she herself seems to hint at in the title. (66) And Andronicus. He writes soon after that he was gifted with the title along with his two other brothers. Therefore, he is that Andronicus whose death Psellus laments in a Monody in the Royal Codex, with this title: [in which he is called] ... Then he sufficiently hints that he ruled together with his brother, in these words: [where the word "alone" must be observed, for Constantine was the third son, the Porphyrogenitus]. Finally, in the eulogy of Andronicus, which the same Psellus placed at the very end of his History, he explicitly calls him emperor, in these words: the most delightful this emperor, etc.A He entrusted these men with the administration, while he left their mother to them as empress, nurse, and mistress—to say it all in sum—having placed the management of the empire in her hands, since she seemed to him prudent, skilled in the upbringing of children, and naturally gifted for the administration of affairs. First, however, he had demanded of her a written oath that she would not enter into a second marriage. This document, having been confirmed by her, was given to the patriarch for safekeeping; but all the members of the senate also pledged in writing that they would never proclaim any king other than his children. With these arrangements made, he departed this life, having reigned seven and a half years, and having lived sixty years or somewhat over. He had nevertheless honored his brother with the title of Caesar, and he was his counselor and a sharer of his secrets. Though not himself versed in learning 67, he loved it, and he revered the learned 68; he was accustomed to say that he preferred to be known for his learning rather than for his empire. And concerning those who plotted against him, he declared that he would deal with them in no other way than by using them as slaves, since the laws robbed them of their freedom.
X. Eudocia, therefore, succeeded to the empire together with her children according to the testament of the deceased emperor, and she undertook the management of public affairs, acting as a kind of teacher to her sons. She sat with them on the tribunal, occupying the center herself, with them sitting on either side of her; and thus they conducted themselves in assemblies, in the investigation of civil controversies, in receiving embassies, and in solemn processions. B But the barbarians, who were accustomed to plundering the Orient, did not cease to overrun the Roman provinces and daily devastate them. For the soldiers, as I have already said, had been neglected and reduced to misery by the emperor's parsimony. Even if any still remained who were devoted to military service, they were unenthusiastic about engaging the enemy, being deprived of their customary pay. Thus, the barbarians would sometimes lie in wait in Mesopotamia, sometimes lay waste to the borders of Melitene, sometimes harass Cilicia, and at other times fall upon the Cappadocians, and occasionally those in Coelesyria. These reports caused the empress distress, and since many told her that the state needed an emperor, she, fearing that some man might be proclaimed emperor by the public, and that she and her children might in this way be cast out of the empire, decided to bring someone into the government, so that she might preserve the power for herself and her children, and that it might remain for them inviolate. C For people deny that she married Diogenes out of licentiousness or desire for pleasure, but rather that she placed that man—as one strenuous and proven in military matters, and endowed with incomparable strength—in charge of supreme affairs, so that he might [repel] the attacks of the barbarians. Variæ lectiones et notæ. 67 And not versed in learning. He said: "I wish I were known for this rather than for the empire." 68 And the learned. [Referring to] Eudocia, his wife, who says in the Preface... when she addresses Romanus Diogenes: "And I am hopeful that this also... will be numbered among the many others who will rejoice at your return to the palace, O Triumphant Emperor; for you will find my administration of the empire not as I [have governed], but also [will find] the city adorned with every virtue and good customs. For I speak of learning, than which there is nothing more precious, and of the reading of learned men, and of the diligent study of such, which, like the garden of Adonis blooming with all manner of fragrant flowers, has adorned itself with the beauty of virtues, having become a rival to the Macedonian city [Constantinople] which has had many learned men, and in every way emulating the formerly glorious Athens, whose renown is heaven-high." For learning knows D how to correct all things so well that it is able both to extinguish barbarism and to renew the sweetness of speech, and to order everything with decorum; for the daily exhortations of learned men are like an instrument that tears away the ignorance of the soul and implants a stable understanding; and this occurs not only in the queen of cities, but in all of Hellas; for the subject, by nature, is wont to model himself upon the will of the leader, aiming at him as at a target. From which one may gather with how much zeal for letters and disciplines Constantine Ducas began the restoration in the primary city and indeed in all of Greece, and his wife Eudocia likewise, after his passing, while she alone with her children held the reins of power. Hence that saying of Constantine, which I recalled above in Psellus' History and from him in Zonaras. [alt-version omitted]
A For they do not say that she attached Diogenes to herself out of licentiousness, or because she was overcome by pleasure, but in order to place a man of action, distinguished in warfare and of incomparable strength, at the head of the government, so that the barbarian onrush might be checked to some degree by his resisting them with his own arms. Now this man was also of illustrious birth and celebrated for his brave deeds. His father had been the brother-in-law of Romanos, of the house of Argyros, who governed as emperor long ago, and, having been convicted of seeking the throne, threw himself down from a height so that, if captured, he might not be forced by interrogation to reveal his accomplices and thus bring punishment upon them as well. The son had been honored with the rank of vestarches. For having been appointed Duke of Sardica by Doukas, and having happened upon the Patzinaks somewhere there, he engaged them, killed many, and took no fewer prisoner; he sent both the living and the heads of the slain to the emperor, for which reason he was appointed vestarches, with an honorific letter stating that this rank was not a gift to him, but a reward for an outstanding feat. B While stationed there, he made preparations to seize the kingdom, having learned of the emperor's death. When his plan became known, the empress had him arrested. Thus, having been led in chains to Byzantium, he was convicted of the crime, condemned as a conspirator, and for a time confined within prescribed limits. Later, as one condemned, he was brought before the imperial tribunal so that the sentence might be confirmed against him. But mercy for the man came upon all who were standing by, and everyone was moved to pity. For he was not only incomparable in strength, but also fair to behold. The empress, too, felt for him along with the rest, and sympathy for the man took hold of her—though whether it was love, I cannot say—and in place of the vote fixing his punishment, she issued a decree freeing him from the punishment. Having been absolved of the charge, he left for Cappadocia (for that was his fatherland), but the empress summoned him back and appointed him Magister and commander of the forces, having already decided to proclaim him emperor, as she judged him to be the most noble of men. She was, however, hindered by the oaths and the written document which had been entrusted to the patriarch for safekeeping. C And it was her particular concern how she might take this back. She therefore devised a wicked and deep-laid plan regarding this, and shared it with one of her eunuchs, employing the servant as a pander, and instructing him in how he should speak with the patriarch. The eunuch approached the high priest and said: "Know, my lord, that the empress is in love with your nephew" (for he had a nephew, Bardas, a young man, flourishing and given to sensual pleasures), and he added that if you consent—that is, if you return the written document of the oath to the empress and persuade her that great danger hangs over her from it—she will immediately marry your brother's son and hand over to him the imperial power. D As the patriarch was beguiled by these deceits, he gave himself over entirely, and the eunuch went on to demand that he also sound out the minds of the senators. The eunuch, therefore, having summoned the senators one by one, said that the times demanded an emperor who would undertake the defense of the state. For if the Roman empire were to be administered only by a woman and children, not long afterward not only the remote provinces and those bordering on the enemy would perish, but even the suburban ones. To these things he added complaints about the oath and the written document, and spoke ill of the dead emperor, as if he had hindered the common good not out of concern for the republic, but out of private jealousy.
He demanded that this oath and the illegal documents be set aside. While he was summoning each of these men, he would say that he was seeking after the matters at hand, and that an emperor was needed who would take charge of them. For if these things were still to be administered by a woman alone and by mere children, the empire of the Romans would certainly perish before long, and not only the distant provinces, but even those near the borders and the very threshold of the empire, would fall to the enemies. And concerning this, he made many accusations against the oath and the document, and disparaged the dead emperor as having provided no care for the common interest, but as having, out of jealousy, demanded outlawed oaths and illegal documents. Having found most of those to whom he spoke to be in agreement—and if any did object, he persuaded them, some with gifts and others with promises, to come over to his side—he sent back the written document of the oath to the empress. A Having received this, the empress moved to execute her plan, and communicated the matter to the elder of her sons, and to the Caesar, who had been summoned to the palace; he participated in the wedding and tasted of the nuptial mixing-bowls. Thus she was married to Diogenes. So he was declared emperor, whereas Eudocia and her sons had reigned for seven months and a few days.
XI. When Romanus Diogenes had secured the Roman empire, he disappointed the hope of Eudocia, the author of such great status for him. For she, having rescued him not only from a manifest danger—when he was condemned and already almost saw the executioner standing over him—but having also elevated him to such a great empire, thought she would have him obedient to her word in all things, and that she would rule over the emperor himself. B But he, being of an arrogant and untamable disposition, yielded to the will of the Augusta for a time by forcing his own nature, simulating submission. But when he could no longer bear the constraint, having quickly shaken off the yoke, he returned to his own character and wished to exercise power freely. Since, however, the Eastern provinces were in a bad state, and some things were despaired of while others were nearing desperation, he proclaimed an expedition and pitched the imperial tent in the region of the East, opposite Byzantium, for two reasons: that he might provide for the safety of his subjects as much as the circumstances allowed by prohibiting the incursions of the Barbarians, and that he might seize an opportunity for glory, and not be the empress's piece of property, but an emperor in his own right. Having therefore left the palaces, he crossed into the East, without having led out a proper army, and with the very troops he did lead out suffering from a shortage of arms, horses, and necessary supplies. For it was not easy to suddenly restore to full strength an army that had been neglected for a long time through sloth. C When, therefore, the soldiers in this state had been assembled in the Eastern province—which is a part of Phrygia—the enemies, having learned that the emperor himself was present, and that he was such a man as not to shrink from readily braving danger for his subjects—a man warlike and endowed with immense strength (for the Barbarians did not accurately know the state of the army)—reasoned that they must act with caution and refused to decide the issue in battle. Whence the sultan withdrew, and two parts having been separated from the Barbarian army D
he ordered A one to rush into the southern part of interior Asia, and the other into the northern. The invaders plundered whatever they encountered, and having suddenly fallen upon Neocaesarea, they sacked it, and being loaded with spoils, they set out from there to return. News of this being brought to the emperor, it instilled in him despondency; he took the more active men of his army and set out, eager to reach the enemies beforehand through pathless regions and mountains. When he came upon them unexpectedly, he cast them all into fear, and they immediately turned to flight, abandoning there both the loot and their baggage. A great slaughter of the Barbarians, however, did not occur, because the soldiers, exhausted by the journey, were not able to pursue them for long. Yet the captives, and whatever else filled out the booty, were all set at liberty. From there he set out for Syria, and having sent one phalanx to Melitene, he himself hastened to Chalep, and brought away a great haul of men and other animals. From there he came to Hierapolis of Syria, and having undertaken to besiege it, he received the city by surrender. Subsequently, when the Barbarians had attacked a portion of the Roman army and defeated it, no one of the others showed a desire to come to the aid of the defeated. But the emperor, being inside the captured city and having learned what had happened, immediately sallied forth with those about him to the aid of the defeated. The leader of Chalep, having learned of the Roman defeat, added himself also to the other Barbarians with all his own force, expecting to lead the emperor away as a captive immediately. And they surrounded the Roman camp in a circle. The emperor, however, launched the battle against them without proclamation (for he went forth from the camp and led out the army, without the sound of trumpets or any other manifest signal) and turned the opponents, and forced them to turn to flight. For if the Roman army had pursued them for a longer time, it would have won a great and glorious victory. For the horses of the Arabs B are indeed swift in the first charge, and faster than all the rest, but they do not extend their course for long, and they tire very quickly. But having been recalled—so that by not pursuing the enemies they kept them safe—they thus robbed themselves of a great success and glory. Still, it seemed sufficient to the emperor that the Romans had dared to invade the enemies, having cast off their former timidity. By order of the emperor, the citadel of Hierapolis was established. In his progress, after some towns were taken and others left behind because they were impregnable, he arrived at the city of Cilicia called Alexandria. When he departed from there, it was announced that Amorium had been plundered and many slain. Although the emperor felt grieved at these things, since he could offer no aid, and having led the soldiers into winter quarters where they would not be pressed by any lack of provisions, he himself returned to the queen of cities, acting more arrogantly, as if he had accomplished more, not only toward others but also toward the empress herself. And she, perceiving that her hopes had turned to the contrary, was vexed and had a heart swollen with grief, and could not endure his reproaches. C For the horses of the Arabs, although they are swift in the first charge, and in their fleetness of foot surpass those of others, do not extend their run for long, but tire very quickly. Being recalled, and refraining from pursuit, they saved their opponents, while depriving themselves of a great achievement and glory. Yet to the emperor, the fact that the Romans had dared to attack the enemies at all, and had laid aside much of their former cowardice, seemed a sufficient success. By the emperor's order, the acropolis of Hierapolis was settled. Having attacked other smaller cities, and having passed by some because they were impregnable, while seizing others, he arrived at a city of Cilicia called Alexandria. And from there, as he was leaving, it was announced that Amorium had been plundered and many killed. The emperor indeed was distressed at these things, but not being able to assist those who had suffered, he managed the affairs of his own army so that they might pass the winter season without lack of necessities, and he himself returned to the queen of cities, bearing himself more arrogantly as if he had perhaps accomplished more, not only toward others, but also toward the empress herself. And she, discerning that her expectations had turned to the contrary, was D vexed and had her heart swelling, unable to endure his reproaches.
XII. At the beginning of spring, the emperor undertook a second expedition, and when he had arrived at Caesarea and learned that a great multitude of Turks was raiding that province, he sent a portion of his troops against them, while he himself also charged; having routed them and captured or slain them all, he proceeded to the Euphrates, having appointed Philaretus as commander. He was of the race of the Brachamii, who, although he seemed to have sufficient military experience, was nevertheless of a depraved life, and utterly contrary to his name, which denotes someone zealous for virtue. Having given him half of the army, he himself turned toward the north. But the enemies, having struck terror into the soldiers of Philaretus, so that they abandoned the positions they were guarding and fled, pursued them, and seized all their baggage, which brought sadness to the emperor; then, having advanced into Cappadocia, they laid waste the fields and made for Iconium, a city populous with men and fortunate in all those things which are called fine. B The emperor, having learned of this at Sebastia, also directed his journey toward the same place. But when news was brought of the devastation of that city, and of the departure of the Turks who feared his arrival, he sent a portion of the Roman legions to Cataturius, the duke of great Antioch, and commanded him to come to Mopsihestia and attack the Turks as they were passing through that way. However, the enemies, when they had come into the plain of Tarsus, were despoiled of almost all their booty by the Armenians, and having heard of the Roman ambushes at Mopsihestia, they set out on their way by night and escaped; this affair was a cause of grief to the emperor, so that, matters being desperate, he returned to Byzantium. For autumn was already pressing, during which season the great temple of the Blachernae also burned down, in the year from the creation of the world six thousand five hundred and seventy-eight. C When spring had arrived, he placed Manuel Comnenus, the Protoproedros, nephew of the emperor Isaac by his brother and appointed Curopalates, in command of the legions, who, although a youth, governed the army with the prudence of an old man and defeated the Barbarians. Envious of him for this success, Diogenes took away a not insignificant part of the troops and sent him into Syria. Whence, as Comnenus was setting out for Sebastia with the remainder, a multitude of Turks appeared; who, by a feigned flight, as he pursued them, turned by prearrangement and attacked the dispersed Romans; and having slain many, and taken not a few captive, and having captured the leader Manuel himself, they plundered the camp. This affair—and no less the report concerning the republic of the Chonae and the celebrated temple of Saint Michael being occupied by the Barbarians—disturbed the emperor, so that he was wholly intent upon how he might, by waging war against them as soon as possible, save what was in danger. But while he hesitated on the advice of certain men, Comnenus arrived with the Turk by whom he had been captured. For, when the sultan... D
A for some reason had become hostile toward the man, he sent an army against him to arrest him. Fearing this, he chose to take refuge with the emperor, who immediately honored him with the rank of president, although he was of very short stature and most unsightly in appearance.
XIII. When spring approached, he boarded the imperial trireme. Scarcely had it departed from the harbor when a dove, not entirely black but inclining toward blackness, flew around his trireme, nor did it cease flapping its wings around him until he caught it with his hands and sent it to the empress; this was considered an inauspicious omen, both for him who had caught it and for her who had received it. Moreover, the imperial tent collapsed when the wood by which it was supported in the middle broke of its own accord; this also was considered an B ominous sign. But neither of these things dampened the emperor’s resolve, or hindered him from reaching the Eastern provinces, being intent on frugality beyond his usual custom. While he was staying in certain small dwellings, fire from some unknown source fell upon them, consuming them and burning the imperial horses, harnesses, and vehicles, which also seemed to him a bad omen. Departing from there, having crossed the Halys and left Caesarea behind, he fortified a camp at the place called Frigid Fountain. There, when a legion had deserted because some of the Nenitzi had been punished more severely for their crimes, he himself immediately rode up on horseback and, having brought the army along, terrified the deserters C and drew them back into his military alliance. Then he set out for Theodosiopolis, and ordered each man to carry provisions for two months with him, since he was about to travel through deserted regions; and having divided the army, he sent the Latin Ruselius, a warrior of great prowess, with one detachment against Chliat, and ordered another man, with a second detachment, to lay waste to Mantziciert, while he himself retained the rest. D
A Since the inhabitants of Mantziciert were not able to wage war, they received pledges, abandoned the city, and surrendered. However, when the soldiers went out to forage, they were suddenly oppressed by their enemies. When the Emperor learned of this, he sent the magistros Nikephoros Bryennios with a few cohorts against them. He engaged the Turks, but seeing his own forces exhausted, he requested reinforcements. The Emperor, being ignorant of the enemy's strength, accused Bryennios of cowardice and was angry with the man (it happened at that time that a priest was reading the Gospel which says: "If they persecuted me, they will also persecute you" 1). Nevertheless, he sent the magistros Nikephoros Basilakes with a part of his forces. When these had joined forces with Bryennios, the battle was for a short time equal on both sides. Then, because Bryennios did not follow, Basilakes rushed in among the front-line troops with his own men, and put the enemies to flight. While he was pursuing them as far as the rampart, his horse was wounded, and he dismounted; and because he could not move easily on account of the weight of his arms, he was surrounded by the enemies and captured. When he was led to the sultan, he did not conduct himself in a way unworthy of a nobleman, nor did the sultan treat him as a captive. Instead, he summoned him frequently and questioned him about the Emperor, and showed him his own forces. Basilakes praised the sultan and expressed admiration, but B told him that it was not to the sultan's advantage to engage the Emperor in battle. Meanwhile, the Emperor went out from the camp with the remainder of the army to observe what was happening; he stood upon some hills until evening and then returned. As soon as he had returned to the camp, the Turks surrounded it, and riding around it, they hurled missiles and resounded around the army with discordant shouts and ululations. Thus that night passed. At dawn, a detachment of Uzi defected to the enemies. This also made the remaining multitude of the Uzi objects of suspicion.
XIV. The Emperor, having very quickly sent to Chliat, recalled the armies stationed there. But when they did not arrive—for Tarchaniotes, who was one of the commanders there, having learned of the sultan's arrival, had persuaded Roussel to flee with his forces into the Roman borders—Diogenes resolved to test the fortune of war the next day with those who were with him, and at first light he began to prepare for the battle. In the meantime, envoys arrived from the sultan to discuss peace. The Emperor did not receive the envoys with much kindness, C nevertheless, he gave them leave to speak, and urged them to report back to their master: if he wished to speak about conditions, he must abandon the place where he now had his camp and move his tents far away, so that he himself might fortify his rampart there, where the tents of the Barbarians currently stood.
A Having spoken these things to the envoys quite arrogantly, he ordered them to return quickly. They, therefore, reported the emperor’s words to the sultan, and he began to deliberate with those around him concerning the terms of peace. But the emperor, having become arrogant and persuaded by some of those intimate with him who said that the sultan was afraid and because he did not have adequate forces, was therefore seeking peace so that, after the battle was postponed, he might bring up another force—and not waiting for the return of his envoys, nor considering anything else, he ordered the signals for battle to be sounded. Although the unexpected event disturbed the Barbarians, they nevertheless drew up a battle line, and even though they were being attacked by the Romans, they did not counter-attack, but retreated little by little, neither fleeing nor fighting.
But when the day was far spent, the emperor, knowing that the guard around the camp was not significant and fearing that it might be plundered by the enemy if they attacked, decided to abandon the battle and march back to the rampart. Therefore, having turned the imperial standard, he himself turned back and signaled the army to do the same. Those who were around him carried out the order without commotion, but those whose ranks were further away interpreted the emperor’s withdrawal as a flight, due to the word spread among the phalanxes by Andronikos, the son of the Caesar. For both the Caesar and his sons were always lurking against the emperor and were secretly plotting against him. B Therefore, Andronikos at once, with those around him (for he was in command of no small portion of the soldiers), returned to the rampart with his horse at a gallop. This also turned the rest to flight, and when the emperor saw them returning in such a disorderly fashion, he stood still and exhorted those who were leaving to stand firm. But they had all become deaf to his commands and did not cease their flight.
When the enemies realized that the unexpected flight of the Romans was a misfortune and a divine manifestation of wrath, they immediately fell upon the emperor. He, with those around him, did not refuse the battle and for a time resisted bravely; then, as some fell and others were captured, the emperor was surrounded by the Barbarians. C Yet not even then did he give in. Having struck and killed many, he himself was wounded in the hand, and being thus exhausted, and being no longer able to defend himself against those coming upon him, nor yet able to flee, his horse having already fallen from the arrows, the emperor of the Romans was captured and led away as a prisoner to the Barbarians.
When this news was received, the sultan, by the name of Axan, felt joy, as is natural, yet he was not carried away by pride. Many things are recounted concerning his moderation and justice. For this reason, he did not believe in the emperor’s captivity, due to such excessive success; and when he saw him, he did not rest until the envoys, whom he had sent some time before, recognized him; D and Basilacius, who was held there, was brought in and prostrated himself at his feet, weeping. Then, as if moved by a divine impulse, he leapt from his throne and, according to custom, trampled upon him as he lay on the ground. Then he raised him up and embraced him, with words to this effect: "Do not grieve, O Emperor, for such are human affairs. But I will treat you not as a captive, but as an emperor." And immediately he designated a tent for him and provided imperial services and a table.
He made him sit upon a throne as an equal, and released to him as many of the captives as he requested. And so, having conversed and lived with the man for several days, and having honored him excessively, he then made a covenant for perpetual peace and promised that an alliance should be contracted between their children, and he sent Diogenes away with as much escort and honor as one could never have hoped for. B When he had arrived at Theodosiopolis, having been dressed in barbarian fashion (for the sultan had given him his own national robes), he waited there while the wound in his hand was being treated, and he changed his dress according to Roman custom. From there, he set out for the city with the sultan's envoys. But his captivity having been announced in the imperial capital, a dispute arose among the nobles, some thinking that authority should be restored to the empress, others assigning the empire to the eldest of her sons, and others granting common authority to mother and sons.
XV.
Meanwhile, the liberation of Diogenes was announced, and a letter written by his own hand was brought, which instructed them in what had happened to him; this stirred up a greater commotion, and there was more doubt as to what should be done. Therefore Caesar John and his sons, always hostile to Diogenes (as has been said), seized the opportunity, and having taken certain members of the senate into their crime—of whom Psellus the Hypertimus was the leader, being himself also an enemy to Diogenes—they relegated the empress Eudocia to the monastery which she herself had built in the vicinity of the Propontis strait, and proclaimed Michael emperor. Then they sent imperial letters everywhere, by which the provincials were ordered neither to receive Diogenes upon his return, nor to deem him worthy of imperial honor: of which counsel Psellus was the author, as he himself recounts in his history. When Diogenes learned of this, having pitched his camp at the castle of Docea, Caesar Con-Constantine, the son of the Caesar, sent his younger son, the *proedros* Constantine, against Diogenes with an army. Diogenes arrived in Cappadocia and, when Crispinus (a Frank by race) arrived with his fellow countrymen and joined Constantine, Diogenes sent Theodore Halyates against them. Engaging them, he was defeated, captured, and had his eyes put out. This troubled Diogenes greatly. While he was in the Tyropoion (a very well-fortified castle), the *doux* of Antioch—who was the Armenian Chataturius—came to him, bringing many soldiers. Having taken Diogenes and brought him into Cilicia, he waited for help from the Sultan, and he himself also gathered forces. Therefore, the eldest son of the Caesar, the *proedros* Andronicus, was sent again against them. A battle was joined, and Chataturius was slain, but his soldiers fled to Diogenes at Adana, where Diogenes was staying. Andronicus besieged the city, and eventually, Diogenes surrendered himself under certain conditions. These conditions were that he should lay down his empire, shave his head, and live a private life. Indeed, chief priests were sent by the reigning emperor, giving him a sworn assurance that he would suffer no harm. Trusting in these, Diogenes donned a dark garment and surrendered himself to the protection of Andronicus. B Taking him, Andronicus returned, and upon reaching Cotyaeum, he waited there for orders on what should be done, while Diogenes was suffering illness from drinking poison, which had been treacherously mixed into his drink, as was believed. There, therefore, an imperial decree arrived, commanding that the innocent man be deprived of his sight. And this was done immediately in the presence of the chief priests, who took the man’s calamity sorely, but no one paid them any heed. Thus, crudely deprived of his vision, with no proper care applied, his head swelled and worms teemed from his wounds, so that from that putrefaction the very air around him was filled with a most terrible stench. In such a calamity, he was taken to the island of Prote, in a higher part of which he had built a monastery. Not long surviving there, he gave his body to the earth, his funeral being most splendidly arranged by the Empress Eudocia, having reigned for three years and eight months. All these things that this man suffered are said to have been done by the order of the Caesar, while Emperor Michael was unaware, he being of a soft and sluggish nature, so much so... C ...the commotion and running about the palace, with some wondering at the event and others refusing to believe the matter—for the Empress too was seized with doubt and was uncertain what she should do—in the midst of those who were at a loss, I myself having become one of them, and all urging me to express what was advantageous, and especially with the most excellent emperor himself pressing and urging me, I was of the opinion that he should not be received upon the throne, but should be removed from the middle, and edicts sent everywhere prohibiting this rule to him. This seemed advantageous to those who were established, while to others it seemed differently. While matters were in this state, Emperor Michael, fearing for himself and suspecting the cruelty of Diogenes, took counsel that was most secure for himself, and one might say, even more sagacious; he ran away from his mother and became his own master. Making use of his cousins as advisors—I mean the sons of the Caesar—he made those guards about the palace his own. He was pained when he heard it, he groaned deeply, he lamented, and he beat his breast passionately. Do not distrust me in writing this; the story is not false, nor is it told for favor, but is true and clearer than light.
A His eyes had been gouged out—in the presence of the high priests, who felt great distress at this misfortune befalling a man, yet did not deem him worthy of any care. Having had his eyes cut out in a most brutal manner and receiving none of the necessary attention, his head swelled up, his wounds festered with worms, and the air around him was heavy with the stench of decay. Thus, in such a piteous state, he was taken to the island called Proti, where he had himself built a shrine on higher ground. Having lived a short time longer, he there laid aside his earthly remains, having been buried with the greatest splendor by the empress Eudoxia; he had reigned for three years and eight months. It is said that all the events that befell this man were at the ordering of the Caesar, without the emperor Michael knowing anything of it. For the emperor was of a character entirely too soft and lax, and unskilled in the management of affairs and of common business, to say nothing of the administration of an empire. B And from this, his uncle the Caesar took advantage of his innocence, and concocted everything against Diogenes.
XVI. Michael being ill-suited for the empire, he entrusted the administration to John, the metropolitan of Side, who, though a eunuch, was a man of action. Afterward, he installed another eunuch, Nicephorus, whom the Monomachos had acquired in his youth for the palace, and who was nicknamed "Nicephoritzes" on account of his youth—a title which he kept—and whom he summoned from Greece and the Peloponnese where he had been officiating in judicial matters. This man had even reached the point of serving the emperor's father, the emperor Constantine Ducas. He was skilled in the transaction of business and practiced in speech, but possessed a cringing character and was full of craftiness. This, then, is the man to whom he entrusted the reins of the empire, naming him Logothete. From this moment, the man from Side was pushed aside, the Caesar became suspect, and the entire administration of the empire fell under the Logothete, and the emperor was led by him like a slave. There was nothing that did not happen through the Logothete, and many were deprived of their properties, as one accusation was piled upon another to seize them; the crushing and misery of the people were great, and there was no one to turn to for relief. C For the emperor spent his time in childlike pursuits, while the head of the philosophers and Hypertimos, Michael Psellos, instructed him in words—or so it seemed—and taught him, now the art of grammar, now meters and dialects, and now D other matters. For this reason, it seems, the metropolitan of Side managed the affairs of the empire without hindrance in the name of the emperor, lord Michael Ducas. For the emperor gave himself to literary studies and was taught by Psellos to compose iambic verses. The Synopsis of the laws in iambic and political verses, by the most wise Michael Psellos and Hypertimos, addressed to the emperor Caesar Michael Ducas, by order of his father the emperor. He was unsuited and useless for any task whatsoever. But one might ask, what were the pastimes of the emperor, and upon what might
he busy himself? At one moment he would converse with an orator; at another, he would organize the hearing of philosophical theorems. He, however, had no natural aptitude for any of these. The Roman emperor, A obsessively clinging to such things, entrusted the administration of public affairs to another, and this person was one solitary individual; for it became law that whatever seemed good to the Logothete should be done. Thus, the affairs of the state were in a wretched condition. And the situation in the East was worse than before. For the Sultan [(91)], having learned what had happened regarding Diogenes, and that he had honored the man whom he himself had taken captive and sent back honorably to his own empire, and that the peace conditions established with him remained unfulfilled, was affected with great sorrow; he incited his own forces to march against the Roman provinces, which they were no longer invading merely to plunder, but as those who intended to subdue and possess them, there being no one to resist. While they were doing this, the emperor, having raised an army, appointed Isaac Comnenus as its B commander, and gave him as an associate the Latin, Ruselius, who was in command of four hundred men of his own race. But when the army had been led to Iconium, Ruselius for some known reason defected from his own side, and by himself fought against the Turks and ravaged other Roman provinces. Isaac Comnenus, however, with the rest of the army, was defeated by the Turks; many were killed and many were captured, the camp was plundered, and he himself fell into the power of the enemy, from whom he redeemed himself for a large sum of money. The emperor then placed his uncle, the Caesar, in charge of the war. Learning of this, Ruselius occupied the area before the Caesar could cross the Sangarius, and pitched his camp against him. Although the Caesar promised him forgiveness for his offense if he would lay down his arms and return to the emperor, Ruselius, in his barbaric insolence, did not think at all of surrender. War was joined, therefore, and those C around the Caesar were defeated; the Caesar himself was captured, along with many others, except for Botaneiates, who had been campaigning with the Caesar and escaped with a few men. Ruselius then set out for Byzantium, bringing the Caesar in chains, and Basil Malesas, who had been liberated from captivity with Diogenes a little while before. But Botaneiates had escaped with a few men and retreated to Chrysopolis, where he immediately set fire to the houses. Nor was this barbarian man mollified by anything whatever, even when the emperor, promising the honor of Curopalates if he would lay down his arms, sent his wife and children to him. And so, having summoned the Turks against him for pay, since he realized he was not a match for them, he released the Caesar from his chains and saluted the emperor, thinking that many would join him. But when he attacked the Turks inconsiderately with his barbaric ferocity, the Franks killed many of them, and D those who were driven into flight were continuously pursued; yet many stood their ground, as their horses were so exhausted that they could not endure a longer pursuit. But Ruselius and the Caesar, pressing on with a few companions, and having advanced too far from their own men, fell into the hands of another band of Turks...
