George Akropolites

according to my own will and my own decision; I extend the anathema, and I deliver him to ^A Satan, just as he formerly delivered himself through perjuries, and now delivers himself through the persecution of the Church. I also deliver to Satan men who are by no means to be held as pontiffs, who have consented to and subscribed to impiety; in like manner the nobles, who have given their support; likewise the priests, and all who are aware and complicit. But regarding the common people, who lack knowledge, and know not their right hand from their left: as a disciple of my gentle Lord, I say to Him: "Lord, do not hold this sin against them." (Acts VII, 60).

XII. Whatever I possess, I leave to my brothers who were exiled with me and remained with me in my afflictions. And whoever should ^B conceive the intention to harass any of them, whoever he may be, let him be subjected to anathema, and let his portion be with Judas. But also, if any one, in transcribing my last will, should wish to corrupt [it], and through other words attempt to alter the inherent meaning, whoever he may be, whether ecclesiastic, or magistrate, or of another condition, let him also be under the anathema.

ANNO DOMINI MCCXV – MCCLXXXXII

GEORGIUS ACROPOLITA

NOTITIA

Georgius Acropolita (this is a family name, not a father's name) was the father of Constantine Acropolita, who followed his parent’s example as great logothete in the court of Constantinople, but who, out of favor with Michael Palaiologos, fell away because of the repudiated concord with the Latins of the patriarch John Beccus, and became famous for his writings against the Latins and other monuments in which he celebrated the memory of the saints, and for which he earned the name of a new Metaphrastes. When, however, Acropolita is cited by Volaterranus and Jo. Cuspinianus, the father, Georgius, is understood, whom Labbe in his *Protrepticus ad Hist. Byz.*, p. 49, rightly warned is the very same person who was the Praetor of Greece, the author of the Chronicle that begins from Theodore Lascaris and ends at the capture of Constantinople by Michael Palaiologos, whom Jo. Leunclavius frequently cites as a witness in his *Pandects of Turkish History*; for Ephraem also mentions Acropolita in his Chronicle.

^A His poetic verses report that he was decorated with the dignity of praetor by the Emperor Theodore Lascaris, before he was placed in command when the King, having made good arrangements in the West, hastened toward the East with his army, leaving behind his generals, etc.

He appoints Georgios Acropolita to the post, And gives him as supreme leader over all, Whom he had previously raised to the dignity of Praetor.

In the year of our Lord 1241, Irene, daughter of Theodore Lascaris and wife of the Emperor John Ducas Vatatzes, passed away. Georgios says he was then ^B twenty-one years old. He was born, therefore, in the year 1220 from a distinguished family, related by blood to the Emperor himself. From his native city of Constantinople, which the Latins occupied at that time, he was sent as a sixteen-year-old youth and taught the rudiments of letters at Nicaea, where the court was held, and the aforementioned Ducas governed the empire of the Greeks. He committed Georgios to be instructed in rhetorical, logical, and mathematical disciplines starting from his seventeenth year, for a period of seven years, under Theodore Exapterygos and Nicephorus Blemmydes. ^C Thereafter, having been enrolled in the court again and held in high esteem by the same Ducas, and no less by his son Theodore (whose grave indignation, however, he occasionally incurred, though he was reconciled not long after), it is certain that he was promoted with various honors, discharged embassies with praise, and was elevated to the dignity of Grand Logothete, matters which can be read more copiously in Allatius, Hanckius, and Cave. Yet, it must not be omitted that in the year of our Lord 1274, he was sent by Michael Palaiologos to the Council of Lyons in the name of the Emperor, where he abjured the schism and confessed that nothing was found to be reprehensible in the dogmas of the Latins—a fact which many Greeks, including Georgios’ own son, Constantine Acropolita, bore ^D very grievously. Finally, in the year 1282—the same year in which, not long after December 11th, Michael Palaiologos was removed from the living—Georgios also passed away, having completed an embassy to John, Prince of the Bulgarians, in the sixty-second year of his age, having obtained as his successor in the office of Grand Logothete Theodore Muzalon.

There exists under the name of this Georgios, whom Georgios Cyprios does not hesitate to call the Aristotle and Plato of his age, a *Byzantine History* under this title: *Chronikè hōs en synopsei tōn en hysterō chronō*, an *Epitome chronica*, or compendious history of the affairs of the immediate past, or a succinct narrative of those things which (with affairs divided among various principalities, see chapter 37) occurred from the capture of Constantinople by the Latins in the year of our Lord 1204 until it was recovered again in the year 1260 by Michael Palaiologos and snatched from the Latin name. This work, found in the library of Georgios Cantacuzenos in Galata or Pera, was transcribed by Theodosius Zygomala, a Nauplian, whose copy Georgios Dousa brought with him to Belgium from Constantinople; after his death, his brother Theodorus Dousa published it with his own Latin version and notes, at Leiden, from the printing house of Godfried Basson, 1614, 8vo; it was reprinted less accurately and without notes at Aurelia and the colony of the Allobroges, or Geneva, 1615, folio, together with Nicephorus Gregoras and Laonikos Chalkokondyles. Although indeed Dousa professes in obscure places to have sometimes consulted Meursius and Scriverius, he was not entirely successful regarding it.

^A edition was undertaken in such a way that Acropolita is not to be congratulated that Leo Allatius, having found the Greek manuscript of the same short work in the Vatican (a) under the title *Poema Chronicum*, emended it, divided it into chapters, and gifted with a new translation, published it again at Paris in 1651, folio, with the notes of Dousa subjoined at the end (b). But Allatius had already observed long ago in *De Psellis* (c) that this was not the actual history of Acropolita, but only a compendium of it, and was not composed by the author himself (d), but by someone else, with those parts omitted which seemed to him little necessary. Furthermore, Allatius found the actual work of Acropolita, of the same subject matter but more elegantly and extensively written, among the manuscripts of Chios (e), and having copied it, he brought it to Rome. By its help, he not only corrected the gaps, mutilations, and poor handling of the *Breviarium* by the scribes so as to accord with the mind of the author, but he also published the entire history, illustrated by his own Latin translation and historical notes, in both Greek and Latin, using the royal presses, and he prefixed this compendium to the Paris edition which I mentioned (1). The title is: *"The present chronological record is of the Great Logothete Acropolita, who also founded the monastery of the Holy Resurrection of Christ. It contains what happened after the capture of Constantinople up to the reign of Michael Palaiologos."* Later writers gladly follow Acropolita, even Nicephorus Gregoras, as he observes in his notes on pages 227 and 239, though on page 249 he does not deny that most things are reported more accurately by Gregoras. The history of Acropolita (whether it is a compendium of it, I would not say) is in manuscript in the Ambrosian Library of Milan, and in the library of the most Christian King, number 734. (FABR.)

In the diatribe *De Georgiis*, which is subjoined to Georgius Acropolita, these extra writings of his are commemorated by Allatius, p. 557: *Forma de Fide*; *De virtute et anima*, in the year of the world 6671 (Christ 1263), in manuscript in the library of Antonius Augustinus, same codex 174. ^B *Ερμηνεία τῶν θεολογικῶν ῥητῶν*, "Interpretation of the theological sayings," regarding the sentiments of (Gregory) Nazianzen, namely: *ἔστι γὰρ τὸ ἓν στασιάζον, πρὸς ἑαυτὸ, πολλὰ γίνεσθαι*, ("For the One, if it departs from itself, is able to become many"), and *καὶ τοῦ, μονὰς ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς εἰς δυάδα κινηθεῖσα μέχρι τριάδος ἐστί*, ("And of this, the Monad, moved from the beginning into a dyad, reaches unto a triad"). *Unitas a principio in binarium mota, in ternario consedit.* ("Unity, moved from the beginning into a duality, settles in a trinity.") It begins: *Πολλοὶ μὴν καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν φίλων, ὦ θειεστάτη καὶ σεβασμιωτάτη κεφαλή, εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν ἡμᾶς κατηνάγκασαν* ("Many others of [my] friends, O most divine and most reverend head, have compelled us to enter into discourse"). It is in manuscript in the Palatine library.

[It was] brought back at last from my library. It was found long ago in Galata (commonly called Pera) and purchased by Georgius Cantacuzenos, from whose book a transcript was made by the hand of Theodosius Zygomalas of Nauplia at the request of my lord brother Georgius, who brought that author, among others, to Constantinople in years past. When this, for the sake of practice, had been translated into Latin by me to the best of my ability, it nevertheless seemed scarcely suitable to flutter about by the mouths and eyes of men. The version was crude and not yet revised; the exemplar (the only one which we used) was so corrupt, filled with so many lacunae and stains, and finally so flawed in every respect through the fault of the copyist (who himself had used a corrupt exemplar), that nothing seemed less like a history than what could be elicited from it. I do not lie, reader: I had to pause at almost every word and divine the meaning. What more do you ask? I broke the ice as much as I could; I set aside the mangled and mutilated author so that he might be reserved for a better time. But when J. Meursius and P. Scriverius, that twin and incomparable light of the scholars of our century, liberally offering their labor on this author, kept saying that it must not be delayed, it happened I know not how that this book, together with my version and some notes, was snatched from my hands, and was born as an aborted offspring before its time, yet in such a way that those same people whom I mentioned, who owed no small light to the emendation of this author, explained many difficulties and inextricable errors. Meanwhile, you, friendly reader, having considered such great difficulties, judge this labor and study of mine for the promotion of historical affairs with fairness, and compensate me with this same diligence, considering as good the first edition of Georgius the Logothete: for indeed it is enough to have willed [to do] great things, and I am about to recognize it again, if it pleases God, someday, and to produce it more opulent, if life allows. Meanwhile, be content with this Cato, and farewell. ^C

(a) Is this the Vatican codex which is mentioned in Montfaucon, *Bibliotheca bibliothecarum manuscriptorum* 1, p. 6, B? Paris, in Public Library codex 3041, n. 5 (according to the *Catalogue of Paris Codices*); Georgius Acropolita, *History of those things which happened after the city was captured*. At Venice, in Nanian codex 154, n. 14, *Georgii magni logothetae, tou Acropolitou, poema chronicum*; Strategopulus, the scribe of the codex, adds at the end: *"I found this present [work] in Galata with the most noble lord Antonios the Kantakouzenos, and I copied it from him with all eagerness. In the year from the birth of Christ 1452, February 28th."* Witness the author of the *Catalogue of the Nanian Codices*, p. 347. But primarily to be noted is the Vienna Imperial codex, of which Nessel indeed makes mention in the *Catalogue of the Imperial Library*, ms. n. 68, 2, part 5, page 134, but Kollarius describes it more diligently and intelligently in the *Supplement to Lambecius' Commentaries*, p. 643, where it is numbered codex 104. In that codex, this work indeed lacks the author's name, and ^D Tengnagel had attributed it to the Praetor of Greece, whom Leunclavius praises in many places in his *Pandects of Turkish History*, and not undeservedly. See Fabricius at the beginning of this paragraph. For it is Georgius Acropolita whose complete historical work this codex contains, from which the edition of Allatius, suffering from faults and mutilated at the end (for there are missing, either through the negligence of Allatius or rather the laziness of the printers, the last three chapters, 86, 87, 88), can be wonderfully corrected and augmented. (HARL.)

(b) The edition is inscribed: *Georgius Acropolita the Great Logothete's History; With a Compendious Chronography; and Ioannes Cananus' Narrative of the War of Constantinople, translated by Leo Allatius, with his notes and the observations of Theodorus Dousa. Added is the Diatribe on the writings of the Georgii.* This edition was printed in the *Corpus of Byzantine writers*, Venice 1729, folio, vol. XII, part III. (HARL.)

(c) Page 63 of the edition curated by me, where at the bottom of the page the printer by error put 1615 for Paris 1651, folio.

(d) Allatius, however, attributes it to Acropolita himself, p. 368, *De Georgiis*.

(e) Allatius, *De Georgiis*, p. 356.

We do not want to admit the [other] text recension in this new edition of Acropolita, but we present the Allatian [one], with the principal variants of Dousa noted. EDIT. PATR.

The thirteen prayers, which he narrates that he composed for Michael Palaiologos as he entered the city of Constantinople, chapter 87 of the

History

Index of bishops and certain others mentioned in the History of Acropolita.

Acropolita concerning himself, chapters 27, 29, 32, 39; ^B his illustrious lineage, 32. Linked to the Emperor by affinity, 70. Wrote letters in the name of the Emperor, John Vatatzes, and impressed the imperial seal, 44, 49. Judge concerning Michael Komnenos, 50. Fell into the indignation of Theodore the Younger, whom he had instructed in logic, 63. Reconciled to him, ibid. Appointed Praetor of the West, 66, 67, 68, 70. Captured by the rebel Michael, 72, 79, 83. Envoy to Constantios, Prince of the Bulgarians, 84. Composed thirteen formulas of solemn prayers for Michael Komnenos after the capture of Constantinople, 87. Argument of the Oration on the recapture of Constantinople, 89. He judges that the commanders of armies are neither to be entirely praised nor blamed, but that all things occur by the will of God, 44, 46. Andronikos Komnenos, son of Emperor Michael, 89. Andronikos Muzalo, Grand Domestic, 63. Andronikos, Bishop of Sardis, 84. Arsenios, from monk to deacon in one week, then priest and patriarch, 53. Crowns Theodore the Younger, ibid., and Michael Komnenos, 77. Deposed, 84. Restored again after the death of Nikephoros, ibid. But absent when Constantinople was recaptured, 88. Golden Bull, given by Emperor John Doukas to the people of Meleniko, 44. Another for the confirmation of the privileges of the Thessalonians, 45. Head of Emperor Baldwin, who was killed, used by King John as a drinking cup, 13. Royal insignia captured at Constantinople, 86. Konstantinos Kabasilas, Archbishop of Achrida in Bulgaria, 80. Ioannes Kamateros, Patriarch of Constantinople, chapter 6. Canipanus, "hard to understand according to the comic poet (Aristophanes), even if not a great thief," 45. Chrysopus, name of a horse, 61. Constantius, Mesopotamita, Metropolitan of Thessalonica, 21. Monastery of Cosmidion near Blachernae, 88. Imperial Cross captured by the Bulgarians, 11. Kyrie eleison, repeated one hundred times, 88. Demetrios, Archbishop of Bulgaria, 21. Autonomos, ibid. [Another Demetrios, son of Theodore, despot, cap. 45.] ^C Purgation by the dulleum and white-hot iron, 50. Through death, a proof of threatened death as a presentment, ibid. Enkyklios paideusis, 29. Learning of the sciences and the higher learning of the arts, 32. Feast of the Transfiguration of Christ, 63. Georgios Clida, Metropolitan of Cyzicus, 88. Germanos, patriarch, 33, 42. Marriages prohibited by the steps of the Church are permitted to emperors, 50. Erotic letters, 68. Monastery of Hyacinthus, 10, 18, 42. Imperial letters, sealed in red, 26, 38. Emperor positioned on a shield is proclaimed, 53, 77. Irene, the Emperor's sister, in monastic habit as Eulogia, 86. John, King of Jerusalem, 27. Acropolita saw and marveled at this man, eighty years old and remarkable for the bulk of his body and his strength, ibid. Joannicius, Bishop of Philadelphia, 84. Ioannes Macrotes, whom Emperor John Vatatzes used for writing letters of great importance, 48. Judge regarding Michael Komnenos, 50.

INDEX OF PERSONS AND MATTERS MENTIONED IN THE HISTORY OF ACROPOLITA

Josephus Mesopotamita, grammarian, 49. Formulary for an oath, *µà τοὺς λόγους*, 63. Manuel Lascaris, who assumed the name Maximus among the monks, 59. Protosebastos, 60. Manuel, Bishop of Thessalonica, 84. Manuel, patriarch, 18. Successor of Maximus, 19. Truly a philosopher, ibid. Distinguished by piety, though little learned in letters and married to a wife, 51. Died shortly before Emperor John Vatatzes, 53. Methodius, abbot of the Hyacinth monastery, patriarch of Constantinople for three months, 42. Image of Mary Hodegetria, 88. Temple of the Archangel Michael, 22, 85. Michael Autoreianus, patriarch, 19. *Experienced in arguments, and skilled in all writing, both our own and that of the outsiders*, 6. Michael Komnenos Palaiologos prudently avoids the trial by red-hot iron, 50. His letter, 64. Invited by a document from the patriarch and other bishops to assume the empire, 76. Having received Constantinople, he restored the patriarch to the throne, 89. Morotheodorus, 7. John Muzalo, from a mystic became a monk, 40. George Muzalo, 75. Andronicus Muzalo, 63. Archbishop of Mitylene, 74. Nazarenes, for monks, 42. Nicephorus Alyates, grammarian, 49. Prefect of the canicleus, 75, 79. Nicephorus Blemmydes, most excellent philosopher, instructor of Acropolita in logic, 32. Instructor also of Emperor Theodore the Younger, refused the patriarchate of Cpol., 53. Lived at Ephesus, 87. Nicephorus, former Metropolitan of Ephesus, patriarch, 84. Not for a full year, ibid. Nicephorus Tarchoniates, grand domestic, 36, 40. Nicholas, a good physician, a philosopher, unrefined, 39. By rank an actuarius, or physician to the emperor, ibid. Emperor accustomed to enter the city in the manner of one triumphing on Palm Sunday, 52. Pope, 2, 14, 17. Patriarchs are willingly chosen by emperors, who do not resist their desires, 42. And who are not too wise, 53. Pelagius, legate or nuncio of the Roman pontiff, 17. John Petraliphas, grand chartulary or chancellor, 37, 40. Phidias the sculptor, 50. Phocas, Metropolitan of Philadelphia, 50. Poet (Homer), 55, 63, 69. Praxiteles the sculptor, 50. Proverbs: *Ἐπὶ ξυροῦ*, on the edge of a razor, 9, 65. *Ἐν στενῷ*, matters in tight straits, 59. *Ἐπὶ κύβου*, at hazard, ibid. *A crooked plank is never straight, and the Ethiopian does not know how to become white*, 49. *The scene of the drama fashioned into a tragedy*, 63. *Unwillingly willing*, 84. *A spirit and form worthy of tyranny*, as one of the ancients says, 65. *Having the heart of a timid deer*, 39. *For the sake of a small gain, discarding and trampling upon a cup of friendship*, 70. *Moving every device and every rope*, 81. *Running the race for one’s life*, 81. Sosandron monastery, 88. Studios monastery, 88. Theodore the Younger, emperor, called *astos tachys* (swift city-dweller) by the soldiers, 58. Near death, he put on the habit of a monk in the faith of repentance, 74. Theodore Exapterygus, instructor of Acropolita, not very distinguished in mathematics, but excellent in rhetoric, 32. Theodore Irenicus, by surname Copas, patriarch, 19. Instruction of Emperor John Vatatzes to Theodore Contostephanus, delivered in writing, on how to arrange the battle line against the Latins, when and where he ought to engage, 48. Bishop of Trinobos claims for himself the right of autonomy and the name of patriarch, 33. Tzyrithon, grand chartulary, 45. Xerus, Metropolitan of Naupactus, 49. Acropolita is subjoined by Allatius, pp. 146-186: IGNOY JOELIS Compendious Chronography, very briefly summarizing the successions of princes from the creation of the world until the capture of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, about which time the author himself appears to have lived, certainly having written shortly thereafter; after this chronography follows in the same volume, pp. 187-199, that of John Cananus.

Account by Cananus of the war that occurred in Constantinople in the year 6930 [A.M.], 1422 A.D., when Amurat Beis (or Amurates II, Emperor of the Turks) invaded it with a heavy force, and had almost captured it, had not the most holy Mother of God preserved it.

THE ANNALS OF GEORGE ACROPOLITES, THE GRAND LOGOTHETE, FROM THE CAPTURE OF THE CITY OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY THE LATINS IN THE YEAR OF CHRIST 1204 TO ITS RECOVERY IN THE YEAR 1261 BY MICHAEL PALÆOLOGUS.

^A 1-3 Advantages of history, which those who wrote before us have determined as to the deeds of the past, and which ones...

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius.

^B Much is present here, kind reader, concerning the material in the book, which might delay even a learned man, arising from the obscurity of both [languages]. In the discourse, there are unusual words and many abstruse matters. The cause of this difficulty is antiquity, novelty, and foreignness. These three are accustomed to bring obscurity to discourse. To the style, the common words and the idioms of the age are added; the variety of history, which is not a little distorted and complex here, obscures the matter. I desire an accuracy in the distinction of times and events. But just as in that age there was a distraction and a sort of chaos of all things and of the empire, so also do I consider this history to be. Since it should not always struggle with bookworm and offer rich fodder to moths, I have applied my hand to cleaning away the dirt and explaining the obscurities. But if I have not caught everything—a fact I admit to being unequal to—I hope that I have attained something. Whoever is human will overlook what has escaped me in such great obscurity. Thus, what is fortunate and useful for the republic of letters has now for the first time been brought forth, cleansed of dust and squalor, and vindicated: George the Logothete, an author by no means to be despised and worthy of a better fate (Hercules!), who not only was present at the deeds he commits to memory, but for the most part was in charge—a fact he himself indicates elsewhere not obscurely. What need is there of more? How he was regarded in his own age is shown by George Cyprius, a man of the greatest name and dignity, who knew him more closely, in that illustrious and almost unique eulogy which we have prefixed to the work (a). To say nothing of the fact that the title of Logothete was the highest dignity among the Greeks; of which we shall say something immediately below. DOUSA.

^C Logothetes. The name of the author might seem to be a proper name. But it is the name of a palatine office; whence I scarcely know if the proper name remained in the family despite the office perishing. But what the parts of the logothetes were under the emperor may be learned from the Curopalates or George Codinus, whose most elegant and accurate little book on the offices of the Constantinopolitan palace and the Great Church is extant. See also the Greco-Barbarous Glossary of Joannes Meursius, from which you will learn that this name was applied to various dignities. He was among the palatines (to pass over those who were ecclesiastical).

(1-3.) Almost all the ancients and moderns among historians have taken care with their whole heart that, before all else, they should offer their readers the utility of the history, and especially that which they themselves were writing at the time, displaying it with a wonderful apparatus of words, so that, with the minds of the readers caught as if by a sweet and impulsive lure, they might be inflamed more vehemently toward reading it; for they seem to prove everything by utility; and for that reason, not incongruously, Ovid says in 11 *Ex Ponto*: *If prizes for the deed are lacking, the beauty of the good Moves not; and one repents of being good for nothing.* *Nothing is dear except what profits. Lo, the hope of gain Being snatched away, no one will be sought for.* *Yet everyone loves their own returns, and for himself Calculates what is useful in anxious moments.* And since others have performed this profusely and abundantly, this author says he does not wish to repeat the same things now, lest he seem to sing the same song. Nor is there any other reasoning for Polybius's beginning his own history. This proem was published by the compiler unknowingly, although almost everything is carried to the same sentiment, which Dousa published, as anyone will perceive for himself. We, however, having obtained a more complete codex, have exhibited that preface in the compilation which we have copied from it, being almost the same as this of ours. ALLATIUS.

(a) Extant among other writings of Gregorius or Georgius, vol. CXLI. EDIT. PATROL.

^A And if it occurred to them to say, we too should have the power to say; and we might find a newer meaning, ^B or one that is altogether fine in the history, of what they could have said, drawing upon the things done, we, progressing now, shall tell, holding to the guide as the canon of history, as those who are initiates wishing to hearken to that which is fine in history. For newer things being set forth, of things done and not yet delivered to writing by anyone, it happens somehow that it is also newer and useful; for those things which were to be narrated, many set down in confusion and in many ways, having selected and learned the truth of the things done. Some, therefore, of these writers made another start, either beginning from the creation of the universe, or from a noteworthy beginning, as the Persians, Greeks, Romans, or others, each weaving his own composition toward his own aim. But it will not be so with our composition, this partly because it has been written by many, and partly because, as they are contradictory to one another, so that we, if we chance upon a struggle, might not wrong the truth, as do the forgers or those who ruin the royal coins. Not to obscure things, nor having undertaken to write of things having long-standing obscurity, nor for the sake of favor or dislike or envy, or of others who obscure the truth and plausibly or even dialectically construct one thing in place of another, or even construct things that did not happen, which are marvelous but not credible to nature, or magnify small things or diminish great ones with common rhetoric, but truthfully to tell the things that are manifest and happened in our times, from which we heard from those who precisely knew and were fully informed, and others we saw and heard, to tell new and recent things, in which the truth is written nakedly, as if upon a pillar of the people, and the royal depictions for the sake of memory, or painted or molded or engraved, fashioned in the communal places and forums and assemblies, set up and strongly established. ^C And may there be a beginning for us of the present composition of history, the capture of the city by the Latins, of the most fortunate, chief, and queen of all cities, of Constantine, ^D of Byzantium once, but now most unfortunate, as civil...

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

of those who have made pronouncements in their own writings; but perhaps it is worth saying more than they have in the matters now before us, at least as far as our own [city], which has encountered evils and situations that are neighborhood-related, so to speak—encircled and besieged from every side—in order to declare its head [(5)], which is flourishing, and which bows down and distributes the swarms of all kinds of graces. ^B Indeed, not as an island, nor as some city, as men so call them, but as an entire continent—it has almost made a city out of the whole world!—what poet or writer of speeches would not reasonably hymn it? We marvel also at all your other qualities. For you are the beginning of Europe, and you have been established as its end, and you have been allotted an equal share of Asia. The Pontus stands with waves for you, and from you the Aegean is begotten. And your neighbor is the great Bosporus, a strait which is a contest for all poetry and for all oratory, as I think, and, as if portending even the nature of god-begotten kings, it is said to have nurtured them in its own bosom; for it is said that Io, when her nature was transformed—by the decision of Zeus, from a virgin into a heifer—swam this sea and gave to the strait the naming that is the symbol of that fortune. And who could, in greatness of words or in beauty, hymn its greatness or beauty according to its worth? For having begun from the midst, ^C and as a crown of boasting for the Great City that has received [it]. For it was not necessary for the city that is flourishing in such great goods and adorned with such great statues of virtue to be, as it were, mutilated in its most vital part and stripped of its own proper adornment. Verily, O children of a noble and most dignified polity, most fortunate offspring of the blessed city, and products of that which honors honorable things with speeches and public festivals and solemn assemblies:

O land of Byzantium, O city thrice-blessed, Eye of the earth, ornament of the world, Clearly shining star, lamp of the world below, In you might I be, and of you might I take my fill, May you cherish me and lead me through, And from your motherly arms may you not depart.

^D It is the leader of all cities, this one, which moves everyone to eulogy for excelling everywhere in the beauty of all kinds of perfections. None the less, from those things of which it was fortunate, having as its beginning and founder the one celebrated among kings, him who laid the foundation of piety for Greeks and barbarians, it was also fortunate in being able to offer a hospitable hand to the heads of the apostles, and a path not ignoble for the preaching of the divine gospel, especially here in Byzantium, where the one now praised fixed the stadium for himself for his contests. And from this source it boasts of being called the mother and nurse of martyrs, to whom every land and sea is subject, and every continent and island from everywhere inclines toward it as the center, following the royal nods, from which all wisdom and justice gushes forth into all souls. And the swarm of all things to be done is governed by law, some things regarding the soul in the divine portion, others externally in the order of a well-disposed father, and, so to speak, performing [these things] for all fellow-believers in place of a common treasure. If any of the poets happened to be marvelling at it, and then, in addition to other encomiums, dared to call it "God-built," just as Ilium is fabled to have been built, he would scarcely have attained its worth—the beauty of its markets, of its martyrs' shrines, of its temples, and of its enclosures, and the other forms of all beauty and greatness adorned by both nature and art. Who could, if he had ten mouths and tongues according to Homer, recount them in order? How it adorns the things of the countryside with agriculture, and provides for the fruits of those things that exist and for the possession of other things of all kinds, in which the rearing and education of children is according to the custom ancestral to Christians, and the reception of strangers, and the care of holy men according to the most admirable ordinances of the holy disciples, in which there are all kinds of revenues for the seasons throughout the year, and festivals, and solemn assemblies, and amusements bringing some entertainment to the poor. Furthermore, there are churches and laws and courts, and as many things as one can see in other cities, one finds all of them here, and of those things that are rare everywhere else. So that this city resembles a common workshop of the earth, or rather, it is the common market of men and the common administration of things growing on the earth. To it is brought everything that grows from all places with the seasons, some from the continent beyond, some from the sea, some from the upper and lower Mysians, some from the Scythian wilderness, and, not to speak of [everything], even from Themiscyra, the plain of the Amazons. And, to speak generally, everything from everywhere, some by merchant ships, some by wagons, and some by all-manner of ways, flows together into a common lodging, just as we see rivers spontaneously coming together into the sea. And where it is possible to see those who are not less powerful in land possessions than in nautical ones. As for the harbor, its position and beauty and greatness, and how well it has anchorages and shipyards, and how well it has boat-houses and other construction and utility, and passage from edge to edge, so that it is possible to truly call it a complete sea, and not a harbor, where departure is easy and—

[(5)] "In that this land." This whole period is ruined and distorted: the sense indeed can be elicited, but the words are corrupt. The remedy for this place, as for many others in this booklet, we deem it more prudent to defer to another time and to leave to happier wits than to tie up Gordian knots. Dousa.

Index of persons mentioned in the history of Acropolita

^A ...since that which is new, when it appears—matters which no writer has yet set down—happens to be more novel and useful, because those things are brought into the knowledge of men which the flowing, chattering word does not truly represent. For those who have written our history have each made a different beginning for themselves; some of them began from the creation of the world, others from some noteworthy source—of the Persians, or the Greeks, or the Romans, or any other nation—each one putting together his own work toward his own purpose. And our own writing will be completed in no less a way. For indeed, the events that have occurred since the beginning of the creation of the world have been recounted by many and often. Nor is it worth the effort here to discuss how much they disagree with one another in documenting the sequence of events, the destruction of regions, the seditions of cities, the clashes of wars, enslavements, victories, defeats, and all such things that happen to those among us. For since these things are manifold and various, to such a degree that they do not become known even to the victors themselves, as I suspect, how can it be that we should expect from historians an incorruptible trustworthiness and the naked truth? Nay, the writer ought to take up what is celebrated by the common report of many, unless he wishes to contaminate the truth as those who debase and adulterate coins with small bits of metal. Thus, I write neither out of favor nor out of envy, nor out of love or hatred, but for the sake of knowledge alone, so that those deeds done by some—whether they be evil or good—might not slip away into the oblivion of human memory, which over time ^B wastes its riches. ^C ...and the capture [of Constantinople] which thundered with disturbances, wars, slaughters, and captivities, and which reached the ears of every nation everywhere—to say to one and all, report, which is itself a goddess according to Homer (6), and it made the usual questions and narratives of men known and manifest.

...many and great [things], both those that were said and those that were passed over, thinking it sufficient for the glory of the imperial city; I do not think I shall fall short of the required examination. For here, one who was a true gold-John [John Vatatzes], having been born, reared, and educated here, reached such a height of virtue. ^D ...the arrival was easier. Where one may find deep calm even in storms and tempests, because even the foundations of the earth seem to be shaken. To say that all these things happened at a passing glance, and that some think it sufficient, would be the sign of men who are very slothful toward good things. For from all that has been mentioned, it follows that this queen of cities was exceptionally adorned on both sides—both in the fact that it obtained a home different from others and a royal dwelling, and achieved victory over all, and in that, through the excellent and indescribable construction both within and without, and through other advantages, it is deemed the most beautiful and most kingly of all cities. ...This is indeed the temple that stands mid-way, as the poet might say, and [between] the starry heaven, according to the Homeric [description] "walking upon the earth, yet reaching to the heavens"—a rivalry. Another Atlas, not holding up the heaven according to the [Greek] poets in the manner of a pillar, but ruling over that which is under heaven through the grace and power dwelling within it, as once the Jewish nation in Palestine [did] before that grace there, upon the deicide, fell away from us to be cast out. This many have hymned as possessing firm and complete foundation, magnitude, and beauty; and many have mourned its fall, as it is seen to exist today, alas. But I foretell that even more will hymn it, when the world returns to it, and its former dignity and state, acting well, returns. Which, apart from other things, [is referred to in] the wonderful *Works* (2): "Report is not altogether lost, which many peoples circulate; she is even a goddess herself."

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius on the same

They thought that such a city could never be taken by sword, nor by arms, nor by the force and impetus of enemies, because of its magnitude, its beauty, and its other gifts. Although Joseph Bryennius, who lived under Manuel, had seen it, if I may say so, wondrously oppressed by the machines of adversaries and civil seditions, and given as booty to the Italian soldiery a few years before, nevertheless, in a thanksgiving oration to the holy Virgin, which you will read edited in our work on the perpetual consensus of both the Western and Eastern Churches, he presumes to predict for it an eternal happiness, which is never to be interrupted by the force of foreign men, by divine prophecy—though I wish it had so been, and that experience had not demonstrated that he was mistaken. ALL.

(6) *According to Homer.* When this place did not exist in Homer, the wonderful Daniel Heinsius, our incomparable glory of the Muses, came to our aid and warned that it was [from] Hesiod, at its very end: "Report is not altogether lost, which many peoples circulate; she is even a goddess herself." After whose example Virgil called Fame also a goddess, in the IVth [book] of the *Aeneid*: "Fame, a foul goddess, spreads this everywhere among the mouths of men." DOUSA.

ANNALES

^A It is the duty of the writer, not merely for the sake of history and so that it may not be swallowed up in the abyss which time creates, to hand down to posterity the deeds of men, whether they be good or bad. Let our starting point be the taking of Constantinople, a city surely conspicuous and known to all, whose name there is no one among the human race who does not hold. ^B 6 2. To Alexius Comnenus, brother of the aforementioned emperor Isaacius, both being called Angels [(8)], and at that time holding the scepters of the Romans [(9)], the Italians from Italy set out on an expedition *against* Constantinople. The cause of the expedition was this: Alexius, having despoiled his brother Isaacius of the empire, blinded him, and thence occupied the Roman lordship.

Theodori Dousae et Leonis Allatii notae.

Regarding the deeds of Alexius and Isaacius, the Angel brothers, and how Alexius drove Isaacius from the empire and blinded him, Choniata pursues this at length in *Alexius and Isaacius*, whom see. ALL.

(8) *And both called Angels.* Hence they are called "the Angels," brethren by Choniata in *Alexius Comnenus*; and elsewhere, more often, "Angel-names." ALL.

(9) *Receives the title of Romans,* just as many other writers of that age do, for the Greeks of Constantinople. And *Romania* is in use for the Eastern Empire, because the head of the empire, Constantinople, was called New Rome. Rome is indeed established as twofold in the imperial constitutions: one the old, Italian [Rome]; the other new, that is, Constantinople, which the emperors desired should delight in the prerogative of the old and ancient Rome, [(C)] I. vi C. *De sacrosanct. Eccles.*; I. XL C. *De episco. et cler.*; *pign*.; I. *lut*., *De temporibus in integ.* Zonaras and other infinite authors, when they say "the Romans," mean Constantinople. Which is known. DOUSA.

(10) *Despoiled him of rule.* Nicetas says that Isaacius ruled for 9 years, 7 months. After him, the 58th emperor of the East was made, Caesar Alexius III Angelus Pius Felix Augustus, who ruled for 8 years, 3 months, 10 days. Alexius (a boy perhaps twelve years old) came to Italy, the son of Isaacius Angelus, blind and captive and cast from the empire; [coming] for the sake of seeking aid from the Latins or Westerners against the tyranny of his uncle Alexius, in the year 1201. The supreme pontiff and bishop of the Roman see was then Innocent III. On this whole matter, one should consult among others Nicetas and Vincent of Beauvais, *Spec. hist.* lib. XXX, cap. 64, in which place Vincent prodigiously calls the boy's father "Conrezas," and likewise, chapters 90 and 91, "Thursath," and chapter 101, "Thursac." He himself or his copyists surely erred because of their ignorance of the common Greek language. One should write *Kur Isac*, *Kür 'Iσαάκ*. The same error is found in the ancient royal chronographer, master Rigordus Gothus, *De gestis Philippi Augusti Francorum regis*, at the year 1201, where "Conzerac" is read. Nay rather, in the very epistles of the emperor Baldwin and H. count of Saint Paul, in Godefridus Colonus, monk of St. Pantaleon, at the year 1201, where "Tirsachius" is written. No less ignorantly, in Antoninus, archbishop of Florence, is read Vol. III, tit. 19, c. 2, § 1, "Chorean" for *toü 'Angélou*. Many such words were truncated, [as] used by later Greeks. ^D *To kỵr* for *kýros* or *kýrios*, lord. It is customary for it to be placed before proper names, as noted by Martin Crusius in *Turco-Graecia* and John Meursius in *Glossario Graeco-barbaro*. *Anthos*, which is a book of common Greek: *Ebasíleusen eís autò tóte ho kyr Kōnstantînos ho Palaiológos*. Thus *kyrá* for *kyría*, mistress, they used to say. And hence James Phillippus Bergomas [is] to be freed from a signal hallucination, or error? Lib. XII of the *Chronicle*, where he deals with the beginnings of the marquisate of Montferrat around the year 985 and enumerates its marquises, he says that the emperor Emmanuel of Constantinople gave his daughter, named *Curamaria*, as a wife to Reinerius of Montferrat. Yet in Nicetas lib. VI, it is written that Maria, daughter of Emmanuel, was married to the marquis of Montferrat, she having already exceeded the thirtieth year of her age, while he was still beardless. Therefore this *Curamaria* is *Kyrá María*, mistress Maria, from which that ignoble and unheard-of name was distorted. And, what is more monstrous, from *hæb Curamaria* others have fabricated *Cunaria* by a shameful error. But very many moderns are commonly implicated in such hallucinations, who are to be corrected by this example. But let it suffice to have noted these things in passing. As far as regards the history, one must read, besides Nicetas, Rigordus, Godefridus, the monk of St. Pantaleon, in the *Annals* at the year 1203, which I have noted; from more recent [authors], Blondus Flavius *Decad. 2, lib. VI*, and *De Gestis Venetorum*, M. Antonius Sabellicus, *Histor. Venet., lib. VI*, Platina, in *Vita Innocentii III*, Paulus Aemilius, *Histor. Gal., lib. VI*, and Petrus Justinianus Venet. There is much there concerning the navigation of the Latins or Westerners with the boy Alexius toward Constantinople, concerning the flight of the impious Alexius, concerning the taking of the city and the precipitation of the tyrant Murzuflus from the column of Taurus, concerning the death of the emperors Isaacius and his son Alexius, concerning the emperor Baldwin of Flanders; which were accomplished around the years 1202 and 1204. I find, however, that the city was assaulted on that part where it is royal and the temple of St. Sophia is, with two ships tied together and moved to the wall, named *Paradisus* and *Peregrina*, in Vincent, lib. XXX, cap. 91, from an epistle (as it seems) of the emperor Baldwin himself. For there exist two sufficiently long epistles about this war in Arnold of Lübeck, *Chron. Sclavor., lib. VI, cap. 19 and 20*. It is written in one [epistle] about the prosperous navigation to Constantinople, about the emperor being overcome, about the emperor Isaacius being led out of custody, about the coronation of his illustrious son Alexius in the church of St. Sophia, about his gratitude toward the Latins, and other things. Likewise in the other [epistle], that the emperor Alexius, seduced by the perfidy of the Greeks, [and] so as not to fulfill promises, was killed by Murzuflus Duca, and that his sides and ribs were broken by an iron club; and not long after, the lord Isaacius, by whom the son was said to have been seduced, had reached his last day, [that] Murzuflus had occupied the tyranny. Then on the 5th of the Ides of April, a Friday, that the Latins had fought unsuccessfully in a naval battle with the Greeks: but on the day before the Ides, a Monday after the Passion of the Lord, having scaled the walls, they had rushed into the city; that the emperor, who had stood not far from the walls in his tents, armored, seeing the enemy had immediately fled; [and] that the Latins, having made a great slaughter, had invaded the city. On the following day, Murzuflus, resisting again, was defeated; then full victory had come to the Latins, and

^A the aforementioned Alexius, brother of Isaac, having blinded those eyes, was from then on master of the Roman empire. ^B Now there was a son of Isaac, born of his former wife, already passing out of boyhood, who, having taken it ill that his father had been so wantonly abused, contrived his own flight and proceeded to Rome and cast himself at the feet of the Pope, most earnestly beseeching him and insisting that he take up the cause of avenging his father's injuries. At that time, it so happened that large multitudes of Italians had gathered together, some from Italy itself, others from the Gallic dominion, and others from other places (nor were the Venetians missing), for the purpose of liberating Jerusalem, where the Lord's sepulcher was, by their arrival. ^C They gathered in that same place ^D of the inestimable booty of horses, gold, silver, gems, and precious garments that had been carried off. "If," he says, "we distribute the victory among individuals, each of us has besieged and conquered no fewer than a hundred. We do not arrogate the victory to ourselves: 'This is from the Lord, and it is wondrous in our eyes.'" He adds that on a certain Lord's day of Mercy, the Emperor was elected, and on the following Lord's day, He was exalted with the great applause of all, shouting, "Rejoice in God." In the same place, he uses this title: "Baldwin, by the grace of God, most faithful Emperor of Constantinople, crowned by God, ruler of Romania (for so it must be read in Arnold), and always Augustus, Count of Flanders and Hainaut." Whoever wishes to read these letters will find them in the world in Arnold of Lübeck, the abbot, the continuator of Helmold's Chronicle of the Slavs, at the very end of book vi. The former is inscribed to the most excellent Lord Otho, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romans and always Augustus; the latter is inscribed to all the faithful of Christ, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots, the nobles, provosts, deans, and other prelates of the churches, and to the ecclesiastical barons, soldiers, sergeants, and all the Christian people. And this same letter is also represented in the Annals of Godfrey the Monk, as if it had been sent to Adolph, Archbishop of Cologne. Let those who have the leisure and the inclination compare them and restore the text through mutual effort. There is read in the same place another letter, which Henry (whom some call Hugo), Count of Saint Pol, sent to Henry, Duke of Leuven, that is, of Brabant. Observe it; and if you wish for more, employ Gunther, a monk of the Parisian abbey in Alsace, who described this history of the capture of Constantinople from the mouth of Martin, his abbot, who was present at the assault and victory, and which was recently published from the manuscripts by Henry Canisius of Noviomagus, J.C., in the fifth volume, part ii, of *Antiquae Lectionis*. [(14)] (11) Alexius, son of the blinded Isaac, having been brought by his uncle Alexius from his custody, and using his liberty and leisure, whatever Blondus may relate to the contrary (*Decad.* 1, lib. ii), follows the protostrator going out against the Democranius. And, his uncle not objecting, having made a plan for flight with a certain Pisan, when he had grasped the opportunity of sailing, he is carried to Aulonia of the Hellespont, and while staying at Athyra, he is carried across via a small boat to a large ship. All the attempts of his uncle to capture Alexius were in vain: for he, with his hair shaved in a circle and dressed in Latin clothing, and moving about in a great crowd, escaped the inquisitors. Choniata, in *Alexius Comnenus*, lib. iii, p. 710, 12, notes not without danger the negligence of Alexius in guarding his brother Isaac. Why, then, does Blondus spout nonsense in *Historia*, decad. ii, book vi? Alexius was the brother of a younger age, with whom he acted most indulgently, so much so that nothing was lacking to him for the highest administration except the title of Emperor; and the Emperor had ransomed him with a great expense of money when he had been captured by the Turks through his own recklessness. Though he was a man of the worst disposition, he had cunningly captured his most pious and indulgent brother, having been led by Dandolo, Duke of the Venetians, who was the most hostile of all men to the Greeks. Ubretus Folitus, *Hist. Genuens.* lib. iv: Michael Palaiologos, thinking he ought to arm himself with naval resources, which at that time he completely lacked, in order to oppose the Venetians, who were the perpetual enemies of the Caesars of the Greeks, and who had played a great part in driving the Greeks out of Greece, and who held many cities and places of the empire, fled to the Genevese for aid. Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, Baldwin, Count of Flanders, Eric, Count of Saint Pol, Louis, Count of Blois, and many others, are added as allies of the expedition, as Choniata records, bold warriors and in stature almost equal to their own spears. Of the ships built by the Venetians during the whole three-year period, nor

of the number of knights and soldiers, you have an account in the same Choniata, and in Andreas Dandolo, *Hist. Venet.*, lib. X, cap. 3, and others. More names of the commanders are in Jacob Meyer, in *Annal. Flandricis* 1203. ALL.

And the pretext for their departure was to set out for the liberation of Jerusalem, where the Lord’s tomb happens to be. The one who had gathered these men ^A (13) was the supreme pontiff of elder Rome, who, as I had previously stated, was being fervently entreated by the son of Isaacius for the sake of his paternal throne. The Pope, moved by the boy’s entreaties and especially by his promises—for they were indeed numerous (14)—entrusted the youth to the leaders of the armies, so that, by turning aside from their intended course, they might establish him upon his ancestral throne, and that they might receive from him such funds as they would spend along the way and for however long they might linger at Constantinople. They set sail, therefore, with triremes and heavy vessels. ^B When, favored by following winds (15), they arrived successfully at Constantinople and had completed their passage, they made known to those there the boy, the injustice done to him, and the mandates of Rome on that account. For a time, indeed, there were disputes on both sides and strong skirmishes on land (19), but agreements from embassies did not come about at all. When Emperor Alexius grew weary of such affairs, and especially when he despaired of those within who looked toward confusion and were afflicted with instability, he bade farewell to everything (19) and took to flight, willing yet unwilling at heart (15), having uttered this, as those who heard him said, quoting: “David, by fleeing, was saved” (18); and he also took with him his wife (19) and a substantial amount of money from the imperial treasury. ^C

*Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius.*

(13) “The one who had gathered these men.” Our Acropolita ^C quite maliciously conjectures the cause of the Constantinopolitan expedition to be the Roman pontiff, in order to stir up the hatred of the Greeks against him; others, however, relate much more ingenuously that it was the Venetians and their Doge Dandolo, who were, as we have said, most hostile to the Greeks. Choniata narrates in minute detail the machines and arts of Dandolo, by which he equipped that fleet. That the mind of Pope Innocent III was alien to that expedition, which Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, was procuring with the utmost effort, is sufficiently indicated to us by the letters of the same Innocent to Alexius and by the author of the acts: “The Marquis himself, indeed, crossed from France through Germany, where he is said to have had a meeting with Philip, Duke of Swabia, who was acting as king, so that he might cause Alexius, his brother-in-law—the son, namely, of Isaacius, formerly Emperor of Constantinople, whose sister Philip himself had taken to wife—fleeing from the foul prison of captivity, to be brought back to Constantinople by the Christian army to obtain the empire of Romania. When the same Marquis had come to the supreme pontiff about this matter, he began to treat from afar. But when he understood his mind was not directed to this, having expedited business pertaining to the duty of the cross, he returned to his own affairs.” See on this same matter the most learned *Annales* of Odericus Raynaldus for the year 1203, who clears the Roman pontiff of the Greeks’ calumny in several places. ALL.

^D (17) “And he bade farewell to everything.” For after the battle had been declined and he was driven into flight by an evil spirit, having returned to the palace with his daughter Irene and ten centenaries of gold, along with other imperial finery of precious gems and clear pearls, he hastened toward Debeltum under the first watch of the night. Choniata, p. 723, 24. ALL.

