JOANNIS BOIVINI DEDICATIO.
TO LOUIS THE GREAT.
To conduct affairs and to give laws to peoples is the task of a king. Yet, not all other things—even if they are less illustrious—are so unbecoming to great princes that they ought to neglect the care of arts and sciences or to despise literature and books. This, indeed, is agreed upon by all: that the reading of history is most useful and fruitful for those who rule. Therefore, Most August King, to whom books of this kind come offered, there is no lack of a just reason for them to excuse their boldness; nor ought it to seem surprising to anyone that I should dare to offer these Commentaries on Byzantine matters to Your Majesty. Indeed, even private motives—and those, too, weighty—compelled me, though timid and doubtful, to do so. For to whom else should I rather have consecrated this fruit of my labor, and these, as it were, first-fruits of my studies, than to You, from whom I have had all that I bring? You have provided the leisure, You the books, You the resources. By Royal presses, at Royal expense, this edition has been perfected. The work itself comes in great part from Your Library. As for the history comprised in these books, it is of such a nature that it will immediately entice not only the heir and defender of the French name, but any lover of it whatsoever, even at the very beginning of its narration. For its beginning is the capture of Constantinople by our people, the division of that most noble empire among Your peers, Baldwin of Flanders and Louis of Blois; the wealth of the Comneni cut away, their forces worn down and scattered. These are great and illustrious things. But as one proceeds further, there appear things no less significant: the vast army of the Franks fighting under the banners of Christ, Asia subdued, deeds bravely performed by land and sea by Charles, brother of the divine Louis, against Michael Palaeologus; finally, the incredible victories of the Catalans (for the glory of these, too, pertains to us) over the Turks, over the Byzantines, over the Achaeans. These honors, Most Great King, Nicephorus Gregoras’s History—adorned with such decorations and illuminated as if by certain lights of French valor—You will, I hope, receive kindly. The historian himself truly has his own praises, by the commendation of which he may easily win over to himself an excellent prince: the noble title of Philosopher among his own, the public profession of almost all doctrines, the intimacy of emperors, the insignia of the highest dignity in the Greek Church rejected, and (than which nothing will be greater in Your sight, the defender of the true religion) labors exhausted for the right doctrine of faith until his last breath. But why do I say these things to You, Most August King, at such an obviously inopportune time? When all Your thoughts are claimed by so many and such great affairs; when legions must be gathered from everywhere, fleets armed, towns fortified; when the enemy must be warded off not only from our own borders but also from those of our allies; when, finally, the salvation of peoples, the protection of kings, and the care of almost the entire world call Your providence to themselves. I cease from saying more. But may You, Most Great of kings, compose wars both with wise counsels and with victorious arms; so that, with peace imposed upon the enemy, You may live long for Yourself and for Your own. These are public prayers. This is what religion, this is what Your pupils, the arts and sciences, pray for; this, flourishing daily through You with new riches, the Royal Library and the Louvre Press pray for along with me.
JOANNIS BOIVINI PREFATIO.
This year is the fourteenth since Charles du Cange, a man of outstanding merit in literature, was the one who encouraged me to translate into Latin the six historical books of Nicephorus Gregoras which existed in manuscript in the Royal Library; so that, after the edition of the Paschal Chronicle, to which he had applied the finishing touch, was completed,
those six books might be added to those which Wolf had published and be committed to the Royal presses. At that time, I was intent on collecting the Letters of Libanius, and I had already rendered quite a few of them from Greek into Latin. It was right that I, as a young man and a novice, should obey the counsel of an A exceptionally learned man. Yet, although I was wonderfully delighted by the pleasantries and elegances of Libanius and was reluctant to leave them, I was nonetheless subservient to those instructions; and this was all the more so because, added to his own exhortations, there was the desire of the most illustrious Abbot Camille Le Tellier, a young man who was excellent in character and learned beyond his years, to whom I had dedicated myself and all my studies. He was prefect of the Royal Library and was already proving himself worthy of that office. In order that I might undertake the task imposed upon me with a more eager spirit, he even invoked the authority of his father, a man of the highest standing, who was then sustaining—under the King—the charge not only of war but also of the sciences and the fine arts.
Under these auspices, having set out to interpret the books of Gregoras, I promised myself that all things would be happy and auspicious. But the reality itself deceived my expectation by a great deal. For a few days later, he who, upon my entering a new path, could have led and illuminated me more than anyone else, the excellent and most learned Du Cange, passed away. With this torch of Byzantine history extinguished, I—not sufficiently acquainted with the way—obtained help for my labor and diligence; and the interpretation of those six books, of which he had barely managed to translate one into Latin before his death, I completed after his passing as best I could. Finally, through a cruel war raging throughout Europe, the work of peace was interrupted. And thus, the edition of our Gregoras was deferred to another time; to which delay then occurred another most disastrous one: the sudden death of the Marquis Le Tellier de Louvois, which almost completely overturned those brilliant hopes of my endeavors.
B But it happened most opportunely that at that time there was staying in Rome a man endowed with singular humanity, J. Vivantius, a Doctor of Sacred Theology of Paris, and also a member of the Sorbonne. Through his care and the obliging diligence of the Reverend Father Dom Stephanotius, and at the expense of the most illustrious Abbot Camille Le Tellier, I eagerly read the nine books described from the Vatican codex and sent to me from Rome, and I perceived that it was the very same Ecclesiastical History which had been mentioned by Possevino in his *Apparatus Sacer*. These nine books, added to the eleven of Wolf and to those six which were in my possession, made the number of twenty-six books. After the twenty-sixth, we were still lacking the twenty-seventh. We had the rest in the Royal Library, except for the last five. Eventually, these too, together with the twenty-seventh, reached us in their entirety, through the efforts and at the expense of Frederik Rostgaard, a nobleman of Denmark; of which matter I shall speak more fully below.
In the midst of these things, by the justice and moderation of the victor Louis the Great, peace was restored to Europe. The administrator of the kingdom, burdened then by the urgent anxieties of difficult times (now Chancellor of France), Louis Phélypeaux de Pontchartrain, turned his whole mind and thought to the ornamentation of peace, according to the things recommended to him by the King. C Joannes Paulus Bignonius, a most noble abbot—today a consistorial count—could hardly bear that the Greek type of the Louvre workshop, the most elegant of any that have ever existed, should remain useless and idle. During the very time of the war, when his uncle Pontchartrain was distracted by infinite negotiations, he had thus protected the rights of the literary republic and the academies, so that he was always a distinct benefit to literature and the prizes were duly paid to the academic men. To him, therefore, with matters now peaceful and tranquil, this was not the least of his cares: to illustrate with the Royal Greek type-faces the books of the Greeks. Whence, joined by a long familiarity, he exhorted me to commit to the presses of the Royal printer the writings of Nicephorus Gregoras, which I had often said I had prepared. I, indeed, with the permission—nay, the command—of those whose authority is paramount with me, immediately seized the offered opportunity; and a few days later, the edition of the first volume was begun. In this part, since Wolf preceded me, I shall set forth what I have done privately.
Among the manuscript codices of the Royal Library, there is one paper manuscript to which the number 2558 is inscribed; besides the entire History of Pachymeres, it includes eleven historical books of Gregoras, namely those which were first published by Wolf. In that codex, of otherwise good quality and sufficiently ancient (for it was written... D [the accuracy of the 21 books] in one codex of the Vatican... and the last, indeed, would be inscribed 'Roman History 38,' or Byzantine History book XXXVIII).
Meanwhile, I reaped this profit from those very public and private calamities: I had the leisure throughout ten years to correct and refine what I had written, and in addition to unearth other books of Gregoras from the shadows and add them to those which I had first possessed. For, by reading through the various catalogs of manuscript codices, I understood that many more books of Byzantine History by Nicephorus Gregoras had been edited than existed, whether printed or in manuscript, upon the Royal shelves. Labbeus taught me that there lay hidden in the Library of the Escorial twenty-nine historical books of this author; and not long after I stumbled upon a Royal codex which contained the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth historical books, joined with four dogmatic ones. I learned from the *Apparatus Sacer* of Antonio Possevino and from an old catalog that the Ecclesiastical History of the same Gregoras was preserved in the Vatican Library, as well as the Acts of the council, or (as it is called in the same place) the *Lestrike Synodos* [Robber Council], and the narrative of the persecution directed against the orthodox by the Palamites. Finally, the Reverend Father Dom Jean Mabillon, who omits no opportunity to assist these studies of ours, communicated to me an accurate list of twenty-one books, in one codex [of those] existing in the Vatican.
A ...before the capture of Constantinople by the Turks), a singular feature is that what is missing or imperfect in the published books is found there entire. But there were lacking in the published books those three fragments which Petavius, having received them from Fronton du Duc, first published and appended to the *Historical Breviary* of the Patriarch Nicephorus. Other things of no small account were also missing, such as that notable passage concerning the severity of the Patriarch Athanasius and the reformation of the monks' morals; likewise, the things belonging to the seventh chapter of that same book, to the second chapter of the ninth book, and also to the second chapter of the eleventh book. Finally, in almost every page, some word or even several were missing. We have supplied all these defects in this edition from that Royal codex. The larger supplements are indicated in the margins; the smaller ones are enclosed in brackets; errors, moreover, which were numberless, have been removed with the help of the same codex.
Again, this is most worthy of note in that same codex: that as for those things which Gregoras inserted in the last four books—many things elaborated by him at various times—almost all of them are missing there. And yet, they have been cut out in their own proper places in such a way that the context of the narrative is not interrupted by a breach, but proceeds whole and continuous, with all its parts fittingly coherent. I would like to believe this was done by the judgment of Gregoras himself; nor is it far from the truth that, the fire of his first version having cooled, he reviewed his own work and cut out those things which he had sewn on for the sake of showing off his talent, such as monodies, orations, and other things of that kind. I fear, however, that he, being somewhat too greedy for glory, may have re-interwoven into the repeated work those same patches which he had omitted in the first writing. Certainly these very things, which we say are absent from the Royal codex, pertain nothing to history; nay, they interrupt the series of historical events and present a delay to a reader hastening toward more important matters. Yet, because they held the same position in that manuscript codex which Wolfius used as they have in the published books, we have not dared to move them or relegate them elsewhere: but we have thought it sufficient to warn the reader that they, and certain other things enclosed in brackets, do not appear in the Royal codex.
B ...we reserved for those to be annexed to the appendices of this volume. It is established from the catalog of the Séguier library that there exists there, among the Greek manuscript codices, a *Syntax of Roman History* by Nicephorus, joined with the *Chronicle* of Zonaras. It would have been worth the labor to compare that codex, in which the title itself indicates the first eleven books of Nicephorus Gregoras are contained, with the printed ones. But access to that library has not yet been open to me.
I had initially decided to represent the Latin translation, whose author was Hieronymus Wolfius—a great name among the learned—in a sincere and intact state with the utmost fidelity; but there were many reasons for changing this plan afterward. Gregoras, a man of wide-ranging erudition and a pretender to the art of rhetoric, often strays from his purpose and digresses to matters that pertain little or nothing to the subject. In these *πλαρείργοις* [digressions], he is remarkably verbose. Wolfius, intent more on the subject matter than the words, strove to make them more concise. Therefore, he restrained his exuberance and suppressed the things that were entirely redundant. I, for my part, thought it would be worth the labor if I adhered to the footsteps of the Greek author and, if I did not weigh his words to the readers, at least weighed them religiously and faithfully; which, as I suppose, is the best method of translating. In some places, the most learned interpreter also seemed to me to have deflected from the true sense, or to have expressed the meaning of the author obscurely and contortedly. I say nothing of minor faults, from which no work, however polished and refined, can ever be entirely free: which faults, as they often elude us in our own labors, so they hardly ever escape notice in those of others. I have indeed diligently labored to remove these blemishes, sprinkled as they are over an otherwise excellent body, and I do not think I have done Wolfius an injury by that, but rather I profess and contend that I have deserved well of him. Nor, because I correct his lapses from time to time, do I therefore set myself up as being more learned or more diligent; nor do I dare for that reason to withdraw from his head that which he wears with much praise.
C ...Several various readings were supplied for the most part by that same Royal codex; but a few were provided by the one numbered 2078, which differs little from the published ones, except that it differs in the division of the books and chapters; yet it contains no more than four books, even though an index of six books is prefixed. Two monodies, namely those that constitute the beginning of the tenth book, were corrected and illustrated by some readings from the Colbertine codex 4950, the copy of which was made available to us by that man as learned as he is amiable, Stephanus Baluzius. We have had, besides, some readings described from the Vatican codex by the study and diligence of Fridericus Rostgaard. But those, because they were brought late—when the pages to which they belonged were already finished and had already been multiplied under the press—therefore...
D ...In this manner, both the Greek and the Latin were augmented and reviewed by us. Added to this, the books have been divided by a new arrangement; for in the previous editions, the chapters, ordered quite rashly and inharmoniously, even lacked numbers. Smaller sections have been added. Arguments, or summaries, have been prefixed to individual chapters, more accurate than the common ones and accommodated to the numbers of the sections. Years, months, days, the rising and setting of stars, eclipses of the sun and moon, and various characters of the times have been noted from time to time. It seemed best to omit the sententiae and frequent judgments on morality, as well as certain other things of lesser moment, so that they would not be a burden to the margins. Brief notes were added where there was need; more elaborate ones were rejected to the end of the second volume. Furthermore, the posthumous notes of the most learned Ducange hold the first place among these; which, a little later...
the excellent son of a most excellent father, Philippus Ducangius, questor of France at Poitiers, had entrusted to my care. This Royal edition differs from the common versions in these parts and numbers: of which I have seen no more than four to this day; yet six, or at least five, have been published. Fridericus Rostgaard gathered that the first was published in Germany in Greek and Latin in 1559, from the Wolfian Preface, or rather the prosphonetic Epistle to Antonius Fugger, given in that very year. Given this B, the second would be that which was published in Latin at Basel in the year 1562. The third, which was in Latin, Paris, 1567. The fourth, which was in Italian, translated by Lud. Dolce, edited by Augustino Ferentilli, Venice, 1569 in 4to. The fifth, which was in Latin, Frankfurt on the Main, 1587. The sixth, which was in Greek and Latin, Cologne, 1615. Hankius observes that Gregoras’ History was also published at Cologne, Planiciana, in the year of Christ 1616; Warthonus counts two Frankfurt editions; the first in 1568, the second in 1587.
In the second volume, we have used two transcripts, each copied from the ancient exemplars at Rome. The first transcript, which exists in the Royal Library under number 2079, was written in a learned and elegant hand more than one hundred and fifty years ago, as is clear from the testimony of the scribe himself, who upon completing the work subscribed it thus: *This work was completed on the 18th of October, in the year 1543, transcribed by the zeal and diligence of Christopher Awer, a German; and by the munificence and most ardent love for letters of George of Armenia (D'Armagnac), bishop of Rodez and Vabres, sent to Rome as legate from the king of the Gauls to the supreme pontiff Paul III.* From this codex, we have taken care to have the first six books of this second volume accurately transcribed (for I had scruples about committing the codex itself to the printers) for the press. The second transcript, written at Rome five years ago and brought to Paris by the most illustrious J. Vivant, was very faulty. It is no wonder, for as with us, so also at Rome, there is a great scarcity of those calligraphers who have a hand practiced in Greek; and thus it is necessary to recur to rude and unskilled scribes whenever the matter concerns the transcribing of Greek codices. From that transcript, seven books come to light today, which complete the remainder of this second volume; and these, with the exception of A not many full ones, were corrected from the Vatican exemplar; with which we have compared dubious readings through most learned men, whose task it was not irksome to bear the tedium and disgust of this work, which is in itself thankless, for the sake of our own and the public utility. Therefore, in this place, if they would easily permit it, we would offer them great thanks; especially the most illustrious abbots, Laurentius Alexander Zaccagni, and the Reverend Father Delmiro; who, as prefects of the Vatican Library, guard the most precious treasure entrusted to them with such integrity and intactness that, nevertheless, all learned men may perceive the great fruit communicated from it, and may kindle a light clear for themselves and their own from that conspicuous light of the whole learned world. From that very Vatican exemplar, as I have already said, Fridericus Rostgaard, through a learned man, his countryman, dedicated five complete books to the Royal Library, and consigned that wish of his in elegant heroic verses prefixed to them. But of these books, more conveniently elsewhere. For they pertain to the third volume.
Scarcely any various readings have been noted in the margins of this part; because we possess a single exemplar of those books which constitute this volume. I say a single one: for the Vatican exemplars were neither in our possession, nor are they to be reckoned as different, since our own were transcribed from them. But such readings as we have received from learned men from them, we have transferred, as the true and genuine writing, not into the margins, but into the middle of the page and into the text itself (as they say): except for those which, having been brought by my dearest friend Lodovico Tarnio recently, we have relegated to the notes at the end of the second volume.
Indeed, here I cannot refrain from grieving both for my own sake and that of Nicephorus Gregoras; because, although it could have been sent into the public here by us, not only complete, but also polished and filed, yet it sees the light at last perhaps sprinkled with more stains and deformed. For it could hardly have happened that many things in a very faulty transcript should not have escaped my eyes, and remained incorrect. Yet this writer could have been given to us far more corrected, if the ancient exemplars which exist on the Vatican shelves had been in our possession. But indeed, not all things are given to one. But what I could not do, that perhaps some day, if the matter shall seem of such importance, the happier industry of another will perform.
As far as our Latin interpretation is concerned, if I should affirm that I have everywhere attained the mind of the Greek writer, I should be arrogant; especially since this did not happen even to Wolfius himself, a veteran and practiced interpreter. We can both, however, defend ourselves in this way: that for one who enters upon a path worn by no one's foot, it is most difficult not to slip; especially if that path be slippery and rugged and full of potholes, such as our Nicephorus throws in one's way here and there; who, as often as it has pleased him to wander (and it pleases him but too often), believes himself to be then most eloquent and elegant, when his sente-
- nce he can entangle as much as possible in the labyrinths of words.
For the individual pages of the first volume, since the chronological system in that part of the history did not seem sufficiently certain, we could not specify the year. Therefore, in that place, instead of years, the reigns or the names of the ruling emperors have been placed. In the second volume, we have added the years themselves, since these were established, but we have omitted the names of the emperors. Indeed, since for the ten continuous years which this volume contains, the imperial power was held by two princes, Palaiologos and Cantacuzenus, we judged it useless to repeat on every page what it would have been sufficient to have indicated once. We have divided the books into chapters, and the chapters into sections, by the same method we employed in the first volume. In the summaries and in the notes as well, we have followed the very same procedure.
B At first, it was our intention to relegate the dispute with Cabasilas, which is contained in three books (though not entire, for it runs from the beginning of the twenty-second almost to the middle of the twenty-fourth), to the end of the second volume, because it seemed not to pertain sufficiently to the history. Finally, lest the continuous series of the books be broken, I decided that I would do better if I preserved its own proper place for it. One thing held me back: that I had not yet translated that dispute into Latin, nor did I have the leisure to complete that task as well. Meanwhile, M. Claude Capperonnier, a theological licentiate of Paris, kindly offered me his aid. C To him, a man most learned in both Greek and Latin, I was easily persuaded to entrust those parts; especially because what he was to undertake to translate was almost entirely dogmatic, and thus could scarcely be expressed in proper and clear words by anyone who had not been much engaged in theological matters and trained by the daily practice of the schools: something which, if it ever fell to anyone, certainly fell most abundantly to him.
The third volume will consist of fourteen books: eight historical, and six truly dogmatic; about which it is unnecessary to provide a preface at the beginning of this volume.
The fourth volume, besides a vast poem in Greek about the holy war, and likewise about the expeditions of the Franks in Constantinople, the Peloponnese, and Naples, will contain select minor works of various authors; those, namely, which can illuminate the history of Nicephorus Gregoras.
Among them will be:
I. A narrative of Nicetas Choniates concerning the statues of Constantinople, which the Latins, after the capture of the City, broke up and minted into coinage. A copy of this narrative, transcribed from the Bodleian codex, was provided for me by the most illustrious man Johann Ernst Grabe.
II. Two orations of Theodore Laskaris. 1. An enconium of his father, the emperor John Doukas. 2. A eulogy for the city of Nicaea, from the Royal codex.
III. The Testament of Arsenius the patriarch, edited by Cotelier.
IV. The epistle of Athanasius the patriarch to the elder Andronicus; and select reports from a unique codex which the most Rev. C. Maurus Tellier, Archbishop and Duke of Reims, recently donated to the Royal Library along with many others.
V. A historical poem of Manuel Philes concerning the deeds of Michael Glabas, transcribed from another Royal codex (formerly of Tellier).
VI. The volume of the Pseudo-synod of the Palamites, edited by Combefis.
VII. Excerpts from the writings of Nicephorus Blemmydes, Gregory of Cyprus, Theodulus the Rhetorician, Nicephorus Choumnos, Barlaam, Acindynus, Palamas, Nicholas Cabasilas, Philotheus the patriarch, the physician Taronites, Cantacuzenus, Demetrius Cydones, Gregoras himself, and others, all of them—with a very few exceptions—unpublished.
Thus the entire work will consist of four volumes (c), which I hope will be completed shortly, with the encouragement for these studies of ours given by the most illustrious count, son of the chancellor, Jérôme Phélypeaux de Pontchartrain. For he, having been admitted to the secret councils of the King and placed in charge of the administration of naval affairs, furthermore applies himself to the ordering of the arts and academies, being himself both successor and rival to his father; whom he reflects so well through his love of letters and men of letters and his mind cultivated in the liberal disciplines, that he seems to have succeeded him not so much in his charges as in his glory.
(c) Volumes III and IV did not see the light of day. But of those things which were promised here, most appeared later and exist in the previous volumes or in those next following our collection. - EDIT. PATR.
LIFE, WORKS, AND EULOGIES OF NICEPHORUS GREGORAS. Joannes Boivinus wrote to the Illustrious Abbot Camille Tellier, Prefect of the Royal Library.
VITA.
Martinus Hankius, a learned man and one not moderately versed in Greek and Latin histories, published not long ago an accurately narrated life of Gregoras. But he had not seen any of Gregoras's books other than the eleven previously edited by Hieronymus Wolfius. I, however, as you well know, most noble Abbot, have possessed the complete thirty-nine; likewise certain other unpublished works of the same author, and among them the dialogue *On Wisdom*, which is also inscribed *Florentius*. Having read through all these, as well as the books of other writers contemporary with Gregoras, I have learned many things that to this day have been investigated by few; and I have decided to set forth anew an account of the man, already (as we have said) treated by that learned man, but one who was destitute of those very aids. Furthermore, if I had woven a sort of patchwork, like Hankius, by gathering fragments of other people’s works from all sides, I feared that a subject small in itself might gradually grow into a vast volume. I preferred, therefore, to commemorate each thing briefly and in my own words, in a nearly continuous narrative; that is to say, as I have collected, by your expense and authority, most illustrious Abbot, the books of this historian, previously dispersed through various libraries, so that you might have his words and deeds briefly comprised by us in a little book, and might the more easily understand how great the renown in which our Gregoras flourished among his own people, and that you might not regret the labor we have devoted to this writer. I am not, however, so unjust as to think that I have done enough for you for my duty with this slight sign of gratitude: nor am I so ignorant of the magnitude of your merits toward me that I would flatter myself that I am able to return thanks equal to your benefits.
Around the year of Christ 1293, during the reign of Andronicus the Elder, Nicephorus Gregoras was born in A Asia. Patriarch Philotheus makes him a Paphlagonian in his *Antirrhetica*. He himself calls himself a Heracleote in his dialogue *On Wisdom*. He certainly had as an uncle Joannes, the metropolitan of Heraclea, that is, the one which is called Heraclea Ponti and is situated in the borders of Paphlagonia. Of his parents and other relatives, nothing has been handed down to memory.
Educated in that city, he laid the foundations of his boyish learning under his uncle the prelate. Then, transferred to Byzantium, he surrendered himself to the training of the patriarch Joannes Glykys, who was held to be the most eloquent among the men of that age and most skilled in Attic speech. The studious youth, however, was so delighted by the company of this pontiff that he would hang upon his words day and night. In turn, the style of the disciple was so pleasing to the patriarch himself that, when he was debilitated by a long illness, he ordered him to write and compose his testament for him.
In that city he laid the foundations of his boyish learning under his uncle the prelate. Then, transferred to Byzantium, he surrendered himself to the training of the patriarch Joannes Glykys, who was held to be the most eloquent among the men of that age and most skilled in Attic speech. The studious youth, however, was so delighted by the company of this pontiff that he would hang upon his words day and night. In turn, the style of the disciple was so pleasing to the patriarch himself that, when he was debilitated by a long illness, he ordered him to write and compose his testament for him.
As he had the patriarch for a master in rhetoric, so in astronomy he had a great logothete as an excellent teacher. This was Theodorus Metochites: who indeed at first, whether because he had not yet plumbed the genius of the adolescent Gregoras, or because he thought it a sacrilege for the secrets of the sciences to be rashly divulged, spoke with him sparingly and did not communicate the full knowledge of things to him. But then, overcome by earnest entreaties and by an oration of the same youth composed to persuade him, he perfectly and abundantly imparted to him all the recondite precepts of the art. Moreover, he did not proclaim just once that he had established him as the heir of his own learning; and he confessed this more openly in those verses which he wrote as an exile. Finally, he valued him so highly that he almost equaled him to his own children. And so, the Chora monastery having been restored at great expense, he established him as a partner and assistant there for all things.
A Furthermore, Gregoras educated the children of Metochites, namely a son and a daughter, and read to them and interpreted the most obscure writings of the ancient authors. He always honored Metochites himself with every kind of duty: he comforted him with his words when he was struck and afflicted by the fear of looming calamity; he publicly lamented him when he was dead in a funeral oration. His statement regarding him is also well-known. Indeed, when asked by Andronicus the Elder how Metochites, having started from humble beginnings (for he had learned very little from his instructor Bryennius), had emerged as a supreme astronomer, Gregoras said, "It is no wonder that a great torch is kindled from a small lamp." Cantacuzenus says that the emperor lauded this incisive reply, as he had placed the nature of the matter before his eyes with an obvious and familiar image.
The Byzantine court flourished with the study of the liberal arts, favored by the emperor Andronicus, so that his house seemed to be not only a workshop of honor and every virtue, but also a gymnasium of literary erudition and a sort of open curriculum for the contests of rhetoric. And so, at that time, there was the greatest harvest of orators, philosophers, and other learned men among the Greeks. Gregoras, having been sated by the company of the Great Logothete, believed it expedient for himself, now that he was twenty-seven years old, to join practical experience to theory and to emerge from the shadows into the light. Therefore, trusting in his studies, he betook himself to the emperor himself, that he might, if he could, insinuate himself into his intimacy. Having been received most lovingly and more kindly than he had dared to hope, he delivered a speech before him and praised the two virtues in him: wisdom and eloquence. As time went on, he found him so benevolent that some were indignant that a youth, commended by no dignity or priesthood, should have such great favor with the prince. Andronicus, in order to stop the mouths of his detractors, decided to confer upon the young man the first honors of the Church, and he immediately offered him the dignity of *chartophylax* as a pledge, and he was already preparing the robes and insignia of the dignity, as if he were undoubtedly about to accept. Gregoras, pleading his immature age and his commitment to his studies, gave thanks and, having praised the emperor, refused the offered honor. Nearly force was brought to bear upon him for refusing.