Various readings and notes
(91) *The Sultan.* As far as Bithynia they arrived, which the Constantinopolitans maintained had been predicted by the oracle of the Sibyl. Joannes Tzetzes, Chil. 9, cap. 288.And concerning Diogenes, he also sang, and of the Turks; but let us leave the rest, and speak briefly: "Then wolves shall inhabit the Bithynian land, By the counsels of Zeus, and evil shall come upon men, Men who inhabit the seat of Byzantium."
A Having been released from captivity, the defector was in Chrysopolis, and he immediately set fire to the houses there. The emperor promised him the dignity of curopalates if he would lay down his arms and send away his wife and children. But the barbarian remained untamed. The emperor therefore sent for the Turks to fight against Ruselios for a fee. But he, not being equal to the war, released the Caesar from his chains and proclaimed him emperor with royal acclamations, hoping that many would join him. B Suddenly, however, the Turks appeared, and Ruselios moved against them with barbarian rashness and without foresight. The Franks killed many of the Turks, put the others to flight, and pursued them relentlessly. Most of them were left far behind, as their horses could not keep up with the long pursuit. Ruselios, with the Caesar and a few men, pressed on. When they had traveled a great distance from their own men, another multitude of Turks appeared, numbering many thousands. As those who had appeared fell upon them, they were forced into combat against their will. Surrounded by the multitude and having lost their horses, both the Caesar and Ruselios were captured. But the wife of Ruselios managed to ransom him, and the emperor ransomed the Caesar. The latter, being led to the emperor and arriving at the Propontis, had his hair shorn and his attire changed, adopting a monastic robe; for he feared that he might suffer some harm at the hands of his nephew because of the acclamation. Ruselios, having been released from captivity as has been said, took his wife and the remaining Franks and went to the theme of the Armeniacs, where he had lived before. The emperor therefore sent against him the proedros Alexios Komnenos, a young man, but prudent and energetic. Upon arriving at Amaseia, he secretly signaled to the Turks that if they would capture Ruselios and deliver him up to him, he would fill them with much money. They, therefore, feigning friendship toward Ruselios, seized the man and traded him for much money; he was immediately led away in chains by Alexios to Byzantium, and after being severely tortured, was imprisoned in a tower. Since there was a scarcity of grain in the days of this emperor, such that a whole medimnos was not sold for a gold coin, but rather a pinakion — which is a quarter of a medimnos — the public calamity gave the emperor a nickname, so that he is called by it even to this day; for no one would recognize him when people speak of him, unless they call him Parapinakios.
C XVII. In the third year of his reign, the nation of the Croats, whom some also call Serbs, was stirred up and attempted to seize the land of the Bulgarians. D They did indeed seize some of it, but after many battles and the slaughter of many on both sides, they fell from what they had held, and being overcome, were driven out of the Roman frontiers and forced to remain in their own customs. A certain slave of the father of this emperor, Nestor by name, vestarches in rank, having been appointed doux of the Paristrion, took up arms against the emperor. For having made a pact with a certain commander of the Patzinaks, who was called Tatous, they arrived at the queen of cities and encamped before it. When the emperor indicated to him that he should lay down his arms, he said he was ready to do so if the logothete Nikephoros were handed over to him, or were at least removed from the scene, as a common calamity and a pestilence to the people. This, for the
A emperor, was a matter of no concern; he would step down neither from the city, nor from the provinces, but instead he plundered the regions of the Thracians and Macedonians, as well as those parts of Bulgaria adjacent to them, and retreated into the territory of the Patzinaks. When a son was born to him by Maria from the Alans, whom he also crowned as empress, he named him Constantine after his father, and bestowed upon him the imperial ribbon. He also sent to Robert, who ruled over Lombardy, and betrothed that man’s daughter to his son; upon her arrival, he renamed her Helena (92). B It was at that time that a child was born in Byzantium, having one eye in the middle of its forehead and the legs of a goat. However, as the barbarians were plundering the East and putting everyone they encountered to the sword, the Asians fled and approached the city of Constantine. As no one was taking any thought for the common good (for the emperor was preoccupied with his studies and was being tutored by Psellos in the composition of iambics), a shortage of grain began to press upon the people in the city. To describe this affliction more tragically: it was not merely an evil, but a famine, and a pestilence followed closely in its wake; deaths ensued, so frequent and consecutive C that the living were unable to provide burial for the dead. Indeed, they were so numerous that often several were carried out on a single litter, and many others lay unburied in the thoroughfares. Consequently, everything was filled with gloom, both for these reasons and because the populace was oppressed by unjust exactions. As matters stood in this state, the leading men of the East, having gathered together, conceived a rebellion and chose the curopalates Nikephoros Botaneiates, whom they acclaimed as emperor. This filled the emperor (93) with alarm and terror; for he used to rejoice in the belief that the letter N would one day prevail over the letter M. Botaneiates was among the nobility, and was believed to trace his lineage back to the Phokases (94). D The emperor therefore sent envoys to the Turks, promising them lavish rewards if they would catch the rebels and deliver them to him. Botaneiates, however, having (as has been said) taken upon himself the imperial name and dress, set out for Byzantium. From the West, meanwhile, another wave of sedition surged up. For the proedros Nikephoros Bryennios, who happened to be the Doux of Dyrrachium, upon learning that he had been stripped of his office, likewise defected; he assumed the imperial regalia and, guarded by the divisions of troops present there, marched toward Adrianople, from which he had set out. Having joined there with his brother John, he gathered a multitude of soldiers and embarked upon his tyranny.
Having persuaded some of the heathens and Macedonians to assist him—they A having advanced from there—he began his tyranny. When Theodorocanus joined with some of those of Bryennius, he was defeated and captured. The people of Raidestos also flocked to Bryennius, and indeed even those dwelling in Penion. Bryennius therefore held firmly to his rebellion, having honored his brother with the dignity of kouropalates, and having sent him with an army toward Byzantium, with the expectation of immediately seizing it. For he was inflated with hopes, as if they were slack—as the saying goes—that the members of the senate would receive him into their hands because of their hatred for the logothete Nikephoros and because of the emperor’s simplicity; but affairs did not turn out according to his design. For those who were sent, having advanced to the wall of the Blachernae, engaged in a skirmish, but achieved nothing. Wherefore, having crossed the bridge (95) to the continent opposite the city, they delivered the buildings found there to the fire, and from there returned to Athyra. Thus the emperor, being besieged on all sides, released Ruselios from his bonds, and by mollifying the man with words and money, persuaded him to advance against the blood-brother of Bryennius, along with the proedros Alexios Komnenos, who was commanding the army remaining with the emperor at Byzantium. Having learned of this, the brother of Bryennius fled in time. Many of the Macedonians, however, who were left behind, were either killed or captured.
B XVIII. In the meantime, also, a multitude of Patzinaks came against Adrianople, and having encamped around it, they plundered the surrounding country. Bryennius, however, having greeted them with money, persuaded them to move away from the city. Regarding his brother who had gone to Cyzicus and was attempting to win over those there, Ruselios encountered him and routed him completely. Just as the patriarch John Xiphilinos (96) had been translated to the eternal mansions, having shepherded the Church for ten years, one month, and seven days, Cosmas the monk (97) was appointed patriarch, a man unlearned in rhetoric, but adorned with all kinds of virtues, and for this reason he was held in the highest esteem by the emperor. Botaneiates, however, having acquired for himself regiments from various nations, also won over the Turks, of whom Cutlumus was the leader, being among the famous Persians; he was related by kin to the sultan, and was at odds with him over the rule, and they were already preparing to go to war. This, having been reported to the caliph (who was greatly honored among them, as he was thought to be descended from the lineage of Muhammad), cast him into anxiety, lest a civil war arise among them. Immediately, therefore, even though it was not considered proper for the caliph to leave his own residence or to appear in public, he, despising the custom, went out and came to those who were contending over the rule, and persuaded them to C refrain from battle, and that the sultan should hold his own rule intact, but should assist his kinsman in every way to get possession of Roman territory, and rule over it. Having confirmed these compacts, Cutlumus entered the Roman domain and provided his services to Botaneiates, who, being equipped with regular troops, was hastening to occupy Nicaea; for the garrison soldiers, having betrayed the city, had already joined themselves to him of their own accord, and some were flocking to him from the great city day by day. Thus, with matters proceeding according to his wishes, Botaneiates in the city D
A of so many people, when a very large crowd had gathered, the common people of the city, their superiors in magistracy, and indeed the most distinguished of those serving in the Church, proclaimed Botaneiates emperor on the day of the festival of the Annunciation, with the patriarch of Antioch, called Aemilianus, and the metropolitan of Iconium themselves presiding over such assembly. The leading men, then, having divided themselves according to the city’s factions and having locked shields in phalanxes, advanced B towards the part of the palace facing the rising sun (99), and having taken control of these, they stationed their own soldiers to guard them. As for the emperor, who had fled with the empress Maria and his son to the palace at Blachernae, they stripped him of the empire, clothed him in a monk's habit, and led him away to the monastery of Stoudios, after he had held the empire for six years and as many months. This happened on the Saturday on which the Church has been accustomed, according to the tradition received from our ancestors, to celebrate the miracle C of our Lord and God and Savior in the resurrection of Lazarus (1). Michael having thus fallen from the empire, Botaneiates found the autocracy uncontested and proceeded to the Queen of Cities. However, Nicephorus the logothete, having slipped out of the city, went off to join Roussel, who was encamped at Heraclea. But those in the city, having cast down Michael and having maintained the palace for three days while it was bereft of an emperor, sent word to Botaneiates that he should hasten to come. He, having sent one of his own servants—I mean Borilas—ahead to occupy it, himself arrived not much later and took possession of the palace.
XIX
. When Botaneiates D arrived at the royal palace (2), he was crowned on Great Tuesday by the patriarch with the imperial diadem, and he first provided all with a bounty by remitting all debts owed to the public treasury without exception and by magnificently instituting new tax registers by decree. And yet, to Bryennios, who still held onto his tyranny in the West, he sent envoys offering to give him the dignity of Caesar if he would desist from his tyranny and promising the confirmation of the honors which he had already bestowed upon those who aided him. But since the man was burning with desire for the empire, he would not yield, and having haughtily rejected a second and third embassy, and having received the envoys otherwise than is customary and dismissed them with ignominy, Botaneiates, having despaired of conditions for peace, unwillingly began a war and sent against him Alexios Komnenos, whom he had honored with the title of Nobbelisimos (3) and appointed as Grand Domestic and commander of the Roman legions. Having engaged him in the place which, from the frequent and good springs of water, is called Calabrya,A he easily overcame his army, and with some killed and others put to flight, he captured the man who had played the tyrant, now left alone; he deprived the wretch of his sight and led him, blinded, into the imperial city. This was the end to which the rebellion of Bryennius came. The Varangians also rose up B against the emperor, having plotted to kill him. A second Roman hand having been drawn up against them, they turned to supplication and obtained pardon. When the wife of this emperor had died, many maidens were offered for marriage, and above all others, Zoe, the daughter of the emperor Doukas. But it pleased him either to take the empress Eudocia as his wife or Maria of the Alans, who had lived with his predecessor. He sends, therefore, to summon Eudocia. She, as the story goes, did not refuse, but the emperor was prevented from doing so by certain monks. And he takes the empress Maria, who had lived with his predecessor, having committed no less an illegality than if he had taken Eudocia. For it was an act of impudent adultery that was dared. For this reason, the one who had celebrated the holy nuptial ritual for them also fell from his priesthood. Michael, however, who had previously been emperor, having shaved his hair, as has been said, had been appointed metropolitan of Ephesus by synodal vote, and once having gone there, he returned and made his residence in the monastery of Manuel. After the empire had been lost by Botaneiates, this Michael, as he was dying, at the earnest supplication of the empress Maria—she herself having by then become a nun—granted her forgiveness, and prayed to God that He might likewise forgive her. C Furthermore, the Protoproedrus Nicephorus Basilacius, who had succeeded Bryennius in the prefecture of Dyrrachium, and who was himself burning with the desire for the empire, gathered an army and with it went up toward Thessalonica. There, learning that Botaneiates had reigned, he sent him a submissive letter, while secretly plotting insurrection and summoning the Patzinaks to his aid. Botaneiates, having learned of this, sent him a golden bull, at once ensuring him immunity for what he had dared, while also awarding him the honor of Nobilissimus; but he remained unmoved. Whence also Alexios Komnenos is sent against him, having been honored as Sebastos; and having arrived at Thessalonica and engaged Basilacius, those around him—and the others who had moved sedition against the emperor—having become more moderate, laid down their arms. D Furthermore, against the Turks who were invading the Orient, the emperor assigned a suitable army and sent Constantine, the son of the former emperor Constantine Doukas, with command. But he, when he had crossed to Chrysopolis, immediately studied revolution, and by the military throng that was there, he was hailed as emperor. But the emperor, by having won over the soldiers partly by gifts, partly by the bestowing of dignities, and partly in other ways,
A conquered him, and having besieged him when he fled to the acropolis of Thessalonica, he had the man’s eyes gouged out by imperial command. Other men also had raised their hands against this emperor, but after being chastened by the events involving Bryennius and Basilacius, they laid down their arms. Since the Turks were ravaging the East, the emperor sent against them with an able-bodied army Constantine, the son of the former emperor Constantine Ducas, appointing him commander-in-chief of the army against the Turks. When he had crossed over to what is called Chrysopolis, he immediately attempted a coup, and was hailed as emperor by the military multitude that was there. But the emperor won over some of the soldiers with gifts, attached others to himself with the honors of dignities, and dealt with others in different ways; and having been arrested by them, Constantine was handed over to the emperor. The youth was then tonsured B and confined to an island. Rumor also has it that the man was anointed as a priest. When Aemilianus, the patriarch of Antioch, had departed this life, another, Nicephorus surnamed Maurus, had been appointed in his place. This emperor, partly on account of his advanced age and partly because of a natural weakness of character, was not very involved in the administration of affairs; but he also took on the metropolitan of Side and entrusted to him the care of public business. This emperor also had two servants, one named Borilus and the other Germanus; these men turned everything upside down as they pleased, and they even lorded it over the emperor and their own master; on account of their audacity and arrogance, he himself also became loathed by men of rank. Nicephorus the logothete, when he had betaken himself to Roussel, was kept in bonds by him, and upon the sudden death of Roussel, he incurred the suspicion C of having caused him to be poisoned. Wherefore, being handed over to Botaniates by the relatives of the latter, he was relegated to one of the islands lying off the Queen of Cities. But those around the emperor, fearing that if he were to come into the emperor’s sight he would be taken up and would set everyone aside, suggested to Botaniates that the logothete possessed immense wealth, and that this ought to be brought into the imperial treasury. Straboromanus, who had then become grand hetairiarch, was therefore sent to ask the man where his assets were hidden. The same people, fearing the logothete’s presence—as the account has already related—persuaded Straboromanus to do away with the man by any means. Having arrived at the island where he was confined, he interrogated the man so severely that he expired under the very tortures, even though he promised that he would disclose everything in writing if he were freed from the examination. And that is how he perished.
XX. The Comneni, Isaac and Alexius, were D honored and beloved by the emperor beyond measure, and he named them successors to the empire. For this reason, they were deeply envied by those around Botaniates, and even more so by his aforementioned two servants, who slandered the men to him, alleging that they were plotting a tyranny and undermining and shaking the emperor's disposition toward them. Knowing this, and fearing that they might suffer some harm, and—as rumor has it—already long nurturing within themselves a desire for the empire and having shared the plan with others whom they trusted, they left the city, and having seized the city of Hadrian, they drew to themselves almost the entire military force. Alexius, however, was hailed as emperor, having been preferred over his elder brother, since
the soldiers were more devoted to him as being more skilled in warfare, and since they had been won over by his zeal and promises. A Thus proclaimed, Alexius—Isaac not taking the ascent particularly ill—seized the imperial city, having prepared for the siege. Botaniates had stationed guards upon the walls. Now, there were in a certain tower near the city gate, which is called Charsius, guards known as Nemitzi (the Nemitzi are a Celtic race); these had secretly communicated with the associates of the Comneni regarding the betrayal of the city. Therefore, on the morning of Great Thursday of the week of the saving Passion of our Savior, the associates of the Comneni made an assault by agreement upon the outer wall opposite the tower held by the Nemitzi, and those stationed there kept the attackers at bay with missiles. But when those on the walls were struck from the tower by the Nemitzi—being unable to resist simultaneously both those outside and the internal enemy throwing missiles from a higher position—they slackened their attack. B Those who were besieging the walls, however, immediately scaled the wall using ladders, and having broken the locks of the gates with axes, they provided a free entrance to the conspirators. When those guarding the inner fortifications saw this—a confused rabble, mostly inexperienced in war, or rather gathered from the marketplaces and the common populace—some began to descend, while others threw themselves down at great peril and took to flight. Thus, with no one left to resist, the associates of the Comneni occupied the inner enclosure as well; and having likewise thrown open its gates, they made the city accessible from everywhere. The invaders immediately rushed to the plunder of wealth—a motley crowd composed of Thracians, Macedonians, other Romans, and Barbarians—behaving toward their fellow citizens no better than enemies. For the evil proceeded even to the shedding of blood; virgins consecrated to God were impiously defiled, matrons were violated, divine temples were stripped of their ornaments, and not even the sacred vessels were spared. C But these brazen men even plundered the bowls containing the bloodless and fearful sacrifice, pouring the Holy Things upon the ground. They dragged senators whom they encountered off their mules, and having stripped some of them, left them half-naked and on foot in the streets. These things were perpetrated throughout the whole day, and the evil, roaming publicly and without discrimination, had reached as far as the Bous; some had already run on to the Philadelphium or even further. The Comneni, as everyone had scattered for the plunder, were left alone with a very small number, and when they reached the Taurus, they did not dare to proceed further, D being so stripped of their own proper forces that, had anyone attacked them, they might easily have been captured, bound, and handed over to Botaniates. But the divine decree could no longer be overturned. Wherefore Botaniates, once he learned of the entry of the Comneni, immediately left the palace, and having recklessly cast aside his purple buskins, entered the monastery of Peribleptos, of which he was called the second founder after the Emperor Romanus Argyrus; he shaved his hair, changed his clothing, and put on the monastic cloak. There, having lived for some time, he was buried, dust returned to dust. The Comneni, however, with no one resisting, entered the royal palace without labor, by a flat and open path. Such was the end of his reign.
Such was the beginning of their reign, such their entry into the Queen of Cities, such the auspices of their empire.
B XXI. Now that the Comneni had secured their own position, they summoned their mother and their wives from the monastery of the Kanikleion to the royal palace. For as soon as they had initiated their revolt, the women had immediately fled to the great temple of the Word of God, Hagia Sophia. From there, they had been transferred by Botaneiates to the aforementioned monastery, so that they might not be able to send messengers to the rebels, though he caused them no other annoyance. Yet, almost before they had firmly set foot in the empire, they immediately annulled many of Botaneiates’ acts; not beginning from the time they had seized the tyranny, but reaching back beyond it, they abolished many of his decrees as tyrannical in a brief, short-worded document. Then, Alexios was adorned with the imperial diadem, and the second place of honor was assigned to Isaakios, a new title being devised for him—for he was named *Sebastokrator*—and he took precedence even over the *Caesar*. Their mother, because of her monastic habit, partook neither of the imperial insignia nor of the public acclamation and proclamation; she shared only the name of Empress. Nevertheless, she took up the administration of all state affairs no less effectively. Thus, the affairs of the empire were distributed between the two brothers and their mother. They also had two other, younger brothers, whom they declared protagonists: Adrianos as *Protosebastos* and Great Domestic, and Nikephoros as *Sebastos* and Drungarios of the fleet. They also had as brothers-in-law, husbands of their sisters, Nikephoros Melissenos and Michael Taronites. The latter, being joined to their eldest sister, who was very dear to their mother and honored by them, they named *Panhypersebastos*, a title also newly created. Melissenos, however, who had himself defected from Botaneiates in the East and had not yet laid down his arms, they drew to their party by bestowing upon him the honor of *Caesar* and assigning him Thessaloniki as a place to dwell, and they assigned to him, as well as to all C the others, revenues equal to such fortune and such a height of dignity. Consequently, with the imperial—or rather, common and public—revenues distributed in this way, the imperial treasury, or public exchequer, was exhausted; and the Emperor, being in need of money, not only abolished the annual donatives that had been customary of old to be given to men adorned with dignity, but even seized the wealth of the senators. D
Caesar, and assigned to him the city of Thessalonica as a residence, and set aside a grant of money for him and all those related to him by blood, in proportion to such a fortune and such weight of dignity. Consequently, as the imperial revenues—or rather, the common and public ones—were distributed in this way, the imperial treasury or the public purse was tightened. And the sovereign, being short of funds, cut off A the annual payments that had long belonged to the dignities (12), and took away the pensions of the senators. He also crowned his own partner in life, Irene (13), and named her Augusta; she was the granddaughter of the Caesar John Doukas. Now, the former empress, Maria of the Alans, together with her own son, Constantine Doukas, whom she had borne to Michael Doukas in the purple, and whom his own father had crowned while he was still an infant and wearing the purple buskins, departed from the palace and went off to the imperial residences in the monastery of the Mangana. For she had already received these and the monastery; but indeed she had also received the monastery of the Hebdomon (14) by means of a golden-sealed document from Botaneiates, where she lived with her son, having set aside imperial service for herself and her son. For as yet her child wore the insignia of the empire, and he was acclaimed after the emperor, and he signed the golden-sealed documents after him. But after some time, his mother also changed her clothing, put on black, as is the custom for monks, partly willingly and partly compelled by the tyrant; and the child was stripped of his purple buskins, and the title of autocracy and the empire were left to the Comnenus alone. Such, then, were these matters. But the high priest of the Queen of Cities, that renowned Cosmas (15), disapproving of the handling of public affairs and despairing of any amendment, told his servant to take the psalter and follow him, and withdrew from the Church. Although B often urged by the rulers to return, he did not yield, having shepherded the faithful people for five years and nine months. Therefore, they set up another high priest in his place in the Church, a certain eunuch monk named Eustratius, a man who was neither conversant in words nor exercised in the handling of affairs, but a simple man, more suited to a life of quiet and to a corner. And when he had usurped that dignity for three years, he was deposed from the sacred residence by the rulers for a reason not sufficiently known; and the next person appointed in his place was the monk Nicholas, surnamed the Grammarian, who, having spent his life in the study of virtue, was not unversed in letters, C although not exquisitely learned.
Variæ lectiones et notæ. (12) He cut off the annual payments... (13) Irene: She was the granddaughter of the Caesar John Doukas, the daughter of Andronikos Doukas, the protovestiarios and grand duke of the schools of the East. Thus she is inscribed in the manuscript typikon of the monastery founded by Irene. Andronikos died, as is held therein, in October, when at the end of his life he had put on the monastic habit, being called Antony. His wife was Mary, a noble Bulgarian, who at the end of her life likewise put on the angelic habit and was called Xene, and died in November. Michael was indeed the brother of Irene, who took the monastic habit and was called Antony. Finally, Theodora the nun, sister of the same Irene, died in February. Thus the same Typikon. (14) Of the Hebdomon: See below on the Hebdomon and our Constantinople, where there is more on this monastery and its location. See also the Alexiad, p. 270. Whatever follows concerning the affairs managed by the Emperor Alexios is narrated by Zonaras, which we have set forth more fully in the Notes to the Alexiad of Anna; wherefore here we shall only skim what will seem necessary for illustrating our author. (15) Cosmas: Praised from the codex of the library of Montchal, archbishop of Toulouse, which is now of the most illustrious archbishop of Reims, by which title it could be gathered that Cosmas did not resign the patriarchate voluntarily, but was deposed, although Anna Comnena says the contrary, lib. III, p. 19. The Greeks celebrate his memory on January 9: as it is in the Menaia and Synaxaries, he is called Antony after taking the monastic habit.
A XXII. Comnenus, having recently attained power, was informed of the expedition of the Frank Robert, a crafty and most warlike man, against Epidamnus; he himself also set out for that place, but having joined battle he was defeated, fled shamefully, many soldiers not only of the rank and file but also men distinguished in rank and of royal blood were slain, and the entire camp was captured by the enemies. And when the emperor had returned defeated to Byzantium, the Barbarians, puffed up by the victory, marched confidently against all, and took certain towns, among which were Castoria and Larissa. They even dreamed of seizing the Queen of Cities herself. But the emperor took the field again, expelled the Barbarians who were guarding Castoria, and marched against Robert, countering his craftiness with artifice. For B he put the imperial habit upon his brother Hadrian, and having given him an army, he ordered him to stand in battle array against Robert, and, should he incite a fight, to turn his back and flee immediately. These things he commanded to the sham emperor; while he, having traveled with the rest of the army by obscure paths, fell upon the ramparts of the Franks, plundered their tents and everything in them, and wrought a great slaughter. But when Robert made an attack against the sham emperor, he and the army with him fled with loosened reins. For this reason, the Barbarian was even more boastful and arrogant, as if no one dared to engage with him. In the meantime, however, news was brought to him of the destruction of the rampart and the slaughter of those who had been there; immediately, losing both spirit and strength, he withdrew. The emperor returned to Constantinople, and the plots having been detected, he seized the principal authors, among whom were some commanders of legions and many of the commoners and of the conscript fathers, who were thought to be privy to the conspiracy, though most, as it is said, were falsely accused for that reason, so that they might be deprived of their goods. The insults of Robert having been suppressed, enemies of the Roman empire appeared from elsewhere. For the Turks, having subdued the East, did not even abstain from the islands. For Tzachas, a Turk—not one who was illustrious, but a man sharp and of great wickedness—having suddenly captured the island of Chios with a few small ships and having built a fleet there, occupied Lesbos, Samos, Rhodes, and many other islands; from which, however, he was repelled by the Roman fleet. Moreover, the island of Crete and also Cyprus defected, the one occupied by Carice, who stood against the emperor, the other by Rhapsommatos. But these too were recovered for the Roman empire a long time after. From which the emperor, lacking the means to pay, devised ways of making money, by the method C of [index: entries preserved]
A collecting it, and his appointed officials introduced unjust debts against the people, and those who rightfully owed nothing were stripped of their own possessions. From this, tax-collectors were sent everywhere to register the property of the subjects in the fields and villages, and new names were devised, which I call *Hypertima* (17) and *Hyperplea*, and other modes of harassment against the subjects were introduced from time to time, and sacred items were taken away from holy temples. This emperor, having found the coinage already debased by his predecessors, issued copper currency, which he used for the expenses of the empire, but for taxes he demanded sound gold coins, and sometimes even half-gold pieces, and at other times copper ones. Since he was in need of more copper, he minted the obols into currency, and having torn down some of the public works made of copper, I mean, he struck them into staters, and introduced new tithes. The Augusta gave birth to a daughter for the emperor, who was named Anna after her grandmother, to whom the emperor betrothed Constantine, the son of the Empress Maria, of the Alans; but he having died before the marriage, when the daughter had reached a marriageable age, the emperor provided her another suitor, the eldest son of B Nicephorus Bryennius, who, as the narrative set forth, had attempted a usurpation, and was captured and blinded. Having betrothed this daughter to him, he honored the man with the title of *Panhypersebastos*. A son was also born to the emperor, whom the patriarch baptized with the holy baptism in the divine C temple of the Word of God, the Sophia, and he was named John, and the father immediately crowned him with a diadem. Two other sons were born to the emperor, Andronicus and Isaacius, and three other daughters, Maria, Eudoxia, and Theodore. He betrothed Maria to Gregory, the son of that Theodore Gabras, the *sebastos* and martyr. Then, having dissolved this betrothal according to his own whim, and having dismissed him, he adopted as another suitor for this daughter Nicephorus, the son of Catacalon, of the family of Phorbenus. To Eudoxia he joined in marriage the son of Iasites, Constantine. He did not treat his consort as the daughter of an emperor, but acted toward her and conducted himself as if from a superior position; and having very often given offense to the empress and his mother-in-law, he caused her, while the daughter was ailing, to tonsure her immediately, and he drove Iasites out of the D palace. Regarding the youngest daughter, the father placed her with a youth not indeed of illustrious family, but endowed with most excellent beauty. Under this emperor, a horrendous earthquake occurred on the day on which the memory of Saint Nicholas, famous for his miracles, is celebrated, and many dwellings, many temples, and many porticoes, by which the public streets are covered, collapsed and crushed a great many mortals. This, moreover, his mother Irene did, being hostile to Iasites, her son-in-law, so that she might remove him from all hope of reconciliation with his wife, since once the monastic garment had been taken by one who was ailing, it was not permitted to put it off, if they were to regain their former health, as we have taught in the *Glossarium mediae Latinitatis* under the entry *Monachus ad succurrendum*.
A Finally, the emperor gave the youngest of his daughters in marriage to a youth [(19)] who was a statue in appearance, but not of noble birth. During this emperor’s reign, there occurred a most terrifying earthquake on the day of the feast of the wonder-working Saint Nicholas, by which many houses and churches were razed, as well as the stoas through which the city’s thoroughfares are vaulted, and very many people were buried in the collapses and died.
XXIII. At the same times, the nation of the Patzinaks, having abandoned its own lands, migrated into the Roman provinces and ravaged all of Thrace and Macedonia. When the emperor attacked them in war, he was shamefully defeated because of the arrogance of his soldiers. Then he marched again against the barbarians, and once the army had been humbled and was relying entirely on divine favor, he attacked the enemy. They, not even enduring the first onset, cast their weapons to the ground and with lamentations called upon the Romans for mercy. A great multitude of the Scythian nation perished, while others were taken in chains and sold at a pittance. The emperor, choosing a B multitude of robust and sturdy Scythians, settled them with their wives and children in the theme of Moglena [(20)] and formed them into a most distinct regiment; they remain there to this day, having inherited for successive generations the name from the place in which they were settled, and are called Patzinak-Moglenites.