(18) “David, by fleeing, was saved.” 1 Kings, cap. XXII: And it was reported to Saul that David had escaped from Ceila and was saved. And lib. II, cap. XV: He fled from the face of Absalom, and exhorted all his own, whom he had at Jerusalem, to flee; to which the inscription of the Psalm refers. DOUSA.

^A 3. Therefore, when he had departed from Constantinople, the inhabitants sent an embassy to the Italians, so that Alexius, the son of Isaacius—on whose account, as it appeared, they had taken up arms—might be brought in and proclaimed emperor. Accordingly, the youth is led into the city under the previous conditions which he had promised to the Italians who had restored him, and he is proclaimed emperor by the unanimous voice of the people. For a time, therefore, both the citizens and the Italians lived in apparent peace and friendship. When, however, the Italians more urgently demanded the promised sums and expenses, and the citizens of the city considered the amount to be immense by any calculation, and insisted that they could not pay so much to the Italians, new disturbances were stirred up in Byzantium. For the father of Alexius, Angelus Isaacius (for he was still among the living, even if he had removed himself a little before Byzantium was captured), had expressed the opinion that the debt should first be paid to the Italians by collecting and selling off the sacred offerings; and if anything were lacking, it should be paid from the treasury and the property of the citizens. While they were at odds with one another and envoys were being sent to and fro, the son of Isaacius, Alexius, is murdered by Alexius Ducas—whom this same son of Isaacius had honored with the dignity of *protovestiarius*, and whom the citizens, finding fault with him for some reason I do not know, called Murtzuphlus. Murtzuphlus was subsequently chosen emperor, without the people dissenting. ^B Hence, the Italians, driven more and more into a fury, conceived grave and everlasting enmity against the Byzantines. At the same time, it was deliberated by the citizens with praiseworthy intent: for those who governed and were preeminent in dignities decreed that the Latins, who ^C

Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius’s notes. Choniata mentions only the daughter brought with him, whom our Acropolita has passed over in silence. But whence did Blondus draw this, in book VI, decade II of his *History*? Alexius, terrified by that tumult stirred up in the city, the patricide, fleeing in the dead of night, left behind a huge treasure—as was later discovered—buried in a monastery with his daughter, the virgin Irene. And Sabellicus, *Ennead* IX, lib. V: When the Venetians were approaching the walls and about to break into the city, the Greeks resisted with hostile force. The city was defended with difficulty on the first day. The night which followed was thereafter century. Alexius the emperor, his affairs desperate, leaving behind his wife and children, secretly betakes himself to flight, having buried a great weight of gold in the ground with his daughter Irene, one of the sacred virgins. ALL.

(20) They demanded that one hundred and fifty centenaria of gold be paid immediately, and very harsh conditions were added, yet tolerable and not the most difficult of all, under which the danger of captivity and public destruction threatened. ALL.

(22) Alexius the son followed, profaning the sacrosanct and invading temples, so that he did not even spare the sacred images, the ornaments of which were torn off and the images themselves cast upon the ground, and the sacred vessels were torn from the same temples and melted down, which he gave to the enemies as common gold and silver. It was the opinion of the Gentiles that it was sometimes permitted to strip the temples of the gods to preserve the republic. Seneca, *Controv.* IV: For the sake of the republic, temples are frequently stripped, and offerings are melted down for the use of the military chest: Nerva, to reduce expenses, abolished not a few sacrifices. But it concerns us little what the Gentiles thought. We Christians embrace the Christian, that is, the true doctrine, and we detest such despoliation of temples if necessity—which the laws prescribe for—is absent, and the authority of the pontiff granting it is lacking. Although the Greeks always and in all things fawned upon their emperors, they assailed this rapine even with the highest maledictions, not without ^D indication. Nicetas on Isaacius Angelus and his son Alexius, p. 729, 8. With whom it will be helpful to compare what Anna Comnena relates in book IV: *Où* ALL.

ALL. Regarding the dignity of the *protovestiarius*, see the Glossary of Meursius in *Vestiarium*. However, the *protovestiarius* and the *protovestiarites* differed in dignity and office, of which our author makes mention below. See there; Blondus wrongly makes this Alexius a *protonotarius* in his *De gestis Venetorum*. Which, however, can be seen as an error of the scribe or the copyist, since in decade II, book V, it is different, and we read *protovestiarium* explicitly. DOUSA.

(23) Alexius surnamed Murtzuphlus, from the Greek word [meaning] joined together and as if hanging over the eyes [like] eyebrows. Nicetas on Isaacius Angelus and Alexius F: Perhaps...

^A Constantinople as if they had taken up residence there, they feared lest they be attacked by the Byzantines due to internal treacheries. Many thousands of them defected to the enemy, although they had previously bound their faith by solemn oath never to meditate treachery against the citizens, but rather to die with them if need be, as if they were fellow-born and autochthonous. Yet even when they offered their wives and children to be led away to safer places, they did not persuade them. Having exited the city, they assisted the enemy greatly, being a large multitude and well-versed in [the city's] affairs.

4. Forty days, therefore, passed, and Constantinople was captured ^B by these men in the year of the world 6711, on the twelfth day of April. For they approached the city in the tenth year in the month of May, and in the eleventh month the destruction happened. And the greatest and most illustrious city was captured—as they say, by one or two men who first leaped from the ladder attached to the mast of a very large ship onto the walls. The evils which the city then underwent call for a more lengthy account and are far removed from this present topic. And as for these things, let everyone fix their mind on them.

Notes by Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

nomen apud historicos... (name is vulgarly conceived among historians. In the letter of Emperor Baldwin, in Godefridus the monk, *Morchuflus*, in Vincentius of Beauvais, *Morculphus* and *Marculphus*, and thus in the Chronicle of Altoumie. In Blondus, ^C *De gestis Venetorum*, it is *Murtilus*: and in his own decade II, book 4, *Murtilus*, or, as some writers have it, *Morchulfus*; Paulus Aemilius [writes] *Myrtius* or *Murzuphlus*, Gunther the monk in his *History of Constantinople* [writes] *Murtiphlo*, with the interpretation: that is, 'flower of the heart.' Dousa.)

(24). *Cum pro his in apographo...* (Since for these words in the copy itself, in the context, one read 'worthy of praise', which we have followed in the version, and 'deserving of praise' was added in the margin, which seems [to be] the invention of some trifling Greek or an idle man, this very thing was mistakenly received into the context by the editors of the work. This warning I wished to give, reader, lest you be ignorant. Dousa.)

(25). *Ne tantopere...* (Lest we recite the so-often celebrated siege, storming, and destruction of Byzantium not without tedium, see the authors who have written about it, among others Nicetas, who himself an eye-witness, pursues [the account] profusely and not without tears. Dorotheus of Monemvasia in his *Synopsis of Histories*: 'And then the emperor, or rather the king of France, sent letters to all in Constantinople [commanding them to] leave behind their journey to Jerusalem. And they went to Constantinople and brought out the land forces, and the Venetian warships [by] the sea outside the walls. And they gave a great and terrible battle, and with the lombards [bombards] they made ruins of the galleys. And the Venetians entered the city before the others. And then the other forces entered, and they placed standards, that is, flags, on the walls, and with great joy they played their trumpets and other games. And when the Franks had conquered the city, they looked for the emperor and did not find him.')

(26). *Acropolita noster facit annum 6711...* (Our Acropolita makes the year 6711: they arrived in the city on the twelfth of the month of May, ^D and continued the siege for eleven months, wherefore they entered the city in the month of April. For if the Latins held it for [a certain number] of years, and the Greeks recovered it in the year 6769, if you subtract the number of [years] occupied, there remain the years 6711. Choniata agrees on the day of the month, but not in the year, as one who is greater by one year; for he says it was captured in the year 6712. From which the same Choniata is to be corrected in [the passage on] Baldwin: [there is read...] And in another place: [there is read...] ALL.)

(27). *Απὸ κλίμακος*, Choniata, p. 721, c. 21, et 733, c. 14. ALL.

(28). *Malorum, infortuniorum...* (Of the evils and misfortunes, in which in that disaster of Constantinople and the Oriental empire [perished] the human race, but especially that of the Greeks.)

^A things that happen in the destruction and sacking of cities—the slaughter of men, the captivity of women, the looting of property, the tearing down of houses, and all other things which the wickedness and crime of the sword inflict upon enemies. Once the city had been conquered, the Italians, making an assault as if from a higher vantage point, scoured the entire coast of the West and no small part of the East. First, they subdued the regions of the West, with everyone fleeing as if an evil brought down by the wrath of heaven were driving them off, into submission.

5. The Emperor Alexius Angelus, whom I mentioned earlier as having fled from Constantinople, proceeded to Philippopolis; ^B after which, as the holy three children once [suffered] and all the Holy Scripture [testifies], the Italians were [permitted] for their sins.

*Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius.*

... [it] is afflicted, after the providence of God who disposes all things, and His humanity which is never not incensed against the sins of men [who are ever guilty]. The Greeks attribute the cause to the Latins, whose fury and savagery they had frequently experienced on other occasions, while the Latins attribute it to the perfidy of the Greeks and their hatred of the apostolic summit. Should we place faith in the Latins or the Greeks in this matter? The Latins will claim it for themselves; for, they say, the Greeks twist everything with their eloquence—men who are fallacious, fickle, and schooled in excessive flattery, professing how a weaker cause might become the stronger through speech; they are idle, talkative, and greedier for contention than for truth; to whom, to bring an end to it, an oath is a joke and testimony is a game. The Greeks contend that they themselves are worthy of faith. I shall not gather here what they themselves say about the Latins, in order to diminish their credibility. The Latins will assert that there is no faith to be had from the Greeks when they speak of the Latins: conversely, the Greeks [assert the same] of the Latins. Thus, like is returned for like. Therefore, this matter will lie in obscurity, nor will anyone find the truth? Not at all. We must revert to a common judge, who, after hearing both parties, pronounces judgment without love or hatred, weighing the arguments. This was the Supreme Pontiff Innocent, who, in a most grave matter, having weighed the arguments and added the counsel of most respected men, deliberated thus in letters sent to the Marquis of Montferrat: "You, having no jurisdiction or power over the Greeks, seemed to have rashly turned aside from the purity of your vow, while you did not move arms against the Saracens, not intending to recover Jerusalem, but to occupy Constantinople, preferring earthly riches to heavenly treasures. That too is considered far graver, that certain ones spared neither religion nor age nor sex, but practiced fornication, adultery, and incest in the sight of all, exposing not only the married and the widows, but even matrons, virgins, and those dedicated to God to the filth of camp-followers. Nor was it enough for them to exhaust the imperial riches and plunder the spoils of the great and the small alike, unless you extended your hands to the treasures of the churches, and, what is graver, to their very possessions, tearing silver tablets from the altars and carrying off violated shrines, crosses, icons, and relics, so that the Church of the Greeks, however much it may be afflicted by persecutions, disdains to return to the obedience of the apostolic see, which in the Latins it perceives as nothing but an example of perdition and the works of darkness, so that now it deservedly abhors them more than dogs. You, in truth, against [your] jurisdiction and power, [which was] undue or rather usurped, alleged the counsel of the legate of the apostolic see, as if it were permitted by him for you to proceed with the aforementioned adolescent to establish for yourselves the empire of Constantinople, etc." The Supreme Pontiff repeats these or similar things to others of them: "Behold, what we report with sorrow and with shame, from which we seemed hitherto to have made progress, we fail, and are constricted, from whence we believed we would primarily expand: for how will the Church of the Greeks, however much it is afflicted by persecutions, return to the ecclesiastical unity and devotion of the apostolic see, which in the Latins it perceives as nothing but an example of perdition and the works of darkness, so that now it deservedly abhors them more than dogs? For they who were believed not to seek the things that are their own, but the things of Jesus Christ, reddening with the blood of Christians the sword which they ought to have turned against the pagans, spared neither religion nor age nor sex, practicing incest, adultery, and fornication in the sight of all, and exposing both matrons and virgins, even those dedicated to God, to the filth of camp-followers. Nor was it enough for them to exhaust the imperial riches and plunder the spoils of the great and the small alike, unless they extended their hands to the treasures of the churches, and, what is graver, to their very possessions, tearing silver tablets even from the altars and breaking them into pieces among themselves, carrying off violated shrines and crosses and relics, etc." ^C But since Innocent made mention of the silver tables, it will not be beside the point to recite what Dorotheus of Monemvasia imagines regarding the table or altar of the temple of Saint Sophia, for the memory of posterity. Among other things, he even commemorates this sacred and precious gift plundered by the Venetians and others in this manner: [Greek text: ...and this is manifest, and *all* admit it, because... the sea is *frightening at night*, but at the place where this holy table is, there is calm, and it is not troubled, and they take from that sea, where is that holy table, and it smells most wondrously, with fragrances from that holy myrrh which it has, and of the other pigments.] But let the credibility of this rest with the author. ALL.

(29) *All the things which are the work of the sword.* Whence therefore did Blondus get his story? But while the ingenuity of the citizens, reduced to necessity, prompted them to call for a solemn procession, the priests followed unarmed, and with crosses and icons sent ahead to obtain faith, holding the wall, they suppliantly prayed for pardon, which, having been most easily obtained, with the gates lying open on all sides, the multitude of the Latin name entered from all directions. With the city rendered quiet, the leaders decreed in council, etc. ALL.

(30) *The Emperor...* Choniates reports that he fled. ALL.

^A arrived at Philippopolis, and not being received by the inhabitants, he reached Mosynopolis, and there he made his stay. But Alexius Ducas (31), who killed the son of Isaacius (32), wishing to establish an affinity with him, at the same time that he slaughtered the son of Isaacius, also took for his wife the Emperor Alexius’s daughter Eudocia, who was the last of his daughters. For there were three (33) of them, and the first was named Irene, whom he joined in marriage to Alexius Palæologus, whom he also honored with the rank of Despot (34); but this man had passed away before the capture of Constantinople. The second was called Anna, whom he gave into marriage to Theodorus Lascaris. The third was named Eudocia, whom her father had previously joined in marriage to the Kral (35) of Serbia. Upon some note by Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius:

(31) Alexius Ducas. Poly-polluted from his earliest locks, and showing himself prone to base couches, and having unjustly sent away his lawful wives, ^B or taken a meal from a Jew, and with an iron club he held in his hand he breaks the sides and ribs of the dying man with unheard-of cruelty; and he pretends that the life which he had taken away by a noose had been snatched away by a fall, and by granting an imperial burial he cloaks the wickedness of the murder with the honor of the funeral. You should also know, reader, that beyond the truth of the historian it is noted by some that they call Murzuphlus a tyrant, by whose counsel Alexius’s father had previously been blinded and thrown into prison, although at that time Murtzuphlus had no authority with the Emperor, and the primary authors of that crime are considered to be Theodorus Brana, Georgius Palæologus, Joannes Petraliphas, Constantinus Raulus, and Michael Cantacuzenus. ALL.

(32) For when Nicolaus Canabus had seditiously inaugurated him at Byzantium and Isaacius was yielding up his spirit, Alexius summons the Marquis Boniface, to whom it seemed acceptable that Latin cohorts should be admitted into the palace, by whom Canabus might be removed. When they had reported this to Ducas Murtzuphlus, with many of his kin, and the eunuch prefect of the treasury having been reconciled to himself, ^C he suppressed the insurrection which he already cherished in his mind: for in the dead of the night he approaches the boy Alexius, and says that his kin, the battle-axe-bearing Barbarians, and many others were at the doors to slaughter him because of the familiarity and friendship he had entered into with the Latins. Thus, having embraced the terrified boy, he leads him through a gate known to many into a tent which he had in the palace, as if he were about to liberate him, and with shackles placed upon him he throws him into a most wretched prison, and takes the insignia of the empire for himself, and is saluted as emperor by others according to custom; and not long after, he hands over the captured Canabus to his own guards for custody. Afterwards, he twice administered poison to the boy Alexius, which when he had overcome through both the vigor of his age and the antidotes which he was using, he finally stifles him with a noose, in the sixth month of his empire, on the eighth day. Blondus, *De gestis Venetorum*: "And the boy, Alexius, whom the poison given twice had not killed, he killed by his own hand by crushing his throat." Sabellius, *Ennead. IX*, book five: "Murtzuphlus therefore, having obtained what he most desired, that one part of the multitude declared him prefect of the city, another commander of the war, a third emperor. He, surrounded by a crowd of satellites and kin from that declaration, immediately rushed out from the public view into Alexius’s house, and the boy, whom he had previously been unable to kill with poison, he killed by his own hand by crushing his throat, a man as perfidious as he was ungrateful; and Isaacius’s greatest benefit brought forth the greatest ingratitude." Here, as it seems, Sabellius confuses the Alexii. For Alexius Murtzuphlus put Alexius, the son of Isaacius, to death. However, the benefits of Isaacius bestowed were not on Murtzuphlus, but on Alexius his brother, which even Sabellius himself had seen above, while speaking of the boy Alexius, the son of Isaacius: "Who, ^D—having lived on equal terms with Isaacius the father, through whose benefit he had once been redeemed from the Turks with a great weight of gold, and thus humanely treated, although he was much younger in birth, while he was the emperor—suddenly by force suppressed him, deprived him of sight, bound him most tightly as a private citizen, and threw him into a foul and wretched prison." Baldwin adds in his epistle to Innocent: "Therefore, the following night he secretly stifles his lord with a noose in prison, with whom on that very day he had taken a meal."

(33) For Choniates, p. 673, 17. Georgius Phranza, lib. 1, cap. 1, beyond the truth of history, writes that Emperor Alexius Comnenus had begotten two daughters, the older of whom he ordered to wear purple sandals, which he had established would be his successors and heirs after his death, etc.; he transcribed this from Gregoras, lib. IV. Volaterranus, lib. XXIII, causes no less of a stir, dissenting from other writers: "Alexius Murtzuphlus by nickname, as is the author Acropolita, betrothed his daughter Anna to Theodorus Lascaris; and having been put to flight afterwards, as we have said, by the Gauls, he went away together with his wife Euphrosyna and his son-in-law." Acropolites, whom he himself praises, does not say that Alexius Murtzuphlus’s daughter Anna was betrothed to Theodorus Lascaris, but the daughter of Alexius, the brother of the Emperor Isaacius: for while dealing with the daughters of this Alexius, he writes, "the second was called Anna, to whom he gave Theodorus Lascaris into marriage." Nor is there any among the Greek writers who dissents from Acropolita in this. Who, moreover, would bear with an equal mind, provided he is not entirely ignorant in Greek affairs, that Euphrosyna is called the wife of the same Alexius Angelus, the brother of Isaacius, and the wife of Murtzuphlus, whose Eudocia is remembered as the wife of Alexius Angelus? All.

(34) The name Despot, which appears more frequently in this text, were called in the Constantinople court sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of the emperor, the sebastocrator, Caesar, and patriarchs. But the successor to the empire was called *κᾰτ’ ἐξοχήν* (by way of preeminence), the eldest of the sons. Sometimes they also deferred it for other princes for the sake of friendship or affinity. All these things Meursius observed most accurately in his *Glossary*. Dousa.

(35) Kral. Ditto in the Polish language. Crol. Toxophia; Nicephorus Gregoras names it not once; and the *κράλης* of Serbia in a certain sanctioned text of an anonymous patriarch apud Leunclavius, in *Jure Graeco-Romano*; *κράλαινα* (queen) in Gregoras, lib. VII, *κράλτζα* in the *Chronicle of Constantinople* apud Meursium. Niceta in *Alexius Comnenus*, lib. II.

^A and again sends to his father, and so he remained. This woman the aforementioned Ducas Alexius ^A had taken, having abandoned his own wife. As soon, therefore, as Constantinople was captured by the Latins, he too fled from there (37), taking his wife Eudocia with him. Having learned that his father-in-law, Emperor Alexius, was staying at Mosynupolis, he confidently went to him. But the latter, for many other reasons and no less on account of his daughter, abhorred him. Assuming, therefore, the mask of a relative, he welcomed Alexius, and having prepared a bath, he commanded him to bathe together with his daughter. Thus, when Alexius was inside the bath (38), the servants of Emperor Alexius suddenly fell upon him and gouged out his eyes. Those who happened upon the scene said that the daughter stood by the door of the bath and mocked her father with insults, and that he berated her for her shamelessness and lascivious love. Having been blinded, Ducas Alexius wandered around the regions of Mosynupolis, passing through those parts as a vagabond. But Emperor Alexius departed from there and headed toward the regions of Thessalonica. And when the Latins had set out from Constantinople and had reached the vicinity of Mosynupolis, they found Murtzuphlus there and brought him to Constantinople (39), avenging the aforementioned defilement of his, which he had committed against his son, the son of Emperor Isaac, they condemned him to a precipitous death; for…

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(37) ...Nicetas declares that he also led away with him his daughter Eudocia ^C and tells how he also took with him, having placed her in a small boat, Euphrosyne, the wife of Alexius Angelus, when he had reigned for two months and sixteen days. Sabellius, *Ennead.* IX, lib. V: "When Alexius sees the city captured on one side, he leaves Byzantium in the dead of night with his wife and concubines and a great force of gold." ALL.

(38) ...Choniata ingenuously confesses he does not know. ALL.

(39) ...For not long after his blinding, Ducas was captured by the Latins ^D and brought back to Byzantium, and having been brought to justice, he alleged in his own defense that he had killed a traitor to his country and had punished him as he deserved; and that he was not the only one who did it, but the rest of his kinsmen. Nevertheless, the Latins, rejecting all these pleas, condemned the man to death by a new and unusual form of punishment: for he was led to the top of a very high column, which is in the Taurus, and thrown down. Falling for some time on his feet, he was then turned headlong and dashed to the ground, where he miserably perished. Thus Choniata, not differing from our author. Dorotheus of Monemvasia narrates it somewhat differently;

regarding the emperor Isaac, them he condemns to a precipitous death; for they hoist him up to the great column, which is called the Taurus 40, and throw him down. And such was his end, but the emperor Alexius arrived at Thessalonica 41.

^A 12. Having mastered the city, the Italians gave liberty to those of its inhabitants who wished to remain and be under their hand, and to those who did not, to depart whither they would, without hindrance. Those who were of any prominence, therefore, departed, some openly, some secretly. Theodore Lascaris, whom our history has already shown to have been the son-in-law of the emperor Alexius and to have been honored by him as despot, set out before the looting with his wife, Anna; and upon arriving at the city of Nicaea, he urged the Nicaeans to receive him into the city and to pay heed to him as their lord. But they would not receive him. Lascaris, however, persistently importuning them, and entreating them to receive at least his wife, with difficulty persuaded them to this. Having therefore left his wife at Nicaea, he continued around the regions of Prusa 44 and the country surrounding it, in order to subdue these places and serve as emperor in place of his father-in-law, Alexius. In this he succeeded; for meanwhile he arrived at the Persian prince 45, with whom he had ties of friendship, and having gained auxiliary forces, he accomplished what he had long conceived in his mind. For two whole years, after Lascaris became acknowledged by all as despot, and an assembly of the most eminent men and the primates of the Church ^B was held at Nicaea, it was debated among them by what formal procedure Theodore, until that time a despot, should be acclaimed emperor. The Patriarch was not present.

Joannes indeed Camaterus, who graced the patriarchal throne while the Italians were capturing Byzantium, had departed to Didymoteichon and was tarrying there; when summoned by Lascaris and others, he refused to come, even resigning the patriarchate in writing. Michael Autorianus was therefore elected patriarch ^A, a man learned and highly skilled in all manner of literature, both ours and foreign. He it was who crowned the despotes Theodore with the imperial diadem.

7. From this time, the emperor Lascaris ^B, having been proclaimed, applied himself more energetically to affairs. For the Italians, having crossed into the East, had conquered the greater part of it; indeed, the entire theme of Opsikion and the Aegean, and Atramyttion itself, had fallen to the Italians. Baris, too, and Aulonia, Pœmanenon, and Len^C...

Notes of Theodor Dousa and Leo Allatius

(46) Patriarch. The dignity of Patriarch in the Oriental Church was as that of the Roman Pontiff in the Occidental. See Meursius, who should never be mentioned without praise, in... But this John Camaterus, Patriarch of Constantinople, raised from deacon and chartophylax to the rank of emperor under Alexios, presided until the city was taken by the Latins, for 5 years, 8 months, and 7 days. After the city was taken, he withdrew to Didymoteichon (a small town of Thrace, situated on a promontory by the Hebrus river, which surrounds it, called Dimotuc in the vernacular); where, after surviving for 2 years, 2 months, and 14 days, he met his end. See the Catalog or Notitia of the Patriarchs of Constantinople in Leunclavius, *Jus Graeco-Romanum* lib. IV, and Nicetas, in *Baldwin of Flanders*. DOUSA.

(47) That Camaterus John left the city of his own accord and sought Didymoteichon is related by others besides Acropolita. Why, then, does Ephraem the Byzantine babble that he says he was ejected by the Latins? On his death, see Nicetas, p. 837, 2. ALL.

(48) Michael the Autorianus. Panvinius, the father of historians, in his *Chronicon ecclesiasticum*, under the year 1206: "Michael IV Autorianus, created patriarch of Constantinople by the Greeks in schism after the death of John Camaterus, against Thomas Maurocenus the Venetian (who was elected by the Latins), sat in Asia for five years and six months." It seems, however, that one should write "logothete" in our Meursius. "Behold," he says, in the *Notitia of the Patriarchs*: (he speaks of John Camaterus, and immediately adds Michael Saurianus to him) which passage should be compared with this logothete. DOUSA. Regarding this Michael, as well as the other Nicaean patriarchs up to the recovery of Constantinople by the Greeks, we have treated in our work *On the Perpetual Consensus of both the Occidental and Oriental Churches*, lib. II. ALL.

(49) And the despotes. Wherefore he had his Monembasiensis? ALL.

(50) Lascaris. Nicetas, in *Baldwin*, narrates at length the progress of the Latins in the East against the Greeks and the empire propagated in those parts, both by Eric, the brother of Baldwin, and by Peter Plancius; seek it there, if you like. ALL.

(51) For the Italians. Read "as our author does later." Or certainly they said it in a truncated fashion for [missing text], for a tumult, and many such things which the most learned Meursius has observed passim in his *Glossary*. Zonaras also mentions it. *Annal.* tom. III, in *Constantine Copronymus*: Hieronymus Wolfius translates the province of Opsikion. But *thema* (which, as everything, Meursius teaches eruditely) was primarily accepted as a legion, which had been set over some province. Hence the old *Glossary* of H. Stephanus: *legio*. Later, the provinces themselves began to be called by that transferred name, as the most famous glossographer proves with many examples. But in what climate of the world *thema* was, you will learn from Constantine Porphyrogenitus, *Them. Orient. 4*; for that golden little book we are indebted to the most illustrious Bonaventura Vulcanius, as we are for the *Occidental Themata* of the same author to Frederick Morellius, the interpreter for the king among the French. DOUSA.

(53) This [term] Baris, since it occurred nowhere else for me, I have judged the word to be corrupt and...

^A [in need of] amendment, ^B towards which amendment Nicetas held the torch for me in *Manuel Comnenus*, Book [ ]. *Baris* therefore is a city by the Aegean lake, which is also called Aulonia, somewhere around the Hellespont. Dousa.

Annals

^A ...towards the Asmadion, he [Theodore] knew himself to be master of the Italians; and indeed, [he controlled] all of Bithynia as far as Nicomedia itself. From this point the Emperor Theodore was much straitened. Yet he was nonetheless being pressed by the Romans themselves. For in the confusion attending the capture of Constantinople, one [leader] after another, happening to be commanders or even those who were preeminent among others, took and made their own such territory as they held, either initiating [this] of their own accord, or having been called to the protection of the land by the local inhabitants. Immediately Theodore (54), whom they also called Morotheodorus, was ruler of the city of Philadelphia; another, Sabbas by surname, was master of Sampson, together with the territory adjacent to it. And David—a brother of the Alexius who had seized Trebizond, and who was also called the Great Comnenus, both being grandsons of the Emperor Andronicus, born to his son Manuel—was master of all Paphlagonia (55). On account of these things, the affairs of the Emperor Theodore were in great straits. [7] But he easily dealt with Morotheodorus and Sabbas, and thenceforth securely held sway over the whole of Celtianon, ^B the Maeander [region], Philadelphia, and the Neocastra.

But here let my narrative pause, for I wish to recount what befell the Emperor Alexius, and also the other things that happened previously in the West. The aforementioned Emperor Alexius, as I have mentioned, had arrived at Thessalonica, and he was received by his daughter-in-law, who was of Hungarian origin, but had been betrothed to the Emperor Isaac after the death of his wife; those who had seen her said that she was a woman of exceedingly outstanding and decorative beauty. The Italians, therefore, having divided the Roman dominions into very many parts and [among many] men, Baldwin of Flanders...

Notes by Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(54) Theodore, surnamed Mangaphas, of Philadelphian ancestry, during the reign of Isaac Angelus Comnenus, coveting the kingdom, first conciliates the most audacious of that city’s populace and binds them by oath. Having driven the Lydians to revolt, he usurped the royal title and struck silver coins with his own image. At the beginning, the revolt was mocked. When it grew later, Isaac, thinking that there should be no delay, ^C besieged the man in Philadelphia. Since he could not force the city to surrender through a long siege, he made an agreement on the following conditions: that Theodore should lay aside the royal insignia and live as a private citizen, and that the citizens should obey him as before; having received hostages, he returned to Byzantium. Not long after, Basil Batatzes corrupted many of Mangaphas’s conspirators with bribes and brought it about that he was cast out of the city. He fled to Kai-Khusraw, the Sultan of Iconium, and did not obtain auxiliary forces against the Romans; however, he did obtain that the Turcopoles, who, relying on their bows and quivers, were plundering the Romans, should be admitted to his side. Thus, having gathered no small force, he inflicted countless disasters upon the Phrygians, Laodiceans, and Colossensians, dragging off the slaves of his own citizens and their pack animals, burning the grain* fields during the summer season, and handling all he encountered in a hostile manner. Michael the ^D architect's church, a work most great and celebrated, was also allowed to burn. Afterwards he returned to the Sultan; but the Emperor, by means of bribes, obtained that, having been deserted and betrayed by the Sultan, he should be sent to him, but on the condition that he would pay for his defection neither with his head nor with the mutilation or lesion of any limb. For this cause he was condemned to lifelong imprisonment. As it displeased the Sultan’s brothers, who had shared the kingdom with him, that he had betrayed a man who was a refugee and a suppliant to the Roman Emperor for the sake of money, he appeased their wrath. For he kept saying that he had sent him back for the sake of pacification, not betrayed him, and that he had restored the vagrant man to his own country, so that neither he [the Sultan] nor others might pursue him or others. This Eric [Henry] brings war upon those active around Adramyttium, and with an unexpected surprise and multitude strikes terror, indeed, first of all; but Eric, when the die of Mars seemed to need casting, [broke through] before the phalanx and through the middle of the enemy’s battle line; he dissipates them with his men: for the Greek cavalry, at the first charge of the Latins and the leveling of their lances, fled on spurred horses, leaving the infantry ranks to be slaughtered by the enemies and plundered. From Nicetas. ALL.

(55) David, indeed, and Alexius [the] brothers, born to Manuel, son of Andronicus the tyrant of the Romans, the one occupied Heraclea of the Pontus and Paphlagonia, the other, Alexius, the cities of Oenaeum and Sinope, and Trebizond. But as to how he undertook the expedition of Ducas against David, who was supported by the auxiliaries of the Latins, and how he vanquished him, learn [from] the history of Nicetas in Baldwin. ALL.

^A ...and Baldwin, who had come from Flanders, was proclaimed emperor, while the Duke of Venice, who was also personally present, having received no small share and having been honored with the title of Despot, possessed, from the whole, in reference to the whole ^B of the state acquired by the Franks, one fourth, and the half of the fourth, since the Marquis had also brought a significant portion to the alliance; he was honored by Baldwin with the title of King of Thessalonica, ^C and he took as his wife the aforementioned Mary, who had previously been betrothed to the Emperor Isaac. By her, as I have said, the Emperor Alexius was received. But a little later, having been detected in revolutionary designs there, he was driven away together with his wife and his daughter Eudocia, ^D and having arrived at Corinth, he gave her in marriage to Sgurus, who ruled that region. For Sgurus, after the fall of Byzantium, having rebelled, ruled alone over Corinth and the adjacent places, just as others ruled elsewhere. But he remained there for a short while, when, following some treacherous plots...

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius.

(56) *The one from Flanders.* ...upon the condition that it be preserved, while nonetheless acknowledging the victuals which ought to be observed to be divided between yours and ours equally, so that each party may be conveniently sustained from them. But whatever remains ought to be divided in other goods according to the aforementioned order. You, and the Venetian men, also ought freely and absolutely, without any controversy, to have throughout the whole empire all the honorifics and possessions which you were formerly accustomed to have, both in spirituals and in temporals, and all accounts or customs which are in writing or without writing. From the pacts and conventions concerning the division of the spoils. ALL.

(58) *Thessalonica.* Tzetzes, *Chil.* 10, v. 173, *Historia* 316. John Stauracius, *On the Miracles of St. Demetrius*: Thessalonica is itself bright and splendid, the summit of Macedonia, overlooking and excelling all of Thessaly, blessed with goods of every kind and enjoying all beautiful things. John Caminiata, not a writer of the intimate period, *On the Fall of Thessalonica*, ch. 4-6, places her before the curious eye in the same way. ALL.

(59) *The aforementioned Mary.* Choniata in *Baldwin*, p. 792. ALL.

(60) *And to Corinth.* For Alexius, on the northern shores to which he had been sent by the Marquis, having been torn away, had arrived at the Thessalian Tempe, and had given his daughter Eudocia in marriage to Sgurus. Nicetas in *Baldwin*. ALL.

(61) *Sgurus, a native of Nauplia...* ...he holds a principality of the populace inherited from his father, ruling not without bloodshed. In turbulent times he seized Argos by deceit, Corinth by brigandage, and attacks Athens by leading his ships and army across the Isthmus. The prelate of Athens, Michael Choniata, attempts to repress his efforts with gentle speech, but in vain. Finally, bravely consulting for the safety of his people, he wards off the assailant with military prudence. Sgurus incites his anger against that city whose citadel he could not storm; wherefore he burns villas and seizes flocks and herds. And after a few days, having disbanded the siege, he attacks and takes Thebes, and having crossed the Thermopylae and descending through Mount Oeta, he joins Emperor Alexius at Larissa. When later the Marquis attempted a crossing into Greece, he himself guarded the straits of Thermopylae and the mountains overhanging them, and other places which block the entrance to Greece. But because of the cowardice of the Greeks he was overcome by the Marquis in that place.

^A Having caused a revolution on his own after the fall of Constantinople, he became lord of Corinth and the surrounding regions, as others had done elsewhere. Having lingered there for a short time, and come to know from some people that he was about to be captured, he fled. Encountering some people from Lombardy, he was taken prisoner while directing his movements toward his first cousin Michael; for this man at that time was ruling over a part of ancient Epirus [(62)] and was providing many troubles to the Italians who had arrived in those regions. And this man was exercising power over such a country: for he ruled Ioannina and Arta and as far as Naupactus.

When, therefore, Emperor Alexius was captured by the Lombards, and was sold by them along with his wife, and having endured with Michael for a short time, he resolved to go to the sultan of Iconium, whom they called Jathatines [(63)]. For he was well acquainted with him, since the aforementioned Jathatines, having fled from the hands of his brother Azatines—who was at that time the ruler of the Muslims—had gone to Constantinople as a fugitive, and had been welcomed by Emperor Alexius, and was baptized by him and adopted as a son; ^B and he also fled with Emperor Alexius when he fled from Constantinople. But not many days had passed when a man arrived to him, secretly revealing to him the death of his brother; and he, dressed in poor rags, arrived with him, and having become known to his people, he was declared the Prince of the Persians. This man also appeared useful to Emperor Theodore when he was in certain straits, having provided an alliance and agreed to terms for peace—for he used to call the Empress Anna his sister.

9. The entire zeal of Emperor Alexius was directed toward reaching him; for he was distressed to have to come to the Emperor and his son-in-law, Theodore [(64)]. Having, therefore, set out with provisions from the land of Michael, and having made use of a favorable wind, he put in at Attalia [(65)]. He was, therefore, most gladly received by the sultan. Emperor Theodore was living in Nicaea, and an embassy from the sultan arrived to him, announcing the arrival of the Emperor and his father-in-law, and how unjust an occupier he was of a foreign principality. ^C The Emperor was, therefore, disturbed by these words, and no small fear crept over him; for the sultan used the pretext of Emperor Alexius, but in truth his goal was to overrun and plunder all the lands of the Romans, or even to bring them under his heel; and the affairs of Emperor Theodore were, as they say, on a razor’s edge. Having therefore gathered his own men, he tried to sound them out, as to whether they would side with him or with his father-in-law, Emperor Alexius. They all with one voice, as if by a password, cried out that they would either live or die together with him. ^D

^A Courageously, therefore, the emperor, having spoken to those under his command, set out from Nicaea, taking the sultan's envoy with him. Using great speed, he arrived in Philadelphia. The sultan, having taken along with him, as if it were bait, the Emperor Alexius, whom he carried about as a lure for the Romans, made his assault upon Antioch—a city situated on the Maeander. It was his goal to take possession of this place. For this reason, he set up siege engines and was harrying the city; it was, in fact, on the verge of capture. Fearing this—for there was no doubt that if the sultan captured it, there would be no obstacle preventing him from subjugating the remainder of the Roman Empire—Emperor Theodore, casting the fate of the war upon the die, or, to speak more truly, trusting in the Lord Christ, whose name we pious ones carry about as our badge and sign, sped his advance, having commanded that no one should carry tents or baggage or anything else superfluous to the battle, beyond what was necessary for food and clothing. His army did not exceed two thousand men, of whom eight hundred were Italians, men who were vigorous and strong of hand, as the occasion clearly demonstrated, while the rest were Romans.

^B Consequently, having arrived near Antioch, the emperor dismissed the Persian envoy to return to his master; and he went off and announced to the sultan the emperor's arrival, which was to him quite unbelievable, so much so that the envoy had to confirm by oath that the emperor was already nearby. Having heard these things, the sultan, as quickly as he could, gathered his troops and drew up for battle. The Italians were the first to encounter the sultan's forces. Yet the multitude of the Muslims was great. ^C Having performed feats of strong-handed prowess and demonstrating a rather more noble spirit, they all but perished, though they had cut down many more and more numerous enemies. Once the Italians had been overcome by the Muslims, the Roman army was routed without difficulty, most of its number turning their backs in flight, with only a few standing their ground to await the outcome of the battle. Now, when the sultan had gained control of the battle, he began to hunt for the emperor, and someone pointed him out to him as he was standing in bewilderment. ^D As quickly as he could, the sultan rushed toward the emperor, trusting in the strength of his own body. They recognized each other, and the sultan was the first to strike the emperor on the head with his mace. He, seized by dizziness from the blow, fell from his horse (for the horse, too, was startled by the blow, perhaps a repeated one, and became frenzied); being unseated, and, as if by divine aid,

^A supported and standing upright, he drew his sword from its scabbard. As the sultan turned from that spot and mockingly cried out, "Take this!" the emperor struck the hind legs of the sultan’s horse; it was female and of immense size. Thus the sultan was thrown as if from a tower, and suddenly his head was severed; neither the emperor himself nor any of those present with the emperor knew by whom it had been cut off. The emperor, therefore, was victorious, though he had been mostly overcome; for he had no means of advancing further, having been left with only moderate resources. This became a pretext for respite for the Romans: for from that time the Muslims made unbreakable peace treaties with the Romans. From that time the emperor had a cessation of the fighting there and occupied himself with the wars against the Italians. He also took his father-in-law, the emperor Alexios, whom he found in battle and honored in the appropriate manner, brought him to Nicaea, and having stripped him of his imperial insignia, ordered him to live in the monastery of Hyacinth, where he also died. For his spouse, Euphrosyne, had ended her life in the region of Arta, where her corpse was also laid to rest. ^B

11. The emperor Theodore also overcame David, master of Paphlagonia, and brought Heraclea, Amastris, and all the surrounding territory and small towns under his power. Again my history wishes to write of the events that took place in the West. ^C In order for my history to be clear to all, it is necessary to state a few things beforehand. When the emperor Isaacius was conducting the affairs of Constantinople...

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(74) Gregoras, however, p. 21, says that Theodore amputated the sultan’s head, and that he showed it to the barbarian armies perched high upon a spear. ALL. (75) To the Romans. Gregoras, p. 21. ALL. (76) He also took. Gregoras, p. 21. ALL. (77) Euphrosyne. A woman of manly spirit, naturally adorned with sweetness and charm of speech, most astute at managing present affairs and foreseeing future ones, yet a terrible plague in other matters: for besides her exquisite adornment and royal luxury, and in changing the established order and innovating in affairs—surpassing her husband in this—she dishonored her husband with the stigma and infamy of her unchastity. She, therefore, crossing the boundaries and despising the customs of former Augustas, divided the empire into two principalities: for the emperor did not command whatever he pleased, but she also performed what she saw fit with equal authority, or rather, sometimes obstructed his commands out of her own caprice. When audiences for embassies were held, two precious thrones were joined together, and she would sit with her husband with great splendor, her head adorned with a cap of gems and transparent pearls, and wearing the most precious necklaces hanging from her neck. Sometimes they were even worshipped separately in other palaces, with subjects passing from the emperor to her to pay respects, bending their knees quite submissively. Some of the emperor’s own kinsmen, who held the highest offices, would shoulder her splendid and tall litters like slaves. From Choniata, in *Alexius Comnenus*, book 1. ALL. (78) Of Paphlagonia. See above, c. 7. ALL. (79) Of Isaacius the son of Constantine. Here, since his wife had died, he sought through legates the daughter of Bela, king of Hungary, who was not yet ten years old. He exacted the costs of the wedding in abundance from the cities and provinces, so that the fiscus's money would not be diminished by such a celebration; but he afflicted those adjacent to Anchialos and the inhabitants of the Haemus Mountains in particular, says Choniata. These men, already hostile to the Romans, openly defected on account of the driving off of cattle and other vexations. The authors of the defection were the brothers Peter and Alan. Yet, so that they might not seem to be plotting new things without cause, they approached the emperor at the Cupressi and asked that he desist from the Roman legions, and that a farm of small income be assigned to them on Mt. Haemus. When they did not obtain this, they returned home and threatened a defection, most notably Asanus, a bolder man, who at that very time was being struck with blows by order of the sebastocrator John on account of his impudence. Provoked also by these insults, these wicked men stirred up a most grievous fire against the Romans. The Bulgarians, terrified by the difficulty of the situation, shrank from that enterprise. The brothers, therefore, in order to remove the fear from the common people, built a temple in the name of the martyr Demetrius, into which they compelled many to simulate demonic possession, and, driven by frenzy, to proclaim that God was granting freedom to the Bulgarians, and that the martyr of Christ, Demetrius, having deserted Thessalonica and the custom of the Romans, had come to them to help in the work. Then, as if they were moved and agitated by a greater spirit, with greater...

voices they clamored that the Romans should now be attacked with arms, and all who were captured should be cruelly put to death, rejecting both peace and ransom. The whole nation, stirred by these things, ran to arms, and from the beginning of the rebellion, the things that were auspiciously begun gave them great courage, as they believed God favored their liberty.

^A ...having buried his wife, as we said above, he took as his wife the daughter of the leader of the Hungarians, who was from Hungary. And when he was about to hold the wedding, and this was an imperial one, he decided that the expenses for this should be magnificent. Hence from the whole Roman province sheep, pigs, and cattle were gathered. But because Bulgaria is the most fertile of all in these things, many more things were demanded from it. The Bulgarian nation ^B had long been refractory toward the Romans and the cause of many wars, captivities, destruction of cities, and six hundred other calamities for many years; finally, they were subdued by the Emperor Basil, whom rumor and common report—for no other reason—have called "Bulgaroctonus" (the Bulgar-slayer). Therefore, the nation continued to pay tribute to the Romans until the time of the Emperor Isaac. But because of such a pretext, they meditated rebellion, and one named Asan rose up and reigned over the country, having brought everything within the Haemus mountains as far as the Ister under his own power. From this, no small trouble befell the Romans: for when the Bulgarians had given mutual support to the Scythians, they harassed the Romans with many evils. For this reason, the Emperor Isaac, having grown indignant, gathered all the Roman forces into one army and marched against them. Pursuing the coastline and making his approach through the city of Mesembria, he entered the Haemus. Asan with his army was staying in a small town named Strinabo; and the Emperor Alexius, having pitched his tents, besieged the Bulgarians. But he was eluded by them. For one of them, pretending to be a deserter, announced to the Emperor an invasion of the Scythians. The Emperor, disturbed by the news, although he was about to capture the small town on the following day, yielded the position and did not return by the way he had come, but, deceived by the Bulgarian, he proceeded by a shorter path, not without lack of consideration. Consequently, while he was progressing and laboring on a narrow path, the Bulgarians attacked him, routed his soldiers, plundered all his military equipment, and even seized the Emperor's own gear. Many of the Romans were killed; those who escaped with the Emperor were very few and completely stripped. By this victory, and by the spoils and booty of the Romans, the Bulgarians raised their spirits too much and insolently: for they had acquired the more precious of the imperial insignias themselves, and besides these, royal pyramids, famous phials, a vast amount of money, and even the imperial cross itself, which a priest ^D ...He asked that his brother, whom he had also left as successor to his rule, be buried in the church of the evangelist and theologian at the Hebdomon, which was done.

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius

(80) The Bulgarian nation. Gregoras, lib. II, p. 26. ALL. (81) Such evils the Bulgarians brought upon the Greeks and their regions through various incursions, with different leaders and their histories, until they were finally routed and subdued by Basil Bulgaroctonus, whence he had the name Bulgaroctonus. ALL. (82) Regarding Basil Bulgaroctonus, besides our Acropolita, Gregoras writes in his second book; Zonaras, Cedrenus, Joannes Tzetzes in the Chiliads; almost all the other Greek historians. Regarding his corpse and burial, Georgius Pachymeres, lib. I, p. 124. Furthermore, Cedrenus relates that Basil was buried in the same temple, whom he left as successor to the rule, according to what is said about the evangelist and theologian, "The one who has become." ALL. (83) Asan. The rebellion of the Bulgarians, the very unhappy expedition against them by the Emperor Isaac, and the damages inflicted on the Romans are discussed at length by Choniata. ALL.

^A they were naked and very few in number. From this the Bulgarian tribe became arrogant, having gained much plunder from the Romans, and indeed the more prized of the imperial insignia. For they took the emperor’s pyramids [(84)] and the bowls of the insignia, and wealth in great abundance, and that very imperial cross [(85)]. For after one of the priests had thrown it, they found it shortly after in the river, made of gold, and bearing in the middle the holy wood upon which the Lord Christ was nailed, shaped in the form of a cross, and having many small cases in which reside relics of the more renowned martyrs, the milk of the Mother of God, and a part of her belt [(86)], and many other things, as many as were reckoned among the sacred objects. The Emperor Isaac, then, withdrew to Constantinople, as if he were a fugitive.

^B Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius.