Some time later, a noble controversy arose among the scholars. Men of learning C and wisdom would frequently meet there in the palace and dispute in the presence of Andronicus the Elder about whatever was worthy of knowledge. When, therefore, they were frequently present there on one occasion, Andronicus, wishing to provide an opportunity for speaking to Nicephorus Gregoras, whom he cherished greatly, introduced the subject of astronomy. Then Gregoras, who had long desired to report to the emperor regarding the Pasch, first began to praise astronomy itself; then he said that its use also pertained to the correction of the Paschal cycle. Thus, slowly D and imperceptibly bringing forth the question he had premeditated, he lucidly explained his opinion on establishing the day of the Pasch: he provided the method for investigating the vernal equinox as well as for observing the full moon: he showed that to the 365 days which constitute the solar year, not a full quarter of a day should be added, but that the shortest part of a day should be deducted from it—yet not entirely the three-hundredth part itself, as Ptolemy had supposed; finally, he gathered many other things on that matter, from which it was concluded that from the year of the world 6300, which was 792 of Christ, there was an error in setting the chronology and in observing the day of the Pasch; but when in fact the error could be corrected if a little more than two full days were subtracted from the sum of the days, and the observation of the Pasch were instituted immediately before the twentieth day of March, which was wont to be instituted incorrectly from the twenty-second. The emperor approved the plan for correcting the Pasch; he did not want to attempt the matter itself, because he maintained it was not easy to collect the votes of all nations and to abolish a use received throughout the whole world. Gregoras’s opinion was later defended by other astronomers chronologically, and among them first by Isaac Argyrus. Finally, in the sixteenth century, when that question was agitated among the Latins as well, the calendar was reformed by the authority of Gregory XIII in almost the same way that Gregoras had designated.
In the year 1326, he went as an envoy to the Crales. The cause of this legation was this: The daughter of Theodore Metochites, Irene—her husband, John Palaiologos, who had recently been created *Panhypersebastos Caesar*, having died—was staying with the Crales as his daughter-in-law, and she refused to return home to her father. And so, Metochites the father was the prompter to the emperor to force her to return. Legates were sent to the Crales for that reason, one of whom was Gregoras, who was given as a companion to the brother of Irene herself. In that legation, the errors, dangers, and other events that happened to him and his companions on the journey he describes at length in his *History*. The Crales, having heard the legation, dismissed his mother-in-law Irene. She, in order to pay what was just to her husband, set out from there for Thessalonica. Gregoras, however, having accepted her mandates, returned to Byzantium.
A Two years later, the younger Andronicus entered Constantinople by night through treachery. All power was abrogated from the elder. The house of Theodore Metochites was plundered, and he himself was relegated to Didymoteichon, whence after two years he was recalled and returned home. Gregoras, who had followed the same party, was stripped of his goods, but was not sent into exile. Verily, because he had always studied leisure and tranquility and had not handled public affairs, a lighter punishment was inflicted upon him. That year, too, was mournful due to the death of John, Archbishop of Heraclea, his uncle indeed, who had served him well, and who was—as he says—his guardian from infancy, concerning whose character, learning, and morals he speaks only briefly and in passing in the *History*, because he had published a separate book on his life. In the year following, as it appears, 1329, prophetic booklets were brought to Byzantium from Italy and Colchis; Gregoras, at the insistence of his friends, partly refuted them and partly B despised them: he refuted them, indeed, by a letter which survives in book IX, chapter 2 of the *History*.
Before the principate of the younger Andronicus, Nicephorus Gregoras already had a great multitude of students. With the change in the state of affairs, he gave himself over entirely to grief; so much so that, abandoning the duty of teaching and having bid farewell to his auditors, he decided to pass the remainder of his life in perpetual silence. And perhaps he might have remained steadfast in his resolution, had not an unexpected event soon compelled him to resume his former custom of philosophizing. How this happened, he narrates at length himself, but with changed names, in that dialogue which, as I have already said, is inscribed *Florentius or On Wisdom*. The sum of the whole narrative is this: Barlaam the Calabrian, when he had migrated from Italy to Greece in order to draw forth from the Greek sources the philosophy of Aristotle, which he had received not sufficiently pure from Latin interpreters, first settled in Aetolia. There, putting off his Latin garment, he donned Greek habit and custom and learned to speak Greek. Thence he betook himself to Thessalonica; and in that city, in which letters were then flourishing, having delayed for a long time, he acquired a greater use of Greek speech and C prepared himself. Then, puffed up with pride, he began to think highly of himself and to despise others. Finally, he arrived at Byzantium. When he had arrived there, his first concern was this: to gather as many students to himself as possible from everywhere. The name of Theodore Metochites was illustrious among the learned, having recently been recalled from exile; nor did the fame of Gregoras’s erudition commend him any less. By carping at these men, Barlaam set out to sell himself and to pull the wool over the eyes of the unskillful; and he enticed to himself some who were won over by a similarity of character, with whom he nurtured vain hopes for a long time. Finally, because he was not succeeding, and the fame of Nicephorus Gregoras was burning the ambitious man, he therefore dared—some persons urging him on—to challenge him openly and to provoke him to a dialectical struggle. Gregoras, afflicted by his own misfortunes and also by the very serious illness of his friend Metochites, initially refused the contest. Then, upon his friends requesting it, and urging him to defend his own glory and that of his fellow citizens, and with some man of great authority—I know not who—ordering it and urging it with threats, he reluctantly descended into the arena, about to contend for the palm of erudition with the Italian. In that disputation, he reduced his adversary, who had boasted that he knew everything, to the point that he confessed himself to be wholly ignorant of astronomy, grammar, rhetoric, and poetics: indeed, that he did not know any books of Aristotle, except those that dealt with physical matters or pertained to dialectic. Furthermore, he taught that logic and syllogisms, in which the Italians gloried uniquely, were not science, but an instrument of science, and thus an ornament of a humble mind. Moreover, he showed that Aristotle, whom Barlaam asserted to be consistent with himself in all things, had contradicted himself more than once. As Barlaam yielded, another D athlete arose and fought on behalf of Aristotle; but he too, in vain. Gregoras, having been declared victor, having collected the benevolence of the princes by this merit, was restored to his former place of grace and honor. Barlaam, having attempted more than once to erase the stain branded upon him, after he noticed that the inclinations of all the Byzantines were turned away from him and inclined toward Gregoras, betook himself to the Thessalonians.
Thus Gregoras returned to his first institute of life, that is, to the educating of those who are studios in theology. Cantacuzenus also, in book II, chapter 39 of his *History*, says: "There was a monk from Calabria, trained in the customs and laws of the Latins, named Barlaam, otherwise sharp in understanding and most capable of explaining what he had understood, and very famous regarding these things, who later—to the detriment of Euclid, Aristotle, and Plato—arrived in the Roman empire." Then, a little later: "And for these reasons, as well as for his other wisdom, he enjoyed the benevolence and honor of the Emperor, and was loved no less by the Great Domestic, and was deemed worthy of care, and nothing was lacking to him to be in prosperity."
A He returned to the public profession of teaching. In this office, he held many people of all nations, ranks, and conditions bound and as it were enslaved to him; so that both parents and children, and whole families of citizens, rendered him the greatest thanks, as to a father and to a guide who led the way for them in all the most beautiful branches of study. Hence he made a name for himself, known and celebrated in almost the entire world, and by antonomasia he was commonly called the Philosopher (37), just as Aristotle is in the schools today. Truly, not only beardless adolescents gathered at his house daily, but also philosophers of consummate doctrine (38), astronomers, rhetoricians, and other literary men of advanced age; whom, obviously, Gregoras's knowledge of every kind and his museum, most furnished with mathematical and bookish equipment (59), attracted, having been summoned from everywhere.
B Meanwhile, the elder Andronicus died (40), deprived of both his eyes, tonsured, and reduced to the utmost destitution of all things. Gregoras, who had honored him when he was Emperor, attended him as a persistent comforter even when he was a private citizen and a monk, in such a way that he visited him every third or fourth day. And so, on that very evening which preceded his death, he conversed with him familiarly. But he was accustomed to have learned and grave conversations with Gregoras, tempered by a certain urbanity and grace. The final conversation was prolonged beyond midnight, up to the first cockcrow. Finally, those who were present having been dismissed, the old man was suddenly seized by a disease and expired before the end of the night. On the following day of mourning, at the exhortation of Cralana (for she was the daughter of the deceased prince, and was conducting the funeral procession), Gregoras recited a monody impromptu (41). Thirty days having passed from that, the great Logothete Metochites also passed away (42); he had not long before (43) returned from exile, and having changed his habit, had most recently professed as a monk in the Chora monastery. Gregoras lamented his death as well, in a monody recited publicly; upon hearing which, a great mourning of his relatives and a miserable lamentation occurred. With Andronicus dead, he sought to win the favor of the younger man and to gain his friendship with the same services and the same arts with which he had formerly C sought it for himself. Not long after, he delivered a consolatory oration (44) for him regarding the death of his mother. When the question of the conspirators was being held, he assuaged it with acclamations and applause, and did what he could as a man to ensure that no inquiry was made into the despot regarding God.
The elder Andronicus had been most alien to the Roman Church. He had scarcely allowed his father, Michael, to be buried because he had approved the dogma of the Latins: he had severely punished the other *Azymites*. Therefore, as long as he lived, no one dared to deal with the settling of the discord of the Churches. After his death, the matter was attempted again. In the year of Christ 1335 (45), two Latin prelates, Franciscus (46) and Ricardus—the latter bishop of Chersonesus (47), the former archbishop of Bosporus (48)—came to Byzantium as legates from Pope John XXII to discuss the controversial matters. Patriarch John Calecas, who himself did not have a tongue exercised in the usage of speaking, and saw that his own bishops were for the most part very unlearned, immediately summoned Nicephorus Gregoras, a layman indeed, but learned and especially eloquent, and exhorted him to enter into the contest with the Latins. He initially advised silence: but soon, fearing future suspicions from that and the unjust judgments of men, he decided that it must be deliberated upon further, and, having held a long oration before select bishops at the patriarch's regarding that business, he declared his opinion to be this: first, that it should not be permitted for anyone to dispute with the Italians; second, that some scope must be proposed for the dispute; third, that a judge must be appointed, but that this task pertained to the Greeks; that the controversies of the faith ought to be defined with all the prelates of the Church gathered together; that the syllogism, in the method of arguing for which the Italians (49) were most capable, had no place where there was a dispute about God; that not even the testimonies of the Fathers should be accepted unless they were clear; finally, that all such disputation was entirely superfluous; that those questions had been agitated long ago; that things defined by the ancient doctors were not to be called into doubt, nor was it lawful to ratiocinate rashly in divine matters. These and
other things, tending to almost the same point, appeared—when he had spoken—to be most vehement; for that disease B, recurring at intervals and at certain times, afflicted him his whole life long. The Emperor, having spoken eloquently and with great applause from everyone on that day, missed him while he was absent, and was troubled by his being an auditor. But what was done in that synod is not certain, because the writers of that age have narrated the matter in different ways and each according to his own inclination [(60)]. In this, however, Cantacuzenus and Gregoras agree: that both say that Barlaam, offended by a shameful judgment, returned to Italy and again converted to the customs and dogmas of the Latins. Three or four days after the synod was held, the Emperor, near to death, sent to Gregoras, to inquire from him whether the stars promised an easy cure, or whether they would obstruct the efforts of the physicians. Before an answer was yet received, he relapsed into a lethargy and finished his life on the 15th of June, in the year of Christ 1341. On the third day of mourning, Gregoras, hardly yet recovering, at the urging of the patriarch and the princes of the Auguste house who were present, delivered a tearful oration over the dead Emperor.
After these things, Byzantium struggled in civil war: the Church itself was perturbed by the dogmatic squabbles of the Palamites and the Acindynians. For Gregory Acindynus, upon Barlaam’s return to Italy, had taken up the defense of the cause abandoned by him [(61)]; and although he had been condemned in the same synodic tome [(62)] as Barlaam—almost immediately after the death of the Emperor Andronicus—he nevertheless continued to accuse Palamas of various errors. Hence a great contest arose among the theologians. Gregoras, whose peaceful counsels were at that time of no avail to anyone, voluntarily withdrew from the tumult of the court and the crowding of men into leisure and solitude, and for a long time abstained from all dispute.
Seven years having elapsed since then [(53)], the same Barlaam, having returned to Thessalonica from Avignon, where he had been sent by the Emperor in a clandestine legation [(54)] to the Pope, excited great disturbances in the Greek Church; from which many troubles later redounded upon Gregoras. Indeed, that stranger, having found Greek monks who said they beheld the divine light with their bodily eyes, objected to them Massalianism and the error of the Omphalopsychi [(55)]. The man who undertook the patronage of the monks, and was of great reputation among them, was Gregory Palamas, who had himself already been marked on this account long before, because he had boasted that the divine substance was seen by him with bodily eyes. For Gregoras had heard both this man [(56)]—and one of the same name as him, Drimys—before [(57)] Barlaam had come into Greece, boasting this of themselves, and had already censured both with sharp words; and he had declared the same matter to the grand Logothete and to certain learned prelates. They, however, had pronounced it to be the heresy of the Massalians and had commanded them to flee the company of such men; and this all the more, because they had learned from the warning of a certain ancient prophecy that a new heresy, compounded of all others, would one day arise and would be corrected by the decree of a general council. C Therefore, with Palamas as leader, defending their error, and insisting that the light which had encircled the disciples of Christ on Mount Tabor was at once uncreated and perceptible; while Barlaam affirmed that *ditheism*, or the worship of a double God, was being introduced through that opinion, the Emperor Andronicus deemed that a council should be held for the sake of settling the dispute. And so in the year of Christ 1341, in the month of June, in the church of Holy Sophia, the most select and learned of the Byzantines gathered [(58)]. Gregoras, invited by the Emperor and the Patriarch, was kept at home by a headache D that he suffered, and he deferred his vengeance for another time. But Gregoras, having returned home, kept his face cheerful by the grace of those who were present, and deferred his vengeance to another time. But at Gregoras, having returned home, all contention in the future... [(60)] Cantacuzenus writes that Barlaam asked for peace and approved the doctrine of Palamas. Patriarch John, who presided over the synod, says that the sentence was passed on two chapters only, namely regarding the Taborian light and regarding prayer, as stated in Leon Allatius, *De Eccles. Occid. et Orient. perp. cons.* lib. II, c. 17. He contends that Gregoras was finally agitated by that question alone; insofar as it pertained to the rest, he maintains that the investigation was deferred: and thus that neither massalianism, nor the other crimes charged against Palamas, were dealt with.
A Since he rejected this entirely, and did not accept any opinion, she was vehemently irritated and demanded that he deliver his written opinion at once. From that time on, Gregoras persisted in harassing Palamas and all the Palamites, both in writing and in speech—and would perhaps have been exiled for this reason, had not Cantacuzenus meanwhile captured Byzantium. Acindynus, having read the speech in which Gregoras exhorted the orthodox to defend the cause of the true faith, was moved by such great joy that he addressed him again with these iambics:
Thou flowest with the honey of speech and the bee, Gathering flowers with wings of good speed, From Pieria and the hills of Helicon, Moistening them with the impressions of thy face, And warming them with the ferment of thy heart; But thou art covered in the body of silence. Thou art a sweet garden, but thou bearest no fruit; For the crystal of the passions, having chilled thee, Withers the greenery of thy word. Thou art much-sown earth, but the weight of the hail Dreadfully breaks the unripe ear of thy word, And the cloud of the powerful ones somehow blocks The lens of the invisible eyes. Thou art a drinkable spring, but thou dost not flow; For the conduits being blocked by the storm, One cannot see the outpouring of the waters. Thus thou hast bound me with thy words, And with the noble struggles for the Word, Kindling me as with burning coals, O boast of words and of dogmas, And signet of the Word who created all things, And wonder of the earth and of wise thoughts, So that I struggle against the edges of the swords, As if someone might grant me the music of Pindar, To suit the breeze and a noble feast, That I might hymn the most venerable head, And crown Nicephorus with victory-bringing Words flowing from a divinely inspired heart. I see thee... B
⟨...and he denies their mysticism with the greatest vehemence. And while he rejects both in words, and wishes not even to appear to hear their name, in fact he proclaims their teachings, and is nothing other than Barlaam and Acindynus in writing.⟩
Sic me efficacis eloquii potentia
Thus you inflame me with the power of effective eloquence, Thus you inflame me with your learned labors for the faith, As if you were applying torches, O immense ornament of letters and of dogmas, Express image of the Creator, who made all things By the Word; O miracle of the world, How learnedly you explain the thoughts of a wise mind! Now, now I call the raging threats, with drawn swords, Soft breezes, festive feasts. O who will give the sounding lyre of Pindar, That I may lift your head, distinguished by merit’s praise, And with words poured from a heart inspired by God, May gift Nicephorus with a victory-bearing laurel! CAt that very time, Anna Augusta, having gathered the leaders of the Palamite faction in the palace, abrogated the patriarchate of John Calecas. But on the following night, Byzantium was occupied by Cantacuzenus.
He had held Nicephorus Gregoras as an intimate friend long before he was raised to the supreme dignity. Devoted to the study of letters from childhood, he loved learned men and associated with them frequently. When he came to power, he indeed preserved the right of ancient familiarity intact for him; D but being inclined more than was just toward the Palamites, he completely frustrated the splendid hopes which Gregoras had conceived regarding him. Gregoras, however, concerned for the salvation of his friend (for so he speaks of the emperor), devoted himself entirely to the care of bringing him back, as one who was astray, to the right path. Indeed, having learned of the machinations of the opponents, who strove both secretly and openly before Cantacuzenus to have him punished with exile as soon as possible...
he began to argue his case, so that he might either convict them and put them to shame before the unlearned, or, if he were chased out of Byzantium, he might at least be absent from the sight of the oppressed Church. But he, A steadfast in his resolve, and not offended by the words of an angry man, disputed with the emperor on equal terms, just as a private citizen might; and many admired the emperor's clemency even more than they admired the other man's zeal. In the end, since this approach was meeting with little success, Gregoras undertook a different path. Having set out for Didymoteichon, he approached Irene, the emperor's wife, who was afflicted by the recent death of her son. He asserted that this disaster was the fruit of the error spreading under Cantacuzenus, and he offered proof. Thus, he strengthened his own side under the patronage of the Augusta. When the Palamites, and especially the patriarch Isidore, heard of this, they went to Irene and strove to persuade her to abstain from all association with Gregoras. Having been repulsed, they summoned Cantacuzenus from Didymoteichon. Fearful of a riot, he flew back to Byzantium and summoned the litigants, namely Isidore and Gregoras. After many discussions had been held back and forth, Gregoras brought it about that the Canons of Isidore, or his Hymnodies, were burned by fire, and that those who had been deprived of them regained the liberty of speech. On these conditions, a return to harmony was made, and peace was ratified with a sumptuous banquet. But these were indeed brief intervals of calm. For Palamas, B because he had not been present at that discussion, having been summoned later to Didymoteichon, renewed the disputes. It was disputed again before the emperor with sharp contention, but with no success. Those who wish to know more about that whole matter should go to Gregoras himself, in book xv, chapter 5 of his History.
About two years after these events had taken place, towards the end of the year 1349, the Constantinopolitan patriarch Isidore died. The emperor Cantacuzenus and the Augusta Irene, having already often tempted the mind of Gregoras with blandishments, promises, largesse, and other arts, even attempting to sway him by holding out the patriarchal dignity and to enslave him to themselves, could not induce Gregoras to change his opinion; but he both chastised them with words and admonished them of their duty, and rejected the honor offered to him. Therefore, a monk of Mount Athos, named Callistus, a man unlettered and the most bitter enemy of the Acindynians, was created patriarch. Finally, in the year 1351, in order to impose silence on the Acindynians, who were causing turmoil and accusing the Constantinopolitan Church, Cantacuzenus decided to convoke a synod, yet not an ecumenical one, as he had often and long since promised. Gregoras, having heard of this, met with him privately, and urged him not to leave everything to a few bishops, and those C of the Palamite faction.
When the appointed day arrived, all the bishops of the Palamite faction assembled in the palace. Gregoras was also present with his associates and disciples. Among his associates, three pontiffs stood out: the first of Ephesus, the second the metropolitan of Ganos; the third the bishop of Tyre, who was also serving in place of the Antiochene patriarch; and also two men distinguished for their learning, Dexius and Athanasius. Together with them, Gregoras entered the palace around the second hour of the day, and having been excluded from the entrance to the inner hall by the lictors, he remained for a long time in the vestibule, while the Palamites were meanwhile feasting with the emperor. After lunch, when they were introduced at the midday hour into the Triclinium of Alexius, and had deliberated with Cantacuzenus as to what should be done, the Acindynians were finally ordered to enter, though they had not eaten. It would be long—and indeed it is not necessary—to recount the individual acts of this pseudosynod, since anyone who desires can learn them abundantly from the books of Gregoras himself and from the Palamite Tome. The outcome of the entire dispute, which was completed in four sessions within fifteen days, was this: the doctrine of Palamas was confirmed. Anathema was pronounced against the dead Barlaam and Acindynus of D horrendous character. The metropolitans of Ephesus and Ganos were forcibly stripped of the insignia of their dignity; not so, however, the bishop of Tyre, who had not been present at the final session. Some of the disciples of Gregoras were given over to custody, and others were compelled to abjure all association with their master. Gregoras, however, was not himself harmed by word or deed; but it was easily permitted for him and certain others to depart for their homes. The synodal Tome was not published immediately, but two months later. The emperor John Cantacuzenus, and his son-in-law John Palaiologos, signed it; then the patriarch Callistus, and the other pontiffs. Shortly after, Cantacuzenus, having taken...
A in all his imperial finery, entered the inner sanctuary, and holding the volume in his own hands, placed it upon the altar, while the Palamites applauded and promised that, on account of this, the frontiers of the empire would be extended. Gregoras, as soon as he heard that the Palamites were with Cantacuzenus, if he should consecrate his volume with that new and unusual rite, promised them all favorable things: "Nay," he said, "when you shall see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place, know that the desolation of the Roman empire has drawn near (83)." And time proved this prediction of his to be true, but the noble promises of the Palaiologans came to nothing. On that account, and for other reasons, silence was imposed upon Gregoras and the other orthodox. Some of these obeyed; others, because they were contumacious, were cast into chains. The more illustrious were shut up within their own houses, so that they could speak to no one. Thus, compelled by fear, they became silent.
B But Nicephorus Gregoras did not even then restrain his tongue or his pen; but by letters written to his friends at Trebizond and in Cyprus (84), he accused the Byzantine Church of perverse doctrine and admonished them to secede from it, as if it were infected with a disease. He even dared to arraign the princes themselves. For this reason, with his house walled off and closed, monk sentries were posted. To be sure, although he did not put on the religious habit until after his fifty-sixth year, he had resided nevertheless among the Chora monks from a very young age, and as has already been said, had added himself as a companion and vicar to Theodore Metochites, to whom the administration of that monastery had been commended. Moreover, upon his C death, he had succeeded to the procurement and preservation of the principal belongings of that same monastery. He had, therefore, within the monastery a house of his own, separated from the others; a humble one, indeed, and touching no public thoroughfare in any part, if we believe the patriarch Philotheus (85): but it is certain that for many years it had been open to anyone who approached it, and that it flourished daily with a great throng of students, at times when things were tranquil.
Into this place when he was locked, the monks themselves—his long-time housemates and companions—were assigned as jailers and spies; and a command was given to them not to let anyone enter to him, and to take care that no letters of his were carried out to anyone. D They performed the task imposed upon them diligently and in a manner far from humane (86); unmindful, indeed, of the benefits with which they had been showered in uncountable numbers by this old guest and, as it were, second founder of the monastery. It is better to hear Gregoras himself tell of this with bitterness.
There was a great and very old bond of friendship and shared studies between Gregoras and Cabasilas; the reputation of both was equal. But while every kind of learning adorned Gregoras, Cabasilas was distinguished not so much by his scholarship as by his excellent natural wit and a certain innate eloquence (87). And so it was decided that he, too, should be sent to Gregoras after the other orators had failed, and one of the primary ministers of the patriarch Callistus was given as his companion. By them these same questions were discussed again. But the result of the long colloquy (88) was the same as that of the previous disputes. And they, having threatened the extreme penalty (namely, that the fire would consume his orations, usually recited on the feasts of the saints; and that he himself, after death, would be cast outside the city walls and lack burial), departed with their mission desperate. But he was surrounded by a custody of vigilant monks harsher than before.
But the old and faithful friend’s cleverness soon deceived the morose vigilance of the guards, if the things that Gregoras records about Agathangelus, son of Callistratus, are indeed true. For at the end of the year 1351, on December 8, the eve of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mother of God, when a large and mixed crowd of people had gathered in the church of the Chora monastery, Agathangelus, formerly a student of Gregoras, slipped in with the others; and about the second watch of the night, he was admitted through a window into the master’s bedchamber. He was recognized by him with difficulty, because he had been away from his homeland for ten whole years; after friendly mutual greetings, he first explained in sum the things he had seen or heard while traveling, and then the matters he had learned, after his return to the city, that pertained to Gregoras. Then, before that same night had passed, he was sent away and went home. The same man returned six months later at the end of spring (89), and recounted what had happened at home and in the military during the previous year. Thus, by visiting over three years, he ensured that nothing of the things which it interested him to know remained hidden from the imprisoned scholar. From these narrations of Agathangelus, Gregoras wove his Historical books, in a continuous series of discourse in dialogue.
Changed in nature; for this purpose, in effect, that he might be able in the words of another A to argue more freely against his adversaries, and to praise himself with less envy, when the matter required it: a thing which although otherwise base and improper, must perhaps be forgiven to one defending a most noble cause, and contending with heretics. To me, indeed, it seems likely that that whole episode of Agathangelus coming and going repeatedly was fashioned by the historian with that license which most philosophers and orators are accustomed to use in dialogues. Although it is sufficiently certain that there flourished in that age a certain man named Agathangelus, who also wrote an apologetic book in favor of Aristotle against Gregoras.