When a conspiracy was revealed to him, led by Umbertopoulon [(21)] and Ariebes—of whom the one drew his lineage from the Franks and Ariebes from the Armenians, and both were men of note and held military commands—they and all who participated with them in the plot were seized and, having been condemned to confiscation of goods and an ignominious triumph, were banished. He also disbanded the legion of the Manichaeans, which until that time had been serving unlawfully, as an ancient law utterly forbade the Manichaeans from soldiering. C Again, another plot was hatched against this emperor, the leader of which was the son of that former emperor Diogenes, Nicephorus Porphyrogenitus, a man of truly invincible strength, but not of a similarly fortunate or noble mind and character. Since he had delayed the crime he had begun, he did not carry it out, but suffered for the things he had planned; for he was captured and subjected to interrogation to force him to identify the conspirators, and he was punished with the removal of his eyes and the confiscation of his property. Subsequently, the Frankish nation set out from the West toward the imperial city in order to cross over from there into the East: their movement was heralded by portents. For [a swarm] of locusts... D
Variant readings and notes
...Zonaras disapproves of this custom, accepted especially among the Greeks, of taking up the monastic life at the very end of life, or as others wish, Michael Glycas, in his Epistle to the monk Isaiah, from which it is pleasing to insert a few things here: he says, etc. I omit the rest; I observe only that this custom was introduced because they thought that the monastic life could accomplish the same thing as baptism, and just as baptism remits all sins for those who are baptized, so too does the profession of religion itself for those who have entered into it—a view which Zonaras, or Glycas, refutes in the same epistle using many arguments. Eudoxia, therefore, recovering from her illness, retreated to the monastery founded by her mother not far from the church of Sophia, the specific location of which is described in the manuscript *Typikon* of that same monastery in the final chapter, and she died while her parents were still living, as we gather from the same *Typikon*. [(19)] Constantine Angelos, a nobleman of Philadelphia, betrothed the youngest of his daughters, Theodora, to Alexius, whom he honored with the dignity of *panhypersebastohypertatos*, as we are taught by the same manuscript *Typikon* of the monastery. [(20)] Regarding the theme of Moglena. See the notes on the *Alexiad*, p. 297. [(21)] Umbertopoulon. One of the royal codices has this; others have Humbertopoulon, whose lineage and family we discuss in the Notes on the *Alexiad*.A the shoot of the purple, a man matchless in strength, but not having acquired the constitution of his mind and the nobility of his soul in proportion to his bodily strength. This man, having organized the drama but putting off the action, received what he suffered or did, as he had planned. For he was caught, and having been delivered to the necessities of torture in order to reveal the conspirators, eventually his eyes were put out, and he was deprived of his wealth. Then, the nation of the Franks, having been stirred up from the Western lands, marched toward the Queen of Cities, as if to cross over from it to the East; a certain divine sign foreshadowed their movement. For an infinite number of locusts, having had their origin from the West, and so numerous that they could be likened to flying clouds and obscuring the sun, made their flight through the greatest of cities and its borders, and were rushing toward the East, and there they settled. Having crossed, therefore, and attacking Nicaea in Bithynia, which was held by the Turks, after a long time and with great slaughter on both sides, they nevertheless captured the city and surrendered it to the emperor for a great deal of money. They proceeded forward. And some captured Antioch, which is by the Orontes, with great labor and slaughter, while others gained control of the city of Jerusalem after great struggles. B But these were the affairs of the nation of the Franks, to speak succinctly.
A certain disgusting heresy appeared during these times, that of the Bogomils. The herald and great teacher, and the leader of the apostles among them, was a certain man called Basil, a physician, wearing the habit of a monk, but clothed with Satan himself; he, having learned the destructive dogmas of this error in fifteen years, and having taught them for fifty-two, filled almost the whole world with his own pestilence. Then he also entered the Queen of Cities, but the enemy of the truth was caught in the act. For the sovereign, having known his impiety, pretended to have faith in the wretched man, and called him teacher and savior of erring souls. Through these and many other things, with difficulty and slowly, he finally brought it about that the pestilential man vomited forth the poison of his own wickedness; and once the wild beast was entangled in the nets, he made public his doctrine, despised his dogmas, and by a common vote ordered the impostor to be consumed by fire in the Hippodrome. C Furthermore, another insurrection arose against the emperor, from a certain author who claimed to be the son of the Emperor Diogenes, who, having secured a multitude of Comans, came to the regions of Thrace, and plundering and looting the land, demanded that those in the cities receive him and acclaim him emperor. Then, having gone to a small town in Thrace, and having been deceived by those in it, and having been acclaimed, and having entered with a few men, he was seized and had his eyes put out. And thus the tyranny attempted by him was dissolved, the Comans who survived having returned to their own lands.
XXIV. This emperor, with the orphanotropheion D and...
other gerocomia—having settled the possessions of all upon the orphanotropheion and assigned others from his own means—restored it immediately, and renovated it at great expense, and placed therein a multitude of those receiving old-age care. A Moreover, he built dwellings for monks and nuns within it; and besides these, a school of grammarians, in which orphan children or those of poor parents might be taught, having appointed teachers and pedagogues for it, and having arranged for the sustenance of both those who were teaching and those who were learning, which things are observed up to this day.
Another conspiracy was again formed against the emperor, the leader of which was B Michael Anemas, but many of the first dignitaries of the military were accomplices. But before they could set about the deed, having been discovered and arrested, they had the hair of their heads and beards removed, not with a razor, but with a depilatory. Anemas, however, was condemned to the plucking out of his eyes, but while the triumph over them was being celebrated, the imperial edict was interposed and he was freed from the punishment of blinding. And thus, being fined by the confiscation of their property, they were scattered here and there. C
Various readings and notes
(24) Anemas Michael. These Constantinopolitans traced their descent from Anemas Burupa, a Cretan, the son of Ameras, who died fighting bravely against the Russians under John Tzimiskes; Scylitzes extols his military prowess on pages 678 and 681. Lambecius, Book V of his *Commentaries on the Imperial Library*, p. 233, praises the Consolatory Epistle of Gregory, abbot of the monastery on the island of Oxia. Furthermore, he is called Manuel in the iambic verses of an uncertain author in the Royal Codex, under this title: D *Anemas*, in which he is celebrated primarily for his greatness of spirit and his noble deeds, as in these verses: [Here follows the lamentation for the lady Theodora Porphyrogenita upon the death of Manuel Anemas, the Lord Panhyperprotosebastos, and his eulogy as a brother-in-law to the emperors:] Noble general, great light of the Romans. You were deprived of the great general, The truly adamant blade, The brazen rampart of Byzantium. Lost to you is the trench of the scepter, Gone from you is the support of the monarchy, Your copper-dyed spear has been shattered, And the blade that slaughtered barbarians has been broken. O vast mind, and breadth of counsel, Height of fortune, unyielding, mass of dignity, The ornament of character, most acute nature, And tireless one in the governance of battle; The royal gaze, the sovereign aspect, Strength of arm, valor of heart, And the prime example worthy of tyranny. Mourn, O thrice-blessed purple, Your fair sprout, your golden gift, Beholding Theodora in black attire. For her own [light-bringer] shone together with her, And set together with her in the garments of mourning. And having gathered many of the earth’s treasures in heaven, And having tested this hair below, And having put on the hair-shirt, You did not find a better end there. We, who composed paeans and wedding songs For the marriage of your children, Were destined to weep for you also in death. Daughters, mourn the one who planted the seed, O joint-in-law assembly, you co-masters, Mourn the breach in the quaternary; For the four-sided phalanx has been torn away, The brotherly concord of the purple, Measure the sighing of your sister. Brothers-in-law, surrender the whole panoply, For it did not ward off the mother-in-law’s harm. King Manuel, purple-born branch, If ever you sighed in the present grief, And [now] with many-fold tears, not in the way You were deprived of the great general.From these verses we are finally taught whose daughter the Theodora Porphyrogenita was, namely John Comnenus’, of whom writers mention only three—the ones married to Roger of Sicily the Caesar, another to Stephen Contostephanus, and the third to Theodore Vatatzes—to whom a fourth, Theodora, must be added; consequently, she was the sister of Manuel Comnenus, who was then reigning when Manuel Anemas died. The same poet: For Manuel, nearing death, had put on the monastic or angelic habit, as was customary for Greeks of that age (25). (25) Depilatory, the ointment by which hair is removed; such is that substance composed of it, which Peter Belonius mentions in his *Observations*, Book III, chapter 33, by which women among the Turks pull out the hair of their private parts. See what the critics adduce regarding this word.
A His head and beard, however, were kept untouched, but the deprivation of his eyes had been decreed. While they were still celebrating their triumph, a royal decree arrived, exempting Anemas from the penalty and granting him the cutting off of his eyes. After being deprived of their property, they were sentenced to exile in different places. The mother of this emperor, having undertaken, as has been said, the administration of state affairs, managed them for a long time; and for this reason, most people attributed to her the evils which were happening to the subjects at that time. Now, the emperor was vexed, as he was enjoying the title of emperor almost in name only, but he stood in need of his mother, and although she heard this, she did not wish to be deprived of her power. But when she perceived that her son was displeased, fearing lest she might be forced B and appear to have made her departure against her will, she yielded everything to her son and emperor, and withdrew from the palace, making her residence the monastery of the Pantepoptes, which she herself had built. Having lived there for some years honorably and as became an empress, and having reached a ripe old age, she departed this life. And the sebastocrator, having lived for a year and a little more after his mother, also paid the debt of nature, having shaved his hair and put on the monastic habit when he knew that the end of his life was at hand, leaving behind many children; the emperor took charge of them, as their mother also, not having survived her husband for even a full year, had departed the world. He gave wives to the young men and husbands to the maidens, and he cherished and benefited his nephews. Now, as to the companion of his life, this emperor was neither averse to her at first, nor did he excessively love her, but being given to passion, he was said to observe the laws of matrimony with little sanctity: whence the Augusta was wounded by the darts of jealousy. But as a greater age had somewhat blunted those fiery arrows of lust, he then turned his love toward the Augusta, and rested entirely in her affection, nor could he easily be torn away from her. From that time on, the empress possessed great power, even while the emperor was still in good health. But when he began to suffer in his feet, so that he could not walk, C and corrupted humors flowed to his joints, he lay in bed: she herself ruled, with him approving everything, and she was already turning over in her mind how, after her husband's death, the whole power and administration of the empire might be transferred to herself, so that she might have the emperor-son obedient to her commands; but for him, who was already a man and had long ago been joined to a wife, the daughter of the leader of the Hungarians, and had begotten children, this was not to be endured. For he feared lest he might be excluded from the empire or even deprived of life, as he perceived with what love his mother pursued her eldest daughter and her son-in-law Bryennius. Therefore, he met with his kinsmen, and even with the people, and by bewailing privately to each one the state of his affairs, he reminded sworn men of their oaths; and many of them, having been obligated, had promised that they would not bestow the empire upon anyone but him. They, indeed, encouraged him, promising aid and confirming what they promised with an oath. When these things did not escape the notice of the empress, she was enraged and issued an edict that no one should meet with him, and she scattered spies and observers everywhere. Nevertheless, he did not cease to try to draw almost everyone to himself, some through himself, others through those devoted to him. Moreover, he possessed the support of his younger brother too.
The other, however—namely Andronicus A (27)—was opposed to his own brother and the emperor. For by this time they, too, had reached manhood and had been joined to wives. Andronicus was honored as *sebastocrator*, Isaac and Bryennius as *Caesars*, while the husband of the emperor's second daughter, Phorbenus, was *panhypersebastos*. Matters stood thus, even if, out of chronological order, we have related later events first.
XXV. Now, one of the Latins who had set out from the West to the East was the son of that Robert whom history has already mentioned, named Bohemond. He offered his service to the emperor and, having B established pacts with an oath and received money in an almost uncountable amount, he settled in Antioch of Coele-Syria. Having taken it by siege, he not only violated the signed treaties and agreements but also meditated on waging war against the Romans. Indeed, as he planned his return to the West, he feared that in crossing through Roman provinces he might be seized by some governor and led in chains to the emperor as a treaty-breaker; what then does he devise? He arranges for a rumor of his own death to be spread, and placing himself in a coffin, he instructs his servants to say that his corpse was being carried home. By this ruse, he returned to his own country and, having complained much about the emperor C to many of his fellow countrymen, he stirred them up to take arms against the Romans. Appointed as their leader, he crossed the sea and strove with great zeal to capture Epidamnos. But when the siege was drawn out, and after great damage had been inflicted on the citizens and no fewer harms had been received in return, he despaired of the taking of the city and advanced to other places with equally futile effort. Finally, he sought peace from the emperor through envoys, the latter being at that time in Thessalonica. The emperor, having departed from there, fortified his camp near the European Coloneia, where he also conferred with the Barbarian and arranged the terms of peace. And the Bohemondic war was settled in nearly this way.
The Patriarch Nicholas, having governed the Church for twenty-seven years, died while D extremely elderly. The emperor honored his funeral with magnificent rites and installed another upon the patriarchal throne, a man from the number of the clergy of the Church, but of the order of deacons, and one of the patriarchal officials, the nephew—through his brother—of him who then presided over the Chalcedonian Church, a man well-versed from an early age in both profane and sacred letters, whom the emperor himself declared in the Church. Some time...
later, the sovereign fell ill, and the disease mastered him to such a degree that it seemed he had passed away. A Yet when the holy veil, which hangs before the image of our Savior erected in the Chalke, was brought and spread out upon the bed on which the sufferer lay, and touched his body, the intensity of the disease was somewhat mitigated, and he moved, sat up, spoke, asked for water to wash his hands, and tasted food. And while he began to recover, the disease began to wane. To the majority, however, this recovery was incredible. To provide full assurance to those who doubted it, he rode on horseback through the forum shortly thereafter. Thus was the emperor delivered from that disease. But again an idle fear crept into the city-dwelling populace; for a rumor was circulating everywhere that the emperor was fated to die on the Great Sabbath of that year. This rumor held sway not only over the common people, but also over those in positions of authority and those around the sovereign, and it disturbed even the soul of the emperor himself, and this though he was not sick nor suffering from any affliction, until that day passed and the vanity of that report was refuted, and the fear of evils was removed from everyone.
B XXVI. Not long after these events, the emperor departed from Byzantium, taking the women’s quarters with him, even though it was the winter season, and he encamped in the Thracian Chersonese. When winter had passed and spring began to shine, and summer was already at hand, the sovereign did not move from there until the empress was struck by disease. Then the Augusta was sent ahead in the imperial trireme. The emperor remained staying there for a while, reviewing the military rolls, until he learned that the empress had arrived at the Palace. Leaving there, he reached the Great City in a single day. As she recovered, he turned his attention to the administration of affairs, spending most of his time at the Philopation. C He pursued a practice of this kind: he set appointed days on which he sat in public there before a tribunal, overlooking a wide plain. Access to him was permitted to anyone who wished, and each of those in need was allowed to present their petitions to him. He ordered these to be placed before him, read by the secretaries, the request of each person to be stated, and the responses to be written down immediately and, once confirmed, returned to the petitioners. Having observed this procedure for a sufficiently long time, he went out again with the empress and the women’s quarters, and dwelt with his whole family near the foothills of Mt. Papycius throughout the entire winter.
A Having spent the winter season of that time there with his whole household, he departed thence as soon as spring began, and arrived at Philippopolis. Having pitched his camp in the vicinity of this city, the Emperor Alexios spent there the time of spring, summer, and a good part of autumn as well, and his occupation during his stay there was a disputation with the Manichaeans, whom the common speech names Paulicians (for a great multitude of this race had settled in that region, King John Tzimiskes having moved them from the East and re-settled them there); by debating with them, he brought many over to the orthodox faith.
Now, when autumn was already half-spent, he returned to the imperial palace. The empress had become very powerful, and her son-in-law, the Caesar Bryennios, possessed great influence, and by his nod everything in the palace was managed; consequently, all were approaching him, and he was entrusted with the power of judging and rendering justice with imperial authority. B For the man was devoted to the study of letters, and his wife, no less—or rather, even more—than he, applied herself to the same pursuits; she Atticized exquisitely and was endowed with an extremely sharp intellect for the most abstruse contemplations, having obtained that capacity partly through natural goodness and partly through diligence. She was also devoted to books and did not merely dabble in the company of the learned. With his affairs in such a state, the Caesar was celebrated on all sides. Though these things vexed and tormented the Emperor’s son, who was himself also emperor, he nevertheless endured them; but these matters will be explained in the progress of the narrative.
For now, let those things which were omitted be recounted. In the days of this emperor, many conflagrations occurred, laying waste to various parts of the city with fire. C Moreover, at a certain time in the spring, a violent storm wind caused many things to collapse, and among them the statue set upon that great porphyry column in the round square which they call the Placotum; it fell and crushed many who happened to be there. That statue, both huge in size and wondrous in its beauty, was shattered into many fragments by that disaster. At another time, a very great downpour erupted on the day when the memory of the princes of the apostles, Peter and Paul, is celebrated; beginning in the evening, it lasted without intermission until the same hour the next day. Then, by the force of the waters, many buildings were destroyed, and the valleys, overflowing with water, were no different from the sea, and not a few men and many animals perished. And these things happened in this way. D
B XXVII. When it was reported to the emperor that a Turkish army was being gathered to invade the Roman provinces and plunder them, and he himself was suffering from gout in his feet, the flows having surged more violently and pressing upon him with most acute pains and agony, he could not, in person, make a military expedition against the Barbarians. He therefore sent a phalanx of soldiers against them, placing at their head Eustathios Camitzes, a man counted among the foremost of his leaders. This man, having engaged a not insignificant portion of the enemy, was defeated and captured, his soldiers being in part slain and in part saved by flight. When this was reported to the emperor, he could no longer be restrained from setting out himself; but he did not encounter the Turks anywhere, for, having heard of his approach, they had immediately loosened their reins and fled. But he saw Camitzes, whom he had persuaded with the hope of great rewards to desert to him along with his guards, and he gladly received him, and, having bestowed money upon his liberators, he returned to Byzantium.
Not much time passed before he undertook another expedition against the Barbarians and captured the city of Philomelion, which he found empty of armed men (for all, having learned of his approach, had departed after taking their most precious belongings), without any labor. But he also received by surrender certain fortresses and caves, which the inhabitants call *Cataphygia*—that is, "refuges"—and, because it seemed advantageous to do so, he took them with him into the colonies, as there was no one left with whom he might wage war. Those who were of sound age and vigor of strength made the journey on foot; to those who were slower in walking due to old age, he provided pack animals. If any were afflicted with diseases or other calamities, or were exhausted from old age and lethargic from infirmity, he ordered them to be carried on shields by robust youths who were equal to the task of bearing them, and he himself, riding alongside, if he saw any of them suffering from thirst or desiring food, or otherwise in a bad way, would refresh them as best he could. As he was thus proceeding and detouring, the Western Turks met him, saying that their prince wished to strike a treaty with the Romans. As this did not displease the emperor, in the morning the prince of the Barbarians came—not a satrap, but one of the sultan’s line, who was himself called *sultan* by his own people.
He met the emperor on horseback, but dismounted some distance away, approached on foot, and in this manner performed his obeisance to him. Treaties were established, and having been honored with large sums of money, he and those who had come with him departed, he himself returning to his own customs, and the emperor returning to the palace. From that time on, the pain in his feet increased, and he was bedridden for the most part. The empress took the lead, and she seemed likely to usurp the sole authority. But her son, who was also emperor, did not remain quiet; he resisted his mother’s perceived attempt in every way.
[XXVIII.] As the emperor was worn down by his illness, he was transferred to the great palace that is toward the east, where he was under the care of physicians. The gathering of the Asclepiadae around him took place daily. There was not one diagnosis among them all; at length, however, they finally arrived at one opinion, which was to cauterize the emperor’s stomach with iron. Thus, the emperor received the burning iron against his stomach. The air of the palace did not seem temperate to the physicians, as it was somewhat too southern. Therefore, the ruler was moved to the Mangana palace, whether this came about by chance or by the Fates driving the dying man to exhale his soul there. For those who marvel at such things interpreted the phrase "He shall fall in Acesodyna" as referring to him, for they explained and called the residence of the Mangana "Acesodyna" on account of the medical workshop that was there, as though it were a remedy for severe pains. Indeed, those who are fond of such studies argued that the cautery was not applied to the emperor rashly, but that this too was done according to an ancient foresight and prediction. For it is written somewhere about it by those who described the fates of kings wrapped in riddles, that he would fall "burnt by a hook," as those writers likened the iron with which a stomach is wont to be cauterized to a hook, because of its curved point. But neither the cauterization nor the change of place did the sick man any good; gradually, toward the end,
his strength failed him, nor did the physicians say his life was despaired of; and certain monks predicted to him that he would not otherwise depart unless he first arrived at Jerusalem to worship at the life-giving sepulcher of our Lord and Savior, where they prophesied that he would lay down his crown. He believed these promises; for we are wont easily to credit that for which we have a desire. Thus, deluded, he did not notice that he had reached the end of his life before he reached Jerusalem, though he laid down his crown—yet not willingly. It might be said that he departed to the Jerusalem above, the mother city of the firstborn, whose names are inscribed in heaven. The Augustus was in the fifteenth day of the eleventh indiction, and the Augustus was breathing his last; he lay there, drawing breath frequently and feebly. The empress was entirely given over to grief, and her daughters were gathered around her. The greater part of the day had already passed, and the sun was not standing B over his head, nor, so to speak, at its zenith, but was inclined somewhat toward the west; and it was signified to the emperor’s son and emperor that his father was breathing his last. He therefore entered the house where the dying man lay, not to lament the departing, but to be confirmed in the news of his death; and having seen him, he immediately went out, and mounting his horse, left the Mangana with those who were with him, and many who were leaving with him followed. As he had just left the enclosure of the Mangana, the Abasgi met him—these were they who had been sent from Abasgia with the girl brought to be wed to the eldest of the Caesar's sons—and having met him, they raised a shout and made obeisance. Then they say that the empress tearfully reported the son’s departure to the dying emperor, and that he answered nothing to this, either not wishing or not able, but lifted up his hands—I know not whether praying for or against his son. Others deny that he lifted his hands, for it was not possible for one already expiring to do so; but that when the empress repeatedly cried out that his son was departing C to wrest the empire from him while he still lived, he smiled slightly and faintly, either deriding that speech, if it were thought that he, already expiring and about to leave earthly things, was still anxious about the empire, or indicating what he felt about the act. For it was said by others and by the Porphyrogenitus emperor himself that he had not entered the palace without his father’s counsel, but that his departure had been granted to him by his father, and that he had received his father’s ring as a token of this; and that these things were done while the empress was away and ignorant of it. When, therefore, he departed, the rumor of what had been done spreading quickly, many kin, and many from the military tribunes and the senate, hastened to this emperor. D
Various readings and notes.
He shall hold power for twenty-eight years, As one already dead and viewed as a spectacle, Many know, and do not even see this one, Who, having been revealed such from drunkenness, Shall hold the scepter of this empire, And again shall come its power of six-winged [might].A
XXIX. But as he was hurrying toward the great palace, it was reported to him that the Varangians, having occupied the road to the guardhouse where they had their quarters, would not allow anyone to pass that way, or even to approach the palace. Perturbed by this news, he sent someone to them to inquire what they intended. He also sent to the Church to say that the Emperor was dead, and he asked to be acclaimed himself as emperor; this was achieved, and the clergy of the Church, with the consent of the Chief Shepherd, proclaimed him emperor. The person sent to the Varangians asked them for what reason they forbade the Emperor passage into the palace. They replied that they would never yield the palace to another while the Emperor was still alive. He insisted that the Emperor was dead. The Varangians demanded that he confirm this to them by an oath. He swore that the Emperor was indeed dead, and they yielded and granted the Emperor passage. B He went on to the palace, and having entered it, he deliberated with those about him how he should treat his mother, his brothers and sisters, and his brother-in-law, Bryennius; for he still feared them, and held them in suspicion, fearing they might attempt some revolution.
For his father was still breathing throughout that entire day, and was dying with difficulty, passing away only toward evening. He lived about seventy years, and reigned for thirty-seven years, four months, and some days. He died in the year of the world 6626, having administered the empire fortunately, but having met with an end to his life that was not equally prosperous. For he was deserted by almost all his attendants, so that there was scarcely anyone to cleanse his corpse with the final ablutions, nor was there any imperial ornamentation at hand whereby his body might be adorned with the dignity due his station, nor was there a funeral conducted for him fitting an emperor. And this was not by a stranger, but by his son who succeeded to the empire—and that a son whom he himself had honored with the succession. C Thus, there is nothing in human affairs that is stable, firm, or trustworthy, but all things are faithless, and more mutable than dice.
The man himself was—in order that we may characterize his manner for those who come after—neither haughty nor arrogant, nor quick to anger, nor was he enslaved by money, nor so overly greedy for wealth as to wish to bury and hoard it, so that there would be treasures hidden for him, and subterranean riches—whence, even after his death, no great amount of money was found in the treasuries. He was inclined toward mercy, slow to inflict punishment, moderate in character, easy to approach, not intemperate in his manner of living, and not given to wine. D He was accustomed to listen to and respect those possessing virtue. He cultivated learning, not as was fitting, but in his own way; he was accommodating, not insolent toward those with whom he lived, but affable and pleasant, as if he were living among equals. Whence they were of untroubled mind, and did not stand there stunned with fear, especially in the absence of the Empress, who bore herself with a certain imperiousness and severity, and would sharply rebuke those who forgot their modesty. And these things are indeed noble; for who would deny it? And they are such as might complete the praises of a private citizen, yet they are not such as might demonstrate an entirely good emperor. For in a private man, moderation, equity, and placability are sufficient, and in every—
A respect he should not be difficult to move to anger, and should possess sobriety in his way of life. But for an emperor, in addition to these, there is the concern for justice, the provision for his subjects, and the preservation of the ancient customs of the state.
But his concern was rather for the alteration of the ancient customs of the state, and to reorganize these was his most earnest task. He did not treat affairs as common or public, and he considered himself not merely their administrator, but their master, and he thought of and called the imperial palace his own private house. He did not grant the members of the senate the honor they deserved, nor did he pay them the attention that right reason demanded; rather, he endeavored to debase them. Neither did he observe the rule of justice in all things, the proper function of which is to distribute to each what he deserves. He, however, provided public money, whole wagonloads of it, to his relatives and some of his servants, and assigned them generous annual grants, so that they might abound in great wealth and maintain an entourage suitable not for private individuals, but for emperors, and acquire houses B equal to cities in size, and not at all unequal to the royal palaces in magnificence. Toward the rest of the nobility, he did not show himself similarly kindly—lest I say something else about the man, whose honor I wish to consult. These things do not allow the Comnenian [emperor] to be judged a perfect emperor. Nor, however, would anyone call the Comnenian emperor bad; for if one should inquire more strictly into the emperors, I do not believe one would find any among those who held the Roman princedom in antiquity in whom nothing is lacking for consummate praise. Whence it happens that anyone's government is judged by the greater part of their character and actions. Certainly no one will be found to be completely free of blame C and of inferior inclinations; for this would be proper to divine blessedness, and would never fall to human nature.
Here I shall make an end of writing and shall check the course of my history, which has progressed a long way. For I have judged that it is neither useful nor timely to commit to writing what still remains. But if this work shall seem useful to anyone, let there be thanks to God, by whose aid all good things are accomplished. But if it is superfluous, the fault shall be mine, and may the product return to me, its author, who might stir up its memory.
EPITOME OF THE ANNALS OF LIB. XVIII
D Regarding cult and manner of life, there is a limit. But for an emperor, in addition to these, justice must be cultivated, the concerns of the citizens must be kept in mind, and ancient institutions must be guarded. He, however, labored more in this, using the utmost effort, to change and abolish ancient customs; and he treated affairs not as common and public, and did not consider himself their administrator, but their master, and he thought of and called the imperial palace his own house. He neither treated the senators with the honor that was just, nor gave them the consideration that right reason required, but rather strove to suppress them. Nor did he observe the rule of justice in all things, the proper function of which is to distribute to each what he deserves. He, however, bestowed onto his relatives and certain ministers whole wagonloads of public money and provided most generous annual expenditures, so that they might abound in great wealth and feed a retinue suitable not for private men but for emperors, and might acquire houses matching cities in magnitude, and not unequal to royal palaces in magnificence. Toward the rest of the nobility, he did not show himself so benign, lest I say something else of the man, whose honor I wish to consult. These things do not allow the Comnenian to be judged a perfect emperor. Nor yet would anyone say that the Comnenian emperor was bad: for if one should inquire more severely into the emperors, I do not believe he will find any who possessed the Roman principate in antiquity in whom nothing is lacking for finished glory. Whence it comes about that anyone's governance is judged by the greater part of his morals and actions. Indeed, certainly no one will be found entirely free of faults and of baser passions: for that would be the property of divine happiness, and it would never fall into human nature. Here I will make an end of writing, and will inhibit the course of history, which has progressed far. For I judged that to commit to letters those things which remain would be neither useful nor timely. But if this work shall seem useful to anyone, let there be thanks to God, by whose help all good things are perfected. But if it be superfluous, the fault is mine, and let the product return to me, the author, whose memory it might excite.
WHAT FOLLOWS IS COLLECTED FROM EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI, IN THE BOOK ENTITLED BASILICUS. THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD. Epitome of the years from Adam up to the year 6589, that is, to the beginning of the reign of Lord Alexius Comnenus.
Adam begat Seth, 230 years A Seth begat Enos, 260 years Enos begat Cainan, 190 years Cainan begat Malaleel, 170 years Malaleel begat Jared, 165 years Jared begat Enoch, 162 years Enoch begat Mathusalam, 165 years Mathusalam begat Lamech, 167 years Lamech begat Noe, 188 years Noe begat Sem, 500 years B Sem begat Arphaxad, 101 years Arphaxad begat Cainan, 130 years Cainan begat Sala, 130 years Sala begat Heber, 130 years Heber begat Phalec, 133 years Phalec begat Ragau, 130 years Ragau begat Seruch, 132 years Seruch begat Nachor, 130 years Nachor begat Thare, 79 years Thare begat Abraham, 70 years C Abraham begat Isaac, 100 years Isaac begat Jacob, 60 years Jacob begat Levi, 82 years Levi begat Caath, 47 years Caath begat Amram, 60 years Amram begat Mosen, 75 years Moses lived 120 years Jesus was leader of Israel, 24 years Phinees held the pontificate among the Israelites, 24 years D Chusar exercised kingdom over the Israelites, 50 years Othoniel judged Israel, 40 years Eglom exercised kingdom over the Israelites, 18 years Aod and Sephora judged Israel, 80 years Jabim commanded the Israelites, 20 years Debora judged Israel, 40 years Oreb judged Israel, 7 years Gedeon judged Israel, 40 years Abimelech judged Israel, 3 years Tholas judged Israel, 23 years Jaar judged Israel, 22 years The Ammonites ruled over Israel, 18 years Jephthe judged Israel, 6 years Esbal judged Israel, 7 years Elom judged Israel, 10 years Abdom judged Israel, 8 years The Philistines ruled over Israel, 30 years Samson judged Israel, 20 years
A Interregnum 32 years. Heli the priest judged Israel 20 years. B Circa the time of Heli the priest, the war of the Greeks against the Trojans took place, at which time also Homer flourished. Samuel judged Israel 20 years. Saul reigned over Israel 20 years. David reigned over Israel 40 years. From the kingdom of David unto the empire of the Romans 940 years; and from the creation of the world 5450 years. Gaius Julius reigned 4 years. Augustus reigned 56 years. C In the 42nd year of his reign, our Lord Jesus Christ is born in the flesh in Bethlehem of Judea of the Ever-Virgin Mary, and suffers the voluntary passion in the 18th year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar; for in the 15th year of the same Tiberius he was baptized. Tiberius reigned 22 years. Gaius the other reigned 4 years. Claudius reigned 14 years. Nero, his son, reigned 14 years. Galba 7 months. Otho 3 months. Vitellius 8 months. Vespasian reigned 10 years. Titus reigned 3 years. Under him took place the capture of Jerusalem and the total desolation of the Jews. D From such capture unto the reign of Constantine the Great, or the Christian empire, 237 years. From the creation of the world 5841 years. From the ascension of Christ the Lord unto the capture of Jerusalem 48 years.