[(84)] *Pyramis* was a pointed cap, the headgear of Eastern princes; George mentions it again later... I learned this from those two passages of our author. The same is taught in the Greco-barbarous Glossary of the repeated edition, confirmed by similar examples. To these, add a third from Nicetas in *Andronicus Comnenus*, book 1: *Tripon*. He calls the barbarian cap pointed and tapering in the shape of a pyramid. A similar type of cap, or perhaps the same, seems to have been the *toupha*, which Zonaras mentions in *Basilius Porphyrogenitus*, *Annal.* tom. III, whom he describes as having proceeded in triumph, adorned with an upright tiara or *tupha*... He adds: *From the pride, of course, which it excites in the minds of the wearers.* Whatever origin one might assign, it displeases me. Away with such trivialities! But the *tupha*, among silent military standards, such as eagles, dragons, banners, etc., about which Vegetius writes (lib. 2, ch. 5, in the corrected edition of P. Scriverius). Henry of Huntingdon, *Hist. Anglor.* lib. 2: *Everywhere before the king (Edwin) banners were carried; and also through the streets that type of banner which the Romans call a 'tuffa'.* The angels call it a *tufa*, which was accustomed to be carried before him everywhere. The same is found in the *Hist.* of the Venerable Bede, lib. 2, c. 16, from which this Henry of Huntingdon seems to have manifestly taken it. Dousa.

[(85)] I have from Meursius the cross placed upon a terrestrial sphere, which the emperor carried in his left hand. By this, the emperor signified that it was by the grace of Christ crucified that he had gained dominion over the world. And Justinian, after the building of the most august temple of St. Sophia, was the first to have it depicted this way in the *Augusteum*; and soon after him, the rest of the emperors. Codinus reports this in his *Origin of Constantinople*, and Suidas under the word *Justinianus*. This is our Meursius’s conjecture; see his supplement to the book *De Luxu Romanorum*, ch. 8; concerning the imperial globe, Isidore, *Etymologies* lib. 18, refers its use and origin to Augustus, saying: *Augustus is said to have established the globe as a sign because the nations of the whole world were subject to him, so that it might demonstrate the figure of the world.* Emperor Constantine the Great added a cross to this globe, according to Nicephorus, lib. 7, cap. 49, and others. See the noble author of the Annals, ^C in the year 325, in which the best emperor wished to signify that the world had been triumphed over by the power of Christ's cross. There are examples of Constantine holding a cruciferous globe in his hand. See the coins everywhere. But the emperors carried a cross not only on the globe, but also alone without the globe. Various authors, statues, and coins prove this. And when the Greeks were about to join battle with enemies, they were accustomed to carry the sign of the cross with them into the battle line and present it to the enemies as an invincible bulwark. Cedrenus is the authority that a cross was carried before the Bulgarian king as he went against the enemy. Conrad, Abbot of Ursperg, in his *Chronicle* in the year 1101: *The venerable abbot Gerard, who at that time carried the Lord’s cross always close to the king’s side, reported to me.* But here William of Tyre speaks of the Christians' war against the Mahometans, lib. 21, cap. 21 and 22, and lib. 22, cap. 21; he will teach that the princes had their own priest, who by office carried the sign of the cross in expeditions, whom he calls the bearer of the life-giving cross. This is the primary priest of the palace in Cedrenus in *Constantine, son of Leo*. And this sign of the cross was esteemed with greater value, and was observed with greater devotion, honor, and reverence, if it contained particles of the first cross. For the wood of the Holy Cross was scattered in parts (as St. Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, says, *Catech.* 4, and 13) from Mount Calvary and filled the whole world. Such crosses will occur not infrequently to one examining the monuments of the ancients. I persuade myself that such was this one, which our author calls the imperial cross, though I reserve judgment. See Jacob Gretser, S.J., the theologian, who treats this whole matter of the cross most exactly and abundantly in three volumes. Having read these, the candid reader will have no difficulty in subscribing to my opinion and adding his vote. Dousa.

[(86)] Regarding the belt of the Virgin Mother of God, the Greeks also celebrated its *catathesia* (deposition) on the last day of August. The *Menologium* is clear on the month of August: *And in the Novella of Manuel Comnenus concerning holidays:* My very dear friend Meursius suggested to me the *Menologium of the Greeks* from the library and translation of Cardinal William Sirlet, Aug. 31: *Commemoration of the precious belt of the most holy Mother of God, placed in her venerable temple, when the belt itself was brought back from the bishopric of Zela under the Emperor Justinian, and the miracle performed through the imposition of the precious belt upon Queen Zoe, the wife of the Emperor Leo.* Dousa.

12. Hence, no small difficulties befell the Romans from the Bulgarians. But also, with the Emperor Isaac blinded by his brother Alexius, and the latter holding the reins of the Roman Empire, many wars were waged against the Romans by the Bulgarians around the regions of Philippopolis and Beroea, ^A where the protostrator Camytzes, while fighting against the Bulgarians, was captured, at a time when John, the brother of Asan, was ruling. For the aforementioned Asan had two brothers, of whom the one was called Peter, and the other John. He kept John with himself, but he entrusted a part of his territory to Peter ^B to govern; specifically, Great Peristhlaba and Probatum and the adjacent places were bestowed upon Peter by his brother Asan as his own hereditary domain, whence even until today those places are called the land of Peter. After Asan had governed the affairs of the Bulgarians in a kingly manner for nine whole years, he was slain by his cousin Ivago, who immediately thereafter committed himself to flight. The heir to the empire was his brother John: for the Bulgarians refused to hand over the province to Peter to rule, ^C as he was still a minor—and the son of Asan, John, who also immediately fled; and since the Bulgarians did not wish to crown Peter as king because he was a minor, his brother John reigns.

13. This John, therefore, having been named king of the Bulgarians, was the cause of many evils to the Romans, and also successfully and fortunately for the Italians themselves. For he was king of the Bulgarians when Constantinople was captured. And so, when the Italians had brought the whole region of Macedonia ^D under their own control, the wars against them were many at Beroea.

[Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius]

(87) *Of the Romans.* For the Greek Empire endured no fewer misfortunes under Alexius than it had previously endured under Isaac, as Choniata narrates in the *Alexius*. All.

(88) What the dignity of protostrator is, what its duty, and where this might be established more clearly and better, I can name you no more illuminating author than our friend John Meursius. See his Glossary, or shall I call it a treasury? In Dousa. [Regarding the footnote entry about the red boots: ...placed the golden crown upon his head and put the scarlet shoes upon his feet, so that he might appear more spectacular and worthy to his own people in imperial insignia. All.]

(90) *Peristhlaba.* Anna Comnena, *Alexiad*, book VII: This very city, situated near the Ister, once did not have this name, but was Hellenized in its appellation, being a great city and so called; but from the time when Motro, the king of the Bulgarians, and those born from him, and furthermore Samuel, the last of the Bulgarian dynasty—like Zedekiah of the Jews—ran down into the West, he acquired a composite name from the Greek meaning, being called "Great," and dragging along the order from those of Slavic origin, "Great Peristhlaba" being celebrated among them on all sides.

(91) *Ivago* is the name for this person, and the word signifies John. For indeed, the brother and successor of the first Asan was John.

(92) *His brother.* Peter did not possess the supreme power for long; he ended his life not by a natural death, but was miserably stabbed by a certain commoner, and the principality of the Bulgarians passed to John, the third brother. Thus Choniata. Our Acropolita here, however, tells it otherwise. John had been a hostage among the Romans for no small time, when the Emperor Isaac had repulsed the Mysian arms: but he had escaped by flight and returned home. Gregoras: All. [regarding John's nature:] ...naturally and by character like Asan and in intimate familiarity with him. But when Asan had discovered this, at first he began to accuse his wife and to condemn her to death for the dissimulation of the crime. But, deterred by the words of his wife, he transfers his anger from the woman to Ibancus, and summons him to himself immediately in the dead of the night. Ibancus delays his arrival, Asan presses him. Finally, the reason why Ibancus was being summoned being known, he enters, armed with a sword hidden under his garment. Asan, planning nothing moderate against him, at his first appearance becomes infuriated and seeks his sword. Ibancus forestalls the deed and kills Asan with a sword fixed in his groin. Having escaped from there, he immediately betakes himself to his conspirators, and having indicated the slaughter, he enters into a plan of defection with them. All.

(93) *Many... to the Romans.* Asan and Peter were more savage in despoiling their brothers and harassing the Greeks: whose deeds are to be seen in Choniata. All.

(94) *Of Macedonia.* How the Italians subjected Macedonia and the rest of Greece to themselves, Choniata narrates in the *Baldwin*. All.

^A who at first held command in Constantinople, managing their affairs, and sent word to the city of Adrianople (95) that it should come under them. For John, the king of the Bulgarians, had previously seized Philipopolis (96) and carried out a great enslavement of the Romans from that place. As the people of Adrianople were unwilling to come under the hand of the Italians, the Italians set out against them, ^B with Emperor Baldwin himself being with them, as well as the one who held the place of the Duke of Venice in Constantinople. Finding themselves in no small straits, the inhabitants of Adrianople sent to John, the king of the Bulgarians, [P. 12] that he might assist them and deliver them from the impending danger. He received this gladly, and, taking Scythians with him, since he could not openly fight the Latins, he determined to overcome them by ruses. He remained himself somewhere far from the city of Adrianople, but sent the Scythians against the Italians to employ Scythian tactics against them. Now it is the custom of the Italians to ride on high-necked horses and to be clad in armor from head to foot, and consequently they attack their opponents with difficulty; the Scythians, however, being more lightly armored (97), leap upon their opponents with greater freedom. The Italians, not understanding this, were outmaneuvered by the Scythians, so that even Emperor Baldwin himself ^C ...

*Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius.*

(95) Adrianopolis, the siege and the machinations of John, Choniata narrates at more length in his *Baldwin*. Regarding this city, the author of the *Life of Athanasius, Patriarch of Constantinople*, writes: "He, Athanasius, great in virtue and famous throughout almost the entire world, had as his homeland the city of Odrysus, ancient and illustrious, not only abounding in all kinds of external goods, but also adorned with every virtue, a workshop excelling in all good learning, called Orestiada from Orestes, who first founded it, and Adrianople from Aelius Hadrianus, who, many ages later, expanded and adorned it. To how many and what kind of goods it is surrounded on all sides, and to the rivers that flow eternally besides, one who wishes may learn by traveling there." Regarding the same, Joannes Tzetzes, *Chiliad. 8*, verse 931. All.

(96) Philipopolis. Choniata, in *Baldwin*, p. 829. All. — In this and the miserable plundering of the city of Philipopolis (which received its name from the father of Alexander the Great and its foundations...) later writers agree with the Logothete. Among others, the eyewitness Godefridus Ville-Harduinus, Marshal of Champagne, is a witness; for he says that John Asan, having driven out Renier (or Renato) of Utrecht, who had received the principality of that city from Emperor Baldwin, had razed this same city to the ground against the pledged faith, and had acted with more than barbaric rage against the inhabitants, having cruelly slain the archbishop and the noblemen, and carried off the others into slavery. DOUSA.

^D ...Aspietas had defected to the Latins, John, a cunning man and driven almost to madness by pain increasing day by day, ordered Baldwin to be taken from prison, his feet to be cut off at the knees and his hands at the wrists with an axe, and then for him to be thrown into a valley; where, finally, on the third day, he miserably expired as food for birds. Hence it is evident how much those are mistaken who hand down that Baldwin died a natural death or was killed in battle. And how much Dorotheus of Monemvasia chatters, who writes that he died in the Orient thirteen years later when he was fighting against Theodorus Lascaris. Sabellius also relates various things about his death, *lib. vi, Ennead. x*: "Baldwin, who had been declared emperor after Byzantium was captured by the Gauls and Venetians, died within the year in which he had obtained the empire." There are some who write that he was defeated at Adrianople and fell into the power of the enemy and was consumed by death in chains; others say he died by fate at Byzantium. Choniata adds that the choicest knights of the Latins, famous for brandishing spears, fell in that conflict, and Count Lodovic of Plea; the most cunning evil and the first author of all Roman calamities, the Doge of Venice, Dandolo, having learned of the ruin of the army from the fugitives, immediately turned his reins to hurry to the camp, and returned to Byzantium, with the internal organs of his body ruptured from the flight over so many parasangs, and his scrotum swollen to an immense size.

^A

Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius’ Notes.

Gregoras, bk. 1, p. 15, 21. Ephraemius Byzantinus in his Chronicle: He welcomed the proposals of the embassies gladly, And having taken a Scythian allied host, Falling secretly upon the army of the Italians, He puts this to rout and conquers by force. He seizes their ruler Baldwin as well, A youth abounding in many virtues, Most of all in temperance and justice, As the speech recorded before has told, Whom having imprisoned far away in Trinovum, And done ten thousand terrible things cruelly, Having detained him in steep/precipitous places, At last he subjected [him] to a piteous death.

From the Frankish Venetian Lombards, Chosen nobles, [the] heralds Anoint as Emperor of Constantinople Baldwin, Count of the land of Flanders, A most beautiful youth, comely in nature, God-loving and very Christ-loving, Gentle, cheerful, most temperate, Granting a share even to the future life, A treasury of many God-given virtues, Especially a lover of temperance and justice. Who had a herald twice a week, Crying aloud that no one should sleep Inside the imperial [palace] in the evening, No one joined to a lawful wife, But having chosen to live illicitly with a harlot, Being a guardian of the laws and of lawful justice, Not willing to approach a woman at all, For as long as he was away from his wife, Not even having a passionate look, up to a glance.

[ALL] — Note the fate of Emperor Baldwin. He came into the power of the enemy alive, having been captured by the Scythians, and was surrendered first to Joannes, the king of the Bulgarians, then to prison, and after a short time he perished by a miserable end, around the year 1205. And there was an interregnum at Constantinople, the events of which, as attested by Nicetas, were not previously explored. He was kept for a long time at Ternobum; but when Aspietes defected to the Latins, King Joannes was in consequence most violently embittered, and boiling with rage and grief that increased daily, he was driven almost to madness. He orders Baldwin to be led out of prison, his feet and hands to be amputated, and then his trunk to be cast down into a deep valley, where on the third day at last he miserably expired, as food for the birds. Thus Nicetas. Others report that he was dismembered in prison, because he was falsely accused of having offered to the wife of King Joannes a union of marriage and empire, if he were to be liberated by her aid. Matthew Paris says it was not the queen of Bulgaria, but a certain noble girl, as we shall see below. To which our logothete adds as a corollary what has been omitted by others, that the barbarian mocked his head at banquets, specifically using the skull of the great prince as a drinking cup. He does not, however, assert this categorically: for he says "as they say." However, while this may be left in the middle, there is no doubt at all about the death of Baldwin himself. What, then, do those people want who wish him to have returned home safe and sound after a long pilgrimage and imprisonment? I know that there was found a certain person not unlike Baldwin who lied that he was the emperor and Count of Flanders and Hainaut; for at no time have there ever been wanting those who, born in the lowest station, have tried with a lie to insert themselves into the most illustrious families. Because it is a noble example, I will not begrudge inserting here—even if the history is a little long—the Pseudo-Baldwin, trusting the old chroniclers. I would give the first place to Abbot Albert of Stade, who lived around those times. After him would follow Godfrey, a monk of Saint Pantaleon of Cologne, among the most diligent, whom we have recently received through the benefit of Marquard Freher, in his annals sub gestis for the year 1225. I could add others to these, indeed illustrious and trustworthy men, but unskilled in their style. But omitting the dross of these, let us rather listen to the flower of our age, the marrow of persuasion, Justus Lipsius. He recounts the matter in his *Politicorum sive civilis doctrinae libri sex*, bk. 2, ch. 5, no. 8. Matthew Paris, a writer of that time, in his *Historia major*, seems to have given some credence to that obfuscator and impostor for the year 1225. Add the *Auctarium* to the Chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux, recently published by Aubert Miraeus, canon of Antwerp. Jacobus Meyerus, having inspected the Chronicle of Joannes Iperius (who died in the year 1294) and other most ancient monuments and annals of Flanders, writes that it is not sufficiently certain whether Baldwin was captured in battle or killed, only that he was never found thereafter. Regarding the rascal who lied about being Baldwin, see it yourself under the year 1225. Christianus Massaeus, in his Chronicle, under the year 1201, records that the emperor was captured at Adrianople by his adversaries and carried off to Syria. So the authors vary. DOUSA.

(99) *Indeed, the remaining Italians*. Nicetas, p. 814. ALL. (1) *Light* is considered superfluous, and I hold that this word crept into the text as a gloss; the author of which opinion I consider to be Meursius, from whose Glossary these things, which alone have relevance here, are taken: *a lamp, [that is,] light*. Constantine, in his *Tactica*: "Wishing to move him from his state of immobility, he made this so, and *lampra* [light], and so forth." *A place where they light a lamp, that is, a fire*. ^D

^A And, having given the citizens the suspicion that they were present, at midnight the fugitives moved toward Constantinople. Once the inhabitants of Adrianople learned of this at dawn, they plundered what had been left in the tents. The king of the Bulgarians, therefore, hastened to gain control of their city according to the promises made to the citizens of Adrianople; but they rejected this. Being then vexed, the Bulgarian king wished to besiege them due to this deception. But the Bulgarians were entirely unskilled in besieging, for they knew neither how to set up siege engines nor how to devise anything else capable of taking a city by force. ^B Having moved, then, from that place, the Bulgarian king—having nothing in his way [(2)], since the Italians had been utterly destroyed by him and there was no one else resisting him—overran the whole of Macedonia. He inflicted most grievous harm, enslaving the cities with their inhabitants and razing them completely to the ground. His intention was that the Romans should never have the means to claim their cities back. He razed, therefore, from the foundations [(3)] Philippopolis, which was an exceedingly marvelous city, situated by the Hebrus, and likewise all the other cities: Heraclea, Panium, Rhaedestus, Chariupolis, Trajanopolis, Ma- ^C cren, Claudiupolis, Mosynupolis, Peritheorion, and many others, which it is not necessary to count. Having led the people from there, he settled them around the flowing waters of the Ister, giving the settlements the names of the very villages and cities he had enslaved. He was making retaliation, as he said, for the evils which the Emperor Basil had wrought against the Bulgarians, and he said that the latter was to be called the "Bulgar-slayer" [(4)], while he himself named himself the "Roman-slayer." Finally, arriving even at Thessalonica [(5)], he died there, seized by pleurisy, or as some said, he suffered a miserable death from the wrath of God; for it seemed to him [(6)] in his sleep that an armed man stood by him and struck his side with a spear. For it was truly ^D a marvel that never did such things happen to the Romans from the one... [(6)] *For it seemed to him.* Then, at that time, in the dead of the night, God polished to the end the sword of his own vengeance and whetted it as on a whetstone with the zeal of the martyr. And suddenly the ever-watchful guardian in truth and our city-protector and great soldier of the great King, Demetrius, appears to the king of the Bulgarians on a white horse, and he immediately casts a spear at the wretched man, striking a vital part. He, having shouted out loudly on the instant, cried out against his own commander-in-chief, Manastra, as if he had been struck by him—for he thought he saw him riding on a noble and white horse, acting within the tent, and carrying about a spear which he dipped into his own heart. And again he was struck by him repeatedly, so that he himself, with his own...

^A hands, was mangled ⁶³, and indeed he was given a name according to this, for he was called "Dog-John" ⁶⁴ by all. For having made the race of the Scythians his own, and having shared kinship with them, and having participated in ways more beastly than their nature, he kept slaughtering the Romans. When therefore he was finished off, Borilas by name, the son of his sister, having taken the Scythian woman as his lawful wife, became master of the rule of the Bulgarians. But the son of Asan, John ⁶⁵, being still an underage child, he took, as we have said, and sent him off to the Scythians. And these things are concerning the Bulgarians; but the narrative will describe these things in their proper times ⁶⁶.

14. Furthermore, regarding Michael, whom ^B the account has mentioned as having ruled Epirus and a certain part of the Roman lands, he possessed three brothers: Constantine, Theodore, and Manuel. Of these, Theodore lived with the Roman Emperor Theodore Lascaris, serving him just as the rest of the Romans did. For this reason, Michael begs Emperor Theodore to send him to him (since he did not yet have an adult son—for the Michael he had fathered by a concubine was, as we shall say later, a child, and he feared an untimely death—and judged his other brothers unfit to rule). The Emperor releases Theodore to his brother Michael, having first exacted from him an oath of fidelity to himself and to his successors as Roman Emperors. Thus dismissed, he lived with his brother Michael in community of life and sustenance. Not long after, Michael is killed at night in his bedroom, while sleeping with his wife, by a servant (the parricide’s name was Romaios). Wherefore his brother Theodore succeeds to the lordship, having with him his brothers Constantine and Manuel. And when he settled into the principality, he extended the rights of his empire too far; for he annexed to his own rule not a small territory from the Italians, and a large one from the Bulgarians; and he brought under himself Thessaly ^C, Achrida, Prilapum, Albanum, and Dyrrhachium itself, where Peter, who was coming with a great force of soldiers from Italy and, as it were, aiming at Constantinople, had been appointed by the Supreme Pontiff ^D.

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius. The description of the event is recorded as follows: "The wretched man, having reaped the fruits of his own evil and vanity, even to the point of gathering the cup of the Lord’s wrath, and having come to a state of being drunk with divine gall, he was turned into the pit of his own heart. And upon his head actually fell his own injustice, and he fell into the pit which he had wrought; and one martyr’s stroke came as compensation for the many evil deeds of that man, and the blood of the righteous man flowed forth, a counter-payment for the blood of many innocent ones. This is the impious man surnamed Scyloioannes, whom the great Demetrius manifestly slew when he marched against Thessalonica, as is recorded in those accounts." And below: "Most impious of men, Scyloioannes the Bulgarian, and what a beast he was, let it not be granted to his small soul to find rest." ... [The fragment dealing with the vision of the soldier/knight follows:] ... "cries in terror and leaped up from his bed (for he was in the next room), entered in and saw to it that he was seen, and heard as if saying: 'Are you alive, you whom you pierced before the battle with your white horse?' And having been struck, he turned around and said: 'Is it not you, O Emperor, who have pity, who lie here? It is not so, it is not; it is a phantom that has come to you, no, not reality.' He, having received the wound deep within him, groaned terribly, and cried out and wailed. He is needled in the belly straightaway, and a thick stream of blood runs down from below, as if his foot were heavy, O Demetrius, by the blood of your enemies, for the sake of this city. And already his life begins to ebb away. Seeing this, the commander of his forces, Manastras, swiftly moves, and having been struck, he flees, and stealing his safety with as many as he could, he breaks through the ranks of the armored soldiers, as quickly as they could—for fear and trembling came upon them against an unexpected enemy. But for he was not long of the living..."

^A and the emperor stationed in those same parts, having seized Dyrrhachium, he forced them to retreat in confusion. Peter had taken to himself in marriage the sister of the first of the Latins, Baldwin, and his successor, Henry. The sister’s name was Jolenta, from whom Peter had three sons: Philip, Robert, and Baldwin. After the first of them, Philip, had granted to Robert the power to administer the empire, Robert and Baldwin held the region of Constantinople. From their sisters, Maria was joined to the emperor Theodore. Furthermore, Theodore, whom we indicated above, having assembled an army, opposed Peter after he had passed slightly beyond Dyrrhachium and had been led into the narrow defiles of the Albanians. There the soldiers of Theodore Comnenus strenuously routed the Latin forces, having oppressed everyone, so that they bound them all in chains, seized their baggage, and even put the emperor Peter himself to the sword. By this victory the Roman state was not a little relieved. ^B

Notes of Dousa and Leo Allatiius

(9) "And Peter..." Year 1219, Honorius III, Roman Pontiff. This Peter of Courtenay, having been made emperor of Constantinople from Count of Auxerre, is said on this same page to have fallen in battle, run through. Antonius Bonfinius (Rer. Ungar: Decad. II, book VII) reports that he met his end in the day of Theodore, the tyrant of Dyrrhachium, with Iole, or Jolenta, administering his empire in the meantime. Others write that he was held in Thessaly, separated from his oath, religion, and faith, and after two whole years of squalor in prison, he was finally strangled about the year 1221. DOUSA.

(101) "Having been proclaimed to the pope..." Latin writers recount the matter otherwise; they say indeed that upon the death of Henry, the empire was offered by those who were at Constantinople to Andrew, king of Hungary, or to his father-in-law, Count Peter of Auxerre, concerning whom he immediately informed the pontiff Honorius III. Peter, however, having been called by the stronger votes and having arrived at Rome from the Gauls with his wife, children, and other retinue, was crowned by Honorius with the diadem in the church of St. Lawrence outside the walls, lest it should appear that he had compared the rights of the Oriental empire to the Occidental, and that the rights of the Patriarch of Constantinople to anoint the Emperor of the Orient had been detracted from. Honorius replied to the Patriarch of Constantinople: "We, however, although we had refused the same many times, lest anyone might be able to suspect [we acted] from superfluity, because we feared in the prejudice of the Church of Constantinople, which also might disappear confused to us, lest if he departed thus, not only for himself but for the universal empire, a grave dispensation might be imminent, condescending at last without prejudice to you or any other, or contempt, we deemed it proper to crown them solemnly in the church of the Blessed Lawrence outside the walls of the city. And so that greater authority might attend the business, he gave him as a companion John Colonna, titular of St. Praxedis." ALL.

(11) "To become the work of the sword..." This also the Latin writers recount differently, who write that [he was taken] not by arms, but by the treason and perfidy of Theodore Comnenus; for when he had entered into a treaty with Theodore on the way, he was invited by Theodore, and while at the banquet, he himself and the legate were captured, the rest being put to flight or laid low, ^C and consigned to prison. Letters of Honorius to the same Theodore are read, in which he accuses him of such a great crime, and urges him to release the legate of the Apostolic See and Peter from their chains and allow them to depart unbound; and if he does not comply, he threatens grave punishments. And it was found that he later freed the papal legate. Historians are silent about what was done regarding Peter. It is therefore doubtful whether he died in chains or was restored to liberty. Certainly, he was not restored to the empire. Richard of San Germano in his Chronicle, now edited for the first time by the most learned Ferdinand Ughelli in *Italia Sacra*, vol. III, in the year 1217: "Peter, Count of Auxerre, having been elected emperor at Constantinople, coming to Rome with his consort, they are crowned emperor and empress by Pope Honorius at St. Lawrence outside the walls of the city. Entering the kingdom and betaking themselves to Brindisi with an honorable military force, they there awaited the arrival of Lord John Colonna, cardinal, the legate to Constantinople, with whom, under ^D an ill-omened voyage, they crossed over and arrived at the port of Dyrrhachium. Led by corrupt counsel, they left the empress to precede them by sea to the city of Byzantium, and they undertook to besiege and capture Dyrrhachium. And when they profited little, they departed from the siege of the city itself. Wandering through byways and dense forests, they were intercepted by the Greeks, of whom some perished by the edge of the sword, others were captured and consumed by the squalor of the prison together with the emperor himself. Even the cardinal himself was captured and detained." Here Blondus in *De gestis Venetorum* mixes and confuses everything: "John had now promised the Venetians as emperor that if he were transported to Constantinople with the army held from the pontiff, which the Venetians had brought from Constantinople, he would recover Dyrrhachium for them, which city Theodore of Epirus had snatched by theft and guile. Moreover, the emperor, about to wage war on Dyrrhachium, ordered his wife Iole on the one side and Cardinal Colonna on the other to approach Constantinople, and the siege was begun, and assaults were attempted nearly every day. But Theodore, abounding in soldiers from faithful Epirus, easily defended the city, fortified by an old wall which the Venetian had restored, to such an extent that the emperor...

^A deflects his discourse once again to Emperor Theodore Lascaris. For from his wife Anna, as I said, three daughters were born to him: Irene, Maria, and Eudocia. Maria, the second of his daughters, he gave in marriage to the King of Hungary, who was returning from Jerusalem, for his son through his own territory; and the eldest, Irene, he joined in marriage to Andronicus Palæologus, whom he had also honored with the dignity of Despot. Not long after, Despot Palæologus died, and the emperor took as his son-in-law John Ducas, surnamed Vatatzes, who had originated from Didymoteichon and was fulfilling the office of Protovestiarios. Now the Empress Anna had already died before this time. The emperor then took a wife from the Armenians; but, becoming displeased with her, he sent her back to her own homeland, Cilicia, and took as his wife the sister ^B of the emperor of the Italians, who, as I have said, was named Robert, and had succeeded his uncle Eric. Through Eric, the Roman cause and Emperor Theodore suffered much harm; for since he was strong and rash and bold in fighting, and seeing the Romans depressed, and especially after Emperor Theodore had put the sultan to death—for then the Italian, ^C despairing of gaining power for himself, decided to leave. And because he was eager to visit the inland cities of Macedonia, he received from Theodore an assurance of public safety while breaking the siege. In accordance with this, he first made his way to the coast of Macedonia after having been given a written permit for the port of the river Areta. Brought thence to the wooded valley of Tempe, when he had reached the mountain passes, he fell into an ambush set in the forest by the leader Theodore, and having been abducted, he was thrown into a most foul prison. Here he ^D errs in confounding John, king of Jerusalem, with Peter of Courtenay. It was Iole who was the wife of Peter, not of John, [she being] the sister of Baldwin I. Theodore, brother of Michael, succeeded that same Michael in the principality, whom he rendered greater in arms and military virtue. Iole alone traveled by ship to Byzantium; Cardinal Colonna was as much a companion in his labors as he was in his imprisonment. Letters of Honorius III to this same Theodore and others are still read, in which he urges Theodore under the most severe penalties to release the legate of the Apostolic See from custody, and others to avenge the injury done and procure his liberation. To pass over the statements of other historians, who affirm that Peter did not fight in war against Theodore, but having been mollified by Theodore, and even with promised expenses to Byzantium itself, had started his journey through his territory and, captured at a banquet, had been consigned to prison, while the rest of the multitude they were leading with them was routed. *Chronicon Fossæ novæ*, Jordanus, Richard of San Germano, and others. Let Blondus trust in these, if he can, if he wishes his word to be trusted in other matters. Raphael Volaterranus likewise confuses this Theodore, prince of Epirus, who set an ambush for Peter of Courtenay, with Theodore Lascaris, emperor of the Greeks; and he narrates that Peter was not consigned to prison but was beheaded by him at a banquet. Sadellius, *Ennead.* IX, lib. v: Peter of Courtenay, adorned with imperial insignia by Pope Honorius, went back with John Colonna, prelate of the highest order: he was being sent into Pannonia to prepare arms against the Turks. When they had reached Brundisium, the emperor, received with his wife and children on Venetian ships, sent them into Dalmatia, having sent on the prelate John to prepare for war. He himself attempted to wrest Dyrrhachium from Theodore, who held Epirus. He carried himself as emperor of Greece, for the Venetians had some time earlier restored it and had suddenly occupied it with their own garrison. The emperor, therefore, to gratify the Venetian name, and also because he intensely hated his rival for the empire, at one time besieged Dyrrhachium in vain. Theodore, meanwhile, pretending an interest in peace, insinuated himself with the man of Courtenay, and in a short time became a host from being an enemy. He kills the emperor, therefore, after he had been kindly invited to a banquet, respecting neither the recently struck treaty nor the laws of hospitality. Others write that he was caught in an ambush by Theodore near the wooded parts of Thessaly, which they call Tempe, and once reduced to his power, was kept in chains. ALL.

^A Ericus provided much trouble for the Romans and for Emperor Theodore himself. For being a brave man, quick to battle, and seeing how the affairs of the Romans had been humbled—especially since the time Emperor Theodore had killed the Sultan—he had lost the army he had from the Franks, in which he had been confident in the battles against his own countrymen. And Emperor Ericus, too, feared these things; for there were many men distinguished for their birth and for the valor that dwelt within them. Because of these things, as some say, when Ericus heard of the emperor's victory, he said, "Lascaris has been beaten; he has not won." But lest I draw out the story, I shall present the whole matter by saying just this: Ericus pitched his tents as far as Nymphaeum ^B in great solitude, with no one hindering him. Returning from there, and having been satisfied—partly by having gathered spoils, and partly wishing to rest from his labors (for the Latin race does not persevere in sustaining the struggles of war)—he entered into a treaty with Emperor Theodore. And it was agreed that all the territory of Ciminas (for that is the name of the mountain situated near Achiraus), together with Achiraus itself, should be held by the Frankish race, but that Calamus (Calamus is a village, from which the theme of the Neocastra 17 begins) should remain uninhabited, and that the areas beyond it should be held by Emperor Theodore: these were the Neocastra and Celbianum, Chliara and Pergamus, and the locations lying to the side, Magidia and Opiscia 18. Emperor Theodore also had another territory, starting from Lopadium, which included Prusa and Nicaea. And thus did the affairs of Emperor Theodore turn out. ^C

16. The aforementioned Ericus 19, even if he were a Frank by birth, nevertheless treated the Romans and the indigenous people of Constantine with greater kindness and composure, and he had many of them—some he arranged among his high-ranking men, others he counted among his soldiers, and the common people 20 he cherished as if they were his own folk. For having prevailed over the Roman cities of Lentiana and Poemanenus, he considered it a windfall to have found men in them who breathed the spirit of Ares and who had demonstrated deeds of noble courage. For he had caused the city of the Lentiani to suffer such a famine that they were compelled to eat hide. ^D

(16) Up to Nymphaeum itself. Choniata relates the expeditions of the Latins in the East under Baldwin. ALL. (17) Neocastra. ALL. (18) Moldia and Opiscia. We have brought up certain things regarding the theme of Obsequium in our notes; it seems to be Moldavia. DOUSA. (19) Ericus held and governed the Constantinopolitan empire for one year and four months after the death of Baldwin without imperial title; for as Nicetas relates, p. 847, none of his people wished to grant him the royal inauguration unless the death of Baldwin was confirmed, a fact for which Choniata, while greatly praising him, inveighs against his own Greeks. ALL. (20) The common people as his own, from Ephraemus in his Chronicle: After whom the Latins in the city are ruled By Ericus, kinsman of Baldwin, A man cheerful, kindly to subjects, And a general strong, daring, Quick to the battles of adversaries, And leading brave, sturdy soldiers, Men of the Hellenes organized, A picked phalanx and victorious. (21) "Caused them to eat hide." A corrupt passage. We have expressed the meaning as best we could. In this, however, we are not satisfied with ourselves. Nor indeed with our friends. The leader of whom, and the love of Dousa and of the women, Petrus Scriverius, suspected that something else lay hidden.

forced to eat them. Even the wall, leveled by engines brought to bear and thus gaping wide and deep, was defended for forty days by one man after another piling wood upon the fire. Finally, when the city was subdued, none of the defenders were ransomed for a price, except for the emperor’s German brother and Dermocaites, who was in command of the army, and Andronicus Palæologus, to whom the emperor had given his daughter Irene, as we have said before. Moreover, Ericius, having gathered them all together and scattered them into squadrons and companies, and having assigned thirty-two leaders from the same stock, entrusted the command of them all to George Theophilopulus and gave him the protection of the eastern parts. ^B

17. Under this emperor, a prelate was sent to the Queen of Cities by the Supreme Pontiff (they call him a legate), Pelagius by name, bearing the prerogatives of the Pope: for indeed he wore red shoes, and all things...

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

...he applied to himself as a most intimate and common friend, our Daniel Heinsius; and what Greek and Latin letters owe to this man, the immortal fruits of his keenest intellect and the judgments of the highest and most learned men regarding him abundantly testify, and posterity feels this with the greatest profit. He, through a conjecture born on the spur of the moment, and indeed by divine divination (so may God love me), said that this most corrupt place should be interpolated thus: *For in the town of the Leantini, there was not only such a shortage of water that it burned up those on guard, but also famine, so that it forced them to eat the leather of their shields and coverings.* That is: *In the town of the Leantini, indeed, there was not only such a shortage of water that it plagued the guards, and famine, so that they were compelled to eat the leather of their shields and garments, but also, etc.*, or even the verb *so that they were forced to eat the leather of shields and garments*. Do not doubt the truth of this reading, Dousa.

With the forces raised by Innocent. Regarding Pelagius, the anonymous writer of the *Oriental History* and the *Taking of Damietta*, in Vincent of Beauvais, *Speculum Historiale*, book xxxi, 138: *Damietta, captured after many labors and held by our men for a year or more, was afterwards rendered to the pagans by Cardinal Legate Pelagius and the Templars and Hospitallers and the whole army of Christians, notwithstanding John, King of Jerusalem, who, because of the discord stirred up between himself and the legate, departed from the army, and having been captured and grievously afflicted by the Sultan through misfortune.* I believe the root of this discord, if I am not mistaken, is sufficiently clear from the history of Paulus Æmilius, which I cited above; and from it Meyer, for the year 1221.

Dousa. — Pelagius, Cardinal Bishop of Albano, is sent to Constantinople by Innocent III, instructed with supreme authority to lead back the Greeks, who obeyed the Latins, from schism and recall them to the bosom of the Church. Sabellicus narrates this same thing, *Ennead* IX, book v: *Emperor Henry proved himself a most observant helper of Roman piety, the legate having been sent to Byzantium for this purpose, in order to subdue the Greeks to the rite of the Roman Church. Scarcely had that matter begun to be set in motion, when a great sedition invaded the city, with the Greeks claiming that it was the emperor’s duty to care for the empire, not for sacred rites; that he had given enough and more, who had allowed their own Church to be declared subject to the Roman.* Henry, leaving the Greeks to their stubbornness, turns to the constitution of the empire. ^C Yet this can be gathered from the stubbornness of the Greeks, but also from the imprudence and excessive zeal of the legate in executing matters, as well as from other actions of this Pelagius. For nearly everyone, as Spondanus narrates for the year 1221, no. 19, *casts the disgrace of the loss of Damietta on Pelagius, who, against the opinion of all military commanders, himself inexperienced in such matters, at a most inopportune time, by the power of censures, forced [them] to move the camp foolishly against the Sultan, and exposed the most flourishing Christian army to almost the most ignoble death or most disgraceful servitude, which even then would have been very easy to occupy the whole of Syria, and at a more convenient time, even Egypt and Babylon and the whole East.* Nor was this legation of his any less harshly ill-fated, and Spondanus, year 1213, no. 24, hands down that he accomplished nothing either with the emperor or with the Greeks. ALL.

^A wearing [red-dyed] garments (23)—for he even wore slippers of the same hue, and his clothing was of like color, and the horse’s trappings and the reins were dipped in such a dye. Since he possessed a rather savage character and made use of arrogance, he displayed many cruelties toward the inhabitants of Constantinople. And his pretext was supposedly reasonable, for he compelled everyone to submit to the obedience of the elder Rome. From this, monks were imprisoned, priests were bound in chains, and every church was closed. And it was a matter of one of two things: either to acknowledge the pope as the first high priest (24) and to make mention of him in the holy rites (25), or to suffer death as the penalty for not doing so. This brought the inhabitants of Constantinople to deep grief, and especially the more prominent among them, who, having turned to the emperor Henry, said, "We, for our part, having been born of a different race and having a different high priest, have submitted ourselves to your rule so that you might govern us in bodily matters, but not in matters of the soul and spirit. For while it is necessary to take up arms for your defense when war is being waged, it is utterly impossible to abandon our own religious rites and customs. Therefore, either release us from the sufferings that have come upon us, or let us go free to return to our native lands." Having spoken thus, and he, not wishing to be deprived of so many good and noble men, and with the said legate unwilling, opened the churches, freed the monks and priests from chains and confinement, and calmed the storm by which Byzantium was then being tossed. But many of the monks, before these ^B things were handled by the Orientals, [had already fled]. By which name this legation appears to have been instituted to them by the Roman pontiff, concerning which is the notable passage of the Logothete. But the legate Pelagius sang to deaf ears, with the emperor Henry, brother of Baldwin, favoring the Constantinopolitans. Although, in the year 1215, at the time of the Roman Council, the Oriental Church showed itself to be subject to the Roman Church, something which had been unheard of before. For two men elected as patriarch at Constantinople went to Rome, both of whom the pope, by the counsel of the cardinals, deposed, and he substituted a third, invested him, and sent him back to his own see. The same monk reports this in the Annals. DOUSA.

(23) *Red-dyed.* It has come about through ignorance of Latin affairs that Acropolita, because it was in the custom of that nation, drags it toward arrogance and insolence. For who does not know that red garments and the rest of the cardinals' equipment are dyed with a red color? It does not follow, however, from that, that whoever among that nation uses red clothing are cardinals, as Zacharias Gergenus argues most foolishly in his Catechesis, who, having seen the pope carried on a seat by men dressed in red clothes, inconsiderately and clearly ridiculously stated that the pope is carried on the shoulders of four cardinals surrounded by satellites. ALL.

(24) *Acknowledge the pope as the first high priest.* Indeed, there was once a contention regarding the primacy between the Roman pontiff and the Constantinopolitan patriarch; which Justinian decided, and subjected Constantinople to Rome. It is clear from Novella 131. Phocas did the same at the request of Pope Boniface; concerning which Paul Warnefrid, *De Gest. Longobard.*, book iv, chap. 37. And the Roman pontiff always labored to assert the primacy, even though the patriarch protested and greatly resisted, until, with the city captured under Baldwin of Flanders and the Greek patriarch put to flight, and the Venetian Thomas Morosini (the first from the Latins as patriarch) elected, the Oriental Church, whose metropolis was once Constantinople, recognized, along with the emperor and the whole ^C empire, that it was, as it was of old, renewed as a daughter of the Roman Church to its head the Roman pontiff; the patriarch himself also, aspiring to this work and applauding it, promised that he would receive the pallium of his dignity from the supreme Roman pontiff. These are the words of Henry (who for Meyer is Hugo), Count of Saint-Pol, from a letter written at Constantinople, which the monk Godfrey inserts into his annals; which exists in the first Freherian volume of German Affairs. These things happened in the year 1203. But immediately, as it seems, this concord dissolved, and the Western yoke...

(25) *Make mention of him in the holy rites.* Regarding this matter, namely that in the sacred hymnodies of the Greeks mention of the Roman pope should be made and his memory honored, was a long-standing contention, just as there was regarding the primacy (of which we have already spoken) between the Roman and Constantinopolitan Churches, and it lasted until the times of Michael Palaeologus, under whom that controversy was settled and the Church was united, even though this union did not persevere. They then agreed upon these three things: first, that in the hymnodies of the Constantinopolitans mention of the Roman pope should be made along with the four patriarchs; second, that it should be lawful for anyone to appeal to ancient Rome as a greater tribunal; third, that the primacy should be deferred to the Roman pope in all matters. Authors: Nicephorus Gregoras, *Histor. Byzant.*, book 5; Georgius Phranza, *Chronicon Orientale*, book 1, cap. 6; Georgius Pachymerius in *Excerptis Histor.*, book 5, and others. But the Greeks did not stand by this agreement afterwards, and they disdained the memory of the pontiff; for this reason Palaeologus warns in the letter of Cardinal Bessarion, and inculcates... See the most learned Meursius in his Glossary at the word *patriarch*, and in his notes to that letter of Bessarion in Graeco-barbaric, along with the works of the illustrious Hesychius edited and most learnedly explained. DOUSA.

^A and opened the temples, and released as many monks and priests as had been held fast by the festivals, and calmed the storm that had then seized Constantinople. Many of the monks [(26)] came forth, and monasteries were assigned to them by his command for their dwelling. And when the priests were departing for Nicaea, some were enrolled in the patriarchal clergy, and others, having spent their time in divine duties, departed freely. And thus were these things managed by ^B Ericus, the emperor of Constantinople.

18. After he had completed his life, his brother Robertus [(28)] dealt somewhat more leniently with affairs. His sister had married the emperor. Not many years passed, and since the emperor of Constantinople, Robertus, was not constrained by a wife, he purposed to perform an impious deed, desiring to bind to himself Eudocia, his daughter, and to take her as his daughter-in-law. Hence discord arose between Manuel, who at that time was patriarch, and the emperor, as he would by no means consent to such an unlawful marriage. But the emperor could not bring his desire to completion; for he had not yet sent her to Constantinople, as he was preparing to do, when he ended his life, leaving the empire to his son-in-law John Ducas. For he had no son who had reached puberty; for the two sons he had by the Empress Anna had died early, but by the woman born of the Armenians he had produced a male child [(29)], ^C and ^D the son of his brother.

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(26) That he carefully distinguished between monks and hieromonks in his notes, the same most learned friend of ours has shown in his Glossary. See under *hieromonachos* and *monachos*. DOUSA.

(27) Upon his death, Robertus succeeded Henry, a leader not so brave, keen, and great of soul, as Ephraem says in his Chronicle: "Robertus leads off the Byzantine affairs, / Having handled common matters with softness, / After the death of him who had led the struggle, / A man both strong and hardy." His nephew ... the son of his brother ... henceforth meaning to die and depart from the earth, he looks to his nephew Justinus.

(28) The author here says that Robertus was the brother of Henry, but that is most false. Indeed, he was the nephew of Jolanta or Yolanthide, sister of the same (Jo. Baptista Egnatius and Cuspinianus also wrongly call her daughter), who was married to Peter of Courtenay, Count of Auxerre, who was himself emperor, and whom Robertus succeeded. The Logothete therefore did something else if he wrote thus. For above he said in clear words that Peter had sired Philippus, Robertus, and Balduinus from Jolanta, the sister of Balduinus, and that Robertus and Balduinus had succeeded to the empire when Philippus, the eldest, yielded it of his own accord. Did his mind therefore wander, or his hand? If this fault is to be cast upon the scribes, concerning which my friend, a man most studious of illuminating antiquity and vindicating history, Petrus Scriverius, has advised me, then we should write *nepos* [nephew/grandson] from his brother or sister, or perhaps instead of the same. See Eustathius, Pollux, and other lexicographers. Constantinus Manasses, in his historical work conceived in political verses, calls Justinus [the nephew] of Justinian; choose which you prefer. Surely this is a most evident error (Scriverius’ words) that should not be tolerated in such a conspicuous place. DOUSA. It seems Robertus was more tender in administering the empire and had indulged in lusts and leisure. Paulus Aemilius subscribes to this opinion, book VII, where his words are so: "Robertus of Auxerre... [text omitted regarding the atrocity against the Burgundian’s bride]... The example is tragic, as Joan. Baptista Egnatius, Cuspinianus, and others commemorate, so that Robertus seems to have been more a devotee of Venus than of Mars. Indeed, our author here briefly denotes his character and customs as if degenerate from the virtue of his ancestors. Balduinus I behaved in such a way that he was praised most excellently even by the enemies of the Latin name. For Nicetas commends him thus: 'He was a pious and modest man, not having looked upon a woman with an unchaste glance as long as he had been parted from his wife (in this part to be preferred even to Scipio himself). He was devoted to divine praises, he relieved those struggling with necessities. He listened to those opposing his own judgment with an even mind. And what is greatest, twice every week in the evening he ordered it to be proclaimed that no one should sleep in his palace who had touched another woman.' Robertus is said to have departed human life in the year 1228, barely five years of his reign having been completed. DOUSA."

(29) Note that Acropolita asserts that he had one male child, eight years old, born of his Armenian wife, while Gregoras p. 24 asserts he had none. ALL.

^A Emperor Theodore Lascaris departed this life at the age of forty-five years and more, though less than fifty; he reigned for eighteen years. In body he was small, but not excessively so; he had a moderately dark, long beard, which was forked at the tip; his eyes were slightly uneven. He was impetuous in battle, unable to restrain his anger or his lust, yet he was most generous in his gifts; for on whomsoever he chose to bestow his favor, he would grant vast sums of gold, so that they became wealthy in an instant. He underwent many hardships in the wars against the Italians and the Persians. He was, however, the original architect of the Roman empire, and to him the Romans owe a great debt of gratitude. His body was laid to rest in the monastery of Hyacinthus, where Emperor Alexius and the Empress Anna, his consort, had also been interred.