From the time that the Palamite Tome was promulgated, until the day when John Palaeologus, having suddenly entered Byzantium, received supreme power, Gregoras, enclosed in his house as in a prison, endured many hardships. He complains that he was reduced to such poverty that, when the cold of winter was most sharp, he could not warm his cups of water except by the sun’s rays admitted through the window. The same man records that, having been forced to draw water from a well, he struck his foot against a stone by night, and because of this, for many days, his foot being diseased, he was forced to drink stagnant and putrid water, until by the ministry of Agathangelus he had obtained other water. It was once permitted to Basil the Great and to many other holy men, who had fled into caves and solitudes for fear of persecution, to take the most holy body of Christ with their own hands C and bring it to their own mouths where a priest was absent. Following their example, Gregoras, since it was not permitted otherwise—because no orthodox priest dared to approach him while he was enclosed in his house—privately administered the sacrament of the Eucharist to himself. Assuredly, he had in his possession a supply of consecrated hosts provided long before, which, after he had consumed them all, he says he asked his friend Agathangelus to fetch others for him together with morsels of Antidoron, or blessed bread. And so, he was deprived by his adversaries of almost all solace for both soul and body. He narrates that books of Holy Scripture were also taken from him by force by the same(93); likewise, that he was tempted every returning year by the princes through emissaries (whom he calls ἁθημερινούς θεολόγους, or one-day theologians), so that either he might be led astray and corrupted by captious arguments; or, if it appeared that he could in no way be swayed, it was finally determined whether it would be expedient that he be worn away by the hardships of prison and a long, living death, or crushed suddenly by a violent hand(94).
Amidst these fears, he composed ten books of Byzantine History with such speed that scarcely forty days B were spent by him on that writing(93). These are the eighteenth book and the nine consecutive ones following; in which are contained many other things, including the Acts of the Palamite synod, and the disputation held with Cabasilas; and also a triple dialogue with Agathangelus. Further, in these, the testament of the author himself (96) seems worthy of special observation: of which testament indeed there are three chapters. First, Gregoras orders that copies of those ten books be transcribed with the greatest care and distributed to friends everywhere in the world. Second, he sets forth his faith, approves the decrees of the Church concerning Barlaam and Acindynus, and acknowledges the true body and blood of Christ in the sacrament of the Eucharist. Third, he forbids his corpse, which the Palamites were likely to throw out unburied, to be left unburied. B But he teaches that he wrote all these things hastily and by stealth on the cheapest paper, and that he could neither correct nor polish them, being anxious, evidently, and perpetually worried lest he be caught by his enemies. It is no wonder, therefore, if those ten books are less polished, and reveal great bitterness of sorrow; which, in the remaining ones added to them afterwards, is indeed no less existent, but is absent from the seventeen prior ones; which, as it appears from this and is confirmed from elsewhere, had been composed with the integrity of the author's liberty still intact before the Palamite synod. Furthermore, he wrote ten books of Antirrhetics against the Palamite Tome, while enclosed in that same domestic prison; but he first applied his hand to this work when Agathangelus, having stolen into his room for the fourth time, had brought with him the profession of faith edited by Palamas and selected chapters from the synodical Tome, just as he had been commanded by his master (97). Fragments of those books exist in the hands of the Patriarch Philotheus; who, having undertaken the defense of the Palamite Tome, opposed Antirrhetics to Antirrhetics, and attempted to refute the dead Gregoras at the urging of Cantacuzenus.
In the year of Christ 1354, at the beginning of spring, Matthew, son of Cantacuzenus, was crowned and, by the operation and ministry of the patriarch Philotheus, was made an associate in the empire by his father in the temple of Blachernae (98): and by his order, a few days later, he approached Gregoras, intending to tempt his spirit again, and hoping that through the offer of rewards he might persuade him to come to the palace as he had previously come often. And since he could not be swayed by these exhortations or by any promises, he tried to persuade him at least of this: that the cause of the public calamities should be attributed not to the emperor Cantacuzenus, but to the decrees of divine Providence and fatal necessity. Gregoras, on the contrary, proved with stronger arguments that whatever men did, they did not by the compulsion of divine foreknowledge or fate, but of their own private will.
A But Matthew, when he saw him remain unmoved and inexorable in his opinion, and refusing an audience to him who desired to say more, departed sad: and it came to pass from that, that Gregoras was guarded more strictly than before, after the walls of his house had been shaken by a most severe earthquake, and he dared not go outside.
At the end of the same year, John Palæologus gained control of Byzantium: Gregoras, having recovered his freedom and having shaken off the fear of his guards, when he had betaken himself to the palace, discoursed more freely before the prince—who was not very well-disposed—concerning the impiety of the new dogmas of the Palamites. He urged him to raise up the afflicted religion; and he showed himself prepared to refute those things which Cantacuzenus and Palamas, having confirmed them by force through their own decrees, had defined as unjust and absurd. But Joasaph (that was the name of Cantacuzenus, who had professed monastic discipline), when he learned that these things were being agitated, immediately took care to have Palamas, who was at that time held captive by the Turks, redeemed for a large sum of money, so that he himself might be present to conduct his own case: he then interposed his authority with his daughter Helena, who was married to the emperor John Palæologus, that a judgment should not be instituted which would be ignominious for him. Thus, all the effort of Gregoras for the present was in vain.
In the year following, a Latin bishop, a friend of Palæologus, arrived at Byzantium as legate. His name is passed over by Gregoras, but his learning is commended, as of a man versed in the study of the Holy Scriptures and trained in theological exercises in the schools of the Latins. This was without doubt Paul, archbishop of Smyrna, whom we learn from ecclesiastical annals to have pledged obedience and due reverence to the Roman See B to the emperor John Palæologus at the end of the year 1355. When he had heard many things concerning the new opinions of the Greek Church, he requested of the emperor that he be allowed to dispute in his presence with Palamas, the author of those opinions: soon after, opportunity for discourse having been given, when he discovered upon the very matter that he was imbued with many and great errors, he indicated that he also wished to hear Gregoras disputing with him. Therefore Gregoras, having been summoned from the emperor by the grand logothete, came to the palace, ignorant of the reason for which he was being called. For Helena Augusta, favoring the friends of her father Cantacuzenus, had forbidden that he be forewarned, lest he approach ready to dispute. Scarce had he entered the palace when it was announced to him that Palamas was present there. At that news, he was at first struck and hesitated; and, having stood his ground and having taken counsel from the situation, he proceeded further.
Irene Augusta was then present at the palace with her son-in-law Palæologus: the chief men of the court were present. Gregoras, having greeted the emperor, sat down; and, so that we may not dwell too long on reciting the preludes, the question concerning the divine substance and operations having been proposed by his adversary, he proved by many arguments that these in God do not differ at all. The emperor, having heard both sides, whether he was more uncertain than before, or whether he was unwilling to sadden his father-in-law Cantacuzenus by condemning Palamas, did not wish to C render a judgment. But Palamas, having interpreted the silence of the gentle prince as he pleased, ran through the whole city the next day, and disseminated the fame of his (as he said) victory everywhere. That matter greatly offended the emperor; but it so irritated the courtiers who were present at yesterday's conversation that, when he returned from the city to the palace, he was badly and sinisterly received by them. What was done in that dispute, and what was said by him or by his adversary, Gregoras has recounted at length in two dialogues written on that matter. Regarding the Latin bishop, for whose sake the dispute had taken place, he neglected to say what judgment he expressed concerning that entire contest.
Moreover, Cantacuzenus, who had become a monk from an emperor, when he saw the new dialogues being read publicly and being worn out by everyone's hands, believed it to be in his interest that they be refuted as soon as possible. And so, at his urging, various libels composed by the Palamites immediately appeared. There exists now also in the codex of the Royal library, among the works of Nic. Cabasilas, a satirical D little work with this title: *Against the ravings of Gregoras*. There exists in another codex: *A summary as far as possible of the discussion which took place in the palace before the emperor between our holy Father Gregory, archbishop of Thessalonica, and Gregoras the philosopher*. That is to say, *A most compendious narration of the dispute between our holy Father Gregory, archbishop of Thessalonica, and Gregoras the philosopher, held in the palace in the presence of the emperor*; and that narration is prefixed to the dogmatic works of Palamas. But he who wove it induces Gregoras with futile arguments and disjointed speech, but Palamas defending himself not only by the force of reason, but also with elegant verses. Finally, at Milan in the Ambrosian library, there exists a little book inscribed, *Concerning the false writings and impiety of Gregoras, by me*: whose author, in the very opening, signifies that the narration of the discussion is attacked.
A For Gregoras, when he denied that these were his own writings which Cantacuzenus had publicly attacked, was not lying; unless perhaps he had composed books of *Byzantine History* different from those which survive. For in these which we have (and there are forty-eight in total), nothing at all appears to be written concerning those mountain oracles consulted by Cantacuzenus; there is much indeed about the monks of Mount Athos, but not those specific things which Cantacuzenus relates that he had read in his own copies; rather, they are things which wondrously commend both the mountain and the monks. From this it is perfectly clear that Gregoras’s books had already been corrupted and depraved by wicked men at that time; and that therefore what he complains of in the last book of his *History* is true: namely, that they had secretly excised many parts from his works with a blade, and by adding or interchanging one or even several letters, had completely inverted the true and correct meaning, so that, for example, *phe* is read for *pro*, *kakon* for *kalon*, *kata* for *peri*. For this reason, he also admonishes and exhorts his readers to compare copies of his books—of which he says there are many in existence—for he, fearing frauds of this kind, had taken care that many apocrypha were copied out by the hand of disciples as accurately as possible at his own or his friends' expense.
Perhaps, therefore, as is the case for most authors, certain things are falsely ascribed to Nicephorus Gregoras—spurious and supposititious works; and I consider that prophetic dream, brought forward and exploded by the Patriarch Philotheus, to be of this kind. C Since it has not yet been edited in print, it is helpful to provide it here in its entirety. Gregoras, shut up in his house, addresses Agathangelus, who had stolen inside and was soon to depart, in the epilogue to the *Antirrhetica* (which Philotheus undertook to refute), in these words: "Since it is already far into the night, as you see, and our conversation has dragged on, and it is time for you to go, while they are sleeping to whose charge ours has been committed—come, let us briefly go over the manners of what is to happen, so far as it lies within us. For it is not proper that you should remain ignorant, nor those friends of ours with whom you are about to converse and share the struggle, lest, looking toward the uncertainty of hope, they should be cast down. For it has befallen me, cast into prison, to be surrounded by a vast despondency that stings and gnaws at the reasoning faculty of my soul, not because I myself continue to endure imprisonment, but seeing the tempests of our Church surging against the divine dogmas, and the multitude being ever driven—one part becoming bound, another exiled; and one part bending the knee to Baal on account of the violence of the famine and the plundering of their own kin; D and that which is left is nowhere. At that time, I, being filled with thoughts, have become tearful, and having prayed much to God and..."
then sat down, having placed my right hand under my head, I was overcome by light slumber; and it seemed to me in a dream that one of my friends stood by me and said, “Rejoice, and do not be disheartened; for you have God as your most powerful helper for the sake of whom you endure these things for the others. For you shall see before long these persecutors of piety suffering not only the terrible things they have brought upon you, but things far more wretched. For they shall wage war against each other, the emperor against the patriarch and against the bishops; and in turn the bishops against each other, and they shall be caught in each other’s excommunications and in their own. And the patriarch shall be driven from his throne, and another shall be introduced in his place; and after a short time he too shall suffer similar things; and the emperor shall be deprived of his empire along with manifold dishonour. And before these things, Palamas shall be captured by the barbarians, and shall suffer not only most hostile, but most shameful things. And the majority of the bishops, because of a violent earthquake shaking the land of the Romans, shall be buried, crushed along with their very bishoprics, houses, and cities full of citizens. And this would be a just deposition from God for them, in return for the fact that they unjustly deposed the bishops and presbyters and wise men who fought rightly for piety, and all who were like-minded in their piety.” A
But since, as you see, we have drawn out our conversation into the middle of the night, and it is necessary for you to go home while our guards are sleeping; come, let us also discuss the future briefly, however it may be. For it is right that neither you, nor those to whom you are about to go—our friends and companions in labor—should be ignorant of this, lest seeing an uncertain outcome, you be tormented by uncertain hope. For when I had already been cast into this prison, I fell into great sadness, and was surrounded by pain, stinging and tormenting my soul vehemently; not because I myself was enduring injury, having been shut up in custody, but because I saw storms rising against the sacred dogmas of God and many being vexed daily, some being coerced with bonds, others going into exile; and others, finally, driven by violent hunger and the seizure of their goods to bow the knee to their idol Baal; yet no salvation appeared. Full of these thoughts I wept, and with many prayers I beseeched God. Then when I had sat down, and had placed my right hand under my head, I was overcome by light sleep; and it seemed to me in my sleep that a certain friend stood by and said hail, and exhorted me not to lose heart. “For,” he said, “you have as your most powerful helper God, for whose sake you bravely endure these labors. Therefore, you shall see these persecutors of the true faith, not only enduring the things they have brought upon you, but also suffering much more grievous evils before long. For both the emperor shall become an enemy to the patriarch and the bishops, and the bishops to each other; both parties shall be held subject to each other’s anathematisms and to their own. The patriarch shall be driven from his seat: B in his place an intruder shall succeed: and soon this man himself shall experience a similar fate. But the emperor surely shall lose his power, and will be affected by various ignominies. But before these things happen, Palamas, captured by the Barbarians, shall suffer not only most bitter, but most shameful things. Likewise, many of the bishops shall be buried, overwhelmed, when the Roman provinces are shaken by a violent earthquake, along with their very bishoprics and houses and cities full of citizens: and this for them will be a just divine repayment for the abrogation of their priesthood, because they had abrogated the dignities of the bishops and presbyters and other learned men, and men distinguished by equal piety, who had fought the good fight for the true religion.” C
If these things, as they stand in Philotheus, were thus proclaimed by Gregoras before the events occurred (a thing which is difficult to believe, or rather entirely incredible), since it would be necessary that they had foreseen future events by divine inspiration. But if they were added to the completed work by the author himself after the events, then again it is necessary that, when he was writing these things, he wanted to deceive the credulity of simpler men. Yet this seems alien to the character and morals of that man. Therefore, it might be more just to cast the crime of this fraud onto the Palamites. It is certainly not at all probable that Gregoras did this, whom he criticized for having done it by others. Moreover, he criticizes the patriarch Isidore in his *History* for being intent upon his own dreams and auguring future events from them: and he ascribes the nocturnal visions of other Palamites to the devil and to drunkenness: finally, he inveighs against and mocks astrologers, soothsayers, and those who profess any art of divination at all. D
At what time and where and at what death Gregoras finally ended his final day, is not yet known to me. His Byzantine History indeed proceeds until the year of Christ 1359 beginning; and from this one could believe that the author died in that same year: but this is only conjecture, not an argument entirely certain. Nor indeed is suspicion lacking that Gregoras carried his narrative to the year of Christ 1359, so that he might describe in the end of the work the phrenesy of the heretic Palamas and his most foul departure from this life; so that the man whom he had pursued with capital anger alive, upon his death, as if having run his course, he might rest as victor.
Such was the inhumanity of the Palamites, primarily the patriarch Callistus, that they ordered those who had lived separated from their communion, even after death, to be cast out unburied, to be prey for dogs and wolves. But if any, moved by the shame of common nature and by pity, buried their bodies, they paid for a new crime with a similar punishment. This ignominy the Palamites had long before denounced against Nicephorus Gregoras. To him, however, most desired...
A aspiration toward the palm of martyrdom. And so, among other things, he had commanded Agathangelus (25), that when he should see him dead and exposed to wild beasts, he should refrain entirely from all care and vain labor of burying the corpse. Moreover, the prayers regarding the Palamites and Gregoras have been ratified thus far: "That body of the great herald of the true faith," says Cyparissiotes (26), "is to be looked upon, having been long held up to mockery and carried about; the body, indeed, of a man than whom no one among philosophers was more excellent, nor among ascetics more observant of discipline; nor was he more constant in enduring the struggles undertaken for religion, nor in those persecutions, insults, and the anguish of prisons by which his tempters harassed him; I mean of that admirable Nicephorus Gregoras, by which double appellation God signified nothing else than that he, with a vigilant and awakened spirit, would win victories over the enemies of truth." With this eulogy did Joannes Cyparissiotes adorn the deceased Gregoras; from whose great volume of *Palamite Transgressions*, the Rev. Father Franciscus Combefis first translated and published two selected books.
Gregoras’s faults (for I am not so foolish a supporter of this writer as to contend that he had none) were primarily these. He was harsh, insistent, and B offended those of high and low rank through petulance; as a philosopher, he did not command his own spirit: as a historian, he did not escape the bias of faction: finally, he labored under an excessive desire for glory and self-love. Much is to be criticized in his style; primarily his *kakozeilia*, or affected ambition for elegance; his poetic luxuriousness of words; insolent figures; hyperbata; and frequent repetitions not only of words but of thoughts. Yet if an example is to be compared, Cantacuzenus is far superior in historical books of the same subject. In chronology, however, Gregoras is more diligent; indeed, with Cantacuzenus it is nearly non-existent. Cantacuzenus seems to have omitted certain things on purpose, which Gregoras did not overlook. Of this kind are those things he narrates here concerning the inhumanity of Synadenus toward Andronicus the elder, the birth of John Palaiologos, the legates sent from the Pope to Constantinople, and numberless others. These, I repeat, are all covered by Gregoras, who does not conceal even the disasters brought by the Barbarians. Cantacuzenus, however, made no mention of Nicomedia or even of the loss of Nicaea itself. The former, in a way, encompassed only Byzantine affairs, while our author included foreign ones as well in his History. Both, therefore, must be read, and one must be supplemented by the other.
WORKS
Gregoras wrote many works of varied erudition, of which few have been committed to print; but most exist as manuscripts in the Vatican, Imperial, Escorial, Barocci, and many other codices, not to mention the Royal ones: some also appear to have perished through the injury of a long time. An extremely rich index, compiled from the papers of the Rev. Father Bernard (27) transmitted to us from Rome, and from various catalogues of manuscript codices, will give information about almost all of them. Do you, most noble Abbot, run your eyes over this entire index, however long it may be. In such a great abundance of books, as many as you will see enumerated here, I believe there will be something that pleases you for the subject matter itself; something you might grieve to have lost; something you might be eager to have unearthed from the dust of libraries. There will perhaps also be some things whose loss you might easily bear. For my part, it has often been a pleasure to read through catalogues of books, because through them I learned that many things were missing from my collection, or were useless, or even harmful.
Biblical Works. On the measure of Noah's Ark, from Origen. Cod. Barocc. 48. 19. Selected sayings from the major and minor prophets, with prologue and commentaries. Cod. Caesar. Vindobon. C theolog. 174. See also the index of prologues among the rhetorical works.
EXCERPT OF SELECT SAYINGS OF THE BLESSED AND BRAVE JOB, CONTRIBUTING TO THE BENEFIT OF EVERY CHRISTIAN.
*An excellent selection of certain sacred sentences of the blessed and brave Job, most useful to any Christian. Beginning: "And it came to pass as this day, and behold the angels of God came to present themselves before the Lord." Cod. Caesar. Vindobon. theolog. 174.*Dogmatic Works. Former *Antirrhetici* and *Stelitentici*. Gregoras had written books *Antirrhetici* against Palamas before Cantacuzenus had gained the empire (28), as he himself testifies in book XXV of his *History* (29). That these were ten in number is indicated by this program, prefixed to the Vatican codex: *Index of the books selected from the history of the Romans by Gregoras, and composed here with his FORMER TEN ANTIRRHETICI (30).* That is to say: *Index of the books of Gregoras selected from his general Roman History, and conjoined here with his TEN PRIOR ANTIRRHETICI.* But in the catalogue of the Colvillian Escorial library (31) (which D is missing in the codex itself, but whose part, described from the Ambrosian codex, was communicated to me by Fridericus Rostgardius).
Later Antirrhetici (32). Gregoras wrote ten books of *Antirrhetici* against the Palamite Tome, in the year of Christ 1353; which, immediately after the Tome was published, he had threatened to edit, as is evident from these words of Agathangelus (33): *Minatus es, te eorum Tomum orationibus Antirrheticis refutaturum*; that is, that he would refute with Antirrhétic orations the very Tome which they had recently and secretly dared to compose. In the Colvillian catalogue these Antirrhetici are also indicated (34) (but only eight) with this inscription: A *Orationes Antirrhetica contra Tomum Palamiticum*. Toward the later Antirrhetici, the patriarch Philotheus published twelve books, which exist in the Royal Library, No. 1996.
*Dialogus*, whose title is: *Quem initio Deus hominem creaverit, mortalemne, an immortalem*. Biblioth. Cæsar. Vindobon. cod. theol. 174.
*Quæstio soluta*. It is inscribed in Greek, *Epilysis: concerning the reason for which the hymnographer, having praised the Theotokos as more glorious than the Seraphim, through the addition of the word ASYNKRITOS, made that which was determined incomparable; and toward what glory he looked when he composed this hymn.* Wherefore the author of the Hymnodia, after he had sung of the Mother of God as more glorious than the Seraphim, having added the adverb, INCOMPARABILI- B LITER, he determined that to be incomparable which had been compared with another: likewise, to what opinion he looked when he composed this hymn. In the same Caesarean codex.
*Dogmatica disputationes variæ*, passim in Historiæ Byzantinæ libris dogmaticis.
Euchologica.
*Exai*, or *Precatioes*. 1. *Ad Christum, et ad Beatam Virginem*. Biblioth. Cæsar. Vindobod. cod. theolog. 174. 2. *Ad Imperatorem, ex persona metropolitæ recens inaugurati*. Initium: *O megas kai hypselos*... Cod. Vatic. 1086. fol. 214. 3. *Ad eam quæ ei contigit metropolim primum intrantis*. Initium: *Kyrie Iesu Christe, o theos hemon, o ten noeran*... Ibid. fol. 215. 4. *Ad Imperatorem, ex persona metropolitæ modo electi*. Initium: *O Theos o megas kai ischyros*... Ibid. fol. 216. 5. *Pronuntiata super nostro in urbem Ephesum ingressu*. Initium: *O Theos o aionios*... Biblioth. Cæsar. Vindobon. cod. theolog. 174 (57). 6. *In faciendo fundamento domus et urbis*. Initium: *Kyrie o Theos hemon, o ten noeran*... Ibid.
Philosophica.
*Philosophia Compendium* (38). Catalogus bibliothecæ Vaticanæ Morellianus (39), fol. 5, 6. *Dialogus inscriptus*, FLORENTIUS, *seu De sapientia*. Initium: *Pothen hemin o kalos Florentios*? Cod. reg. 3984. Item Vat. 1086. De eo dialogo Gregoras ipse Hist. Byzant. lib. xi, cap. 10, sect. 2. *Quod hi qui alterutri sapientia studuerint, eos non jure sapientes dici, sed potius imitatores re ipsa ejus quæ vere sapientia est*. Initium: *Mega men anthropois sophia*. Cod. Cæsar. Vindob. theol. 174. *De illis qui recentiores et antiquos sapientes non recte reprehendunt*. Initium: *Logos exanastantas tinas ton, os outoi phasi brenthyomenoi, ton panta eidoton*. Ead. cod.
Ad eos qui Fatum statuunt. Indicatur a Possevino in *Apparatu sacro*. Fortasse ea est oratio, quæ exstat libro xxviii Hist. Byzant. cap. penult.
Ad Logothetam de magno pisce, et aliis animantibus. Possevin. in *Apparatu sacro*. Utrum bruta sint ratione prædita. Catalog. biblioth. Barocc. N. 48. Visionem non fieri extra mittendo. Ibid. Aerem non esse natura frigidum. Ibid. De fluviis et mari. Ibid. De sole, an sit natura calidus. Ibid. Utrum anima sit immortalis secundum Aristotelem (43). Ibid.
A *Dialogus Philomathes, or On Detractors.* To a certain friend, concerning those who insolently disparage astronomy. So the Morellian catalogue of the Vatican library. But in Vatican Codex 1086, fol. 128, an epistle exists, beginning: To Aprus, concerning those who disparage astronomy. And other things they transport... An anonymous letter. Beginning: "As of fragrance," concerning [the air] having cooled. Cod. Vat. 1086, fol. 204. See the index of epistles below. B Epistola, to the great Logothete, the author of the book, an exhortation concerning astronomy.
Counsel to the Great Logothete regarding astronomy.
Beginning in both places: "If indeed to all, all things..." To Chrysoloras. How one must construct the spider in an astrolabe. Concerning the depiction of the astrolabe on a plane surface, a preliminary discourse to a certain friend (46). To the most reverend Joseph, concerning the Pasch, a demonstration of how he erred years ago, and how the correction of this must be made. Beginning: "Since you are to me a friend of the highest..." (47). Exists in Cod. Vat. 1086. And it is published in *Hist. Byz.*, lib. 8, cap. 13. To the same, as it appears, concerning the same subject. Beginning: "Second thoughts, as Euripides says somewhere, are wiser." Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 79. The Paschal cycle corrected by Nicephorus Gregoras the Philosopher, concerning which Argyrus also discourses in the aforementioned method (48). Exists in the *Uranologion* of Petavius. See also catalogue Morell. fol. 26. C *History and Lives of Saints and Illustrious Men.* Thirty-eight books of Byzantine History, in which some are purely dogmatic. Of these, the first eleven have been published quite often. Concerning which see above in the preface. An encomiastic oration, prolix and elegant, on the Emperor Constantine the Great; most worthy (says Nessel) to be inserted sometime into the supplement of the corpus of Byzantine History. Cod. Caes. Hist. 104. From the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. Cod. Caes. theol. 174. On the life and conduct and struggle of the Holy Father Michael Syncellus. Beginning: "...this law flourished long ago among the Greeks, and in time gathered great power." Leo Allat. *De Symeon.*, p. 100. Life and conduct of the Holy Basilissa, or Queen. Beginning: "Nicomedia is a renowned city." Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 197. The Reverend Father Bernard notes that she was a virgin and a martyr. Life of John, Archbishop of Heraclea in Pontus, who was an uncle of the author. Indicated by Gregoras himself in *Hist. Byzant.*, lib. ix, cap. 7. Life (49) of Antony, Patriarch of Constantinople, called Cauleas (50). Beginning: "And if a mortal nature... and times, and [what] corruption and generation possess." Leo Allat. *de Symeon*, p. 87. Martyrdom of the Holy Codratus who was in Corinth of the Peloponnese. Beginning: "Since I have chosen to narrate the life of the holy Codratus..." D See *Acta SS.*, vol. II, for the 10th day of the month of March. See also L. Allatius' *Diatribe de Symeonum scriptis*, p. 88. *Grammar.* Technical Grammar. Indicated by Morell in the Vatican Library catalogue, fol. 5. Grammatical Enarrationes (53) and questions. *Catalog. Morell. ibid.*(43) A consolatory [dialogue]? (44) The tract on the construction of the globe is praised by Guil. Cave. (45) The work is mentioned at the beginning of the book of Isaac Argyrus. (46) A preface to the work is attributed by Ph. Labbe, in *Bibliotheca nova*, to Nicephorus on the books of Ptolemy, along with Aristoxenus and others. But he, as I suppose, is Nicephorus Bryennius, not Gregoras. (47) Item is the beginning of the dialogue which is inscribed *Logos Deuteros*. See the index of Miscellanea below. (48) Namely, that work is adjoined. (49) Exists in Bolland. for 12 Feb. [Nicephorus the philosopher who flourished circa A.D. 1000. See our *Patrologia*, vol. CVI. EDIT.] (50) Vossius attributes it to an author long anterior to the *Historia Graeca*, lib. II, cap. 26. (51) Is it "exei"? (52) Uncertain if by Gregoras. (53) A gloss?