Constantine the Great 33 years. Constantius his son 24 years. Julian the Apostate 2 years. Jovian 1 year. Valentinian 12 years. Valens his brother 3 years. Gratian 3 years. Theodosius the Great 17 years. Arcadius his son 13 years. Theodosius the Minor 42 years. Marcian 6 years. Leo the Great 17 years. Leo the Minor 1 year. Zeno reigned 16 years. Anastasius reigned 27 years. Justinus the Elder 9 years. Justinian the Great 39 years. Justinus the Minor 13 years. Tiberius 4 years. Mauricius 20 years. Phocas the tyrant 8 years. Heraclius 31 years.
Constantine his son 1 year, A Heraclius his son 6 months, Constantine his son 27 years, Leontius 3 years, Constantine the father of Justinian 17 years, Justinian the first 10 years, Tiberius Apsimarus 7 years, Justinian the second and Tiberius his son 6 years, Philippus Bardanes 2 years and 8 months, Anastasius Artemius 2 years, Theodosius the Atramyttenus 1 year, Leo the Isaurian 34 years, Constantine his son Copronymus 34 years, Leo his son 5 years, Constantine his son with his mother 10 years, Constantine alone his son 7 years, Irene his mother alone 5 years, Nicephorus the General 8 years and 9 months, Stauracius his son 3 months, Michael Rangabe 1 year and 9 months, Leo the Armenian 6 years and 5 months, Michael the Stammerer 8 years and 9 months, Theophilus his son 12 years and 3 months, Michael his son 26 years, B Basil the Macedonian 19 years, Leo his son 25 years and 8 months, Alexander his brother 1 year, Constantine the son of Leo 48 years, Romanus his son 3 years, Nicephorus Phocas 6 years, John Zimisces 6 years, Basil the Bulgar-slayer 55 years with his brother Constantine. C Under these emperors, Sergius the Patriarch struck the Pope of Rome from the diptychs. Romanus Argyropulus 5 years and 6 months, Michael the Paphlagonian 7 years, Michael his nephew 4 years, Constantine Monomachus 13 years, Theodora the Porphyrogeneta 1 year, Michael the Military official 1 year, Isaac Comnenus 2 years, Constantine Ducas 6 years, Romanus Diogenes 3 years, Michael the son of Ducas 6 years, Nicephorus Botaniates 3 years, Alexius Comnenus 38 years. D He began to rule from the year 6589, in the 4th indiction, on the 1st of April, on Great Thursday, when the seizure also took place.
*Addendum by the scribe.* From the time of the Emperor Alexius to this present time, there are 245 years, which is the year 6868 of the world.
ANNALIUM ARGUMENTA.
Synopses or Arguments of the matters treated in the Annals of John Zonaras, which are inscribed in the margins of some manuscripts and in the Wolf edition; discussed in the Preface.
A PROOEMIUM. NUMERO I. Proemium. N. III. A summary mention of the histories contained in the book, or a survey of the first volume. N. IV. A survey of the second volume.
BOOK FIRST.
N. I. On the creation of the world. First day. Second day. Third day. Fourth day. Fifth day. Sixth day. The seventh day is called the Sabbath. N. II. How God planted a paradise in Eden toward the east, and placed there the man whom He had fashioned. The transgression of the commandments. N. III. How Enoch was translated. A The struggle of Jacob with the angel. The abduction of Dinah by the prince of the Sichemites, the son of Sechem, and their destruction, and the slaughter by her brothers. The death of Isaac. IV. How the sons of God, as the Scripture says, saw the daughters of men and took them for themselves as wives. How Noah found grace before the face of God. How Noah was saved through a wooden ark. How God placed the bow in the cloud after the flood. N. V. That Noah planted a vineyard after the flood, and drank of the wine, and became drunk, and was uncovered in his house. The descendants of Noah, being scattered by the confusion of tongues, were changed and renamed. That Perses was the founder of Tarsus. On the origin of the nations, and from where they were called. N. VI. On Abraham, and that he was the first to recognize God as the Creator of all things. On the captivity of the Sodomites, and how they were wounded, and Lot was taken captive. That God promised to Abraham that He would give him offspring, so that his seed would become as the stars of the heaven. And how they were circumcised, and that Isaac is interpreted as "laughter." C The Jews, indeed, are circumcised on the eighth day, but the Arabs in their thirteenth year. That Ishmael was from Hagar. Isaac was twenty-five years old when Abraham was commanded to sacrifice him. N. VII. The departure of Jacob to Mesopotamia, and concerning the ladder seen in his sleep. The arrival of Jacob to Laban, his mother's brother, and the love for his daughter. The union of Jacob with Leah, and her childbearing. But Rachel, not bearing children, requested that Jacob approach her own handmaid, and she claimed the two children born as her own. But Leah, becoming jealous, laid her own handmaid with her husband, and claimed those born as her own. That Rachel gave birth to Joseph. N. VIII. Jacob having departed from Laban, Rachel steals his idols. N. IX. How Esau was called Edom. The council of the brothers against Joseph, and his seizure, and handing over to the merchants. That Potiphar bought Joseph. A false accusation by the wife of Potiphar against Joseph, and his imprisonment. The interpretation of the dreams of his fellow prisoners by Joseph. N. X. Pharaoh’s dreams. The interpretation of Pharaoh’s dreams by Joseph, and Pharaoh gives to him authority over all the land of Egypt. What "thomphanekhos" signifies. The return of the brothers of Joseph because of the famine. The recognition of Joseph and his brothers. N. XI. The arrival of Israel to Egypt with his whole house. The blessing of Jacob upon his grandsons, one by one. The death of Joseph. N. XII. That the Egyptians afflicted the Israelites. On the birth of Moses. That Moses was beautiful in appearance, and that he was nursed by an Egyptian woman. The etymology of the name of Moses, and that he was the seventh from Abraham. How Pharaoh places the diadem upon Moses. What Moses was like in age and virtue, and how he campaigned against the Ethiopians. That he used ibises as skirmishers against the venomous serpents. Sabe is a city of Ethiopia. That Moses took as a wife the daughter of the ruler of the Ethiopians. That the Egyptians hated him as they were being saved. That Moses fled from Egypt to Midian, and there took a wife, and became a shepherd. N. XIII. That while feeding flock in the mountain of Sinai, Moses sees the bush, and dreamed of going to Egypt. The miracle concerning the rod of Moses, the right hand cast into the bosom, and the water changed into blood. That Moses and Aaron came into Egypt to Pharaoh. How the rod was changed into a serpent. All the evils that Moses brought upon the Egyptians as Pharaoh was hardened. How the Passover is a crossing, and the passing over is prefigured from that time. How many Jews there were capable of bearing arms when they went out of Egypt. How many years the Jews spent in Egypt. N. XIV. How great was the people of the Egyptians who pursued the Jews. How he divided the sea into two parts, and led the people through. That Moses sang a song, and the Jews used the armor of the Egyptians. That Mar and Mairron is the water whichwas called bitter. How the water was sweetened by wood, and how Josephus interprets such a miracle. Concerning the quails and the manna. That "Man" means an inquiry. That the assarion is a measure. How the rock poured forth water before Moses. How Moses was being routed by the stretching out of his hands. How Hur and Aaron held up the hands of their brother.
N. XV. That after three months from Egypt the Jews arrived at Mount Sinai. The counsel of Moses’ father-in-law, on how the people ought to be led. At Mount Sinai Moses received the commandments. That while he delayed in the mountain the people murmured, and what Aaron did. How Moses shattered the tablets, having been angered by the making of the calf, and having crushed the calf, he made the people drink from the stream, and slew many. Moses went up into the mountain, saying: Lord, the people have sinned. And having taken two B tablets, he returned again to the people. Concerning the tabernacle which was made according to the commandment, and the bringing of the people into it, which they possessed.
N. XVI. That the architects of the tabernacle were Bezalel and Eliab. Concerning the ark in which the two tablets were, and who the Decalogues were that were within it. The Decalogues. Concerning the deposition in the temple, and the twelve loaves of unleavened bread. That Aaron was voted in as high priest. That the Hebrews brought contributions. That the Hebrews made the offering freely. That because they sacrificed contrary to what was prescribed, some parts of the body were burned up. That six hundred thousand were found, and more.
N. XVII. The tribe of Levi, numbered at more than twenty-three thousand and eight hundred. How he took one from each tribe to spy out the land, and the power of the Canaanites. Concerning the sedition of the multitude and Core, who cried out against the priesthood of Aaron. The advice of Moses, and how it was known that God wishes Aaron to be priest. How Dathan and Abiron were buried under the earth. A righteous judgment of God for those contending about the priesthood. Concerning the rods that had the names of the tribes, among which the rod of Aaron also blossomed. How the tribe of the Levites was released from campaigns, and what revenues it had.
N. XVIII. How Mary, the sister of Moses, died, not having seen the land of promise. And Aaron likewise, leaving the high priesthood to his son. How the Hebrews fought against the Amorites. And the destruction of those same kings Seon and Og. Concerning the encampment before Jericho. Concerning Balaam and the appearance of an angel on his way. That Balaam did not curse Moses, but even blessed him, being moved against his will by God. That by the counsel of Balaam he left virgins to the Jews, and they transgressed grievously. How Phinehas pierced Zambres together with the Midianitish woman. The defeat of the Midianites and the destruction of all except the virgin women. That Moses, having grown old, left C Joshua behind.
N. XIX. That Moses assigned the Amoritish land to Gad and Reuben, having ordered that each man, remaining in his own tribe, should possess his inheritance. But if he should become estranged from the tribe, he should also be deprived of the inheritance. How, having stood on a high mountain, Moses saw the land of promise, and thus became invisible, having lived one hundred and twenty years, of which he ruled for the third part. Concerning the spies of Jericho. Concerning Rahab the harlot in Jericho who hid the spies, and as much as they promised her to do after the taking of the city, and that the woman was instructed to hang a scarlet cord as a sign of the house. That the priests and Levites, entering the Jordan first, cut it off, and thus the people passed over.
N. XX. Concerning the altar and the stones which Joshua took according to the number of the tribes from the Jordan. That on the first day of the Passover Joshua began to besiege Jericho. And until the seventh day, encircling the wall with the priests and the ark, and with trumpets, the wall fell down, and he made curses against those who would ever desire to rebuild the city of Jericho. Concerning the spoils that were taken, which were dedicated to God. And concerning him who hid the gold, and that he was destroyed because of this. How the Gibeonites made a treaty as being foreigners to Jericho. That Joshua, having learned that he had been deceived, made them wood-cutters and water-carriers of the Synagogue. How Joshua defeated the king of Jerusalem, while allied with the Gibeonites, when also the day was prolonged. That the Hebrews call freedom Galgala.
N. XXI. Concerning the tabernacle which Joshua set up in Shiloh. That Joshua died at a very advanced age, having become one hundred and ten years old. That after the death of Joshua, the Canaanites rose up against the Hebrews, and were defeated. That the Israelites, living in prosperity, became negligent of the laws and of arms.
N. XXII. Concerning the guest of Gibeah the Levite, and his wife the Bethlehemite, whom those who fornicated with her destroyed. And that her husband divided her into twelve parts and sent the parts to the twelve tribes as a reproach for what had happened. Concerning Othniel, and how he ruled over the people of Israel. After Othniel, being without a ruler, the Israelites were held in contempt. Concerning the Benjaminite Aod, or Ehud, and that he killed Eglon by guile. How Aod ruled over the people.
N. XXIII. Concerning Deborah the prophetess and Barak, who campaigned against Sisera. That Sisera, while fleeing, was killed by a woman, having been made drunk with milk. The death of Deborah and Barak. Concerning Gideon, and all that the angel who appeared to him did, encouraging him for the war against the enemies. Concerning the fleece and the dew. Concerning those who lapped while drinking. Concerning the barley loaf in the sleep, what it signifies? How Gideon organized his own people. That Gideon died an old man, leaving seventy sons from different women, and one from a concubine, who killed the seventy and acted as a tyrant. That a woman from above kills Abimelech with a millstone. That Jephthah promised to sacrifice the first who met him, if he should win; and thus he sacrifices his daughter.
N. XXIV. That Samson signifies strength. How Samson was born. That he was a Nazirite, the one set apart for God. That the father of Samson, Manoah, sought to learn the name of the angel speaking with him. But he said that this was a wonderful thing, and kept silence. That the sacrifice of Manoah was burned up by divine fire. How Samson was joined to a foreign woman. And how he destroyed
the lion, and found a swarm of bees in its mouth. And that he posed a riddle about this; and how he explained this to his wife when she asked him with tears. That because the woman was married to another, Samson was enraged, and taking three hundred foxes, he tied burning torches to their tails. And thus he burned the fields of the Philistines. But they burned the wife. That Samson willingly delivered himself bound to the foreigners. And he killed many with the jawbone of an ass. Whence they also called the place Jawbone. How Samson drank from the jawbone. How Samson moved the gates together with their doorposts. That Delilah deceived Samson. And having learned the strength from his hair, she cuts the hair; and when he became weak, the enemies gouge out his eyes. How, as his hair grew, the strength of Samson also grew. And how he shook the pillars, and brought down the house upon himself and killed all with himself. B
N. XXV. That after Samson, the Judges no longer led Israel, but the high priest Eli. Concerning Naomi, and Orpah, and Ruth. How Naomi denotes good fortune, but Mara denotes suffering. How Boaz, having brought Ruth into the Council, asked the kinsman if he wished to take her. Upon the latter’s refusal, he takes her, and that the signs of the refusal occurred according to the law. That Obed serves as an interpreter. Concerning Samuel. That Eli foretold to Hannah the birth of Samuel. That he was brought to Eli after Samuel was born. That God called while Samuel was sleeping. A prophecy through Samuel of the calamities that would happen to the Israelites and to the sons of Eli.
N. XXVI. Movement of the Philistines against the Israelites. And the sending of the Ark for help, and the defeat of the Hebrews, and the slaughter of the sons of Eli, and the capture of the Ark, and the death for this reason of Eli, who had become ninety years old. That the foreigners took the Ark to the city of Ashdod, and placed it in the temple of the god Dagon, and the idol fell down. That dysentery afflicted the city of the Ashdodites, and mice were brought up from the earth. That from city to city the Ark, being sent by the Philistines, afflicted them. How the Ark was sent on a wagon when they had made offerings. That the cows brought the Ark by themselves to the Israelites. That God put to death those who touched the Ark irreverently. That Samuel persuaded them instead of freedom. That the Philistines, attacking the Hebrews, were defeated after thunders and an earthquake occurred, and lightnings, at which they were struck with terror, and attacked no more.
N. XXVII. That Samuel, having grown old, entrusts the judgment of the people to his sons. That the people, because of the wickedness of the sons of Samuel, sought a king, and Samuel promised to give one, having warned that they would repent. Concerning Saul, and how he was anointed as king while searching for his father’s donkeys. What signs Samuel gave to Saul regarding the anointing. That the lot fell upon Saul. And they searched for him, and found him missing. That the king of the Ammonites sought to gouge out the right eye of every one of the Gileadites, and thus to be rid of them. That Saul prophesied the destruction of the enemies. How Saul routed the Ammonites. The second proclamation of Saul. When the Hebrews were ruled by aristocrats, and when they were without leaders, and when they were judged, and when they were ruled by kings. C
N. XXVIII. That in the height of summer, winter occurred. That again the Philistines smote the Hebrews. How Jonathan attacked the enemies, and defeated them. That Saul placed a curse for no one to eat until evening, but to pursue the enemies relentlessly, and that Jonathan, not having heard the curse, ate, and for this reason a defeat occurred. And that his father was about to kill him, had the people not snatched him away.
N. XXIX. That according to the command of God, Samuel told Saul to engage the Amalekites and kill all. And that having attacked he won, but he did not kill their king. And for this reason he hears from Samuel that the kingdom is taken away from him. That as Samuel was withdrawing, Saul grasped his robe, begging him to appease God. And the robe was torn, and Samuel said that his kingdom would be divided in this way. And late, Samuel was persuaded, saying, to supplicate God if Saul kills the king of the Amalekites. That from among all his brothers, David was anointed as king, and that the spirit of prophecy came upon him, withdrawing from Saul. That an evil spirit choked Saul, which David soothed by psaltering with the lyre. And he functioned as an armor-bearer to Saul. Concerning the foreigners who came upon the Israelites; and concerning Goliath. And how David provoked him. And concerning the weapons of Goliath. David, taking heart, speaks of He who strengthened him against the bear and against the lion. That David attacked Goliath unarmed, carrying only five stones and the sling. How David brought down Goliath with a stone from the sling, and killed him with his own sword. And thus the foreigners are defeated. D
N. XXX. That David dedicated the sword of Goliath to God. How Saul was moved to envy David. How David played the lyre for Saul when he was demon-possessed, but he attempted to strike him with a spear, and failed. That the daughter of Saul loved David, and promised the marriage if David would bring him one hundred foreskins. Which David also did. How Saul always plotted against David. How also again David defeated the enemies. How his daughter counter-schemed against the mission of Saul, sending David away, and hiding the liver of a newly slaughtered goat in the bed. How many prophesied in different ways then. That it is said, "Is even Saul among the prophets?"
N. XXXI. The four flights of David. How David ate the holy bread, and took the sword of Goliath. That David pretended madness. Concerning Doeg the servant of Saul, and how he informed him about the bread and the sword. And how through him that high priest was killed, and his lineage. Again a plot against David. How because of the necessity of the stomach, David entered into the cave where David was, and he did not kill him, but took a part of the robe. An oath of David to Saul that he would not harm his lineage.
N. XXXII. Concerning Nabal, who replied inhumanely to those sent by David,
and concerning the woman of Nabal, how she made David propitious. That Nabal signifies foolishness. How Nabal died from grief, being struck with terror, and David took his wife. And how Saul plotted against him. How David stood over Saul while he was sleeping, and did not kill him. The flask, the vessel of water. Concerning the ventriloquist, and how Samuel appeared to be brought up from the dead, and what things he said A to Saul when brought up. Concerning the four hundred who campaigned with David, and the victory, and concerning those who fled on light camels, and the remaining two hundred, whom David had left for the guarding of the equipment. And that the two hundred became sharers with the four hundred, those who guarded the equipment. The death of the children of Saul, and that Saul slew himself, and his armor-bearer. That after Saul and his children had died, their heads were removed, and their bodies were impaled. B
BOOK SECOND.
N. I. That David punished the one who assaulted Saul and wounded him, because he was the anointed of the Lord. How Abner, being pursued, struck from behind the one pursuing him, Asahel, and killed him. That the men of Saul and the men of David fought against each other for a long time, but the men of David grew stronger. That Abner approached David, and persuaded the others also to come to him. That Joab killed Abner in treachery. The slaying of Ish-bosheth, son of Saul, and that David killed those who had killed him. When David was anointed king by all of Israel, and that he was thirty years old when he began to rule over the tribe of Judah alone. That David, having besieged and captured the city of Jebus, drove out those dwelling there. And he rebuilt it under his own name, that which is now called Jerusalem. C
N. II. The attack of David against the adversaries, and their defeat. Concerning the bringing of the Ark into Jerusalem, when David also leaped before it; and he who touched it died, as one unholy. That David did not consider it a disgrace to dance and chant before the Ark. That David was forbidden to build a house for the Ark. Concerning the good things David did for the grandson of Saul.
N. III. Concerning those sent by David for consolation to the son of the king of the Ammonites, and who were thought to be spies, and had their heads and beards shaved. Wherefore a war was raised against the Ammonites. Concerning Bathsheba, and how David loved her, and how he killed Uriah her husband. That after the events concerning Uriah, David took Bathsheba as his wife, and how Nathan through a parable rebuked him, and foretold the wrath of God on account of this. And that David understood, and repented. Concerning the illness of the son of David by Bathsheba, and how while he was ill David mourned for him, and how after his death he ceased from mourning. Concerning Solomon, whom David had by Bathsheba. Concerning the precious crown which David took after sacking the Ammonites.
N. IV. Concerning the love which Amnon had for Tamar, the sister. And concerning the hatred he had after violating her, and concerning Absalom, and the murder of Amnon, the flight of Absalom, and that David was enraged. How Joab used craft D to make David propitious toward his son Absalom. Concerning the insurrection of Absalom against David, and concerning Ahithophel, the co-conspirator of Absalom. Concerning the feigned defection of Hushai, the companion of David. Concerning the patience of David which he showed while being cursed by Shimei, and how he avenged the slaughter of his brother, and concerning the death of Absalom, and that he was caught by his hair in a tree and slain. How David mourned the death of Absalom.
N. V. How Absalom lay with the concubines of his father. How Hushai rendered the counsel of Ahithophel void. How Ahithophel hanged himself. How Absalom, having been defeated, was pursued, and how being caught by his hair in a tree he was killed. How David lamented the death of Absalom.
N. VI. How the remaining tribes, without that of Judah, revolted from David. How Joab killed Absalom. Concerning the famine which lasted for three years. And how it was resolved by the giving of seven men from the house of Saul for slaughter according to a divine oracle. How those around David loved him. Concerning the giant man who had six fingers on his hands and on his feet.
N. VIII. How David composed the psalms, and what the instruments of the psalm are. Concerning the census, and how after these things David repented. Concerning the choice of the three, which of them to take, on account of the census of the people. And that the chosen evil was the death which came upon the people, and it came from the morning until the midday meal. How God stopped the destruction of the people. That in the place where Abraham was about to slaughter Isaac, David wished to build a temple and was forbidden by God. That David took a young virgin because of the warmth. That Adonijah, the fourth son of David, attempted to reign. How Solomon was anointed king. What commands David gave to Solomon when he was dying. Concerning the building of the temple. How many years David lived.
N. VIII. That much wealth was gathered for David. That Solomon reigned at twelve years of age. That Adonijah sought the concubine of David, and for this reason was killed by Solomon. How Shimei was killed. That Solomon took the daughter of Pharaoh. All that Solomon requested from God. Concerning the women who came, and asked for judgment concerning the dead child. Concerning the things that Solomon wrote. Concerning the ring whereof the seal drove away demons.
N. IX. When Solomon began the building of the temple. That in seven years the temple was completed. What things God revealed to Solomon through a dream concerning future events. What Solomon built. Concerning the enigmas which Solomon solved. Concerning the queen of the Ethiopians. Whence the balsam grew in Palestine.
N. X. That Solomon lay with foreign women. That God said He would fulfill the curse against Solomon upon the one who should come after him. Concerning Hadad. Concerning Jeroboam. Concerning the years of Solomon, how many he is said to have lived.
N. XI. Concerning Rehoboam the son of Solomon. Concerning the apostasy of the ten tribes. Concerning the two heifers. And how Jeroboam prevented the people from traveling to Jerusalem. That Jeroboam, having come to offer sacrifice, heard what he would suffer. Concerning the false prophet who deceived Jeroboam. That the prophet of God, having been persuaded, was entertained by the false prophet, and was devoured by a lion while returning.
A N. XII. Concerning those who sell the grace of the Spirit. Concerning the things which Ahijah the prophet foretold would happen to the wife of Jeroboam. The expedition of Shishak against Rehoboam, and that the Egyptian, having violated the treaty, plundered many treasures. Concerning the golden shields of Solomon, and the golden spears of David which he dedicated to God. The expedition of Jerobam and the victory of the son of Rehoboam. The death of Jeroboam, whose successor was his son. That Baasha utterly destroyed the house of Jeroboam, root and branch. Concerning the one who entered the palace and burned both himself and it. Concerning how Samaria was named. That the kings of the Israelites were short-lived at that time because of their lawlessness. That the prophet foretold that there would be victories and other prosperity for those people, if they would pursue justice. Concerning Ahab, that he held the kingdom in Samaria.
B N. XIII. Concerning Elijah, and concerning the drought, and concerning his being fed by a raven, and concerning the widow who provided for Elijah. Concerning the widow's son, whom Elijah raised from the dead. Concerning Obadiah, that being a righteous man, he consented to hide with Elijah, so that he would not be killed. Concerning the hundred prophets whom Obadiah hid. Concerning the matters about which Elijah spoke boldly to Ahab. Concerning the sacrifice of the false prophets, and the sacrifice of Elijah, and how he slew the priests of shame. That Elijah said there would be rain, and it came to pass. And that he fled because of Jezebel. That Elijah traveled for forty days without food. How Elijah anointed Hazael as king, and Jehu, and Elisha as prophet.
N. XIV. Concerning the vineyard of Naboth. How, by the conspiracy of Jezebel, Naboth died, and how from that time Ahab possessed the vineyard. The prophecy of Elijah concerning the destruction of Ahab and his house because of the murder of Naboth. That because of the repentance of Ahab, God said that he would defer the threatened punishments and fulfill them in the days of his son. That the king of Syria campaigned against Samaria. That Ahab, having been persuaded by the prophet, with 302 men defeated the Assyrian and plundered his army. That the Syrian campaigned against Samaria again. The defeat of the Syrians again. How the men of Hadad approached Ahab bound and willing, and how he received Hadad with honor. Concerning the prophet Micaiah, and how he asked to be brought down. The expedition of Ahab against the city of Ramoth. How Micaiah foretold that Ahab would fall in Ramoth. How Ahab was shot in the war and died. That, according to the prophecy of Elijah, dogs licked the blood of Ahab, and harlots bathed in it.
N. XV. That the son succeeded Ahab. How enemies came against Jerusalem. How, at the command of God, the enemies killed one another, and thus the victory went to those in Jerusalem. That the god of Ekron was a fly, and that Ahaziah inquired [of him] whether he would recover from his sickness. And that for this reason Elijah said he would not recover. And that Ahaziah sent men to bring Elijah. That those who were sent were consumed by divine fire. How Ahaziah ceased, whom his brother Jehoram succeeded. Concerning the assumption of Elijah. How Elisha was sought. How Elisha sweetened the waters with salt. That because of a curse, bears devoured the children. How the army went through the desert. How the waters appeared red like the light of Helius [the sun]. How the king of Moab sacrificed his own son. Concerning Jehoshaphat.
N. XVI. How Elisha multiplied the oil for the widow who was in debt. That the child was born, just as Elisha had foretold, and that Elisha raised the dead child to life again. That Elisha fed a great multitude with a few loaves. How Naaman brought treasures to Elisha, so that he might be redeemed from his leprosy. That at the command of the prophet, Naaman washed in the Jordan and was cleansed. Concerning the axe that fell into the water. And how it rose again through the wood. Concerning the people who would take Elisha. How he led them into the midst of the enemies, and how he rescued them again, and how his own servant saw him surrounded by fiery chariots.
N. XVII. That in time of famine the head of an ass was sold for much. Concerning the woman who complained that she was not persuaded by the agreements. That Elisha foretold the destruction of the enemies. How the Syrians were suddenly defeated. Concerning the lepers who reported the retreat of the enemies. That after the retreat of the enemies there was an abundance of the necessities of life. And the man who disbelieved the prophecy of the prophet was trampled to death, and did not eat according to the prophecy of Elisha. That the prophet foretold to Hazael the kingdom of Syria. That Hazael strangled the king of Damascus and took power.
N. XVIII. That the prophet foretold to Jehoram the evils that would happen to him because of his impiety. That through the disciple of the prophet, Jehu was anointed as king, so that he might destroy the house of Ahab. That Jehu killed Jehoram with an arrow, and the dead body fell into the field of Naboth, just as Elijah had foretold. That Jezebel also was thrown down from above and died, and her body was torn by dogs. That all the sons of Ahab were beheaded, and all his kin. How all the priests and prophets of Baal were killed, and the house of Baal was burned, and his pillar.
N. XIX. That because of the destruction of the house of Ahab, God promised a long kingdom to the house of Jehu. And that Athaliah killed all those of the house of David, except one. How the one who remained of the house of David was proclaimed king. How Athaliah was killed. That the one from the house of David who then reigned was seven years old. Concerning the chest, whose lid was perforated, and each one cast in according to his ability for the restoration of the temple. That Jehoiada lived one hundred and thirty years. That Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada, was killed while reproving the king.
N. XX. That as Elisha was dying, he was lamented by King Joash. Concerning the man who was thrown by robbers into the tomb of Elisha and came to life. The death of Joash, whom his son Amaziah succeeded, and he punished those who had killed his father, but let their sons go. That Amaziah becoming haughty, sent a bitter message to the king of Israel. But he answered him by a parable to be humble-minded. That Joash defeated Amaziah.
N. XXI. Concerning the prophet Jonah, and that he was sent to the Ninevites, and that the lot fell upon Jonah. How the king of Nineveh and all the people repented. Concerning Uzziah, how as
A a priest who attempted to offer incense became leprous. Concerning the prophet Nahum.
N. XXII. That Pekah brought many captives into Samaria, and then released them as fellow-tribesmen. That Ahaz was very impious. That Hezekiah was pious. The siege and capture of Samaria. That the Samaritans were transplanted from Samaria. That the Cuthites were settled there. But after their settlement, lions destroyed them; wherefore they were persuaded to approach God.
N. XXIII. When Sennacherib campaigned against Judea. The words of the Rabshakeh to Hezekiah, and that the latter, having called upon God, was victorious according to the prophecy of Isaiah. That by night an angel destroyed one hundred and eighty-five thousand of the enemy. Concerning the mice that ate the bows of the Assyrians, and the rest of their arms. Concerning the many myriads of Assyrians destroyed in one night by a pestilential disease. The destruction of Sennacherib. The illness of Hezekiah, and Isaiah’s prophecy that he would die. And Hezekiah’s repentance, and the addition to his life. And concerning the turning back of the sun which Isaiah brought about. That Hezekiah displayed his treasures and arms to the envoys of the king of Babylon. And that Isaiah reproached him for this. The death of Hezekiah. The accession of Manasseh, and the incursion and victory of the Babylonians. That Manasseh, having repented, was redeemed from captivity.
N. XXIV. Concerning the prophetess Huldah. That the people were required to take an oath to keep the laws of God. That Josiah, having been shot with arrows, died. Concerning the prophet Jeremiah. Concerning Nebuchadnezzar. Concerning what Jeremiah foretold. That the Babylonian took captive, along with the people, also the prophet Ezekiel. That Jehoiakim surrendered himself for the sake of the city.
N. XXV. How Zedekiah reigned over Jerusalem. Concerning the supposed discrepancies of the prophets, and how they were found to be in agreement. That Zedekiah, having been blinded, did not see Babylon. Concerning the evils that Jeremiah foretold would come to pass. The second incursion of the Babylonians against Jerusalem, and how Jeremiah, knowing what would happen, urged the people to receive the Babylonians. How the prophet was cast into a cistern. The capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians. That Zedekiah was taken alive with all his people, and was blinded. But his [children] were slain. How Nebuzaradan razed the temple, the palaces, and the city.
BOOK THREE
N. I. That Israel slew Gedaliah. The flight of the Jews to Egypt, taking with them also Jeremiah and Baruch. That Jeremiah died by stoning. When the ten tribes were led into Samaria. When the two were taken captive by Nebuchadnezzar.