^B 19. As I have stated, after his death, John Ducas, his son-in-law, assumed the reins of the Roman empire, having been crowned by Patriarch Manuel, who had succeeded Maximus. For after the passing of Patriarch Michael, Irenicus Theodore—who was called Copas by many—was elected to the patriarchal throne. Six years later, upon his death, the monk Maximus ascended the patriarchal throne, fawning upon and currying favor with the gynaeceum, and in turn seeking their consent and flattery; for it was nothing else that had raised him to such a high station. He died after six months, and Manuel was installed on the patriarchal throne, a man who, as it appeared, was truly a philosopher, and who was honored by many with that title.

^C 20. But let the narrative return once again to the affairs of the Bulgarians. The first king of the Bulgarians, Asan, had two sons, John and Alexander. During the reign of the aforementioned Borilas, who ruled over the Bulgarians as king, Asan's son John fled into exile among the Rus. Having spent some time there, he gathered a number of the mixed-breed Rus to himself, claimed his paternal inheritance, took up arms against Borilas, defeated him, and became master of no small territory. ^D Borilas retreated into Trinobum and endured a siege for seven years. When his associates grew weary, they defected to Asan's son John. Borilas, while fleeing, was captured, blinded by John, and thus John took possession of the entire Bulgarian realm. And so much for the Bulgarians.

Theodori Dousæ et Leonis Allatii notæ (30) "Eighteen years," Gregoras, p. 24, ALL. (31) "Impetuous in battle and in anger," Gregoras lib. 3, p. 24. ALL. (32) On these patriarchs, Manuel, Maximus, Michael, and Theodore, who occupied the see of Constantinople yet resided in Nicaea, we have spoken somewhat in our work regarding the perpetual consensus of both the Western and Eastern Church, from which the reader may seek if he pleases. ALL. (33) Copas. In the *Notitia patriarcharum*, he is so named. DOUSA. (34) "After six years." The *Notitia patriarcharum* reports he lived only... months... 5 days. DOUSA. (35) Monk Maximus. He previously presided over the monastery of the *Akoimeton* [the Sleepless], as is in the *Notitia patriarcharum*. DOUSA. (36) "Eight months." The *Notitia patriarcharum* reports it. DOUSA. (37) Manuel. This is Manuel Charitopulus in the *Notitia patriarcharum*. DOUSA. (38) Borilas. See above, he occupied the Bulgarian empire, c. 13. ALL. (39) Concerning the flight of John, son of Asan, see above in the *Acropolita*, c. 12 and 13. ALL.

^A 21. Commenus, meanwhile, Theodore, whom I mentioned a little earlier, scorning his proper rank and occupying what pertains to the empire, once he had received Thessalonica into his power, claimed for himself no small part of the Roman domain from that which was under the Italians and was being intercepted by the Bulgarians, and he was clothed in the purple chlamys and shod with red footwear, while Constantine Mesopotamites, the Metropolitan of Thessalonica, opposed him in this most strenuously—a man whom he miserably afflicted with dire evils and calamitous exiles for defending the canonical statutes. But the Archbishop of Bulgaria, Demetrius, as one who, as he ^B himself had moved and disturbed all things, through the arts of Euphrosyne, the wife of Alexius, being reconciled to Alexius, when the management of affairs had devolved upon her, the authority of the rest and the power of the emperor’s own kinsmen languished; and he who a while ago was thought nothing of by the emperor, now could do all things, and was considered one equal to all: one able to settle all things rightly, one able to accommodate himself to the character of everyone, one able to grant everything to everyone according to their dignity, and he did not depart from the emperor's side. But those who had lost power bore it with difficulty, both the empress's kinsmen, Andronicus Contostephanus, to whom her daughter Irene had been married, and his brother Basil Camaterus; who vomited their bile against the empress, and reported many things to the emperor as he was about to depart for the West: that they loved Alexius more—on whose safety their own safety also depended—than Euphrosyne, who without any shame was slipping into the most foul deeds and defiling the marriage bed with adulteries. For they [said] that she even wished to elevate to the empire the man with whom she shamelessly lay. Wherefore the woman's power was to be restrained, and the lover removed from the scene, lest henceforth a similar crime be committed. The emperor was gravely angered by these words, and after the slaughter of the youth Batatzes, he ordered the empress, stripped of her royal robes, to be led to Nemetarium, a women's monastery situated near the mouth of the Pontus. After six months, Euphrosyne was recalled through the fresh efforts of her accusers and the arts of Constantine Mesopotamites, and she obtained greater power than before, and reconciled her husband, who had been alienated from her, with wondrous blandishments. But Constantine Mesopotamites, that Vertumnus of his age, a man most crafty and subtle, grew more and more arrogant on account of the lady's return, since he could do everything with the emperor. Hence he refused the office of *canicleus*, which he had obtained from Isaac and which was offered to him again, as being beneath his station, but he wished to be created a deacon from being a reader, so that he might also dabble in ecclesiastical dignities. He then pretended that he would no longer devote his efforts to the emperor: for he said the canons did not permit the same man to both perform sacred rites for God and be involved in civil affairs. Wherefore the Patriarch Xiphilinus was compelled to grant a privilege that allowed the Mesopotamite to serve both God and the emperor, and the temple and the palace, without fraud against the canons. And not long after, he was appointed pontiff of Thessalonica. But since he set no measure to his greed, but wanted to hold the temple in his left hand and the palace in his right, he inserted his brothers like nails and levers, and rather as pendants hanging from both of the emperor's ears, so that whenever he was present at ecclesiastical assemblies, he would be ignorant of no word or deed, and no one would occupy his own place without his knowledge. Having set out for Thessalonica and barely settled on his throne, he returned to Byzantium with the greatest haste, and barely

^A had he been established on his throne than he ruled all things with a single finger. But since he had become hateful to all, being attacked by the accusations of the courtiers before the emperor, he was cast down from that high station of affairs; nor was he driven out merely from the palace, but he was also cast down from his pontificate, and he who had arrived at the primary ecclesiastical functions by evil arts was cast down from his throne by the efforts of the primary men. And in this way, Constantine the Mesopotamian and his two brothers were removed from the administration of public affairs and of the Church, and others succeeded them.

(42) Demetrius, Archbishop of Bulgaria. Pachymeres calls him [Demetrius] in *Histor.*, lib. 2. [ALL.]

(43) Besides that honor of which we have already spoken, that he was called the prince of the Bulgarians, his legates also were placed ahead of the legates of all other nations; which is clear from Liutprand. I will transcribe the whole passage in this matter here: "And when I wished to depart, indignant, Leo the Curopalates, the brother of the emperor, and the protoasecretis Symeon followed me, barking these things: 'When Peter, the basileus of the Bulgarians, took the daughter of Christopher as his wife, it was written in a concord that was confirmed by oath, that as among the apostles of all nations—that is, the envoys—the apostles of the Bulgarians should be placed before ours, honored, and loved.'" Moreover, the archbishop of Bulgaria held supreme right over his own churches, and was not subject to the Constantinopolitan patriarch or to any other. Theophylact in his epistles and Balsamon in *Privileg. patriarch.* provide confirmation. See Meursius’s *Glossarium* on *autokephalos*. Thus far regarding the privileges of the Bulgarians. [DOUSA].

We have said more about Bulgaria in our *Syntagma* concerning the perpetual concord of both the Western and Eastern Churches, lib. 1. [ALL.]

(44) *Autonomos*. Regarding these dignities, consult the *Glossarium* of Meursius on *sebastokrator* and *domestikos*. [DOUSA].

(45) Hence the almost old-womanish follies of Volaterranus are driven out, which he treats as of the greatest importance in lib. 21: "Joannes Batatzes held the title of empire at Zacynthus, outside his country, for thirty-four years. To him was a son, Theodorus Lascaris, bearing the name of his maternal grandfather. Whom Joannes, departing from life, commended to Michael Palæologus, a man strenuous in arms, whom he used as a leader and administrator. He, having expelled the Latins, and having blinded the ward and cast him into prison, claimed the empire for himself unlawfully." Batatzes held and administered the empire at Nicaea, not at Zacynthus, which he saw with his own eyes while he was in possession of the empire, and was permitted to behold. Never did Batatzes commend Theodorus to Michael Palæologus, nor did Theodorus commend his son Joannes, but Theodorus, dying, commended his son Joannes to George Muzalon and to the patriarch Arsenius. Muzalon being subsequently beheaded, the son of Theodorus, Joannes, was commended by Arsenius and the entire senate to Michael Palæologus. It is false, moreover, that Batatzes used Michael Palæologus as a leader and administrator, a thing which was most true of Andronicus Palæologus, the father of Michael. He who was finally blinded by Palæologus was not Theodorus himself, but the son of Theodorus, Joannes, whom he had left a ward. Could such a man have been delighted by these trifles in so few words? [ALL.]

(46) The text of Gregoras follows, p. 25. [ALL.] ^{B C D}

^A where a temple is set up to Michael, leader of the host of heavenly virtues, the battle having been joined, the emperor is victorious, though in an ambiguous engagement: first, the greater part of the Romans was routed, but the emperor himself then won a notable victory with very few men. For he himself brandished his spear, transfixed the enemy, and displayed a bravery in that war that was not unknown even to those who had seen him before. It is a marvel how much this victory raised up the Roman state and diminished and depressed the Italian interest. For he captured the most prominent of the Italians in that conflict, and likewise the Lascaris brothers, whom, having found them guilty of treason, he deprived of their sight. Others were slaughtered by the sword; those who were not present at the battle, seized by fear, remained in place. The Italians also, who were at that time pressing on the castle of Poemanenum, when they learned that their own forces had been defeated, left the Serrae free and consulted their own safety in flight, even though they were very close to capturing it. Thenceforth, the Italian interest, divided here and there through East and West, and having encountered stronger adversaries in the Emperor Joannes and Theodorus Comnenus—who was also called emperor—began to fall. Immediately, therefore, Emperor Joannes, having defeated the Italians in the aforementioned place, began to attempt the capture of the Roman towns that were oppressed by their sieges and bereft of aid and succor; for those who were in the towns resisted for a little while, but when he pressed them with prolonged sieges—and particularly those that were ill-timed (for he did not make his incursions in spring or autumn or summer, but in the middle of winter, deploying engines and tearing down the battlements)—those who were inside, exhausted by this, redeemed their lives by oath and surrendered, while many, perishing in the fighting, ^B were taken as captives. Thus Poemanenum, Lentiana, Charioros, and Berbeniacum were captured by the emperor. Emperor Joannes, therefore, waging war against the Latins on every side, built triremes and stationed them in the Hellespont, at a place called Holcos, from which he was troublesome and difficult, creeping toward the west, despoiling the fortunes and goods of each man. In the meantime, he also plundered the city of the Madytani, Calliupolis, and the maritime coast that was tributary to the Italians. ^C

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius.

(48) The Logothete says that the temple built to Michael at Poemanenum was by the Greek Emperor Joannes Batatzes; Michael the Archangel is held in great veneration among the Greeks, and his memory is held in great honor. The Greeks address him as the prince of the angels and leader of the heavenly host. Michael Glycas, *Annal.*, part vi: "Since Emperor Basilius had killed that drunken Michael, for the sake of appeasing God he built new houses in many places throughout the city to Michael, prince of the heavenly host." Emmanuel the Emperor, *Novella on Holidays*: "The sixth of September," he says, "is a holiday, because on that day the commemoration of the miracle performed at Chonis by Michael the Archistrategus is held." See the *Menologia Graecorum* ^D for this day and the eighth of November. Both others and Zonaras (tom. III, *Annal.*, in *Isaacus Comnenus*) mention this festival. Many others, as well as Cedrenus in *Basilius Macedo*, mention temples dedicated to his divinity and named after Michael; Nicephorus Gregoras (lib. v, cap. 1) mentions a monastery somewhere by the Bosporus. One should also see Nicetas (lib. vi, *De imp. Manuelis gestis*, and also lib. iii, *Vitae imp. Isaacii Angeli*) and others passim. There was also among the emperor’s standards, according to Codinus the Curopalata, one named after the archistrategus, evidently from an image of him. See, and correct the interpreter. Dousa, that Gregoras, p. 28. ALL.

he set these up in a place called Olkos ^A, and it was causing them much trouble, for he would rush down towards the west and seize their property, laying waste to the city of Madyta and Kallipolis and all the coastal districts that were tributary to the Italians.

23. While Emperor John was engaged in these matters and was fighting fiercely against the Italians by land and by sea, a plot was prepared against him. The one who organized this was the emperor’s cousin, Andronikos Nestongos. Having cast aside the bond of kinship and severed the ties of friendship, he formed a conspiracy ^B against his cousin, the emperor, having as a collaborator in this his brother Isaac and several others among the notables, including Phlamulios, whom the emperor had honored with the dignity of Great Hetaireiarches, Synadenos Tarchaniotes, the husband of his sister, Stasenos, Makrenos, and a multitude of others. The conspiracy dragged on for many days. The emperor, who was staying at Lampsakos, learned of these things. Having therefore consumed the triremes with fire, so that they would not fall into the hands of the Italians, and deeming the war within more urgent than the one without, he departed from there and arrived at Achyraous, and there he conducted an examination of the conspiracy. The conspirators were all held liable to justice. But the emperor used the laws more humanely; he condemned Isaac Nestongos to be blinded and lose his hand, and likewise Makrenos; for it had been proven that he had often attacked him—while positioned at the emperor's back—attempting to draw his sword and inflict a lethal wound. He subjected some others to minor punishments, while the majority he dismissed after locking them in prisons for a time, and the very leader of the conspiracy, who even aspired to the empire, Andronikos Nestongos, he shut away in the fortress of Magnesia. So much did the bond of love prevent the emperor from harming him ^C. He escaped after a short time, as some said, with the emperor’s consent, who had given orders that he be allowed to move about more freely, and who had seemingly intended to steal him away to safety. Fleeing by night, he set out for the Muslims, and he lived there until the end of his life. From then on, the emperor managed affairs more cautiously and did not indulge in his former magnanimity; he stationed guards and sentries around him both by night and by day to look out for his interests. Empress Irene applied herself to these matters most of all, possessing a more masculine character and conducting herself everywhere more regally than was expected.

Wishing to enter into treaties ^D, the Italians surrendered to the emperor the city of Pegai. And thus did Emperor John conclude peace with them, as all the Latins to the south withdrew, though they still retained those areas towards the north that were adjacent to Constantinople and near to the city of Nicomedia.

^A 24. There occurred also before this that, too: for the inhabitants of Adrianople sent an embassy to the emperor, that he might send an army to them and free them from the hand of the Italians. He sent off the protostrator Isem, having given an army to him. John Camytzes was also with him. They, having sailed across the Hellespont and traveled through Macedonia, arrived at Adrianople, and having entered the city, they held their station there. But a certain hope had indeed clung to the Emperor John that he would also acquire dominion over the remaining adjacent places. ^B But Theodore Comnenus, of whom the discourse has already spoken, had become master of all the things nearby, without, however, the mountain of Rhodope, which is also called Archidis, and the towns in it, and Melenium; for of these the Slav governed, being a kinsman of the king Asan and having been honored as despot by the Emperor of Constantinople, Ericus, whose daughter, born to him of a concubine, he had taken into marriage. This man, the Slav—that I may slightly break the sequence of the discourse—having found the fortress of Melenium to be secure and almost impregnable to all opposing it, he was an autocrat, submitting to none of the ^C neighboring rulers. For sometimes he was an ally to the Italians, joined to them by affinity, sometimes he was of one mind with the Bulgarians due to kinship, and sometimes with Theodore Comnenus; and he was never either submitting to anyone or coming into a true faith and agreement. To him, after the death of his own wife, was joined the daughter of Petraliphas, the brother of the wife of Theodore Comnenus, of whom the discourse will speak further on. But except, as I had said, for the regions falling under such a Slav, everything had come under the Comnenus Theodore. For since Mosynupolis and Xanthia and Gratianus were under him, having crossed the mountain of Stageira, which the multitude call Macres, and having ridden out to that part where everything along the Hebrus was open and unguarded and not fortified by any castle, and arriving at Didymoteichum, not many days later ^D he was acclaimed as their king. And reaching as far as Adrianople, he found in it the said protostrator Isem and Camytzes with the imperial forces, and with fallacious and captious words...

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius on the names of cities and places.

^A and [he], having run down from the Hebrus, found everything open and protected by no fortress. Hence it is that, having arrived at Didymoteichon in a short time, he was proclaimed emperor of these regions. Arriving also at Adrianople, he found within it the aforementioned Ises the protostrator and Camytzes with the army of the Emperor John. Having deceived the inhabitants with cunning words, promising that he would enrich them greatly and exalt them above the other Romans, he persuaded them to lead the Emperor’s army out, and to let him in. Therefore, the protostrator Ises and Camytzes were led out with the army accompanying them, upon oaths that none of them would suffer any harm. When they came out, the protostrator did not even catch sight of Theodore Comnenus (for it had been agreed between them that he would not), and Camytzes, although he encountered him, neither dismounted from his horse nor did he pay obeisance to him as to an emperor. At this, Theodore Comnenus, having grown angry (for he desired that all the Romans should hold him to be emperor, since he was also publicly called emperor), heaped heavy insults upon the man and was on the verge of even laying blows upon him. This became for Camytzes a pretext for honor from the emperor: for when they had crossed the Hellespont again and arrived at the emperor’s court, for these reasons Camytzes was honored as grand hetaireiarches. ^B Theodore Comnenus, therefore, having become master of Adrianople, caused many troubles for the Italians. For he overran everything held by them, and having advanced even as far as Bizye itself, he took hold of the area outside the city and gathered much booty from there, and he arrived even at the gates of Constantinople, and threw the Latins into great panic. It was then, too, that Aseldecas, who was married to the daughter of the Emperor Theodore Lascaris, was struck in the neck by a spear by one of the men of Theodore Comnenus. And although the wound from the blow seemed to those present to be fatal, he was nonetheless healed by the expertise of the physicians. From that time on, however, his voice was rougher, and the vertebrae of his neck were not as easily flexible as before.

25. And so, Theodore Comnenus, having increased his power in this way, since his empire now bordered that of the Bulgarians, entered into a peace treaty with the king of the Bulgarians, John Asan, who, as I have said, ruled the Bulgarians after Boril, and he established a family connection with him by taking into marriage for his brother Manuel his daughter Maria, who had been born to him by a concubine. But this Angelus Theodore, having broken the conditions and agreements with John Asan, and being a man who was bolder and more disorderly, not only in the palace but also in other public affairs, and often neglecting his oaths and violating his pledges, moved against his kinsmen the Bulgarians; and having gathered a great army from both the Romans and the Italians, he passed by Adrianople and, leading his column into the upper part of the Hebrus, he provoked the Bulgarians, but [he prepared] his own destruction.

For it seemed to him that the Bulgarians had been struck with fear and could not at all withstand even the onslaught of his army. But the Bulgarians were not like that; rather, Asan John, relying more on the perjury and treaty-breaking of Theodore Angelos than on his own forces, and having taken a small number of auxiliary troops from the Scythians—not even numbering a thousand—advanced into battle more confidently, as some say, and had hung Theodore’s written oath ^A upon a military standard.

And in fact, near a place close to the Hebrus (they call it Klokotinitza), the armies clashed, and to summarize the whole matter, Theodore was defeated by the Bulgarians and the Scythians with great force. He himself was captured by the enemy, as were not a few of his kinsmen and those in high office and of noble rank, and all their effects were plundered by the Bulgarians.

Asan, however, acting more humanely toward the captured multitude, set free the greater part of the soldiers, and especially those who had been born in humble stations, and sent them back to their own villages and cities; whether he did this out of humanity or whether he was thereby acquiring things useful to himself and arranging matters in a way suitable for his own advantage—for he was indeed striving to become master of those regions as well, watching for a time of insurrection against the Roman power.

And he achieved his wish, for in as much as he advanced against those very lands, everything fell to this man without bloodshed. Adrianople came under his control, ^B and almost Didymoteichon shortly thereafter, and the whole of Boleron, followed by Serres, Pelagonia, and Prilapus and their surrounding areas. He also overran Great Vlachia ^C and took possession of Elbanum, and he laid waste everything with plunder as far as Illyria.

When he had accomplished the greater part of what he had proposed in his mind and had arranged his affairs to his liking, he returned to his own territories. Having left behind a few fortresses to be held and governed by the Romans, but having reserved most of them for himself, he appointed soldiers in them, as well as commanders and those who would collect the public taxes.

Thus, he was regarded by all at that time as both admirable and blessed; for he did not use the sword against his own subjects, nor did he defile himself with the slaughter of Romans, as those of the Bulgarians ^D who held power before him had been accustomed to do. Hence, he was held dear and close, not only by the Bulgarians but also by the Romans and other nations.

^A

26. Theodorus Angelus, as I have said, was taken as booty together with other relatives and illustrious men by Asan and cast into custody; Asan showed him favor in a generous and kindly manner for a long time. But when he discovered that he was plotting new disturbances at home, he deprived him of his sight. His brother, Manuel Angelus, having been honored by his brother with the dignity of Despot, contemplated flight; and when the Roman army turned its back, he returned to Thessalonica and was called Despot, becoming master of it and the surrounding places, and he confirmed his rescripts with purple characters. Against him, one of the envoys sent by Emperor John mocked him with no unrefined witticism, saying that what is sung in the Psalms of Christ, “thee as king and despot,” would be more fittingly applied to you. And from that time on, Manuel Angelus was held to be the master of the remaining towns and cities in the western region, ^B being bothered by no molestation from the Bulgarians while his marriage to the daughter of Asan remained in force.

27. But let the sequence of the history turn again to the Latins in Constantinople. Since, as we mentioned before, Robert, whom they venerated as emperor, had departed for Euripus and expired, and his brother, Baldwin, a child still without the bloom of youth, had been left behind, they sent an embassy to John, the king called of Jerusalem, who, as rumor then claimed, possessed singular military prudence, was mighty in hand, and stood out greatly among his own people for the appearance of his body, with the aim that he might come to them and be acclaimed Emperor of Constantinople, and should rule as autocrat over its affairs ^C and give in marriage to himself the daughter whom he had fathered, [bestowing her] upon Baldwin—whom they considered to be the heir of the empire, who would, however, rule after him when he reached a mature and full age. The king’s age had advanced too far, to about eighty years or more, as I myself saw him, and I wondered at the man’s perfect bulk in every respect: for he had exceeded the measure of human size in length and breadth to an excessive degree. The king turned his attention to the envoys and, traveling by sea, came to Constantinople; for he did not possess a multitude with which he might make a safe journey by land. When he had penetrated into Constantinople, [he was able] neither to go out nor to be the first to attempt a fight. ^D

For he knew well that the Emperor John was supreme in generalship and most expert in the ways of war against enemies. ^A He therefore blamed himself for the undertaking and for having set his hand to the work in the first place, and he claimed that those who said he was set against the Emperor spoke falsely; he even claimed this was his own assumption, and he did not provoke him for his own advantage, since he would have occupied regions which the Emperor who ruled them did not know how to manage. For he had known and stated well that even if ten times as many regions were under the dominion of the Emperor John, he knew perfectly well how to govern them, how to reign, and how to save them from enemies. Whether therefore for these reasons, or because he wished to luxuriate at the highest level in the good things of Constantinople, he spent two years within it. At length, having prepared triremes and gathered as many forces as he could, he set out for the East and took the port at Lampsacus, just as Emperor John had returned directly from the war against Caesar Gabalas, whom he had subdued on account of the sedition he had stirred up.

28. The Emperor, having pitched his tents in the districts of Stadia, ^B entrusted the forces and the commanders to Andronicus Palaeologus, the Great Domestic, of whom we have spoken above, and sent him off to the island of Rhodes with triremes and other ships that were sufficient, so that he might attack the rebel more vigorously and suppress him with the arts of war that he knew. When these things were perfectly arranged, and matters against the Caesar had succeeded according to the will of the Emperor John, and the report had been brought to him that the King had left Constantinople with the intention of calling at Lampsacus and fighting there against the Romans with those whom he had with him ^C—the Emperor had very few [men with him], for the greater part of the army had returned home, afflicted by the battle and the winter season—he set off for Lampsacus and pitched his camp in the regions of Sigrene.

29. At that time I too was sent by my parents from Constantinople to the Emperor, being sixteen years of age and by then having finished the encyclical ^D education, which many people call grammar. My father also had resolved to snatch me away from the hands of the Latins; for they were strongly [bestowing on him]...

their own kind favors, and the fact that he had a great number of children, men-servants, and maid-servants attending upon him, was a not insignificant obstacle to him. Yet he had in his mind at that time, as much as his strength would allow, if it should be necessary, to risk an attempt at escape ^B and to accomplish what he had set his heart upon. For this reason he also sent me to the sovereign. But a grievous illness thwarted this attempt; for, having become almost half-dead and half-paralyzed, and pinned to his bed for about two years, he at last departed this life, and I was left behind and provided with the necessities at the palace at the Emperor’s expense.

30. As we said, therefore, King John, who was also proclaimed Emperor of Constantinople, arrived at Lampsacus ^B and beached his ships in a place called Holeum. But the Emperor John, since he did not have an army strong enough to prevent his landing for the reasons already mentioned, curbed the movements of the enemy with strategic methods using the few men he had. The Latins and their King John did indeed disembark and marched along certain coastal areas. For they did not dare to depart far from their ships; for the Emperor, who was opposing them in the field, followed them, and he was quick and keen in talent, ^C defending against the enemy's onslaughts even with a small band. The Emperor marched along the foothills, while the Italians marched along the shore. Having spent only a short time, therefore, in the coastal territory subject to the Emperor (for they had not yet passed four months) and having trodden very little ground (for they had arrived from Lampsacus as far as Cenchriae), doing little or no damage (for the Emperor had previously arranged for all the necessities to be stored in safer places on the higher ground), they moved on to the city of Pegae, having subdued only one fortress, ^D which is named Ceramidas, situated somewhere around the heights of Cyzicus. They also had their ships ready to return to Constantinople, and they would surely have departed full of shame and loss, had they not taken the city of Pegae by stealth. For a certain man, skilled at climbing steep rocks, found a path by which he brought armed Italians into the citadel by night, who, falling suddenly upon the guards, slew them and took the city. This struck no small fear into the Romans; for the city was full of brave and good men, some of the most famous among the soldiers. But the Emperor’s ^D prudence and more than military shrewdness concerning these matters shook off the Romans' fear, while it struck greater terror into the Latins, and checked the momentum they had acquired from their plunder. Wherefore, since they had achieved little or nothing, as we said, they returned to Constantinople.

31. Emperor John, in the face of impending dangers and when matters were brought to an extreme crisis, hastened to save [them]...

^A by finding a way to fulfill both of these things: to protect and preserve his own, which was more worthy of consideration, and to weaken his enemies, and by these two means to confirm his own position. For he had had a son by Empress Irene, to whom he gave the name of his uncle, Emperor Theodore Lascaris, who was at that time eleven years of age. Asan also had a little daughter named Helena, born to him of a Hungarian wife, and she was nine years old. Therefore, the Emperor sent envoys to Asan, the ruler of the Bulgarians, in order that, by introducing the mention of a betrothal between the children and of an alliance between themselves, they might engage in discussions concerning mutual aid and the assistance to be rendered to each other. Asan approved the embassy; the agreements were concluded and confirmed by oath. ^B And upon these terms the oaths proceeded.

32. Then, truly, being myself seized with a love for mathematics and for the higher education of discourse, I bade farewell to all and, by the consent of the ruling Emperor and under the instruction of Theodore Exapterygos, the gates and entrances of the logical sciences were opened to me. When we had come before the Emperor, the Emperor turned his speech toward me and said: “I have taken these youths from Nicaea and handed them over to an instructor; for you, I have accepted that you be taken from my own house, so that you might be instructed together with them. Show, therefore, that you have truly gone forth from my house, and thus apply yourself to mathematics: for if you pursue the military life, you will have just as much as can be set aside for you by the Emperor’s liberality—or perhaps not much more—because of the distinction of your family. But when you have been introduced to philosophy and have filled yourself with its fruitful riches, you will acquire great honors and dignities for yourself. For among all men, the Emperor and the philosopher are the most conspicuous and excel.” In this way, having left the palace, I gave myself over to the teacher, being seventeen years of age. Now this Exapterygos, as I have said, was a man not very expert in the mathematical sciences, ^C but he was very skilled in speaking, as one who had been excellently trained in rhetorical studies and was prepared by practice and natural talent to speak in a polished manner; and for this reason his name was very famous. Upon his death, after he had explained to us the intricacies of poems and had taught us the art of composing a speech, I betook myself to Nicephorus Blemmydes, than whom we know no one more excellent in the philosophical disciplines, and who... ^D

Theodorus Dousa’s and Leo Allatius’s notes

studied more perfectly than the others in the sciences relating to philosophy, and I myself attended, as did all who were educated with me in logic. And as for the account concerning us, let this suffice for the present; later, wherever the occasion may arise in the history, it shall be inserted.

^B 33. Since, as I had premised, the efforts for an agreement between both emperors—I refer to the Emperor John Ducas and the ruler of the Bulgarians, Asan John—had succeeded, the Emperor seized Lampsacus beforehand and crossed over with his own forces to Gallipoli. He attacked the city, having set up siege engines, and in a short time captured it, having rescued it from the hands of the Venetians. ^C After this, Asan arrived at Gallipoli with his own wife, Maria of Hungary, and their daughter, Helena, ^D and met with the Emperor; they both confirmed their friendship there. He did not cross the Hellespont, but remained in the regions of Gallipoli. Emperor John, having taken his wife and their daughter Helena, returned to Lampsacus, where the Empress Irene was. They prepared the wedding of the children, when the Patriarch Germanus had concluded the ceremonies of the nuptial rite. Then the prelate of Trinovum also obtained, by imperial and synodal decree, to live under his own jurisdiction, subject to the jurisdiction of the Constantinople prelate, so that they might gratify Asan, the prince of the Bulgarians, for the sake of the affinity and friendship. When these and similar matters were accomplished, the Empress Irene remained in the eastern regions with her son and his bride, while Asan's wife returned to her own estates. Thereafter, Emperor John and Asan, having collected their forces, both invaded the western territory that was serving the Latins; and having carried off a vast amount of booty, they made the whole land a Scythian wilderness (to use the proverb). They divided the cities and the region between themselves according to their oaths. Gallipoli, since it had been captured by the Emperor even before the arrival of Asan, remained under the Emperor, as did Madytus and the entire region called the Chersonese. The Emperor also held the fortress of Cissos, and extended his borders to the river which many call the Maritza. He also took possession of Mount Ganos, on which he built a small fortress, into whose custody he sent Nicolaus Cotertzes, a man exercised in very many battles, in which he had excelled to such a degree that, among all, it became a common saying that there had been no one, neither before him nor after him, who had accomplished so many and such great deeds.

Notes by Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

Acropolita, whether through a lapse of memory or because he was little intent upon ecclesiastical matters, wrote these things concerning the bishop of Ternobum. Concerning the autonomy of Ternobum, we have spoken elsewhere; furthermore, Choniata calls Ternobum the most fortified and excellent of all the cities of Haemus, situated on the summit of a mountain and surrounded by walls.

^A The King also possessed the fortress of Kissos, and he set the borders as far as the river which the common people call the Maritza. He also held the mountain of Ganos, and on it he built a small town, where he sent Nicholas Korterzes to keep guard ^B and to harass the Latins in Tzurulos, for he was a man tested in many wars and so highly esteemed that everyone held such an opinion of him that neither before him nor after him did any other appear who had undertaken such deeds or accomplished so much. Asan held the regions above those mentioned, inclining toward the North, under his own control. Both had reached even to the very walls of Constantine, with King John sitting upon them and watching, and they struck great terror into the Latins and placed their affairs in a very narrow strait. When the autumn season had slipped away ^C and winter approached, King John and Asan conferred with each other regarding their operations, and Asan returned home, while the Emperor moved to the East.

34. Since his son Theodore happened to be underage, being in his eleventh year, as we have said (68), at the time when he remained with the Empress Helena in a union that was incomplete, they were brought up by the Empress Irene and were instructed, as she was a person of good nature and inclined toward every good thing. The affairs of the Latins were then restricted to a great degree, and by the affinity of the ^D two emperors, that pride had been depressed to the extreme. King John, having lived but a little longer, passed from among men, leaving the rule of Constantinople to his son-in-law Baldwin as a hereditary possession. Asan, however, weary of the agreements he had made with Emperor John, sought by what method he might snatch his daughter away from her husband, the Emperor Theodore, and betroth her to another; for he greatly feared the progress of the Romans toward better things, being himself an occupier of a nation long subject to the Romans. He pondered a cause, one indeed just and conspicuous, as it seemed, though it did not escape those who were experienced and knowledgeable in affairs, and he sent envoys to the Emperor and the Empress, reporting that while he had come to Adrianople, he and his wife wished to see their little daughter, to embrace and kiss her with fatherly affection, and to fulfill other things as seemed fitting, and again he would send her back to her mother-in-law and the consort of her bed. Emperor John and the Empress Irene, although they were perfectly acquainted with the fabrication and clearly recognized the intrigue and contrivances, nevertheless sent the daughter to Asan with this declaration: "If he were to keep his daughter and separate her from her lawful spouse, there is a God who looks upon all things and brings punishment upon those who..."

violate their oaths and the treaties which they established with God as their witness. ^A The Bulgar, however, having received his daughter, departed, forcing all those following her to withdraw, and crossing the Haemus, he made for Trinovum. His daughter was weeping and lamenting, and her mother-in-law, the Empress Irene, and her husband were grieving exceedingly over the separation, at which time they say that Asan placed her before his own saddle, struck her on the cheek with his fingers, and threatened her fiercely that if she did not bear in silence what those in council had determined to do to her, he would carry out against her everything that would bring her disgrace. ^B

35. Per the same time, the Scythian race (69), fleeing the ravages of the Tartars (70)—as many, that is, as escaped their swords—crossed the Ister with their children and wives in leather bags. Though the Bulgars (for they were many thousands) were unwilling, they seized the regions of Macedonia. Some made their pastures around the Hebrus and the flat plains there, while others were carried off to the lower regions and the river which the common tongue, as we have said, is accustomed to call the Maritza. For the Hebrus does indeed make its course up to the Haemus (a), and from thence flows out into the Aegean Sea. And because other rivers join it and make it larger, it takes on the names of the inhabitants as they present themselves. They ravaged, therefore, everything in Macedonia, and in a short time rendered everything destitute of inhabitants, and brought about a "Scythian wilderness," as the proverb says, and as many small towns as were easily captured in war also fell. ^C Many were killed, and all were plundered, taken captive, and sold in the larger cities, such as Adrianople, Didymoteichon, Bizia, Calliopolis, and any others that were...

Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius' notes.

(69) Scythians. When John Ducas possessed the state, a maximum multitude of Scythians, having poured forth from the Hyperboreans, descended to the Caspian sea; and their leader, Sitziscan, being dead, his sons, Chalaus and Telepuges, divided the army. Chalaus, leaving the Caspian and the Jaxartes river to the north, descended through lower Asia; Telepuges, with the limits of his empire established, set out toward the south, over the summits of the Caucasus and then the Caspian sea, through the region of the Massagetae and Sauromatae, and subdued all the nations that dwelt near the Maeotian marsh and the Tanais. Then, having crossed the Tanais, he made an attack against many and various European nations, and those who had sprung from these Scythians, who, terrified by that impact, decided to change their dwellings; for they had not enough confidence to resist, but all nations and cities trembled and were threshed like wheat on a threshing floor. ^D Whence these, with their Scythian war despaired of, using skins filled with straw for rafts, crossed the Ister with their wives and children, and in no long time wandered through Thrace, seeking a suitable colony, not fewer than ten thousand. From Gregoras. ALL.

(70) Various people have written about the Tartar influx and barbarity, [such as] Haithonus the Armenian, in his *Oriental History*; Marcus Paulus the Venetian, in his *Itinerary*; Alexander Gagninus, in *European Sarmatia*, and many others. Most lucidly of all, Vincent of Beauvais, in *Spec. Histor.*, book XXXI and XXXII, [derived] from Simone de Sancto Quintino and John de Plano Carpini; some [are] also from the *History of the Tartars*. I see that these authors of Vincent were followed by Ant. Bonfinius in *Rer. Ungar.*, decad. II, book VIII, where he immediately at the beginning puts forth some things concerning the marvelous customs of the Tartars, intending to commemorate afterward the deeds of the Hungarians and the wars with them. See there, if perhaps you have any desire to know the most wicked bipeds—men, so to speak, [who are] not men, or rather, for the greater part, beasts—if the things commonly handed down about them by those who either saw the nation themselves or have accepted from trustworthy sources what they relate are true. DOUSA.

(a) It ought to be read: "The Hebrus, for it does not flow to the Haemus, but descends from it, and glides up to the city of Aenus, placed on the Aegean Sea, and near it exits into the sea." Cf. Frid. Tafel in *Dissertatione de Thessalonica ejusque agro*, Berolini, 1839, p. 301. EDIT.

^A to Didymoteichon, to Bizye, to Callipolis, and whatever else was fortified with stronger walls and secured by the multitude of its inhabitants.

36. Now, when these things had happened in such a way, the race of the Latins, ever nursing a fury against us, and indeed feeling worse disposed on account of the recent incursion that had been made against them by the Emperor John and Asan, and the deprivation of their lands and small towns, sought an opportunity to undertake an attack against us, having found at that time one who, so they thought, was able to retrieve the defeat for them. And first of all, they conciliate Asan and strike a peace with him; then, together with him, they entice to their side the Scythians—barbarian men, wanderers and newcomers—with some small gifts, but with longer-reaching promises, and make them allies in their deeds. ^B And indeed, having gathered together such a great alliance from both Scythians and Bulgarians, the Italians set their battle line in unison against the Emperor John. And since the city of Tzurulum happened to be near at hand for them, they set the battle against that place, with Asan himself being present in person, along with so many thousands of the Scythian and Bulgarian armies, and the Italian siege-engines. Now, the garrison of Tzurulum had been entrusted by the Emperor John to Nicephorus Tarchaniotes, who at that time was at the table ^C of the Emperor; he was later honored as Grand Domestic, and he was the son-in-law of the Grand Domestic Palaiologos, having wed his first daughter, Maria. Tarchaniotes was an excellent soldier and a good general, and he was a frequent partaker of divine protection, as was revealed clearly even to the very end. For many believed that he achieved his successes more through the favor of fortune than by his own strength and military expertise in overcoming the enemy. After the fortress was invested by the soldiers, the Italians brought up many strong battering rams and engines, by which they could have shattered not only this place, but even higher walls and larger cities. Then, he who was at the table ^D clearly demonstrated his noble spirit and strategic skill alongside those with him. Yet the whole affair is to be attributed to the help of God. For Tarchaniotes devised counter-engines within against the engines from without, and against such a great multitude of the army, he set his own manly bravery, with his very few soldiers. And the Emperor was in distress...

^A regarding those in the city, but knowing, as a wise and prudent man, how the fortunes of war are, he foresaw that if the city were taken by the enemy, all the things that he held in the West would be rendered vain. Therefore, he desired rather to have the enemy be agitated there and to have the height of their impetus cut off for them; for he cared more for the affairs in the East, and since they remained free, he had more peace of mind. As the city of Tzouroulos was being besieged, a message suddenly came to Asan that his wife, the Hungarian, had departed from human life, and at the same moment his little son and the bishop of Trinovos had also died. Considering these things to be a divine visitation, he destroyed the siege engines with fire, and as quickly as he could, he arrived at Trinovos. The Italians, therefore, being left alone, since they were not sufficient for the siege of the city, abandoned their battle against the Romans and departed for Constantinople ^B. Thus the city was liberated from the siege of the enemy, and Tarchaniotes, who was at the table, Nicephorus—having appeared in these matters as his name signifies—was also liberated.

Now, Asan, since the aforementioned regrettable things had happened to him, piously reflecting that these things occurred on account of the violation of the oaths which he had made to Emperor John, and the snatching away of his daughter from her husband Theodore, he was moved to repentance and sent envoys to the Emperor, disparaging himself for his wicked deed, recalling the treaties, and asking for forgiveness for his actions.

Emperor John and Empress Irene, being people looking toward more pious and divine matters, received the embassy, and without prolonging the matter with words, they once again confirmed the oaths and recalled the bride, Helen. She was sent back to her father-in-law and to her husband, and peace was once again established between the Romans and the Bulgarians.

37. The course of our history now turns to another path and will clarify the events in Constantinople; for since at that time affairs were moving in many directions because of the multi-headed sovereignty that had arisen in all places, the body of the account must also be turned in various ways. ^C Baldwin, whom our account has already shown to have ruled over Constantinople, being exhausted by the battles against the Romans, and rather by the hostility toward Emperor John (for his own position had been narrowed into a small space by the latter), departed to the king of the Franks, a man joined to him by kinship and of the same race, who was very hostile to the Romans and therefore prepared to bring him auxiliary forces; he sought from him a significant alliance and attained his goal. In no long time, sixty thousand Franks were gathered to march against the Romans. But since the route by sea was not easy for them, as the voyage required more expense than they were able to provide, they chose to make the journey by land. And indeed, having passed through the upper parts of Gaul ^D

^A they arrived at Ostricium, and having sent word ahead into Hungary, they crossed the Ister and joined the Bulgarians, dealing with them everywhere on the road as friends and kinsmen. And for their own sake, and no less due to their hatred toward us, they were received most amicably by the lords of those places. For the Bulgarians, having foreseen the treaties with the Romans, granted the Franks permission to cross through their borders, appearing to have done so as if compelled by their force and faction. Thus the fortress of Tzurulum, when besieged by the Latins with the aid of Scythian auxiliary forces, was again captured. At that time, it was guarded by John Petraliphas, who had been honored by Emperor John with the dignity of Great Chartulary ^B, a man of great bodily strength and trained in military matters from boyhood; but the abundance of the Latin forces, the countless number of Scythians, and the density and power of their siege engines compelled the surrender of this city to the Italians. Some say that certain men had secretly plotted defection, and thus feared the suddenness of the assault. The Latins therefore captured Tzurulum, and having seized the Romans in it along with Petraliphas, they bound them in chains, brought them to Constantinople, and sold them to their families. While Tzurulum was being besieged by the Italians, Emperor John built many triremes and, taking a not insignificant army with him, set out against the Italians. Leaving Nicomedia and having passed Charax, he captured Dacibyza, which he besieged and took contrary to expectation. Furthermore, he reduced the fortress of Nicetiates to his own power. Nevertheless, he was unfortunate in the triremes, since those who were fighting in them were inexperienced and unaccustomed to war, and the Armenian Isphreus, who was in command of the fleet ^C, was slower than was proper in military matters. Before him, Manuel Contophreus, a man powerful in hand and breathing Ares by land and sea, had been the commander of the triremes; but since a few days earlier he had had a rather bold discussion regarding the fleet with the emperor (for he had said that our own triremes, even if they were far more numerous, could never oppose or resist the Italian triremes, as he knew the capabilities of both perfectly well), he was stripped of the command, which Isphreus had taken upon himself, and was defeated in a very lamentable victory: for although he was leading thirty triremes, he was overcome by thirteen, and lost as many of his own as there were of the enemy; for they brought back individual ships as spoils, together with their men and weapons. And these things indeed happened in this way. But Emperor John again concluded peace with Asan, and both were bound by ^D a family tie. Although Asan did not observe the composed treaties too anxiously, as one who would violate oaths for the sake of the smallest advantage proposed to him, he practiced friendship openly and in a feigned manner, and performed the duties of a friend.

^A 38. John Asan, having been deprived of his spouse, concerning whom our narrative has already stated that she was from Hungary, took as his wife Irene, the daughter of Theodore Angelus, a woman conspicuous in appearance and tall of stature, having no regard for the kinship of his own father’s brother, whom he did not hesitate to take to wife along with the daughter he had fathered by a concubine. Theodore Angelus had two male children, John and Demetrius, and two females, Anna and the aforementioned Irene, with whom Asan fathered three children: Michael, Theodora, and Mary. Theodore Angelus was therefore released from his chains ^B for this reason, and with the consent of his son-in-law Asan, he conceived the desire to regain the rule of Thessalonica and the entire region over which he had previously held sway. Receiving a few men from Asan, since he could not openly take up arms against his brother Manuel, he secretly schemed to enter Thessalonica, clothing himself in cheap rags and sneaking into the city. When he had entered and was recognized by some whom he wished, people whom he had loved and benefited when he was prosperous, and with whom he was confident in his plot against his brother, needing only a little time, he again became master of Thessalonica and the surrounding cities and territories. He did not wish to be called emperor on account of the affliction of his eyes, but he named his son John emperor, ^C shod his feet with red buskins, and ordered him to subscribe to documents in such a manner, while he himself reserved the administration of all matters and the direction of his son. Having cast out his brother Manuel from his rule and placed him in a trireme, he exiled him to Attalia, and sent his wife back to her father Asan. Asan loved his father-in-law Theodore more than his brother-in-law Manuel; for he was as much overcome by the love of his spouse Irene as Antony was by Cleopatra. Manuel, therefore, putting in at Attalia, was received by the Hagarenes with more humanity and care than he had ever hoped for; for when he said he was hastening to the Emperor John, they provided him with provisions, as was fitting, and allowed him passage. Thence he came to the emperor, ^D and the emperor received him gladly—both as one connected by marriage and as one who had long ago been chosen by the emperor as a despot—and he visited him with a willing spirit. Having handed over to him both money and six triremes—for he was, as one who excelled in both prudence and shrewdness, full of wisdom—and having exacted from him fearful oaths, he sent him to Great Vlachia. When Manuel had reached the gulf of Demetrias, and had signified his arrival to his friends and intimates by sending letters to them, and had wheedled others with promises, he gathered his forces without difficulty, and secured for himself Pharsalus, Larissa, and Platamon, and made an agreement with his brothers.

^A Then, having made a truce, he came to his brothers, Constantine and Theodore; for Constantine was a despot, as we have said, over the lands he ruled, and Theodore was the father of the John who was acclaimed in Thessalonica. Since they had come together, they both persuaded their brother Manuel to withdraw from the truce he had made with the emperor John. He, whether willing or unwilling—as those who were present and knew of such matters used to say—consented to their councils, and from then on they remained bound together, being satisfied with the lands divided among themselves, and maintaining peaceful agreements with the Latins who were in Euripus and the Peloponnese.

39. Not much time passed before Manuel departed from the world of men, having repented, as they said, of his transgressions against the emperor. ^B The empress Irene, a woman prudent and worthy of the empire, and one who displayed much dignity and magnificence, also departed from this turbulence and mire. She delighted in conversation and in the gatherings of learned men, which she prized highly, and she attended them not without joy, as is clearly evident from this: for when the sun, as it was passing through the Crab, suffered an eclipse at midday, and I had arrived in the kingdom by chance (the emperor was then dwelling with the empress in the places they call Periclystra), she asked me for the cause of the eclipse. I, being then only just initiated into the mysteries of philosophy by the wise Blemmydes, could not explain the matter with precision; nevertheless, deciding from my own understanding what was fitting, I stated that the interposition of the moon was the cause of the obscuration of the sun, and that the sun seemed to be eclipsed, though in truth it was not despoiled of its light, but rather that the eclipse was of the moon, as it falls into the shadow of the earth, since it shines by the splendor of the sun. ^C But as the discussion was prolonged, Nicolaus the physician began to refute what was said—a man nowise versed in philosophy, but excellent in the art he professed, and especially in that which is learned through experience, and he was exceedingly dear to the empress and held the dignity of actuary. As he raised these objections, and I, being a chatterbox, kept babbling more and more, the empress, in the course of our disputation, called me a *moros* (fool), as if I were a child. ^D Afterward, as if she had acted indecorously, she turned to the emperor and said, "I have acted improperly in calling this man a *moros*." And the emperor replied, "It is nothing new, for he is a mere youth." For I was then twenty-one years old, and therefore such an appellation was not altogether unbefitting. And the empress...