A *On the Instability of Regulation*. It exists in Cod. Reg. Perhaps these are canons of names, indicated by Morell, fol. catal. Bibl. Vat. Initium, [Greek text]. *On Orthography* (54). The [Greek letter] is aspirated. *On Equivalents*, or words which are written differently but signify the same, as *hagnos*, pure; *agnōs*, unknown. Idem catal. ibid.
Rhetorica et Panegyrica
*Rhetorical exercise (Declamatio legatorum)*. Initium: "You, O Lacedaemonians..." The argument is taken from Thucydides. The Lacedaemonians were pressing the Plataeans with a hostile army. The Plataean envoys come to them, and entreat them not to wage war. Cod. Vat. 1086, fol. 167.
*Advisory [Address] to the holy and sacred synod*. Initium: "For me, thus [it/I] have regarding the present contest..." This oration exists at the end of the tenth book of the *Byzantine History*. B It existed also in the manuscript codex, Vat. 1086. But today there survive only the first two verses: the rest has been cut away (55).
*Paranetic [address] to the Empress, composed ex tempore at the end of the life of the lord Theoleptus, [Bishop] of Philadelphia*. Philadelphian (episcopus), *paraneticus ex tempore compositus*. Initium: "Empress, the great [thing] among women and [in] name; Empress, the sacred treasure of Christ." Cod. Caesar. Vindobon. theolog. 174.
*A depiction of the resurrection of Christ*. Initium: "It seems to me one of the most absurd things, that the children of the Greeks should pride themselves on their wretched errors, festivals, and theaters..." Cod. Caesar. theol. 174.
*Oration to the holy and great martyr Mercurius*. Initium: "And a pilot, indeed, arrayed against the wind (56)... life (57)." Cod. Vatic. 1086. Leo Allat. *de Symeon.*, pag. 97.
*On the Annunciation of the most holy Theotokos*. C Initium: "To me (58), however, it often occurred [to me] to admire those painters and sculptors." Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 131. Cod. Caesar. Hist. 104. Allat. *de Symeon.*, pag. 88.
*A thanksgiving to the all-holy Mother of God, in the person of Empress Irene*. Cantacuzene took possession of Byzantium after the feast of the Purification, on the night immediately following. Therefore his wife, Irene, asked Gregoras to write for her an oration to render thanks to the B. Virgin: which oration, having been accurately polished by him, greatly displeased Cantacuzene for this reason, that the victory was not attributed to the Emperor's prudence, but entirely to the Mother of God; as if she had brought Cantacuzene, placed on a wooden bier, into the City [as though he were] dead: as he says, she [brought] him [in] on a certain wooden litter. Gregoras, *Hist. Byzant.*, lib. xxvi.
*Orationes* composed by Gregoras in praise of the saints, were read in the churches while the author was still alive. This we learn from book XXIV of [his] *History*; where two Palamites, Cabasilas and another [man], threaten him thus: "Of the speeches, those which are read in the churches at the commemorations of the saints, a hostile and opposing fire will shortly consume them all at the order of the Emperor; but you, when you die, shall be cast out somewhere outside the City, unburied." D *As many orations as are read throughout the churches in the commemorations of the saints, all these will a hostile and adverse flame shortly consume by order of the Emperor. You, however, when you die, will be cast out somewhere outside the City unburied.*
*To Saint Theophano the Empress* (wife of Leo the Wise). Initium: "Many [there are] who often, of those excelling in virtue and wisdom, have at different times exhorted and advised [me]..." Cod. Caesar. theolog. 279. Allat. *de Symeon.*, pag. 107. Cod. vatic. 1086, fol.
*To the most holy Theotokos*, discussing her birth, and her entry into the Holy of Holies, and her upbringing. *De sanctissima Virginis Dei matris nativitate, ingressu in Sancta sanctorum, et educatione*.
*Oration in praise of the Emperor*. Initium: "There is some stone among the money-changers (59)." The Emperor loved the works of Plato. Gregoras, having obtained this subject matter for speaking, strives to show that the Emperor's deeds agree with the sayings of Plato. Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol.
*To the Emperor, in the Ionic dialect*. Initium: "Alexander the Macedonian says..." Cod. Vatic. 1086, 159.
*On the prudence of the Emperor* (60). Initium: "If it were granted to me to see, O most powerful Emperor." This oration has been published in *Byzant. Hist.*, lib. VIII, cap. 8. Efforts are made to show the Emperor's admiration for the affairs of Plato, and [to show] the things of that man to be akin to those discourses. [On] the prudence and eloquence of the Emperor Andronicus Palaeologus.
Works of Nicephorus Gregoras
A To the Emperor, concerning himself: "Many are they who..." B Concerning himself, and how it is not yet the proper time for him. To the Emperor, who wished to make him Patriarch. A prosphonetic oration to the great Emperor of the Romans, Andronicus Ducas Angelus Palæologus, concerning the humanity he possesses, by which it came to pass that he visited us also while we were sick; since, having been cleanly delivered from the ailment, we repaid him at once according to our ability, and composed the present oration in thanksgiving. Cod. Caes. theol. 174.
To the Emperor Lord Andronicus the younger. B How very pleasant and bright you have returned to us from the triumphs. On the almond tree. It is an encomium of that tree. Iambic senarii are subjoined to it. Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. (61).
Prologues and Proœmia
Preface to the narrative of Susanna. Initium: "It was not likely, I think, that the female sex, without an example..." Cod. Caes. theol. 174.
Preface, encomiastic, concerning the divine and blessed prophets, adapted to the work in which we have, with God’s help, collected their most timely sayings, with the appropriate exposition added to them. Initium: "I, for my part, of the words of all divine men..." Cod. Caes. theol. 174.
Preface, brief and encomiastic, concerning Homer, how and with what intention he composed the Odyssey. Initium: "Poets, indeed, and orators, and as many as have chosen the life of a philosopher..." Cod. Caes. theol. 174.
Proœmium to a patriarchal sigillion. "If all things wither..." "Since in judgment..."
Proœmium of a Golden Bull.
Proœmium to a testament. "If you should even go into the earth..." C
Testament, as if from Patriarch John Glykys, breathing his last. Initium: "For all men to be mindful of death..." This is the exordium of a testament, not the testament itself; and it is published in the *Byzantine History*, Book VIII, chapter 2. It exists also in Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 210.
Testament, as if from a certain monk. Initium: "If our souls were..." Ibid. fol. 213.
Testament, as if from the great Protosyncellus of the Peloponnese. Initium: "If the present life were of the immortals..." Ibidem.
As if from someone addressing the Emperor. Initium: "Having asked often and often..." Cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 213.
Monodies
On the death of the most great Emperor Andronicus Palæologus, that is, of the Emperor Andronicus the elder. Initium: "The magnitude of the calamity..." Published in the *Byzantine History*, Book X. It exists also in Cod. Vatic. 1086; likewise in cod. Colbert. 4950.
On the death of the most wise great Logothete. Initium: "To me, O those present, the same thing..." Published in the same *Byzantine History*, Book [blank]. Also in cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 208, and in cod. Colb. 4950.
To the new Emperor Andronicus. Initium: "But we, O those present, [sing] a song of victory." Published in the *Byzantine History*, Book XI. Exists also in cod. Vatic. 1086, fol. 188.
On [the death of] Lord John Chumnus, addressed to the divine Empress, whose grief this monodia consoles, with a brief admonition joined to it. Initium: "Athletes, indeed, and boxers and runners in the stadium..." Cod. Caes. theol. 174. D
On the death of the most beloved Callierges. Initium: "O city of the Thessalians, which previously against the Romans in common, and now against me, has laid aside its enmity." Cod. cod.
Consolatory oration to the Emperor, on the death of his mother. Initium: "But you, O greatest and most divine Emperor, often..." Published in the *Byzantine History*, Book X, chapter 6.
Philological and Miscellaneous.
Explanations of those things which were thrown out more enigmatically by the ancients. A Controversy against those who say that humility has no place among men. Initial words: "I have something to tell you, my friend Xenocrates." *Philomathes*, or *On the Contumelious*, a dialogue. Initial words: "Since, most dear friend..." The second book of the poems of Nicephorus Gregoras. The poems on the almond tree. Initial words: "The almond tree has bloomed for us in its flowering." To Angelus. Initial words: "The parents who bring you the letter..." To the most holy three to whom he sent also his writings. Initial words: "The matter of brotherly love, even in those..." To the most holy Athanasius, the Palæologus. Initial words: "You ought not to marvel..." To Acindynus. Initial words: "There was a certain man, Cleodemus by name..." To Andronicus, to Zarides. Initial words: "I think that they are not altogether blameless." And Plato, son of Aristo, not of one... There are those who say to you, and these things already now. To Beccus, the Great Steward. Initial words: "The discourse to the Pythagoreans thus..." To Gabras. Initial words: "You know that, not long ago..." "Yesterday, holding the book of God in my hands..." To Georgius, to Lapithes. B To Glabas, to the Great Administrator. Initial words: "It is said that elements are combined with one another." To Galba, to the Metropolitan of Thessalonica. Initial words: "I do not know what anyone who has sense in his life..." To Glykys, to the son of the Patriarch. Initial words: "To me, such a longing for you has become fixed." To Demetrius, to Cabasilas, to the lord Demetrius. Initial words: "It occurs to me, noble sir, to marvel..." To Zarides. To Andronicus. To his uncle, to the uncle of the Emperor. To Philanthropenus. To Theodulus, to the wise Theodulus, to the master, to Thessalonica. Initial words: "Many have told me of your..." "Formerly there was need for us of words." To Joseph, to the most philosophical. Initial words: "Aristotle, the son of Nicomachus, and as many as..." "There is a Greek city by the sea... Sinope." To Cabasilas. Initial words: "As for the other things previously written..." "A certain concern from the Emperor has come to us previously, requesting my discourses." To the Universal Judge. To Angelus. To Caloeidas, to the Sevastos. C Initial words: "That Pythagoras of Samos..." "The fox to the hares." To Carbonas.
[alt-version omitted]
In the Vatican codex 1086, there is prefaced this title; some, having been deceived by the inscription, have assumed that the poems of Gregora exist in the Vatican library. But that place does not signify poems, but rather writings or works of any kind. I believe that very few verses were composed by Gregoras. In the Vatican codex 1086, folio 46, after an oration, there exists an iambic Decastich on the same tree. It exists also as a Tetrastich, on the death of Theodorus Metochites, at the beginning of the Royal codex 2541, and it is very poorly metered. D Letters, enumerated in alphabetical order.
As for the other things previously written, he discourses on his own writings dedicated to the Emperor. Of the same argument, very short.
[index: entries preserved]
A Seeing many men, O best of men, in the matters... To the Metropolitan of Crete. B This book indeed... To Lampinos, [a mutual letter to the protonotary Lampinos.] It is a Persian nation... To Lapithes. Georgios. To Leontios. To have acquired the possession of Epictetus... To Lepentrenos. Of the two ruling senses... To Loukites, [to the protovestiary of Trebizond.] Many of the notable men sat beside me... To Maximos, [to the most holy hegumen of the monastery of Chortaitos.] Late and with difficulty, as if from the deep... Those things which are passions occurring in the soul... They say that that Macedonian [Alexander]... I, for one, [say that] Thales the Milesian... To Maximos, [to the magister.] Many times it has occurred to me, while admiring... To Matthaios, [to the Bishop of Ephesus.] A jackdaw once asked a nightingale... To the Great Dioiketes, [to Glabas.] C To the Great Domestic. That Cyrus of Cambyses... Not a few [narrate] the life of Aesop the Phrygian... Since we see you in every activity... Knowing that the many love me... The many [say] that I am very powerful with you... I, however, the Homeric... To the Great Droungarios. Long is the time already since... He [speaks] in common of that of men... Hades was enslaved in the sufferings of men... To the Great Logothete. My letter on the love of the namesake... Those of the Egyptian hieroglyphs... A consolatory letter concerning astronomy... To the Great Oikonomos. Vide supra in BEKO. To the Great Primmikerios. Long ago it brought the greatest [things]... To the Metropolitan of Apros, concerning those who insult astronomy. To the Metropolitan of Thessalonica. Glabas. To Metrophanes. Alexander having long ago departed... To Palaiologos. To Athanasios. To Pepagomenos, [to Nikolaos.] Concerning the prodigies that came to him, some from above, from Trebizond; others from below, from Italy. Of those things which are told, the mind acts as a leader. As much as you rejoice in bestowing, do not seek... To the Protovestiary. Sending letters to us after a long time... To the Protovestiary of Trebizond, to Loukites. To the Protonotary. Lampinos. To the Protosebastos. But you, O best of men, do the same thing [as] the insulter... To the Sakellios of Thessalonica. And I, having trusted in you more than the others... To the Sebastophoros. Kaloeidas. To the Wisest. They say that Nicocles, that son of Neocles... To the Synadenos. There is an ancient proverb... To the Soteriotes, [to the protonotary of Thessalonica.] From the half [mark] he seems to me a good man... To the official in charge of the table. You indeed, best of men, with praises... To the Hypatos of the philosophers. If you are such a hero among men... To Philanthropenos, [to the uncle of the Emperor.] But my heart and soul in my breast were warmed.
A This is that saying of Xenocrates. "The present man is poor, yet capable." Most philosophical. TO JOSEPH. CHRYSO LORAS. For the proverb, [cf. 73] always something Libya. Perhaps others, looking to the present circumstances. Earlier in nature. But if I, having a friendship. To others to give luxury, but to us to show that treasures are charcoal. Behold, another servant comes to you. The number of the lines two in succession. As of fragrance poured about the air [cf. 74]. This present one, like a tow-boat. That to the most brilliant son of the Emperor [cf. 75]. And you, I think, are native in your intellect. That which is towards the man. To speak on behalf of the present one. Concerning a certain general, [badly] disposing the city [cf. 76]. In the collection of Greek unpublished works, to Zarides. B And you, I think, are native in your intellect. That which is towards the man. To speak on behalf of the present one.
ELOGIA
It is incredible to relate how diverse have been the judgments of scholars, whether they were his contemporaries or lived in later ages, concerning the genius, learning, and character of Nicephorus Gregoras. For some praised him immoderately, not to say sickeningly; others barked at him contumeliously. Here for you, most noble Abbot, are elogies of both kinds, arranged in such an order that reprehension may follow praise, and detraction may follow adulation, and one may immediately succeed the other. This is, therefore, a sort of contest regarding the fame and reputation of Gregoras; you shall sit as an incorruptible and impartial judge: you will hear in turn what is brought forward for him and what is brought against him; and finally, having weighed the votes of various men, you will deliver the most equitable sentence. Certainly, with such keenness of mind as you possess, you will easily discern truth from falsehood, and, as I think, will agree with neither side—neither the flatterer nor the detractor. Moreover (lest you disdain that common and middle-of-the-road material be set before you), know that whatever collection of testimonies you see here, it is almost entirely taken either from manuscript codices or excerpted from less obvious books.
1. Of George Lapitha [cf. 77] from Cyprus to Nicephorus Gregoras [cf. 78]. The faculties of bodies, insofar as they are of a greater C nature, the students of physics declare are reached by those who are the most capable. It is no wonder then, O head dear to me and distinguished, if you, being such a one, shed light upon us from afar. For Fame, which poets sing is a goddess, even strives to ferry you further than us; and she would have reached the Indians themselves, had not the barbarian nation interrupted the paths of Fame herself by their own ineptitude. Fame therefore celebrates you, O best of men, greatly in grammatical exactitude, but even more in the flow and graces of rhetoric; and not a little in logical twists and subtleties—those syllogistic knots, both straight and distorted, which the sensible Aristotle cleverly devised, or to speak more truly, which he revealed and clarified from the depths of nature where they were hidden. Yet indeed, in the inquiries of nature and in the contemplations and apprehensions of that which is beyond this, insofar as it is Being, he also adorned with some precious crown the mathematical D sciences, and especially the crowning glory of these, which is concerned with knowing the motions and forces of the ever-moving bodies. These things Fame says, whom it is not lawful to disbelieve. But you, O wondrous man, [have made] your own [soul] a sacred precinct of the whole choir of the Muses...
being blessed in your thoughts, and possessing whence you may be happy. Since, however, your soul has been fashioned by divine forms (for this is science), it is much more likely that your will has advanced to rectitude (for that is the clearly expressed virtue of the prototype, and no one is believed to be a participant of any good who labors under envy); therefore, you ought to apply yourself with the utmost zeal so as to make as many as possible like yourself every day. And you yourself philosophize about this better than anyone else, deciding that to do good is more excellent and more divine than to receive a benefit.
But to me, who am reaching out for your perfection B as much as possible—just as they say matter [reaches out] for form—I deem it worthy that you answer these few questions: by what canons do you perform your calculations? What epochs do you take, and when were they first taken, and how much time has flowed from those epochs to the present day? For I do not think you use the Ptolemaic ones, as they fall short of accuracy through the lapse of time. Furthermore, in whose judgment of results do you trust, and whom do you set forth—Ptolemy alone, or someone else as well? For the Italians, with whom it is our lot to live, in both parts—I mean the theoretical and the practical—make very little use of Ptolemy, trusting rather to the moderns; C for they are not content with only the Arabic canons, which start from Muhammad, but they use many others as well. Therefore, instruct me clearly on these matters, and if it is possible, order the canons of calculation (that is what the Latins call the instructions for calculating) to be copied and sent to me, so that I may compare them with theirs. For we, having tasted with the tip of our finger, as they say, the glorious science, are indeed inflamed with a desire to learn more; but because we lack books, we are driven away from what we aspire to. D Since, therefore, you know, O marvelous one, my circumstances, and you surely know accurately what I need, it is now your task, since you are able to help one dwelling so far away, since you suffice for all things for your fellow citizens. Fare well and live, O most brilliant light of Greece; advance higher every day, and draw those who lie below up to yourself.
Georgius Lapithes to Nicephorus Gregoras; from Cyprus.
Physicists say that the impressions of bodies progress the further, the greater the virtue they have in themselves to imprint. Therefore, it is no wonder (O my beloved head, even though you are so far away) that, being as you are, you irradiate us from so far off. And indeed, Fame—whom the poets fashion as a goddess—strives to carry you even beyond us; nor would she have penetrated to India itself, had not the barbarian race by its importunity broken and flung back her voices. Furthermore, Fame sings of you, O excellent man, as one who excels in the accurate art of the grammarians, and who is more eminent in the abundance and elegance of speech. In dialectical captious arguments and subtleties (I speak of the ingenious arguments which Aristotle fashioned straight and in diverse ways acutely, or, to speak more truly, which he investigated in the deep bosom of nature and brought to light), in these, I say, Fame declares you to be no small master. She declares you, too, to be keen in recognizing natural things, and what is greater, in contemplating and comprehending that which is, insofar as it is; finally, like a most precious crown, she adorns you with the mathematical sciences; those especially which are the apex of all, namely, being intent on explaining the motions and virtues of bodies agitated by perpetual motion. These things, indeed, Fame says of you, whom it is proper to believe. But you, O wondrous man, when you have brought it about that your mind lies open like a temple to the whole chorus of the Muses, blessed in your thoughts, you have whence you may be happy. Since, however, your mind is informed by divine species, it is fitting to believe that the will toward correct action has preceded [your knowledge]—for that is the clearly expressed virtue of the prototype, and no one is believed to be a participant of any good who labors under envy—therefore, you ought to apply yourself with the utmost zeal so as to make as many as possible like yourself every day. And you yourself philosophize about this better than anyone else, deciding that to do good is more excellent and more divine than to receive a benefit. To me, however, who am so desirous of those things in which you abound—that I might say, as matter [desires] form—do not be heavy, I pray, to answer these few questions for one asking: by the aid of what tables are you accustomed to compute astronomical numbers; what epochs are set by you, and when were they first set, [and] how much time has flowed from those epochs to this very day? For I do not think that you use the Ptolemaic [tables], which have lost their exact truth over a long time. Also, which author do you trust in astrological judgments? Ptolemy alone, or someone else as well? For the Italians, with whom it has been our lot to live, in neither part—neither in speculation nor in practice—do they follow Ptolemy as their guide; but they adhere for the most part to the moderns; and not content with the tables which take their beginning from Mohammed, they use many others besides. See that I know these things for certain: and if it is possible, order the rules of calculation (so the Latins call the precepts of computing) to be copied and sent to me, so that I may compare those with their rules. Truly we, who have tasted of that glorious science as if skimmed with the finger, as they say, are inflamed with the desire of learning more; but because we lack books, we are therefore driven back from the goal to which we aspire. Therefore, most excellent man, you understand what my studies are, and thus you know clearly what it is that I lack. It is your task, therefore, to bring help, so far as you are able, to me who dwell so extremely far away; since indeed you suffice for all things for your citizens. Live and farewell, most brilliant light of Greece; advance higher daily, and draw those who lie below up to yourself.
On the Delirious Rantings of Gregoras
A The most wise Gregoras, as if the Byzantines were not enough for his wonderment, also brings the Thessalonians into the hymns of his own praise; sending letters and almost ordering them to worship him, though they are free men and know nothing, neither how to speak nor to act, for the sake of anyone’s pleasure. . . . I wonder, first, if he was ignorant of the tongue of the marvelous Thessalonians and of the fire that erupts from it against him; and then, if he expected to be well spoken of by the Thessalonians, who even in the past, I know not by what fate, held him to be the vilest of men, in whatever pertains to the faculty of speech, which he has now professed for such a long time—and now, too, regarding God, they believe he thinks foully and impiously, etc. And indeed, the book itself proves the head of its parent to be agitated by a great and most turbulent storm, such that it sufficiently declares whose progeny it is and moves one to vehement laughter. For first, the name of this work is uncertain, and we have none that fits it, just as is the case for those things born contrary to nature. . . . Then, if anyone could bear to go through it, part by part, he would cry out that line of Aristophanes: “Give me a basin, that I may vomit.” It is so full of such unpleasantness, and it is such a motley and varied collection of evils. . . . He asks questions in a very boorish manner, destroying the order of what is being discussed, and he had no shame regarding the title which he shares with philosophers. . . . But, while imitating Plato in other respects—in that he calls his writings dialogues, and in that he weaves in the “O friend,” and the “hardly,” and the “not so, O friend,” and such other things—this only he did not imitate. . . . The lemmas are noble! And as to the silence which he brings upon Palamas! For each one is a long and varied piece of abuse, worthy of the intellect and mind of a philosopher who boasts that he knows both the present, the future, and the past. For indeed he wishes to appear as a kind of prophet; and he attaches certain Chaldean spells, and myths, and incantations, and scatters them everywhere throughout his speeches. He, therefore, having gathered up every part of discourse, did not know what they call a “lemma” who offer proofs—whether there be need of a logical or a mathematical demonstration; but he called his abuse a “lemma.” . . . And while dealing with astronomy, he brings forth no knowledge of the science with his mouth or tongue, but fills his house with spheres; and everything is full of books and diagrams; and he demonstrates that his stools and ceilings are stuffed with his wisdom, and everything rather than his soul. . . . This is why, therefore, I wonder at the man; not at the things he was able to do, teaching some things and learning others, that in such an ocean of time and discourses he could keep his soul ignorant—just as we admire conjurers, who pass through fire and water and swords without harm. . . . Then, if one looks upon a statue that has been skillfully made, one will not easily depart from it, except perhaps with sadness, but rather will have an insatiable pleasure from the act of looking. But can one ever have enough of looking at those images which are, as it were, living—your discourses—or depart from them sooner, than those [things] of the mind B [C] [D]
At Gregoras, vir scilicet sapientissimus, ac si ei satis non sit Byzantios in sui admirationem convertisse, ipsos quoque Thessalonicenses, datis litteris, in suas laudes cogit, et adorari se tantum non jubet; nempe ab hominibus liberis, qui nihil ad cujusquam [alt-version omitted]
A eyes and delights, there is no one, I think, who has been occupied B in such matters who would easily claim—to speak of those who are knowledgeable—to have attained unto the things you have obtained. For my own part, when I happened to be dwelling in the great city, I did not cease to marvel at your contests; and there was no one among those of any reputation whose talents did not acknowledge me as one who applauded them and placed them in worthy memory. Now, still more than before, I have been lifted up by the books which you produced, following many earlier and noble discourses, which in no way fall short of those of Plato, in so far as they pertain to the solemnity of character, the dignity of the intellect, and loftiness of speech, and whatever else characterizes the Platonic ideal. For in their figures, their composition, the harmonious rhythm of their words, their eloquence, and their rhetorical persuasiveness, they have arrived at a level equal to those who have set themselves up as masters of rhetoric. With such discourses, therefore, and with those concerning the noble Demetrius, and the praises woven together for her who gave birth to God, how do you think you have disposed those who love beauty in your own works? Of these, I was the first and only one here to rise up in wonder. And if it is necessary to say this too, now more than before, the magnitude of your nature has been demonstrated. For the wisdom hidden in your compositions—which was unknown to the majority, and for those who did in some measure understand, was deliberately envied—we have, as much as was in our power, unfolded; and we have silenced those who envied, and have found those who agree with us on these matters to be very numerous. Thus, I do not believe that you surpass only those of our time who are considered wise, nor only those who lived a little while before, but already even those of ages far past, whose books are the monuments of noble natures.