N. II. Concerning the captives castrated by the Babylonian. Concerning Daniel and the three children. How the children and Daniel did not partake of meat. That the children and Daniel learned Chaldean learning. Concerning the dream of Nebuchadnezzar. How the children entreated God that the dream might be revealed to them. The narration of the dream and the interpretation. What kingdom the image seen by Nebuchadnezzar represented.
N. III. B How now the Roman empire is not strong as it was before. For what reason the Roman empire was depicted as iron mixed with clay. What the stone signifies which destroyed the image? Usage from Scripture, that the stone is Christ. That the root is the tribe of Judah, and the stone is Christ. And that it was cut without hands means the birth without a man. That Nebuchadnezzar received Daniel with gifts, and renamed him Belteshazzar.
N. IV. Concerning the image which Nebuchadnezzar set up to be worshipped. Concerning the angel who appeared as the fourth with the children. How the three children were honored. Another dream of Nebuchadnezzar concerning the tree. Again, he does not know the dream and calls those who might tell him. And he calls Daniel, who also interpreted it. That "Watcher" signifies an angel, that is, one who is awake. That Nebuchadnezzar, having fallen into madness, lived in the wilderness like a beast. Names of ancient historians.
N. V. Who succeeded Nebuchadnezzar, and what follows concerning Belshazzar. And how he used the sacred vessels of the Jews. Concerning the finger of a hand, which Belshazzar saw on the wall. How Daniel explains to Belshazzar the visible finger. What the things written by the finger signify. That when Cyrus came against Belshazzar, Belshazzar was slain, that Daniel was taken by Darius into Media after the capture of Babylon. That Darius was also called Cyaxares. That because he was thought to have transgressed the law then set forth concerning not praying, Daniel was thrown into the den of lions. That those who had spoken against Daniel were thrown into the den of lions.
N. VI. Concerning the dream C that Daniel saw, namely, of the four beasts that came up from the sea; and that the first was a lioness. The second a bear. What is the nature of the punishing judgment. Whom Cyrus, and whom Cambyses, and whom Darius subjugated, and whom Xerxes. And the third a leopard. Who are those that succeeded to the rule of Alexander.
N. VII. What the fourth beast is. For what the eating and crushing of the Roman empire is taken. Concerning the Antichrist. Concerning the Ancient of Days seen by Daniel. Concerning the destruction of the Antichrist. Concerning the second coming of the Son of God.
N. VIII. Concerning the other vision of Daniel, which was a ram with horns, and what follows. That Susa was the capital of the Persians. That Cambyses was the son of Cyrus, and was succeeded by the Magi, and these by Darius, son of Hystaspes. Concerning the goat that Daniel saw, and what it meant. That Alexander was established king of the Persians and Medes, and defeated Darius, having captured his wife and daughters. That the Persians and Medes destroyed the empire of the Assyrians. Concerning Antiochus Epiphanes, and his incursion against Jerusalem, and what he did there. "Evening" signifies the beginning of troubles, or the whole time during which these things happened.
N. IX. That the angel Gabriel appeared to Daniel. Why Daniel was called a man of desires. That they reckoned each day as a year. That to "seal" is significant of the completion. When [it] began D
A to build the temple of the Jews after the captivity; that the one leading was called the Christ.
N. X. That the Hebrews measure the year according to the course of the moon, having it consist of three hundred and fifty days. That the illegal anointing of the priests is considered to be nothing.
N. XI. Judith. That Ecbatana was the kingdom of the Medes. Concerning Achior, who advised Holofernes not to make war against the Jews, and how Holofernes handed him over to the Jews, hoping to capture him too along with them and punish him. That the Hebrews were distressed by a lack of water.
N. XII. As to what [kind of woman] Judith was. That Judith went out to Holofernes decked out brilliantly, and shedding the garment of her widowhood. The prediction of Judith concerning the slaughter of Holofernes. When she went to Holofernes. That it is an ancient custom, as it seems, for eunuchs to be served in such matters. What is an *akinakes*, and that Holofernes was killed by it. How Judith went in again into the city with the head of Holofernes, and what she advised should be done after these things. The circumcision of Achior. The defeat of the Assyrians. That Judith was crowned with an olive branch, and sang a song to God, to whom she also dedicated the tent of Holofernes.
N. XIII. Tobit. That Nineveh is the capital city of the Assyrians. The blindness of Tobit. That Tobit was most righteous, he who even in poverty cared for justice. Concerning Sarah, whose husbands the demon that was with her strangled, being in love with her. Concerning the archangel Raphael. How the son of Tobit, Tobias, was sent by his father to receive the deposit, and how Raphael the archangel guided him. Concerning the fish whose liver and gall Tobias was instructed to keep, and [how] he was taught for what these things are useful.
N. XIV. That the angel Raphael renamed himself Azarias. How Tobias healed the white spots of his father. That Raphael revealed to Tobit that he was an angel of God, and sent to them. A narrative of the things that will come to pass in the city of Nineveh according to the prophecy of Jonah [told] by Tobit to his son Tobias [about] Jerusalem. That Tobit died having become one hundred and fifty-eight years old. That Ecbatana is a city of Media.
N. XV. Concerning the kingdom of the Medes and Persians, and that Astyages ruled the Medes, but Cambyses the Persians. How the Persians conducted their affairs very lawfully and justly. How the boys lived among the Persians. That up to the seventeenth year they were called boys, and thereafter youths. How the Persians occupied themselves with hunting. That there are places where they also had cress as a side-dish. That at twenty-five years they were adults. That after fifty years they were ranked among the elders, and no longer went to war, but judged. That for the Persians, having excrement is a shameful thing.
N. XVI. That Astyages, the ruler of the Medes, was the maternal grandfather of Cyrus, and the father-in-law of Cambyses, the ruler of the Persians and father of Cyrus, and that there are Assyrians and others who are Syrians. That the king of the Assyrians, having conquered many nations, also made war against the Medes. That Cambyses, the ruler of the Persians, sent his son Cyrus as an ally to Cyaxares, the ruler of the Medes who is also [Darius], against the Assyrians. That he came against the Armenians. That the borders of the Medes and Armenians are adjacent. Concerning Chrysantas, and how Cyrus went to the Armenian. That there was no city in Armenia. That all the household of the Armenian were captured, and he himself came forward.
N. XVII. How Cyrus, having received money from the Armenian, and an alliance, dissolved the battle. That the Armenians and Chaldeans are neighbors. B Meeting of the Medes and Assyrians for war. What is a *parasang*. The clash of the Persians and Medes with the Assyrians, and the defeat of the Assyrians. That the Assyrians left in the night and fled, and Cyrus, with Cyaxares, crossed the wall of the Assyrians, and Cyrus pursued after them, upon the approach also of the Hyrcanians, whom the Assyrians held as neighbors and allies. That Cyrus caught the Assyrians, while they were still fleeing.
N. XVIII. That even women followed Croesus, the ally of the Assyrians. Covered wagons and state carriages. That, as it seems, until then there were no cavalry among the Persians. What Cyrus discussed with the captive Assyrians. Distribution of the spoils from the Assyrians, from which the Persians received horses, so that they too might become horsemen, not having been so before.
N. XIX. Concerning the coming of Gobryas to Cyrus. And Gobryas was an Assyrian. See, under the form of an oath, the taking and giving of the right hand. The spoils distributed to Cyrus, among which was also the wife of Abradatas. That Cyrus comes again to Babylon against the Assyrians. That Cyrus sought to engage in single combat with the ruler of Babylon. But he said that he was not prepared, and Cyrus awaited his preparation. Concerning Gadatas, who, being a eunuch, ruled. Transition of Gadatas to Cyrus, who was of the Assyrians. Transition of other nations to Cyrus. That it is an ancient [custom] for kings, [to be] masters.
N. XX. How Cyrus rode out rapidly to aid Gadatas, and how he unexpectedly snatched him from the ambush. Defeat of the Cadusians, allies of Cyrus. A gift from Gadatas to Cyrus, among which were horses, by which Cyrus made ten thousand of his own people horsemen. That Cyrus seized fortresses of the Syrians in the borderlands of the Syrians and Medes. That Cyaxares was indignant to see a great force following Cyrus, his own ally, exceeding his own, and how Cyrus calmed his grief.
N. XXI. The counsel of Cyrus on how it is necessary to dissolve the war as winter approaches. That Cyrus always wanted his own people to labor, so that, he says, they might be healthy. Concerning Araspes, and how he burned with love for the woman he was guarding for Cyrus. And how, she not being persuaded by Araspes, although he was using force, Cyrus learned of it, and was not angry, but sympathized with him as a man, saying that even gods fall in love. "I blame myself more," he said, "because I shut up such a beast with Araspes," referring to the woman. That according to counsel Cyrus decided that Araspes should flee, and he went over to the Assyrian to learn the situation there, and Panthea (for this was the name of the woman) sought to come to Cyrus as a friend instead of Araspes, and to serve her husband Abradatas, which also came to pass. And Abradatas having come, and learned of the matters concerning the wife
Pantheia, and the temperance of Cyrus, gave thanks to him. Herodotus relates the affairs concerning Cyrus otherwise. A
N. XXII. The sending of money to Cyrus by the Indian, and the beginning of friendship. That Cyrus had ten thousand horsemen, and one hundred scythed chariots, and that Abradatas had one hundred, and the Medes one hundred, and that each camel carried two archers. Again, a gathering of Cyrus against the Assyrians. That fodder is the food of irrational animals here. The return of Araspes and his eulogy of Cyrus. That Pantheia cut up her own ornaments for the arming of her husband. That she considered her husband her ornament, and what she spoke to him as he was arming, and how she thanked Cyrus for having kept her unviolated. What the husband said to Pantheia. A
N. XXIII. How Croesus arrayed his own forces against those of Cyrus. That the paean is a song of war. That the camels brought fear upon the horses. The engagement of the Persians and Egyptians, in which was also Abradatas, who, having fallen from his chariot, was cut to pieces. That one who had fallen struck the horse of Cyrus with a sword, and thus Cyrus was thrown from the horse. That the Egyptians, being surrounded by the enemy and unable to withstand them, sat inactive behind their shields, then threw down their weapons and fled. He encamped, instead of "he came to the camp." B
N. XXIV. That when Croesus fled to Sardis, Cyrus himself followed him there. He also took the Acropolis. The prediction of Croesus to Cyrus, and the request not to plunder the city, but to take the wealth quietly. Concerning the death of Abradatas, and all that his wife said to Cyrus, and how she slew herself. How Cyrus buried Abradatas and Pantheia magnificently. C
N. XXV. Concerning the Carians and those over Phrygia by the Hellespont. Concerning the wagons which drew the wealth which Croesus gave, and what speech Cyrus made. Concerning Great Phrygia. The siege of Babylon, and the diversion of the river Euphrates, and the capture of the city by means of this. How the royal palaces were first occupied. That the king of the Assyrians captured in Babylon was Belshazzar, to whom also the hand appeared upon the wall, as the prophet Daniel says. D
N. XXVI. That Cyrus had eunuchs for attendants. What the conduct of Cyrus and those around him was, as being most excellent. How Cyrus reproved Croesus wickedly. That Cyrus considered the world of his subjects to be his own world. And why he seated his most intimate friends on the left. That Cyrus said he possessed much wealth so that he might distribute it to the worthy, not for his own sake. D
N. XXVII. That when he returned to his own lands, Cyaxares gave him other things, and also his daughter as a wife, and the land of the Medes. But he said he would not take her otherwise than with the consent of her parents. Which he also did, having gone there, and having given great gifts to all the Persians. That he again returned to Babylon, and what nations he occupied, among which was also Cyprus. Concerning those called *kontaroi* (spearmen). That he subdued the nations dwelling towards Syria, and Egypt. And whence his authority began. And how he traveled around his own empire throughout the whole year. And that when he had become an old man, what he discussed with his own people, and whom he left as successors.
BOOK FOURTH
N. I. That only the two tribes went up to Jerusalem. Concerning the nation of the Jews. That Cambyses succeeded to the rule of Cyrus, who also hindered the rebuilding of the temple, having reigned seven years. Concerning Cambyses, and how Smerdis the Magus succeeded him. And how Cambyses, having been terrified by a dream, killed his brother Smerdis. How Cambyses died in Ecbatana of Syria, having possessed that, as had been told. A
N. II. That Smerdis the Magus reigned as the son of Cyrus. That he was later exposed as being another person, as he had no ears; for these had been cut off for a fault by Cyrus. The rebellion against Smerdis. How Prexaspes proclaimed that the son of Cyrus, Smerdis, was dead, and that the one holding power was another man of the same name, and how this man died because of this. How the Magi were killed, of whom one was Smerdis. B
N. III. How Darius, the son of Hystaspes, obtained power over the Persians through the sagacity of his own groom. What he vowed to God, if Darius should rule. What questions Darius proposed to his own friends, and what he promised to the one who should resolve them. That Zerubbabel excelled in these, saying that wine, and kings, and women excel, but truth excels everything. That at the request of Zerubbabel, Darius granted that the rebuilding of the temple be his own doing. C
N. IV. A second ascent to Jerusalem, with Zerubbabel. Those who went up were 42,360, without the servants. Concerning the Samaritans, and how they were provoked. When the prophets Haggai and Zechariah lived. That Darius permitted to be given to the Jews daily the animals and fine flour for the sacrifice. That the temple was built in seven years. When the Jews were reigned over, and when they were governed by judges. C
N. V. That Xerxes succeeded Darius, and he too was piously disposed toward the temple, when also Ezra was saved from Babylon to Jerusalem with a great multitude of Jews. That many myriads of Jews remained beyond the Euphrates. Concerning Nehemiah the Hebrew, how he also came from Babylon to Jerusalem, and rebuilt the wall. That the tribe of Judah was the first that went up from Babylon, whence those in Jerusalem were called Jews. D
N. VI. That Cyrus, who was also called Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes, succeeded him. Concerning Esther, whom Artaxerxes took as a wife, and concerning Mordecai. That Artaxerxes made a law that no one should approach him while he was sitting on his throne unless called. How Mordecai informed him of a plot against the king. Haman wished to crucify Mordecai, but he was crucified himself through the providence of God. When Esther learned of the intended destruction of the Jews by Haman through Mordecai, she supplicated God first, and then entered to the king uncalled. And because of this, being struck with fear, she fell at his feet as if lifeless, and how he invited him to a banquet, and Haman—for the wood was fifty cubits high on which he [intended] to crucify Mordecai.
A That the king was reminded of Mordecai by reason of the plot, and that for this reason he honored him. Thus does God scatter evil counsels.
N. VII. How Haman was hanged on the wood he had prepared for Mordecai. That the sons of Haman were also crucified. How Joannas killed his own brother in the temple. How they kept the brother of the high priest, who had cohabited with a foreign woman, from the temple. Concerning the building of the temple in Garizim, in Samaria.
N. VIII. The beginning of the history concerning Alexander, [and] whose son Alexander was. What sort of dream Philip saw while his wife was pregnant with Alexander, and when he was born. Concerning the body of Alexander. Concerning the horse Bucephalus. That he became a student of Aristotle. That Alexander was also a practical physician.
N. IX. That he reigned for twenty years. Concerning Timoclea, who threw into a well the man who had violated her. What Diogenes the Sinopian said to Alexander. The munificence of Alexander. How many cities he captured. Concerning the physician Acarnan, and how Alexander received the medicine from him, and how Alexander received the medicine from him, and gave in return the letter about the slander. The engagement at Issus between Darius and Alexander, and the defeat of Darius. Concerning the wife and mother of Darius washing [themselves] at Alexander's pleasure.
N. X. That Alexander also captured Damascus, and Cyprus, and Phoenicia. Concerning Satyrus [seen] in a dream. Concerning Alexandria in Egypt, and Homer [seen] in a dream, and that it was an island before. Concerning the marvels during Alexander’s passage through the desert. How Alexander was considered a son of Zeus. That Darius sent a ransom, and Alexander did not accept it. Concerning the death of Darius’s wife. Concerning the testimony to Darius regarding Alexander’s temperance.
N. XI. That Alexander did not wish to engage the enemy secretly. The flight of Darius. How much wealth Alexander found belonging to Darius. How Alexander rebuked those who lived in luxury. What Alexander said regarding those who murmured against him. Concerning the thirst that Alexander had while pursuing Darius. How at his death Alexander honored Darius, [and] the one who pierced [Darius], he cast away with a sling. Concerning Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea.
N. XII. That wearing barbarian dress did not please the Macedonians. And concerning Roxana, whom Alexander married. How Philotas and Cleitus were killed by Alexander. What Taxiles [said] and what he reported to Alexander as he was coming to the Indian region.
N. XIII. Concerning Porus, the ruler of India. What his body was like. How much Alexander grieved when the horse Bucephalus died, and concerning the river Ganges, how great it was in width and depth. That the Malloi were an Indian tribe. How Alexander was the first to rush into the battles, and how he conquered by chance.
N. XIV. Concerning the Gymnosophists, and the example of the ox-hide, so that the king might not travel far. That Alexander went to the Ocean, and how great a multitude of the army perished, and concerning the fish-eating sheep. Regarding the tomb of the Persian king Cyrus, and the inscription on it. That Alexander married the daughter of Darius, and how much money he spent on the wedding, giving also for creditors their debts. How much Alexander mourned for Hephaestion, and those with him. Concerning the sign of the crows, and the sacrifice. B Concerning the stranger found sitting on Alexander’s throne. That the death of Alexander is told by different people in different ways. Concerning the cold water. That at his end he wished to make himself disappear, so that he might also appear divine.
N. IV. How the priests of the Jews and the high priest met Alexander. That Alexander, seeing the high priest, came to the memory of the God who had appeared to him in a dream. That Alexander sacrificed to God according to the instruction of the high priest, and bestowed many gifts, and read the book of Daniel. Concerning the temple of Garizim, to which the lawbreakers used to flee.
N. XVI. That Alexander’s empire was divided into four parts. And concerning Ptolemy the son of Lagus, how he captured Jerusalem. That Ptolemy Philadelphus succeeded him in the empire. What a drachma is, and how many talents they amount to. The gifts that Ptolemy sent to the temple of the Jews. Concerning the seventy-two who translated the Hebrew books into Greek. That those who had attempted such a work before this did not remain unpunished. That some say the translators made the interpretation separated, but later they were found to be the same from all.
N. XVII. That Ptolemy took Cleopatra, and what her dowry was. How skilled in affairs the ambassador sent to Ptolemy, Joseph, was. That it was an ancient practice for the revenues of cities to be sold to the buyers for an increase.
N. XVIII. How the niece cohabited with Joseph. How Hyrcanus, the son of Joseph, was most prudent even while still a youth. That Hyrcanus bought the grammatical slaves shamefully. That *baris* [means] the fortress.
N. XIX. That Antiochus Epiphanes captured Jerusalem. Concerning Eleazar and the Maccabees. That on the Sabbath, when the battle was joined, the Jews fought.
N. XX. Victory of the Jews over those of Antiochus. That Antiochus became sick because of the evils against the Jews, and died.
N. XXI. How Eleazar, having struck the elephant, died by it in the war.
N. XXII. Concerning Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy. That Ptolemy wore two diadems, as ruler of two regions.
N. XXIII. C [Note: This section number appears as N. XXIII in the scan, though the content follows N. XXII].
N. XXIV. That men climbed a very high mountain, over three years.
BOOK FIFTH
N. I. Concerning Antiochus, who was surnamed God. Behold the endurance of a woman.
N. II. That the Sadducees did not keep things unwritten and from tradition.
N. III. How Antigonus was killed at Straton’s Tower, according to the prophecy of Judas the Essene, even though he seemed to have lied.
N. IV. Concerning the palms and citrons in the Feast of Tabernacles. A That for three years he will suffer from quartan fever. N. V. Concerning Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. Concerning Tigranes the Armenian. The reign of Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. How well you have prayed, O man. N. VI. Concerning Pompey and the golden vine worth five hundred talents given to him by Aristobulus. Concerning the death of Mithridates and concerning the balsam, which is the best of perfumes. How Jerusalem was captured by Pompey.
N. VII. How much money there was in the Jewish temple, among which was a beam of gold. And that a mina weighs two and a half pounds. Cyprus, the name of a woman. That Herod, having arrived in order to put (things) to the test, struck the bystanders with fear because he came with many guards, for which reason he was accused. B
N. IX. How Antony fell in love with Cleopatra. Concerning Pacorus, the king of the Parthians.
N. X. Why the ears of Hyrcanus were cut off. How Phasael died.
N. XI. The execution of Antigonus.
N. XIII. Concerning the high priesthood of Aristobulus at a young age. How Alexandra fled in a coffin, and was caught. How Aristobulus was suffocated.
N. XIV. That Cleopatra fell in love with Herod. Concerning the great earthquake that occurred in Judea.
N. XV. How Herod was honored by Caesar. How his wife appeared openly to hate Herod. How the wife of Herod, having been condemned to death, died.
N. XVI. How Herod did not spare even the decoration of his own house during a time of famine for the sake of the city, and having sold it, (gave) it to buy grain. How much was the grain that was distributed, how many modii is a kor. C
N. XVII. How Herod prevented those under him from meeting with one another, fearing plots. Who the Essenes are, and what manner of life they use, and how one of the Essenes predicted to Herod while he was still a child his kingdom. How Herod rebuilt the temple on a larger scale. And concerning the tower, which he called Antonia. That the temple was built in a year and a half, and that not even rain fell during the day. Concerning the selling of thieves.
N. XVIII. Concerning the children of Herod, what sort they were. How Herod hated his sons. How Caesar reconciled Herod with his children.
N. XIX. What kind of character and manners Herod had. How much silver and gold talents Hyrcanus and Herod took from the tomb of David, and how Herod was prevented by divine fire from entering into the bodies of David and Solomon themselves. D
N. XX. What evils slander always wrought, and still works.
N. XXI. Concerning the most wicked Eurycles. That Herod bound Aristobulus and Alexander, his sons. The council which judged the children of Herod along with Herod.
N. XXII. Concerning the soldier who spoke boldly to Herod, who was planning the death of his own children. How Herod strangled his own children. That it was a native custom to live with many wives. That they are cousins (who are) the sons of brothers.
N. XXIII. That the Pharisees were not persuaded, and that Herod’s prophecy of death was told, and many of them were killed.
N. XXIV. Concerning the harbor called Sebastos. Accusation of Antipater. That Herod sent Antipater, who was in chains, to Caesar.
N. XXV. Acme, the name of a woman. A potion causing disorder. Concerning those who pulled down the eagle dedicated to the great gate of the temple.
N. XXVI. What disease Herod suffered from, both varied and painful. Concerning the baths of Callirrhoe. When Herod devised the plan that the most wicked should be lamented after his death. The death of Herod. That Archelaus succeeded Herod.
BOOK SIX
N. I. Concerning the sedition of the Jews against the Romans, when also the temple was burned. That a slave put on the crown of Herod.
N. II. That Archelaus also was cruel like his father. Concerning the wealth of Alexander. Accusation against Archelaus. Concerning the dream which Archelaus saw. The dream of the wife of Archelaus. Concerning the census which took place under Caesar.
N. III. The sect of the Pharisees. The sect of the Sadducees. The sect of the Essenes. The sect of the Galileans. When the census occurred. When Caesar reigned, and how many years he lasted. That Tiberius succeeded Caesar.
N. IV. Concerning Pontius Pilate. Concerning Herod the tetrarch and the city of Tiberias. Concerning the sedition of the Jews. When Christ appeared in Judea, and what Josephus says about him. Further, what Josephus says about him.
N. V. Concerning the Roman Paulina. That the rank of knights is great. Concerning the wickedness of Decius. How Paulina was seduced by her lover, thinking him to be a god. How Tiberius investigated the matter concerning Paulina and punished those who collaborated in this. Concerning the weight which was renamed Antonia.
N. VI. Concerning Philip, and that, even while traveling, his throne was carried and placed in the spot where he sat and listened. Concerning the death of John the Baptist, what Josephus says. Concerning the death of Tiberius, whom Gaius succeeded.
N. VII. Concerning Agrippa, how he was benefited by Herodias, his sister. Why he did not speak with relatives often. Why he did not depose those in office, and concerning the example of these things.
N. VIII. Concerning Antonia, and how Tiberius honored her. Concerning those things which someone predicted would happen to the drunkard. How Tiberius left Gaius as his successor.
N. IX. That it is an ancient custom for exiles to be shorn. How Gaius released Agrippa from chains, and showed him to be king. How Agrippa sent to Gaius concerning Herod. That it is not insupportable for rulers to possess arms.
N. X. That Gaius, not being a god, was angered at being honored by the Jews, and did not accept Philo as an advocate. How the Jews did not yield to placing the statue of Gaius in their city. That Agrippa persuaded Gaius to allow his own statue not to stand in Judea. That Gaius was killed, and Claudius succeeded him.
≫ A That Gaius granted a golden chain to Agrippa, in place of the iron one for which he had been condemned, which he also dedicated to God. That the procurator was the beginning of authority for Agrippa. That the Dorians are a nation. That there is Straton’s Tower, which is Caesarea in Palestine. Regarding the silver-clad robe shining brilliantly. How Agrippa died. That the tower of Antonia was also shaken. Regarding the woman who slaughtered her own child for her own food.
Regarding the pregnant woman from whose womb it seemed a voice issued, telling of the destruction. How Izates was converted to the Jewish religion, and his mother Helena likewise went to Jerusalem to the temple. Regarding Artabanus, king of the Parthians, how he came to Izates as a suppliant. That Artabanus was restored to the Parthian kingdom.
N. XIV. Wars of the Arabs against Izates initially due to the betrayal of his own men, then the defeat of the Arabs. Regarding the magician Theudas. The band of horsemen as a collection. Regarding Alabarchia. Regarding those fleeing from the temple who were trampled and died due to the narrowness of the exit. How he who insulted the laws of Moses was punished.
N. XV. That after governing Syria. That Mount Vesuvius was fiery. Death of Claudius. N. XVI. That Nero succeeded Claudius. Such things as the high priests now do, wronging their own subordinates. N. XVII. Regarding the Sicarii robbers. Regarding James the brother of the Lord. How many high priests there were by kinship from Aaron to Phinehas.
N. XVIII. That Vespasian was sent against Judea by Nero. Regarding the city of Jotapata and Josephus. That Nero killed himself, and Galba ruled after him, and he himself was killed, and Otho and Vitellius began and fought one another. The rise of Vespasian.
N. XIX. Titus's siege against Jerusalem. That Jerusalem had a triple wall. Regarding the engine of the rams brought against the city. Regarding the wooden towers which Titus made.
N. XX. Regarding the device of the Jew Castor, by which the plot against the tower was thwarted for the Romans. That Titus was more philanthropic toward the Jews, even when defeating them. That the city was walled in. Regarding what the seditious did, especially while starving. Regarding what the famine did to the Jews.
N. XXI. Regarding the siege engines [made] through mounds; regarding the device of the Jews by which the Roman siege engines were cleverly destroyed. That Titus surrounded the Jews from the outside. How the famine affected the Jews. Regarding the Jews who defected, and that, filled with food, they burst. And that some were found having gold in their stomachs, and the Romans mercilessly killed many of them even before they died.
N. XXII. That they ate animal dung. That when [a portion] of the wall fell, another was found inside. Regarding the Roman man who entered through the wall. That the Romans had nails in their soles. D N. XXIII. That the gates of the temple were burned, though they were silver. That it seemed best to the Romans that the Jews who had taken refuge in the temple be saved, if they did not fight back, and that Titus did not wish for the destruction of the temple. That the temple also had golden doors. That Titus strove in every way that the temple might not be burned. That in the same month and on the same day it happened that the burning of the temple by the Babylonians took place, and later by the Romans.
N. XXIV. Regarding the wall, whose width was eight cubits. Regarding the money in the treasury. Regarding the signs that occurred of the capture. Such as the size of the gate. Regarding him who cried out the news of the capture long before, and how he too perished.
BOOK SEVENTH
N. I. Regarding the Latins. Regarding the Rutulians. How Aeneas was considered a god. Regarding the city of Alba, and how it was so named. Whence the river Tiber got its name. How Amulius deified himself. That the origin of the Romans came from Numitor and Amulius. That the twins were Remus and Romulus, who were also exposed, and that they were reared by a she-wolf, and what they say the she-wolf was like.
N. II. What kind of men Remus and Romulus were. The recognition of Remus and Romulus. The killing of Amulius.
N. III. The death of Remus, and why it was considered dangerous for anyone to cross the trench of the camp, leaving the accustomed path. How the wall of Rome was marked out. That the walls are sacred, but not the gates. On what day Rome was founded, and whence the Palatine was so named, and regarding the legion. That there were one hundred senators, who were also called patricians, and why they were called patricians. How the Romans seized the daughters of the Sabines; and the Sabines are colonists of the Lacedaemonians. That Rome was captured by the Sabines through a woman's betrayal; having received a promise, [she took] the golden armbands of the Sabines, which [they] threw at the traitress after the betrayal, and killed her.
N. IV. That the Romans and Sabines lived in the city in common, and Tatius reigned with Romulus. The murder of Tatius. Regarding the plague that occurred in Rome on account of the death of Tatius and the bloody rain. That the Veientines agreed to be at peace with the Romans for one hundred years, giving also fifty hostages. That Romulus was the first to show the monarchy and the royal insignia. That those later called patricians held the name in vain. How Romulus disappeared, and was thought to be a god. How Romulus, after disappearing, was called Quirinus.
N. V. That after Romulus the patricians did not choose one king, but each of them reigned for half a day and a night, which they also called an interregnum. That Numa Pompilius was again proclaimed king. That Numa sacrificed to the gods first, and thus received the rule, and the...
royal insignia. That Numa concluded his reign very well and in a manner pleasing to God, having a pious disposition toward the divine compared to the Greeks of that time. That the duration of the year according to the Romans was ten months, while among others it varied, being of one, four, or six months.
N. VI. That Hostilius Tullus reigned after Numa. Concerning the triplet brothers, both those from Rome and those from the Albans, whom twin mothers bore. That Alba was once the mother city of Rome.
N. VII. That the Latins were opposed to the Romans.
N. VIII. Regarding the bird that flew down onto the head of Tarquin. That Tarquin possessed a full purple robe, both the mantle and the tunic, and gold embroidery, and a crown of stones, and a scepter, and a chair, and a four-horse chariot. Concerning the predictive augur. Concerning the one honored with a bronze statue. Concerning the priestess who was defiled, how she was punished, and concerning those who defiled them. B
N. IX. Concerning the sign given to Tullius. That the Volscians are a nation. That they freed everyone’s slaves. That the urban footwear belonged to the patricians, and what sort it was. That there were other Romans besides the Latins.
N. X. That Tarquin reigned badly. From there, others besides the Romans were the Latins. That the Gauls are a nation. How the father advised not saying anything, but acting. That Thrasybulus once did the same things.
N. XI. Concerning the Sibylline prophetess. Concerning the books of the Sibyl. Concerning the punishment by leather thongs. Concerning the man’s head found in the foundations of the temple, and what the portent indicated. How the Capitol was named. Concerning the signs of Tarquin’s fall. That Brutus was [called] the fool by the Latins. How Brutus kissed the earth as a common mother. Concerning Lucretia, whom the son of Tarquin ravished, and because of this she slaughtered herself. How Brutus suppressed Tarquin, and was deemed worthy of the kingship along with Collatinus, in order not to seem to exercise monarchy; for this reason they were also called consuls. C
N. XII. That because of the intended treason for which the sons of Brutus were being punished, the father remained as if without passion, seeing them suffering. That is, they died by the axe. Publicola was a man of the people. Concerning the nation of the Tyrrhenians. In a battle where many fell on both sides, the divinity said that from one side one would fall beyond, and it was found to be so. That the Italians were opposed to the Romans at that time. How Scaevola skillfully made peace between the Italians and the Romans.