^A replied, "It is not fitting that one who discourses on philosophical subjects should be addressed by us in such a manner." I have said this so that it may be clear how she herself loved letters and honored those who were skilled in these matters. This empress, as I have said, died; and I think that the eclipse of the sun portended her death. A comet also, of the kind we call bearded, appeared six months earlier in the northern region; it lasted for three months, being seen not in one place but wandering from one to another. Not long after, the ruler of the Bulgarians, Asan, departed this life—a man who appeared as the best among the barbarians, not only in his own affairs but also in the affairs of others; for he showed himself more humane to the strangers who came to him, and especially to the Romans, to whom he paid wages magnanimously. When he had died, his son, whom they called Callimanus, born to him from the Hungarian woman, took over the rule. This Callimanus also had a full sister, whose name was Thamari. From the daughter of Angelus, Asan had had three children: a male, Michael, and the females, as we have already said, Maria and Anna. Callimanus, therefore, girding himself for the ancestral rule, renewed the treaties with the emperor John, and in such matters things were at peace. Manuel, the brother of Theodore, having died, his nephew Michael seized the territories formerly held by him and annexed them to his own domain. And thus they were again at peace—Theodore Angelus, who had his son John acclaimed emperor in Thessalonica and the adjacent regions, and his uncle Constantine, who was also called Despot, and his nephew Michael.

40. When John, the Bulgarian leader, had been removed from the way and a boy was ruling over the Bulgarians, the emperor John, seizing the opportunity, took it into his mind that the imperial title, which John the son of Angelus was eager to possess, ought by rights to belong to him. He first enticed his father, Theodore, with messages and won him over; for Theodore, being inexperienced in affairs and not foreseeing any of the things that might happen, went to the emperor John. The emperor received him most gladly, heaped honors upon him, and, calling him uncle, shared his table and other marks of kindness with him. Once he had him in his power, and since he possessed an army from the Scythians—not a force to be despised, which not many days before, by means of gifts and various favors, he had made compliant, having turned them from their wilder ways and drawn them out of Macedonia to the eastern regions—feeling more confident in these, and expecting no harm from the Bulgarians, partly because of the treaties that had been made, and partly because the affairs of the Bulgarians were being managed by a boy, the emperor John set out from the East, sailed past the Hellespont, and together with him, the Roman forces and the Scythian auxiliaries having been brought over against...

John, who assumed the title of emperor in Thessalonica, he marched. When he had passed through the districts of Thrace and Macedonia, and had already gone past Christopolis and the Strymon, he approached the fortress of Rentina, which was held by some of John's soldiers; these, even before they saw the emperor John's armies, abandoned the fortress and, taking to flight, set out at a run for Thessalonica. Finding it empty of combatants, the emperor’s men occupied it and established a guard. ^B The emperor then gathered his entire army and pitched his tent somewhere near Thessalonica, about eight stadia away; the place is called the garden of Provatas. Since he had neither catapults nor rams with which to besiege such a great city and secure it for himself by battle, he made sorties with his soldiers, and especially with the Scythians, and ravaged all the surrounding territory; indeed, they all took plenty of spoils. He also had triremes with him, which were commanded by Manuel Contophreus. Illustrious men accompanied the emperor: Demetrios Tornikes, who administered the public affairs and was involved in state business; Andronikos Palaiologos, the grand domestic, who was the governor of the forces; and many other commanders put in charge of the soldiers, such as Alexios Raoul, the protovestiarios; Nikephoros Tarchaneiotes, who served at the table; Contostephanos, who held the dignity of protosebastos; Petraliphas, the grand chartoularios; and not a few others among the eminent. ^C Accordingly, the emperor John for his part, sitting before the city, was trying all that was expected against the city. Nor were those inside daunted in spirit, but they too, exiting through the gates, harassed the emperor's men with skirmishes. Not many days passed before the nation of the Tacharians invaded the land of the Muslims, fought them in battle, and put them to flight. News of this reached the emperor, communicated by his own son, the emperor Theodore; for he had left him to stay around the region of Pegai, having also left with him John Mouzalon—who was a mystic while he was counted among the laity, though he was a monk at that time—a man of sharp wit and industry, most experienced and, in administering imperial affairs, excelling before others, ^D and Michael Libadarios, the grand hetaireiarches. When the emperor came to perceive this, he ordered those who knew of it to keep silent and not communicate the matter to anyone. Meanwhile, he struck a treaty with the John who was in Thessalonica, after Theodorus Angelos, John's father, had approached as an envoy on his behalf. Within forty days the terms were settled and the oath was brought to an end; for the red buskins were laid aside, as was the tiara adorned with pearls, upon which a red stone shone—which are the imperial insignia; from the emperor afterwards as despot... [alt-version omitted]

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(79) *Protosebastos*. Adding to the Glossarium of Meursius on this word: it is worth the effort. Dousa, our most learned friend, explains most accurately in other places the remaining names of the dignities and positions mentioned here. Whenever I name that man, if I do not credit him with the due honor and praises repeated from exquisite and excellent erudition, know that it is because the name itself provides the cause. DOUSA.

^A His matters having been completed, the emperor returned to the East, having brought it about that the emperor became a despot and a servant; whom he had bound by oath, as the custom was, and had favored with gifts in accordance with his dignity, and had bestowed money upon the other subjects of the man. With him, he also left behind his father, Theodore. He is promoted in dignity, of which he also cultivated the friendship. ^B 41. Therefore, Emperor John, upon returning to the East, wintered at Nymphaeum. Departing thence, he came to Lampsacus, where, having spent the summer and the autumn, at the beginning of winter he left that place and made for Pegae. While on the march, he was caught by the onset of a harsh and severe winter; having pitched his camp at Sigrene, he suffered for two days under the cold and the gusts of thick, swirling snow, until he arrived at the city of Pegae. Many on that journey, both men and women, perished; for as those who kept the count reported, the heads of some three hundred dead, covered in a snowy mound, were found, since because of the fury of the winds they could not even look at one another; and all those who survived the calamity bore witness that they had never before felt such a horror of winter. The eighteenth day of the month of December was then being numbered, the year being, in my opinion, the six thousand seven hundred and forty-first. ^C The emperor stayed in the city of Pegae until the severity of the winter abated, then departed and went to Nymphaeum, where he remained until the spring shone forth. Since, as we have said, the army of the Muslims had been scattered by the Tacharii, over whom Sultan Iathatines presided (the son of Sultan Azatin, who from a good man became ^D a prince... [end of page content available in facsimile: see next page]).

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius. (80) Regarding the purple imperial buskins or boots, we have spoken above; likewise of the tiara and the pileus, which rises high in the manner of a pyramid and is pointed. About which we must now hear Nicephorus Gregoras toward the end of his History, in the Nenia: "Further, regarding the head-covering, it was the custom among the higher emperors that older courtiers used turbinated pilei covered in silk, according to their dignity. And these symbols of authority," the logothete adds, "are held." Which John Cantacuzenus also insinuates, in *History*, Roman or Byzantine, Book III, Chapter 3, where he calls this pileus a "stone," since at the peak of the pileus a stone of remarkable size and incomparable value was seen. The Greek is: ... [Latin/Greek apparatus omitted]. (81) Regarding the Tacharii: Chalaus, the son of Sitziscan, as we said above, having overcome the foundations of the Tanais, devastated Europe. Another, Telepuges, son of Sitziscan, having crossed the Caspian narrows, leaving Sogdiana behind his back, advanced to the Bactrians and the Oxosogdus river to the roots of the great mountains and wintered with his army. The mountains, because they cohere in one continuous series, form one single mountain, as it were, and it is called Taurus, which divides the whole of middle Asia, beginning from the west near the Aegean Sea, and cutting through Asia to the east, terminating near the Ocean. In the spring, like great herds or droves of cattle, they cross the mountain peaks, invade the subject peoples, and penetrate India, as much as in

^A their degeneration for evil: for, raging with drink, and with monstrous and execrable lusts, he was perpetually consorting with puny men who were utterly ignorant of reason and human nature, unlike his parent, who, though he obeyed his passions, did not do so to such an extent; wherefore he also drew up his battle line better than his predecessors, and was benevolently disposed towards the emperor. But with those things in which that man delighted, he was provided to satiety; yet when he wished to test himself in the Tacharian battle, he is defeated. And being almost in desperate circumstances, he sends envoys to the emperor John, seeking most immediate counsel, by what means in the world he might repulse the enemy and be relieved a little from his evils, saying that this was salutary to both: for, with the Musulmans struck down by the Tachari, ^B the approach to the Roman cities will lie open to the enemy, free and without impediment—which was indeed most true—since one could not restrain them. Furthermore, the emperor John, being sagacious and prudent in such matters, willingly receives the embassy, and cements a concord with the sultan, so that they might thus repulse the adversaries: for, these two greatest powers being associated, it would be likely that the enemy would conceive fear, if, while they were attacking against one, they discovered that they had suddenly taken up arms against two. Wherefore, they joined their minds in one, and both, as well the emperor John as the sultan Iathatin, at Tripolis, which the river Maeander flows past, received one another most humanely—a bridge having been hastily constructed with timbers by the sultan's companions so that an easier approach might lie open to those crossing—and others accepted other magnates and nobles; ^C and the pacts by which they were previously bound having been confirmed more sacredly, so that both together as one might provoke the enemies to battle, they departed, John seeking Philadelphia, the sultan Iconium, where his royal seat was. And then, indeed, both enjoyed tranquil peace. For the army of the Tachari kept itself within its own borders, nor did it cross those prescribed, as was the custom, since it was occupied with domestic affairs.

^D they terminated. However, they imposed annual tributes upon the nations they had visited, and decreed that they should grant them whatever they wished according to their own caprice. Finally, refined by the customs of the Assyrians, Persians, and Chaldeans, they scorned the worship of their ancestral divinity and inclined to their religion, and followed their customs and institutions in all things. These were the Musulmans, whom others call Turks, who at that time were fiercely and hostilely harassing them with constant battles and incursions.

Theodori Dousæ and Leonis Allatii notes. both banks of the Indus lie open; having subjected this, they turn their path into Arachosia and Carmania, and having easily vanquished those nations, they arrive at the Chaldeans and Arabs. Then, having crossed to the Babylonians and Assyrians, they occupy Mesopotamia, and being charmed by the pleasantness of the place, they cease their wanderings. In the third year, having crossed the Jaxartes river, they claim for themselves Asia Minor, nor did they rest even then, but tribunes sent here and there first subdue the Persians and Parthians and Medes, then ascending into Greater Armenia, they overrun Colchis and the neighboring Iberia. Afterward, the most pleasant estates and most delightful fields, in which they took the greatest pleasure, caused them to consider Asia Minor, which they already possessed in their hearts,

^A a possession to be cherished; but soon after, John, whom we have said was made Despot by the Emperor John, breathed his last. His brother Demetrius, having sent envoys to the Emperor, obtained the right to succeed his brother in the dignity of Despot and to claim for himself all that had been under his brother’s power. But this man did not live in a brotherly spirit toward his brother John; rather, he was separated from him by a wide gulf. For the latter delighted in piety, devotion, and temperance (as those who knew the man best reported, he never once in all the days of the year abstained from hearing the holy liturgy unless held back by ill health), and he would pass his nights in prayer to God, fulfilling every day the divine praises appointed for the set hours. Furthermore, he was constantly in the company of the Nazarenes, and it was his great ambition to attain the solitary life and experience the tranquility that flows from it, or at least to enjoy the very friendly company of those so disposed. ^B But his brother Demetrius was of the opposite character. He would associate with foolish youths, in whom he took the greatest delight, and he was himself conquered by bodily desires, busying himself with other men’s wives. From this, he once suffered no small misfortune; for when the husband of a woman he had defiled entered the house unexpectedly through a window, Demetrius, fearing for himself, fled and, precipitating himself from a great height, injured his hip. Although he recovered after being ill for many days, he remained lame in one foot and could not walk straight. Yet he did not enjoy his power for long. ^C For the Emperor John, seizing an opportunity at that time—since, as we have said, the nation of the Tachari were busy with other nations, having put aside their fight against the Sultan of Iconium (for he was carrying the war to the Babylonian, whom the Muslim tribes are accustomed to call the Caliph, and to those neighboring him)—crossed the Hellespont at the beginning of summer, leaving behind his son Theodore in the East. Before these times, Patriarch Germanus, having departed from earthly affairs, was called to the abodes of the blessed, after having lived well and holily, and having well tended his own flock. After him came a certain monk named Methodius, the superior of the monastery of Hyacinthus in Nicaea, a man indeed who boasted of knowing many things, but in reality knew very little. But he, having enjoyed the throne for only ^D three months, passed away, and the Church was left widowed, lacking her pontiff. For since the Emperor John was not very prompt in settling these matters,

^A nor indeed could he easily find, out of the existing circumstances, a man worthy of such a throne, or rather, one who would be acceptable to him. For rulers choose for these offices men who will do what is pleasing to them and not oppose their own desires. Therefore, a long time passed, and there was no one to lead the flock.

43. Now the Emperor John, as we have said, made his journey to the continent opposite and to the west ^B, in order to visit the cities and towns in those regions and to inspect the matters therein; for he was master of all things up to the city known as Zichna, which is somewhere near Serrai. At that time, Callimanus, the son of Asan, a youth of twelve years, held the principality of the Bulgarians. When the Emperor had reached the regions of Cissus and had stayed there, he continued his journey the next day and arrived at the river called the Hebrus, which flows near the monastery named Beris (84) and is called Maritzan in the local dialect. As the Emperor was in the middle ^C of the river—for it was fordable by horses, since it happened to be the end of summer; indeed, it was the twenty-seventh or twenty-eighth of the month of September—a message was delivered, marked with a seal and sent by the person holding the public authority of Achrida, stating that Callimanus, the ruler of the Bulgarians, had ended his life. Some said he had suffered this by natural disease, while others said that, on the contrary, he had been destroyed by a secretly prepared draught of poison. But whether in this way or otherwise, he had departed from among men; and the report held the truth, for it was confirmed by frequent dispatches. ^D The Emperor, having learned this, continued his journey; and having passed by Christopolis, he reached Philippi as quickly as possible. There he took counsel with his nobles as to whether it was necessary to invade the Bulgarians and seize some of what was held by them, and whether the city of Serrai could easily be taken by us. Some dissuaded the Emperor from war against the Bulgarians, arguing that he did not have an army equal to such a conflict, since he had come not to fight but only to visit his own territories. They argued that the citadel of Serrai, which had to be attacked first, was impregnable because it rose above the plain, and that it could not be surrounded by so small an army, and that it was entirely impossible to bring engines of war against it. To attack and then be repulsed after attempting the citadel would be a disgrace to the strength and valor of the Romans, whose glorious reputation had spread to everyone. Moreover, it was not at all advantageous to incite to battle the Bulgarians who were at rest. These were the arguments they brought forward to dissuade the king from the siege. But Andronicus Palæologus, whom we have previously mentioned as having been the Great Domestic, advised the Emperor to the contrary: that the citadel of Serrai should be attempted, for if it were taken, it would bring great

profit, and the affairs of the Bulgarians would be more humbled, and they would receive the embassy regarding peace more readily, since their lord is out of the way, and another infant is about to rule over the Bulgarians—namely Michael, born to Asan from Irene, the daughter of Theodore Angelus. But if it should happen that we do not overcome the citadel, what harm does it bring to the Roman Empire? For having tested the matter, we shall remain at peace, and we shall send envoys to the Bulgarians again, and they, ruled by an infant who knows nothing of the name of battle, will gladly turn their attention to the embassy. For everyone loves the fruits of peace, aiming for rest. It seemed to the Emperor that the Great Domestic had counselled ^B excellently, and so he set out on the road leading to Serrai as best he could. Having arrived near it, he pitched his tents and encamped, not relying on the strength of his army (for he did not have so many men then, as we have said), but he attempted the citadel with strategy and maneuvers.

For Serrai had formerly been a very great city, but the Bulgarian John, having besieged it and the other Macedonian cities, had razed it, so that at that time it passed for a village, with only the acropolis being walled and prepared to receive war; its guard was a Bulgarian man named Dragotas ^C, who had his residence at Melnik. Since the lower city of Serrai was unwalled (for it was surrounded only by stones without lime, and not raised to any great height, the ruins perhaps being built up in a makeshift way), the Emperor mustered the servants who were serving for pay alongside the soldiers—whom the common tongue calls *Tzucalonas*—and urged them to take it, since they lacked the necessities of life and had left their homes to acquire what they might need. Seeing that the place was easy to approach, they took their bows, and also swords and some boards ^D which they had fashioned in haste as shields, and sheltering themselves behind these, and raising a war cry, they charged the place with a shout; and in not many hours they were inside. They plundered whatever they found on the spot. As many of the citizens as had not fled up to the acropolis came out as suppliants to the Emperor. And Dragotas, who was the governor of the acropolis, a Bulgarian man, and quite inept at guarding and defending citadels for any length of time, when he heard that the lower city had been captured and also of the death of his own master, seeing how fortune favored the Emperor, did not hold out for long, but signaled to the Emperor his intention to surrender the acropolis. And thus the acropolis immediately acknowledged the Emperor. Dragotas was clothed in a purple cloak interwoven with gold, and received a not insignificant amount of gold stater coins. Consequently, he made significant offers.

^A regarding Melenikon, which were very sincere.

44. Dragotas, having received all these things from the Emperor, departed as if he were a bait cast out. And when he arrived at Melenikon, he made everything clear to the inhabitants, encouraging them to surrender the city to the Emperor, not indeed saying these things in public, but discussing the matter secretly with the majority. Now, because Nicolaus Litoboes, who governed the city, was sick and confined to his bed with pains in his feet, everyone was free to act according to their own wishes. Among them was Nicolaus Manclavites, one of the more prominent inhabitants of Melenikon, a bold man ^B and clever at adapting himself to changing times and shrewdly perceiving things. Having detected what was being plotted by Dragotas, and knowing that he could fulfill his promises to the Emperor if he brought the better part of the multitude over to his own view, he withdrew from private conversations and declared publicly to all what was advantageous, saying: "We have had to endure injustice under the rule of the child of Callimanus, yet we did so in the hope that if the boy survived to manhood, we would receive rewards for our endurance, once he reached an age where one could distinguish a good man from a base one. ^C But since through malignant fortune we have lost this, and another infant is set in charge to rule the Bulgarians, we would be even more foolish than the most foolish if we were to surrender ourselves again to other misfortunes, as if we wished to live for all time without a prince, the most ruinous condition of all. But since the Emperor of the Romans has approached us, we ought to surrender ourselves to him as a faithful lord and one who knows well how to identify a good man and a bad one, and who has long esteemed righteousness in our midst. For our territory belongs by right to the Roman empire; for the Bulgarians have used the situation greedily to gain control of Melenikon, whereas we all originated from Philippopolis and trace our lineage clearly back to the Romans. Moreover, even if we were Bulgarians, the Emperor of the Romans still holds a claim over us: for his son, the Emperor Theodore, is joined by kinship to Asanos, the prince of the Bulgarians, and now the daughter of King Asan is titled and is the mistress ^D among the Romans. Bringing all these bright arguments together into a few words, we ought to resort to him and submit our necks, established in servitude to him. For it is the way of wise kings and..."

Theodori Dousæ et Leonis Allatii notæ

(86) Nicolaus Litoboes. Choniata, p. 564, recalls a certain Litoboes, a soldier in the army of Ducas sebastocrator, who, having obtained another way through a barbarian cohort, saved Ducas without any harm during the defeat Isaac received from the Vlachs. All.

The daughter of Asen, who is the wife of such an emperor, is and is called Empress among the Romans. For the sake of all these things, setting aside most of what is said, it is necessary to go to him and bow the neck to the yoke of servitude; for the yoke of wise and aged emperors is gentle, and by far lighter than that of those who still continue in their youth. ^B Having said this, he persuaded everyone to become the emperor’s [subjects] without toil and without many troubles of war. And indeed, having sent certain envoys from among the co-inhabitants, secretly at first, but rather known to the majority, they made agreements with the emperor. At any rate, a golden bull, comprehensive of the things they requested, was prepared for the emperor and, having been given to the couriers of Melenik, he ordered it to be sent to the inhabitants. And they, not long after, all gathered together with one accord, both those of the leading citizens, and those enrolled in the military, and those of the other inhabitants who were better, came to the emperor, who was camping near a place called Labisda—men well-ordered and honorable, worthy of esteem and honor just by their appearance, numbering over five hundred; whom I myself saw and said: ^C "What clashing of arms subdued them for us, or how many phalanxes of cavalry overcame such numbers? But by the protection of a Greater Power, they were most easily driven out and yielded that which could scarcely ever be conquered. Hence that which was said by the Apostle Paul is most true: 'It is not of him that runneth, nor of him that pursuadeth, but of God that showeth mercy.' Therefore, leaders of an army should neither be praised nor blamed entirely. For many, having fought zealously and intensely, employing themselves more effectively with the affairs at hand, accomplished little or nothing, and some even stumbled greatly. Others, relying on favorable fortune, and proceeding to their tasks without practice, have become authors of great trophies, just as it happened at that time to Emperor John. For he became lord of many cities and many lands in an instant, without a war having taken place, without anyone having fallen in battle, without blood having been shed, and without any sword dancing over a body, but mildly and peacefully, just as if one were entering into a paternal inheritance, he began to rule over all such things. ^D For Stenimachus and Tzepaena, and as many small towns and villages as were situated near the mountain of Rhodope (87) became tributary to him. And the boundary between him and the Bulgarians was the Hebrus River. And from the northern part, Stumpium and Chotobos, fortified camps, and the region of Belebudium were under the emperor; also Scopia and Velesus and as far as Prilapus and the regions of Pelagonia, Neustapolis and Prosacus, all things came under the emperor’s hand. And covenants were made by the Bulgarians with the emperor on these terms, that he would be content only with these and not encroach further. And these things took place in this manner, and I myself was laboring at the epistolary discourse, writing to each of the cities and lands that had been taken and stamping the imperial seal; for this was an ancient custom for the emperors of the Romans, to make known from afar...

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius

45. When these things had been thus accomplished by the emperor, to his great joy and no less so to all the Romans, who looked upon it as the beginning of a great advancement in the empire and an increase in its strength, thoughts turned to his return and departure to the East; for the time required this, as October had passed and mid-November was already underway. However, a rumor, authentic and highly useful, checked his momentum. For Thessalonica, as we have related above, acknowledged as despot Demetrius, the son of Theodore, and bestowed upon him that title, given that he had been honored with that rank by the emperor. But since, as we said before, the young man was ensnared by wickedness and occupied with childish play and the trifles of boys—not the discourse of prudent men nor the administration and governance of a proper state—he was targeted by the intrigues of a few, the principal and better-known of whom were Spartenus, Campanus, Iatropulus, and Cutzulatus; the more prominent ones were Michael Lascaris and Tzyrith, who had been honored by the emperor with the rank of grand chartularius. As for the other members of the conspiracy, we do not yet know them: they joined together with the multitude in such a way that they remained unheard of and unknown to most. One of these, Campanus, being most deeply involved in the plot, was sent off to the emperor John, ostensibly to travel for the sake of business, but in truth to obtain a golden bull, by which the ancient rights and privileges of the Thessalonians might be confirmed and the freedom of the citizens secured. The emperor, granting their request, carries out everything in accordance with their desire; he even stirs up the matter with promises of gifts to be distributed among those who would assist the counsel, and commits himself in writing.

Having arranged these things securely, he set out from Melenikon and made for Thessalonica, having first sent men to Demetrius so that he, if he intended to keep his agreements, might come to him and fulfill his obligation. For so he had agreed, and by oath he had bound himself. But he (for he was not able to discern anything of his own accord), using the conspirators as his advisors, remained at home; for they asserted that the emperor's summons was a cover for treacherous designs. Since he was foolish and [lacking understanding] ^B of soul, he followed the advice of his counselors and remained at home. And a certain thing happened which I will present as a kind of amusement. Some reported that Campanus (who was one of those privy to the evil plot) was plotting against Demetrius. Demetrius confronted him, and he was cross-examined and was in the midst of that very interrogation. Spartenus, then, being in league with him, rushes there quickly and says, "Why do some accuse this wretch of plotting, my lord? If he were caught as such, he would be guilty of many deaths." And Demetrius (for he trusted him greatly as a loyal man) said, "They say he is a traitor, Spartenus." He then strikes Campanus, grabbing him by the chin. "I," he says, "will take him to the house, my lord, and by applying torture will force him to reveal everything." Having said this, he went off to his house as fast as he could. Then, Campanus was kept under guard, but Spartenus inflated a wineskin, bound it, hung it up, and struck it as if it were Campanus, supposedly to make him reveal his secrets. It was a wineskin, however, that was being struck, not Campanus. Afterward, Spartenus arrived as fast as his feet could carry him to Demetrius and says, "I will attest the matter to you under oath, by your own Demetrius—the guardian and protector of Thessalonica—who is our lord as well. Campanus is just as the Spartenus is, and he is as well-disposed toward you as Spartenus is, whom you have recognized as loving you more than any other man." The emperor then advances upon Thessalonica.

^A using those treacherous advisors at home, he was persuaded to remain at home. For they claimed that the emperor’s summons was a conspiracy against him; and being of light mind, he was swept along by their words, wherever they might incline him. It happened furthermore, amid these events, that which I shall add as a seasoning to my account. Some reported that Campanusanother who we have said was among those privy to the plotwas not thinking in Demetrius’s interest, since he had also returned from the emperor. He presented himself to Demetrius and was accused by those who spoke the truth against him—that he was secretly engaging in chicanery and attempting to subvert the people, and that letters were being sent by him to the emperor, and mysterious messages were being revealed. Campanusan was present at such an examination. Spartenus, for his part, being a co-conspirator in these actions, having learned of such matters, hurried there, and as he was, breathless and in haste, "For whose sake, master," he says, "is this wicked man being brought to justice, who, if found to be such, would be judged worthy of many deaths?" Demetrius (for he trusted him greatly as a loyal man, and considered him very ill-disposed toward his enemy, according to the comic poet ^B, even if he did not think him the greatest thief) said, "Those who follow him, Spartenus, say he is a traitor." He strikes Campanus on the jaw with his fist, using great force in the blow, and, taking him by the chin, "I," he says, "master, will take him home, and having first applied tortures, I will force him to reveal everything secretly hatched by these men." He spoke these words and departed for home with as much speed as he could. Thenceforth, Campanus was kept in bed, on a high mattress for rest and things invented for luxury, which men who are practiced in such affairs enjoy all the more. As some also said, Spartenus had inflated a wine skin and filled it with air, then tied it shut so that the air enclosed within could not escape; he hung it up and beat ^C it...

Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius's notes

(88) *According to the comic poet.* Chremylus to his servant Cario in Aristophanes' *Plutus*: "I shall not hide it from you; for I consider you the most faithful of my servants and the greatest thief." ALL.

(89) He also recognized this boldness of the just man and his unyielding spirit in all things. In any case, he again sent that same Nicetas, as he was, in his zeal to the holy man, this time to inflict very severe lashes upon him, sailing alongside him to rip him up limb by limb with the whips and make him entirely full of torments. When he had caught up with the holy man and announced the reason why he had come, he [the saint] did not delay, but at the word he stripped off his tunic with cheerfulness of soul and prepared his flesh for the scourging. "For this," he says, "has long been desired and expected by me." But that compassionate man—as he was himself also merciful—as soon as he saw those precious naked limbs, which both time and fasting had utterly wasted away, was broken entirely and suffered in his soul, not daring to pay attention or touch them at all, much less ^D to torment them with his hands or with whips. Therefore, having devised a clever plan within himself—so as both to seem to yield to the emperor and to deceive those present (as if he had indeed struck the holy man)—he brought a sheepskin and, placing this upon the man’s shoulders, he made his lashing upon it, as he was, having prearranged the matter solely out of reverence for the man and the wasting away of his flesh. And so that he might also be able to show drops of blood from the many blows, he himself—what a noble-minded intention—gashed his own arm with a dagger, and dipping the whip into the blood that flowed therefrom, he went out and showed it stained with flesh and blood, himself pretending to be panting and feigning exhaustion. And having been blessed by the holy man, this God-loving man, and having been sent on his way with his prayers, he went on his journey, having received such an extraordinary reward for his most beautiful deed. ALL.

Since the sufficient time had passed, and he was able to make a worthy investigation and to uncover what was hidden—it was a wineskin, not a Campanus, that was being struck—as soon as Spartenos had the strength in his feet, he arrived at Demetrius and said to him, "Master, I will confirm it for you with an oath by your and all our common Master, Demetrius, the guardian and patron of Thessalonica" (for this oath has more force among the Thessalonians than any other), "the Campanus is such as the Spartenos is, and he is disposed toward you exactly as you know the Spartenos to be." Thus did Spartenos discreetly dissipate the intrigue that was about to be revealed.

The Emperor John, having moved his armies, marched straight for Thessalonica and encamped around it. For he could not besiege it, as he did not have enough forces for that. He sent heralds to demand that Demetrius come out to him, as he had sworn he would to the Emperor, and also that he establish a market outside the city of Thessalonica so that the soldiers could purchase what they needed. But he, not guarding himself against the plots of his advisors, and obeying their words, did nothing of what the Emperor had commanded. A very few days later, a small detachment of soldiers was stationed near the small, sea-facing gate of the city, keeping watch so that no one might slip out of the city unexpectedly and harm the soldiers. When a shout arose from there that the gate had been opened by someone inside, the guard force followed the cry, and the entire army, armed, rushed in immediately with the Emperor and occupied everything in Thessalonica. ^B The Emperor stood at the gate of the city which faces the east, and Demetrius's sister, Irene, the wife of Asan of the Bulgarians, was there as a suppliant, kneeling and weeping, beseeching him that her brother should not suffer the loss of his eyes.

Demetrius had previously withdrawn into the acropolis. His sister, having received sworn guarantees from the Emperor that he would not lose his eyes, went away to her brother and brought him out to the Emperor. He was of a youthful age, having just arrived at it, and not yet sprouting a beard, but fair in form and stature. The Emperor honored her; for as she got down from her horse, the Emperor also jumped down from his own carriage and stood on foot with her. Thus Thessalonica came under the rule of Emperor John, or rather, it came under its own protection, for its previous masters held views contrary to those of the Romans. ^C

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(91) How Saint Demetrius is the patron of Thessalonica, and among many others, Joannes Stauracius explained at length in his *Miracles of Saint Demetrius*. And the Patriarch Nicolaus in his *Monody on the Fall of Thessalonica*: How, O patron Demetrius, Martyr, invincible ally, could you neglect your city when it was being plundered? How could you, who were impenetrable to enemies under your patronage, allow it to experience such evils since the sun first looked upon it? How did you endure the brow of the impious as they trampled upon your holy protection? How did you suffer these things and hold out?

43 The emperor did not linger for long at Thessalonica (for he was driven forth by the season of winter, as it happened to be the month of December), but left there the Grand Domestic Andronikos Komnenos Palaiologos—of whom we have made frequent mention—a man who held the first rank among those skilled in the art of war, most prudent and exceedingly gentle, highly expert in marshalling a battle line and directing soldiers, and illustrious in the arts of both war and peace. Being a victor and triumphing, he returned to the East, honored by all with praises and encomia for his swift and great victory, not only by his own people but also by foreigners. For, transcending nature, the achievement and the frequency of the trophies seemed to have been accomplished more by divine providence than by military art. ^B Furthermore, he entrusted Melenikos, Serres, and the surrounding areas to the loyalty and patronage of Michael Komnenos, the first son of the aforementioned Grand Domestic—the same man whom, not many years later, the Roman Empire acknowledged as its administrator, not without an increase in wealth and reputation. He likewise appointed others to fortify and defend the towns and cities, placing them under the authority of the Grand Domestic, so that everyone might obey him and observe his every stated command and action. The emperor, for his part, having crossed over to the eastern regions, went about his business, while he kept Demetrios, whom he had stripped of the Thessalonian authority, in confinement within the fortress of the Lentiani. Meanwhile, the Grand Domestic, having lived but a short time and having distinguished himself well in his office, succumbed to illness and, having had his hair shorn, reached the end of his life; ^C in his stead was appointed Theodoros Philes to govern the affairs of the office. After Thessalonica and Berrhoia had come under the emperor, the regions extending thence westward from Platamona, and whatever pertained to Pelagonia, Achrida, and Prilapon, were under the Despot Michael; as for Bodena, Staridola, Strobos, and the places thereabouts, these were held by the father of Demetrios—the uncle of Michael—Theodoros Angelos.

47 Having wintered at Nymphaion, the emperor, when spring appeared, set out from there according to his custom. Since the truce agreed upon on all sides had brought about a cessation of hostilities, he resolved to attack the nearby towns of the City of Constantine occupied by the Latins, namely Tzurulum and Bizya, for he had perceived that the forces of the Latins had collapsed. ^D Having therefore crossed the Hellespont, he first took up his station at Tzurulum. Now there was in that town Eudokia, the sister of the emperor’s wife, whom [he had wed] to Aseldeca...

^A with the consent of the Empress Irene and of his son-in-law the emperor. Aseldeca, for his part, upon learning of the emperor’s advance, did not remain long in the town; having fortified the place with garrisons, he fled, leaving behind his spouse, Eudokia, in the belief that the emperor would, on account of their close kinship, by no means attack the town. But the emperor, disregarding such considerations, surrounded the town, brought up engines and siege machines to break down the battlements, and in not many days took it. He sent his wife’s sister, with a single horse upon which she could ride, to Constantinople; the rest, who were in the garrison of the citadel, he dismissed as infantry. Indeed, not long after, he marched his troops at high speed to the town of Bizya, took it, and brought it under his own rule.

^B 48 Around this time, the fortress on the island of Rhodes was occupied by the Genoese through a night-time ruse. For the man who held it, John Gabalas ^C, the brother of Caesar Leo Gabalas—who, after the death of his brother, held the island with imperial authority—had departed to accompany the emperor, who was then dwelling in the regions of Nicomedia, against the Latins who were making incursions from Constantinople. Straightway, therefore, by the emperor's command, John Cantacuzenus, the *pincerna*, who was at that time administering the ducal principality of the Thracesians, was sent. Entering the island with a very small force, he took up arms and occupied the fortresses situated on it, namely, the one called Phileremos and the other, Lietos. He fought against the Genoese as best he could with his available forces. But when the emperor had transported a regular army for the task, he pitched his tents near the fortress and besieged the Genoese within it; yet he did them no damage, for they were well-supplied with food, as they had plundered the houses of the Rhodians—which were overflowing with goods for the sustenance of life—and had gathered all necessaries for themselves. They even cohabited with the Rhodian women, unless some were beyond their prime or unsightly, whom they had cast out of the city. And certainly, had it not been for a certain event, the Rhodian fortress would have come under Roman rule through the continued and uninterrupted siege by Cantacuzenus and his well-equipped engines and timely engagements. For the Prince of Achaea and the ^D Peloponnese...

Villehardouin, ^A while sailing to Syria to bring auxiliary forces to the Franks who were there, and taking with him armored knights in his triremes, touched at the island of Rhodes and made a covenant with the Genoese who were upon it, and left with them more than one hundred noble and brave knights. This compelled the Romans to withdraw from the siege of the city and retreat to Phileremos. Now, the knights left behind by the Prince, leaving the Genoese foot-soldiers to guard the city, would sally forth and pillage the entire region. They thus provided themselves with necessities, but a scarcity of essential supplies consequently happened to the Romans, all the more so because they were harassed by the dromons and other piratical vessels of the Genoese. But Emperor John, upon reaching Nymphaeum ^B and having prepared a considerable fleet at Smyrna, having also organized horse-transporting triremes (95) capable of carrying up to three hundred horses, dispatched as their commander Theodore Contostephanus, who held the dignity of protosebastos; and having given him written instructions on how he was to prepare and draw up the battle line, and where and when, he sent him off, having prayed for good and auspicious things for him and his company. Protosebastos Theodore, having set sail with the triremes and arrived at the island of Rhodes, and having arranged everything as the emperor had commanded, routed the Latins; for the soldiers of the emperor, falling upon the Latins as they were out pillaging, put them all to the sword, the pincerna John Cantacuzenus having ordered that no one should be spared. Thus, the Frankish knights were slaughtered by the sage counsel of the emperor. The Genoese foot-soldiers, who had remained in the fortress of Rhodes, defended that war against the besiegers. When, subsequently, they could no longer sustain the fight, they came to terms and surrendered the fortress ^C to the Romans, and they themselves went to the emperor and, as had been confirmed by covenant, became partakers of the imperial clemency. And thus, once again, the island of Rhodes came under the dominion of the Romans. And these things indeed happened in this way.

49. Now Emperor John, with Despot Michael, made a treaty and entered into a marriage alliance, taking his son Nicephorus as a son-in-law for his own daughter Maria, and he performed the betrothal at Pegae. But the proverb was proven true in the case of Michael: "A crooked stick is never straight, and an Ethiopian knows not how to turn white." ^D Michael then moved toward apostasy, having used his uncle Theodore as an advisor. The emperor, having learned of this, crossed the Hellespont and, having reached the Vodena region, pitched his camp. And there the Angel Theodore fled. Having settled down to the siege of Vodena, he took the city. And having camped at Lake Ostrovo, he sent Alexius Stratigopoulos, Michael Palaeologus, and Macrenus of the Tyrakinon Goudeloi, so that they might plunder the possessions of Michael. And the emperor accomplished an affair worthy of record: he relieved the shortage of supplies with mules and camels from Berrhoia. Eager for asylum with him was Glabas John from Kastoria, and constantly Theodore Petraliphas, the brother-in-law of Michael, who, whenever he approached the emperor, became the ruin—both small and great—of the emperor. And Goulamos from Albania, having marched with an army toward Kastoria, having as his wife the cousin of the Empress Irene, the daughter of her first cousin, approached the emperor. Michael, seeing his circumstances in a narrow pass—

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius.

(95) *Hippagogoi*: John Tzetzes, *Chil.* vi, 129. Suidas: "Hippagos: a ship that carries men." *Rhyme*, as it is called by Polybius. The same in... From this, Sabellius makes a monster: *Hippagenes*, *Ennead.* IX, lib. v: "Which had one hundred and twenty *arcilia* [horse transports]: for thus the Venetians call ships for carrying horses; the Greeks call them *Hippagones*." ALL.

^A Michael initiates a treaty and is joined by the recognition of kinship. For he joined in marriage the son of Michael, Nicephorus, to Maria, the daughter of his own son, the Emperor Theodore, having taken him as a son-in-law. And the wife of this man, Theodora, taking Nicephorus with her, sails across into the East, and meets the Emperor while he is tarrying in the regions of the Pegai, and the betrothal of the children takes place. And Theodora, having again taken her son, returned home to her own husband Michael, having been fittingly treated with kindness by the Emperor. But it was found that the popular proverb held true also in the case of Michael: "A crooked stick is never straight, and an Ethiopian cannot become white." For he rushed into defection from the Emperor, having used his uncle, Theodore Angelus, as an advisor regarding the pretext. When the Emperor John learned these things and discovered their conspiracy, ^B thinking that after the capture of Constantinople there were no other enemies turned against him besides these, and since he was enjoying peace on the side of the Mussulmans, and the affairs of the Bulgarians were quiet, having made preparations worthy of the matter and, so to speak, in royal fashion, and having arranged all his forces as was fitting, he crossed the Hellespont, having brought with him most of the commanders of the soldiers. Among them was reckoned Nicephorus Tarchaniota, the prefect of the table, discharging the duties of the Grand Domestic, in whose character the Emperor found rest, judging him to be the most joined to himself in affection, a man who, as was proven later by experience, was most excellent in exercising the ranks of the military. He betook himself to Thessalonica, and thence, having gathered his standards, he pitched camp at Bodena. But Theodore Angelus, emerging from them first, fled to his nephew, the Despot Michael. The Emperor, however, settling down to the siege of Bodena, captured the city of the Bodeni in no long time. ^C Departing thence, he pitched his tents in a certain place drawing near to the lake of Ostrovo. And he sends out generals against the territories of the Despot Michael—Alexius Strategopulus, Michael Palaeologus (the son of the Grand Domestic), John Macrenus, the tyrant Gudele, and others—so that they might despoil the fortunes of each individual, and if anywhere they should encounter his army, they should charge into battle against him, and if the opportunity should offer itself, they should even storm the fortress. Thus they depleted and ravaged everything, and brought it before the Emperor's tent. The Emperor had remained in the regions of Ostrovo, and was afflicted in spirit because he had accomplished nothing worthy of the expectation of men. The army, no less, bore it badly, as it was tormented by the winter storm and was laboring more and more from a lack of necessities. The Emperor provided for this difficulty: for from Berrhoea, necessities ^D were brought to him by mules and camels. Thus, while the Emperor was in this state, contrary to expectation, Gravas, a deserter, comes to meet him at Castoria, and not long after, Theodore, having sent an embassy to the Emperor regarding himself, Michael released to the Emperor Prilapon and Veles and the fortress of the Krya in Albania. And written oaths were issued by the Emperor, and the Emperor honored his son as Despot because of his granddaughter. And the Emperor, having wintered in Bodena with a moderate army, went off to Achrida and to Diabolus and Castoria.

Theodori Dousae et Leonis Allatii notae. (96) With the Despot. Exacting Gregoras, pp. 47-49. ALL.

^A Petraliphas, who lived in the camp. Being thus disposed, the emperor was unexpectedly visited by a refugee from Castoria, Glabas, and continuously by Theodore Petraliphas, a son-in-law of Demetrios Tornikes Komnenos, who had been in charge of public affairs for the Emperor John, and was greatly loved and honored by him, for he called him "brother" in his letters. But he had departed from the world before his time. Therefore, there was no steward of public affairs known by that honorable title, and the emperor used whomsoever chance provided for service, including unknown grammarians—Joseph the Mesopotamite and Nicephorus Alyates, who served him—but for matters requiring ^B more illustrious learning and worthy of diligence, he used John Makros and myself. The aforementioned Petraliphas, therefore, being Michael's brother-in-law, when he came to the emperor, filled him and the armies with great joy; for immediately Castoria and the entire region around it flowed to the emperor, and the Deaboleis, both the small and the large, became the emperor’s. And Gulamus from Albano, since he was passing his time in the regions of Castoria with the army he had led from Albano, and was married to a daughter of the niece and first cousin of the Empress Irene, was enticed by gentle words and letters of promise from the emperor and approached him. The emperor received all such men kindly and honored them as was fitting. Michael the Despot, learning of this and seeing that his own affairs were in extreme peril and that the emperor’s affairs were proceeding smoothly and with a favorable wind, sent an embassy to the emperor through the Metropolitan of Naupaktos, Xeros, and his own brother-in-law, Maliassenos, and Lampetes; these men met with the emperor ^C and made a covenant. Michael handed over to the emperor the city of Prilapon and Beleson and the fortress in Albano called Kroai, and written oaths were advanced by the emperor, and ambassadors were sent to him: Phokas of Philadelphia and the primikerios of the court, Isaac Dukas, whom they also called Mourtzouphlos, and Michael Hyaleas, and I myself. We went to Michael and found him staying in Larissa, and we fulfilled the treaties, and having taken his son Nicephorus—whom the emperor had honored with the title of Despot on account of his own granddaughter—and also Michael’s uncle, Theodore Angelos, bound in fetters, we journeyed back to the emperor who was encamped at Bodena. And ^D thus these things happened, and affairs reached such an end. When the emperor had wintered at Bodena, in the spring, after he had celebrated the feast of the Resurrection, having left behind his armies there and appointed as their leaders the protovestiarios Alexios Raoul—who was the husband of his niece—and Michael Komnenos Palaiologos, with a small retinue he set out to survey the cities recently added to the Roman empire. He went first to Achrida, thence proceeded to Deabolos, from which he arrived at Castoria, and in the autumn, having arranged his columns, he planned his journey to the East. Theodori Dousae et Leonis Allatii notae. (97) Having wintered, as Gregoras, p. 49, says, he intended to return, because he did not wish to winter there.

^A Having therefore passed by Thessalonica and crossed Bisaltia, he pitched his tent at Philippi (98), for a reason that seemed to him not insignificant. For the Manglabites Nicolas (99) had denounced Michael Palaiologos [P. 51]—the aforementioned son of the great domestic—to the emperor, while he was still at Vodena. But since there was no time for an investigation of such matters, but rather [a time] for an expedition and for battle, the emperor put aside the business until a more favorable hour. Then, however, the emperor proceeded to an examination of these matters, and ^B he set up a tribunal and sat as judge and convened a brilliant court. The charge was that Michael Palaiologos had been denounced by the Manglabites Nicolas, whom the emperor also wished to examine. When, therefore, the aforementioned persons were examined, the one would convict the accuser, while he confessed that he had spoken, yet not with the knowledge of Michael Palaiologos. And having been armed, and having engaged in conflict, the accused was defeated, and having been arrested alive once more, he denied the charge, but was condemned to death; and yet again, with oaths, he said that he did not know Michael Komnenos. So the examination [was directed] toward Michael Komnenos, ^C and the proof by means of the hot iron (2). And he, for his part, said, "If anyone accuses me, I would have fought against him; but to grasp the hot iron is the work of some wonder-worker, such as one might expect from Pheidias or Praxiteles (3)." Phokas of Philadelphia advised him to this effect. But he said, "I do not know how such a thing can be considered holy, but I am a sinful man and cannot perform such wonders. But if a metropolitan—being a man of God—advises me to perform this, you yourself put on your sacred vestments, then with your own hands make the iron glow with fire, and with those same hands place it upon my hand. And if it happens ^D in this way, I have trusted in my Master Christ, that He will overlook my sin and will perform a miracle to manifest the truth." And the metropolitan said, "This does not belong to our Roman institution, nor to ecclesiastical tradition, but has been introduced by barbarian tradition." And he replied, "Since I was born of barbarians, I might pay for my case by barbarian [methods]." And the metropolitan went to the emperor and said these things. And the emperor [said], "Alas, the pitiable [man], from what glory he has fallen!"