That this is no mere talk, nor said just to offer mere favor, is well demonstrated in many places, and especially in that which I am about to speak of. For others of that time stood forward in various forms of wisdom and pursuits, as each willed and chose, or rather, as his nature allowed; and by excelling and succeeding in these, they appeared to have vanquished those who had worn themselves out with similar contests. But you, you have not turned away from anything, nor is there anything to which you have not applied yourself and performed excellently; but by pursuing everything, as no one else among all men has done, you have made clear the distinction between yourself and them. For in those matters to which each man is singularly devoted, in some you have surpassed them, in others you have stood as their rival, and in none have you been left behind. But, to put it simply, in what is occurring, you have even overtaken those to whom the greater part of that manifold wisdom was left. You, however, have searched out the whole, all at once; and from all its forms you have brought forth noble fruits, and by all you are known and called. And if one were to call you a poet, a rhetorician, a sophist, a writer, C or any of the others, he would not be wrong. But he who is purely and properly named after the most solemn philosophy, who is he? Not only in the matter itself, as one might say, but also in being called such by everyone instead of by any other title. For although there are many who are concerned with philosophy, you have set out to understand the being of things, and desiring to learn accurately their reasons, you have searched out the whole of physiology and theology and logical demonstrations, more so than the so-called preparatory education which those who teach children provide. In the first sciences of the mathematical arts, the motions and courses of the sun and the powers of the other stars, and the harmony, position, and symmetry of the whole universe and its constituent parts, you have gained knowledge beyond all others. Becoming a guide and teacher to many, and to those who receive these things according to the capacity inherent in each, you have not allowed the most beautiful possession of man, the most intimate philosophy, to depart from among men, nor to be thoroughly obscured; but through your discourses, arranged to be clearer, you have transformed the obscurity of some, and by your explanations and teachings to those who hear you, you will send it forth—blooming—to the life hereafter.
And indeed, some of those who make speeches are not naturally gifted in their thinking, yet in their language they were by far the best; others, on the contrary, were strong in their minds, but have used an untrained and careless voice; and one could see some even with the art of grammarians, who understand nothing of the art of speaking, in no way different from those who know nothing, so that it is more advantageous for them to be silent than to have the blemishes of their ignorance brought against them. But you, by your nature and natural talent, have imitated those who are skilled in these matters, and by your splendor of style and the correctness of your words, you have imitated those who excel in this; and we know your tongue to be like one springing forth directly from Attic fountains, whenever we handle the offspring of your mind. And like a *deus ex machina*, the allurements of your discourses captivate everyone, drawing the listener to the grace that blooms within them, and perfectly shaped by the construction of your expression. Least of all, however, has your polymathy stood in the way of the best crafting of your discourses, which has happened to almost everyone, nor has it at all harmed that which is separated from the voice and tongue of your spirit. D But with extreme diligence and practice, having collected all the forms and fragments of wisdom, and having deposited them in the stores of your memory and mind, like some treasurer of them showing them forth, you judge what is superior for the needs, and you bring from thence, easily and readily, the best of the encyclical education into the things currently being studied. And you have shown the eloquent to be (if they are unphilosophical) unlettered, and the rhetorical to be (if they are unphilosophical) without wisdom. For by mixing rhetoric with philosophy, and compiling such books from both, in which the beauties of both are seen united, is it not evident what I say happens? Thus it occurs to me to think and speak concerning your discourses. Yet, it happens that these things are said only in passing. But it being necessary to enter into a contest of panegyrics, it was absolutely necessary for your worth to be preserved, and with what the discourses of Roman [orig. pg. 64 ends here]
A cities and our own fatherland are filled, it overflows with all delight. And even though we are separated by space, we love you no less than if we were present; and although we cannot be with you in person, we are with you in the movements of our mind. Nevertheless, we behold your nature in your discourses, and coming into the memory of your company, and of those who daily frequent the Academy and the Lyceum, we imagine them. And for this, we congratulate you on the most beautiful things; yet we deem ourselves blessed for your life's path and fellowship. May you advance for the longest stretch of time, so that as many as possible B may share in these good things.
Lampenus Tarchaniotes to Gregoras
For if anyone, gifted with an intellect capable of grasping art, should look upon a statue, he will not easily, nor without sadness, depart from it, nor will he be able to be satisfied by the pleasure of viewing it; but those who fix their eyes upon your orations as if upon animated statues—those, I say, will they be seized by a fullness of beauty, or will they depart more quickly from those things which are the feasts and delights of the eyes of the mind? No one, I think, who is possessed of the use of reason would say that. I, at the time I dwelled in the great city, never ceased to admire your brilliant disputations; there was no erudite person who was not conscious of me applauding the fruits of your genius and commending them with honorific praises. But now I admire more those books which you brought to light this year; although you had already previously published many excellent orations, by the gravity of their morals, the dignity of their ideas, and the majesty of their language, they are in no way inferior to the orations of Plato. Indeed, both in figures and composition, and in the apt arrangement of words, and in the abundance joined with sweetness and the rhetorical power of persuasion, they equal those which were painstakingly produced by the prince of the oratorical art. When you have added to orations of this kind the praises of the magnanimous Demetrius, and of her who brought forth God by secret reasons, with what sense (as one might imagine) have you affected those studious of more refined literature? For my part, as many as dwell here, I first and alone took with me into admiration. And if that must also be said, the magnitude of your genius surely shone forth now at last more than before. Assuredly, the doctrine recondite in your works—partly unknown to many, partly, by those who somehow understood it, exposed to the envy of the premeditated—we have explained so far as lay in us, so that even the envious might be struck dumb by the closed mouth, and additional votes of many other people might accede to our approval. And now I judge you not only of this our age, or of that which has just passed, but greater and more excellent than the learned of previous times, whose books are the monuments of great geniuses. C But that this is said not rashly by me, nor for the sake of favor, many other things abundantly declare, as well as those which I am about to say. Other men indeed have professed other disciplines and other studies, according as the will and intent of each was, or (to say it more truly) nature: in which, when they had excelled and reached the summit, only then did they strive to surpass their rivals and those exercised in similar labors. But there is nothing for which you were not born; nothing to which you have not applied yourself; nothing in which you have not labored most happily. But you have been so engaged in all things that you have made an evident distinction between yourself and all others in each individual subject. For in those matters in which each person posed their principal and singular work, in these you have surpassed some, and contended with others for the palm; you have nowhere stopped below the first: nay, to speak summarily, you have surpassed all these in the very fact, in that most genres of manifold doctrine have been neglected by them; but you have searched through all things at once, and have produced extraordinary fruits from every part of erudition, and possess fame and name from every science; so that if anyone should challenge you as a poet, orator, sophist, historian, or by any other individual names, he would not be straying from the truth. And now, concerning philosophy, the most august of sciences, who is truly so named? Is it not he who is not only in fact (so to speak) a philosopher, but to whom this name D is attributed by all in place of any other appellation? Many have studied philosophy: you alone have obtained an exceptional name from it. For since you wished to provide yourself with certain knowledge of things and to explore their causes perfectly, you have investigated universal physiology, and theology, and logical arguments more diligently than those who are called the primary teachers of the puerile rudiments. Then, by the study of primary sciences or mathematics, you have attained to this, that you understand the motion and course of the sun, the powers of the remaining stars, the harmony of the whole world and its parts connected among themselves, their disposition, and proportion, more than any other person whatever. These things which you recount by teaching and hand down to very many disciples, each taking them according to his own capacity, you do not allow philosophy—the possession of which is most beautiful for man—to be completely obscured and removed from men: but by books composed with greater perspicuity, you will reform the obscurely voiced sayings of certain people, and by interpretations and precepts you will so instruct your auditors that you will transmit that science flourishing to posterity. And some orators indeed, while weaker in genius, have greatly excelled in speaking. Others, on the contrary, being powerful in the faculty of understanding, have used a rude and inelegant style. You see some who, even as far as the art of grammar is concerned, differ nothing from those who do not know how to speak at all, so that it is more expedient for them to be silent than to be accused of foul ignorance. You, by doctrine and genius, have emulated those who were most instructed in these matters, and by eloquence and choice of words those who excelled in this part. Therefore, your eloquence, as if from the very Attic gardens pro-
-Aducing fruit, has not only suffered no loss, but has also refined and added to it from a vast abundance, appearing so much like those of your own race that it is not even permitted to compare them. Rather, while they—if indeed they happen to be barbarians in language and character—are so supplied with that upbringing and the ancestral customs, yet they are also men of upright ways and are seekers of goodness and virtue, in so far as is possible; and, before others, they are studious and watchful of piety and of the apostolic and patristic dogmas, such that one might gladly ask how one could say they fall away from their soul for the sake of these. But he has risen up against her who nurtured and educated him, and who gave him both speech and name, as if she were a stranger—the Church—and with an unrestrained and bold tongue he insults the Bride of Christ in the most terrible, abominable, and unparalleled ways, and I say that Barlaam has brought him, the mystagogue of such things, to this very point.
IV. Philotheus the Patriarch, Antirrhetic XII (96).
Gregoras, for his part, having come to this queen of cities and to the great mother of the Churches of Christ from among the Barbarians (for he originated from the land of Paphlagonia), after he had been instructed in this city in the education, discipline, and the more refined literature of the Greeks, in such a way that he had spent some time in the higher sciences and seemed to have gained some name—nay, a more illustrious and greater one than he had actually merited in reality—he did indeed, in a certain manner, divest himself of barbarian custom and speech. Yet, the barbarity of his manners and character he not only did not lose, but he labored that it might be greater, and he heaped it up with a most full addition from himself, being so much worse in this respect than his own countrymen that they cannot even be compared with him. For indeed, although they are Barbarians in language and rite, which they hold from their upbringing and ancestral institutions, yet in their character they are honest and, so far as in them lies, they cultivate honor and virtue. The same, moreover, are more studious than others in embracing and guarding the true religion and the dogmas of the Apostles and Fathers, prepared to pour out their own soul for them, if time requires, with the greatest intensity and the greatest joy. He, on the contrary, rose up against that Church which had both nourished and formed him with her precepts; which had bestowed upon him eloquence and a name (would that that were not the case!); and he cast most atrocious, horrible, and utterly unprecedented insults upon the Bride of Christ, having in this matter indeed surpassed Barlaam himself, the [master and] prelate of these things.
V. Of Akindynos, to Gregoras, from Thessalonica (97).
Balsamon the noble, being a friend to me and a friend to all, surpassing in his dealings toward me—instead of some other bright and great kindness (for I am in great need of both him and your own writings)—brought and handed over to me your letter, the
A contents of which teach even those who are ignorant of things in heaven. Let this suffice as praise for your writings, or rather, to the extent that we are able to perceive and express it—not in the measure that is rightfully due, but in the measure that she herself may graciously accept, as well as the Father. For my part, having taken up and perused both the depth of your thought and the Hellenic quality of your interpretation, and the flowery style of your expressions from the Attic meadow, and the variety of your notions from the treasury of Plato (unless, indeed, I am entirely faithless regarding such things), and, if I may say so, B the entire composition of it—not as much as was reasonable, nor even close, as I have just said—I admired it to the limit of my own capacity, and I have given it to those who were very eager for it (and they are many). And the wonder of it came to all; and everywhere theaters were established for you, with applause and leaps of joy, as one admired one thing and another another—or rather, all admired everything, as far as each had the capacity. But in this way you have drawn men to the pleasure of letters. And as for the things which you have benefited by your teaching—both those who pursue the same knowledge as you, and those who did not, and had not learned it at all; and those who had learned it erroneously, but were corrected and learned C the precise truth—who is there who does not acknowledge that you possess greater gratitude than that which you actually have? I have considered that letter of yours, woven with the many-stringed song of the Theban poet, not to be in vain, I think; I have considered it to be full of that celestial Aphrodite of Plato. But indeed, many other creations of your noble mind and tongue have been collected by me, and are held in wonder—if you even remember the one that I sent to that blessed and most wise Joseph, through the divine and wise Palamas, two years ago; for when he found the philosopher gone from one who had long been expecting him D (and this man was also a keen lover of your writings, and will be most grateful for having received the book)—he brought it and handed it over, saying most graciously: "Receive the words for which you longed." For which he received from us not small thanks, but such as he could not complain of. From such a source you have had vehement lovers, O great glory of the Achaeans—I mean, of the Hellenes—unless, on the contrary, your skill shames and grieves many of those who have spent their lives in letters. But not we, at least, even if our own is nothing compared to your ocean of wisdom, O best of men. Most of all, therefore, we rejoice with you, and most gladly do we cast our votes for your victory over all. If, therefore, it should seem right to you also—and it will seem right, I think—do not let there be only one lover of your writings among the Argives, nor let them remain without honor only for those who…
A have been moved by those of like mind with himself—as he himself says in his own writings—he proceeds against the council and the sacred Tomus, and attempts, B by anti-rhetorical arguments, as he supposed, to refute those things. He writes, therefore, ten orations or dialogues, which he kept by himself, and displayed at home only to those of his own mind.
Nicephorus Gregoras had long since adhered to the perverse opinions of Barlaam and Acindynus, and for this reason, he disparaged the orthodox Church of God, although he did this secretly and only among the few who approached him; finally, he was entirely ill-disposed toward the defenders of sound doctrine. At last, in that most notable synod, over which the most religious and Christ-loving emperor, Lord John Cantacuzenus, and the one who was then patriarch, Lord Callistus, presided, then truly Gregoras and others who felt as he did, having entered that sacred synod, were convicted of the errors of Barlaam and Acindynus: namely, in most wickedly blaspheming against the divinity of the only-begotten Son of God, and against the natural operation, grace, and radiance of the Trinity, and being rashly carried away and as it were driven about not only by the errors and opinions of almost all the ancient heretics, but also by those of the heathens. For which reason the sacred synod ordered that he and his associates, not being penitent, be justly and deservedly cut off from the entire body of the Orthodox and be anathema, according to what had been provided by the decrees of the Fathers and Councils. Then also the synodical Tomus appeared, to which both the Emperor, and the aforementioned patriarch, and the sacred synod of most holy hierarchs all subscribed together. But Gregoras, not bearing this victory and disgrace concerning himself, and urged on, moreover, by his associates, as he himself says in his books, attacks both the synod and the sacred Tomus at once, and endeavors to overthrow them with his (as it seemed to him) anti-rhetorical orations. He writes, therefore, ten orations or dialogues, which he kept by himself, C and displayed at home only to those who agreed with him.
VII. Acindynus again.
You are a sweet mixture, and you flow with the honey of discourse, Gathering flowers, et cetera, as above in the Vita.
Add: How then do you think that I can move and breathe, And direct the channels of my soul, And untie the knots of necessity, If you do not speak, you who are the spirit of my words? I swear by the words, I am a soulless statue, Badly fixed in Byzantium, And held up ingloriously in the theaters. But if you should open the tones of your spirits, And breathe a living breath from the instruments, You would show the grace of the Thesbite, And would show, like him, the infant living, And speaking with friendly words, And you would make the city blessed, Which, I, unhappy man, judge unhappy.
The same. A
So I shall attach you to my words And to the noble contests, etc., as above in the *Vita*. Add: I see you, Christ, employing care now with a bright lamp, and not casting away Your own humble inheritance entirely. This lamp is that which shines for me. We are the inheritance which You command to hope, O Word. Preserve, then, saving Godhead, Him who has shone forth for the power of the Church, the treasure itself of all-radiant adornments. I see you, Christ, employing care now with a bright lamp, and not casting away Your own humble inheritance entirely. This lamp is that which shines for me; We are the inheritance which You command to hope, O Word. Preserve, then, saving Godhead, Him who has shone forth for the power of the Church, the treasure itself of all-radiant adornments.
VIII. Gregorius Palamas, in his epistle to the *nomophylax*. If I may use the words of Scripture, has he not "become a fool while saying he is wise"? If this man, who writes so unlearnedly and ignorantly, claims that there is another meaning hidden in his words, let him remember that words are pronounced and written not for the purpose of hiding, but for the purpose of declaring the mind of him who speaks. Wherefore it is rightly said that that which is obscure is alien to wisdom, and conversely, that which is clear and lucent is consistent with wisdom. This writer, raging against himself and a fabulist condemned by his own judgment, did not hesitate to write things both against himself and against us that conflict most strongly with one another. This man is wise in his own eyes, but he is one who can in no way transfer his mind and thought to better things; "walking in darkness," in vain puffed up by the mind of his flesh; he falls thereafter into very many grave blasphemies, and lapses into many statements, which are at once vicious and, besides, not in the least consistent with one another.
IX. Demetrius Cydonius, in his epistle to Patriarch Philotheus. What, then, do you threaten? That you will burn my orations, having gathered a crowd of female friends, as you did those of some other man, who as long as he lived cultivated virtue and wisdom, but by your own refutation you made his life the more illustrious? Since you could not look upon the books written against him, you looked at once to the fire and to the votes of women.
X. Cantacuzenus, in the beginning of the *Antirrhetica* on the light of Tabor against Prochorus. Not long after, the philosopher Nicephorus Gregoras arises, defending both Acindynus and Barlaam. And yet, the philosopher, as a philosopher, ought to have been persuaded by the truth and to remain quiet. For the definition of philosophy is such that he who has embraced it ought to be guileless and prudent, just as, on the contrary, he should not be shameless and brazen in every way, living with wickedness and envy. For such a person, even if he be rebuked ten thousand times, rises up again just as many times. But he who has laid aside the beloved truth and has taken up others sufficient against the truth... D The vote of the two greatest synods gathered in our time on this matter has escaped no one who is awake, especially if he be a Roman and our citizen.
A And so, a third synod having been convened in Constantinople by me, while the blessed Callistus was adorning the patriarchal throne, another Tome was promulgated, which vindicated and confirmed the first and second Tomes, while condemning Gregoras together with Acindynus and Barlaam. But he, not bearing to accept the judgment thus passed against him, made an assault upon the Tome and—neither from Holy Scripture, nor from the teaching of the holy Fathers and theologians, but from his own belly—spewed forth blasphemous words. Hence, the most holy patriarch Philotheus laboured upon a book against all of them, one like the fire of Sodom, turning blasphemously and impiously speaking tongues into ash.
Do you not know, B as the first and chief and leader of you all, Barlaam—who was termed the most ardent defender of this godless heresy—that he was refuted synodically, and by the common suffrage of all was defeated and routed; and that a synodical and patriarchal Tome was thereafter issued, proclaiming his perverse opinions to be publicly condemned? And has not he who later took up his dogmas, Acindynus, suffered these selfsame things as Barlaam, he himself being refuted along with them, and along with the patriarch Calecas? And you are surely not ignorant of the philosopher Gregoras, or of the metropolitan of Ephesus, or of the men of Ganos, or of Dexios, or even of Athanasius; nor does it escape you that a third synod was assembled on their account by me and by the blessed patriarch Callistus, who was still living at that time C, and that they, equal to those who had come before them, underwent an equal condemnation? And so a third Tome was issued, to which I and my son the Emperor John Palæologus subscribed. If you deem them not sufficiently qualified, or think them slower to grasp or weaker to express the things you now bring forward, I would not say that you are contending rightly even then; yet we might grant some indulgence. But if anyone who knows your affairs, the same will confess that those men were much greater by a wide margin, especially since the contention is concerning these very matters; it is plain that, after those who were stronger were overthrown, it will seem altogether ridiculous for those who are lacking in strength to provoke adversaries and to insinuate conflict over the same things. What, then, does it seem to you? etc.
John Cyparissiota, On the Transgressions of the Palamites, part IV, book IV, cap. 3.
Not much time having elapsed, the philosopher Nicephorus Gregoras rises up, defending the dogmas of Acindynus and Barlaam: although it behoved a philosopher, as a philosopher, to yield to the truth and remain quiet. For such is the reason and nature of philosophy, that he who embraces it ought to be both sincere and intelligent: just as, on the contrary, he is impudent and forward who passes his life in depravity and envy. For a man of such a kind, even if he were forced a hundred times by his mouth being stopped to hold his peace, would a hundred times renew the fight. But this man, having cast aside the cherished study of truth, with many other companions joined to himself, rises up against the truth. But the enemies of the Lord have lied themselves. The third, therefore, D stands by divine assistance. But the enemies of the Lord have lied to Him.
But if it should be necessary to examine these things at greater length, and to inquire into every detail, let anyone read the book composed on these matters by the great champion of the truth, Nicephorus: for he who reads it will know everything thoroughly, since nothing is lacking therein to that which is beautifully accommodated either to truth or to elegance.
XII. Anonymous, on the Pseudo-Wisdom and Impiety of Gregoras A
Such is the ignorance he possesses regarding the teaching of the God-bearing Fathers, and such is the perversity with which he interprets them, that the wretch, led astray into every contrary error, has heaped every heresy upon his own head and soul. For this reason, he has become an adversary of the Church of Christ; he was justly expelled by her from her own enclosures, condemned by public proclamation, and inscribed in ranks with those subjected to written anathema, unless he should repent and turn away from his wicked dogmas, agreeing with us according to the truth of piety. This is indeed our object of prayer and our hope. For one ought not to despair of anyone until the end which is owed to all. B Yet, by thus adding to his impieties day by day, he almost makes his return to a better state unexpected.
In addition to these things, consider that admirable body of the great herald of truth, which is being mocked and dragged about. This man is among philosophers, and no one among them is more admirable; among ascetics, and no one else is more earnest; in contests for the sake of piety, and in the insults, reproaches, and imprisonments from those people, no one else is more steadfast. I speak of the admirable Nicephorus Gregoras, who, in neither of these two callings, demonstrated anything concerning himself to God, but rather that he should win victories, with an alert mind, against the enemies of the truth.
Whoever wishes may read the sacred Tomes and will know everything thoroughly: first, that which was published against that impious Barlaam the Calabrian; C second, that against the dangerous Acindynus, who was involved in things similar to Barlaam; and third, that composed against the third and frequent one (since the Church of Christ has also frequently had troubles from him and from various other heretics), I mean the one altogether dead in his soul and possessed by a stupor of impiety and a heavy sleep, Gregoras. And he will know how varied and deceitful this heresy is, and at once how godless and harmful it is, and who is its protector, and who those are that have sprung from him—not only fruitless sprouts that destroy the soil of piety, but also thorny and very rough ones, troubling and tearing apart the offspring of the Church.
Among these impieties and absurdities, he had as his successor that wretch Acindynus; and furthermore a certain Dexios, of the left-handed faction; and Argyros, the man full of rust, who also possessed much of the counterfeit of Greek babble; and before them that apostate Gregoras. These have utterly scorned the grace of God and denied His natural power and energy, saying that no power belongs to God, nor does grace and a gift proceed from Him.
XIII. John Cyparissiotes, Transgressions of the Palamites, Part I, Book IV, Last Chapter
In addition to these, one must look at the body of the great herald of true faith, treated with mockery, etc. See above in the *Life*.
XIV. Symeon of Thessalonica against Heresies, chapter 50 ff. — Against Barlaam, Acindynus, and those like them
Whoever wishes may read the sacred Tomes, which have been publicly exposed by the orthodox Church of Christ, and will investigate and D know everything: first, the Tome that was edited against that impious Barlaam the Calabrian; then that which was directed against the rash Acindynus, who dared to attempt the same things as Barlaam; finally, the third which appeared, composed against the one who—for the third time and frequently (since the Church of Christ has been similarly troubled by him and by various other heretics besides)—I mean Gregoras, altogether dead in his soul, and suppressed by the same stupor and heavy sleep of impiety. Such a one will recognize how varied and how deceitful this heresy is, how hostile to God and baneful; who was its primary champion; and who finally emerged from it, not only as fruitless sprouts infesting the true religion, but even as thorny and very rough ones, inflicting distress upon and lacerating those whom the Church has brought forth.
He had as heir to these impious dogmas and errors [Barlaam] that wretch Acindynus; likewise Dexios, a man of the left-wing parties; and also Argyros, full of rust and highly instructed in the false currency of Greek vanity; and before these, that apostate Gregoras. These utterly despised the grace of God, and repudiated His natural virtue and operation, saying that no virtue is conjoined to God.
A
You have, most illustrious man, selections from the many elegies of Nicephorus Gregoras—equally honorable and insulting: which, being distant by a long interval and clearly incongruous, we have therefore joined together and placed before your eyes alternately, that you might more easily perceive how unjust were the judgments of men, and how blind and subject to passion they were. This, however, I would have you diligently attend to in this matter: that those by whom Gregoras was reprehended and harassed with insults were hostile to him for this sole reason, that he defended a sounder doctrine and the dogmas of the true faith; whereas the greater part of those by whom he was praised were led not by the zeal of factions, but were either deceived by their own opinion, or, out of love (as happens), B were overly indulgent and flattered him whom they adorned with praises beyond measure. But lest you hesitate, by comparing the votes, as to which sentence—the more lenient or the harsher—you should incline toward, because in both cases equal numbers of counts make the judgment ambiguous, let these testimonies also, which have been brought forward above, be added, being friendly and purely encomiastic.
XV. Cantacuzenus, *Hist.*, lib. 1, cap. 11.
The same thing was also demonstrated by the great logothete Metochites, who at that time governed the imperial house or court, a man otherwise shrewd, and most polished not only in Christian but also in secular letters. For when he had received the principles of astronomy from a certain Bryennius, which were small and imperfect, he himself by his own most accurate diligence made such progress in that study that afterwards, indeed, very many obtained excellent progress in the same science with him as their teacher. C When the emperor, admiring this, asked Gregoras, his student, how Metochites, having started from such meager beginnings, could have aspired to the full knowledge of this discipline, he heard from him that it was nothing wonderful for a bright torch to be kindled from a small lamp. The emperor praised the acuteness of his mind, and admired the aptness of the imagery.
And indeed, before us the most learned Gregoras wrote concerning this, having published a book in which you could desire no erudition, and having transformed the canon, and restored it to the state which befits this age: who was also praised by all, both among the people and in the sight of the emperor and his senate and the most select men of the Church; and they decreed that the Pascha of all, if it could be done, should be celebrated according to the correction of the canon, being convinced by the very truth of the words.
XVI. Isaac Argyrus, cap. 16. Compari a Petavio editi.
These things, then, are ours; and before us the most wise Gregoras demonstrated this, having set forth his argument concerning these matters, omitting no wisdom, and having himself transformed the canon and restored it to the correction owed to it in our present times; and having made it manifest to all, even before the emperor himself and the senate surrounding him, and furthermore, the select men of the Church, he was praised by all, and all, if it were possible, have judged it reasonable that the Pascha should henceforth be celebrated according to the correction of the new canon, won over by the truth of his arguments. D
XVII. Of the Protonotary of Lampenus, to Nicephorus Gregoras.
The speech which I have composed for the courageous and noble martyr of Christ, and which I have sent to you who have wisely asked for it in your place of exile, I commit to the judgment of those who think clearly, and to those who, being in exile themselves, are the judges, and to whom the judgment is in no other way entrusted. Let each one cast his vote as he wishes; and we will love those who follow the bounds of knowledge, according to which they judge; but if some also condemn the speech for ignorance, we shall be least grieved. I was indeed anxious at first to send the speech to you. For I knew that I was sending it to the best of the Greeks, one who would examine it accurately, and with how much scientific study he would examine each part of it—not only as to what comes to mind and the whole arrangement, but as much as he polishes and turns with the chisel, and smoothes the composition, and settles the digressions, and through these things, he is well tuned to the soul, which well guides the harmony of the discourse. For indeed, the master builders and those who preside over the more general crafts love to show what they have previously prepared with zeal to those who have great power in each of their arts. And as you have exercised yourself in every form of wisdom, and know well how to divide and judge speeches, if anyone of those who are famous for their wisdom were to judge my speeches, he would send them with anxiety. Therefore I also, sending the speech with anxiety, fearing that it might not be judged by you, the judge, according to knowledge, nor for the good name of the martyr, but for insults alongside his...