N. XIII. That Valerius was consul four times, and the Romans were displeased. That he had lictors with axes walking before him, and a splendid house, which they also razed. When the quaestors came into being, who were also called questors, and what the work of the questors was. Concerning the nation of the Sabines. That the Romans were victorious. The defeat of the Sabines. That for a year there was mourning for the deceased. Publicola. Once again a war between the Latins and the Romans. Concerning the dictator.
N. XIV. Concerning the nation of the Volscians. That it was an ancestral custom not to demand back those on campaign. Concerning the nation of the Aequians, and that "Maximus" means the greatest. Concerning the fable in which the stomach D was needed in the civic polity by those making loans.
N. XV. Who were the tribunes. What the power of the tribunes was at that time. Whence it is said, "Consecrated." Who the Aedile was.
N. XVI. That Marcius was named Coriolanus after defeating the nation of Corioli. That at the time of the chariot races, the neighboring peoples gathered in Rome. Hence the Romans were enemies to the Latins.
N. XVII. Concerning the punishment of decimation, which is inflicted upon soldiers who have sinned. That a poor man, and one living by farming, became dictator because of his remaining virtue. That according to the Romans, the Cincinnatuses are the "un-handed" ones. What it is to lead those who have been defeated under the yoke.
N. XVIII. That after the adoption of the laws from Greece, the tribunes of the people ceased for the Romans, and praetors were appointed. That at that time the laws were written on tablets and set forth in the forum. Whence the "Twelve Tables." When the Decemvirate was abolished.
N. XIX. When military tribunes were named instead of consuls. Concerning censors. That dictators are more honorable than censors and masters of the horse. What a Princeps is.
N. XX. When the military began to serve for pay. What it means when water overflows.
N. XXI. When it was granted to women to ride in a carriage. That Camillus was the first to triumph in a white four-horse chariot, and how the triumph was performed. What the chariot of the triumph was like. Concerning span-horses, and outrigger horses, and racehorses. That those sentenced to die wore bells. That the procession sufficed for a second and third day.
N. XXII. How the Falisci despised the Romans who were making war, and for this reason brought their children out to the wall to exercise. And how their schoolmaster betrayed them, and how the enemy turned him back bound.
BOOK EIGHT
N. XIV. How Metellus caught the enemy scouts. That when war broke out between the Romans and the Carthaginians, the Romans were victorious and destroyed their elephants. How the Romans brought the elephants across the strait and led them to Rome.
N. XV. That the Carthaginians sent envoys to Rome, and Regulus the consul himself, asking for peace. All that Regulus advised the Romans, being permitted to give his opinion, and how, having returned to Carthage of his own accord so as not to break his oath, he was most cruelly destroyed. The expedition of the Romans to Libya, and the siege of Lilybaeum. What the Romans suffered at the siege of Lilybaeum at the hands of the Carthaginians.
N. XVI. That the Romans abandoned naval warfare. That the Gauls, allied with the Carthaginians, moved toward Rome, and that the Romans again built a fleet and defeated the Carthaginians in a naval battle.
N. XVII. That the Carthaginians crucified their own general, and sought to make a truce with the Romans. That those in Rome, puffed up because of the victory
imposed more severe terms for the treaties upon the Carthaginians, and thus the war ended for them. A N. XVIII. Wars of the Romans against nations. That the Romans took Sardinia from the Carthaginians, as well as money. Wars of the Romans against the Gauls, the Ligurians, and the Corsicans. Wars of the Romans against the Sardinians, the Corsicans, and the Ligurians. That the Carthaginians were judged as enemies to the Romans. The herald’s staff, the herald’s rod. Battles against the Sardinians and the Corsicans. N. XIX. How Hamilcar was defeated by the Iberians and perished. Concerning the Boii and the Gauls. Concerning the island of Issa, and how its inhabitants submitted to the Romans, and concerning the woman who ruled over them. Which regions are called Illyricum. N. XX. The attack of the Insubres against the Romans, and the battle, and the defeat. Portents that occurred to the Romans. That the Romans recalled the consuls. But they did not depart until they had accomplished everything. Another campaign against the Insubres. Concerning Demetrius, the ruler of the Pharians, how he was punished by the Romans. N. XXI. That again wars arose between the Romans and the Carthaginians, with Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar, as their general. Concerning Iberia in Europe, where it is, and how far it extends. That Hannibal was besieging the Zacynthians in Iberia. The capture of the wall of the Zacynthians. That the Zacynthians burned their more valuable possessions, and they themselves, having joined the enemy in desperation, were cut to pieces. N. XXII. That war was voted by the Romans against the Carthaginians. That ambassadors were sent to the Carthaginians. Concerning omens that occurred before the battle of the Romans and the Carthaginians, and concerning a wind that appeared to Hannibal. N. XXIII. When the Romans sent one of the consuls to Sicily and the other to Iberia; and how Hannibal crossed the Rhone. That those who were sent for reconnaissance by the opposing sides met one another and fought. And that Hannibal, having passed with difficulty along a path through the mountains, suffered hardships and lost many of his people. Various battles of the Romans and the Carthaginians while Hannibal was their general. N. XXV. That Hannibal outmaneuvered the Romans and killed many; and he captured no fewer, and pressed on toward Rome. What those who were in Rome did upon learning of the events concerning Hannibal. That the Romans hemmed the enemies into Campania. N. XXVI. An artifice of Hannibal. How the Romans were deceived by the poor planning of their own general. That those around Rufus were put into danger because of his lack of judgment, and that he quickly changed his ways and submitted to the dictator. B C D LIBER NONUS. N. I. Concerning oracles. How the defeat at Cannae befell the Romans, and all that Hannibal did, provoking them into battle, and all the stratagems he devised that brought him victory. That if Hannibal had rushed upon Rome at that time, he would have taken it. N. II. Concerning Scipio. How those in Rome were affected upon learning of the defeat of their own people. How Hannibal treated the captives. A wondrous plan, how Hannibal won over the Neapolitans, and detached Campania from the Romans, and captured others, and by treating them harshly, he deterred the rest from approaching him. How the Romans in Basilina were rescued from the siege. N. III. A stratagem of Hannibal. That the Carthaginians were defeated due to luxury and indolence. What the Scipios did in Iberia. N. IV. That the Scipios, having nothing at home to send, sent knucklebones to their children. What Archimedes devised against the Romans who were waging war on Syracuse. N. V. What terrible things befell the Romans. How Syracuse was captured by Marcellus. How Archimedes was killed. N. VI. What the Carthaginians did in Sicily, and what Hannibal accomplished having come to Rome, and how he withdrew from there. How the Romans took Capua, and how they treated them. What Laevinus did while opposing Philip. N. VII. How Hasdrubal in Iberia deceived Gaius Claudius and escaped. That Publius Scipio was elected general of those in Iberia. Note the boldness and the device of the accused. How Mutines the Carthaginian went over to the Romans. N. VIII. How the Romans took Tarentum. That Hannibal was not able to deceive Fabius. How Scipio took the Carthaginian territory in Iberia, and how he calmed the tumult caused by the soldiers, and brought the Celtiberians into submission. How Scipio defeated Hasdrubal, and what kind of man he was in his character. How Scipio handled his enemies, and conquered. N. IX. That Hannibal won in battle, and after Marcellus fell, having found that man’s signet ring, he posed as him and sent letters to the cities, and deceived many until he was found out. Battles of the Romans against the Achaeans who were allied with the Macedonians. Other wars again between the Romans and the Carthaginians, and the most daring stratagem of one of the consuls. N. X. What Scipio did in Iberia and in Libya. How Scipio brought back those of his soldiers who had revolted due to his illness, and how he treated them, and whom he punished. That Scipio gained control of Iberia. Concerning the Gymnesian islands. N. XI. The reason for which Masinissa went over to the Romans. That Scipio was removed from his command. How Philip made peace with the Romans, and Scipio took the city of the Locrians, holding much through treachery, and then the citadel itself. N. XII. That Masinissa seemingly reconciled with the Carthaginians, so that he might trip them up in this way. That Scipio crossed over to the Carthaginians and took certain cities. That Masinissa assisted the Romans against the Carthaginians. A stratagem of Scipio. N. XIII. Concerning Masinissa, Syphax, and Sophonisba. That the Carthaginians sued for peace.
A That the Carthaginians plotted against Scipio in Libya. That the entire sovereignty was given to Hannibal.
N. XIV. That Scipio joined battle with Hannibal and won. That Hannibal sought to make a truce. That Scipio, having joined battle, defeated Hannibal. That the Carthaginians, while being besieged by Scipio, spoke of a truce. That the Carthaginians sent envoys to Rome and terms were voted for them.
N. XV. That the Romans rescued Athens, which was being besieged by the Macedonians. That Philip was defeated after engaging with the Romans and sued for peace.
N. XVI. Another battle of the Romans against Philip, and again a battle of the Romans against Philip, and his defeat. On what terms the Romans made a truce with Philip.
N. XVII. How the law commanding that women not be brought along was repealed. What Cato did in Iberia. How Cato caused the walls of the cities in Iberia to be razed by the citizens themselves in one day.
N. XVIII. How the Romans campaigned against Argos and Sparta, and how they made a truce and liberated the Greeks. That the Greeks revolted. That upon Scipio’s arrival to Antiochus, Hannibal was viewed with suspicion.
N. XIX. That the Romans were troubled on account of Antiochus. That Philip was reconciled to the Romans. The expulsion of Antiochus from Greece. That they sought to make a truce with the Romans at Naupactus, but were not granted one. B
N. XX. That the Scipios stood against Antiochus. That Antiochus asked for peace but did not obtain it. And that the Romans fought, as did his allies. That Antiochus attempted to take the Roman camp but was repulsed, and Scipio took his. That Antiochus asked for a truce, and Hannibal, fearing lest he be surrendered, fled to Prusias. That the Scipios, being envied, were condemned. How the Galatians in Asia became colonists from the European Gauls. How Manlius took Ancyra.
N. XXI. That the Aetolians sent envoys for peace. And how Marcus besieged Ambracia, and how the Aetolians resisted, and how the Romans made a truce with them. Who reigned after the death of Antiochus. That Hannibal took his own life so as not to be surrendered to the Romans.
N. XXII. That Philip killed his son Demetrius due to the slanders of Perseus. And that, wishing to kill him, he did not succeed. The wars of the Romans against Perseus, king of the Macedonians. That the Romans were angered at Crassus for capturing Greek cities, razing some, and selling the captives. That the Romans who fought against Perseus underperformed. That Perseus, while fortunate, became unfortunate due to his stinginess and had need of a truce.
N. XXIII. That Paulus Aemilius was elected consul and sent against Perseus. That Paulus, having learned beforehand that the moon was about to be eclipsed, forewarned the soldiers so that they would not be disturbed. The defeat of Perseus and the Macedonians. That Perseus, being pressured, sent to Paulus regarding a truce, but having called him king, he was not received. That the Cretans, having loaded the wealth of Perseus onto ships, sailed away. That Perseus eventually surrendered voluntarily, and how Paulus treated him. What Plutarch says about Perseus and about Paulus.
N. XXIV. That the Romans defeated Gentius as well. That the Romans, learning of Paulus’s victory, rejoiced, and Paulus celebrated a magnificent triumph, at which time two of his sons died. Where Perseus was guarded and how he dispatched himself. Concerning the Rhodians and Cretans, and Prusias and Eumenes. Concerning the children of Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians.
N. XXV. Concerning Antiochus, the son of Antiochus, and Demetrius, the son of Seleucus. That the Romans campaigned against the Dalmatians and subjugated them.
N. XXVI. The third war of the Romans against the Carthaginians, when they completely enslaved them and razed Carthage. That, the Romans having voted for war against the Carthaginians, they pretended to be their subjects and gave hostages. That the Romans lifted the siege.
N. XXVII. Concerning Scipio, what sort of man he was. How Scipio, having been left to arrange the affairs concerning the dying Masinissa, bequeathed the kingdom to his children. That Phabeas deserted to the Romans. Concerning Prusias, king of the Bithynians, and Nicomedes his son.
N. XXVIII. Concerning Andriscus, who pretended to be the son of Perseus and, having put on a diadem, seized Macedonia and much of Thessaly, and defeated the Romans who attacked him. That Andriscus, having been defeated by Metellus, was betrayed by Byzas and punished, and concerning the one who said he was Alexander, the son of Perseus.
N. XXIX. Concerning the Carthaginians, and that the war against them was entrusted to Scipio. How Scipio defended Mancinus, who had captured a portion of Carthage and was in danger; how Scipio captured a part of the city of Carthage. And that Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians fled into the Cothon and the Byrsa. And that Scipio blocked the mouth of the harbor so that provisions might not be brought to the Carthaginians.
N. XXX. The complete capture of Carthage and its razing. The decree that Carthage be razed.
N. XXXI. For what cause the Romans waged war against the Greeks, and razed Corinth, and sold the Corinthians.
BOOK TEN
N. I. Concerning those who ruled as monarchs in Rome. How Cinna was destroyed and Carbo succeeded him, and Pompey approached Sulla. What successes Pompey achieved while going to meet Sulla, and how Sulla received him. That Sulla established a marriage alliance with Pompey. That Pompey appropriated Sicily and killed Carbo.
N. II. That Domitius also, having attacked Pompey, was defeated and killed. The disposition that the armies maintained toward Pompey. That Sulla called him Magnus. How Pompey obtained a triumph, even though Sulla opposed it. That Pompey was chosen commander of the army against Lepidus, and
how they provoked him against Caesar. A How Sertorius was destroyed, and how Pompey slew Perpenna. That the people loved Pompey, and he was attached to the people. How the censors received Pompey when he approached them.
N. III. Concerning the pirates, how many cities they captured, how they mocked the Romans they took, and what authority was voted to Pompey when sent against them. How he quickly won the pirate war, cleared the sea of robbers, and how he was received by the Athenians.
N. IV. What was voted to Pompey when the Romans learned of the victory in the pirate war. How Pompey warred against Mithridates. That Tigranes, the king of the Armenians, surrendered himself to Pompey. And how that commander treated him and his son. Concerning the Albanians and Iberians. That Pompey defeated the Albanians and Iberians. Concerning the Amazons. Concerning Pompey’s temperance and his disdain for money.
N. V. That he subjugated the Arabs around Amanus, Syria, and Judea. That Mithridates died, and his son approached Pompey. That Pompey, being suspected of desiring monarchy, occupied Rome without soldiers. That during a famine in Rome, Pompey sailed out, gathered grain, and brought it to Rome.
N. VI. That Caesar betrothed his own daughter to Pompey. What successes Caesar achieved.
N. VII. That Caesar intended to destroy Pompey, and Pompey to destroy Caesar. That it was voted by the senate that Caesar should lay down his arms, but those around Antony and Pompey required that they too should lay down their arms. That Caesar began the tyranny. That Pompey departed from Rome, and the majority followed him.
N. VIII. That Caesar, while going toward Pompey, returned to Rome and took control of Italy. That he went out against Pompey again. Caesar’s reckless daring. That Caesar was defeated and nearly endangered. That Pompey wished to delay the war, but others in their rashness hurried to battle.
N. IX. Concerning the signs that appeared before the battle. The rout of Pompey. Who Pompey’s wife was, what she said upon seeing him fleeing, and how he responded to her. That Pompey was carried to Egypt and how he was slain there. The sort of burial Magnus Pompey received.
N. X. How Caesar was disposed toward those who slew Pompey. Concerning Cleopatra, and how Caesar was taken by love for her. That, war having broken out between Caesar and the Alexandrians, the great library was burned. That Caesar left Cleopatra as queen of Egypt, though she was pregnant by him. And how he defeated Pharnaces. How great a multitude of Romans was destroyed in the civil wars, and how Caesar fought against the sons of Pompey.
N. XI. That Caesar was voted dictator for life. That Caesar was hated because of his love for kingship. Whence he was called Caesar. What things Caesar did out of a love for power, for which he was hated and plotted against. Regarding Brutus, and how they provoked him B against Caesar. Signs occurring to indicate Caesar’s assassination. The slaughter of Caesar. Things that were voted to Caesar. Many.
N. XII. That the assassins of Caesar went up to the Capitol. That Cicero persuaded everyone to make peace with one another and to maintain what had been done by Caesar. That Antony, having set out the corpse of Caesar, spoke many things in his praise and which stirred the people to anger against the murderers. That the people, provoked by Antony’s speech, burned the corpse of Caesar and were moved against his murderers.
N. XIII. Signs indicating the good fortune of Octavius Caesar.
N. XIV. The counsels of Cicero and those who opposed him, and the messages of the senate to Antony. That, Antony not obeying the senate, it was voted that he was an enemy. Battles between Antony and Caesar. The rout of Antony.
N. XV. How those in Rome were disposed toward Caesar. That the Romans assigned to Caesar the war against Antony and Lepidus. That even against their will, those in Rome voted Caesar consul. That Octavius was also adopted by the senate into the family of Caesar Julius.
N. XVI. Why Caesar kept the covenants with Antony and Lepidus, and that he also reconciled them to the Romans through others. How Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus met, and how they portioned out the rule of the provinces to themselves. That the daughter of Antony’s wife was betrothed to Caesar. Concerning signs. That having come to Rome, they committed many slaughters, each giving up the friends of the others.
N. XVII. How Cicero was slain, and how Antony and his wife Fulvia were disposed toward his corpse. The wondrous loyalty of a slave to his master. Parental love. Whatever violent acts were done at that time.
N. XVIII. That Lepidus was left to manage the affairs of Rome and Italy, while Caesar and Antony campaigned against Brutus and Cassius. What Brutus and Cassius did while preparing to resist Caesar and Antony. That Cassius took control of the Rhodians, C and Brutus of the Lycians.
N. XIX. Concerning signs that occurred in Rome and in the camps. The battle of Caesar and Antony against Brutus and Cassius, and the defeat of Cassius, the plundering of the trenches, and the voluntary slaughter of Cassius.
N. XX. The defeat of Brutus. The suicide of Brutus. Concerning Porcia, the wife of Brutus.
N. XXI. That both Cassius and Brutus were slain with the swords with which they had slain Caesar. That in Rome, the wife of Antony and his brother, while consul, were at odds with Caesar. That the sedition occurred between the people and the soldiers. That Caesar hastened to make peace with Sextus, and failed in the negotiations.
N. XXII. What Antony did in Asia, and how he was enslaved by the love of Cleopatra. Concerning Labienus and Pacorus. That Antony was warred upon by Caesar because of Fulvia, and that upon her death D they made peace. That in common they fought against Sextus, and the treachery of the Ale-
Alexander A whom he saw dead. How the Romans were disposed toward Caesar upon his return to Rome.
N. XXIII. What Antony did when he sailed into Greece. Concerning Ventidius and Labienus, and the Parthians. That the multitude revolted against the tax-collectors. That Caesar married Livia, who was pregnant, her husband having given her to him. To which of the ancient Romans it was permitted to be adorned with rings. For what causes Caesar and Sextus went to war.
N. XXIV. That Octavia, the sister of Caesar, lived with Antony. That Caesar and Antony entrusted the hegemonies to themselves. That Caesar was defeated when he attacked Sicily with his fleet. The naval battle between Sextus and the men of Caesar. The battle between Sextus and Caesar.
N. XXV. That Caesar and Lepidus fell out. The defeat of Sextus. The flight of Sextus. That the men of Lepidus deserted to Caesar, and Lepidus himself came over to him. Concerning the soldiers who were mutinying, and how Caesar dealt with them. Concerning Sextus. What things Sextus was planning. The removal of Sextus.
N. XXVI. Victory against the Parthians. Concerning Orodes, and how he was removed. Concerning the Parthians and Medes, and Antony making war upon them. What the testudo formation was of old, and when the Romans used it.
N. XXVII. Concerning the nation of the Pannonians, what they are like, and where they dwell. That Antony captured the Armenian by treachery. That Antony gifted both the Armenian and his followers to Cleopatra, and that they remained unsubmissive toward her. That the Romans lost the republic, but had not yet come under an overt monarchy. The causes on account of which Caesar and Antony became enemies of one another. How Cleopatra enslaved Antony, whether by sorcery or by love. That Caesar and Antony were preparing for war against one another, and concerning the omens that occurred at that time.
N. XXIX. Concerning the port called Glykys. The meeting of Antony and Caesar. The naval battle and the victory of Caesar’s men. That Cleopatra advised Antony to sail away to Egypt. The naval battle of Caesar’s men and Antony’s men, the flight of Cleopatra, and Antony’s following of her. The total defeat of Antony’s navy.
N. XXX. That after the defeat of Antony, Caesar was considered the sole ruler D. Concerning Nicopolis, and the phantom that appeared to Caesar before the naval battle. That Cleopatra, having arrived in Egypt, prepared for war together with Antony. What things Caesar communicated to Cleopatra. The battle of Caesar’s men and Antony’s. That Antony killed himself, and what things Cleopatra did after he died.
N. XXXI. How Cleopatra was captured. That Caesar went to Cleopatra, and that she deceived him by pretending to cling to life, and how she died by the bite of an asp, as was supposed, or by some other poison. The *knestis* [file]. The dagger. That Caesar saw the body of Alexander. B How the Romans were disposed toward Caesar upon his return to Rome.
N. XXXIII [sic]. What nations the Romans conquered at that time. That from then on the Romans began to be governed by a monarch. What Caesar did for those in Rome. That Caesar pretended to decline the monarchy. But the senators, knowing his ruse, feigned to force him to be monarch. That Caesar said he would accept the rule for ten years. And when that had passed, he ruled again for the time following. What the name Augustus signifies. Whence the residence of the emperors was called the Palatine.
N. XXXIII. How Caesar ruled. That Augustus fell ill, and how he was recovered. That Caesar, having been elected dictator, declined the title.
N. XXXIV. That Caesar gave Agrippa to his own daughter Julia in marriage. What Caesar Augustus did for various nations. The death of Agrippa. What manner of man Agrippa was. How Caesar adopted Tiberius. Concerning a phantom.
N. XXXV. Concerning the grandsons of Caesar.
N. XXXVI. How the grandsons of Caesar died. How many drachmae make a coin. That Caesar adopted Tiberius and Germanicus. What Livia advised Augustus concerning those who plotted against him.
N. XXXVII. That Tiberius was sent against the Pannonian nations. That the Romans conquered both the Pannonians and the Dalmatians. What the Romans suffered in Celtic lands when the barbarians attacked them.
N. XXXVIII. Concerning the death of Augustus Caesar. That it is an ancient custom for those who seal documents to inspect those who have sealed them. What manner of man Augustus Caesar was. Concerning Athenodorus, a wise C man.
BOOK ELEVEN
N. I. That he killed the grandson of Augustus, Agrippa. That the soldiers in Germany proclaimed Germanicus emperor, but he did not wish to accept the authority. What manner of man Tiberius was while Germanicus was still alive.
N. II. Concerning Clemens, the slave of Agrippa. The death of Germanicus, and what manner of man he was. That after the death of Germanicus, Tiberius changed for the worse. How Drusus perished. The death of Livia [Drusilla]. And how Tiberius was disposed toward her, and that the senate honored her, and what manner of woman she was. Concerning Sejanus, and how he perished.
N. III. That Tiberius was also licentious. The death of Tiberius Caesar. How Tiberius was disposed toward the Christians.
N. IV. What and how Gaius squandered. That Gaius was also most licentious. That he had an unstable character. That he declared himself a god.
N. V. Concerning Claudius, who reigned later. That Gaius also did some good deeds. How Gaius collected money. That Gaius also wished to seem a most formidable orator.
N. VI. That he also committed many murders without trial. Concerning the plot that happened against Gaius. Concerning Protogenes, and his books.
ANNALIUM ARGUMENTA.
N. VII. How Gaius raged with madness. Concerning the freedom and boldness of speech of Gaius Gallus. How Lucius cleverly outwitted him. That Gaius demanded that temples be erected to him as a god, and he named the temple in Jerusalem his own. Concerning Pilate. The conspiracy against Gaius. The assassination of Gaius. Behold the zeal and boldness of a man. N. VIII. What were the morals of Claudius. That he punished those who had killed Gaius, and did what was fitting. That Claudius was not greedy for money. That, by providing an abundance of grain for the Romans, Claudius constructed harbors. That he was humble. N. IX. That he became a murderer. The conspiracy against Claudius. An apt response, stinging the one who questioned him; the act and word of the woman Arria. What the freedmen of Claudius and his wife were doing. The campaign of Claudius against the Britons, and the victory. Concerning the debauchery of Messalina. N. X. As even now the logothete of the dromos makes himself ready. And concerning the debauchery of this same Messalina, and how she was ruined. That Claudius married Agrippina, who was his niece, a decree of the Senate having been passed that it was permitted for Romans to marry their nieces; what Agrippina was like. That Claudius named Agrippina Augusta, and adopted her son. N. XI. The reasons for which Agrippina conspired against Claudius. The death of Claudius. A deed worthy of praise. Concerning signs. Concerning Theudas and Simon Magus. Concerning the apostle Peter, and how the Gospel according to Mark was published. N. XII. That Nero was also spendthrift. That Nero killed Britannicus with poison. That Nero also killed his mother. That he dismissed his wife, and then also killed her. The things Nero did that were terrifying and filthy. N. XIII. That Nero was the first to begin the persecution against the Christians, and that he killed the apostles Peter and Paul, and concerning the high priests of Rome. The apostasy under Nero. The assassination of Nero. N. XIV. That Galba adopted Piso, and Otho conspired against Galba. The assassination of Galba. N. XV. Concerning the False Nero. That those of Otho who attacked Vitellius were defeated. That those of Otho were defeated again. N. XVI. What kind of person Vitellius was. How Vespasian rose up. The proclamation of Vespasian as Caesar. Whence Josephus predicted to Vespasian that he would rule. How and by whom Vitellius was killed. N. XVII. That the Emperor Vespasian was also acclaimed by the Senate, and that Mucianus was the one administering affairs. What Vespasian did in Alexandria and elsewhere. What he did while in Rome. That Vespasian and his sons celebrated a triumph upon the capture of Jerusalem. The death of Vespasian. N. XVIII. Concerning the False Nero. Concerning Mount Vesuvius and the fire emitted from it, and the things that happened there under Titus. What contests Titus held. Concerning the high priests of Rome. The death of Titus. N. XIX. What Domitian was like. That he even wanted to be considered a god. That he punished countless people. That Domitian was hated by everyone and was conspired against. Concerning those who foretold his ruin. The assassination of Domitian. That Apollonius of Tyana, being in Ephesus, knew of the slaughter of Domitian. Concerning the high priests. That Domitian also stirred up a persecution against the Christians, and exiled John the Theologian to Patmos. Concerning the kinsmen of the Lord from the line of David. N. XX. That the Theologian returned from exile. Concerning the patriarchs. That Nerva adopted Trajan and proclaimed him Caesar. N. XXI. What Trajan was like in his ways. That he fought the Dacians and won. Then he made a truce with them as they laid down their arms. That the Dacians did not abide by their agreements, and that, having marched again, they attempted to kill Trajan by treachery. But they were discovered, and after being defeated, they submitted to the Romans. How the king of the Dacians hid his treasures. How Trajan trusted in his friends. That Trajan took control of Armenia. N. XXII. What territories he subjected to the Romans after marching against the Parthians, and whence the Red Sea received its name. Concerning the Jews. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XXIII. What Hadrian was like. That Hadrian declared bankruptcy. That Hadrian built a city in Palestine instead of Jerusalem, calling it Aelia. Concerning the revolt of the Jews against Hadrian. N. XXIV. Concerning the Albanians, and that they are the Massagetae. Concerning Severianus. What Turdus was like and what Similis was like. That Hadrian appointed Antoninus as emperor. The death of Hadrian. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning the Jews. Concerning the leaders of heresies. Concerning Justin the Philosopher and Martyr.
LIBER DUODECIMUS.
N. I. Why Antoninus was called the Pious. His legislation. The death of Antoninus. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning Justin the philosopher and martyr. N. II. The wars of Marcus Antoninus against various nations. Concerning the miracle that occurred in the Roman camp through the intercession of the Christians to God. N. III. The apostasy under Marcus Antoninus. A legislative act. That this emperor in Athens appointed a salary to be received from the public treasury by those who taught rhetoric. Concerning the patriarchs. N. IV. What were the morals of Commodus. That among many other things, Commodus also killed his own wife. Concerning the wars that occurred under Commodus. Concerning Perennis, and how he was handed over to the soldiers. What the "Caesarians" were, and what they used to do. How Cleander was destroyed by the populace. That Commodus was most murderous. N. V. The epithets of Commodus. That Commodus drove a chariot and fought as a gladiator, and that he was most cruel. The rod of the herald. The assassination of Commodus. Concerning the patriarchs. N. VI. From what family Pertinax was. How Pertinax was disposed regarding affairs of state and the Romans. How Pertinax did not punish the man who was destined to become emperor through the soldiers. N. VII. The sedition of the populace against Julianus.