^A And he stood and seated judges and convened a brilliant tribunal. The matter was as follows: When Demetrius Tornicius had died, the grand domestic was still residing in Thessalonica, and his son Michael was in Melenikon and Serres. Having learned of the death of Tornicius, he was vexed and appeared gloomy to those who encountered him; for Tornicius was the husband of the grand domestic’s first cousin. As is wont to happen in such cases, someone from Melenikon, called by another name, asked why Michael Comnenus was gloomy. And he (for he well knew the cause) said, "Demetrius Tornicius has died. He was his relative and a manager of public affairs. And for this reason he is grieved for him." But the other said, "It does not seem so to me; for he would not be so despondent and troubled on account of Tornicius. But as it appears, this has happened to his advantage. And if this is so, woe to us; for our affairs will again be in turbulence and annoyance, which now are settled well and have come to ^B tranquility." But the other replied, "But, O friend, even if such a thing has happened, our affairs will not fare ill on that account. For the grand domestic lives in Thessalonica, governing it, and this Michael Comnenus, his son, conducts the protection of our lands. Governed by such very great men, we could never see a worldly tempest, especially since Thamar, the sister of the Bulgarian Kaloian, who is still unmarried, is to be joined in the communion of marriage to Michael Comnenus, and there will be peace between us and the Bulgarians." These things were spoken by them, with Michael Comnenus knowing nothing of them. One of the two, therefore, went to the aforementioned Manglabites and reported such things to him, and he reported it to the emperor. Thus both were arrested and questioned about what had been said. The one, therefore, accused, and the other defended himself. He said, "In truth, this man spoke, for he heard it from me; but it was not spoken at my knowledge of Comnenus, rather I brought forth these words on my own." He was compelled, therefore, regarding this; but he denied absolutely that Michael Comnenus knew anything at all about this. Hence, ^C a military proof was prepared for them, since the witnesses were not present: the test through combat. Both were armed, entered the stadium, clashed with one another, and the accused was defeated, was thrown from his horse, and the accuser claimed the victory. Having been seized alive (for he had not lost his voice, nor had he been struck a mortal blow), he was questioned again so that he might confess the truth. But he adhered to his former statement and testified that Michael Comnenus knew nothing of this at all. And since through more severe tortures the emperor had decided that the truth must be extorted, just as he required more accurate examinations of life for the man, which through

^A a death sentence brought upon him provided proof. The hands of the condemned man were therefore bound behind him so that he might serve as the work of the sword, and his eyes were covered with a linen cloth; for so are the condemned accustomed to be prepared, and to receive the blow of execution. As these things were done in this way, and the prisoner was ordered to bend his neck to receive the beheading of his head, and he was again asked about the matters in question, he confirmed with terrible ^B oaths that he was entirely ignorant of these things regarding Michael Comnenus; he was allowed to proceed towards death, but he went toward the prison, and chains and confinement held him. The entire examination then turned toward Michael Comnenus, and those who had been assigned to judge him said to him: "Since unverified rumors are being repeated about you, it is necessary for you to refute them through some miracle; and this will be an ordeal by red-hot iron." ^C Then he, relying upon the truth itself, said: "If there were someone who was accusing me, I would certainly contend with him and show that he is lying. But since there is no accuser, for what am I being judged? Furthermore, if you wish to perform miracles upon me, I am certainly not one who can work miracles. I do not know by what reason a red-hot iron, if it were to fall into the hand of a living man, would not burn it, unless he were carved from stone by Phidias or Praxiteles, or cast from bronze." These things he said, and indeed quite justly ^D according to the law.

Since, however, Phocas, the metropolitan of Philadelphia, was also present at these events, being beloved by the emperor and very much favored—though he had attained this not by virtue and merit, but by impudence—he once upon a time, when the emperor was inquiring about some public matter, spoke boldly and said: "O Emperor, why do you consult us at present, when you always carry out by yourself whatever seems best to you?" He had said these things, and the emperor had indeed taken it ill, since those who stood by report that he addressed him thus: "Could anything bolder have been uttered by a metropolitan? And you endured it?" Yet after a brief hour he showered him most sweetly with favors, and took his counsel and honors in secular affairs. Therefore the emperor also used him then as a minister, who took Michael Comnenus aside, and while I myself was listening to the words, he addressed him in this manner: "You are a noble man and born of noble parents. You ought therefore to conceive and carry out in deed things that are not considered alien to your faith, your reputation, and finally your kindred. But since there are no witnesses present to convict you, it will be worth the effort for you to manifest the truth by red-hot iron." He, with a great and manly spirit, and just as pi

painters ^A might depict an unflinching man in battle, firm and steady, said: "I do not know, my lord, by what name such a thing as this is called. I myself am a sinner, and I cannot perform such wonders. But if you, being a metropolitan and a man of God, advise me to carry this out, put on yourself your entire sacred vestment, just as you are accustomed to do when entering the sanctuary and beseeching God; then, with your own hands, with which you touch the most holy sacrifice—the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, who was offered for the whole world and is continually offered by you priests and high priests—heat for me the iron, and with those same sacred hands of yours, place the iron upon my hand. For I thus trust in my Lord Christ, that He will overlook all my faults and will make manifest the truth not without a miracle." ^B Thus spoke Michael Comnenus. And the metropolitan said, "O good youth, this is neither a practice of ours nor of the Romans, nor is it of ecclesiastical tradition. Indeed, it has not been taken from the laws nor from the holy and divine canons. Rather, it is a barbaric custom, and one unknown to us, which occurs only by imperial command." He replied, "O greatest hierarch of God, if I myself traced my lineage from barbarians and had been reared in barbaric customs or trained in such laws, I would indeed pay the penalty in barbaric fashion. But since I am a Roman, and of Roman birth, let my judgment be terminated according to Roman laws and written traditions."

That youth, as if stunned by his words—for Michael Comnenus was at that time ^C in his twenty-seventh year—and because, in his misfortunes, he did not abandon any of his noble thoughts nor relax his ingenious and clever way of reasoning, ran to the emperor; and what he said there I do not know, but I judge that he said exactly whatever he had heard. Thus, the emperor, after many and various tests, discovered Michael Comnenus to be guilty of no crime or deed, and this especially because he was forcing an innocent man to be guilty by the violence of words and scourges. For everyone, both Latins and Romans—but especially the Latins, who speak with greater freedom before their lords—judged Michael Comnenus to be clearly innocent of all charges. I myself, who was present at the trial, and with me Joannes Macrotus—both of us reckoned by the emperor ^D among the judges—heard that certain others were present there who differed nothing from pieces of wood. For he wanted everyone to cast their vote against him at the same time. But we paid them no mind, nor did we turn our attention to them, since Michael Comnenus was brought to trial without any reason. For he was beloved—so may the truth love me—not only by us but by everyone who shone with dignity, by the commanders of the forces, by the soldiers, and by the newcomers. He was sweet with the young, easy in his dealings, pleasant in speech, and incredible in handling and transacting affairs, while by the old he was considered an elder in both speech and prudence, through whose habit of spending time with them they were delighted. Yet these things, with the nod of the Divine, so turned out for him

^A as a proving of the better man. For since God was about to raise him to the imperial height, He tested him with the fire of tribulations and in the crucible of experiences, so that when he ascended the imperial throne, he might not too readily trust in slanders and accusations, nor reach judgments too quickly when he had the power to act on his desires. He was also tested in other ways, as the following account will reveal. At the end of that period of his detention, the emperor had remarked, while I myself was listening to his words: "O miserable man, from what glory have you fallen!" The reason for this was that the emperor had been fixated on the idea of giving his granddaughter, the eldest daughter of his son, the Emperor Theodore, namely Irene—who was a daughter of his own cousin, Michael II—to Michael Comnenus in marriage. This had also been done by the Emperor John and by many others; and things of this sort are wont to happen in this way. For although they are forbidden by the Church, they are permitted to emperors for the sake of the common welfare and necessity.

^B 51.107 The emperor, having thus put an end to the matter in the way we have described, set off for the East, even though he held Michael Comnenus in suspicion. However, the brilliance of his lineage and his kinship with the emperor, as well as his ties to the high nobility, did not allow the emperor to hold Michael’s achievements in contempt. What does he do? He sends him to the patriarch. Manuel was at that time holding the reins of the patriarchate, a man distinguished for his piety and his honorable life and way of conduct—even though he had taken a wife—yet otherwise not learned in letters, nor even grasping the meaning of the things he read. The emperor writes to him to subject Michael Comnenus to censures and to bind him by oath that he would never intend any treachery against the emperor, but would keep his devotion to the sovereign pure. ^C These things were done, and the emperor took Michael Comnenus back into his favor and gave him in marriage the granddaughter of his brother, the sebastocrator Isaac Ducas, named Theodora—the only child whom her father, John, the son of the sebastocrator, had left behind when he met his fate while yet a youth. He died, leaving his wife Eudocia, the daughter of John Angelus, a widow, and his daughter Theodora an orphan; she had, at that time, happily been joined to Michael Comnenus. For her mother, Eudocia, though still in the flower of her youth, preferred to live without a husband and to pursue virtue, trusting in God, to whom she had dedicated herself and her fortunes. For this reason, God rewarded her virtue with the marriage. And these matters turned out in this way. ^D And he [the emperor] crossed over to the East, and joined Michael Comnenus in marriage to Theodora, the granddaughter of his brother, the sebastocrator Isaac, whom her father John had left with her mother Eudocia, the daughter of John Angelus, who was the aunt of the Strategopouloi. [alt-version omitted]

^A 52. When the Emperor had reached the eastern regions, and that year had passed, he arrived again at Nicaea, the capital of Bithynia. It was near the end of winter, and February was waning. The Emperor, sitting on his bed in the evening (for a part of the night had also passed), suddenly lost his voice, and having fallen face-down upon the bed, he was altogether devoid of speech from that moment. Physicians attended to him in this state, making incisions in his feet, applying an *epholbion* to the wounds, and doing other things that their art dictated, to find a remedy for the malady. But the Emperor lay motionless for the whole of that night, the following day, and the night that succeeded it; for the disease was a paralysis, and so severe that for so long a time he was deprived of both movement and voice. At length, however, he breathed and came to himself, although he had lost his color. He hastened to reach Nymphaeum, arriving before Palm Sunday, on which day the Emperor was accustomed to celebrate a triumph. Pressing on with his journey, therefore, he reached Nymphaeum, and there performed the triumph according to the custom of Palm Sunday and celebrated the day of the Resurrection. From then on, he resided in those regions, being distressed and constrained by the disease that had gripped him at intervals of days. For at times, while living in the palace, he would suddenly fall onto his bed speechless; at other times, while riding on horseback and walking along the road, he would be seized by the disease, and those who were present would hold him and watch over him for a time, so that he would not be noticed. ^B When the disease increased and the Emperor’s body grew weaker—for this happened more frequently—and atrophy began to press upon him, he arrived at Smyrna, so that he might pray there to Christ and by means of supplications render Him propitious. And having gone there, he found no relief. ^C But while he was encamped in the Periklystroi places, which are near Smyrna, he felt his condition worsening. He then reached Nymphaeum, and set up his tents in the gardens of the imperial palace near that region. There he also performed his final service, being sixty-two years of age, thirty-three of which he had reigned well and nobly. For he was mild, always inclining toward mercy, and generous to all, but even more so to those from afar. In his desire for women, however, he was overcome, especially after his wife, Irene, had passed from among men, and most particularly by the Italian Marcellina, so that he even gave her scarlet-dyed sandals to wear, as well as mantles and bridles, and more attendants followed her than his legitimate Empress, and he did many other things, enslaved to her cravings. Yet he was steadfast in battle, and while he did not enjoy wars fought in close formation, fearing the inconstancy of Ares, he employed endurance, campaigning in the seasons of spring and summer, and passing also through autumn, and sometimes even wintering, he took the victory. He was most pious, a lover of the poor, a lover of justice, and a lover of Christ, leaving the empire to his son Theodore, who was thirty-three years of age: for the time of his life was as long as that of his paternal reign, as his birth almost coincided with his father’s proclamation. ^D [alt-version omitted]

^A When he came to his senses, he turned back to the palace, and at times he was even carried by his attendants on a throne into the imperial chambers. But as the disease increased and the emperor’s body began to collapse—for he began to be troubled by it quite frequently—a wasting away of his flesh occurred, [P. 56] and, what was worse, atrophy began to consume him. Since the hands of the physicians were exhausted by the disease, he wished to find some small solace and so he decided to depart for Smyrna, so that he might pay homage to Christ, ^B who is famously worshipped there, and by offering up prayers, might render Him gracious in such a great misfortune. He went and performed these things, but he found no respite from his suffering; rather, while encamped at the Periclystra (this is a place somewhere near Smyrna, so named because it is washed by waters on all sides), he felt that his malady was greater or even worse than before. Departing from there in a very wretched physical state, he reached Nymphaeum. He did not step inside the palace buildings, but set up the imperial tents in the gardens ^C near the imperial residence of the region. There he fulfilled his fate on the third day before the Kalends of November, having lived sixty-two years—as those who possessed a more exact account of his affairs stated—of which he had reigned for thirty-three, well and nobly. For he was mild, and always inclined toward a more philanthropic disposition. He used to bestow gifts less upon his own people, but towards foreigners, and especially those who came to him as ambassadors, he would stretch out a more generous ^D hand, so that he might be praised by them. Of the passions of women, however, he was conquered, ever since his wife, the Empress Irene, had departed from among the living. Especially was he overcome by the love for the one who had come from Italy as a handmaid to the empress, the wife of German origin, Anna—a woman named Marchesina, who had become a rival of the queen; he hung upon her love to such a degree that he even permitted her to wear scarlet shoes and allowed no other color for her cloak and bridle, gifting her with more servants than the true queen, and serving her desires in very many other ways.

Notes by Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius

13) That in this sickness he offered prayers to Christ, and his lavishness towards the poor, is narrated at length by Georgius Pachymerius (p. 70), who must be hearkened to entirely by Christian princes. ALL.

14) Sixty-two. Gregoras (p. 50) and the note state that Acropolita numbers his years of life at sixty-two, Gregoras at sixty; they agree on the years of the empire, since both count thirty-three years of reign. ALL.

15) More generous. No one ought to be surprised that emperors of such a kind—who shortly before had ceded the rest of their royal possessions to their enemies and had lost all their own things, being exiles and not without continuous and immense expenses, warring now with the Bulgarians, now with the Latins, now with the enemies of the Christians, and—what might seem greater to anyone—with the Greeks themselves—could collect enough money that they could also provide, with a generous hand, for largesse and rewards, not only to familiars but also to outsiders, even beyond the custom of emperors. The wonder will vanish entirely if one recalls what Pachymerius writes about the treasury of John and Theodore, p. 68. ALL.

16) Anna. For he took to wife Anna, sister of Manfred, King of Sicily. Gregoras, p. 75 and 91. Pachymerius, lib. iii, p. 181, and infra p. 185. Michael Palaeologus, having later obtained the empire, was highly desirous of this Anna. And so he was carried away by lust, such that neither shame nor piety nor the fame of men could recall him from that desire. The chastity, arts, and the attempts of the emperor himself regarding the woman, Pachymerius, lib. iii, p. 181, has expressed. ALL.

17) Marchesina. Gregoras, p. 46. What Gregoras relates about Nicephorus Blemmyda and the Marchesina being excluded by the Church, he seems to have drawn from an encyclical letter of the same Nicephorus, which, because it is still unpublished so far as I know, and is worthy to be held in everyone’s hands because of its piety and supreme zeal for the Christian religion, I shall transcribe here in Greek; which is: See Volume CXLI on Nicephorus Blemmyda. Spondanus, 1225, num. 19, with amazing carelessness separates Nicephorus from Blemmyda: "Since his concubine, who was accustomed to walk with greater pomp than the Empress herself, was prohibited from entering the temple by Blemmyda, by his abbot Nicephorus, a man of great virtue and authority, etc." Certainly, this Abbot Nicephorus was not chosen from Blemmyda. ALL.

^A And he would also bear with him, even more than the Empress herself, such bridles; and he did many things in deference to her desires. This Emperor was enduring in battles, and he did not take pleasure in set-piece engagements, fearing the fickleness of Ares and considering the uncertainty of such events. Instead, he made use of endurance, invading the lands of the enemy even in the summer season, and continuing through the waning autumn, and sometimes even wintering there, capturing the victory as the enemies grew weary through the Emperor’s persistence and patience. Emperor John died, having left the empire to his son Theodore, who was thirty-three years of age. For that is how many years his age amounted to, matching that of the paternal empire; for his birth had coincided almost exactly with his father’s acclamation.

53. But Emperor Theodore had taken hold of the imperial thrones. Having therefore rendered the customary holy rites [P. 57] to the Emperor and father, and having been seated upon the shield as is the custom, and having been acclaimed emperor by all (18), he departed from Nymphaeum and arrived at Philadelphia. This is a very great city, populous and having inhabitants capable of bearing arms, and who especially practiced archery; and, being near the Persian borders, it is always making war against these adversaries, and it produces men accustomed to wars. Having stayed there for a short time, and having sent an embassy to the Sultan, he proceeded toward the regions of Bithynia and to Nicaea, the city which presided over that land. ^B And since the Church was widowed of a patriarch (19) (for Patriarch Manuel had departed this life a little while before Emperor John died), and because it was necessary for a patriarch first to be appointed so that he might perform the coronation of the Emperor in the holy temple, the one worthy of such a throne was being sought; and the opinion of the many lay upon Nicephorus Blemmydas (20), my teacher in philosophical discourses and doctrines—a man who from his youth had taken up the yoke of the monastic life, and who was renowned for both reason and virtue, even if the envy of some, and especially of the leading men, not only hid the light of his virtue from the public, but even attached certain vices to him. This man was kindly disposed toward Emperor Theodore and was loved by him; for the Emperor had claimed him as his teacher in the discourses in which he took the greatest delight; for the Emperor was wise in very truth to the highest degree. But he was somewhat more hesitant regarding the matter.

^C Who, having rendered the customary holy rites to his father and having been acclaimed upon the shield, departed from Nymphaeum and arrived at Philadelphia. And having stayed there for a little while, he proceeded toward the regions of Bithynia. And since the Church was widowed (for Patriarch Manuel had died before the Emperor), he sent for a certain monk, Arsenius, from the lake of Apollonias, and ordained him patriarch, who in a single day was made deacon and priest and patriarch. And having been crowned by him, he set out. He had indeed been proclaimed later by all the subjects who were present, having been seated upon the shield according to the custom prevailing in these matters.

^D

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(18) *Acclaimed emperor.* For although the empire came by hereditary right to Theodore Lascaris, because he had not been proclaimed emperor by his father while he was alive, upon his death he was saluted as emperor by the common consent of the entire army and by the concurrence of all the nobles and notables; for it was certain that John had wished to leave the empire to no one at all except his son, because he was pious toward his children and did not intend it for any other person. Why, however, he had not wanted to designate his son while he lived, Gregoras pursues at greater length, lib. III, who adds: "He was proclaimed later after all the subjects... having been seated upon a shield according to the custom prevailing in such matters." ALL.

(19) *Widowed of a patriarch.* Gregoras, p. 55. ALL.

(20) *Upon Blemmydas.* Gregoras, p. 55. Acropolita calls him Patriarch Germanus: but concerning these matters we have spoken elsewhere. ALL.

^A Indeed, the Emperor himself also ^B attempted a softer approach—or rather, he was of the mind not to admit those who would not accept the position. For rulers desire those who preside over the patriarchate to be humbler and of a moderate disposition, so that they may easily yield to their wishes as if they were commands. People of more rustic character suffer this more readily, for they have no trust in their words; whereas those who are more uncompromising in matters of speech appear more rigid and oppose their decrees. The Emperor Theodore, having therefore lightly tasted the man's mind and sense, turned to others. And since many did not satisfy him, upon learning of a certain monk ^C in the lake of Apolloniadis who possessed little more than a smattering of letters (for he had only touched upon the rudiments of grammar) and was not marked by any sacred orders, by the name of Arsenius, he sent men to fetch him with all possible speed; nor did he refuse. And as he was hastening to leave Nicaea, the Emperor ordered the prelates to make him patriarch as soon as possible. Listening to him, they consecrated him deacon, priest, and patriarch within one week.

54. The cause for the concern to hasten the departure from Nicaea was this. Michael, the ruler of the Bulgarians, who was the brother of the Emperor Theodore’s wife, having been born to his father-in-law Joannes Asan from the daughter of Theodore Angelus, upon learning of the death of the Emperor Joannes, since he saw the western parts bare and destitute of Roman troops, and having agitated in his mind to recall to the Bulgarian dominion the territory and the cities in it that had been snatched from the Bulgarians by the Emperor Joannes—for this had long been an ache in the hearts of the Bulgarians—and seeing a time that seemed opportune to him while they had no forewarning of the Bulgarian incursion, he set out ^D from the Haemus, crossed the Hebrus, and in a short time made much of the territory subject to himself and took many cities with no labor. For the inhabitants, being Bulgarians, ran to their own kin, casting off the yoke of foreign-tongued men. Such fortresses as were guarded solely by a Roman garrison, not being sufficient to repel the impulses of the enemy, fell into the power of the Bulgarians without any trouble, partly because the guards were struck with fear and betrayed the fortresses in exchange for their own safety and the freedom to return home, and partly because they could not face the sudden incursion of the Bulgarians, the guards fleeing and leaving them empty, while others were perhaps exhausted by the passage of time, as the term of their guard was extended beyond measure. Most of the fortresses, also being incomplete and poorly supplied with men and other necessities, fell as prey to the enemy. Immediately, therefore, Stenimachus, Peristitza, Crylzimus, Tsepeina, and all those in Achrida, except for Mniakus—for this alone was kept by the Romans—were captured. Oustra and Perterakion and Kryboi and that which lies near Hadrian’s, called Ephraim, were likewise subdued by the Bulgarians. For this reason he was in a hurry.

^A Most of the cities remained unfortified and lacked necessary arms. Stanimachus, Pristitza, Criticus, Tzepæna, and all the regions in Achris, save for Mniacus—for this alone had been guarded by the Romans—were immediately seized. Ustra, Perperacium, Cribus, and the place adjacent to Adrianople called Ephræm also fell to the Bulgarians. When these events had thus come to pass, and the affairs of the Romans in the West were tottering, the rumor reached the ears of the Emperor; and since it presented a vision of evils to come even more terrifying than the present ones, those at court were greatly alarmed. For they knew that most of the western regions were inhabited by Bulgarians who had long ago apostatized from the Romans, and although they had recently been subjugated by Emperor John, the consolidation of that conquest had not yet taken root; instead, they were perpetually nursing secret hatreds against the Romans.

^B 53. For this reason, the Emperor himself was anxious about the situation, wondering if he were faring so miserably at the very beginning of his reign. Having therefore assembled the officials and those appointed as generals—among whom were his paternal uncles, Manuel and Michael, brothers of his grandfather, the Emperor Theodore—he deliberated on what he ought to do to counter the evil. Most of them were of the opinion that the Emperor should cross the Hellespont and check the incursion of the Bulgarians. But this did not please the aforementioned uncles of the sovereign, to whom the Emperor paid closer heed for many reasons. Relationship of birth and venerable old age urged him, and indeed the experience of many matters contributed no less to this result. For, having been exiles from their native soil during the time of Emperor John, they had enjoyed the familiarity of many princes and wandered into various lands, and thence, as the poet sang, they had witnessed cities and learned the minds of men. And though, to tell the truth, they were truly intelligent, they did not judge correctly regarding the affairs of the Romans, having as a cause [the fact that they were] passed over by their brother and Emperor at the first, none of them having been raised to an honor befitting the brothers of an emperor. Then, having been driven from their native soil by their son-in-law the Emperor, they had become completely alienated from them. And one might perhaps say that these causes had rendered them most hostile to the Romans: to us it is sufficiently recognized that it was the uncertain and unstable character of men that led them into such feuds, which did not escape the Emperor Theodore. Nevertheless, as they were related by blood, and because he had resolved to decorate them perpetually with honors, he invited them to his councils. They proposed, therefore, that it was not worth the effort for the Emperor to advance into the West, because those regions were in a wretched state and suffering violently without remedy. They argued that the Emperor's forces were sparse and weak, and not equal to a royal expedition, since the winter season was a hindrance to gathering them into ^C one. Furthermore, [they argued that] the Emperor, were he to move from his position...

in the region — and not do something worthy of his name and reputation — would not only confirm [the enemy] in their possession of what had been taken, but would also provide for the subtraction of what remained, and for a much greater increase for the adversaries, just as there would be no small diminution of Roman affairs. These were the [arguments of] those men. But George Muzalon, who was held most dear by him and exercised the office of Grand Domestic, advised the imperial crossing and urged it forward, lest all or the greater part of the west be taken by the hands of the enemy. And many other famous men also agreed with the opinion of the Grand Domestic. The opinion of the majority thus prevailed, especially since the Emperor’s own eagerness and the ardent zeal of his heart had been stirred up toward the movement. Having taken along all those who happened to be accompanying him—amounting to a moderate-sized army—as well as those who were met along the road and those who were nearby the route and able to follow with arms and horses, he crossed the Hellespont, having left the Grand Domestic in the East.

^B 58. Thence, with all the speed he had, he reached Adrianople. Having remained there for one single day, he set out the next day. Meanwhile, one of the Bulgarian scouts, having seen the Emperor leaving Adrianople, fled at full speed to the Bulgararch (for he had pitched his camp near the Hebrus) and revealed the matter and explained the Emperor’s swift incursion against him, and confirmed with oaths that he had seen with his own eyes the Emperor crossing the bridge of the river Hebrus, which happens to be near the city. This troubled the Bulgarians, though not so much that they moved from the place where they had pitched their camp; they clung to it stubbornly until they could be more accurately and fully informed about the things that rumor had brought. But neither did the tents of the Bulgarians escape the Emperor, when he had learned the place where the army was. Therefore, he began his journey more swiftly, urged on the rapid pace of the horses, and with his utmost desires yearned to encounter the Bulgarian forces. Thus, by a stroke of chance, he was diverted from his plan by the onrushing fortune. For those who were in the vanguard of the Roman forces stumbled upon those guards who had been set to watch the Bulgarian camp, and many they put to the sword; others they took alive, among whom was he to whom the supreme command of the war had been entrusted. The others, providing for their own safety by flight, returned in the dead of the night to the Bulgarian army, and announced everything, even asserting that the Emperor was looming near. Wherefore, as quickly as each of the Bulgarians could, including their leader, they leaped onto their horses and retreated to the interior regions of Bulgaria. ^{C D}

Their faces were torn by the branches of the trees, as these hung low and struck them; which is exactly what happened to the Bulgarian leader himself. Some of them even used their horses for riding while stark naked, having discarded their cloaks. ^A Thus, by fleeing in such a way, they escaped the Roman sword. When the emperor reached the place at dawn and saw that it was empty of the Bulgarian army, he was indeed grieved, but he had nothing else to do. After taking counsel, he set off for Beroe, and upon his first approach, he took the town. For the wall had crumbled and fallen apart on all sides, and it had many breaches, as it too had been razed to the ground by the Bulgarians, along with the rest of the Roman towns, although the inhabitants seemed to have fortified it with poles and wood from carts. Accordingly, both the horses and the soldiers enjoyed an abundance of food, for the town overflowed with fodder of every kind. ^B Perhaps the emperor would have advanced further and made an incursion against the Haemus mountain and the fortresses situated there (for he had struck no small fear into the Bulgarians), had not a very harsh storm suddenly broken out and extinguished his momentum and zeal. For a vast amount of snow fell and covered the face of the earth, and those who were his advisers did not deem it right for the Roman armies to linger any longer in a foreign and hostile land. Having stayed there for six days, and since there was nothing more to be done, the emperor despoiled all of Beroe—men, women, infants, sheep, oxen, and everything else that could be moved—and returned to Adrianople.

57. From there, having selected a worthy army, he sent them to the fortresses around Achrida, which had been captured by the Bulgarians a short time before, in order to see if they might again be brought under the dominion of the Romans. ^C When the Roman commanders arrived there with their troops, they overcame the fortresses easily with the use of siege engines and machines. For the Bulgarians, merely at the sight of the enemy and the clash of war, neglected the guarding of the castles and took to flight. Thus, in a short time, the most important of them were occupied. The emperor also, having gathered his own soldiers, marched toward the Rhodopean fortresses and, using siege engines, captured Peristitza, then Stenimachus, and finally Crytzimus—these were all defensive bastions situated on the face of the Rhodope mountain, guarding everything behind them. He even set out for Tzepaena in the very height of winter; but the ruggedness of the place and the severity of the season did not allow him to linger there in the least. ^D When spring arrived, he sent a rescript to Strategopoulos Alexios and Tornikios—to whom the Emperor John had entrusted the dignity of Grand Primicerius—who were at Serres and were powerful in troops, directing them to gather in one place.

They did this, but in ^A this undertaking, the commanders showed themselves to be poor ones, for having neither encountered enemy troops nor men against whom they were obliged to join battle, but having heard only sounds, clamors, and the noises of horns, they shamefully took to flight, leaving behind all their military equipment and most of their horses to the Bulgarian shepherds and swineherds. Having fled in this manner, and being deprived of their horses and armor, they arrived back at Serres. Because of this, the Emperor, stung by wrath and fury, commanded them to return to the fray and renew the same battle and combat in which they had turned back; but they were unequal to the task.

58. While these things thus occurred, a ^B heavier trouble supervened, which threatened great harm to the Romans. The commander of the Melenician army, Dragotas by name—a Bulgarian by nature and thus hostile to the Romans, and even more so on account of a natural hatred for the Emperor John (for he hoped to receive great things from him; and he did not consider the gifts he had received from the Emperor John to be worthy of him, though they were many and magnificent)—meditated an open rebellion. Having gathered all the soldiers in Melenik and others, and furthermore a great number from the surrounding regions, he invested the city of Melenik, surrounded it with a siege, and strove to take it with all his might. The guardianship of the citadel had been entrusted to Theodorus Nestongos and John Angelos, men most fit ^C to defend towns and defeat the enemy. Although the townspeople abounded in necessary provisions, they labored under a lack of water, which, in the summer, is the most difficult and arduous thing to endure above all else. For them (since the water had not altogether failed them) they resisted their adversaries bravely, striking with arrows, pelting them with stones, and sustaining their onslaught with every type of weaponry. The Emperor, having been informed of these matters, was anxious in spirit, and making use of an excellent plan, with the speed he could muster, having gathered his troops into one, in twelve days, in so short a time, he traversed such a distance.

^D And Dragotas, the commander of the Melenician army, meditated an open rebellion and, having gathered a great army, laid siege to Melenik. Theodorus Nestongos and John Angelos guarded it and resisted bravely. The Emperor arrived at Serres, and having learned of the difficulties of the Roupelion pass, where the river Strymon flows, and that it was being guarded by the Bulgarian army—who had also constructed gates there—he hastened to the place. Dividing a force of infantry, he commanded them to march over the heads of the Bulgarians toward the mountain, while he ordered the cavalry to proceed straight toward the gates. When the Bulgarians saw those from above firing arrows and the battle joined in front, they turned to flight. The imperial army followed, and many were put to the sword. The rest announced the Emperor's approach to the Bulgarians, who, being in confusion, fled as best they could. Since it was a moonless night and the place was difficult, some fell from their horses, others were trampled, and others were hurled by their mounts down steep cliffs, so that few survived to reach the Bulgarians. Dragotas himself was crushed by the feet of the horses, and on the third day, he breathed out his life. The Emperor, having taken the city, was received with joy.

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(24) Melenik is a city not far from Thessalonica. Georgius Cedrenus, in *Basileus Bulgaroctonos* who reigned circa 1010, says the Emperor came to the Zagoria, where the very strongly fortified castle named Melenik is founded, situated on a rock and surrounded on all sides by precipices and very deep valleys. Zagoria, where Mount Haemus is, as is in Nicetas. Dousa.

^A Having measured out the best route with such speed, he reached Serres on the twelfth day, having in a short time traversed so great a distance and leading such an army, accustomed to such battles, encased in armor, directed by pack horses, and bolstered and protected by all other necessary equipment. When he had reached Serres, he spent the night there; at dawn, he drew up his army and ordered the infantry and archers to proceed forward, for he had learned of the difficult pass at Ropelion, where the Strymon river flows, enclosed by two mountains, so that a wagon can barely pass through, the river making the passage extremely narrow (the common people call such places ^B *clisurae*—passes). He had heard it was guarded by a Bulgarian force of few horsemen but many foot soldiers—for the Bulgarians had prepared gates in them, secured by bars and locks, so that the passage was difficult due both to the nature of the place and to the extra fortifications they had built. When the emperor learned this was the case, he hastened his march to the spot and found things just as he had heard. He therefore detached from the infantry a formation that seemed sufficient and ordered it to go up the mountain above the heads of the Bulgarians, so that from the higher and more advantageous ground they might strike the Bulgarians below. Obeying quickly, they did as ordered; for the mountain was thick with trees and passable for infantry. He ordered the cavalry to engage at the gates. When the Bulgarians saw they were being struck from the heights above by arrows from the hills, and were being pressed in a set battle from the front, and saw that the place was extremely narrow, they turned to flee, and the imperial army followed them. They butchered many of them with the sword there. The others escaped as far as the Bulgarian army to survive, and told them of the emperor’s exploits and what they themselves had suffered. These, disturbed by the sudden news and the unexpected disasters, each fled as best they could, jumping onto the first horse they could find. Since the night of the flight was moonless, the terrain difficult, and the paths hard to discern, some fell from their horses, others trampled and destroyed them, some were hurled from cliffs, and others lost their lives through various other misfortunes, so that few of them returned unscathed to the Bulgarians. It was at this time also that Dragotas, the leader of the Bulgarians and author of the rebellion, had his whole body mangled by the hooves of horses and died a miserable death on the third day. The emperor, reaching the town that night, addressed the guards, who received him most willingly and greeted him with applause and acclamations, and famously named him the “Swift Eagle.”

^C 59. Having settled matters there as was fitting, the emperor set out and arrived at Thessalonica. From there, having crossed the Vardar and passed by Vodena, he fell ill with a gouty condition. After enduring this there for a short time, he pressed on toward Prilep. From there he moved toward Veles, and upon his arrival there, the guards of that place, having taken oaths, [subsequently...]

surrendered the fortress. When the Emperor saw that they were very numerous—for they numbered five hundred—and that they were men of great stature and handsome appearance, he began to regret his action in allowing so many such men to go off to the enemy's territory and become adversaries to the Romans. But, bound by his oaths, he granted them the liberty he had promised. Departing from there with his entire army, he made his way through Neapolis, a region arid, uninhabited, and impassable for a multitude of troops. Consequently, the army suffered for several days from a lack of bread, and most of the horses had not tasted water for two days. Passing by the town of Strumitsa and marching through the regions of Melnik, we arrived once again at Serres. There the Emperor received letters sent from the eastern regions by his friend, the Grand Domestic Mouzalon, informing him that the affairs of the Muslims in relation to ^B the Tacharians were in flux; he therefore quickened his pace, making his daily marches longer. But when he reached the Hebrus, which the common people call the Maritsa, and learned that things in the East were not proceeding in such a way as to require haste, he slowed his pace, traveling more leisurely and making the usual stops for emperors. Turning from the road eastward, he made his way to Didymoteichon and from there to Adrianople. Now, the Emperor had recovered all the castles and towns previously held by the Bulgarians, with two exceptions: one was a very small fortress situated in the hills of Achrida, called Patmon, which was subsequently captured without any trouble by Alexios Philanthropenos Doukas, whom the Emperor had left to guard the region of Achrida; the other was Tzepaena, ^C very securely fortified and situated in the very heart of the great mountains of Haemus and Rhodope, between which flows the Hebrus river. ^D

^A The Emperor was greatly distressed that he had not gained possession of these as he had the others, but that they had proven superior to his grasp; he was particularly vexed regarding Tzepaena. He hastened, therefore, to campaign against it and to put his strength to the test, such as it was.

Summer was already passing, and autumn was near its end. Yet, undeterred by the season or the stinging cold of winter—for he was determined to accomplish his goal in his own way and according to his own custom—the Emperor moved all his troops from Adrianople. ^B He ordered a great multitude of wagons to be collected from all parts of the Macedonian region, some to carry engines and siege towers, and others to transport provisions and necessities for the army. Having gathered an innumerable throng of foot soldiers, archers, and mace-bearers, and having judged that everything was prepared as well as he had intended, he set out from Adrianople and marched toward Tzepaena.

The army had passed four stages when it arrived at a place which those who first saw it had aptly named Macrolibada ^C because of its shape. There, a foul storm descended from the sky; beginning in the evening, it intensified throughout the night with the force of the cold and stormy winds, and by covering the face of the earth with much snow, it caused the Emperor great difficulty in the morning. For the place was uninhabited, the enemy was close by, and the expected scarcity of supplies—the worst thing that can happen in an army—weighed no less heavily upon his spirit.

Troubled by such great distress, he summoned the commanders of the forces—not only the Romans, but also those of the Latin and Scythian nations—and consulted with them on what was to be done. ^D Nearly all of them agreed that they should return to Adrianople. The Emperor did not reject their counsel, but said to them: «You have indeed deliberated correctly and well on what you have judged to be better and more beneficial. But if I myself, God willing, have conceived of something else, would you not accept it as coming from a thoughtful master, one who provides for you as is fitting?» They all exclaimed: «Whatever seems good to your Majesty will be accepted and pleasing to all.»

He commanded them to return to their own tents so that they might refresh their bodies with food on account of the winter. He himself went into his quarters and consulted with those around him on what needed to be done. Some contended that the advice given previously should be put into action, while others, whom the Emperor considered to have better judgment, disagreed. «For the journey,» they said, «that leads us back to Adrianople is equal to that which leads to the town of Stenimachus, and just as there is an abundance of necessities there, so too does it abound at Stenimachus. When we have acted thus, we shall not be judged as having been driven back by the fear of our enemies nor by the harshness of the storm.» The Emperor approved this statement. And when the harsh winter softened and the onslaught of the snow had ceased, he ordered the signal for withdrawal to be given the next day. Then, taking detachments of his forces, he marched to Stenimachus, and when he had sated the army there, he directed his path straight toward Tzepaena, and arrived at last

^A in the town called Vateunium, which for several days could abundantly and profusely provide food for a great army. From there he sent his uncle, Manuel Lascaris—who had taken the name of Maximus when he became a monk—and the commander of the change, Constantine Margarites, to inspect the place and report whether any approach to it was easy for the soldiers. They, having seen it for themselves and examined every part of the location, reported that the ascent was easy, and Constantine Margarites especially so, although others who knew the terrain very well contradicted him. Relying on his words, the emperor attempted the ascent with his entire army. The place was precipitous and difficult to climb; ice collected along the whole path and, being slippery, hindered the hurried ^B pace; dense trees and foliage covered the summit. The cohorts spent that whole night warming themselves by lighting fires: for most of the servants could not find their masters along with their tents. And all but wept a ceaseless and sorrowless weeping: for the smoke from the pyres, trapped by the density of the trees and unable to wander freely into the air, was driven downward and stung their eyes to the point of forcing out tears. The emperor, too, experienced this. But as the night passed and day broke, realizing the town could not easily be besieged, he ordered the soldiers to descend into the plain. They descended. The emperor remained behind as a rearguard with a small number of soldiers to whom personal protection was entrusted, and a band of those young men; then he himself, like the rest, came down into the field on foot (for it was not possible to travel on horseback ^C along the slopes of the hill).

Having spent two days there, and having laid waste to the town of Vateunium ^D, he returned to Adrianople, and from there to Didymoteichon. And having crossed the Hellespont, he camped near Lampsacus, and made George Mouzalon protosebastos and protovestiarios and grand stratopedarch, and made his brother Andronicus grand domestic, and made John Angelus protostrator, and the Caryanites protovestiari-tēs. Having spent the holidays of Christmas and Epiphany there, he entered Nymphaeum.

Notes of Theodor Dousa and Leo Allatius

(25) Vateunium. Nicetas writes Vateunion. Dousa. (26) Protosebastos and protovestiarios. Concerning these titles, refer to the Glossarium of Meursius noted above. Dousa. (26) Grand stratopedarch. That this was a great office, the same Meursius demonstrates in his most exact work. Also, who the grand domestic and protostrator are, whose office names follow shortly, you will learn nowhere better than there. Dousa. (27) Protovestiari-tēs. Distinguish between the dignity of the protovestiarios and the protovestiari-tēs. It is clear, behold, from this passage, and it was noted previously from Codinus by the most illustrious John Meursius. See the Glossarium under the entry for vestiarium. Dousa.

^B Didymoteichon. There, then, he appointed as commanders Manuel Lascaris, whom he also surnamed protosebastus, a most simple little man, unskilled in warfare, and Constantine Margarites, whom the account has already described, a rustic man born of rustics, nurtured on barley and bran bread, and knowing only how to garble and distort his words through a constricted throat. He hailed from Neocastra and first served as a soldier in the army of that theme, and subsequently became a tzausius. Deemed by Emperor John to be sharp and quite suitable for service in the palace, he removed him from there, appointed him tzausius of his own guard, and later added the title of "Great" to him. Emperor Theodore, moreover, named him "archon of his guard"—a title to which, until that time, no one had been appointed—and he added the word "Great" to the title. ^C He left these men for the defense of the region, along with many other commanders. He also left with them a respectable army, yet he gave them orders not to engage the enemy in battle at all, especially if they should take the Scythians as allies against them—for fame had foretold this. And even if they were to move to plunder the country, they were to remain quiet, in possession of the security of Didymoteichon (for the city was fortified) and the river Hebrus (since he instructed them to camp between them), unless, perhaps, some small army should force its way into the country, for against such an one they were to take the offensive with confidence. Having thus arranged all these matters, the Emperor crossed the Hellespont and pitched his tent near Lampsacus. There he honored his own men with offices and dignities: he honored George Muzalon, whom he loved so much more than the others, who was Great Domestic, with the offices of protosebastus, protovestiarius, and Great Stratopedarch; he designated his brother, Andronicus, who was protovestiarius, as Great Domestic; he honored John Angelos, who was serving as Great Primicerius, with the title of Protostrator, and he honored Caryanites with the title of Protovestiarius. But these things happened in this way; the history continues its account of these matters, so that it may announce what happened afterwards more clearly. The Emperor, therefore, having stayed for a short time at Lampsacus for these reasons, and having completed the feasts of Christ for the Birth and the Lights, arrived at Nymphaeum after a very few days. ^D 61. There, then, during the time he spent in winter quarters, when spring shone forth, he gathered a large army, and not only those who were among the soldiers 61. But when spring arrived, he marched straight toward the west, hoping to find those left around Didymoteichon safe. But bad counsel ruined them. For since the ruler of the Bulgarians knew that the Emperor would be delayed for a longer time, he called a Scythian army to his own alliance and sent them into Macedonia—they were numbered at about four thousand. Having passed by Adrianoupolis, they hoped to reach the area around the river Regina and the area around Didymoteichon. The commanders of the imperial forces stationed there, forgetful of their orders, set out against them. They were armored in weapons, while the Scythians were light-armed soldiers and used bows. From a distance, therefore, these men shot arrows at the Romans, easily made the cavalrymen into footsoldiers, and finally routed them. Lascaris, having a very swift horse, fled to Adrianoupolis, while Margarites was captured, along with many others, whom they sold off to the Bulgarians. When the Emperor heard this, he hastened with all speed to arrive at the region of Bulgarophygon. When the Bulgarians learned of the imperial onset, they fled as fast as their feet could carry them. Most of them were put to the sword in the parts around Bizye. He therefore pitched his tent by the river Regina.

^A He did not merely command those who were designated ^A for service to follow him, but even those who did not belong to the military order at all. For he immediately enrolled in the military ranks everyone—without exception—who served the emperors in the hunting of wild beasts—the catching of deer and pigs—and those who hunted with hawks. The gathered multitude was great, and the power of the sovereign compelled most of them to provide something beyond their usual customs. Thus he had gathered the entire army. When he had also learned, by sending an embassy, that the Persarch did not have any trouble from the Tacharioi, he marched directly toward the West from the East. For since he understood that the affairs of the Persarch were secure and established beyond all doubt, he feared nothing hostile for his empire in the East. Therefore, having equipped an army greater than any that either his father, the Emperor John, or he himself had ever mustered before, he arrived at Lampsacus to cross the Hellespont, hoping to find safe and sound those whom he had left at Didymoteichon, as he had commanded them, and through them to make the great army even larger. But the perverse counsel of their leaders, void of prudence and loyalty, had ruined them, seeing that the ruler of the Bulgarians, knowing that the emperor was far away, had summoned an auxiliary band of Scythians to his own alliance and dispatched them against the regions of Macedonia, both for the sake of plunder and to strike fear into the Romans. ^B Their number was about four thousand, as the Scythians who knew the facts reported. Some, however, said there were more, while others said fewer. The Scythians, having passed by Adrianople, were plundering all the towns and villages around the river called Regina and those around Didymoteichon. The commanders who had been left in charge of the army at Didymoteichon, having neglected the emperor’s orders, took up arms and rushed against the Scythians. Now the Romans, according to their custom, were clad in heavy armor, while the Scythians were light-armed skirmishers making use of bows. From a distance, therefore, they shot at the Romans with arrows, wounding their horses and easily turning the horsemen into foot soldiers, and finally putting them to flight. Manuel Lascaris, having a very swift horse which he called Chrysopedes, fled and thrust himself into Adrianople. Constantine Margarites and many other heads of the cohorts with him were captured and sold to the Bulgarians and Scythians. ^C When the emperor was informed of these things, he was grieved, and hastened all the more quickly to the place called Bulgarophygon, and, pressing on his march, accelerated his speed. But when the Scythian scouts reported that the army was near, upon hearing that they were wandering about, he moved the entire army against them and traversed four hundred and more miles in a single day. However, he did not encounter them; they fled swiftly.

^D The notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius. ...that he had renewed [the war] against the Turks, which his father had shaken. ALL. He brought in Roman soldiers, even those heavily encased in armor and therefore unwieldy, against the Scythians, who were lightly armed and agile—where he writes that Baldwin was surrounded and captured by Scythian cavalry. Herodian, book v, in a certain expedition of Maximinus against the Germans, relates that he used almost this same kind of warfare: "Moreover, skirmishers and archers seem extremely suitable for waging war against the Germans, since they, being unencumbered, overwhelm the unwary enemy and easily retreat again into safety." The author implies in the same place that these skirmishers were Moors, Osrhoenians, Armenians, and Parthians. By this same kind of warfare or malice, the Emperor Baldwin is seen to have been surrounded and oppressed by the Scythian cavalry. Dousa.

^A For upon learning of the emperor’s arrival, they took to flight at a rapid pace, and many of them—even the more notable members of their nation—were slaughtered around the regions of Bizye. Frustrated in his hopes, the emperor pitched his camp by the river that is called Regina, and there he gathered his entire army, which was indeed immense and imposing. For more than one day he traveled upwards of four hundred leagues, yet he did not encounter them; for even they had learned of the speed of the emperor’s advance and had fled as fast as their feet could carry them, and many of them, including the more illustrious members of their nation, had become work for the sword around the parts of Bizye. Having thus failed in this enterprise, the emperor pitched his tent by the river which is called Regina, and he gathered there his entire army, which was very large.

^B The ruler of the Bulgarians, since he had been unable to accomplish anything against the Romans while the emperor was present with such great armies in the West and had drawn near to his own territory, turned to negotiations. He decided that his father-in-law, the Rus Undus, who was also a son-in-law to the King of Hungary through his daughter, should mediate terms of peace. And first, he sent envoys to the emperor to make necessary arrangements for the arrival of Undus, so that he might come without fear and be received by the emperor with honor. This was done, and Undus came to the emperor. He was received by the autocrat gladly and with the appropriate honors, and both he and those with him were ^C treated well; thus, he concluded the peace, swearing on behalf of both himself and his son-in-law, the prince of the Bulgarians, that the town of Tzepeina (for this alone, of those lands that had been under the rule of the Emperor John, was held by the Bulgarians) should be restored to the emperor, that the emperor in turn should maintain friendship and peace with the Bulgarians, and that both parties should be content with their ancient borders. Once these matters were settled according to the desire of the sovereign, Undus, having stated the terms of his departure, set out, having received imperial gifts (which amounted in total to twenty thousand, when all kinds of goods—horses, textiles, and other items—were brought together), while the emperor tarried at the river Regina, waiting for the restoration of Tzepeina.