A baseness. But if you have any concern for our fears, so that these things might not be pursued thus, do not hesitate, by being released from them, to place your own vote on the discourse. For what you decree is within the bounds of knowledge. If anything is wanting in the discourse, if you add to it, you will not cause pain; and if you will declare that we are to add to it, you will also give joy in this.
XVIII. By Zaridas, to the same.
Why do you stir me, whoever B you are, when I am grieving, and do not allow the misfortune to be solemnly observed with laments and wailings, haunting tragic stages, so that I might gather from there the things that strengthen the suffering and guard the unhealed throughout all time? For we have arrived at such a degree of absurdity that we scrutinize and sniff out the very things that cause us the most pain, in order to serve the present demon worthily, and not be mocked by the terrors with which we consort. But whether he feels pity for us, so that we might be pulled away from C there, and not escape having melted into tears, or whether you are arranging your own affairs well from what remains, so that the nature of the one who is unknown to you might be made known, but also so that, by tending toward the clearest knowledge, he might have himself as an accuser against himself—but whether thus, or otherwise, or whether our own letters invite us from both directions, D know well that you take us by force, and we concede the weapons to you, as if departing from the acropolis of the choice to remain hidden. For through your writings, a certain Siren has transported our mind, and they treat us however they wish, and wherever they turn, we do not fall behind. Except for this, do not think that we are in a hurry to pull that cord; for you say (as if you would take hold of it in this way) that it balances on both sides, and brings us along with varying opinions, and you are not lacking in anything that is impossible, nor are you able, either way, to have an opinion about us, now running the risk of including us among the reputable, and now...—but one must speak well. For whoever might also have received favors, if anyone were to report him—to speak nearly of everything—as being from sight and from memory in detail, perhaps he would be pleasing, having given proofs of it late in his old age, so that one might not err in the upright vote concerning him. O you who are favored by all the Muses, as far as it is possible to say of another (may this not be some arrogance of expression), we were not destined ever to be wealthy in words, nor to understand, nor to supervise these things too curiously. But now we have become altogether boorish, and especially since the most arduous misfortune has descended upon us; we have been disheartened and have renounced both works and words, if indeed there was any grace in us. And how were we not destined to be cast into such a state of mind by misfortune, not being able to have stumbled, even if it is otherwise an impurity and a purgation of the things we have lived through? And it has been contrived with a certain wise handling. For may the suffering not be able to drag down one who is so accustomed to such doctrines, declaring it with a voice reaching to the heavens. But until then, take courage. We are in health, and we are the same now as when our affairs were once thriving. But as for other things, we are in despair regarding life; and do not speak at length about us, thinking that we are turning toward those who are in danger regarding glory. The opinions about us, according to each one's arrival, and however each one happens to be inclined toward the rivalry of meddling in the evils of others. But we have not been caught by this, but by another, and in many ways; or to speak more truly, there is nowhere from which we have not been. And they have persuaded us to attend with great wonder and cry; both at night and in the day, and when we are alone, and with those with whom we happen to be at any time, we are with you; and we seem like those who are maddened by a certain divine madness, not for any moderate amount, but as much as is possible, as far as possible. For the constant taking up of the B letter supports the suffering, and the repetition of the things in it twice and thrice. And these things come forth from those same things: forgetfulness and ignorance of the present, and the fantasy of you who are absent, pushing away the truth of things; and we have differed nothing from those who are enthusiastic, drawing up words toward some shadow; and we rejoice with the words, as they have enriched a student, as if they were unaware that they possessed us as a statue. And do not think that I am reciting these things otherwise; no, by the words themselves, and the depth that breaks and pulls us down, which has now yielded to your writings, the discourse is not for the sake of grace, nor for anything on purpose, but of a soul knowing nothing technical, nor unworthily rejoicing to be overcome by a man for the amount of any success regarding words. And that this is of judgment, mixed with the moderate, the approachable, and again with the serious and C reasonably discerning. But if I should always go through the suffering, which attacked me when I was first reading after the letters, and which holds me until now, you will seem displeased with the hyperboles. But the discourse will none the more be ashamed of the truth. For I most clearly bear signs of great wonder against your person, either by taking up the letter in memory, or by casting my eyes upon it. And I understand, enjoying myself and finding benefit, as if on a balance, with equal weights. And you indeed hold off from the more dogmatic escape of Socrates, when it is necessary for you to cast a vote concerning us, as to who and what kind we are; and we, for our part, use the boldness of this very person, in matters where it is irreparable—as you might say—regarding dividing and defining, when we sit as judges of matters. But you know, in any case, him whom you wish—be it Socrates or Plato—how he comes to such a degree far from being double-minded, regarding whatever he is judging, so that this is also to be witnessed as knowledge, and he is great and inexorable, stripping those who go the opposite way of their absurd...
of taking and do not you be emboldened to make pronouncements about A how easily one might be factious against us, or lest B you might become a partisan to us; for we shall be pleased to have been placed by you, and having registered you in the fairest choir of the wise, we shall keep this stance immovable; and even if we were to hear the most terrible things (which is not, and could not be the case), the votes concerning you would not incline to the other side. Not, therefore, until your limbs sound forth so tunefully and musically. For I think I have suffered the same thing, just as one who, long imprisoned in darkness, has found some diffusion and resolution into the rays of the sun. For I thought that words had failed me entirely, or for the most part, so that even those who labored over these long tones were repentant, since they have been cast aside in order that they might enjoy the ancient and ancestral echo; they see how such great philosophy will dwell with these, and not descend to those after their own age as an inheritance for children. As I was recounting these things, a letter of yours arrived, showing that you have invited the whole inheritance into your soul; and that you govern everything, both heavenly and earth-trodden; and that you consort with orators and writers, and as much as is among poets; and that you have entered into natural and moral philosophy; and that you have mastered the sequence of the sciences as no one else has.
XIX. By Theodulus the Scholastic, the Magister from Thessalonica, to the same.
For a long time, having been possessed by your fame together with many others, I do not have words to say how erotically I am disposed toward your work, and how I rave about it in a sort of frenzy, and I never cease from loving and admiring you utterly, but also [I cannot say] how greatly I am honored by the prayers that it might be granted me to see you as soon as possible, you who are the admirable beloved and in all things the best; and now, not least, by the things you have written. You have wounded me, at once drawing me and yourself together from this point, and, if I may so speak, knitting us together, and placing us in both, just as I breathe what is yours, showing well in this way the manner in which you say you have often wished to send letters to me, but refrained from the urge because you did not know my ways. That I was of this mind, and that I was the kind of person to write, I admit; but certainly not for the reasons you claimed you were prevented by yourself, nor even by a little bit. So far, therefore, am I from thinking and opining such things about you, that even before coming to the test, I considered your works to be a contest of the tongue and a delight, admiring you for proceeding through every praiseworthy form of speech and manner with much superiority; and I rejoice in the life of your way of being, which I had long wanted to make into something, even for those who were disputing it. It was not, therefore, for these reasons that I thought I should be silent, but especially because of the formality, and that one ought not to leap immediately to such things; and then, because even if one wished to examine it, you yourself were the one who was right to be the first to begin the letters, or even the first to [bring us B] by your wonderful fame, which you indeed deemed to act upon, and doing so, [you were] very pleasing to us. For if you were already striking us with wonder as you were spoken of and heard before, now, being seen and speaking through this letter, and understanding what is reasonable, how much, do you think, you have wrought in us for your paeans, and among other things, that you provide the most beautiful and pleasant things to see? This, on the one hand, is the weightiness and nobility of your intellect, especially suited to philosophy, and moreover your quick-wittedness, your abundance, your keenness, and your skill in all things. This, on the other hand, shows how you possess the Muse in every way, and carry her everywhere, and of the rite of Hermes, one might even say you are a torchbearer and a wondrous student, joining rhetoric with philosophy, and both of these with the things of heaven, and thus being so excellent in all respects, that no one is [like you] among any of the others. These things, therefore, from everywhere you have to draw and conquer everyone, and now to strike with wonder, and now to charm and beguile, and in a word, to bewitch with these your spells. You, for your part, think that through what you are already writing you are especially calling [us] to a society, and are of course preparing confidants and friends for yourself; and by the proverb that legislates that the things of friends are common, you yourself say that the communion through letters is to be made before friendship, as if this, too, will surely follow immediately. But you are unaware, know yourself, that you are truly writing to friends—not [as though that C] were the case with you, but that they had already become [friends] from afar, solely from your fame, and from the arrows of your fame; by which we have been wounded to such a degree, and so deem it worthy to cherish your things, that even those who have long been joined to you in friendship have cause to dispute us for [the honors].
XX. By Akindynos, to the same.
It is no wonder that you carry off the reputation of Cleodemus among men; but it would be a wonder if you did not possess more fame than he, if indeed he was teaching himself to sing like certain birds, curious, of course, and chasing glory from where it was not possible; these things, therefore, were perhaps more superfluous, I think, than praiseworthy to those who perceived the artifice. But you [do not use] birds, nor any other such fabricated rigging, as if having nothing of your own to appear wise, for a demonstration of unwise wisdom, but the beauty and power of your words proclaim [your name] greatly everywhere on earth, and persuade everyone to hold no one among the Greeks—such as the Greeks are now—before their own father, just as they celebrate Homer as the Homer of Homer, and Pindar as the Pindar of Pindar, and if you wish, Demosthenes as the Demosthenes of Demosthenes, and whomever else one might name of that choir. And indeed, it is not only your words that proclaim you, nor those of men who have tasted and enjoyed your divine voice, but already also the heavenly bodies—the sun itself, and the moon, and the stars—according to your exposition, to us both eclipsing and again
A appearing, and as they are, being in motion; so that neither you yourself, who remain among the many who have met and in many places, who then did not leap up, who did not applaud? Here, regarding your letter, since it was not directed to me, I discussed this: "Does it then belong to me alone, Gregoras, to admire the excellent man?" But it almost did not release a voice, as if B it were not possible to say this; but to however many and in whatever way it might happen to have gained experience of the man. Therefore, you do not unreasonably admire how you are esteemed among us; but I, on the contrary, reasonably admire how you admire this. For not even Plato, nor any other of the circle around him, thought that his own wisdom could lie hidden from men; nor would he have admired, while at a loss, if anyone from the furthest reaches discoursed about his own things to him; but knowing, I think, his own strength regarding the Muses, and whatever books he has fashioned in this way, and as the "winged words" are thought of and spoken of by the poets, he would have done the likely thing, he would have received the words. To these things, be persuaded that I do not flatter, but that it is not necessary to think that the truth ought to be hidden, nor that one should endure to be silent. And I have often been delighted by your letters, especially since I have feasted upon the promise of your steadfast friendship, and very reasonably so. And in itself, this matter is C among the most brilliant things on earth; but for it to have happened with such a person, what excess of happiness does it release? And when you speak of the most divine Emperor as holding the words themselves and those who are concerned with words in the highest regard, I believe it, and how do you think I am amazed at his judgment, because he has determined to admire what becomes an Emperor to admire, knowing that nothing is as proper to the nature of an empire as words; but when I hear that he has listened to you discoursing on praises concerning me and my writings, this, if you allow me to say, I do not have the power to believe, even slightly. For neither are my things of a nature to be known to an Emperor, nor would he have provided his ears to them. But if this is so and has occurred, it is, as it seems, a matter for you alone and your Sirens, to attract the ears of an Emperor to even the most meager things. Whence we infer most strongly that we are greatly loved by you. For to love exceptionally, and having wished to introduce my affairs to the Emperor, you did not inquire whether it was fitting for him to know of an Emperor; but just as you cherish certain things, you considered that all these must be and that the Emperor must know them (or rather, it does not seem to be otherwise) without having reflected or calculated D the things you discoursed about us to him. For which, among us, there will be stored up for you gratitude that is possible, commensurate with our life; and with God, a reward.
XXI. Of Theodore Koutalas of Thessalonica, to the same. That you do well by us in what you do, I know and have taught others; but that you appear, displaying the grace of your own judgment, is clear to all. For by praising and admiring my affairs, and by speaking of me as sharing in some good, while my strength regarding the law is altogether weak, how would all not testify that you are voting for a better opinion of yourself? Or rather,
A in declaring it to be the only one worthy of praise and of the greatest number of plaudits? We say this, not as placing ourselves in a higher position—for there is nothing sacred about us—but because you consider those who are such not to be insignificant, but rank them among the good men. From this, then, how is it not natural that we should be at a loss for appropriate words, which it is necessary to apply to your tongue, to which so much virtue and eloquence remains, and to which alone the power of persuasion has been given by the Muses as a sort of further gift? For, so to speak, even if someone should approach it—having been familiarized with it by graces and all other harmonies and accords—and were to say all the best things, I know well that he would still not attain what is fitting. For who could ever finish speaking about such great benefits? You, however, by touching upon our writings, make them the material of praises, and you adorn them with the words that are appropriate. Your benevolence toward all has always been employed in such a way that it is as manifest as no one could recount; but the way in which you appear to have employed it toward us is much greater. For there is no one arriving from there who does not say that we are loved by you in the highest degree, as though bewitched by us and dependent upon our friends. Know that we do these same things regarding you, desiring you as we did even before—for how could we not?—but now, by much more.
If, however, one must say the most truthful thing, it is not only we who are thus conquered, but our entire city B as well, both in that you are a statue of the Greeks and a model of all solemnity. For you were not born to be desirable only to those who have seen and conversed with you, but you are beloved to all who have caught even a rumor of everything. For the sweetness of your mind, the charm sitting upon your lips, and the grace poured most beautifully with persuasion upon your tongue: these, like an undefiled blossom blooming upon your head, implant in our souls an undefiled and immortal memory concerning you, and turn and draw all as lovers. Therefore, whoever, seeing such things and finding nothing of your beauty naked, would be naked of sense himself, if he were not marveling for the longest time and appearing so to all. But I—how I wished, you might think, and made it the subject of my prayers—to associate with you and to taste from the craters of your tongue, and to be adorned and to delight in those things, of which most of the Greeks are desirous, but no one, after having tasted of them, hesitates to give you the prize of eloquence. If this is so, how would we not place those who have tasted of your tongue among the blessed? For if joy ineffable comes to those who have conversed with you even once, what pleasure and ease is it natural for those to enjoy who dwell with you perpetually? Or rather, one might think he is leading a festival and a procession at every hour. Being present, therefore, and C loving and admiring, know that even while absent I continue to be the same, and, ever mindful of your things, I rise and seem to converse with the tongue of Plato. For I am poured over you who strike your harmony, and I am not drawn away from there before I come to your images through all things. For being such, you have never been detected letting anything salty escape from your tongue. And some marvelous desires, springing from your lips, show the pleasure that dwells in the soul, and they charm those who are with you, and raise up all as brilliant praisers. Considering these things, then, and being unable to enjoy them, I am plunged into grief; and, unable to rise, I am grieved the more; and sometimes, having shaken off the cloud from my grief, I pray to appear winged and to be around your gates, so as to enjoy your mysteries for a little bit at least. But it is necessary for you also, the kind one, to lighten [the burden] and to give consolation; for what D would happen if you were to send letters? If you should write, you will honor [me] with the letters, and you will give [me] the most [reason] to marvel at your things. But if you should be silent, know that those who love you and your words more than others are utterly grieved.
XXII. Balsamon of Thessalonica, to him.
I wear the crown of victory upon your friendship, and I stand in choruses, and I rejoice more than those who have won at the Olympics; and now I consider that I must call myself blessed, since I have possessed the Muses themselves for a friendship, and it is permitted for me to frequent Helicon. For I pass over speaking of Plato and Socrates, the Academy and the Stoa. Because of these things I am proud and I think myself to be something great, I who previously cared for nothing at all according to the Delphic [maxim]. But I seem to be blessed in other things, but to be lacking one thing—the greatest. For to love the best man, whom the Muses of the Greeks have numbered among the first, and to seem to share in these same things, with which he has been adorned—I consider this to be doing well beyond all fortune; yet I think that by not enjoying his graces, something of [my] blessedness has been taken away. Seeking, therefore, some device of old, through which I shall be [one who has] enjoyed your things, now I think I have found it. For let Perseus be called for me—I mean the mind within us—and let him provide his wings, and with this thought let us now hasten to blessed Byzantium. Since, therefore, having already attained this, I greet the wise Gregoras, and I introduce myself—whoever I might be—to him as he asks, and rejoicing I enjoy your good things, and returning to my fatherland I join my friends, describing your things with pleasure. Thus I delight myself in the shadow of your things. But may God grant this, that you should appear to us; what festival would I not then conceal?
XXIII. By Bryennios the sakellios, from Thessalonica, to the same.
I do not know what I could have sent of all things that would have gladdened us as much as these precious and sweetest men, whom their manner A shows to be worthy of their profession and their habit. For they led me, as if starting from some step, to the pinnacle of pleasure. I first addressed them. Then, having uttered your name, they delivered to me the greeting from you; and finally they gave the discourse, the most precious of your productions, not only by its worth, but also by its cause. For the King, who is proclaimed by him, is the first-fruits of all good things. Having been pleased, as is likely, not less on account of the monks whom you introduced to me as friends yourself in this manner, than because they came for the sake of B a friend, thinking the discourse to be, so to speak, an icon of your wisdom and idea, I read it immediately with all the pleasure you would describe. For I imagined myself seeing you in it, and hearing those Sirens of yours, by whom you enchanted me when I saw you in this illustrious city. And upon reading it, I admired the arrangement and the Attic quality throughout the entire language; but especially, how, while maintaining brevity, you mentioned so many and such histories, and [how] it is adorned with noble and dense thoughts; or rather, how you enclosed such a mass of histories and thoughts in a few syllables. And who would not be struck by the end of the discourse, so full of prudence, of the finest phrasing, of sense and rhythmic C harmony? For you have wrought a likeness in this part of the discourse, just as someone weaving a costly and useful fabric would, after weaving in borders at the end from some other material, be it purple or gold, [who] would cease weaving. And not only have I admired this discourse myself, but also as many of those of our time who have seen it, and most of all the Master, who particularly honors your things. And all shall see it, and no one shall remain unhearing of it. May you D never cease saying and writing such things and sharing them with your friends; and may God from above provide the occasions and the means for such things through our all-excellent and good King. May the all-good God be the preserver of your protection, above all malice.
XXIV. Of Demetrios Kydones, from Thessalonica, to the same.
I would never claim to be among good men, as I think it is the best thing to know someone—[but] among those who love such men and rejoice in the most diligent of men, if I would not call myself first, I would at least call myself second; since all also claim this, that the good man longs for everything that is good, if they do not also happen to be such themselves. If it is so, I am not one of the good men, though I salute those who are such with kindness; but you have surpassed other good men by as much as those who live in wickedness are surpassed by them; from which it is possible to reason how I hold my opinion of your wonderful soul, unless you wish to count those who troubled [us] in vain, and those who think to curry favor by accusing others in the camp of others; so that you would be unjust, judging the opposite about those who have such an opinion toward you, as those might say about you and others. But if you will not say this, but [that] we are some sort of wicked and malicious men, and seem to have the least part in good character, you would certainly not claim that it is not right to forgive those who renounce being at odds and [those who] accuse themselves. Let this therefore come about, and having favored us with a letter of forgiveness, give a taste of your character to those who desire it.
XXV. Of Georgios Lapithes, from Cyprus, to the same.
If it were possible, most wise one, for the rewards of favors placed in the soul to be equal to those who have been benefited by those who began [the exchange], I would not have hesitated to do everything needful to pay back this debt. But since, as it is impossible for children to repay favors to their parents in full—for they would need to have been conceived and born by them, which nature does not permit—so indeed it is not possible for students to return the same energy to those who have led the way, [back] toward the same [teachers] by themselves; for the same thing would happen to be both active and passive toward the same thing; and we do not think Hesiod advises those who use what is great, to return the loan with interest to the same, if they can. But if indeed, in the case of the Persians' worth, of a man by no means looking to a brother's life. Since, then, things are thus, I hope for forgiveness from you, since we do not reach the worthy reward; for as far as [it is] possible—let it be said with God—I by no means think I shall fall short, even if because of much gratitude your nobility does not deem us worthy to be inscribed among the debtors at all. And how could we not feel the greatest gratitude to you, most learned one, for having shown no less zeal for our affairs [than we ourselves], and for having provided us with what we longed for; namely, the labors of ancient men famed for wisdom, and this letter of yours, from your dear head, no less dear to me than those, through which you surpass the fabled Sirens; the one [providing] no less pleasure than those, but not the harmful [kind], nor, like them, [on the contrary] providing instead what is beneficial? And I call these pastures of asphodel, and the Elysian field, and I use them as such, by your head. For since by those who are in
A a state of being weighed down by more troubles than are bearable, I am being led astray, even so, I shall come to bring you forward to this rational logic; by conversing with which sufficiently, I immediately cast off the cloud of despondency and recover myself, being led toward cheerfulness. Such then were those things which came to us from your wisdom, and even if we were to discourse for a long time, we would not reach their worth. Yet we trust that what follows will be consistent with what has gone before, and we believe it will improve daily. And since you have deigned to count us among the catalogue of your friends, we rejoice at being inscribed in these, rather than the ancients among the Athenians. But do you, most excellent man, not tire of benefiting a friend who knows how to love and to be grateful.
XXVI. By the same, to the same.
I, my dear head, seem to myself to have experienced the same thing regarding you as do those from afar who have just gazed at the sea, and are struck with awe B at its magnitude, appearing as a system surpassing all other usual water; and by how much the more they approach the sea filled with the thirst, unbridled and boundless, by so much the more are they led to consider the former things as child's play. For concerning the rumor, when we were asking before, our admiration of your ability occurred only indefinitely. Now, however, having encountered your words and having learned from those who have observed, we consider that rumor to be behind the facts, seeing the stranger as different from before, and as everyone having mind would pray to be, even if he bore the scepter of the Phaeacians, C so that one is at a loss whether to admire more the diversity or the peak of excellence in each thing; although, even so, we are still persuaded that we fall short of the truth. Yet, in such great strength regarding words, while connecting the graces of character, we see the whole perfected, as in a full moon, with not even the smallest part in shadow, the entire circle. But whence, you might perhaps say, do you have these things so as to come to us as such a reliable witness? By tokens, my good sir, have I gathered these things, by being a clear knower of our venerable father Hyacinth, D who clearly set forth what he had seen; who indeed brought to us those most sweet letters—letters of which one of those who have attained the truth would least say that anything else is to be brought forward before them—and indeed your own admirable letters; which, since I received them, as I went through them, I could not have wondered at them more, as each part alike deserves to be admired: the magnitude of the concepts, the variety of the history, the beauty of the names, the melodiousness of the phrasing, the novelty of the tropes, the strength of the whole interpretation together with its fluency, and the character infused throughout it all! O most flowery meadow! I then reflected within myself if there is indeed now on earth one capable of bringing birth to such beauties of words. Do we seem to you to have gathered the things concerning you correctly, or will you say that we are engaging in sophistry?
XXVII. Of Athanasius the Lepanthrenos, from the island of Cyprus, to Gregoras.
We owe double thanks to your nobility, both for those things of friendship you initiated, without us providing any occasion for this, and for those with which you warm this with bright hopes that it will be preserved sincere forever. For of one who was forced by no one to acquire anything, or judge what is better, how would it not be easy to choose to let everything go, or to neglect to be thought of as someone to be studied? We are, therefore, such accurate acknowledgers of this; but to repay it according to its worth is far from possible; unless perhaps your traveling everywhere with your tongue, and hastening to make all of the Greeks partakers of the ceremony, would provide for you a solution of the debt under your arbitration. For with these we would repay even with excess; and now the beauty of the Queen City, Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, or rather wherever the Greeks dwell, will marvel most clearly, as I do not keep silent, and as your all-excellent letter—which one would rightly name a collection of manifold wisdom—is put forth like some standard, and, instead of ten thousand tongues, proclaims its father. Nor will most of the barbarians, as many as have a share of wisdom, be deprived of this fine feast, as these trilingual Cypriots know well how to translate the affairs of the Greeks into those of the Syrians and Italians; let this be. But since your character is more loving, which is wont to accompany the surplus of your wisdom, not only does it stir itself to contemplate things here, but also of as many others as we have been observers, you shall know, noble sir, that I had something to complain of in Cyprus, according to the laws of medicine, as having turned toward a harsher climate, and to the majority of those arriving, if they lived somewhat intemperately, damaging toward good health. But I fear that I may seem to collide against Fortune, having looked so kindly upon her. And I think that even it [the island], by the proper periods of the years having completed its own motion, has inclined somewhat more novelly toward the south, having come into direct opposition to the northern regions. And now, most excellent man, Cypris—because of Aphrodite, who of old inhabited this place—remains.