Concerning Severus, Niger, and Albinus, who attempted a sedition against Julianus; concerning the Athenian in Rome, and how he was named. N. VIII. How Severus made promises and did not fulfill them. What portents occurred to Severus before his reign, signifying the sovereignty to him. That he fought against Niger and conquered, and Niger was killed. N. IX. Wars of the Romans against various nations. That a war broke out between Severus and Albinus, and Albinus was defeated. That Severus campaigned against the Parthians and took cities. That Severus was a busybody. Concerning the Nile. Concerning Plautianus, and his greed, and how he perished. Concerning the arch-bandit Felix. That Severus campaigned in Britain, and concerning the Britons and their customs. How much the length and breadth of Britain is. That his son Antoninus plotted against his father and his brother. The death of Severus. N. X. A Concerning Origen. What the Hexapla of Origen are. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XII. How Antoninus killed his brother Geta. That he was also faithless. Whence he was called Caracallus. The taking-off of Antoninus. N. XIII. Concerning Julia, the mother of Antoninus, and how she died. A plot against Macrinus. The taking-off of Macrinus. N. XIV. That he was not only most lecherous, but also most impious, even toward his own religion. What the Pseudo-Antoninus did, surpassing all lechery. That he adopted his cousin Bassianus and renamed him Alexander. The taking-off of the Pseudo-Antoninus. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XV. Concerning the seditions that occurred between the populace and the soldiers. How the kingdom reverted again to the Persians, having been dissolved by Alexander of Macedon. What those sent by Artaxerxes said. And how this emperor treated them, and how he fought against the Persians. That he also fought against the Germans. The proclamation of Maximinus. The taking-off of Alexander. That Mamaea became a Christian. Concerning the high priests. N. XVI. The reason for which Maximinus stirred up a persecution against the Christians. That Maximinus campaigned against the Germans and conquered. That the senate proposed two generals or Caesars against Maximinus. The taking-off of Maximinus and his son. B N. XVII. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XIX. A sedition against Philippus. Concerning Decius, and how he was forced by the soldiers to accept the empire. The taking-off of Philippus. N. XX. Concerning martyrs. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning Origen and his distorted dogmas. Concerning Novatus. A letter of Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria. Concerning the death of Decius. N. XXI. That Gallus also raised a persecution against the Christians. Movements of nations, and incursions into many lands, and widespread destruction by plague. How Aemilianus seized the sole authority. The taking-off of Gallus. N. XXII. The taking-off of Aemilianus. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XXIII. That Valerianus was captured by the Persians. That the Persians took many cities and a multitude of captives, and how they treated them. How Caesarea was captured. That the Romans attacked the Persians en masse and killed many of them, and captured the concubines of Sapor. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XXIV. Against how many nations he fought. Concerning Aureolus, and concerning Ingenuus, who attempted a tyranny. Concerning the revolt of Postumus. A battle against Postumus, and his defeat. That Macrinus acted as a tyrant. That Gallienus sent Aureolus against Macrinus, and how the men of Macrinus went over to the emperor. The taking-off of Macrinus and Macrianus. The defeat of Quintus, and his taking-off. How Odaenathus was killed. C N. XXV. That Aureolus also attempted a tyranny. That the wife of the emperor was nearly captured. Another plot against Gallienus, and his taking-off. What kind of person Gallienus was in his ways. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XXVI. Concerning Thessalonica. That Quintillus was proclaimed emperor by the senate. N. XXVII. That this man intended to raise a persecution against the Christians. All that this emperor achieved in his wars. The taking-off of Aurelianus. N. XXVIII. Wars against the Scythians. The taking-off of Tacitus. N. XXIX. The taking-off of Florianus. Defection against Probus. The revolt of Carus. N. XXX. The campaign of Carus against the Persians, and his victory, and against the Sarmatians. The death of Carus. The sole authority of Numerianus his son, and his taking-off. Concerning the heresiarch Manes. Concerning the patriarchs. N. XXXI. That Diocletian took Maximian Herculius as a partner in the empire, and concerning the persecution which they enacted. That Diocletian again subjugated certain cities that had defected. That the emperors made their sons-in-law, both of them, Caesars. That Constantius fought the Alamanni D and was both defeated and conquered in a single day. That when Narses, king of the Persians, was plundering the subjects of Rome, Galerius fought him, and first was defeated, but then won a glorious victory. That Diocletian became arrogant and demanded to be worshipped, and adorned himself with stones and pearls. N. XXXII. How both these tyrants, having laid down their authority, became private citizens. That they celebrated a triumph for the victory over the Persians. Whence it was called a triumph. That the Caesars became Augusti. And in Rome, Maxentius was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. What the character of each of these emperors was. N. XXXIII. Concerning a woman of decorum who destroyed herself for the sake of chastity. Concerning the death of Diocletian and Maximian. The death of Constantius. The proclamation of the Great Constantine. That Constantius made Constantine the Great emperor by revelation. That Constantine, while held as a hostage by Galerius, was plotted against by him. N. XXXIV. Death of Maximinus. Concerning the patriarchs.
BOOK THIRTEEN
N. I. Concerning Saint Helena. The campaign of the Great Constantine against Maxentius. Concerning theA appearance of the cross to the Great Constantine by the stars, and how Maxentius perished. That the Great Constantine held both Rome and Italy. That the Great Constantine engaged in a campaign against Licinius and was victorious; he confined him to Thessalonica, where he was also put to death. Concerning the visions that appeared to the Great Constantine.
N. II. That this emperor was physically disfigured, and how, when encouraged to bathe in the blood of children, he refused. That the heads of the apostles appeared to the emperor in a dream, and suggested the way by which he would be healed; and how he was healed after being baptized. And he closed the idol temples. Concerning the Jews and the disputation of Saint Sylvester with them, and the miracle concerning the bull. Concerning the finding of the divine cross. Concerning the children of the Great Constantine. And how he put his son Crispus to death, due to malicious accusations by his mother, and then her as well. That he defeated the Sarmatians and the Goths. B
N. III. Concerning the foundation of Constantinople. And what Byzantium was like. Concerning the ceremony that took place on the birthday of the city. Concerning Byzantium, and all that Dion records about it. Concerning the column in the Plakotên, and the statue upon it. Concerning the patriarchal throne of the New Rome. Concerning Saint Metrophanes.
N. IV. Concerning Arius and his heresy. Concerning the first council in Nicaea. Concerning Eusebius Pamphili. Concerning the holy creed. How the emperor honored the holy Fathers. That when Saint Metrophanes died, the divine Alexander became patriarch. Death of Saint Helena. Death of the Great Constantine. What the character and habits of that divine sovereign were.
N. V. How the Roman Empire was divided among the three sons of the Great Constantine. They were called Cottiae from Cottius, the king of those regions at that time. That Constantine, having attacked the portion of Constans, was defeated and put to death. That Constans also took possession of his brother’s portion, and was put to death by Magnentius. Concerning the war of Constantius against the Persians. And concerning Hormisdas the Persian.
N. VI. How Magnentius attempted to seize power as a tyrant. The killing of Constans. That Magnentius put many people of high standing to death.
N. VII. That Sapor, the king of the Persians, attacked Roman territory and, having besieged Nisibis, withdrew without success. That the Britons also attempted to seize power. A dream seen by Constantius. That the Briton approached Constantius.
N. VIII. Concerning Magnentius, who seized power and, having engaged Constantius in battle, was defeated. That Magnentius fled after being defeated. That Magnentius prepared for war again. That Magnentius conspired against Gallus. Concerning the Orontes river. How the conspiracy against Gallus was discovered.
N. IX. That Magnentius was defeated again, and took his own life. That Constantius became sole ruler and gained control of the entire authority. How Gallus was arrogant and put senatorial men to death, and fell from the dignity of Caesar itself, and was deprived of his life by execution. C
N. X. That Constantius proclaimed Julian Caesar, and gave him his sister Helena in marriage. That Julian was successful in wars. That Julian defected and was proclaimed Augustus by the army. The letters which Julian sent to Constantius. What Constantius in turn communicated to Julian. What Julian set forth in reply to the messages of Constantius, and all that he sent to him.
N. XI. That the tyrant moved against Constantius, not yet having exposed his own impiety. Death of Constantius. What Constantius was like. Concerning the corruption of Arius. Concerning the patriarchs. That Macedonius transferred the body of the Great Constantine to the church of Saint Acacius, and later Constantius transferred it to the church of the Holy Apostles. Concerning the holy apostles Andrew and Luke. Concerning Eusebia, the wife of Constantius.
N. XII. That Julian honored the corpse of Constantius. That the apostate adopted a life of austerity. That after the monarchy he openly worshiped the gods of the Hellenes. That he forbade Christians from participating in studies. That he allowed the Jews to rebuild the temple in Jerusalem. Concerning Eusebius and the other eunuchs. That lightning burned up the statue and the temple of Apollo in Daphne. Concerning the holy Artemius, and Eugenius, and Macarius.
N. XIII. How the apostate, when fighting against the Persians, was secretly wounded in the side, and as he died cursed Christ, and thus cast away his wretched soul. What the character and habits of Julian were. Concerning the dream. Concerning the sign signifying the death of the apostate.
N. XIV. The terms of the peace which Jovian made with the Persians. Concerning the death of Jovian. Concerning Sallustius. That Valentinian was elected emperor by all. What Jovian was like.
N. XV. Concerning the patriarchs. That Valentinian accepted his brother Valens as a partner in the empire. Concerning Rhodanus, and how Valentinian punished him for his injustice. Death of Valentinian.
N. XVI. Concerning the emperor Valens, and the priests who were burned at sea by him. Concerning the Church in Nicaea, and the miracle that happened through the great Basil. Concerning the death D of Valens, and the prophecy concerning this by the holy Isaac. Concerning the tyranny of Procopius, and the demolition of the walls of Chalcedon. Concerning the aleuromancy of Iamblichus and Libanius.
N. XVII. That the army proclaimed the young Valentinian emperor. Concerning Theodosius from Spain, and how he defeated the Scythians. Death of Gratian.
N. XVIII. That Maximus attempted to seize power as a tyrant inhumanly against the young Valentinian, and having been captured by Theodosius, was put to death. That Valentinian took his own life. That the people of Thessalonica rebelled against Theodosius; he killed about fifteen thousand of them, and how he was convicted
by the great Ambrose. That Theodosius slew the tyrant Eugenius. Regarding the synagogue of the Jews, which they built in the Chalkoprateia, and how even because of this the great Ambrose spoke boldly. Regarding the disorder that occurred in Antioch.
N. XVIII. A Regarding the second synod. Regarding holy Amphilochius. That Theodosius proclaimed both kings and both their sons, and regarding holy Arsenius. The death of the emperor Theodosius.
N. XX. Regarding Chrysostom, how he became patriarch, and how he was exiled. The death of Eudoxia. Who became patriarchs after Chrysostom. The death of Arcadius.
N. XXI. Regarding the emperor Honorius. The death of Honorius.
N. XXII. Regarding Eudocia from Athens, who lived with Theodosius. Regarding the eunuch Antiochus. Regarding B the siblings of the empress. Regarding the miracle performed on the paralytic Jew.
N. XXIII. Regarding patriarchs, and regarding Nestorius and his heresy. Regarding the third synod. Regarding the archbishops who were absent from the synod, and all that they did. That those of the synod, being summoned to Constantinople, came to an agreement. Regarding patriarchs. Regarding the translation of the body of Chrysostom. That the younger Theodosius changed the walls of the city, and regarding Cyrus the prefect.
N. XXIV. Regarding the patriarch Flavian, and regarding Eutyches the heretic. That the investigation of the doctrines of Eutyches was entrusted C to Dioscorus of Alexandria, and all that he did. That when Flavian died, Anatolius was ordained patriarch. That Theodosius removed Pulcheria from the administration. That he later returned the administration to his sister. How Pulcheria improved her brother. How Theodosius put away the Augusta Eudocia. The death of Theodosius. What kind of person Theodosius was.
N. XXV. Regarding signs foretelling the reign to Marcian. Regarding the fourth synod.
N. XXVI. Regarding patriarchs. Regarding the miracle that occurred through the holy martyr Euphemia at the judgment of the tomes of the faith. The death of Pulcheria the empress. Regarding Valentinian, D the nephew of Honorius, who reigned in Rome; how Rome was captured by Gaiseric, king of the Vandals. The death of the emperor Marcian.
BOOK FOURTEEN
N. I. That Leo made the son of Aspar Caesar, and that the populace rebelled because of this, and that Leo slew Aspar and his son Ardaburius as plotters against him. Regarding the quaestor Isocasius. Regarding the arson that occurred during the reign of Leo. Regarding the earthquake that occurred in Antioch. That Basiliscus was appointed commander of the army, and having attacked those of Gaiseric, he was defeated. That Leo crowned his grandson as emperor with a diadem. Regarding the precious garment of the Theotokos. Regarding patriarchs. The death of Leo the Great.
N. II. That those sent by Basiliscus against Zeno were added to him. That Zeno returned to the kingdom, and Basiliscus was captured and perished. Regarding the conflagration that occurred in the times of Basiliscus, by which also Homer A in the imperial library was destroyed. That Zeno killed many when he reigned for the second time. The death of Zeno.
N. III. Whence Anastasius was called Dicorus. Regarding patriarchs. That Anastasius imposed a debt and abolished the tax of the Chrysargyron. That Anastasius, having become of the sect of the Confusers (Eutychians), exiled the patriarch. Regarding Longinus, the brother of Zeno, who attempted to tyrannize, and regarding the Isaurians. Regarding the pope of Rome. Regarding the Bulgarians. Regarding Vitalianus, who attempted to tyrannize. And how he was fought against, and regarding Proclus. That because he wished to make an addition to the B Trisagion, Anastasius caused the orthodox among the people to riot, and all that he did.
N. IV. Regarding Alamundarus, and how he mocked the bishops of Severus. Regarding the Bulgarians, and how they defeated the Romans. Regarding patriarchs. Regarding the statue of the city's fortune. Regarding the dreams that Anastasius saw. The death of the emperor Anastasius. That Anastasius built the Long Wall.
N. V. How Justin was raised to the kingdom. That the eunuch Amantius was put to death. That Justin confirmed the synod at Chalcedon, and crowned his wife; and regarding C Vitalianus. Regarding the impious Severus, and Paul who held the priesthood after him. Regarding patriarchs. That Justin made peace with the Persians. That again a battle occurred between the Romans and Persians. Regarding the Manichaeans. Regarding Anazarbus, and Edessa, and Pompeiopolis. Regarding a gigantic woman. That Justinian was appointed commander. That Justin, being ill, crowned Justinian as emperor. The death of Justin.
N. VI. Regarding the count. Regarding the sedition of the factions that occurred. That the factions proclaimed a certain nephew of the emperor Anastasius D as emperor. Regarding those destroyed from the faction in the theater. Regarding the rebuilding of the Great Church. Regarding the Augustaeum. Regarding the monstrous dog.
N. VII. Regarding patriarchs. Regarding the Vandals, and how they held Libya, and for how long and how they were fought against under Justinian by Belisarius. The defeat of Gelimer, the siege, and the capture. What the triumph was like. Regarding the procession of the spoils.
N. VIII. That Belisarius was sent to Italy, and subdued both it and Rome, which was held by the Goths, for the emperor. Regarding the patriarch Menas, and regarding a partial synod convened by him and Pope Agapetus of Rome. Regarding patriarchs. Regarding the fifth synod. How Belisarius took Rome, and other cities.
N. IX. That Belisarius also subdued all of Italy. The death of Theodora the empress. Regarding the sea monster. That in the times of Justinian global silk production became known to the emperor and the Romans. Regarding the plot, and regarding Belisarius.
A That this emperor, having been seized by heresy, died.
N. X. Regarding the churches built by Justin. That the Augusta Sophia paid off the debts of those who then owed them. Regarding the prefect, and the one who committed injustice and did not appear in court. That Justin broke the treaties with the Persians. The proclamation of Tiberius, and the death of Justin.
N. XI. That the Persians invaded Armenia, and having engaged the Romans, were defeated. That the bath of the Blachernae began to be built by Tiberius. Regarding the Kagan, and that Maurice, having been sent against the Persians and having joined battle with them, was victorious, and became the emperor's son-in-law. The proclamation of Maurice, and the death of Tiberius.
N. XII. Regarding the Kagan. Regarding Baram, the general of the Persians. The deposition of Hormizd from power. The proclamation of Khosrau. The execution of Hormizd. The revolt against Khosrau, and his flight to the Romans. Regarding the captured Turks. Everything that Khosrau foretold regarding the future, as one knowing what was to come from astrology. That Maurice crowned his son. Regarding the church of the Forty Martyrs. How Maurice caused the Kagan, who was besieging Tzouroulon, to make peace even against his will. B
N. XIII. Regarding the patriarchs. Regarding the captives sold by the Kagan, whom the emperor Maurice did not ransom. That when the emperor did not ransom the captives, the Kagan slaughtered them all. That because of the destruction of the captives, the emperor was hated, and the populace rioted. That the emperor joined his son in marriage. Regarding the dream that the emperor saw. That the emperor prayed to God to pay the penalty here. That the entire army proclaimed Phocas emperor.
N. XIV. That Phocas was crowned by the patriarch. The execution of Maurice and his entire family. The desertion of Narses, then his arrival, and his burning. Regarding those put to death by Phocas. Regarding the patriarchs. That the Jews in Antioch rebelled against the Christians there. Regarding the patriarchs. That Phocas betrothed his daughter to the general Priscus, and how he was hated by him and by everyone. The revolt of the armies in Africa against Phocas. The defeat of Phocas. The execution of Phocas.
N. XV. That misfortunes were occurring everywhere to the Roman Empire. That two children were born to Heraclius from the Augusta Eudokia. The death of the Augusta Eudokia. That Heraclius married his own niece. That Heraclius sent an embassy to Khosrau regarding peace, but he rejected the embassy. Regarding Crispus, and how he was disposed toward Heraclius. That he ordered Crispus to be tonsured a cleric. Regarding the Christians put to death by the Jews, and regarding the precious Woods and the patriarch. That Heraclius, having joined in battle with Sarbarus, was victorious.
N. XVI. That the Kagan, having violated the treaties, attacked the city, and having been defeated, fled. All the successes achieved by Heraclius while fighting the Persians. How the arch-satrap Sarbarus, and those with him, C went over to the emperor. How the son of the Kagan, Khosrau, was deposed from the kingdom and executed. That Siroes became emperor and made peace with the Romans.
N. XVII. How Heraclius was dragged into the heresy of the Monothelites. Regarding the holy Sophronius, and the synod that took place by him. Regarding the patriarchs. Regarding Muhammad, and how and when he was settled in the Roman lands. The death of Heraclius.
N. XIX. The reign of Constans, the grandson of Heraclius, who was also a Monothelite. That the leader of the Saracens moved against the Romans with a fleet, and Constans, having drawn up battle against him, was defeated. That for a time the Hagarenes remained quiet. Regarding the patriarchs, and Pyrrhus. How Constans was hated by his subjects, and having departed for Sicily, was killed there.
N. XX. Constantine, having gone to Sicily, punished his father's murderers, and whence he was called Pogonatus. That the Hagarenes with a fleet besieged Constantinople for seven years, and departed having suffered what they had done. That under this emperor, the liquid fire was invented. That the people of Hagar, having despaired, sought peace, and agreed to pay an annual tribute to the Roman Empire. D
N. XXI. That the Western enemies of the Romans also made peace. Regarding the patriarchs, and the Sixth Synod. That this emperor campaigned against the Bulgars, then, with the Romans turning to flight, was forced to make peace and pay tribute. The death of Constantine Pogonatus.
N. XXII. Regarding the Mardaites, and how this emperor resettled them from the Lebanon, having been deceived by the Arabs. That he subjugated Iberia and Albania. That he broke the treaties with the Bulgars, and brought the Slavic tribes under his rule. Regarding the Hagarenes, and that this emperor was hated by everyone on account of a certain eunuch, Theodosius. That Justinian was brought down from the palace and his nose was slit.
N. XXIII. How the Arabs took Africa, and how they were driven out of it. That the Arabs took Africa again. The revolt of the navy, the proclamation of Apsimar. The deposition of Leontius.
N. XXIV. Regarding the Hagarenes, and all that they did and suffered. Regarding Justinian, and that he took the sister of the Kagan as his wife, and that the Kagan plotted against Justinian, with Apsimar promising to give him much money, and that having learned this, he fled to the Bulgars. That after moving against the city with the Bulgars, he entered at night through the aqueduct.
N. XXV. How Justinian punished Leontius and Apsimar and others, and the patriarch. That he crowned his wife and his son. That he attacked the Bulgars and was defeated. The defection of the Chersonites, and the proclamation of Philippicus, who is also Bardanes. That those of the fleet also acclaimed Philippicus. The execution of Justinian and his son.
N. XXVI. Whence he was prompted to reject the Sixth Synod. What kind of person Philippicus was regarding deeds. Regarding the patriarchs. Regarding the Bulgars and the Haga
Hagarenes. A That this emperor sent a fleet against the Hagarenes. And those of the fleet, having mutinied, slew their commander, and proclaimed a certain Theodosius as emperor. That while Artemius was staying in Nicaea, Theodosius took the city through treachery. And Artemius, having been tonsured, was confined in Thessalonica. N. XXVII. That [Leo] the Isaurian and Artabasdus rose up against Theodosius. Deposition of the emperor Theodosius.
BOOK FIFTEEN
N. I. Regarding the Abasgians, and when and how they were brought to the knowledge of God. That the Abasgians, having deposed their rulers, received rulers from the Emperor of the Romans. That Arabs from Abydos crossed over, besieged the city by land and sea, and departed having fared poorly on both sides. N. II. That the governor of Sicily attempted a tyranny. How the rebellion in Sicily was suppressed. That, except for five, the rest of the Arab ships perished B along with them. Regarding Copronymus. That Leo crowned Copronymus. That Leo openly railed against the holy icons. Regarding the patriarchs. N. III. That the Hebrews who had predicted the reign requested of Leo the destruction of the holy icons. Regarding the royal house near the Chalcoprateia, and the library in it, and the teachers in it. N. IV. That because of the impiety of Leo, the Pope of Rome made a pact with the Franks, and withheld the tributes being brought from Italy to the Empire. And that the Franks are a Germanic nation, and not Romans. What things Leo did against the orthodox. And that Copronymus married the daughter of the Chagan. N. V. What kind of person this God-hater was. Rebellion of Artabasdus against Copronymus. That Copronymus, having crossed into Thrace, besieged the city and took it; having publicly beaten Artabasdus, and his sons, C and the patriarch, he celebrated a triumph, and then allowed him to remain patriarch of it. N. VI. Regarding the patriarchs, and regarding the synod of impious bishops gathered by Copronymus. Regarding the Bulgars. N. VII. What a winter it was during the reign of the evil-named [emperor]. What the godless man thought, and what he did. What Copronymus did against those who were not persuaded to confirm the writing against the holy icons. That having marched against the Bulgars, he returned ineffective; and what he did against the monks, and against the commanders. How he also expelled his own patriarch from the Church, and punished him, and killed him. N. VIII. That Copronymus made friends with some of the Bulgars, who revealed to him the plans of their ruler. How the leader of the Bulgars deceived the emperor, and learned who the Bulgars were who had befriended him. How he marched against the Bulgars, and having fallen ill, he turned back, and destroyed his life. D What great things the all-daring one dared against the monks and against the venerable relics of the saints. Regarding the holy relic of the all-praised martyr Euphemia. N. IX. Regarding the patriarchs. That because of the holy icons, Leo punished some of the commanders. Death of Leo. N. X. That upon a plot occurring, Theodora punished some of the others, but tonsured her own brothers-in-law, and had them made priests. Regarding the sarcophagus found in Thrace by the Long Wall. That Irene betrothed a wife for her son. That the leader of the Arabs, having arrived at Chrysopolis, made a pact, the Romans having agreed to pay them tributes. Regarding the patrician Elpidius. N. XI. That the patriarch Paul resigned from the Church. That Tarasius, among the saints, was ordained patriarch. Regarding the Seventh Synod. That the Emperor Constantine, having become a young man, meditated on transferring the administration to himself. But having been discovered by his mother, he was blinded, and prevented from making [things] public. That the Armeniac troops and those of the other themes, having reached an accord, acclaimed only Constantine, and [about] what he did after he came forward. N. XII. That the Thomaïtes triclinium was burned. Campaigns of Constantine against the Bulgars and the Arabs. That he again brought his mother back into the palace, and allowed her to be acclaimed; but the Armeniac troops mutinied again; and regarding Mousèlé. That having clashed with the Bulgars, Constantine was defeated, and that the military mutinied, and that Constantine punished them. That Constantine, having tonsured his own wife against her will, took another. That the emperor campaigned against the Bulgars. N. XIII. Regarding the monk Plato. That the Emperor Constantine was blinded with the knowledge of his mother. Regarding Leo, Pope of Rome, and how the Franks, and when, took control of Italy and Rome itself. Regarding the brothers-in-law of the Empress Irene. That the leader of the Franks sought to be joined to the empress. How, also, Nicephorus, from the general [treasury], was brought into the palace by all. N. XIV. What Nicephorus said to the empress Irene, and what she [said] to him, and that she showed him much stored-up money, and how she was immediately exiled. What kind of person Nicephorus was in his ways. Death of Irene. Proclamation of Stauracius, the son of Nicephorus. Regarding the patriarchs. That after Tarasius, among the saints, the divine Nicephorus was ordained patriarch. How Plato and Theodore the Studite engaged in faction. What sorts of profitable stratagems Nicephorus, [having come] from the generals, devised. Regarding the sword-bearer who ran into the palace, and sought to kill the emperor. N. XV. That he used Manichaeans and Athingani for divination. Campaign against the Bulgars, in which, after initial success and becoming puffed up, he was later defeated and perished. That Crumnus hung the head of the emperor, then used it as a cup. N. XVI. Proclamation of Michael Rangabe. N. XVII. How Michael was disposed towards that of
A Stauracius’s consort. That Michael crowned his son Theophylact. That he maltreated those who acted insolently against the holy icons. Concerning the Hagarenes. That the ruler of the Bulgarians asked for a truce, but the emperor, not fulfilling what he [the Bulgarian] requested, refused to make a truce, and the Bulgarians moved toward the south and captured the city.
N. XVIII. That the emperor, having learned that the Bulgarians intended to invade Thrace, went out, and while the Bulgarians remained inactive, he devastated their own country by the presence of his army. The defeat of the invading Bulgarians; the Romans were defeated by the treachery of the Armenian Leo. How Leo secured the empire for himself. That Leo feigned that he was accepting the empire under duress, and how Michael quietly stepped down from power, and all that he suffered.
N. XIX. The notable events that happened so that Michael would be the successor of Leo. That Leo, having sent envoys about a treaty to the ruler of the Bulgarians, because he did not accept it, marched against him and was victorious. How the Armenian Leo committed himself to the heresy of the iconoclasts. Concerning Theodotus Melissenos, and how he deceived Leo into raging against the holy icons. That he exiled the divine Nicephorus, the patriarch, for speaking against him regarding the holy icons. Concerning the foresight of patriarch Nicephorus and of Theophanes the Confessor.
N. XX. That Theodotus Melissenos was appointed patriarch, and how he became close to Leo. Concerning the Protopsaltes, and how he incited the emperor against the holy icons. That Leo was hot-tempered and an implacable punisher.
N. XXI. Concerning Michael the Stammerer, and how, caught in a plot of tyranny, he escaped punishment and reigned. Everything that Leo foretold concerning Michael. Concerning those things in the book at the palace, and those things depicted in it, and how those were interpreted, and by whom. Concerning the dream of Leo’s mother. Another dream. That Michael, having been shackled in his feet, was handed over to the Papias to be kept in custody. How the emperor went to the Papias’s quarters, and what he saw, and how he threatened [Michael], and how he was not overlooked. All that Michael sent to the conspirators. B The assassination of Leo the Armenian.
N. XXV. That he established his stepmother in the monastery from which she had been taken. Concerning the woman Casia. How Theophilus was disposed toward those who were unjust, and how he cared for the fair price of goods. Concerning the brother of the Augusta, Petronas. Concerning the ship of the Augusta.
N. XXVI. Concerning the parents of Theodora, and concerning her mother, and the emperor’s daughters. Concerning the despina Theodora, and the demented Dendere. That Theophilus was a harsh persecutor of the pious. Concerning the syncellus John, and how he was sent to the Hagarenes, and all that he did.
N. XXVII. Concerning the sea walls of the city. Concerning the xenodochium of Theophilus. Concerning the monk Lazarus the painter. Concerning the confessors and blood-brothers C Theophanes and Theodore, the Grapte. That for his daughter he took as a son-in-law Alexios the Moseles, whom he also honored as Caesar. Theophilus, fighting against the Persians, was defeated; and he would have been captured, had not Theophobus helped him. Concerning Manuel and Theophobus. That to the Persians...
N. XXVIII. Concerning the right-handed Hagarene and the eunuch Theodore the Krateros. The expedition against the Hagarenes, and the victory of the emperor. That Manuel, having received assurances from the emperor, returned again, and having outwitted the leader of the Hagarenes, he banished him, and all that he endured. Concerning the patriarchs. That he honored the holy Methodius.
N. XXIX. That Theophilus, by marching against the Hagarenes, was successful. How by the mercenary Persians, Theophobus was proclaimed emperor even against his will. That Theophobus approached the emperor. Concerning the sack of Amorion. How Amorion was betrayed to the Hagarenes. That the emperor sent an embassy to the leader of the Hagarenes, wishing to ransom the distinguished captives; but he did not receive the embassy, and that out of grief the emperor fell ill with dysentery. That Theophilus, while dying, killed Theophobus. The death of Theophilus.
N. XXII. From where Michael originated, and what he was like in his mind and habits. That this man, too, imitated those before him. Everything that the empty-headed Michael thought. Concerning the tyranny of Thomas. That Thomas put the imperial insignia upon himself. That this tyrant was successful and was gaining strength.
N. XXIII. That, although Thomas attacked the city frequently by land and by sea, he achieved nothing, but was constantly defeated. Yet, even though he was defeated, he did not cease from playing the tyrant. That the ruler of the Bulgarians, having established a truce with the Romans, was simultaneously victorious, and was the cause of his [Thomas’s] downfall. The capture of Thomas. Concerning Heraclea and Panium, which did not depart from the revolt even after the overthrow of Thomas.
N. XXIV. How Crete came under the Hagarenes. How and whom Michael took as his second wife. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning those in D Crete... Concerning rebellion in Sicily.
BOOK SIXTEEN
N. I. How Manuel, not agreeing at first to the deposition of the iconoclast heresy, later agreed very enthusiastically. The expulsion of patriarch John from the Church, and the appointment of the holy Methodius; and how it is said that through intercessions [he] attained salvation. Everything that the Bulgarian ruler threatened against the empress, and all that she sent back to him in reply.
N. II. How the Bulgarians came to the knowledge of Christ. How the empress granted land to the nation of the Bulgarians. How Michael killed the logothete Theoctistus. That the empress Theodora also departed from the palace, having informed those of the council how much money she was leaving in the treasuries.
N. III. That Michael quickly emptied the imperial treasuries. And that he tonsured his mother and sisters. That the administration of the empire was entrusted to Bardas. That Michael, having gone on an expedition and besieging Samosata, fared poorly there. Again he marched—
against the Hagarenes, and again [there was] a defeat of the Romans. A That Petronas was sent against the Hagarenes, and that by joining battle with them he conquered, a certain monk having predicted the victory to him. That upon the death of Manuel, Petronas was designated Domestic of the Schools.
N. IV. That the Emperor Michael held the reins [of government] and his ministers. That this excellent emperor took care of the judges. That Bardas was zealous regarding letters. Regarding Leo the Philosopher, and his captive student. Regarding the patriarchs. That the divine Ignatius suffered after having excommunicated the Caesar Bardas.
N. V. Regarding the Rus. Regarding the Hagarenes from Crete. Regarding the places in which smoke signals were lit. Regarding the foolish mildness of Michael, and his more foolish games. Regarding Basil the Macedonian.
N. VI. A sign regarding Basil that occurred, foreshadowing that he would rule. Regarding the dream that appeared to the sacristan of the Church of Saint Diomedes. That previously Basil served Theophilitzes. From which and how the emperor was introduced into the palace, and how he became intimate and was honored. Regarding the prophecy of the emperor’s mother concerning Basil.
N. VII. Regarding the prophecy of the emperor’s mother concerning Basil. That the Caesar and Basil plotted against each other. A sign that occurred regarding the Caesar. That the emperor overturned many of the things that had been arranged. The removal of the Caesar Bardas. The proclamation of Basil. Wherefore Basil was incited to kill Michael. The killing of the Emperor Michael.
N. VIII. That the emperor, having gathered the money that had been poorly spent, saved three centenaria. How Photius was thrust from the Church. Regarding a plot: That he crowned his sons as emperors, but tonsured his daughters. That he campaigned in Crete and was defeated. How Chrysocheir was defeated by the Romans and slain. That, upon the death of Ignatius, Photius was again brought back to the patriarchal throne.