^D In the midst of these events, an amazing thing occurred, worthy of remembrance and historical record. It was a day of significant and festive character, on which we pious ones celebrate the Transfiguration of Christ; and since according to custom the emperor was required to be present for the sacred mystery, the time for the noon meal was postponed. And so we ourselves ate and, after sleeping a little, we rose, while the sun was already approaching the western horizon. It was the custom of the emperor around the late evening...

to conduct a survey of the camp and to pass through it, and at the end of it to ascend to a somewhat level place that rose slightly above the plain, [P. 70] and to survey the entire army, which he called "the moving city" (33), because it guarded the other Roman cities. He did this continuously, even when the morning star was about to set at the western horizon, and he did not abandon this practice. The distance of the camp was about forty stades, if not more ^B if we were to add further to it. I myself, having then not been blessed with good fortune, and because the emperor is a lover of horses and vain, and believing that the emperor was a horseman, I chose a fleet horse that kept pace with the emperor's mule—not having looked at the late hour as I should have. The emperor, however, rode on a horse, and he moved faster; when he saw me following him and unable to keep up with him, fearing that if he went too far I would not follow, he said to me, "Do not be left behind at all, but come even more slowly." I arrived at the usual place, and those illustrious men who were companions on the journey with him, whom he himself had gathered around him from everywhere, came together with him, and I also joined them following him, and we all stood in a circle. ^C And the emperor said, "Have you heard what has recently been reported to us?" And we said, "By no means, O King." And the emperor said, "A certain person came a short time ago and reported some of the things that were not wanted. The matter was that the Russian Urus had deceived us; for he had come here to mediate peace, and swore falsely. It was a deception, therefore, that all those things were done, and an excuse follows, as they say, for the breaking of the oaths: that the ruler of the Bulgarians, his brother-in-law, does not accept the peace upon such an agreement. What then do you think of this? Is this true, or is it a story fabricated by a liar?" And we said, "It does not seem at all," we said, "that the account holds to the truth. For he happens to be a liar and unreliable, because the Russian Urus has sworn not only for himself, but ^D also for his brother-in-law, the ruler of the Bulgarians. How then is it believable that a man who is a Christian would fall into such a state?" And the emperor said, "Perhaps the greed for money enticed him into such a lapse of evil. And we not only do not have the love of the Bulgarians, but we have also spent such large amounts of money in vain." "Certainly not," we said, "this account is true, O King." And the emperor privately to me, "How do you speak regarding these things?" And I said, "I am disposed toward these things just as the others are, and I think that what has been said is much more likely to be a lie than the truth. But if, as happens sometimes in some cases, this Urus thought that the oaths had been violated, [P. 71] and he imagined that he had deceived us, yet it was necessary...

^A that he himself should be an adversary to the divine command against his own self, while we should fight for our own sake on behalf of truth and justice." These things we said, and the emperor assented to what was spoken. And we set out to return to our tents, for it was already night, although the full moon provided us with light to see. And the emperor, passing by, again began to pester us, asking, "What do you think of what has been said?" And we replied, "It is a lie, O emperor." And he asked this not once, nor twice, or thrice, but repeatedly. And we, answering his questions with equal measure, remained silent. But he asked again; and when he saw that the others were silent, he turned his speech toward me and asked, "But you, what do you say to these things?" adding the name of my office: "This matter is fitting for you, and it is most especially your business." He said these things, ^B seeking to find a pretext for wrath. But I said, "For what reason is it mine? For if I have not carried out the documents well and have not fulfilled the oaths, neither having managed him and those around him as was proper, this is my own error and a great failing. But if these things have been done appropriately and as they could not have been done otherwise, how can that which he contemplates for the overturning of what has been concluded concern me?" And the emperor, I know not how (for I had already explained the reason), said again, "What do you say regarding such things?" And I myself said, "I have often said, O emperor, that what is circulated contains more falsehood than truth; and to form an opinion precisely on matters of doubt does not seem to me easy." He answered, "But in matters of doubt, to declare things truly and firmly, this is the mark of a prudent man; for even donkeys would declare things that are manifest." ^C Then I said, "Now we are also ranked among the donkeys." And the emperor, burning with anger, said, "You were always a fool, and just now you are a fool again." And I myself replied nothing more to his words, but only, "I am indeed a fool, and in order that I may be silent, let those who are wise speak." I had spoken, and the emperor, filled with boundless rage, rushed to draw his sword from its scabbard, grasping the hilt. But he restrained this, for he drew it out only a little and put it back in again; but he ordered the great domestic, Andronicus Muzalon, to cast me down from my horse. And he said, in a somewhat hushed voice, "Withdraw from the saddle." And I dismounted from the mule. Then the best of emperors toward us—he who, in front of many people and often, had clearly declared with a loud voice ^D that this man (meaning me, specifically) had been the cause of many good things for him, on account of the logical study in which I had instructed him, and had confessed that he owed me many other significant things—ordered two club-bearers, whom he had ordained yesterday or the day before, I know not whether for my sake, so that the scene of the play might be transformed into a tragedy to the last detail, to strike me, their number rising to twenty-four in all. And they beat me, while I received the blows in silence. And this infuriated him all the more, the fact that I did not bend at all to entreaties while being struck. But when they had disfigured my whole body with the blows of the frequent lashes, at last with a weak and

^A faint voice I said: "O Christ the King, how many diseases have I witnessed, and none of them has ended life, but to such ones had you saved me from the tempests?" Having said these things, the emperor, as it seemed, appeared to be appeased. And when one of those following him said: "Go with you," he questioned me where I would go. I said: "Go on; wherever necessity draws me, I shall follow." Again, he urged me with questions, asking where I would go or what was more expedient for me to do. The matter was done, and we converged upon the tents of the Bardariotae. When their chiliarch saw me, he asked not without admiration what occasion led me to his tent. Then I said: "So that I may rest quietly, I remain here for a little while; for the chiliarch already knew all things." ^B Indeed, the emperor did not delay long in commanding me to be moved to my own tent, suspecting that I might flee to escape the vexation, or he commanded me to be guarded secretly by some soldiers. Upon my arrival, I was spending my time quietly in the tent, neither going to the court nor speaking to my acquaintances or friends, but staying inside in solitude, delighting in reading their works, and receiving food when it was appropriate. Thus, many days passed for me in this moderation. And the emperor, seeing my firmness and stubbornness, was vexed, and the Augustus remained utterly unmoved, nor could I be moved by any argument proposed to me. Meanwhile, a few leaders arrived by the emperor's order, although they themselves tried to hide their zeal, asserting that they had come by their own impulse, ^C and because of their friendship and benevolence towards me, they were urging me with noble intentions to soften the hardness of my mind somewhat and to submit myself to the yoke of servitude under the emperor again. But I could not be persuaded by their exhortations. For I said that he was the best and most munificent of emperors, who had bestowed upon me, before all others who ruled under him, administrative positions; but he had brought upon me the worst and most atrocious things, by which he had vexed me more cruelly than anyone else has ever been vexed with any other kind of indignity. They had attacked me, but in no way would I serve him. Therefore, I could not be moved from my opinion or my resolve. When September approached, the despot Michael’s spouse, Theodora, with her son Nicephorus, ^D who had come a few years before for the emperor to celebrate the nuptials (as the emperor John, the father of the reigning emperor, had agreed long ago), set out for the emperor.

^A The emperor hastened to arrive at Thessalonica, where he also intended to hold the nuptials. And indeed, having set out from the place where he had been staying, he took the road leading to Thessalonica; along the way, he made arrangements with the despot's wife. Now, the despot's wife, Theodora, though unwilling, complied with the emperor's terms; for, being in his hands and practically a prisoner, she could do nothing else. She agreed, therefore, to surrender to the emperor the fortress of Serbia, and along with it Dyrrachium. These points were stabilized by written oaths and sent to the despot Michael. He, as the poet said, with ^B willing and unwilling mind, consented to the sworn agreements; for he longed exceedingly for his wife and son to be set free and to come to him. During these events, the emperor also overcame my stubbornness, which had taken hold of me. For, having sent his great-uncle Manuel Lascaris and the protovestiarios George Muzalon to me, and having captured me with cheerful and gentle words, they led me to him who had sent them. Approaching the emperor and bowing my head according to custom, I stood there for a long time. And the emperor said, "Do you not know where you were accustomed to stand? You recognize your place; seek it." Obedient to the emperor's commands, I went away and stood to his side, as I had been accustomed. Then he shared with me all the affairs of the despot Michael and recounted how they had proceeded from the beginning. These things occurred at Langadas, a place situated somewhere near Thessalonica. ^C 64. When the emperor had reached Thessalonica, he completed the nuptials of his daughter Maria with the son of the despot Michael, Nicephorus, whom he also honored with the title of despot. While the emperor was engaged in these matters, a missive was sent to him by those who were in the parts of Bithynia and had been ordered to keep watch over that region, reporting that Michael Comnenus Palæologus, whom the emperor John, as was narrated above, had decorated with the title of Grand Constable and to whom the prefecture of that whole region had been entrusted, had fled ^D and had departed for the land of the Muslims. The emperor was not a little disturbed at these events, and summoning me, he said, "Do you know what has happened?" And I said, "By no means, O emperor; what is it that has recently occurred?" He replied, "The Grand Constable has taken to flight and has come to the Muslims. What does your mind suggest regarding this? That he might return with an army of Muslims into our..."

provinces?" ^A "It does not seem so to me, O Emperor," I said, "that he would do such a thing; for I know the man's mind, and I am acquainted with his feeling toward the Romans." And the Emperor replied, "For what reason, then, did he become a fugitive from our lands?" "Because," I replied, "as you well know, O Emperor, not once or twice, but very often you threatened him with the most terrible things and, incensed against him, you boasted in the presence of many that you would send men to gouge out his eyes. He learned of these things, and hearing what was being said by many, he was distressed in his soul, feared the punishment, and made haste to escape it." "And why," said the Emperor, "did he not remain in our territory, even if he were to suffer these terrible things, preferring the misfortune of a motherland to happiness on foreign soil?" ^B "That is unfitting for a human soul, O Emperor. For some may be capable of enduring hard and grievous things and being afflicted by various evils, having a stronger and more ferocious spirit, and one that is, so to speak, steeled against the accidents of human life; but for a man to fear for his very life and expect the mutilation of his most vital bodily parts—it does not seem that anyone can patiently endure such things; rather, he who fears for his life will escape the evils as much as he can." After these words, we fell silent. And after a short while, the Emperor said, "What do you think he will do?" I replied, "I suspect that after not much time spent with the Persian ruler, he will send a request to your Majesty to obtain pardon for his misdeeds, as one who hopes that in this business the assistance of the said ruler will not be lacking; and for the confirmation of his sincerity, he will demand an oath, without which, I believe, he will by no means return to you." By these words the Emperor was troubled, being tossed about by uncertain and doubtful matters. ^C But after a few days, letters were sent to the Emperor by the commanders in Bithynia and Mesothynia; these letters were from the Grand Constable, dealing with the affairs in roughly this manner, written to each one of them: "I, indeed, pondering the imperial wrath in my heart and fearing lest I suffer some harm, have taken to flight. You, meanwhile, prudently and manfully attend to the military affairs committed to you. Let the guard of the cities and towns be in safety, and let the defense and protection of the entire region proceed as is the custom; and as you acted with me, so likewise conduct yourselves again." The signature denoted the Grand Constable. The Emperor, having inspected these letters, was gladdened in his spirit and gave credence to my words.

65. But having arrived at this point in the narrative, the affairs of the Palaeologus, when he had reached the lands of the Turkomans, meeting with these as if by a stroke of luck—

γεγεν- ημένα τοῦ Κομνηνοῦ Μιχαὴλ ἐγεγόνει. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἐν τοῖς οἰκήμασι τῶν Τουρκομάνων ἀφίκετο (ἔθνος δὲ τοῦτο τοῖς ἄκροις ὁρίοις τῶν Περσῶν ἐφεδρεύον καὶ ἀσπόνδῳ μίσει κατὰ Ῥωμαίων χρώμενον καὶ ἁρπαγαῖς ταῖς ἐκ τούτων χαῖρον καὶ τοῖς ἐκ πολέμων σκύλοις ἐπευφραινόμενον, καὶ τότε δὴ μᾶλλον ὁπότε τὰ τῶν Περσῶν ἐκυμαίνετο καὶ ταῖς ἐκ τῶν Ταχαρίων ἐφόδοις συνεταράττετο), τῷ Κομνηνῷ Μιχαὴλ ὡς ἐρμαίῳ ἐντυχόντες τινὶ, καὶ λίχνον ὄμμα τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἐπιβαλόντες πράγμασι, πάντα τὰ αὐτοῦ διηρπάκασι, χρυσὸν, ἄργυρον, ἵππους, ὑφάσματα καὶ αὐτὰ δὴ τὰ ἐνδύματα οἷς οἱ αὐτοῦ ἐνεδέδυντο. Διαμερίσαντες δὲ καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐφεπομένους αὐτῷ, ἕκαστος τὸν κατισχημένον εἰς οἰκείαν δουλείαν ἠγάγετο. ^B Ὁ δὲ Κομνηνὸς Μιχαὴλ μόγις χεῖρας τούτων διαφυγὼν καὶ Θεοῦ προνοίᾳ διασωθεὶς γυμνὸς ἁπάντων παρὰ τὸν Περσάρχην ἀφίκετο. Ὁ δὲ οὐ κατὰ νέηλυν φυγάδα τοῦτον ἐδέξατο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσμένως λίαν προσήκατο. Τό τε γὰρ εὐγενὲς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐμεμαθήκει, καὶ πάντες οἱ μετὰ τοῦ Περσάρχου μεγιστάνες τελοῦντες τὸ εἶδος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ φρόνημα τεθαυμάκασι, καὶ ὃ φησί τις τῶν παλαιῶν, τυραννίδος ἄξιον ἔκριναν. Εἰς ὀλίγους γὰρ αὐτῷ ξυνιόντες λόγους ἐκ βραχέων τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐπεγνώκεισαν σταθερότητα· τήν τε γὰρ αὐτοῦ στρατιωτικὴν ἐτεκμήραντο τέχνην καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἀκρίβειαν, καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἀδαὴς ἂν εἴη τῶν προσηκόντων ἐν μάχαις. Χάριν μὲν οὖν τῶν ἐσκυλευμένων αὐτοῦ πραγμάτων καὶ τῶν διαμεμερισμένων ὑπηρετῶν γραφαὶ τοῦ σουλτάνου, εἰ καὶ εἰς μάτην, γεγένηνται, ἵν᾽ ἐπισυναχθεῖεν τὰ πάντα καὶ πάντες καὶ ἐπικομισθεῖεν αὐτῷ. ^C Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπὶ ξυροῦ ἀκμῆς τὰ τῆς μάχης σφίσιν ἐφίστατο, εἴ τε γὰρ Ταχάριοι τὰ πλείω τῆς χώρας τῶν Μουσουλμάνων ληϊσάμενοι περὶ τὰ Ἄξαρα ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, πᾶσα δὲ ἀνάγκη ἦν καὶ πρὸς μάχην τοὺς Πέρσας ἀντιστῆναι τοῖς Ταχαρίοις. Τὸν μὲν οὖν Κομνηνὸν Μιχαὴλ εἰς ἡγεμόνα τῶν Χριστιανῶν στρατευμάτων οἱ Πέρσαι εἶναι διετάξαντο. Ὁ δὲ ἐπεὶ ἐν ἀλλοδαπῇ ἐτύγχανεν ὤν, συμμαχεῖν μὲν Μουσουλμάνοις ἀπευκταῖον ἡγεῖτο, μή ποτε, ὡς ἔφασκεν οὗτος, ἐν μάχῃ πεσὸν τὸ εὐσεβὲς αἷμα αἵμασι συνανακραθείη ἀνοσίοις καὶ ἀσεβέσι, χάριτι δὲ θείᾳ ἀναρρωσθεὶς καὶ γενναῖον ἀναλαβὼν φρόνημα πρὸς τὴν μάχην ἐξώρμησε. Τὸ μὲν οὖν (μέρος) τοῦ στρατεύματος τὸ παρὰ τοῦ Μιχαὴλ Κομνηνοῦ τεταγμένον, πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους Ταχαρίους ἐκινήθη. Οὗτος δὲ μόγις διαφυγὼν γυμνὸς περὶ τὸν Περσάρχην ἀφίκετο. Ὁ δὲ ἀσμένως τοῦτον προσήκατο, καὶ γραφαὶ στέλλονται ἵνα τὰ ἐσκυλευμένα ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐπικομισθεῖεν αὐτῷ. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οἱ Ταχάριοι τὰ πλείω τῶν Μουσουλμάνων ἐλῄζοντο καὶ περὶ τὰ Ἄξαρα ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο, ὁ Κομνηνὸς Μιχαὴλ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν ειληφὼς στρατιῶν καὶ χάριτι θείᾳ ἀναρρωσθεὶς πρὸς μάχην ἐξώρμησε, καὶ τοὺς Ταχαρίους νενίκηκε, πρῶτος τὸν πρῶτον τούτων βαλών. Καί τις Ἀμυραχούρης τὸ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν συλλαβὼν στράτευμα τοῖς Ταχαρίοις προσώρμησε, κἀντεῦθεν οἱ διώκοντες ἔφευγον. Ἔπιπτον γοῦν Πέρσαι συχνοί. Μέχρι μὲν οὖν μακρῶν διαστημάτων τὴν δίωξιν οἱ νενικηκότες πεποίηνται. Ὁ γοῦν Κομνηνὸς Μιχαὴλ συμβὰν οὕτω τῷ μεγίστῳ στρατοπεδάρχῃ τῶν Περσικῶν στρατευμάτων, ὃν πεκλάρπακιν οἴδασι Πέρσαι καλεῖν, ξυνήει καθ᾽ ὁδόν, καὶ ἐπορεύοντο πλείους ἡμέρας ἐφεπομένων τῶν πολεμίων. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ τοῦ λεγομένου πεκλάρπακι οἰκία περὶ τὴν Καστάμοναν ἦν, ἐκεῖσε ἐγεγόνεισαν. Τὸ δὲ τῶν Ταχαρίων γένος πᾶσαν τὴν ὑπὸ τοὺς Μουσουλμάνους κατέδραμε χώραν.

Σημειώσεις τοῦ Θεοδώρου Δούσα καὶ Λέοντος Ἀλλατίου.

Ἀλλατίου.

^A part of the army which was arrayed by Michael Comnenus defeated the Tacharii who were drawn up against him with great force, for Michael himself was the first to strike the leader of the army in the breast with his spear—a man who, as those who knew him said, died shortly after from the wound. And although the Tacharii were indeed defeated on the side commanded by Comnenus and were already taking to flight, a certain man among the Persians, famous for his rank of *Amyrachures* (a high honor among the Persians)—who for a long time had harbored disloyalty toward his own people and had long been in labor with this treachery—then brought it forth, and gathering all the army under his command, he moved against the Tacharii. And from that point on, the result was the opposite of what one might expect; for those who a little before were pursuing were now fleeing and turning their backs to be struck by their enemies. Consequently, the Persians ^B fell in large numbers, struck by the arrows of the Tacharii, and the victors pursued them for long distances. Michael Comnenus—as fate would have it—joined on the way the highest *stratopedarch* of the Persian armies, whom the Persians are known to call *Peclarpacis*. Thus, they proceeded for many days, taking the enemy who followed them behind and fighting them at every hour. And when it happened that the house of the aforementioned *Peclarpacis* was near Castamon, they hastened and arrived there. But here, let the narrative of these events pause, and let it speak of the former things, so that the continuation of the history may proceed in proper order.

66. Therefore, the emperor Theodore, having been informed about the events in the land of the Muslims, giving more heed to his own affairs than to theirs, and suspecting that a great danger threatened the Roman lands, made haste to return to the East, having set out on the journey to those places with the entire Roman force. In Thessalonica, however, and in the western parts, he left his maternal uncle, Michael Lascaris, for the protection of the land, entrusting to him a small and not large company of Paphlagonians, and no more than three hundred of the Scythians. He placed Xyleas, called the *Scuterius*—by Jove, a name well-suited to him—in command of Prilapos and the neighboring armies; Theodore Calampaces, whom they also called *tatas* of the court, over the region of Belesos and those around it; and Constantine Chabaron over the leadership of the Albanian region, while he commanded me to be in charge of all ^D of these, with no other purpose, if I am not mistaken, than that from a long departure from him, the former matters might...

[Notes preserved]

fade from my memory. For after I had received the blows, he had never seen me speaking freely, nor using more cheerful words as was my custom with him. That I might, therefore, through this lengthy interval of time, have the sadness of my soul dissolved, he brought this about. Perhaps, too, he was annoyed ^A by my living with him and burdened by it; for I often opposed him regarding those things which he desired to pursue against what was right and just.

67. The Emperor, then, was departing for the East, but I had been left behind in the West. Departing from Thessalonica, I arrived at Berrœa; for there the legates of the Pope were staying, whom I was to dismiss by imperial command. Having lingered there a little while because of the dismissal of the legates and some other business, I then departed and took the road leading to Albanon. And indeed, having passed by the Serbians and bypassed Castoria, and having given orders regarding the districts around Achrida, I arrived at Albanon, and from there, with the notables of the region, I captured Dyrrachium. Having remained there for eight days, I departed, having arranged and put in order all matters of the journey as seemed necessary to me, and likewise the affairs of Dyrrachium. ^B Having, then, set out from Dyrrachium, and having traveled through the regions of Chunavia, and having crossed the mountain which they call the "Bad Rock," I departed towards the regions around Matem, and from there I arrived at Derben. And I conversed with all those I encountered on the road, both those around the cities, and those around the local armies, and those who were managing public affairs, and passing through Cylzabis, I arrived at Prilapon. This journey, from Thessalonica as far as Prilapon itself, I completed over the course of three months in the winter season. The end of December held me at Prilapon.

68. When I had arrived there, a rumor altogether terrible struck my ears. The content of the rumor was that Chabaron Constantinos, who had been entrusted by the Emperor with the prefecture of Albanon, had been captured by the despot Michael, ensnared by the machinations ^C of his sister-in-law, Maria, who had previously been married to a man surnamed Sphrantzes, but was at that time living as a widow. For she, having gone after Chabaron with deceit, and having lured his mind with amorous letters (for he was rather light-minded in such matters, even if he was otherwise an excellent and distinguished soldier), caught him in her nets. For this reason, the defection of Michael was manifest.

^D

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius on the places of the two chapters (67 and 68)

^A it had been taken. Henceforth, Michael set out in open rebellion. For my part, while staying near Prilap, I had learned about the drama that had occurred. I therefore prepared with haste a letter to be sent to Michael Lascaris, explaining through it what had befallen, and I wrote to him to arrive at Pelagonia, so that I myself might also arrive there and both of us, having met together, might take counsel regarding the matters at hand. We both met, then, in Pelagonia, and with us came the Scuterius Xyleas. For we supposed him to be a man well-versed in military affairs, or at least one well-disposed to the Romans; for indeed, the emperor Theodore also had a high estimation of him, boasting of his military experience, and he displayed the utmost goodwill toward him and the Roman cause. When, therefore, we met, we deliberated thus: that Michael Lascaris should take the entire army under his command, both the Roman and the Scythian, and withdraw from the areas around Beroea (for he was pitching his tents there) and set out for Pelagonia and encamp there. Likewise, that the Scuterius Xyleas should—taking the entire military contingent under his command (for that was more numerous)—follow Michael ^B Lascaris, and united with him, encamp in the regions around Pelagonia. For the place was strategic for checking the attack of the Despot Michael and the Serbs, inasmuch as we had learned that they too had reached harmonious terms with the Despot Michael. Having left those who had promised to carry out these decreed plans, I myself with the proper retinue set out for Achrida, to see if I might be able to set the affairs of the Albani right. I had previously sent Isaac Nestongus, the prefect of the imperial table, to Albanon, having given him orders in the customary manner, encompassing a summary of the command. For it was permitted to me, at my own discretion, to do such things, and to change, as I wished, those managing public affairs, those in charge of armies, and the prefects of the cities. I therefore deemed it better to depart for Albanon for the correction of the place, and also to learn what the prefect of the imperial table had accomplished. I led the prefect of the table out of Albanon as best I could: for the nation of the Albanitae had entered into a conspiracy and had conspired with the defector Despot Michael. When I had discovered that everything was in turmoil, I departed from Debris (for I had stayed ^C there more days than was necessary) and, with enemies surrounding me on every side, I set out for Achrida with an armed hand and not much retinue. And having committed the custody of the town to the prefect of the table, I passed by Prespa and reached Prilap, which is vulgarly called Siderocastrum, and at that time I believed I had sailed into a safe and tranquil harbor. Nevertheless, matters turned out differently for me and for others of our people who were staying there. For the defector Michael had taken possession of the surrounding towns and forts and was deprived of only Prilap, and therefore he was hastening as greedily as possible to occupy it; for once that was subdued, he could, without any hindrance and in safety, conquer the other places roundabout. Nor was it long ^D after us that the defector Michael, with his army...

in its entirety, came upon us and attempted the city with military methods. But it was secure and not easy to be taken. He relied, however, more on the treachery of the inhabitants. For the time he was repelled, and having taken his army he returned and wandered about the places roundabout, while we were shut up in the city of Prilep and become as if imprisoned in a dungeon. And so did things happen for us, but let the narrative of the history now revert to the events in the East. ^B 69. ^C The Emperor, having crossed the Hellespont, reached the regions of Lydia as quickly as possible and pitched his camp near Sardis. The Persarch, the Sultan—possessing the heart of a timid deer, as the poet might say—abandoned his own country, since his army had been crushed, and came as a fugitive to the Emperor. He received him and treated him and those with him generously with gifts, and made arrangements for them to return to their own [land], having given them a moderate army; for they were numbered at four hundred and no more. He appointed as leader of the army Isaac Ducas, whom they also nicknamed Murtzuphlus, because some of those who were accustomed to play with nicknames in similar cases had applied this name to him, he being at that time a primicerius of the imperial court. The Persarch, wishing to give a return favor to the Emperor, bestowed upon him the city of Laodicea, and a Roman guard entered into it. But this endured for only a short while, and the city fell again to the Muslims; for it was not possible for it to be guarded by the Romans. The Sultan, therefore, since he was not able to resist the Tacharii, having taken counsel with his nobles, entered into agreements and treaties with the Tacharii, and became subject to them, and from that time the Muslims continue to pay tribute to the Tacharii. ^D Michael Comnenus Palaeologus, whom we have often mentioned, having received an oath from the Emperor for his safety, returned to him and was restored once more to his own affairs and enjoyed his property.

70. Not many days had passed, and when the Emperor had learned most fully of the matters happening in the West...

^A and that most places were occupied by the rebel Michael, and that he needed to send a military man with an army to oppose him, he chose the aforementioned Michael Komnenos. He gave him an army collected from the Macedonians—a force quite small in number and entirely useless in quality. And he (for he could not contradict the orders given to him), having taken that mediocre and non-warlike army, reached Thessalonica. Thence he crossed the Bardarios river, which the ancients call the Naxios ^B, and having joined Michael Laskaris, the two took counsel and rushed against Berrhoia, not in order to fight there (for it was not possible for them to do such a thing), but so that they might make plunder in the districts around it. And they took much booty; for they seized a multitude of animals, not easily to be counted, upon which those with them laid hands.

While they were doing these things, the ruler of the Serbs, having learned of the rebellion of the turncoat Michael—a race treaty-breaking and never showing anything good towards those who have shown it kindness, but for the sake of some small gain casting aside the cup of friendship, as the saying goes, and trampling it underfoot—gathered an army numbering about a thousand and sent it against the Roman lands. These men having passed by Kitzabis, went to plunder the region adjacent to Prilapos. Now the Scuterios ^C Xyleas, with the army under him, was somewhere near the city, and when he saw the Serb army plundering the land and kindling fires everywhere, being a man inexperienced in military affairs and not having even tasted of battle experience in his dreams (for he had neither sent scouts far off, so as to learn of the enemy's incursion and traps through them, nor did he know how to arrange his forces), he released each one to rush against the Serbs as he wished. Thus, having broken their order, the few who were engaging them were captured by the more numerous Serbs. And some were put to the sword, while others were taken alive and led away in chains. Later, Xyleas Skouterios himself also, after rushing against the Serbs with the remaining band of soldiers, was put to flight, and having crossed mountains and hills and precipitous places, he with difficulty finally attained safety. And in this way the army that was in Prilapos was destroyed. As for us, we were shut up in the city of Prilapos and were, so to speak, surrendered to prison.

71. ^D [P. 81] But those around Michael Komnenos... And the defector Michael, having sent out an army and having placed his illegitimate son Theodore as commander over them, routed those who were there in an instant. Michael Palaiologos, learning of this, rushed against them, and...

^A those surrounding Michael Laskaris suffered such things. After they had made their plunder in Beroea, they encamped in the area around Vodena, which is level and useful for feeding horses. ^B The rebel Despot Michael, having understood the state of the Roman army precisely, and knowing to what extent it was numbered and that, except for a few, the whole was useless and unserviceable, made a selection from his entire army, separating those who were better than all the others and numbering them at about five hundred, and having appointed his illegitimate son Theodore (51) as commander, he sent them against the Roman army. It happened that Manuel Lampardas, sent by the Emperor with a mob-like and ragtag army to join the commanders who were present, arrived at that time, and he was blaming them for having anticipated him and carried out the plundering, while he himself remained without a share of the profit. While the commanders of the army were discussing such things among themselves, the mob-like force under Manuel Lampardas—of whom the majority were riding upon pack-horses and had them loaded with necessary things—without the other commanders knowing, kept to the road passing by the city of Vodena, so that by passing through before the others, they too might secure plunder. ^C Thus, inside the pass of the mountains at Vodena, they met the army sent by the rebel Michael to fight the Romans. The soldiers, being brave, riding fine horses, and armored with weapons on all sides, encountered the small, unarmed, and lowly men riding upon weak horses and in an instant caused them all to turn their backs. Some of these who had saved themselves by flight arrived at the camp of Michael Komnenos and reported to him what had happened. But he was not disturbed by the sudden news; being strong in hand, brave in judgment, and experienced in battle (for he had previously been trained in many warlike exercises), he armed himself, took his spear, and with the troop that Michael Laskaris had brought from Paphlagonia—which was numbered at fifty men (for that one happened to be the only one better than the others and capable of fighting)—rushed against the enemy. ^D Michael Laskaris, as was his custom, wore not a breastplate but a light corslet, so that he could easily turn to flight, and he observed the outcome of the battle from the side. Michael Komnenos, having met the one who came first, struck him with his spear and cast him from his mount; this man was, as we have said, Theodore, the illegitimate son of the rebel Michael. Having recovered from his fall, he ran up to Michael Komnenos [P. 82] and supplicated him, breaking off all resistance to the rebel general Theodore, casting him from his horse, and acting as a suppliant for his life, begged not to be killed. He therefore handed him over to a certain Turk, who killed him. And they routed the men of the rebel. Then they arrived at Prilep, and after waiting a few days, they returned.

Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius’ notes.

(51) Theodore. Pachymeres, p. 26, calls him Manuel, ALL.

in open battle—he surrounded the city with a guard and set up siege engines. Now there were some inside who were of one mind with him. He therefore first made an attempt, and having armed his whole army, he assaulted the city, using expert archers and slingers. He also brought up ladders, so that by means of them he might scale the city. But on that occasion they were driven back, and many of them were killed, pelted with stones and arrows. And for some days they remained quiet, but then the men inside and our own men provoked them, and again there was a more violent assault upon the city, and the repulse was the same; for they were able to achieve nothing, having suffered more than they inflicted. A third time the evil flared up, and a third time it was extinguished. The enemy therefore made an end of his harassing and stood his ground with a quiet mind, and did not dare approach, as if he were afflicted by greater evils than those he was ^C bringing. Nevertheless, those who were meditating defection thought that they could better execute their plans in the commotion of battle. It will seem a marvel to those who hear it, if they were checked by the force of a single man who had no more than forty servants, relying only on faith and truth. Since therefore the plotters of evil could not execute their unspeakable plans in the struggle and battle, they set about their wickedness in the quiet by means of another fraud. For they sent out the troop, which had its quarters in the city for the defense of the town, from the battlements, for the sake of obtaining provisions and to the granaries. Having premeditated this, ^D when they had made the arrangements for the administration of the military force assigned to the guarding of the city, they led it out from the battlements and toward the

granaries. Thus, those who had plotted this opened the gates from the wilderness. And so the town of Prilep was captured, not through the valor of the enemy, nor through any strategic weakness of the location, but by the negligence and treachery of its guards. And we were captured along with it and became prisoners. For the fortress of the acropolis was of no help to us; it was a mere crag, and most easily taken if anyone should have attacked it with a ladder of ten rungs. Into this, our own men, who had turned against us, had intended to rush at night to kill us and plunder our belongings. When I learned this, we stayed on guard as well as we could, but when day dawned, I entered into negotiations with the defector Michael. He even bound himself by oath to return us to the emperor's rule, unharmed and with our property, so far as his means allowed. In this way, we surrendered that little fort to him. However, since he had sworn this oath wickedly, it was to no avail, ^B for he kept us bound in chains and moved us from place to place. ^C

Now the Emperor Theodore, having been informed of these matters, did not think well of me, yet he suspected me, led by human considerations. For as he had learned that the more prominent of his commanders in the West, in whom he had placed the greatest trust, had submitted to the defector Michael—some even before the towns were captured, like Scuterius Xyleas, Manuel Ramatas, Pulachas, and several others, and some after the cities were seized, such as the master of the table, Isaac Nestongus, whom I myself, as I previously related, had entrusted with the guardianship of Achrida, along with many other notable and noble men who had voluntarily submitted to the defector—he feared that I, too, might do something similar; for his own mind was troubled by what he himself had recently perpetrated against me. Yet, those who were more accurately informed of my affairs and of me argued that I would never act in such a manner. When considerable time had passed, and he learned that I was being held prisoner, confined in a cell, with my feet in shackles and my hands bound, he praised the deed, began to treat me more humanely, and issued decrees concerning my estates, that no one should dare to set foot upon them or inflict any damage. Thus did these matters transpire. ^D

73. Now the prince of the Bulgarians, Michael’s brother-in-law, who fostered great hostility against both his own son-in-law the emperor and against the Romans, had been struck a mortal blow by his first cousin, Callimanus, and had died. ^D Callimanus, having taken the wife of the former, usurped the Bulgarian rule. But the Rus Uros, invading with armies, took the daughter of the former, the wife of Michael—for Callimanus had been previously murdered. When the Bulgarian rule was left devoid of an heir, the leading men accepted Constantine, the son of Tich, to rule over them. And so that the rule might appear respectable for him, and that it might seem he held it by inheritance, they sent an embassy to Emperor Theodore, that he should wed his first daughter, Irene, who was an offspring of Asen, to the son of Tich. They therefore divorced the woman whom he kept, and sent her to the emperor. Thus, in this way, the affairs of the Bulgarians were quieted.

and peace and tranquility were maintained for both sides. ^B

74. After this, a terrible disease attacked the emperor Theodorus. The hands of physicians were of no avail in this, and every other treatment failed. Exhausted by the disease for a long time, and his whole body withered away, he finally found in himself a place for repentance and, assuming the monastic habit, as those who closely and carefully observed his affairs recounted to me, he made a confession of his sins worthy of a noble and magnanimous soul ^C, imitating the woman in the Gospel who was a sinner. He summoned the prelate of Mytilene to hear the confession of his faults; falling on his face before his feet, he washed the ground where he lay with streams of tears, so that it even became mud from them. He kept crying out, "I have forsaken thee, O Christ," weaving this into the words of his confession. Having lived in this way, and having been emperor for not yet four years—for he began in November and had reached the end of his life in the month of August—his body was carried to the monastery of the Sosandroi, and he was buried there where his emperor-father also lies. He left behind three children: one male, by name John, and two female, Theodora and Eudocia. For he had joined his other two daughters to husbands: Irene to the son of Tich, and Mary to Nicephorus, the son of the rebel Michael, who at the time of her father-in-law's rebellion paid the common debt of nature. ^D

Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius' notes.

(52) "Since he was left behind." Gregoras, p. 60. ALL. (53) "That it might be honorable." Gregoras, p. 61. And note, what Acropolita calls the daughter of the emperor, Irene, married to Constantine Tich, is called Theodora by Gregoras, not without a lapse of memory; which he also inculcates below, p. 63. For Theodora, as also Eudocia, remained unmarried. Note also that Pachymeres, *Hist.* lib. 1, 35, attributes only three daughters to him. ALL. (54) "Disease." Gregoras, p. 61. Morbid symptoms are described by Pachymeres, lib. 1. ALL. (55) "The monastic habit." Gregoras, p. 61. Nor does Phranza disagree, lib. 1, cap. 3, that other men, princes and emperors, and whoever of the common people in that nation wish to appear to observe piety and divine worship, when death is imminent, they put on the monastic habit. Therefore, Theodorus of Monemvasia and his most foolish copyist Matthaeus Cigala rave, who say that he became a monk in the monastery of the Sosandroi and lived most piously and finally died: for they are wrong, as we have discussed fully elsewhere, why they do so. ALL. (56) "He made confession." Gregoras, p. 61. ALL.

^A imitating the evangelic harlot (57), he called the archbishop of Mitylene to him for the confession of his sins; he fell before his feet to the ground, and with boundless streams of tears he washed the earth upon which he lay, so that it even became mud from them, as those who saw these things clearly demonstrated to us, and he frequently cried out, "I have forsaken thee, O Christ," weaving this also into the words of his confession. ^B He, therefore, having lived thus, and not yet having ruled for a full four years—for having begun in November, he met the end of his life in the month of August—died. His corpse was carried to the monastery of the Sosandra (50), and buried there, where his emperor and father also lay. Emperor Theodore, having passed away, had left behind three children, one male named John, and two female, Theodora and Eudocia. For he had united his other two daughters to men before this: the first, who was also called Irene, to the son of the Wall, as we have said, Constantine; and the second, who was named Maria, to the son of the apostate Michael, Nicephorus, who also, at the time of the defection of her father-in-law, paid the common debt, as some used to say, having been beaten many times by her husband Nicephorus, but as others said, having fallen ill with a natural disease.

73. The son of the emperor ^C Theodore, John, happened to be very young at the time of the death of the emperor and his father, for he was not yet eight full years old (60). ^D Now his son was not yet eight full years old. His father, however, had made a will, ostensibly for the child, but in truth for his protovestiarius, George Mouzalon; for he arranged for him to hold the power until the emperor’s son should reach a mature age. And they proceeded on these matters by the order of the emperor’s oaths taken by those who were present at that time. But the emperor’s body was not yet three days in the tomb, when, as if by a common signal, all who were there (and it was a considerable army) and the noblemen who had been harmed by the emperor—Alexios Strategopoulos, whose son he had blinded, Constantine Tornikes, whom he held as a prisoner, Theodore Philes, whom he had blinded, George Zagomites, whom he held, and the four sons of the protovestiarius Raoul, who were themselves also imprisoned, and Nicephorus Alyates, whose tongue he had cut out—rushed headlong to the monastery of the Sosandra against the regent, the protovestiarius, and his brothers, performed the work of swords against them within the holy sanctuary, and mocked the emperor, saying that he had entrusted the rule of the Romans to a base and worthless man. And "behold, a woman in the city who was a sinner," [index: entries preserved]

^A although it seemed as if for his son, in truth he had made his will for George Muzalon, the protovestiarios. ^B For the will made him the master of all Roman affairs, so that he held the power over the entire Roman dominion until the emperor's son should reach a mature age. And these provisions were confirmed by the command of the emperor and by the oaths 63 of those who were present at that time. But the third day had not yet passed since the emperor’s corpse had been placed in the tomb, when, as if by a common signal, all the Romans who were found there—and a considerable army had been gathered there—rushed together. ^C Furthermore, noblemen and men of the first rank who had been mistreated and afflicted by the emperor—including Alexius Strategopoulos, whose son, Constantine, he had blinded and imprisoned; Constantine Tornices, whom Emperor John had appointed grand primicerios, but who had been deprived of his office by his son; Theodore Philes, who had also been blinded; and George Zagarommates, whom Emperor John had named protovestiarios, though his son had initially honored him as parakoimomenos before shortly depriving him of his rank; Nicephorus Alyattes, who had been made prefect of the kanikleion a short time before, but whom the emperor had later—for no reason—deprived of his tongue and released from his office; and many other useful and renowned men—joining with the soldiers and rushing together, they convened at the monastery of the Sosandra against the protovestiarios, the guardian, and his own brothers, and with one cry 67 they set upon them. For he had

Notes of Theodore Douza and Leo Allatius

diversus est Phranza. ALL. 63 And oaths, Gregoras, p. 63. ALL. 64 Although it is the third day, Gregoras and Pachymeres report it was carried out on the ninth day, and perhaps they all tell the truth. For the emperor is not delivered to burial immediately upon his death. Therefore, his funeral was attended to for the first six days, he was carried out and presented to the people, and finally committed to the earth on the ninth day after his passing; on the third day after his burial, the Muzalones were slaughtered. ALL. 65 Rushed together, all. A solemnity and frequent gathering of everyone did not merit such an unworthy spectacle. For the patriarch had gathered in the temple with the entire clergy, [along with] matrons and all the nobles, in order to mourn according to custom and to celebrate the memory of the emperor. All the princes were present, commoners were not lacking, the entire army had flowed together, though not all with the same sentiment; some feigned mourning, others were breathing murder, and what is truly more atrocious is that while hymns were being sung, or as Acropolita says, while the sacrifice of the most holy mass was being offered and divine worship was being performed. Gregoras, p. 65. Similar things are told by Phranza. ALL. 66 Men mistreated by the emperor. Pachymeres, p. 23, 24, 64, 65. ALL. 67 That his brothers be slaughtered. Gregoras, p. 66. The scribe here, [who was] slaughtered due to the similarity [of his position], so that I may also note this in passing, was called Theophylact, and was a relative of the historian George Pachymeres. Let us hear from the book itself, first book, p. 59. ALL.

^A The protovestiarius, having learned of the incursion of the multitude into the temple in which he was listening to the divine liturgy, attempted to leave. For he was inside while the divine mystery was being celebrated. But some of those of that council who were with him, fearing that if he went out and mounted a horse he would divert the mind of the crowd and win them over to himself, and that from this their own plots would be exposed, pushed him toward further oaths. For already, while the Emperor Theodore was breathing his last and his testament was being read to the hearing of all, everyone had sworn to guard the things ordained by the Emperor without alteration. Then, even after he had died, they swore again to the same things. A third time, therefore, having been bound by the aforementioned oaths and pacts, they persuaded the protovestiarius to remain in the temple together with his brother Andronicus, who was honored with the rank of megas domesticus, and with his eldest brother, who was honored as the protocynegus. But when the multitude saw them coming toward them with drawn swords, they withdrew inside the sacred sanctuary ^B and, embracing the all-holy table, they were put to the sword there. Nor, even after the slaughter, did the killers take pity; for the whole multitude showed such fury against them that they cut him up limb by limb, or rather joint by joint, and each one, holding his own piece of the small flesh fragments, satisfied their desire. And these things happened in this way.

^C 76. But those of the Roman populace, both those in authority and the commanders of the military regiments, together with those of the sacred register (for the patriarch and certain of the more prominent archbishops were also with them), deliberated about common affairs. And having gathered together with the sacred register and the patriarch, they took counsel as to who might be worthy of the administration of common affairs. The Romans were asked, then the Latins, then the Scythians; and all chose Michael Palaeologus, the Comnenus, both to be the guardian of the child and the administrator of common affairs. And in a little while they bound him with the imperial band, and shortly thereafter he was elevated to the imperial height.

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

(69) Regarding the sacred sanctuary, see the Glossary of Meursius under 'prothesis'. Dousa. — Gregoras, lib. II, p. 65. Similar things are given to us by Phranza, but the tragedy of this matter is pursued much better and more fully by Pachymerius, lib. I, p. 55. ALL. (70) "Such fury," causes of such great hatred are recounted by Pachymerius, lib. I, p. 54. ALL. (71) Muzalon having been killed and John being still of immature age, it is sought by all who may rule the empire, sustain the faltering principate, and not yield to the burden; and no one is indicated as more apt than Michael Palaeologus. See Gregoras and Phranza. Pachymerius also pursues the matter more fully. ALL.

^A who would be considered worthy and suitable to take upon himself their administration and better than others be able to consult for the empire. For they did not judge it fitting 72 that the Roman Empire, being so great, should be directed by a little boy who was still at the age of picking fruit or playing with knucklebones; but they deemed it necessary that the person holding the tiller of such an empire and handling the rudders of the state should be one who could preserve the ship—assailed by the force of hostile winds, troubled and nearly overwhelmed by the roar of various billows, and, to relate it in a word, endangered by a massive storm—and who, for this reason, was in need of a noble and capable helmsman to preserve it from the imminent and oppressive miseries. For immediately the borders of the Persians were thrown into significant turmoil by the incursion of the Tacharii who were rushing against the Persians; for they had not yet been restored to a perfect peace, nor had they joined in fixed covenants and stable agreements. And in the West, as far as the river Naxius—which the common people call the Bardarius—the defector Michael had occupied everything, and in that region had brought the small towns and fortresses to his own side, so that he held them without any fear and possessed them without danger. Furthermore, another suspicion troubled the many, or rather the prudent—I mean the marriages of the defector Michael. For, as we have already mentioned, he had joined his daughter Helena in marriage to Manfred, king of Sicily, and he had contracted another affinity through his daughter Anna with the Prince of Achaia; moreover, the Latin race, hostile to the Romans, had settled in Constantinople, among whom Baldwin happened to be reigning. In this way, therefore, the Roman Empire was suffering grievously and was laboring violently on every side. Consequently, those in authority sought someone who might rule it well, and the eyes 74 of all were directed toward Michael Comnenus, of whom the account has often made mention. But since it was necessary that inquiries also be made of the people, so that they might have an understanding of their own will and learn toward whom each man had an inclination, the questions were instituted according to tribes and classes. And first, the Romans were asked, and all of them unanimously, as if with one mouth, said that they wished Michael Comnenus to be ^C their ruler.

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius

72 That it is not fitting. See concerning all these things Gregoras, lib. III, and the one who copies Gregoras, Phranza, lib. I, c. 3. ALL.

73 Ship. The word is well compared with the republic or empire; the governor with the prince; cares, troubles, business, seditions, and dubious times with the sea's billows; the citizens with the passengers. Theophylactus Simocatta, *Mauric. hist*., lib. I, c. I: "Handling the power with an oar, steering the state with philosophy."

^D ...on account of a violent death, and leaving the fortune of the Athenians tossing like a ship overwhelmed by the violence of the winds and the confusion of the waves. But he left the one who had borne him in a safe and great mooring—the priest. For the wave rolls from this side, and from that. But we are in the middle, and we are carried along, laboring in a heavy winter with a great rope. For the bilge of the ship-timbers holds firmly, and the sail-cloth is already completely torn, and there are great rents in it. The anchors are slackening. (I have given the fragment of Alcaeus from Hermann, *Elem. doctr. metr.*, p. 688.) ALL.