A Mîne, and then that too, because much of its history does not differ from our own age; indeed, you will find quarrels and dissensions in sacred matters not unlike those of today. *Gretsurus in Joannis Cantacuzeni Historiam, edit. Reg. p. 932.* Nicephorus Gregoras was illustrious among the Greeks of that time for his every knowledge of literature. *Idem lib. Observationum in Georg. Codinum, cap. 17.* Nicephorus Gregoras in his history was of a rather unfriendly spirit toward the younger Emperor Andronicus and toward the Great Domestic John Cantacuzenus; concerning which inequity of Gregoras, there exists a public complaint in Cantacuzenus, Book IV, ch. 24 and 25. Nor is it a wonder, because he followed the faction of the elder Andronicus, to whom he was most addicted, as being one affected by him with very many benefits and elevated by great honors. Wherefore he could not restrain his pen from sometimes biting and lashing out at the younger Andronicus and Cantacuzenus, and pouring calumnies onto paper. *Pontanus, in Præfatione Historiæ Cantacuzenæ.* But because this Gregoras was friendlier to the grandfather, in whose court he betook himself, having abandoned liberal studies, but more unjust to the grandson; and he often and greatly commended the former; but the latter he openly, neither moderately, and not rarely accused and disparaged; moreover, B of the things that happened between them he had in the greatest part understood very little; whereas what he did learn, he exposed confusedly, imperfectly, and some things even somewhat differently—what do I say "somewhat"?—in many ways differently than they happened and with falsehoods; in the war of Cantacuzenus himself and in recording events (which writings have either perished or still lie hidden in some library), he dealt with little good faith and malevolently: Cantacuzenus, not bearing these vices, explained everything far more sincerely, far more copiously, distinctly, integrally, and certainly, etc. *Idem ibidem.* Nevertheless, it is possible that Gregoras writes some things about the character of Andronicus that are not entirely false, and that our author either does not value them as much and thinks his youth should be forgiven, or dissembles them, etc. *Ger. Joan. Vossius, de Histor. Græc., lib. II, cap. 29.* Next to Metochita: let this be Nicephorus Gregoras, who indeed reports that he received letters from him, and, as we have said, honored the dead man with his oration. He, besides the fact that he translated Synesius’ book *On Dreams*; besides likewise many other things which are preserved in the libraries of Italy; also founded eleven books of Byzantine History; in which he embraced the events of [86] years, from Theodore Lascaris the elder down to his own age, or the death of the younger Andronicus Palaeologus, which occurred in the year of Christ [87], etc. In the affairs of Andronicus,
Preface of Hieronymus Wolfius.
in whose death we said he ended, is less deserving of trust. Indeed, Cantacuzenus, in the fourth book of his history, chapters 24 and 25, attacks him severely, as being shallow and guilty of falsehoods. For Nicephorus lived in the court of Andronicus the grandfather; nor could he have known the affairs of the grandson as accurately as Cantacuzenus did. At the same time, he was carried away by affection, which caused him to perceive the truth less clearly. For he was excessively favorable to the grandfather against the grandson, between whom there was a contest for the empire. He lies not only about Andronicus, but also about Cantacuzenus. Yet those things which he published concerning the deeds of the latter either struggle with moths and worms in some library, or have perished entirely, which I believe is closer to the truth, etc. Leo Allatius, in Exercise 3, in the Preface to Creyghton. In them [Niceta and Gregoras] are both the lights of eloquence, and the ancient facility of diction, and (to express the matter in a word) antiquity. The same author, in the same place, after citing Vossius's testimony concerning Niceta. Nothing else can be said of Gregoras, who nevertheless is more placid in his diction. Thomas Dempster, in the beginning of *Auctarium Roman. Antiq. Rosini*. Nicephorus Gregoras, most useful of the historians of that age. Guil. Cave, *Histor. litterar.*, second part. Nicephorus Gregoras, Byzantine, a notable philosopher and historian, also most skilled in the art of oratory, dear among few to the emperor Andronicus the grandfather, flourished in the year 1345, etc. To these may be added Cardinal Bona, in *Notitia auctorum* prefixed to the book *de Divin. Psalmod.*; Bzovius and Raynaldus, in *Annal. Eccles.* to the year of Christ 1354; Franc. de Moncada, *Expeditionis Catalanorum et Aragonum* ch. 7, 10, 22, 64, etc.; Creyghton, in the Preface to the *History of the Council of Florence*; Leo Allatius, *De Ecclesiæ Occident. et Orient. perp. cons.* p. 800; Petrus Possinus, in *Litteris ad Lectorem*, prefixed to the *History of Pachymeres* concerning Andronicus the Elder; Possevinus, Gesnerus, Miraeus, Hankius, Whartonus, Lud. El. Du Pin, etc. A B
To the Magnificent and Generous Man, Lord Antonius Fugger, Lord of Kirchperg and Weissenhorn, Councilor to His Imperial Majesty, etc.
I believe that not without mind, nor without divine inspiration (to use the words of Virgil), it has come to pass, most noble Sir, that through your outstanding liberality and the singular industry of Joannes Dorenschwam, we possess a complete and perfect Byzantine history, from Constantine the Great to the last Constantine, written by Greeks. For although some epitomes of it exist—partly published by Latin writers and partly derived or taken from these authors of ours—yet the Greeks have described most of the events in the East more certainly and fully, things which the others barely touched upon: and they recount many things entirely unknown to those Latins, or neglected on purpose, because they thought such things pertained less to them; just as the Greeks, in turn, cared little for events in the West. For when the seat of the empire, Byzantium—which was called not only Constantinople, but also New Rome, by its founder rather than its restorer—was moved, gradually Old Rome, together with its neighboring provinces, was, as it were, torn from the body of the whole empire, and became subject partly to popes and partly to foreign nations. There followed, then, C religious dissensions, contentions, schemes, open wars, and also diverse appellations for both peoples. For the Byzantines called themselves Romans, and their princes Romans, but the rest of the Christian peoples and kings who acknowledged the Roman pontiff, they labeled indiscriminately in the way the Latins labeled them, by whom they themselves were called Greeks in return. Therefore, just as affairs transacted in the West may be more rightly sought from the Latins, so those that happened in the East are more rightly sought from the Greeks.
I confess, indeed, that I was excited to translate Zonaras by the rewards proposed by you, which were very opportune at that time, rather than setting upon it by my own will: not so much from a desire to escape work and trouble, to which I had become so accustomed by that time that nothing was more troublesome to me than idle leisure, as from the thirst, deep and enduring, for various reading, and the desire to satisfy it if any leisure were given me for my private studies. But when I had struggled out of the rough paths of Zonaras, and had arrived at the plain of Nicetas Acominatus Choniates, flowering as it were with various little blossoms: that labor of interpretation began to be, for me, a pleasant rather than a heavy task, both on account of his diction, which is more flowing and clear, and often not unsuccessfully exuberant: and then truly, because of the knowledge of those histories which I partly did not know well enough, and partly was entirely ignorant of.
This work being finished, while I was rejoicing not so much that I was relieved of a heavy burden, as I was grieving that I had been, as it were, left in the middle of my course, D unable to reach the final goal of the entire history, lo, beyond all expectation, Nicephorus Gregoras is offered to me by you, who from the time the city was captured by the Venetians and Baldwin of Flanders...
start his history of the 145 years leading up to his own age, and the death of Andronicus Palæologus the Younger, which he has given us described in an elegant style: and so he supplemented those things which Choniates had left behind, just as the latter had attached his own narrative to that of Zonaras. A Moreover, when this same problem occurred to me as had with Choniates—that that author had not touched upon the events of the Byzantines near to our own times—and I lamented that no Greek writer existed, or at least was known to me, who would pursue the rest of the history up until Constantinople was occupied by the Turks and the empire of the Greeks was utterly overturned by Mahomet, Laonicus Chalcocondyles was conveniently sent to me by that most illustrious man, Philippus Gundelius, a jurist of Vienna. Having greedily perused it so that I might find some rest from the labor of translation, I realized that I was fully satisfied: and I was brought to the opinion that it had happened by a certain fate, as I said at the beginning, so that through your generosity, and the Byzantine and Asian travels of Dorenschwam, and my own humble labor, a complete corpus of the entire Byzantine History, perfected in nearly all its parts, might be offered to our men; the reading of which would be not so much pleasant as it would be salutary, if those who hold power would attempt to amend their own errors through the faults of others. For the same enemy, who once oppressed, laid waste, and overturned the blessed provinces of Asia and Greece, still threatens our own necks: and he threatens every extreme to the Christian world and extermination to religion—in vain, indeed (for the power of our Savior Christ cannot be conquered by human arms), but not without mortal danger to us. And he threatens in such a way that, in this state of the Christian commonwealth (which, either to avoid an ill omen or because [some think] they are being rebuked, I do not compare to the Byzantine), his threats can be despised by no man of sound judgment. But if some are so stupefied that they either do not understand these things, or if they do understand, do not care, or if they do care, do not strive for it with all their might, all private contentions being abandoned, so that our safety might be consulted, this seems to be an evident proof of divine indignation against us and of the vengeance pressing for our sins, which this author of ours frequently laments.
B Indeed, while translating these writers, when I had arrived at the sloth of the emperors in fulfilling their duty, their tenacity in necessary matters, their extravagance in superfluous things, and their internal wars; and further, the treachery and rashness of the nobles and leaders, the ignorance of the clergy, and their squabbles over "goat's wool," and the petulance and laziness of the populace—in short, the extreme depravities of every rank—and on the other hand had read of the greater faith, greater integrity, fortitude, clemency, and virtues of the Turks themselves celebrated in the praises of their very enemies, I was so moved in my soul that I judged the Turks far more worthy of the empire; and I lamented that such dregs and bilge water of wicked men had so long remained unscathed. Although those disasters, and the ruin of a once most flourishing and powerful empire, and the flight of the Christian religion from so many most ample provinces might be enough to move even stones; it is to be wondered that our own men, in a similar state of affairs, are unmoved neither by their pity nor by the fear of a similar end. Yet one must not despair that there will be many who, in reading these things, not only for pleasure but also for public utility, will praise your counsel, and among other ornaments will count as many as possible who, by a famous monument, have also wished to take thought for posterity; and you will stir the souls of many, now that these works are published for the public good, to undertake the defense of their country with greater zeal.
And so much for the history. There is no need for much on the author. For he himself declares abundantly with what talent, learning, eloquence, and authority he was held among his own. C When I had learned that he had borrowed from Georgius Pachymeres what he wrote concerning Michael Palæologus up to the defection of the Catalans from Andronicus the Elder, and had reduced it into a compendium, I read that work through from the Augsburg library; and whatever seemed not useless, I added to Gregoras as excerpts, so that, as far as I was able and permitted, I might not lack your will and my own duty. And I would certainly have collected more, had not that codex been mutilated in its beginning and end, and even in the middle some leaves having been partly torn out and partly (as I think) soaked by sea waves, and the letters fading with age, strongly opposed and inconvenienced my study and eyes, which were almost worn out and dimmed by long and perpetual reading and writing. But his own interpreter will so commend Chalcocondyles, with the learning and eloquence he possesses, that it ought to be enough for me now if these labors of mine have been commended to your equity and generosity and approved. Augsburg, the day after the Calends of January, in the year 1559 from the humanity of Christ the Savior, which for you and yours and for the whole world I pray from my soul may be peaceful, happy, and prosperous. May God Almighty grant that the entry of Ferdinand I Augustus, our most clement emperor and lord, into this city, for the sake of most serious deliberations concerning the affairs of the empire—at approximately the time when Christ Jesus, the doctor and example of peace, concord, and mutual love, for the sake of the salvation of the human race, his divinity concealed, willed to be born as a man—may convert the souls of all princes and of all men from private cupidities to the care of the public safety, from luxury and corruption of morals to sobriety and integrity of life, from hatreds and animosities to concord and love, from squabbles and disputations to the true worship of religion, and from wars and arms to firm and constant peace. Of which wish, if the divine liberality (for we can surely boast of no merits of our own, nor are we less in need of divine aid than we are in need) shall render us sharers,
rendered it, we shall be formidable to those by whom we are now, for no other reasons than because of corrupted discipline and intestine wars, overcome by contempt, slaughtered, led away into the most bitter slavery, and, reduced to the greatest straits, destroyed. Whatever calamities and disasters (to say nothing of other Christian provinces) the Pannonians suffer, we deservedly judge that this pertains equally to us as well. For indeed, our matter, nay rather our very salvation, is now at stake; the wall is burning next to us.
FROM THE LIBRARY OF FABRICIUS
(Ed. Harles vol. VII.)Thus far the catalogue of the works of Nicephorus Gregoras. Now it is pleasing to examine his Byzantine History for a little while A (a). The entire work, as he himself titled it, *Romaic History* consists of XXXVIII books. Of these, the first XI books, covering the events from the capture [of Constantinople] by the Venetians and Baldwin in the year of Christ 1204, and the beginning of the empire at Nicaea under Theodore Lascaris, up to the death of Andronicus Palaeologus the younger, who died in the year of Christ 1341, were translated into Latin by Jerome Wolf, who dedicated his interpretation in the year 1559 to Anton Fugger; but what remained until the year 1562 was left at the printer’s: whence it is not possible that we should suspect the Graeco-Latin edition of Gregoras, made in the year 1559, came into existence at the time mentioned in the Preface written to that most noble man. For the work first saw the light in Greek according to the praised Wolfian version at Basel, from the press of Johannes Oporinus in the year 1562, fol. B (b). Boivin is mistaken, who calls this edition Latin, since it is Graeco-Latin. Certainly, as I write this, the Graeco-Latin edition of that year is in my hands: and I do not know whether it also appeared in print separately in Latin in the same year according to Wolf’s version, although the Bigotian catalogue, p. 56, mentions a Latin [edition] of the year 1562, fol. Wolf did indeed add, aside from a few things [on] pp. 271, 272, his own corrections, and also Latin excerpts from the XIII books of Pachymeres’ histories, as well as the ten complete books of Laonicus Chalcocondyles from the version of Conrad Clauser. Rankius, p. 599, thinks it is the same edition which, having had the first and last pages cut away and new ones substituted in their place, professes to have seen the light at Cologne, in the press of the Planicians, 1616 fol., although it is otherwise entirely the same as the Basel edition and contains the same errors. From that time onwards, together with Zonaras, the Annals of Nicetas Choniates (c), and Chalcocondyles C appeared in Latin in the *Byzantine History* by three writers, Geneva, 1615. fol. [— *Byzantine History writer, Graeco-Latin, Nicephorus Gregoras, matters managed by the Greek emperors for 145 years, from the elder Theodore Lascaris to the death of the later Andronicus Palaeologus, described in XI books, and filling in the gaps of Nicetas Acominatus Choniates*. Cologne, Allobrog. by Peter de la Roviere, 1625 fol. See more on the editions and Nicephorus Gregoras himself in Jo. Fabricius, *Bibliotheca Graeca*, vol. II, pp. 418-420, and concerning the Italian version, see Paitoni, *Biblioth. degli autori volgarizzati*, vol. II, p. 256 sq.] — Translated into Italian by Ludovico Dolce, with editorial care by Augustino Ferentilli, Venice, 1569. 4.
After Wolf, the praised Joannes Boivin, at the urging of du Cange, set his mind to polishing Gregoras, which he published at Paris, 1702, fol. (d). From the Royal press he provided not only those mentioned eleven books significantly better than in the previous volume, but also added thirteen others, previously unpublished, which extend the history up to the year of Christ 1351. He collated the Greek of the prior books and filled in gaps from manuscript 2558 of the library of the most Christian King, written before the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, and also comprehending the history of Pachymeres, but D [a copy] here and there more complete than the one Wolf used, and comprehending both other things and those three fragments which Dionysius Petavius, having received them from Fronto Ducaeus, first published and appended to the *Historical Breviary* of Patriarch Nicephorus, Paris, 1616, 8.: "Again," says Boivin, "it is most worthy of note in this very manuscript that those things which Gregoras inserted into the final four books, composed by himself at various times, are almost all missing therein, and thus each piece has been cut out in its own place." Nicephorus Gregoras, Pachymeres, and others, not yet published to this day. Paris. Seb. Chappelet 1616. 8. (HARL.)
A the Disputation of Gregoras with Nic. Cabasilas and another man regarding the errors of Palamas, which was held in the year of Christ 1351, after the Palamitic synod, and which exists in this work from the beginning of Book XXII to roughly the middle of Book XXIV, he presents with a Latin version and notes by Claudius Capperonier, a licentiate of theology at Paris. Besides his own annotations, in which he includes various unpublished items, Boivin also added the posthumous notes of Du Cange to seventeen books of Gregoras.
He wrote Book XII and the five following it consecutively, while the persecution against the Acindynites was raging, yet not while he was confined at home; rather, as it seems to the editor, before the Palamitic synod was held in the year 1351. Book XVIII and the nine that follow consecutively he composed while already ordered to remain at home and besieged by monastic guards, in the months of July and August of the year 1352, with such speed that he barely spent forty days on that writing, just as Boivin observes in his life, who had promised besides to publish in a third volume (f) the remaining fourteen books of the work, from XXV up to XXXVIII; eight of these are indeed historical, ending at the beginning of the year 1357, and six are dogmatic, from a transcript of the Vatican codex, which he seems to have composed at various times after regaining his liberty, as Boivin also noted in his remarks on page 783.
There are also some things falsely ascribed to Nicephorus Gregoras, such as the prophetic dream in the twelfth Antirrhetic of Philotheus the patriarch, Codicis Regii 1996, folio 279, which Boivin inserted into the life of Nicephorus in Greek and Latin. C The vices of Gregoras, says the same most learned man (for I am not such a foolish supporter of this writer as to contend that he had none), were especially these: he was harsh, austere, stubborn, and offended both princes and private individuals with the petulance of his tongue. As a philosopher, he did not command his own spirit. As a historian, he did not divest himself of partisan bias; finally, he labored under a desire for glory and an excessive love of self. There is much to criticize in his style: primarily his *kakozelia*, or affectedly ambitious elegance; a poetic luxury of words; unusual figures; hyperbata; and frequent repetitions not only of words, but of thoughts as well. But if one must compare an example, in books of historical subject matter Cantacuzenus is far superior. In chronology, however, Gregoras is more diligent; indeed, in Cantacuzenus there is almost none. Cantacuzenus seems to have intentionally omitted certain things which Gregoras did not pass over. Cantacuzenus had expressed them. I say nothing of the minor vices, from which no work, however polished and refined, can ever be completely free: these vices, just as they generally elude us in our own labors, so they rarely escape us in those of others. I, for my part, have diligently sought to remove these flaws sprinkled over an otherwise excellent body: nor do I think that I have done an injustice to Wolf by this, but rather I assert and maintain that I have served him well. For it is not because I correct his repeated slips that I therefore consider myself more learned or more diligent; nor would I, on account of that, dare to pluck from his head the crown that clings to it with much praise.
(f) But volumes III and IV never saw the light of day. (HARL.)
A Since our own historian has embraced, in a certain way, only Byzantine affairs, and he has also included external matters in his history. Both, therefore, must be read, and the one must be supplemented by the other.
The eulogies, prefixed by the editor to the first volume, consist for the most part of monuments previously unedited in Greek, such as the letters of Georgius (g) Lapithes, Lampenus Tarchaniotes, the protonotary, Demetrius Cydones, Athanasius Lepanthrenus (h), Bryennius, prefect of the chapel, Zaridas, Theodorus Cutula, Balsamon, and Acindynus (i) to Gregoras from the Vatican codices, a transcript of which he received from Montfaucon; letters of the same Acindynus to him, of Gregorius Palamas to the nomophylax, and of Demetrius Cydones to the patriarch Philotheus, from the Royal codices; from the twelfth Antirrheticus of the patriarch Philotheus, and from the beginning of John Cantacuzenus’s Antirretics on the Taboric light against Prochorus. It also exhibits in Greek the letter of the scholasticus Theodulus the Master to Gregoras, which begins: *Καὶ πάλαι μὲν ἔγωγε*. This piece, in both Greek and Latin, along with the letter of Gregoras to Theodulus, the beginning of which is, *Πολλοὶ μοι τὸν σὸν ἐμήνυσαν τρόπον*, had already been published in Greek and Latin by Laurentius Normannus among other orations and letters of Theodulus the monk (who became better known under the name of Thomas the Master) at Uppsala in 1693, 4to. Boivinus further mentions letters and verses of Matthæus Ephesius and Nicolaus Pepagomenus to Gregoras, but he omitted to include the not very elegant ones by Theodorus Metochites.
In the notes, many previously unedited fragments or documents are cited, such as the Proemium of Nicephorus Gregoras, prefixed to his demonstration concerning Pascha (from a Vatican codex) on page 364, and the Epilogue on page 373. Also his epigram on Theodorus Metochites, 773. Certain verses from Theodorus Metochites’ *On the wise Nicephorus Gregoras, his instructions and concerning his own compositions*, 475. Fragments from the catalogs of the imperial manuscripts of Constantinople, p. 746. From the oration of Blemmydes, *What a king ought to be*. From the encomium of Andronicus by Gregorius Cyprius, 142. B From the Greco-barbarian poet, 146, 252. Epigrams of Maximus Planudes concerning the temple of St. Andrew restored by Theodora, 167. Concerning the writings of Athanasius, Patriarch of Constantinople, 180 sqq. 259. From the oration of Theodulus the rhetorician for Chandrenus, pages 229, 247, 251, 253. Pachymeres’ *Ekphrasis of the Augusteon*, 275. A chapter of Gregorius Palamas *On Prayer*, with the version of Claudius Capperonerius, p. 557. Images of Hippocrates the physician and the Grand Duke Apocaucus from an ancient Royal codex of the works of Hippocrates, with Greek verses in their praise, 577. From the Antirretics of the patriarch Philotheus, book xi, p. 714. Verses of the Chaldean oracles cited by John Laurentius Philadelphiensis Lydus, which are wanting in the edition of Obsopoeus, 724.
Excerpts from the letters of Gregorius Palamas, Archbishop of Thessalonica, 768 seq. His letter to the Augusta, Anna Palaiologina, complete, which Boivinus thinks was the foundation of the alliance entered into by the Augusta with Palamas against the patriarch (John Calecas), 768. From the oration of Palamas against John Calecas, patriarch, 786, 830.
Notice of the work of Nicephorus, patriarch, concerning images, which is attributed to Theodorus Graptus in a very ancient codex, by which Cantacuzenus, Gregoras, Philotheus, Jo. Cyparissiota, and others were deceived, p. 793, the title of the book being: *The discourse of our holy father and Archbishop of Constantinople, Nicephorus, concerning our blameless, pure, and sincere Christian faith, and against those who imagine they have bowed down to idols*. Eusebius’s letter to Constantia, 945. A passage of Theodorus Graptus supplied from the Royal codex, 949. The signature of the calligrapher, Leo Cinnamus, in the Royal codex 2951, p. 167.
Index of writers and others mentioned in the Byzantine History of Nicephorus Gregoras.
(Regarding the numbers of the books and chapters, and the pages of the Boivinian edition which are noted in the Greek text by Arabic numerals placed between brackets. Volume II begins on page 353.)
Academy, 200, 205, 206, 211, 289, 292, 354, 563. D Acindynus, XVIII, 8. Egyptians, wanderers, VIII, 10. Aeschylus in Prometheus, 255, 644. Aesop the Phrygian, his saying, that man was formed from earth steeped in tears, XVI, 4, Fable of the wolf and the lamb, 640, 650. Anacharsis’s saying, *It is better to possess one friend worth many, than many who are worthy of nothing*, 389. Anaxagoras, 207. St. Andrew’s Monastery, 109, 161. Andronicus Palaiologus the Elder, emperor, his invective against slanderous historians, book 1, cap. 1. He uses lots, and being doubtful about concluding a peace, he consults the psalter, and rests on the passage in Ps. xvi, 15, VIII, 11, p. 220. Fearing his grandson, he flees to the image of the Mother of God, IX, 6, thrust from the empire by the same grandson, he was called Antonius, a monk, IX, 8. His oration about 3.0 years.
A in the case of his grandson, before Patriarch Isaias and the pontiffs, IX, 3. Of Andronicus, the grandson, an oration to the envoys sent by his grandfather, IX, 2. To the soldiers, IX, 4. Against the conspirators, XI, B. The Antiochene patriarch's decrees and letters against Palamas, 562. Antigonus, the most powerful of the successors of Alexander, who defeats Eumenes by trickery, 306. The feast of St. Antonius, 283. A temple in the city of Nicaea, 28. Apollinaris, the heretic, 714. Apophthegm of a wise man, wondering not that someone had sailed, but that he had sailed twice. XII, 6. Of Thales, or Plato, pronouncing himself blessed that he was not born a barbarian, but a Greek, VIII, C. Emp. Cantacuzenus, his affairs flowing according to his wishes; "Now it is necessary for me to be sober, when I compel the others to be drunk," IX, 8. Of the Egyptian king, saying the calamity of his subjects was greater than his own with tears, IX, 10. The temple of the Holy Apostles, 494. Aristotle’s opinion on the substance and operation of God, 683. On the perfect mind, 684. The labyrinths of the Aristotelian tongue, 293. Arius, 707, 714; Arians, 578. Arsenius, Patriarch of Constantinople, III, 1; IV, 4, etc. Regarding the followers of Arsenius, the Arsenites, schism, 77, 101, 160, 161. Asanes' oration to Matthew Cantacuzenus, his sister's son, XVI, 2. A French astrologer, 453, 483. St. Athanasius, 604, 610, 671, 672, 677, 680, 684, 708, 710, 714. Athanasius, Patriarch of Constantinople, VI, 5, 7, and VII, 4, 9. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria, censures the Constantinopolitan D by means of a fable about a white cat that fell into an inkpot and took on the garb of a monk, and yet, while holding control of its crafty nature and carnal appetites, VII, 4. Athanasius, a companion of Gregoras against Palamas. His eulogy, XVIII, 5, page 562. Athanasius, if I am not mistaken, Lepanthrenus, whose letter to Gregoras Boivinus published. Attalus, the Trojan, founder of Tralles, V, 5. Atticus, sketching his virtues more clearly than any veil, 204. Barlaam, a newcomer from Calabria, 567. He desired the dogmatic wisdom of the Latins, 565. Latin-minded, 570. Hence considered a friend to the Greeks, 579. An interpreter of the Dionysius Areopagita and the mystical dogmas of the Church, 581. He attacks the monks, 344. An adversary of Palamas, condemned in the synod of A.D. 1341, ibid. The *Tomoi* promulgated against him are mentioned, 570, etc. Basil the Great, 314, 315, 454, 587, 603, 609, 610, 620, 623, 646, 649, 650, 659, 675, 680, 684, 703; in his discourse on faith, 485. Antirrhetica against Eunomius, 598; in his writings to Amphilochius, 638. Beccus, Chartophylax, and thereafter Patriarch of Constantinople, V, 2; VI, 1, 2. Nicephorus Blemmydes, of great wisdom, as much as the children of the Greeks celebrate, and as much as the leaders of our Church and teachers have set forth for our benefit, 27. He refuses the patriarchate of CPol. offered to him, 31. Very experienced in divine Scripture, who, having given himself time, began to collect many testimonies from divine Scripture, appearing to support the dogmas of the Latins, 78. Bogomili and Messalians around Mount Athos, 448, 550. Bishops of Britain, 574. Byzas, founder of Byzantium, VI, 1, 5. Cabasilas, a friend of Gregoras, later a follower of Palamas, is attacked by Gregoras, 641 seq., 691, 715, 716.