N. IX. Regarding a plot. An expedition against Syria. That the emperor, while besieging Adana, and seeing that those inside were not concerned about the siege, inquired about the method, and it was reported to him. How the Hagarenes from Tarsus and Melitene were defeated. Regarding the Hagarenes from Carthage. That the king of Francia joined the Romans in battle against the Hagarenes and, upon their defeat, their leader was captured by B the king, and they were honored. How the nation of the Rus came to the knowledge of Christ.
N. XI. That upon the death of his son Constantine, the emperor was inconsolable, and how the Santabarenos showed him the deceased on horseback. What the Santabarenos schemed against the Emperor Leo’s son, and how he slandered him to his father, and what Leo suffered. From what injury the emperor died, and regarding the one who saved him from the stag.
N. XII. That Leo thrust Photius out of the Church and appointed his brother Stephen patriarch. How he honored the corpse of the Emperor Michael. That this emperor renovated the Church of Saint Thomas which had been set on fire. How he defended himself against the Santabarenos. Regarding the patriarchs. Regarding the Bulgarians and their ruler Simeon, and all that happened to the Romans from him. That the Hungarians attacked the Bulgarians. A plot against the Emperor Leo. That Leo crowned Zoe Raoutzes.
N. XIII. That Leo took a third wife. That he also consorted with a fourth woman. Regarding the patriarchs. That during the procession to Saint Mocius the emperor was struck on the head. Regarding the promotion of the monk Mark. That Samonas was caught while fleeing. That Leo exiled the patriarch Nicholas.
N. XIV. That through the plotting of Samonas, the Duke Andronicus went over to the Hagarenes. What stratagems Samonas devised against the Duke Andronicus. That Constantine, the son of Andronicus, fled, and what the emperor bestowed upon him when he arrived. That Leo crowned his own son. What Samonas slandered about the eunuch Constantine, and what happened to him. The expulsion of Samonas from the palace. The death of the Emperor Leo.
N. XV. That Alexander wished to make his nephew Constantine a eunuch. The death of Alexander. What regents Alexander left for his nephew.
N. XVI. The revolt of Constantine the Duke. The killing of the Duke Constantine. That many of the emperor’s regents punished those who had joined the rebel. That the emperor’s regents quarreled with one another. That the emperor’s mother was brought into the palace and took hold of the administration.
N. XVII. How the Lekapenos was taken up by the Emperor Constantine for assistance. How the Emperor sought to bring down his own mother from the palace, but being softened by her tears, he left her. That the Lekapenos betrothed his own daughter to the Emperor Constantine. That Leo Phokas attempted a tyranny, and upon being caught was blinded. A plot against the emperor.
N. XVIII. That Adrianople was captured by the Bulgarians. That the fleet from Tripoli perished. That the Emperor of the Romans and Simeon spoke with each other, but did not make peace. The transfer of bishops. That Peter, the son of Simeon, made a truce, and the emperor’s granddaughter was joined to him.
N. XIX. How also his son Christopher
promoted the Emperor Constantine, then the other two. Concerning the patriarchs. The death of the Emperor Christopher.
N. XX. That Emperor Romanos made distributions, propitiating God for his perjury, and he paid the debts of those in the city. Concerning the Holy Mandylion. Concerning the conjoined youths. The deposition of Romanos Lekapenos from the empire; "Righteous art thou, O Lord, and thy judgments are upright."
N. XXI. Of what sort Constantine was, and concerning his character. Concerning a plot. Concerning the Hungarians.
N. XXII. Concerning the Patriarch Theophylact. Concerning the Patriarch Polyeuctus. Concerning the precious hand of the Forerunner. Concerning the Hagarenes. That the emperor’s son, Romanos, plotted against his father. The death of the Emperor Constantine.
N. XXIII. That Romanos crowned his son, Basil. That Nikephoros Phokas captured most of Crete. That Leo Phokas, the brother of Nikephoros, fought and defeated the Hamdanid. That Nikephoros again engaged the Hamdanid, defeated him, and sacked Aleppo. The death of the Emperor Romanos. How Phokas, suspecting treason to the throne, imprisoned the paracaimoemenos Bringas. That, upon the death of Peter, the ruler of the Bulgarians, the Komitopouloi rebelled. How Phokas was proclaimed emperor.
N. XXIV. What threats Bringas made against the whole populace. That the paracaimoemenos Basil sent a mob B and tore down the house of Bringas and others. That Phokas was crowned by the patriarch. That the emperor was united with Theophano. That the emperor was forbidden by the patriarch from ascending the sanctuary. Concerning the Hagarenes in Sicily. That Tzimiskes routed the Hagarenes from Cilicia.
N. XXV. That the emperor marched into Cilicia and captured their cities. Concerning the gates of Tarsus and Mopsuestia. Concerning Cyprus. That having sacked the cities of Syria and besieging Antioch, he withdrew; and concerning the Holy Keramidion. How Nikephoros Phokas was disposed toward his subjects, and that he did not even abstain from ecclesiastical property. The things this emperor devised for the affliction of his subjects and what illicit laws he ordained. That the *tetarteron* (coin) was devised by Phokas, and the preference for the new coinage.
N. XXVI. Concerning the wall of the palace. How Antioch was captured during his reign, and how he was disposed toward those who had captured it, and for what reason.
N. XXVII. Concerning the strife between the Armenians and the sailors, and how the populace was driven mad against the emperor because of this. How, in the terror of the populace, many were destroyed fleeing from the theater. Concerning the Hungarians. That the emperor incited the Rus against the Bulgarians.
N. XXVIII. That a famine occurred during the time of Phokas. But he used this for profit. What the Macedonian Basil did when a grain shortage occurred in his days. Concerning Leo, the brother of Phokas. That Theophano incited Tzimiskes against the emperor. That Phokas appointed Tzimiskes as Logothete of the Dromos. The plot of Tzimiskes against Nikephoros Phokas. C
BOOK SEVENTEEN
N. I. That he placed the paracaimoemenos Basil in charge of the affairs of the empire. That Tzimiskes was prevented from entering the church. When Tzimiskes was crowned. When the Manichaeans were transferred from the East to the West. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning the Hagarenes. That the Rus, having been summoned against the Bulgarians and having defeated them, did not wish to return home, and concerning Kalokyros. That Bardas Skleros was sent against the Rus. How Skleros defeated the Rus and those allied with them.
N. II. How Bardas Phokas attempted a tyranny, and how his father and brother were identified having devised to flee. That, when Skleros marched against Phokas, those with him came over to Skleros, and Phokas yielded to the emperor, and was tonsured a cleric, and was confined to Chios. That the emperor married the daughter of the Emperor Constantine. That he campaigned against the Rus, and took cities and fortresses held by them. The fall of Preslav. The siege of Dorostolon, that is, of Drastra, and how the siege occurred.
N. III. The final battle against Svyatoslav and the Rus. That the Romans also obtained aid from God. The fall of Drastra. How it was recognized that Saint Theodore fought alongside the emperor. That Svyatoslav approached the emperor and was accepted.
N. IV. That upon returning, the emperor celebrated a triumph. Concerning the Church of the Savior in the Chalkè. Concerning the patriarchs. That when the Eastern barbarians rebelled, the emperor marched against them, and how the paracaimoemenos was provoked to plot against him, and how he plotted. The death of John Tzimiskes. That Leo Phokas and his son Nikephoros again, having plotted against the throne, were blinded. D
N. V. That the mother of the emperors was recalled from exile. That the *magistros* Bardas Skleros rebelled, and all that occurred during his rebellion. How Skleros captured Nicaea. That the paracaimoemenos entrusted the war against Skleros to Bardas Phokas. How Skleros and Phokas engaged in single combat, and how those around Skleros were put to flight. The flight of Skleros to Babylon, and his imprisonment and that of those with him.
N. VI. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning the Bulgarians and Samuel, and his brothers. That the emperor marched against the Bulgarians and was about to besiege Triaditza. How Kontostephanos tricked the emperor and convinced him to retreat, and what the Bulgarians did to the Romans as they were retreating. That Phokas was proclaimed emperor. That Skleros and the Romans held by the Hagarenes were released from their bonds and were able to return to the borders of the Romans. That Skleros wished to form an alliance with Phokas for the tyranny, and how he was seized and bound.
N. VII. That before being bound, secretly as...
a deserter, he sent his son to the emperor Skleros. Regarding Delphinas. How he was taken and impaled. How Phokas ended his life. What the character of the emperor Basil became after the defeat of Phokas. How the emperor disposed of the parakoimomenos, and how he was disposed towards him. The death of the parakoimomenos. What the emperor was like before he attained power, and what he became after this, how he treated his brother, and what that man’s character was. That Skleros again seized the tyranny, and how he made peace, and approached the emperor and was received. That the emperor, having been left as heir of Iberia, went there. What he achieved in Iberia and Phoenicia.
N. VIII. Regarding the patriarchs. Regarding Samuel and the Bulgarians, and all the triumphs the emperor fashioned against them, some through himself and others through his generals, and how many cities and fortresses he had. What the emperor decreed. What the character of this emperor was like. And what he was like concerning money, and how much he gathered and stored away.
N. IX. That the Hagarenes destroyed the temple in Jerusalem. What the emperor Basil did in Bulgaria. How the emperor tore down the barriers of the mountains and invaded Bulgaria, and regarding the death of Samuel. That the son of Samuel was killed by his kinsman. That many of the prominent Bulgarians defected to the emperor. That the emperor again campaigned against the Bulgarians, and what he did. That the wife and children of Vladislav John, the son of Aaron, defected to the emperor. That the emperor, having seized Bulgaria, went to Athens to give thanks to the Mother of God. Regarding the patriarchs. Expedition against Abasgia. Victory of the Romans against the Iberians. Regarding the patriarchs. The death of Basil.
N. X. What the character and conduct of Constantine was like. Regarding the daughters of the emperor, and his eunuch attendants. Regarding the Patzinaks. How this emperor exhausted the subjects with tax collections. How the emperor made the Argyro-poulos Romanos an emperor’s son-in-law by forcing his wife to be tonsured. And he proclaimed him Caesar and left him as successor to the empire. The death of the emperor Constantine.
N. XI. That he abolished the *allelengyon*, and increased the stipend of the clergy of the Great Church, and caused bankruptcy. That Prusianos, being suspected of tyranny, was blinded. And Constantine Diogenes was imprisoned for a similar reason. That he made peace with the Abasgians and gave his own niece as a bride. That the Hagarenes, seizing an opportunity, laid hold of the cities which had been taken from them by Phokas and Tzimiskes. That he campaigned against Aleppo, and an embassy came to him asking for peace, but he did not make peace. That the Arabs, having attacked the camp suddenly, routed the Romans, and the emperor fled, and the camp was plundered.
N. XII. That the emperor, having returned to the city, behaved harshly toward those under him. Regarding the monastery built by Romanos. Regarding the son of Alepios. Regarding Constantine Diogenes. Regarding various nations under the Romans. Regarding those migrating on account of famine. Regarding earthquakes. B
N. XIII. That at first the emperor exerted himself, desiring procreation, but having despaired of this, he did not continually approach the empress, and she hated him. How Michael the Paphlagonian was received by the emperor, and how Zoe fell in love with him, and that because of this love the emperor Romanos was plotted against and died. The death of the emperor Romanos.
N. XIV. How Michael was disposed towards the empress. What the character of the emperor's brother John was like. Regarding the illness of the emperor Michael. Regarding Dalassenos and for what cause he was imprisoned. Regarding the fleet from Africa. Regarding Pankratios, the archon of Abasgia. Regarding the Scythians. Regarding the Arabs.
N. XV. That after the Egyptians made peace, the Romans... That Maniakes subjugated Sicily, which was held by the Saracens. How Edessa was plotted against by the Arabs, and how the plot was discovered. That the ruler of Carthage attacked Sicily. And how he was defeated by Maniakes and fled, and how Maniakes, having been brought from there in chains, was imprisoned. That Sicily was again taken by the Hagarenes, except for the city of Messana. That the Orphanotrophos coveted the patriarchate. How the Orphanotrophos and his sister were disposed toward the subjects. That the Orphanotrophos was enslaved by the empress Zoe.
N. XVI. That the disease of madness took a strong hold upon the emperor. How the emperor Michael acted toward the empress. That the emperor Michael also fell into dropsy. That the Kalaphates Michael was adopted by the empress and proclaimed Caesar.
N. XVII. How the nation of the Bulgarians revolted again, and how it was divided into two leaders, and how the one destroyed the other, having prepared the multitude to stone him. That the emperor, suffering from dropsy, campaigned against the Bulgarians. How Alousianos fled from the Romans to the Bulgarians, and how he was recognized as being the son of Aaron. And how, having seized Dolianos, he blinded him. That Alousianos came to the emperor. How the emperor went to the monastery of the Holy Anargyroi and was relieved. The death of the emperor Michael the Paphlagonian.
N. XVIII. That Caesar Michael entered the palace. The proclamation of Caesar as emperor, and what the character of Michael was like. How he was disposed toward his uncle the Orphanotrophos. The exile of the Orphanotrophos. That Michael insults his own kinsmen.
N. XIX. That Michael, having fabricated accusations against the empress Zoe, first tonsures her and confines her to the island of the Prince. That because of the uprising, the empress was brought back, and the people, seeing her in mourning robes, were further enraged. That the multitude turned to Zoe’s sister, Theodora, and proclaimed her Augusta in the Great Church, and that Michael and his uncle Constantine went to the Studite monastery. That the emperor Michael and his uncle the *nobilissimus* Constantine were blinded, and then they too were sent into exile.
ARGUMENTS OF THE ANNALS
XX. That the empress Zoe betrothed a husband. That certain seditious persons gathered at the Great Church, and that they proclaimed Komnenos emperor, with the patriarch consenting. The fall of the empire of Michael the elder. How Dalassenos was rejected. Regarding Monomachos.
XXI. What was the character of Monomachos. Regarding Boilas, and all that was done by him. Regarding Monomachos and Skleraina, and of their mutual love. That she was brought back from Mytilene, and how the emperor treated her upon her return.
XXII. Regarding the revolt of Maniakes, and how it was resolved. Revolt of Erotikos. Regarding the patriarchs. That the one who had been Orphanotropheos, John, was blinded. Revolt of Leo Tornikios.
XXIII. That Tornikios and Batatzes were blinded.
A XXIV. Regarding the expedition of the Rus against the queen of cities. Naval battle against the Rus and their defeat.
XXV. How the Turks moved against the Roman lands subject to them, and who they were. How the Turks invaded lands under Roman rule. Regarding the town of Artze. Regarding Roman forces allying with the Iberians against the Turks, and the capture of Liparites the archon of the Iberians. That the sultan himself marched against the Romans.
XXVI. Regarding the Patzinaks, and how they crossed into our territory. Regarding the approach of the Scythians. Regarding the invasion of the other Scythians, and how they were captured. How the Scythians rebelled against Roman servitude, and then made a truce.
XXVII. Regarding the plot of Bolas, and what kind of man he was. That the emperor, by spending public funds without reason, looked to unholy sources of revenue.
XXVIII. Death of the empress Zoe. Regarding the emperor’s concubine from the Alans. Regarding the sicknesses of Monomachos. Regarding John the *dromos* official. Regarding Lichoudes Constantine. That the emperor wished to leave the leading man as his successor in the government.
XXIX. That the empress Theodora successfully governed the empire. That Michael the military man was raised to the prominence of the empire. Death of the empress Theodora.
BOOK EIGHTEEN
I. That the emperor Michael did not deal well with the military commanders. Revolt of Monomachos against Theodosius. Violation of the oath. How Bryennios was blinded. Revolt of Komnenos and the military commanders. That Komnenos held Nicaea. B That those of the imperial party who went to Komnenos were defeated.
II. Sending of envoys to Komnenos for peace. What Komnenos declared to the emperor through the envoys. That Komnenos made demands and the emperor promised, and again the envoys were sent out to him. What the emperor Michael demanded of the senators in writing.
IV. That Komnenos assigned to the Church both those who were previously stewards and *skeuophylakes* of the Great Church and were promoted by the emperor. That he attempted a harsh correction of public affairs, and became hated by all. That he spared not even those dedicated to God.
V. That the patriarch wanted to dictate to the emperor, and threatened him. Exile of the patriarch Michael. Death of the patriarch in exile. Regarding the patriarchs. How the emperor received the rights of immunity of the Mangana from Lichoudes.
VI. That there was a campaign against the Hungarians and Patzinaks. How the emperor and those with him escaped the danger at the Drus.
VII. How Komnenos laid down the empire, and became a monk, having appointed Doukas as emperor. What the character of Komnenos was.
VIII. A plot against the emperor, and how he escaped it. What were the ways of Doukas. That out of parsimony he wished to make friends with the Roman state through gifts.
IX. Regarding the nation of the Uzes. Regarding earthquakes. Regarding a comet star. Regarding the patriarchs. That the emperor fell ill, and, failing, left the empire to his sons, and set their mother over them, after she had sworn in writing not to remarry. Death of the emperor Constantine Doukas.
X. That the empress Eudokia decided to set an emperor over affairs. C Regarding Diogenes, and of what family he was and what his strength was. That Diogenes, having plotted to become a tyrant, was caught, and when about to be punished, was released. How the patriarch was deceived, and gave the document of her oath to the empress. That Diogenes was joined to the empress Eudokia, and was proclaimed.
XI. That Diogenes campaigned in the East and all that he did. That the emperor also marched towards Syria, and took Hierapolis, and routed the Chalepites. Defeat of the barbarians. Capture of certain barbarian fortresses by the Romans and notification to the emperor that Amorium had been plundered.
XII. Another campaign of the emperor, and all that happened in it. Regarding the burning of the church of the Blachernae. Regarding Manuel Komnenos, D and how he was taken prisoner, and how he returned, bringing with him the Turk who had captured him as a refugee to the emperor.
XIII. The last campaign of Diogenes and all the signs that occurred in it. Regarding the revolt of the Nemitzes, and that Diogenes divided the army, and he was left with not many.
XIV. That the Uzes deserted to the Turks, and that the emperor recalled them, and the army which the emperor had divided did not arrive, and that, as the emperor was preparing for war, envoys came from the sultan regarding peace. That, after the envoys had turned back, the emperor marched to battle
urged, and how he was defeated and captured. How the sultan treated the emperor who was brought as a prisoner to him.
N. XV. That commands were sent everywhere not to receive Diogenes as emperor, and that the sons of the Caesar were sent against him. How Diogenes was besieged. And that he surrendered himself upon terms. That Diogenes was taken to the first island and died there.
N. XVI. That he first placed Siden in charge of affairs, then Nikephoritzes. That Michael, being negligent of imperial affairs, devoted himself to arguments. That the sultan, having learned of what happened to Diogenes, overran the East. That the Komnenos Isaac was sent with Roussel, opposing the Turks, and being defeated, he was captured, and Roussel rebelled. That the Caesar, sent against Roussel, was defeated and captured. That the emperor sent for Turks against Roussel, but he, having released the Caesar, proclaimed him emperor; and having mingled with the Turks, he himself as well as the Caesar were taken prisoner. That the Caesar, having been ransomed through the emperor, was tonsured and became a monk. That the Emperor Alexios captured Roussel. How this emperor was called Parapinakios.
N. XVII. Concerning the nation of the Croats. Concerning the rebellion of the servant Nestor. That a son was born to the emperor and raised by him. Concerning the remarkable child who was born. Concerning the famine and pestilence that occurred in the empire during this time. That Botaneiates was proclaimed emperor by the Eastern lords. That in the West also the Bryennios Nikephoros attempted a rebellion. That the Komnenos Alexios and Roussel were sent against Bryennios.
N. XVIII. Concerning the patriarchs. That the Turks seized the Roman territories in the East and made them their own. That Botaneiates seized Nicaea. That the people of the city proclaimed Botaneiates emperor, and they deposed Michael and tonsured him. How Botaneiates grasped the empire.
N. XIX. How Bryennios, while playing the tyrant, was captured and blinded. Insurrection of the Varangians. That Botaneiates married the wife of the same emperor before him. That the one who had fallen from the empire, Michael, was ordained metropolitan of Ephesus. Apostasy of A Basylakios, and the capture and blinding of his eyes. Apostasy of Constantine, the son of Doukas. That the emperor placed Siden over the administration of public affairs, and concerning Germanos and Botaneiates. Concerning the Logothete Nikephoros and how he was killed.
N. XX. Concerning the Komnenoi, and how they set out in rebellion, how they gained control of the city, and attained the empire. That Botaneiates retired, and having gone to the [Monastery] of the Peribleptos, he died there.
N. XXI. Concerning the brothers of the emperor, and his mother, and his sons-in-law. Concerning the patriarchs.
N. XXII. Concerning the islands, how they were captured. Concerning Tzachas. Concerning Crete and Cyprus. What this emperor did to the detriment of his subjects. Concerning the emperor’s daughters, and his sons, and his sons-in-law by his daughters. Concerning the great earthquake.
N. XXIII. Concerning the Patzinaks, and how they were destroyed. Concerning a plot hatched against the emperor. Another plot. Concerning the movement of the Franks, and their crossing over to the East. Concerning the heresy of the Bogomils, and how its preacher was destroyed. Rebellion of the pseudo-Diogenes.
N. XXIV. Concerning the Orphanotropheion. A plot against the emperor, of which the leader was Anemas. Dropax, the ointment by which hair is removed. The emperor's mother, having withdrawn from the imperial palace and gone to the [Monastery of the] Pantepoptes, died there. Death of the sebastokrator. How the emperor was formerly disposed toward his life-partner, and how he was afterwards. That the authority of the Empire was intended to be entrusted to the empress, but her son, the emperor, opposed this as much as he could, and as it had been forbidden for anyone to approach him.
N. XXV. Concerning the patriarchs. Concerning the emperor's illness and how he recovered. Concerning the rumor that occurred on Great Saturday.
N. XXVI. Concerning the emperor's departure to Cherson. Concerning the fire and the winds.
N. XXVII. Expedition of the Turks.
N. XXIX. What the Emperor Alexios was like in his ways and character.
DE HEBDOMO CP. DISQUISITIO TOPOGRAPHICA. SUMMA SECTIONUM.
II. The Hebdomon is properly called the seventh milestone from the city. III. The plain between that seventh milestone and the city of Constantinople, likewise given the name of the Hebdomon: in which existed all the buildings, of which mention is made among the Byzantine writers. IV. This is confirmed by the passages cited. The patriarchs of Constantinople, in public litanies, were carried in chariots, even within the city. V. Sacred processions are understood to have taken place in the Hebdomon, in the field called the Hebdomon. VI. Hence it is said that the Hebdomon is in view of the city. VII. The field of the Hebdomon replaced the field of Mars in Constantinople. VIII. Various and many things existed in the field of the Hebdomon.
A XVII. As to the *proastion*, or the suburban area near the towns. XVIII. Suburban areas sometimes existed even within the city. XIX. In the Hebdomon, or in the field so called, various buildings existed, as well as holy places, which are recounted. XX. The church of St. John the Baptist, which writers sometimes call simply the Hebdomon, whether it existed within the city. XXI. Concerning other churches within the city dedicated to the same holy Forerunner. XXII. Whether the Hebdomian dissertator has truly explained the location of the Hebdomon. XXIII. In literary controversies, it is permitted to play without mutual grief, that is, with urbanity and moderation preserved. XXIV. The author is taught nothing new from the dissertator's Dissertation. C XXV. Conclusion of this Disputation regarding this controversy, which Henr. Valesius thought to be complex.
I. Thus far, if I am not mistaken, I have performed what I promised in the Preface of this work, that I would observe nothing except new things, and things untouched by others in this kind of subject matter, concerning those things which pertain either to the buildings or the regions of the city of Constantinople, in my Notes on the Annals of Zonaras. Truly, in order to satisfy the very learned man Hadrian Valesius, to whom the opinions of the most learned Petrus Gyllius, and our own regarding the location of the Hebdomon, are by no means approved, it will perhaps not be unwelcome to the reader if, for the purpose of re-asserting this, I provide a few things again from those matters which were sufficiently described by me in *Constantinopolis Christiana*, so that he may have free judgment in deciding this controversy. In discussing it, however, may I be permitted to preface it with the words of Saint Augustine (in *Epist. ad S. Hieron.*): "If he thinks that I felt otherwise than he did, let him think that the reader ought to acknowledge that I have written what I thought; or if it cannot be known, that it ought to be believed."
II. And that the beginning of this disputation may be drawn, we acknowledge that it ought to be a matter of confession that the Hebdomon was so called because it was seven miles distant from the city (namely, from old Byzantium to the Ceratine promontory): and from this the Greeks call it Ἕβδομον, the Latins the *Septimum*, and some call it the seven-miler; just as in both isthmuses, the Thracian Chersonese and the Corinthian, from the wall of the Hexamili drawn from sea to sea, the name was given from the space of six miles. I have taught this in many places in that dissertation, with the passages of almost all authors having been brought forward—except for those which I have not noticed to be brought forward by the same learned man—so much so that I am ashamed to repeat the stew so often, and to sing the same things with the same verses. But since this question can hardly be defined without the authorities of those same writers being produced and brought into the middle, and especially those which he seems either not to have observed or to have omitted on purpose, because they were contrary to the opinion he had undertaken to defend, it seems worth the trouble to set forth, as briefly as I can, and with only those select passages which lead to the settling of this controversy.
III. Although, therefore, it is agreed that the Hebdomon was so called because it was exactly seven miles from the city, yet the difficulty regarding the location of that Hebdomon, which occurs everywhere in writers, is by no means solved by that, since it is another and different thing from the seventh milestone, although it is contiguous to it, as well as to the city of Constantinople, since the field or Campus that lies between the seventh milestone and the city shared the appellation of the Hebdomon; which I have undertaken to prove not only in this Disputation, but also that this Hebdomian Field existed not at the Propontis, but at the shores of the Ceratine gulf towards its head, as also that the tribunal and palace of the Hebdomon, and the church of Saint John the Baptist, and the other buildings recounted by writers as being in the Hebdomon, were in this latter place, namely, in the Field of the Hebdomon, and not at the seventh mile from the city, as the Hebdomian dissertator wishes. But before I approach the matter, so that things may subsequently be made clearer, we will place as an example the Parisian suburban area, or the palace of our Most Christian king, which we call Versailles, removed from the primary city of the Gauls by a distance almost similar to that by which the Hebdomon is removed from Byzantium. This being posited, I would dare to contend entirely that not only the seventh mile, that is, the seventh milestone from the city, had the appellation of Ἕβδομον, but that the Campus also, lying between that seventh mile and the city of Constantinople, in which all the buildings of which the Byzantine writers have made mention stood, and [there were] none on the seventh milestone itself: which is incumbent upon me especially to prove, as the foundation of the entire disputation; which I would have done not with difficulty, if I show that it was called such by those same writers.
IV. Therefore, let the first of them, Theophylact Simocatta, come forth, who in Book VIII, chapter 13, writes that the heads of Maurice and his sons were fixed up for a spectacle by the tyrant Phocas "at the field lying in what is called the Hebdomon, which the Romans call the Campus." Where the word ἀνακείμενον is to be noted, which sufficiently shows that the field lay adjacent to the city: for the Campus could not have been at the seventh milestone itself, otherwise
A it would be said to be in the suburb or in a villa, which would be absurd. Next, as to the Hebdomon. Simocatta states explicitly that the Campus was called the Hebdomon; therefore, the Hebdomon is the same as the Campus. Theophanes also situated the Campus near the city of Constantinople when he says that in the year of Theodosius the Younger, the Byzantines, struck by an earthquake and terrified, withdrew; and the author of the *Chronicon Alexandrinum* writes that the memory of this earthquake is observed annually on the 26th of January, the day on which it happened, in the Campus. The same writer records that in this supplication the emperor, the senate, the people, and the clergy processed with bare feet. And Theodorus Lector, in his *Eclogues*, and from him the same Theophanes and Symeon Logotheta in their manuscripts of the *Chronicles*, write that Marcian distributed much money to the poor, and that Patriarch Anatolius, when he was being carried in a litter from the Taurus B to the Campus—following the custom of the bishops of the royal city—and saw Marcian walking on foot, proceeded himself on foot as well. Who, furthermore, could suppose that Theodosius the Younger, along with the entire populace and clergy, or Marcian, walked on foot every day as far as the seventh milestone? Nor should a learned man here object that because Patriarch Anatolius held the supplication while riding in a carriage, it is sufficiently clear that the journey was longer than if he were traveling to a nearby camp of the city. For, besides the fact that the same writers recount that this was done according to the custom of the bishops of the royal city, it can be gathered from the same Theophanes (in the year of Justinian) that the patriarchs held litanies in the city with this same equipment. C V. But to continue the sequence of the discussion, Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, in his *History*, dealing with the Avars dispersed around the city in the reign of Heraclius: "And with difficulty they reached the plain before the city, which they call the Hebdomon, and there they encamped; from there they scattered as far as the bridge of the river Barnyssus." From this single passage, it is evident that the term *Hebdomon* does not signify the seventh milestone from the city, but the Campus by the city, which the Avars occupied when they were about to besiege the city, extending up to the bridge of the river Barnyssus, which was, in fact, the river adjacent to the so-called Campus Hebdomon. But that this same Campus Hebdomon lay very close to the city, the *Euchologion* of Goar, p. 810, removes all doubt, D where the "Supplication" is described: it was therefore held from the Taurus, or the Forum of Taurus, to the church of St. Diomedes outside the gate, and to the Old Stone, which the Anonymous Combefisianus in his *Life of Constantine Porphyrogenitus* calls the Old Stone. And there is no other such prayer except that which is found on the following page in the same *Euchologion* with this heading: "Where it may be observed that the litanies are said to have taken place indiscriminately in the Campus and in the Tribunal." But neither does that supplication seem different from the one which Theophanes—and Cedrenus and Symeon Logotheta following him—writes is remembered annually on account of the earthquake that occurred in August in the year of Justinian. Thus, in the *Chronicon Alexandrinum*, in the year of Heraclius, regarding the earthquake that occurred in April, a decree is read to have been made. Indeed, there will be no one, I think, who would want to assert that what is simply said to be "outside the gate" existed at the seventh milestone, unless he also wants to say that Rome existed outside the gates of Constantinople. Finally, the same Theophanes mentions, in the year of Justinian, a supplication at the church of St. Diomedes, writing that Patriarch Eutychius, when in the month of August—with the North Wind alone prevailing and blowing—vessels could not approach the city, held litanies, that is, for Jerusalem, which is at St. Diomedes. From which we learn that this church of St. Diomedes, which was outside the city gate, was called Jerusalem, and that it was different from the church of St. Diomedes, which was previously called St. Elias, as Symeon Logotheta testifies, and was inside the city at the Golden Gate of the city. Furthermore, we observe elsewhere that the abbots of the Monastery called Jerusalem attended the councils at Constantinople: for when it was previously a catholic or parish church, it was assigned to the monks. The writers have instances of other similar litanies held in the Campus of the Hebdomon on account of earthquakes or other calamities of any kind, and especially that one which Cedrenus discusses regarding Justin the Elder, who, upon receiving the news of the earthquake that overturned Antioch, is written to have donned mourning garments, and