74 The eyes of all. Gregoras, p. 70. Pachymerius, lib. I, expresses this more fully (for he would not have committed the matter to the inclination of others). ALL.

^A to be the guardian and administrator of Roman affairs and to acknowledge him as their own master. The Latin nation, when asked, required no long deliberation; they immediately sought for Michael Comnenus Palæologus and demanded him as the supreme leader of all. When the Scythian race was also questioned, they did not reply in a barbaric fashion but spoke very much like Hellenes, with prudence, asserting that they knew of no one better than Michael Comnenus to lead them all. Furthermore, the holy assembly of the clergy, when it saw that Michael Comnenus was not a little reluctant to take up the administration of Roman affairs, but rather hesitant and putting off the undertaking—perhaps even pleading as a cause the oath he had recently given to the child of the Emperor Theodore—did not merely grant him permission for the deed by word of mouth, ^B but even issued a written tome in which all the high priests, together with the patriarch, set their signatures. This document maintained that not only would he not be called to account for this matter before the impartial tribunal of Christ, but even more divine crowns would be woven for him, because he had come for the salvation of the Christ-named people. In this way, they prudently and necessarily brought it about that the Comnenus Michael shook off the fear from his mind.

77. Thus, then, Michael Comnenus entered the arena of the imperial court. And first, they raised him to the despotical dignity, and they placed the despotical ribbon upon his head. A very short interval of time passed, and willy-nilly he was led to the lofty imperial position, having been much pressed by the leading men and those who had care for the common interest; for those of high station and the finest of the soldiers seated him upon the imperial shield and proclaimed him emperor. Since it was necessary for him to be crowned with the imperial diadem, he arrived at Nicæa, the preeminent city of the Bithynians, where he was adorned with the imperial diadem by the Patriarch Arsenius. Now, when of those who were seen to be the more select and prominent of the Emperor Theodore’s aristocrats, Caryanites, who had been adorned by him with the dignity of protovestiarius, was the only one remaining—he who had already brought about the slaughter of the aforementioned protovestiarius and his brothers ^C and at that time, because he was one of the aristocrats and had voted for the death of the Mouzalones, the Emperor Michael, so that he might not attempt any revolutionary acts, placed him in prison. But he escaped and fled to the lands of the Persians, yet having been captured by the Turkomans, he was killed. Only John Angelos, the protostrator, who was in the West, was left of the famous men. The Emperor wished to send for him, but he died after being wounded by an arrow on the way. For the Emperor had appointed his own full brother great domestic, and having entrusted the armies to him, had sent him to the West against the rebel Michael. When he was proclaimed emperor, he sent for this man to be sebastokrator. Alexius Strategopoulos and the protovestiarius John Raoul were with him. He had also honored Strategopoulos with the post of great domestic, and he had honored his full brother by another mother, Constantine, with the title of Caesar and sent him to the regions of Paphlagonia. ^D

Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

^A He had directed the Roman army at that time, and Emperor Michael, so that he might not attempt any revolutionary change, cast him into prison. He, however, escaped and fled to the Persians, but was intercepted by certain Turcomans, stripped of his possessions, and was himself put to death. There remained among the great and renowned men John Angelus, who was protostrator and was spending his time in the West, commanding no small part of the army. After the protovestiarius, Emperor Theodore loved him, and in honors and all other matters simply assigned him the second place. The emperor had sent some of his own household to bring him back, but, overwhelmed by fear during the journey, he breathed his last. These, therefore, were the first among those who were in high positions and the most prominent in his esteem, and they held the highest place without dispute. The others were insignificant men, worthy of no consideration, and therefore we have neglected them as people of no rank.

Therefore, Emperor Michael, before he was crowned in the royal manner, appointed his own brother, John Comnenus, as grand domestic, and dispatched him with the Roman armies entrusted to him to the western regions against the defector Michael. He also joined to him as companions Alexius Strategopulos, John Raoul—the eldest son of the protovestiarius Raoul—and others who were skilled in military matters and experienced in engaging the enemy as was required. When Michael himself was acclaimed emperor, he honored his brother John Comnenus with the title of sebastokrator, sending him the insignia of the dignity while he was in the West; ^B he promoted Alexius Strategopulos to grand domestic, and he honored his other brother, Constantine—who was born of a different mother—with the title of Caesar and sent him to the regions of Paphlagonia to oversee the cities, the army, and the fortresses there.

78. But having become master of the imperial authority ^C, the Comnenian Michael released and recalled all those who had been held captive on any account by Emperor Theodore or had otherwise been overlooked, and he honored them with generous gifts. To sum up the matter in few words, he exercised his rule with greater splendor toward everyone, and he distributed money lavishly and abundantly. Then it was possible to see the multitude of the Romans, of whatever order, kind, or profession ^D they might be, exulting with much joy and rejoicing in their success; and there was joy as from darkness into light, or from storm into calm, or from winter into spring, or from a gale into a lull, or from despondency into gladness. The Latins in the city and he who reigned therein sent an embassy from Thessalonica to the emperor, making a request that he should grant these [territories] to them and all the other land as far as Constantinople. The emperor replied to them rather wittily, saying: "My father died while he was ruling in Thessalonica; therefore, I wish to rule over it as my fatherland." Having heard this, the envoys were annoyed, and they said to him, "Cede to us from Serres." And he replied, "I first began to rule there, and it is not right for me to abandon it." They said, "Then give us from Boleron as far as our territory." And he replied, "I have often hunted there, and I have not judged it worthy of me to let go of this place." "What then do you give us?" the envoys asked in return. "I, for my part," he said, "nothing. But if you wish to enjoy the peace from me, I wish for the Latins in Constantinople to pay to the Roman realm a share of half from the customs duties, and from the gold-refining workshop (79) likewise. But if not, then let there be war."

Notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius

^A As everyone was able to be filled with great pleasure and to rejoice in events. For just as when someone emerges from deep darkness 80 into the purest rays of the sun, or from a tempest into a calm, or from winter into spring, or from a squall into a dead calm, and is changed from great grief into joy, so all were gladdened and leaped for joy, having forgotten the previous, more painful and bitter way of life. The Latins 81 who were in Constantinople, and Baldwin, who was then governing them, sent an embassy to the emperor, requesting certain arrogant and nearly absurd things; for, having been disposed with contempt toward the emperor as one who had only just assumed command, they pressed him with immoderate demands. And they began their request from the city of Thessalonica, that the emperor should grant this to them, as well as the whole of the other land up to the city of Constantine itself. But the emperor, having heard such things, gave a witty and not unrefined reply to them, saying: "This city happens to be my homeland; for there my father, whom you also knew, the Great Domestic, governed. And in it he finished his life, and his body was committed to burial there. How, then, is it right for this city to be outside my authority?" Having heard these things, the envoys ^B felt a pricking of the ears, thinking that perhaps the emperor might grant some of the things requested, and changing their speech, they said, "Therefore, O Emperor, grant us the right to possess the rest from Serres itself." And the emperor said, "You are making a request that is neither just nor fitting for me. For first, in it, by the emperor of blessed memory, my uncle, I held dominion over the region; there were the beginnings of my governance, there the first cradle of my military service; and I delight in the place as if in familiar ground. Therefore, it will not be worth the effort to lose it." The envoys easily turned their discourse from place to place, and having nothing else, they would be content with whatever they might obtain, as if they had achieved a victory. And, "O Emperor," they replied, "at least grant us from Voleron up to us." And the emperor said, "In those places I have often harvested, and I have learned—almost—to make good use of the hunts in that place, and it has been judged by me not to be worthy to release that territory, where I again desire to hunt and find pleasure in the capture of wild beasts." "What, then, do you give us?" the envoys replied to the emperor. "I, for my part," the emperor said, "give nothing. But if you wish ^C to receive peace from me (for you know me well, and you understand the war from me, when I held the command of Bithynia and Tarsia, how I know how to fight), I want the Latins who are in Constantinople to pay to the Roman Empire that part of their commerce which corresponds proportionately to the revenues. If you should promise to provide these things to me, I come to terms for peace. But if not, I proclaim battle, which with God as my witness, will rather be to the advantage ^D of the Romans."

(80) Ex σκοτομήνης βαθείας. Pachymerius, p. 97. ALL. (81) Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλει Λατῖνοι. Pachymerius, p. 106. ALL. (82) Τῶν κομερκίων. Commercium. Vox Latina tota κομέρκιον κομμέρκιον, commercium. Vide Glossarium Meursii. Dousa.

spice, to name it so, will be much more useful to the Romans.” Thus, the envoys of the Latins, having been put to shame, returned to Constantinople with their business unaccomplished.

79. The Emperor also sent an embassy to the defector Michael through ^B Theodorus Philes, who had been blinded by the Emperor Theodore. The embassy was gentle and made many concessions regarding the cities and regions that belonged to him; for the Emperor, seeking to draw him toward affection, yielded to the defector ^C what was rightfully his, and asked for only a few things back, such as it would not be decent to overlook. But the defector was hard toward these hearings and intractable to these words; for not only did he not accept the embassy, but he also made improper responses. He was puffed up not only by the affinity he had contracted with Manfred, king of Sicily, but also with the Prince of Achaia, William, for he had already completed this marriage alliance as well. Hence he grew strangely arrogant and reasoned quite haughtily. Because of this, Theodorus Philes, grieving in his heart at his words ^D and tormented in his spirit by his responses, returned to the Emperor, having admitted this to the defector: “I know well that you are acting foolishly, and for that reason, you speak of things that are not fitting. But know, if you wish, that you will very quickly experience the imperial power and Roman strength, and you will become remorseful, when it is of no use to you.” Having said these things, he arrived before the Emperor, having blamed Michael’s great stupidity, because he was not willing to fulfill even one small request of the Emperor, nor to release Constantine Chabaron, nor even myself, who writes these things—the former because he had been reared with the Emperor and had often contended in military duties, and me, because I had been joined to the Emperor by kinship, when my wife was rolling at the feet of the Emperor with piteous lamentation. And this was the case even though the Emperor had released more than twenty of those who had been in prison, whom the Emperor had taken prisoner in the war at Bodena, being sent by the Emperor Theodore—some of whom were kinsmen to the defector, while others were better in the army and more illustrious by birth. Thus the affairs of the embassy to the defector proceeded. But the Emperor also sent an embassy to the king of ^D Sicily, Manfred, the defector's son-in-law, through the *kanikleios* Nicephorus Alyates, whom the king held with him for nearly two years. For how could he have fulfilled any of the Emperor's requests, being once bound to the defector Michael and imagining to himself things that were more potent and useful? Furthermore, the Emperor also sent an embassy to the Prince of Achaia; but he did not yield either.

Theodori Dousæ and Leonis Allatii notes. (83) *Regi Siciliae Manfredo*. Gregoras, lib. III, p. 71. Pachymerius, p. 82. ALL. (84) *Ad principem*. Once more the purely Latin word is intended. *Chrigkips*, princeps. *Ton Phraggon rex, etc.*, Dousa. (85) *Kanikleios*. The prefecture of the *kanikleios* was a very great dignity at Constantinople. See by all means the *Glossarium* of Meursius, and employ Cantacuzenus, book I, chapter 14; and book IV, 40. DOUSA.

^A winning greater gain (86); but the Emperor sent an embassy to the Prince of Achaea. But he, too, emboldened by his alliance with the rebel, and expecting that many benefits would accrue to him from this, regarded the words as nothing.

80. The Emperor, therefore, as we before mentioned, having sent his own brother ^B (87), the Sebastocrator, to the West against the rebel, and having entrusted to him the forces and their generals, commanded that they should direct their march straight ahead until they met with the rebel's army. The Sebastocrator John then did as he was commanded; but the rebel Michael was encamped with his wife and his kin in the parts around Kastoria. Suddenly a cry came to him that the Roman troops, having passed through the defiles of the Bodena, were marching against him. They, having heard the voice and seized with no small terror in their souls, both rushed to flight themselves and stirred up all their own men. And since it was night and no one could see where he was being carried, there were many— [P. 92]

Having sent his brother, the Sebastocrator, against the rebel, he ordered that he should direct his march straight ahead until he should meet with the rebel's army. But the rebel was encamped as far as the parts of Kastoria. Suddenly a cry came to him that the Roman troops, having passed through the defiles of the Bodena, were marching against them. And having been seized with terror, he fled, and many were ruined along the way. And Theodore Petraliphas, the full-brother of the rebel’s wife, encountering a precipitous place, perished with his horse. They were therefore compressed as far as the Pindus mountains, which distinguish ancient and new Epirus from the Hellenic and our own land. When it so happened, the Sebastocrator, seizing the opportunity, rushed against the cities. He took Ohrid, Deabolis; and all the country around these, whether it be Prespa, Pelagonia, Soskos, or Moliakos, passed under Roman dominion. The Great Konostaulos, however, having appointed the young and prudent brothers, of whom one was called John and the second after him Constantine, who were not yet honored with offices, to the watch that befitted him.

^C Notes of Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius. (86) Winning greater gain. Gregoras, p. 72, ALL. (87) His own brother. Gregoras, p. 72. Hence it is gathered that Michael Palaeologus had two brothers, although not by the same mother, John and Constantine. Pachymerius: ALL. See also Gregoras, lib. II, last chap. ALL. (88) The Sebastocrator John. More of this is to be seen in Gregoras, lib. III, last chap. ALL. (89) They, having heard. The hosts of the Greeks themselves were far away. Hence the mind is turned toward military arts. For the Greeks, having moved their camp, send a suitable man closer to the enemy, one who might rouse and disturb the hostile armies. At night, he joins Michael, the Prince of Aetolia, as if he were a deserter. He announces to him that a great danger hangs over him. He says that the princes who are his sons-in-law, the Prince of Achaea and the Peloponnese and the King of Sicily, have covertly sent envoys and offered peace to the Greeks with bribes. If his own salvation were a concern to him, he should look out for himself before that alliance was entered into. Michael, having disclosed the matter to a few of his own men, fled before sunrise, and others followed him one by one; thus all of Michael's soldiers turned to flight. In the morning, his associates, having learned of Michael’s flight, and since they could not follow the course of events and saw that the number of their own men was greatly diminished, turned to flight, thinking they had been betrayed by Michael; the Greeks, having attacked them thus in disorder, cut down the greatest part, and took the rest alive, except for a few, among whom was the Prince of the Peloponnese and Achaea. Pachymerius, p. 84, narrates another cause of this victory, namely, that the Prince and the nobles of his cavalry were seized with the love of the wife of John, the son of Michael, and, obeying their impulses, had it in mind to offer violence to her chastity. ^D The matter displeases John. And a grievous calamity…

for Petraliphas, the brother of the wife of the defector Michael, for having spurred his horse too boldly where the ground was rugged, as he met with steep places, both he and his horse were cast down and perished. They retreated as far as their own borders, or rather the Pyrenean mountains, which separate old and new Epirus from our own Greek territory.

When these things had happened in this manner, the sebastocrator, seizing the opportunity and finding the region empty of the forces that had been protecting it, made an assault upon the towns that were therein. And first of all, he marched upon Achrida, which everyone knows to be an archbishopric of Bulgaria, taking with him the archbishop of that place, Constantine Cabasilas, who had been separated from the Emperor Theodore, as one suspect to him of not having a loyal spirit toward the empire. For his own brothers, John and Theodore, were living with the defector Michael; Theodore was numbered among his nobles, and John bore, as it were, the dominion of all his affairs, public and domestic, managing them according to his own will. On account of these things, as we have said, the Emperor Theodore did not greatly trust the archbishop. But the Emperor Michael, handling matters more freely and openly, and attributing the greatest part of his actions, or rather everything, to the Divine, granted the archbishop, who was then following the sebastocrator, the power to return to his own.

Therefore, when they had arrived at Achrida, as we have said, the sebastocrator moved his military engines against them, while the archbishop thought they should be won over by words. Not long after, Achrida was taken. Having set matters in order there, the sebastocrator marched upon Deabolis, and he had determined to win over the fortress of that place by means of all sorts of engines. Wherefore he moved up siege artillery, set up battering rams, applied machines of every kind, and by frequent assaults harassed [the defenders] in every way, setting before himself the task of taking the town. And in truth, his hope did not deceive him: for many of the townspeople were killed, and not a few were pierced by the blows of arrows, and the rest, with spirits cast down (for the western nation is by nature softer in defending its cities), surrendered the not-inconsiderable town of Deabolis to the sebastocrator. And the entire region around these towns, as well as Prespa, Pelagonia, Soscus, and Molyscus, were brought under the power of the Roman forces and became subject to the Romans. For the inhabitants of the western parts are so born that they succumb to any who are all-powerful with little difficulty. Hence they avoid slaughter and ruin, and for the most part save their own possessions. These things, indeed, were done at the approach of spring.

But the defector Michael, having moved every stone, gathered his own men together and obtained an alliance from his son-in-law the King, to the number of four hundred knights. Another son-in-law of his, the Prince of Achaea, having gathered his entire army, made an alliance with his father-in-law on his own account, bringing a multitude of horse and foot. A vast army was thus assembled, and Theodore, the brother of the wife of the defector Michael, having mounted a horse whose spirit was too bold, and having chanced upon a precipitous place, he himself and the horse were cast down, and both perished. They were confined as far as their own borders, or rather the Pyrenean mountains, which divide the old and new Epirus of the Greek and our own land.

When these things had happened to them in this way, the sebastocrator, having seized the opportunity and finding the region deserted of the power that had been helping it, launched his attacks against the cities in it. And first he marched upon Achrida, which everyone knows is an archbishopric of Bulgaria, having with him the archbishop of this place, Constantine Cabasilas, who was being held by the Emperor Theodore, for the Emperor suspected that he was not sound toward the imperial power; for his own brothers, John and Theodore, were with the defector Michael, and Theodore was counted among the leaders with him, while John held almost the dominion of his affairs, managing both public and private matters. Because of these things, as we have said, the Emperor Theodore did not trust the archbishop. But the Emperor Michael, dealing with affairs more freely, and attributing the greater part of the things done to God, gave the archbishop the freedom to come to him, and he followed the sebastocrator.

Having therefore arrived at Achrida, as we have said, the sebastocrator moved his war engines against them, while the archbishop sought to persuade them with words. In not much time, Achrida was taken. When the sebastocrator had well disposed the things there, he dashed off to Deabolis and, with engines of all kinds, had planned to take the city of Deabolis. He ordered these things, and set up siege towers, and made all kinds of machines, and carried out continuous assaults, and in every way intended the capture of the city to come about. And indeed, the matter turned out according to his purpose; for many of those inside the city were killed, and not a few were struck by the shots of arrows, so the others were softened (for the western race is by nature naturally softer in the guarding of cities) and delivered that city of Deabolis to the sebastocrator. And all the country around such cities—that is to say, Prespa, Pelagonia, Soscus, and Molyscus—came under the power of the Roman forces. The western inhabitants, easily yield to all who hold power, and save most of their own possessions.

The defector Michael, when he saw... The defector, having moved every stone, collected his own people, and received an alliance from the King, his son-in-law, for four hundred knights. Another son-in-law of his, the Prince of Achaea, having gathered his entire army through himself, made the alliance with his own father-in-law, leading a multitude of horse and foot. A vast army was therefore gathered, and

they directed their advance against the emperor’s own brother, the sebastocrator John. ^B John, however, relying upon the useful counsels and advice of his brother and emperor, evaded his adversaries with military stratagem. For with the mail-clad soldiers and those equipped with breastplates, he held the more rugged places, but he had ordered those with lighter armor, and who were more agile and could move wherever they wished with greater speed, to engage the enemy in the plains and open fields. These were some from the Scythians, others from the Turks, and many from the Roman tribes as well, for whom archery was a refined skill. These men would set upon the enemy from a distance and strike them with missiles. They began from the place called Borila Longos to engage the enemy. They did not allow them to travel easily by day, nor to rest by night. For by day, they would charge them at the horses’ watering places. They would also fall upon them along the road, and by drawing near the wagons and pack animals, they would plunder the supplies they were transporting, not even being repelled by the guards. Having done this many times, they gained considerable boldness against the enemy, to such an extent that they even laid hands upon them ^C and stripped them of whatever they encountered. Thus the army of the rebel Michael was reduced, and they passed by Stano, Sostos, and Molyskos with great violence and difficulty; for he was hastening to reach the city of Prilep, so that he might save it. Having arrived there, each retreated into his own quarters and took counsel on how to run for his life. The rebel, with his son Nicephorus and some of his men, mounted their horses at night and fled; when this became known to the rest, they too turned to flight. The Roman army and the bastard son of the rebel, John, then approached the sebastocrator John and gave their oaths to the emperor, while the prince of Achaea and those with him were scattered here and there. The prince ^D was captured in the vicinity of Castoria, having hidden in a straw-stack and been recognized by his teeth (for he had very large front teeth), and he was led off in chains to the emperor. Those who were his leading men and kinsmen—the Aseldetusi, Iophos of Karytaina, and others of note—were captured, some at Platamon, others in another place. And the allied army sent by the king of Sicily was held by four commanders, one of whom was the grand domestic Strategopoulos, and Nikephoros Rhyndakes, while the other two were anonymous. These too they sent as prisoners to the emperor. But the prince himself was kept in custody with the armies.

^A And when they frequently did this, with their spirits greatly recovered against the enemy, and having come to swords and hands, they plundered everything they met. Therefore, the army of the defector Michael was worn down in this way too, and, being harassed by no small fear, they despaired of their own safety. At length, with difficulty and at the greatest inconvenience to their own, they penetrated to Stanos, Soscus, and Molyscus (for it was their intention to travel to the town of Prilapos to bring them relief). When they arrived at those places, each man, following his own opinion to the utmost, began to attempt everything and, as the saying goes, to run for his life with all his might. Meanwhile, the defector Michael, with his son Nikephoros and a few others—with whom he was accustomed to share his counsels and actions—fled by night on horseback, being well acquainted with the roads. ^B When morning came and the day advanced, the soldiers of Michael, realizing his flight, also pushed themselves into flight. The Roman army, and those who were more prominent among its leaders, and the bastard son of the defector, John, ran to the sebastokrator John, surrendered themselves, and pledged their faith to the emperor by oath. But the Prince of Achaia and his allies were scattered, one here and another there. The Prince was captured near Kastoria, hidden under a heap of straw, but recognized by a soldier from his teeth (for his inner teeth were of immense size and projected far out), and he was brought bound to the emperor. ^C The more noble of the troops and the kinsmen, Aseldetuses, Jophredus of Caritania, and many other illustrious men, were captured in Platamona and other places, and were led bound to the emperor. Likewise, the auxiliary force—numbering, as we have said, about four hundred—which had been sent to the defector by Manfred, King of Sicily, was overcome by four men with their arms and horses: namely, the Grand Domestic Alexios Strategopoulos, Nikephoros Rimpsas—who, by origin a Turk, had given his name to the Christians, whose faith he served most ingenuously—and two others whose names time has denied us. These, too, were bound in chains and transported to the emperor. By this victory, our men attained the emperor’s designs, to such an extent that its fame penetrated to the very ends of the earth: for the sun has seen few such victories. Thenceforth, our men brought all the towns and the entire region under their control. ^D The sebastokrator John, having passed through Thessaly, encamped near Nea Patra, while Strategopoulos, with others, crossed the Pindus mountains and, leaving an army at Ioannina for its siege, arrived near Arta.

The Notes of Theodor Dousa and Leon Allatius

^A having passed through Thessaly and fortified the towns and fortresses therein, he encamped near New Patras, taking with him John, the illegitimate son of the deserter Michael. The Grand Domestic Alexius Strategopoulos and John Raoul, having crossed the Pyrenees [P. 95] mountains, marched towards Arta, having left a detachment in the Ioannina region for the siege of that city. They therefore captured Arta, and I myself had also met with them there; after conversing with them for a few days and arranging matters, I departed from Arta, having left the populace there no longer well-disposed towards our people, for the soldiers had not treated them well. Because of this, that most glorious victory which had shone upon the Romans turned, in not much time, to the opposite. I proceeded directly towards the Sebastokrator John, the brother of the Emperor, who was residing near New Patras, and after spending a few days with him, I set out on the road leading to the Emperor. Now, the illegitimate son of the deserter Michael, John, while staying with the Sebastokrator, was plotting defection with others; and when the Sebastokrator John marched against the Latins and, having passed Levadia, was plundering Thebes, he brought the treachery he had been conceiving into the open, and having fled with some other accomplices, went off to the deserter Michael, his father. The latter, perturbed by the suddenness of the event, knew not where to stand, but having embarked with his son Nicephorus, his wife, and some of his own men on small boats, they spent their time on the sea and had as their refuge the surrounding islands, namely Leucada and those of the Cephallenians. But when his illegitimate son John came to him, as ^B has been indicated, he was emboldened out of his lethargy and, casting off his hesitation, marched on Arta. Having arrived there, and finding all the inhabitants inclined toward him—for the town of Vonitza had also remained under his control up to that day—he gathered those he found there and drove our people from the borders of Arta. Moreover, he caused those besieging Ioannina to withdraw far from Ioannina. Thus, then, did the affairs of the Romans take a beginning of evils, and things ^C that had been well accomplished through imperial counsels were reduced to nothing, or to very little, by the disobedience and disorder of the commanders. The brother of the Emperor, the Sebastokrator John, and his father-in-law, Constantine Tornicius, having abandoned the fight, returned to the Emperor, who at that time was delaying at Lampsacus. The Emperor adorned the Sebastokrator John with ^D the dignity of Despot, rewarding him for the victory won, and in order that he might, by that dignity, be equalized with the persons with whom he had waged wars, matching Despot with Despots, while his father-in-law, Constantine Tornicius, he named [the Great...]

^A being grand primicerius, he honored with the rank of sebastocrator. He also named his own brother, Constantine, sebastocrator, having promoted him from Caesar. Yet in these matters there was a difference between the sebastocratores, in that the brother of the emperor wore purple buskins embroidered with golden eagles, while Tornicius wore these buskins without such insignia. Furthermore, he honored Alexius Strategopoulos, formerly appointed grand domestic, as Caesar by a letter, granting him that dignity through a message. And these matters came to pass in this way.

83. The emperor, having wintered at Lampsacus, as spring shone forth, marched against Constantinople; for all his zeal and all his aim was to rescue Constantinople from the hand of the Latins. ^B He set out, then, against Constantinople, not trusting in his troops (for he did not lead an army capable of besieging such a city), but deceived by the words of his cousin, whose name was Asel. For he was deceiving the emperor, claiming that he had a house near the walls of the city and that he held the gates under his own authority, through which he could bring the emperor's troops inside the city silently and without a fight. By saying these things, he was winning his trust. For both the fact that he had been enriched by kinship, gifts, and honors, ^C and that he had suffered many misfortunes in the battle against the Prince of Achaea, and had abounded in many goods and favors at that time when he had given such promises to the emperor—and had himself received others from the emperor—persuaded him that the man was speaking the truth. Therefore, trusting in these things, the emperor moved his forces against Constantinople and encamped in the place called Galata, opposite the northern horn of the city. And while, as it seemed, he was attacking the fortress of Galata, in truth he was secretly sending messengers to Asel to ensure he kept his promises. But the latter, yearning for gain and not for the truth, ^D delayed the matter by weaving one excuse after another with fallacious and captious replies. However, when much time had passed and he achieved nothing—moreover, when the armed cohorts had even progressed and approached his house by night (for he himself had announced that this should happen)—then he was discovered to be lying and openly confusing the truth. And since he had no reasonable excuse to make, he laid the blame upon the prince of the city.

“For it does not seem proper,” he said, “for the keys of the city to remain in my possession,” and therefore he had taken them away, “and on account of this I am unable to carry out the task.” ^A Since the emperor had clearly recognized the man’s deception, he departed from that place. While on the road, three envoys sent by the Latins to the emperor requested peace; the emperor granted this, but for only a single year, having tightened the terms for them quite severely.

84. The emperor, having crossed the Hellespont, took possession of the parts around Pegae and spent his time there. But when the season of summer had passed and the autumn had also run its course, he departed from those regions for the ^B rest customarily intended for the emperors since they had become exiles from Constantinople, and arrived at Nymphaion. He sent me as an envoy to Constantine, the prince of the Bulgarians. I went away and spent several days with him; for at that time the feast days of Christ, both the Nativity and the Baptism, occurred—days on which the princes of the Bulgarians make a great display—and Constantine, the prince of the Bulgarians, wished me to be with them then and to be a spectator of what was taking place. Having therefore fulfilled the commissions laid upon me, I departed from Trinovos and went to the emperor, who was then tarrying at Nymphaion, where he had also passed the winter. At the beginning of spring, he went out from Nymphaion, having first celebrated the bright day of the Lord’s Resurrection there with joy and splendor. ^C He spent several days in the Phlebia, and upon arriving at a place named Clyzomene, he pitched his tents. For the emperors of Nymphaion were accustomed, when going out, to spend their time there and to pass the greater part of the spring season thus: the place is entirely plain, providing grass sufficient for many horses, is well-watered by streams, and has many villages and cities in its vicinity, whence the necessities of life are supplied in abundance, making it very suitable. While the emperor was there, the sebastokrator Tornikios, having arrived from Nicaea, modestly petitioned the emperor on behalf of the former patriarch Arsenios; for the patriarchal throne was vacant, ^D since Patriarch Nikephoros, who had ascended to the patriarchal height from being Metropolitan of Ephesus, had departed from this life to the heavenly, having stood at the head of the patriarchate for not even an entire year. This Arsenios had been appointed to the patriarchal throne by Emperor Theodore, a man most talented both in speech and in action, and especially in that eloquence which is innate: for one who is compared to him in terms of scholarly education had tasted very little of it at all. For since he had unlearned some things from his study of the encyclical philosophy, yet so that he might not be considered altogether inexperienced in these matters, nor appear ignorant of that which he had proposed to himself to neglect...

he was wounded in his soul by the dart of the love of God. Bidding farewell to all things in the world—things from which the majority cannot easily tear themselves away—he chose the monastic life. He had adorned the Emperor with the imperial crown, but when he saw that he was not in the least compliant with his own wishes, he grew hostile and exercised enmity toward him. Nor were Andronicus of Sardis and Manuel of Thessalonica, surnamed Opsaras, averse to this. But when the Emperor moved his camp toward Constantinople and pitched his seat nearby, the Sardian was invested with the monastic robe by Joannicius of Philadelphia; for he was constantly and not without vexation troubling the mind of the Emperor, that leave might be granted him to depart for Paphlagonia, whence he himself drew his origin. But the Emperor, being most highly skilled in the twisted ways of this man, prevented him from departing to those parts, for he had purposed in his mind to disturb all the affairs of the Paphlagonians because of the hostilities he was conducting against the Emperor. Yet the Emperor provoked him with most equitable speech: “You hold the metropolitan see of Sardis, not of Paphlagonia; therefore, the parts of Sardis are to be visited, to which you ought to be accustomed, and by staying there to feed the flocks committed to you.” ^C When, therefore, he saw that the Emperor was inexorable, and he himself knew not what to do, he embraced the monastic mode of life. Manuel of Thessalonica, unwillingly departing from Nicaea, led his life in the adjacent places. Arsenius, also, the former patriarch, himself departing thence, intruded himself into a monastery. Hence all the prelates, coming together to Lampsacus, by the vote of all and the command of the Emperor, elevated Nicephorus, the prelate of Ephesus, to the patriarchal throne. But he, as I have already said, did not even complete a full year managing the cathedra before he departed from the living. Then, indeed, the sebastocrator Tornicius, being intensely devoted to the love of Arsenius, urged the Emperor to promote Arsenius again to the patriarchal throne, bringing forth into the midst certain wonderful and portentous deeds of Arsenius, and he besought the Emperor, even to the point of annoyance, to choose him as patriarch, even against his will, as a thing not at all just to himself. Thus the Emperor, willing or unwilling, yielding place to the counsels of the sebastocrator, raised Arsenius again to the patriarchal dignity. And these things indeed concerning Arsenius happened thus.

85. The Emperor sends the Caesar Strategopulus to the western parts, and commands him to make an attempt upon Constantinople. For a very great number of ships from Venice—triremes, vessels, flat-bottomed boats, and dromonds—had at that time arrived at Constantinople, and the Podestà, who spurred on the Latins who were in Constantinople, [had arrived] with triremes and ships and flat-bottomed boats and dromonds to cross over toward Daphnusia. And it happened thus, and the city was emptied of men, guarded by the Emperor's Baldwin with only a few. Strategopulus, therefore, suddenly approached Constantinople, having with him some men who were from there and who knew the circumstances about it exactly. And having learned of a certain passage by which one armed man could enter about the walls, he went there. A man entered through this way, and then another, and another, and so on up to fifteen. And still more, as they entered, found a guard about the walls, whom they threw outside the walls, and having pried open the gates with axes, rendered the city free to those who were entering it. ^D

^A He had arranged for the Caesar to be sent with certain troops into the western parts, to engage the enemies of the Roman name who were there, having commanded them ^B that as they passed by—since the road leading thither was near to Constantinople—they should make an assault upon it and push their troops up to its gates, so that panic might be struck into the Latins who were inside. And it happened at that time, through the providence of God, that something of the sort occurred. For a very large, deep Latin ship from Venice had arrived at Constantinople, and a young man of great authority was present on it, whom they call *Potestat*, a man, as it appeared, who was energetic and daringly bold in matters of war; he incited the Latins who were in Constantinople to battle and advised them that it was not fitting that we—meaning them—should only keep the city and ourselves safe while remaining inside the city, but that we should also do something against the Romans, so that they might not act toward us with complete contempt. He therefore persuaded them to embark—in as many triremes as they had ^C and in certain other vessels, such as skiffs and dromons—and to proceed toward the island of Daphnusia, in the hope that they might be able to bring it under their control and obtain plunder from it. The city was thus emptied of its men, and it was being managed and guarded only by women and infants and by Baldwin, who was perhaps governing it in the king’s stead, along with a few ordinary men. Suddenly, then, the Caesar Alexios Strategopoulos arrived at night and approached Constantinople. Since he also had with him certain men ^D who were eager to take the city, they made an attempt upon it. Those inside, terrified by the suddenness, were each concerned for their own safety as best they could, and Baldwin retreated to the Great Palace. But the Latins who had gone off to Daphnusia, along with the *Potestat*, since they were unable to accomplish anything against them, returned to the city; for God protected the others. And having approached the city, they rushed to enter it. But the Roman troops, perceiving this, cast fire upon the houses of the Latins that lay along the seashore and burned them down—those of the Venetians first, and then those of the other tribes, which they called the Campi. When the Latins saw this, they took as many as they could into their triremes, and one having gone to the Great Palace and received Baldwin, they retreated. Thus did Constantinople, by the providence of God, return to the Romans, on the 25th of July, in the 4th indiction, in the year 6769 since the creation of the world, after having been held by the Latins for fifty-eight years. [index: entries preserved]

Notes by Theodorus Dousa and Leo Allatius

^A...and by this means fifteen and perhaps more men entered the city. Finding a certain man on the very wall to whom the guard had been entrusted, they seized him, climbed the wall, and threw him outside. Others, having drawn their axes and broken through the bolts of the gates, opened a free passage into the city for the army. In this way, therefore, Caesar Strategopulus and all the Romans and Scythians with him (for the army under his command was comprised of such) had gotten inside the city. The inhabitants inside, struck by the suddenness of the event, looked to their own safety as best they could. Some headed for the monasteries and donned monastic habits in order to escape slaughter, while women hid themselves in the holes of walls and in dark and secret storehouses. Baldwin, who ruled the city, dashed to the great palace. But the Latins who had gone away to Daphnusia, along with the Podestà who was with them, knowing nothing of what was happening, since they had been unable to accomplish anything against the island of Daphnusia (for God had protected those people), returned on their tracks to the city. They arrived as far as the temple of the commander of the heavenly hosts, Michael, which is situated at Anaplus, ^B still knowing absolutely nothing of what had been transacted. But once they had arrived there and learned these things, they rushed to attack the city. However, the Roman troops, learning of this, set fire to the houses of the Latins that lay along the shore and burned them down. ...the gate in the dead of night was admitted. But Emperor Baldwin and Patriarch Pantaleon Justinianus fled with all their own people and whatever belongings they could snatch onto a ship to the Euripus. Let Sabellicus be heard again, *Enneades* IX, book VI: "But while Baldwin fears the ultimate violence, the domestic front is oppressed, and the city, empty, was betrayed by a few to Palaeologus." And there are those who say he was absent when it was handed over to the enemy; but whether he was present when the enemy was received into the city, or whether he was in the camp, it is sufficiently established that Byzantium was lost by treachery. Alexius Strategopulus, and not Michael Palaeologus, captured Constantinople. For how could he, who was lingering at Nicaea and Peritheorium, have captured Constantinople? And certainly, if he had had sure faith in the Greeks regarding the recovery of Constantinople, he would not have entrusted such a glorious province to Alexius, but would have come himself to achieve a similar triumph, just as he had done the previous year, when, relying on the words of Aselis, he had led an army into Galata to capture that town, as it seemed, though in reality to occupy Byzantium; deceived nevertheless by the promises of Aselis, he returned to Nicaea with his mission unaccomplished. Add that the same Michael had not sent Alexius to occupy Constantinople, but to defeat the defector Michael, and that when the army was to be led near Constantinople, he had given instructions to Alexius not to capture it, but only to probe and strike fear into the Latins. Pachymeres, book II, p. 138. How Alexius later captured the city is narrated in detail by the writers of those times, Acropolita, Pachymeres, and perhaps Gregoras, whose statements are to be preferred to the dreams of Sabellicus and Blondus. Let anyone of a happy mind—that is, the same as Sabellicus and Blondus—believe that Baldwin fled to the Euripus with necessary and most precious things. For who could carry with him necessary and most precious things, when he left behind the ornaments of the empire, the insignia of his dignity, and all his most cherished possessions as booty for the enemy? ALL. Pachymeres, p. 147. ALL. Gregoras, p. 86, says that on the same day the news of the capture of Constantinople was brought to those who were besieging Daphnusia. Nor does Pachymeres seem to dissent, p. 144. ALL. They recount that immediately upon their entry into the city, before those who had gone to Daphnusia could return, the Caesar set fire to Byzantium, Acropolita after the return...

and above all the Venetians, and then the other nations, which they also named 12 Camps. When they saw 13 the city set on fire by the Latins, they beat their cheeks with their hands, and, taking as many as they could within their triremes and the remaining ships, they withdrew, one trireme 14 having gone to the great palace and taken up Baldwin, who had been in peril of his life. And these things happened thus 15, and the city of Constantine, through the providence of God and again under the hand of the emperor, returned to the Romans by a fair and fitting account, on the twenty-fifth day of July, being the fourth indiction, and in the year from the creation of the world 6769, after being held by the enemies for fifty-eight years.

^B 86. While the emperor was then camping at Meteorius, a rumor suddenly buzzed in the ears of the many during the night. The rumor 16 had been spread by a certain servant of the emperor’s sister, who was called Eirene, but who had been renamed Eulogia because of her monastic habit; having arrived to her from the regions of Bithynia, he had learned on the way from the Roman troops that Constantinople had been taken. Having as much speed as she could, the emperor’s own sister arrived at the emperor and found him sleeping; she therefore moved him gently and, in order to wake him, said in a louder voice, "You have taken, O emperor, Constantinople." She repeated this many times, but the emperor, remaining unmoved, did not respond. However, when she changed her words and said, "Rise, emperor: Christ has granted you Constantinople," he rose from his bed and, stretching his hands toward heaven, said 17, "I accept this word, sister, but I by no means accept what you said first—that I have taken Constantinople. For by what reason could I, who am at Meteorius, have conquered Constantinople? I never even sent a significant army against it. But I myself agree that these things are to be ascribed to God, and He is powerful enough to grant quickly what seems small and impossible to those whom He wills." Having said this, he gathered all those in authority ^C and inquired whether the things from the rumor seemed true to them. Some agreed that the rumor reported the truth, especially those to whom the departure of the Latins had become more accurately known. Others, however, doubted and were uncertain, not correctly grasping the judgments of divine providence, reasoning that the matter was extremely difficult and among those things which are not accomplished by easy means. During these conversations, the space of the night was spent in wakefulness; when day dawned, hope held all the army... 14 A single trireme; Gregoras, p. 86, writes that Baldwin sought safety by flight in a small boat. ALL. 15 And these things happened thus: Phranza: In such a way that great city and empress of cities, by the aid of God Almighty and the skill and military cleverness of the Caesar, was redeemed from the hands of the Italians and Latins, and at long last returned to the Romans after an interval of fifty-nine ^D years, three months, and four days. Pachymerius agrees with Acropolita. ALL. 16 The rumor. Pachymerius, lib. 11, ch. 26. ALL. 17 He said this: Gregoras, p. 86, and note that Gregoras says Constantinople was captured by eight hundred men, whereas he had said above that it was captured by the Caesar, even though he was not leading a thousand-man army, nor did he have any engines prepared for throwing down the walls. Pachymeres, p. 151. Phranza relates these same things more briefly. ALL.

^A And the interval of that day was also consumed, and nothing of these things was announced. Therefore all were anxious, dragging the matter out in their own minds and being distressed, and especially the emperor. Nevertheless, at the coming of night, a good messenger arrived, and he did not merely confess the deed, but narrated how the Roman soldier, along with the Caesar Strategopulos, had taken up residence inside Byzantium, and told everything as it had happened.

87. Therefore, the emperor, setting out from Meteorion, was rejoicing in his good fortune ^B and hastening toward Constantinople with all speed, fearing lest the Latins returning from Daphnusia might enter the city and engage in a great battle against the Romans, and being much more numerous than the Romans, might cast them out beyond the walls. But these things did not come to pass; for they, having been suddenly and unexpectedly cast down in spirit, were swift to take flight, as the account has already shown, and the emperor accelerated his journey. And when we had passed by the hills of Calamus and the emperor had pitched his tent near Achyraus, then indeed the imperial insignia of Baldwin, who was then reigning ^C as emperor in Constantinople, were brought over. These were a cap fashioned in the Latin style, studded with pearls, and shining on the top with a red stone; scarlet-dyed shoes; and a sword with a red silk covering. Then even the multitude was persuaded that the affair had taken place as reported, since the magnitude of the deed was such that men did not yield belief to the reports too rashly.

The emperor quickened his pace, traversing the stages of the journey with longer and faster strides. Drawing near to Constantinople, ^D it occurred to the emperor's mind that it would be more fitting for the occasion to make his entry into the city in a manner more divine than imperial. And he considered the way in which this might come about through words of thanksgiving to God and prayers in supplication on behalf of the empire, the priesthood, the city, and all its inhabitants and its populace. But he was looking for a writer of these prayers, and had decided upon the philosopher Blemmydes for the task. But the man was far away; for he was passing his time near Ephesus. Wherefore the matter seemed to be delayed and procrastinated all too much, though the emperor was very strenuously accelerating his entry, and was therefore distressed in his soul. But I myself smoothed out the difficulties for the emperor. For, "O emperor," I said, "if you desire these prayers to be written by the holy man, I have nothing to say; but if you think that your wish can be satisfied by anyone who is at least able to write, I myself will accomplish for you what you desire and compose the prayers." That this might be better approved by the emperor, and so that his entry might be swift, he preferred me to others for the writing of them. I immediately set myself to the work. And not yet had an entire day and night run their course, and three

and ten prayers I had written, each one having its proper purpose.

^A 88. The emperor reached Constantinople on the fourteenth day of August; but he did not enter the city on that same day, but pitched his tents at the monastery of Cosmidion, situated near the Blachernae. Having spent the night there, he rose early and carried out the entry into Constantinople in the following manner. Since the patriarch Arsenius was not present, and it was necessary that the prayers be recited aloud to the people by one of the bishops, George, the metropolitan of Cyzicus—whom they also called Clidas—supplied the need. Ascending one of the towers of the Golden Gate and carrying with him the image of the Theotokos—which for this reason is named from the monastery of the Hodegon—he recited the prayers to the hearing of all. ^B Meanwhile, the emperor, having removed his royal headgear and bent his knee, fell to the ground, and all who were with him fell on their knees behind him. But when the first of the prayers had been finished and the deacon signaled to rise, all stood up and shouted, "Lord, have mercy," counting it a hundred times. When these had been concluded by the prelate, another prayer was again proclaimed. As it was done in the first, so it was done in the second and in the others, and thus it proceeded until the completion of all the prayers.

When the service had been performed in this way—more in keeping with God than with a king—the emperor entered through the Golden Gate; for he traveled on foot, and the image of the Mother of God ^C led the procession before him. Having gone as far as the monastery of the Studion, he left the image of the all-pure Mother of God there, and mounting a horse, he arrived at the temple of the Wisdom of God. There, having worshiped the Lord Christ and offered the gratitude that was due to Him, he arrived at the great palace.

The Roman populace was thus filled with exultation and great delight and unspeakable joy; for there was no one who did not leap and rejoice, scarcely believing the event because of the unexpected nature of the deed and the overwhelming pleasure. Since it was also necessary for the patriarch to enter Constantinople, ^D the emperor, after an interval of some days and persuaded by arguments and entreaties, entered the sacred church, the great sanctuary of Wisdom, in order to entrust the throne to the pontiff. With the emperor had rushed all those established in dignities, the chief of the patricians, and the entire populace. There, the emperor, holding the hand of the patriarch, said, "Take,"

your throne, Lord, and the chair from which you have so long been absent." Thus also provision was made by the emperor for the patriarch. He entered, and it was so that after the passage of a few days, through speeches and the persuasion of these men, the emperor also went off to the sacred palace, the temple of the Great Church of Sophia, so that he might hand over the throne to the high priest. All those in office, the prominent men among the authorities, and the entire multitude had gathered together with the emperor. The emperor, taking the patriarch by the hand, said, "You have your throne, master, and that of which you were deprived for a long time. Now enjoy the chair." And thus, then, did matters turn out for the patriarch at the hands of the emperor.

^B 89. It happened at that time that something else occurred, which I considered not to be among those things that should be left unrecorded. I had written an oration on the recovery of Constantinople. The thesis of the oration at the beginning was thanksgiving to God for the good deeds and merciful guardianship and assistance returned toward the Romans; furthermore, there was also in the oration, beyond the commendations of the emperor, an act of gratitude toward the same. The request at the end of the oration was that Andronikos Komnenos, the first-born son of the emperor, be proclaimed emperor together with the emperor and his father, and be called to the administration. This escaped the notice of the many, and especially those in office, for whom the matter was not in accordance with their own wishes. The most prominent of our own, namely the Despot John, the emperor's brother, and his father-in-law the Sebastokrator Tornikios (for the Caesar Strategopoulos, even if he were present at such things, did not have any concern at all regarding these matters), being ignorant of the aim and the requirement of the proposal, compelled the emperor to be present for the hearing of the oration. The emperor was deeply annoyed; for already the sun was casting its rays at midday, and the time for the midday meal had passed.

^C The notes of Theodore Dousa and Leo Allatius.

ADDENDA

NOTICE

The author of the following Encomium is simply called Nicetas by the editor, without being distinguished by any other name. However, because St. Michael was the patron of Chonae, the fatherland of Nicetas Acominatus, and the style of writing is easily referred to the age of this Nicetas, we have therefore thought that this short work could be added to his works, until it can be proved from ancient codices whether we have done so mistakenly or deservedly. Edit.