106 Caesar, killed by Brutus and Cassius, 108. Callistus, from Mount Athos, raised to the dignity of Patriarch of Constantinople, 547, 658 seq. Cambyses, King of the Persians, asks the captured King of Egypt the cause of his weeping, 271. Orations of the Emperor Jo. Cantacuzenus, XII, 3, 5, 6, 8; XIII, 8; XVI, 4; XVII, 4; XVIII, 8. Epistle to Joannes, the Patriarch, XV, 3. Luctatius Catulus and C. Marius routed the Cimbri and Teutones, 19. The eighteenth canon of the Council of Chalcedon, 248. Chaldaeans, 22, 23, 53. Chaldaean oracles, 454. Wisdom, 201, 276. Empire, 560. Charondas, the Catanaean, founder of the republic, and legislator of the Sicilians, 695. Chilas, Bishop of Ephesus, 108, 109. Jo. Chrysostom, 132, 604, 636, 681, 803. Nicephorus Chumnus, Prefect of the Canicleus, a wise man, and one who had much influence under Andronicus the Elder, page 147. His daughter Eulogia married Joannes, the son of Andronicus and Irene, but he died not long after without children, ibid. seq. Clemens, successor of St. Peter, 312. Imperial clergy, 306. Jo. Climacus, the compiler of the *Ladder* of asceticism, 604. Clisthenes, who made ten tribes out of four among the Athenians, 500. Manuscripts sold by the Turks. In possession of Nicaea, 282. Council of Adramyttium, which commits the judgment of the writings of dissenters to the fire, consuming both in ashes, 101. Ephesine, 313, 642. Fourth General, 572, 248. Sixth General, or Trullan, 248, 565, 582, 608, 652. The book of the acts of the divine and ecumenical sixth council, 574. Acts of the General Councils, 604. Councils of the Iconoclasts, pillaging, 600. Council against Arsenius, the Patriarch, XV, 4. Against Beccus, VI, 2. Against the Bogomili and Messalians, XIV, 7. Against Joannes, the Patriarch, XV, 9. Against Isidorus, the Patriarch, XV, 10. The Palamite Synod, in books XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI. Pillaging, 560, 684. Cosmas, a writer of odes, 696. Critobulus is introduced speaking with Florentius in a dialogue of Gregoras, 343. Croesus, defeated by Cyrus, 93, 191, 279. The Cylonian crime, 499, 684. Epistles of the Cypriots and Rhodians against Palamas are mentioned, 494. St. Cyrillus, 684. Cyrus, King of the Persians, 35, 93, 191. Cyrus the Younger, son of Darius and Parysatis, 415. Jo. Damascenus, 613, 663, 673, 674, 681, 711. Daniel, Bishop of Cyzicus, 108, 109. Darius, King of the Persians, 115, 306, 360, 508. The complaint of Darius Codomannus, that he could not return thanks for the kindness shown him in his death, 646. David, the prophet, 112, 163, 599. His lyre, 208. The book, 716. A certain word of his, 515, 857, etc. Bishop of Debrorum in Macedonia, subject to the Metropolitan of Prima Justiniana, 99, 100. Theologians of Delphi, 319. The laurel, 199. Tribe, 92. Demetrius, martyr, 242. His feast, 380. A temple at CPoli, 542. Demetrius Poliorcetes, son of Antigonus, 70. Democritus, the philosopher, 230, 601. Demonastis, the orator, his witty apophthegms, 204. Demosthenes, 206. Celebrated for his loyalty to his country, in the face of King Philip, 254. His dictum that "councils are to be judged by their outcome," is rebuked, 565. Smelling of the lamps of Demosthenes, 211. Dercyllidas, Lysander, and the Lacedaemonian harmost, to whom the Athenians and Boeotians were forced to pay tribute, 129.
A Dexios, friend of Gregoras and ally against Palamas, "a man who, adorning his life always with reason and virtue, showed even now in the struggles for piety that he possessed a name that was by no means lying," 502. Diasia, festival of the Athenians in honor of Zeus, 233. Diogenes, the Cynic, praised by Alexander the Great, 438. His tub, 508. Saying: that glory is most easily obtained by despising it, 645. Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily, 458. At the arrival of Plato, his palace was covered with dust—that is, it was brought to the study of geometry, 319. St. Dionysius the Areopagite, 593, 680, 687, 688, 692, 695, 696, 698. Dioscorus, archbishop of Alexandria, 642. Doric harmony, 194, 195, 449. Sacred Doxology, 55. Gregorius Drimys, teacher of Palamas, rebuked by Gregoras, XIX, 1, p. 578. Bishop of Dyrrachium, "the all-renowned, who excelled among the bishops by the depth of his life and the sharpness of his intelligence, and by the greatness of his mind, adorning virtue with reason and reason with virtue," X, end. Engastrimythus (ventriloquist), 552. And Bacchic and Phebus-haunted, 453. Epaminondas, 74, 222, 299, 471. Ephectic philosophers, 453. Metropolitan of Ephesus, "to whom, being eighty years old, there bloomed a seemly appearance and an apt resonance of speech, and philosophy grew up along with him, as much as was among the Greeks and as much as belonged to the divine court," 561. Epicureans, 453, 496; they do not dare to call into question the decrees of their masters, 318. They taught that the sun was a foot in size, 608. Esaias, Patriarch of Constantinople, VIII, 12; IX, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10. Swearing by the holy Gospels, 196, 363. Eudocia Palæologina, below under Hypatia. Gate of Eugenius in Constantinople, 101, 170. Eumenes, entrapped by the deceits of Antigonus, 306. Eunomius, heretic, 598, 696, 714. Euripides, 190, 397. "Most wise poet," 191. Eusebius, "the first of the learned men of that time," 591. His [work] against the images, ibid. seq. 598. Fable of the cat that fell into an inkwell, see above under Athanasius, Patriarch of Constantinople. Fable of the bird which tells the future and the bird-catcher, 413. Attic or Greek fable, 210, 625, 660. Favorinus, philosopher, 519. Flavianus, Patriarch of Constantinople, killed by Dioscorus at the Synod of Ephesus, 642. Florentinus, a dialogue of Gregoras against Barlaam, XI, 10. Gani, Metropolitan of, 561 seq. Sayings of the Gentiles consonant with the Holy Fathers, 682 seq. Georgius, Cyprian. See Gregorius. Georgius, of Larissa, the Bogomil heretic, 450. Icon of St. George the Martyr, 187. Gerasimus, monk, Patriarch of Constantinople, VIII, 2 and 6. Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople before Arsenius, "a man prudent and who adorned his life with both virtue and reason," III, 1. Germanus, formerly Bishop of Adrianople, Patriarch of Constantinople after Arsenius, IV, 4 and 8. Germanus, Metropolitan of Heraclea in Thrace, 100. Factions of the Ghibellines and Guelphs (Guelfs and Ghibellines), VIII, 1, p. 176. Joannes Glycys, Patriarch of Constantinople, VI, 8; VII, 11. His testament, VIII, 2. Theodorus Graptus, 591, 596 seq., 684, 715. His praise and books against the Iconoclasts (which, however, were to be attributed to Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople), 712. B
Nicephorus Gregoras. Auditor of Glycys, Patriarch, VII, 11. Writes his testament, VIII, 2. Serves and consoles Theodorus Metochites, VIII, 5. Placed by him in the monastery of Chora, VIII, 5. Taught philosophy and astronomy by him, VIII, 5. Appointed heir, and in turn appointed his son and daughter, VIII, 5. Rejects the dignity of Chartophylax, VIII, 9. And the patriarchal dignity, XVIII, 9. Writes about his uncle, the Metropolitan of Heraclea, IX, 11. And about the astrologers, XIV, 8. Monody on the death of Andronicus the Elder, X, 1. [Monody on] the Junior, XI, 11. On Theodorus Metochites, X, 2. Consolatory oration to Andronicus the Junior regarding the death of his mother, X, 6. Advocated by John the Patriarch to speak as a layman against the Latin bishops, X, 8. His Florentinus dialogue, or "On Wisdom," X, 10. Synod against Barlaam, although invited, he did not attend, XI, 10. Appointed as judge/arbiter between the Patriarch and Palamas, condemns Palamas's dogmas, XV, 7; XVI, 5; XX, 1. He says, XVIII, 4. After the Palamitic synod he is shut up in his house, XXI, 4. Pressed by harsher custody, XXII, 2; XXIV, p. 716. Disputation with Cabasilas, lib. XXII sq., p. 661. Oration before Cantacuzenus, XVIII, 4. Before his orthodox companions, XVIII, 5. Before the Palamitic synod, XIX, 1. Antirrhetici and "contentious discourses," 567, 593, 697, 708, 713. Against Barlaam, and their explanations, which were said more obscurely by the ancients, XVII, 7. Where it is signified that his [writings] were already read in the churches during the commemorations of the saints, 716. His treacherous disciple, XII. Even his own companions wrote commentaries about their contentions with Palamas, XX, 4. Oration to Andronicus the Junior, so that he might take care to effect the reform of the times and the change of the vernal equinox, VIII, 30. (Regarding the books published most recently, see the Index). C
Gregorius, the Cyprian, Patriarch of Constantinople, "who retrieved into the light the noble rhythm of Greece—which was in the Scriptures—and that Atticizing tongue which had for long already been buried in the depths of oblivion, and by the dexterity of his nature and his diligence granted it a kind of revival," VI, 1, p. 99. Suspected by the Zealots of Latinism, p. 100. Beccus is ill-received for his vivid genius and power of eloquence, "as regards the sharpness of Beccus's tongue and thought," I, 108. Gregorius, Nazianzen, 316, 319, 483, 574, 578, 584, 587, 601, 602, 638, 668, 674, 705, "the Great in Theology, in his discourses on theology," 313. Gregorius, Nyssen, 314, 621, 696, 713, 714. Harioli (soothsayers): Harioli, originating from the Persians, inhabiting Colchis: their predictions, 275. Faith is accorded to the Harioli, 453. "Fanatical stirrings," 77. Hecuba, the Trojan, 86. Helicon of the Muses, 293. Parnassus, 66, 154. Hellanodicae (judges-of-the-Greeks), incorrupt judges, 213, 311, 505. Bishop of Heraclea in Thrace consecrates the Patriarch of Constantinople, VI, 1, p. 100. See below, Law of Severus. Joannes, Bishop of Heraclea, uncle of Gregoras, IX, 7. Philotheus, "a fervent supporter of Palamas," 711. Heraclitus, philosopher, 230, 601. Herodotus, "the writer of things Persian," 18. Patriarch of Jerusalem, 312, 488. King of Spain, on the occasion of some scandal, condemned by an interdict from the Pope, 102. "It is a custom for the most honorable of the Latins not to give the rites of burial to Romans (i.e., not to marry Byzantines) before having received [permission] from the Pope," ibid. Of the Hodegetria Mary, or Mother of God, "of the guides..." D
A Leonidas, the Spartan, his saying when about to fight at Thermopylæ: "Come, let us dine, for we shall sup in Hades," 396, 565. Libanius, a pagan, friend of Basil the Great, 662. Lucian, a Greek sophist, author of the "Dialogues of the Dead," 581. The Feast of Lights, the twelfth day after the birth of Christ, 384. Lyceum, 200, 205, 206, 289. Lycurgus, 200. The Spartan legislator, 695. He established the aristocracy among the Lacedaemonians, 500. Lysander, Lacedaemonian, 129, 293, 299. Lysis, a Pythagorean, and Synesius, "the very great," forbid "sharing the goods of philosophy with those who have not even in a dream purified their soul," 198. The Manichaeans teach that matter is pre-existent, 603. Palamas agrees with them, 714. A certain doctor of the Manichaeans, along with others of his sect, is baptized after abjuring their errors, VIII, 15. Marcion, a heretic, 601. C. Marius, victor over the Cimbri and Teutons, 19. Martius (Coriolanus), 509. The contests of the martyrs, 638. Massagetae, or Alani, Christians of old, VI, 10. Massalians and Bogomils on Mount Athos, XIV, 7, and pp. 550, 578, 579. St. Maximus, Confessor, 611, 612, 669, 670, 671, 681, 685, 702. "In the disputation with Pyrrhus," 574. Melanchlaeni, a Scythian nation, 19. Melchizedek, "without beginning," 594. Meliteniotes, archdeacon of the imperial clergy, "Latin-minded," 78, 104. "Meridian babblers," meridiani nebulones, 277. Calabrians. Mesembria, a fortified and populous city, 35, 281, 282, 299. Georgius Metochites, archdeacon of the imperial clergy, "Latin-minded," 78, 104. The eulogy of Theodore Metochites, VII, 11; and X, 2, where there is a monody on his death. See also above under Gregoras. He restored the Chora Monastery, 657. "An all-embracing library and a ready store of requested knowledge," he condemns the errors of Palamas and Gregory Drymes, 578. The virtue of Miltiades and Themistocles shone in times of adversity, 207. Mixolydians, Mixophrygians, 233. The empire of Mithridates, most vast, 400. Poisons examined by him, ibid. "Attic" myth of Momus, rebuking Zeus for not having produced a praiser of the universe worthy of a world so beautiful, VIII, 9. Monks, Euchites and Omphalopsychi, XI, 10. Letters to the monks on Mount Athos sent by Anna and John Palaeologus, 482. Monastery of the Adeli, near the castle of Trajanopolis, 561. Of St. Andrew, 109, 161. Of the Archistrategus or Saint Michael near the Bosphorus, 75. Of the Auderi, near Mount Rhodope, 389. Of St. Basil, 493. Of the Chora, founded by Justinian, restored by Metochites, IX, 13, and pp. 187, 190, 657. Of Chortaites, 160. Of Cyriotissa, 177. Of the Hodegetria or Mother of God, "of the guides," 342, 346, 357. Of Libis, 285. Of the Manganes, 260. New, XIV, 10. Destroyed, ibid. Of the Pantocrator, 50. Of Paschasius, 46. Of Peribleptos, 166. Of Pertze (monastery of virgins), 160. Of the Pantocrator St. Mary, 97. Of St. George of the Mangana, restored by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, laid waste by the Latins, VI, 6, p. 116. Of Xerolophus, 117, 131, 159. The ancient custom of teaching the Holy Scriptures publicly in Constantinople in various places, "they used to teach at various times and places in Constantinople; one [taught] the psalms of the prophet David, another the Epistles of the great Paul, another the evangelical laws of the Savior; and again, in each instance, as many as were of the priestly order, appointed in succession..."
A rari with the other four patriarchs, and to himself, as if to a higher tribunal, be the *ekkleton*, or appeal, V, 2, p. 75. Patriarchal authorities, the *infula*, slippers, the custom of subscribing, XIV, 3. Ignorant and simple men are most pleasing to the emperors, VIII, 2. Patriarchal officials, 64. Paul, painter, a skilled craftsman, painted the image of the martyr George, 187. Pelopidas, having received money from Artaxerxes, waged war with Agesilaus, 74. Pentheus, torn apart by the Bacchae, 625. Pericles, 205. Peripatetics [Peripatos], 292. Persian wisdom and knowledge, 201, 276. Law against the ungrateful, 567. Empire divided into satrapies, XII, 7. Successors to the throne of the Great Peter, 312. Phidias, the cicada and Olympian Jupiter, 200. Sculpture [gluptikē], 469. Philippos, bishop, legate from Cantacuzenus to Anna, XV, 8. Philippos Arrhidaeus, 225. Philippos of Macedon, his statement praising the loyalty of Demosthenes to his fatherland, 254. Ridiculing Alexander because he played the lyre with modulation, 279. Philosophical axiom: that opposites cannot exist at the same time in the same thing, 367. Philosophers at Athens did not quarrel except in time of peace, 452. Philotheus, bishop of Heraclea, equates the writings of Palamas with the Gospel, 589. In the Eucharist he recognizes only a type and figure, 711. Phreres (Friars Minor, commonly *phremeno-dori*), 78. Pindarus, 207. Pisistratus, the Athenian, 465. Plato, 188, 200, 205, 206, 293, 294, 519, 573. Son of Ariston, 235, 313. Departed for Sicily to Dionysius, 310, 589. See above under Dionysius. Plato’s sayings, 95, 158, 181. Concerning Mind or God, 313, 684. Concerning the lover's soul, 573. Words from the *Timaeus*, 694. Plato's dialogues, boyish loves are reviled, 608. Platonic idea, 4. Fish are drawn from the sea by fishermen with a plectrum, and a forest-snake by jugglers, 189. Plotinus on the substance and operation of God, 683. On Mind, parent of all things, 684. On Unity, 685. Plutarch of Chaeronea, 18, 695. Pneumatomachi, teaching the Holy Spirit to be a poem and a creature, 645, 707. Poets, parents of fables, 98. Pompeius Magnus, 53, 400. Proclus the Platonist on the One and unity, for the most part uses the words of Plato, 685. On participation, 690. He contradicts himself, 691. Refuted, ibid. Proclus's *Theological Institutions*, 686. Use of profane sciences in theology, 679. Gregoras, Emperor Cantacuzenus, Prometheus, 659. In the manner of the Propontian Proteus, going into all forms, 558. Proverbs: "Always Libya brings something new," 507. "To hunt the breath of winds," 559, 575. "When an oak has fallen, it is easy for all to gather wood," 665. "To weave into fire," 178. "Libya... [text missing/illegible]... 591. Nets... [text missing/illegible]... 591. "The demand is not met," 591. "In the lot [fate]," 377, 573. "To see the pottery in the jar," 710. "The word," 58. "As though falling from a potsherd," 153. "From the claws, the lion," 634. "Smaller than the Iliad," 58. "To write on water," 573. "To act against oneself, O Bellerophon," 576. "Apes playing the ape and ants acting the ant, doing their own [work]," 235. "Speech," 487, 499. "As in the case of Mandrabolus," 588. "So that not even a fire-bearer was left," 529. Dreams of the Palamites, 651.
[End of column 112]
A Mountains in labor brought forth a mouse, 555. Prey of mice, 14, 261, 479. Not even Hercules can handle two, 665. A burden heavier than Etna, 656. Life of Tantalus, 508, 538. Stone of Tantalus, 129, 184, 513, 580. Progeny of Giants, 556. Lamia, blind at home, keen-sighted abroad, 695. Sardonic laughter, 601. Voices of the Sirens, 206. Sybaritic banquets, 612. Webs of Penelope, 77, 277, 415. Trojan dirges, 15. Proverbs indicating that a thing cannot be done: "To seek bird's milk," "to bend a corner into a bean," "to count (panta tellein)," "to sow the sea," "to wash a brick," "to speak to a deaf man," "to signal to a blind man," "to tickle a statue," "to draw water into a perforated jar," "to hunt stars/shoot stars," "to anoint a pig," "to turn somersaults over swords," "to carry water in a sieve," "to card clouds," "to whiten an Ethiopian," 210. Psalter, consulted by Andronicus the Elder for the casting of lots, 220. Claudius Ptolemy, the great astronomer, 146, 225, 294, 454. Sextus and Pyrrhones kai he antithetos glossa (and the contradictory tongue), 184. Pythagoras, sailing from Egypt to Attica, 200. Pythagoras, Numa, and Plutarch, who posit nothing uncreated besides God, 695. Pythagoreans, 455, 600. They do not dare call the master’s decrees into doubt, 318. Their five-year silence, 600, 637. Sacred relics sold by the Turks, 282. Russian prince who held the dignity of steward under Constantine the Great, 146. (Cf. Gregoras’ epistle to the prince of Russia.) Cantacuzenus’ letter to the patriarch, written in red ink, 475. Sabellius, the heretic, 651. Book of Wisdom, 698, 705. Semele, consumed by the fires of Jove, 3. Temple of Serapis, 552. Seres (people of the East), 25. Silk fabric, 436. Severus, Emperor, who donated Byzantium, captured and with walls razed, to the citizens of Heraclea in Thrace to inhabit as a village, 100. Hence, the bishop of Heraclea consecrates the bishop of Constantinople, ibid. Sextus Empiricus, see above under Pyrrho. Dialectical progeny of apes, as the Giants in fables, 556. Sisinnius, Novatian, helper of the first synod against Arius, 582. Socrates, 200, 205, 206, 293, 319, 573. Socratics, 565. Ancient Spartans content with bread and water, 399. Sparta, 46, 299, 471. "As much as Stentor outshouts the other heralds in the rhapsodies," 106. Attic Stoa, from which the Stoics, 200, 205, 206, 289, 292, 354. Stratocles, the Epidaurian, a good piper, but not likewise a good man, 357. Proscriptions of Sulla and M. Antonius, 643. Symbol of the Catholic faith, 628, 708. Regarding the addition of the "Filioque," there is no controversy where the concord between the Greek and Latin Church is concerned, V, 2. Synesius, see above, under Lysis. A synod is not one that is held contrary to ecclesiastical regulations, 557.
B Telchines, evil demons, 52, 222, 366, 517, 615. Tempe of Thessaly, 153, 563. Temple of St. Anthony in the city of Nicaea, 26. Of the Holy Apostles, 494. Of the twelve disciples of Christ, 170. Of Blachernae, 78, 101, 489, 495, 497, 695. Of the Theotokos Hodegetria, 333. Of the Theotokos at Magnesia (Sosandra), [blank in text]. Of St. Demetrius of Constantinople, 542. Of St. John the Baptist in the city of Prusa, 11, 7. Of the Forty Martyrs, IX, 14. Of Saint Paul the Great (the great temple) near the Eugenius Gate, 170. Of Solomon, 470. Of St. Stephen, the protomartyr, 494. Temple of St. Sophia, "the great shrine of the Wisdom of God," 230. "Wonder of the world," 495. Ancient asylum, once inviolate, violated by Gabalas and the patriarch, XIV, 9, etc. Bishop of Ternovo ceases to be under the metropolitan, II, 3. Light of Tabor, XIX, 2; XX, 2, and pp. 589, 590, 591 seq., 629. Thales of Miletus, 235. Theano, the Pythagorean, 180. Thebes, razed by Alexander the Great, 510. Thebans, 69, 155, 471. Themistocles, 207, 279, 298, 301, 306. Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, excited a great fire of contention, so that many felt the inconveniences of the smoke for a long time, X, 8, p. 313. Theoleptus, a holy man, bishop of Philadelphia, savior of his city when besieged by the Turks, 135. Legate to Syrgiannes from Andronicus the Elder, 197. Thersites, 590. Theseus, 450. Thetis and Peleus’ wedding, 98. Wedding banquet, 522. Synodal Tome against the Massalians and Bogomils, XIV, 7. Tome against Barlaam, 579. Palamite Tome, XXI, 5. Consecrated with unusual ceremonies, XXI, 6. A reproach to its authors, ib. See also above under Palamas. Tournament (torneamentum), *tornemen* and *jousting*, X, 3, p. 296. Tragelaphoi, or chimeras, 4. Tragic books, 86. Tripod of the king, 692. Of Delphi, 198. Trophonius' cave, 231. Underground Typhons, 562. Tyre, conquered by Alexander the Great, 191. Bishop of Tyre, who attended the Palamite synod, XVIII, 5; XX, 6; XXI, 3. Wenceslaus (*phendosthlabos*), prince of the Bulgarians, 174, 196, 238. Ulysses, 631. Craters of Vulcan, 276. Xerxes, 207, 391, 563. Compared with Cantacuzenus, 624. His ferocity suppressed by Mount Athos, 449. Zaleucus, legislator of the Epizephyrian Locrians, 500, 695. Greek Zealots, who rage against the Latinizers, VI, 1 and 2. Zealots of Thessalonica, XIII, 10; XLI, 1. Zenon the philosopher’s saying, among philosophers arguing at a banquet before the Babylonian envoys, which is: "Go, report that you have seen a man in Athens capable of keeping silence at a banquet," 452. Zopyrus, 306, 360.
PREFACE OF IMMANUEL BEKKER TO THE LAST BOOKS OF NICEPHORUS GREGORAS
(Bonn, 1855.)
The final portion of the work of Nicephorus, which now comes forth for the first time from the recesses of libraries, has for a sufficiently long time sought a generous hand to rescue it from oblivion. Boivin had promised such a hand, but the Berlin Academy provided it, by whose care and expense it came to pass that two books—the twenty-fifth and the twenty-sixth with a fourth part—were transcribed from the Vatican codex (1095), and the remainder from the Paris Royal codices (1276 and 3075), the former by Heinrich Brunn, the latter by Vladimir Brunet, both learned men who faithfully executed their task. The Vatican codex is said to be of paper, written in the fourteenth or fifteenth century by many hands, sometimes diligently, sometimes otherwise. Regarding the first Parisian codex, what Brunet reports is known: "The historical books 28 and 29 and the dogmatic books 1, 3, and 4 are in a hand that is rapid, correct, but little regulated and often difficult to read. It is certainly not the writing of a professional calligrapher, and if one did not have to stand on guard against an error to which one is too often inclined, one might suppose that this manuscript is an autograph of Gregoras. At the very least, it seems probable that it was executed under his eyes, because of the additions and corrections that one notices therein. Thus, folio 121 is written by the same hand, but in characters much larger and more spaced out, and it appears to have been inserted to restore a forgotten passage. On the last line of folio 120 verso, there are some erased words which appear to me to be καὶ περὶ τούτων αὐτὸς ἄν, which are found again at the end of folio 121 verso. Folio 125 is in a different hand, but it appears to have been added by the very person who wrote the rest of the manuscript; for the words αἰδοῖ τοῦ κήδου, which began folio 126, have been erased and written after the fact at the bottom of folio 124 verso in a writing similar to the rest of the manuscript, as also the words ἀλλὰ λεκτέον ᾗ. §. β καὶ δ. τ. σ. By this means one was able to insert folio 125, which contains details about the actions of the patriarch Philotheus. The reverse of folio 128 has been crossed out in its entirety; it contained the narrative which is found further on (f. 130 verso) and which begins with ἀφίκετό τις ἐκλ. On the margin of this page is written in red, λήθη γέγονεν ἐνταῦθα, then come two leaves cut at the inner margin which bear no pagination. But what would seem above all to indicate a revision of the text by the author are the additions and overstrikes that one notices on folios 156 and 157, the intention of which is to attenuate what the first draft had that was too harsh regarding Cantacuzene. One has added to his name the title of emperor and, by means of a short addition, arguments which were at first in his mouth pass into those of the monks who surround him, to whom then are addressed the reply and reproaches of Gregoras."
PREFACE
We discovered another Parisian codex for supplementing the former, transcribed from the Vatican by Frederik Rostgaard and sent to Paris with the following farewell poem:
A DOUBLE DODECASTICHON TO THE BOOK, BY FREDERIK ROSTGAARD
Small book, hasten to reach the lady city Which the king of Europe cherishes with terror and love. Then, modest one, betake yourself to the sacred halls Which the library of Augustus fills far and wide. A distinguished company of men is immediately at hand for you, That Clemens of mine, and Boivin. Either one will lead you; or perhaps both: For the whole nation of the French is courteous: And they will set you before Le Tellier; wait for your time to speak, And when given leave, discourse a few words. Say from whom you come, and how your sender Ever mindful, honors the holy names of Le Tellier.
Verily, by his command, all the recesses lay open While your bank, O wealthy Seine, held me, And it was granted more profitably to enter the royal roofs And to have kept vigil over books for a thousand days. Tell, through the world where he is widely extended for so many merits, Le Tellier’s praises, with me leading the way, And what my slender powers refuse to pay, Wish that the choir of the Muses may render for me. Add this one thing, book, that you are not sent as a reward, But as a pledge of a faithful heart and devotion. And perhaps it will be granted, if you are believed useful to any, That you may obtain a place in the archives of Augustus.
Written at Rome, 22nd May, 1699.
The Latin translation was divided among three young men, students of the Berlin and Bonn seminaries. Accordingly, books 24, 25, and 26 were translated by Wilhelm Kundt of the March; books 27 to 37 or 38 by Joseph Reisacker of Düsseldorf, and Nathan Rosenstein of Danzig.